URAL
JBRARY

OF

THE UNIVERSITY

OF CALIFORNIA

RIVERSIDE

ExLibris
C. K. OGDEN

LIFE AND LETTERS OF
SIR JOSEPH D ALTON HOOKER, O.M., G.C.SI.

VOLUME II.

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CONTENTS

OF

THE SECOND VOLUME

CHAPTER PAGB

XXVIII. ECONOMIC BOTANY AND THE NEW FLORAS . . 1

XXIX. SCIENTIFIC WORK, 1860-1865 18

• XXX. 1860-1865: PERSONAL 50

XXXI. KEW, ST. PETERSBURG, AND MAROCCO ... 80

XXXII. DARWINIAN INTERESTS 98

XXXHI. THE PRESIDENCY OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY . . 132

XXXIV. THE PRESIDENCY (continued) 145

XXXV. THE AYRTON EPISODE 159

XXXVI. LIFE AND FRIENDSHIP AT KEW . . . .178

XXXVII. Loss AND GAIN 198

XXXVIII. AMERICA: AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION. . 205

XXXIX. END OF THE PRESIDENTIAL TERM (1877-1878) . . 228

XL. KEW: 1879-1885 237

XLI. RETIREMENT, TO 1897: BOTANICAL WORK . . 271

XLII. RETIREMENT, TO 1897: DARWINIANA AND OTHER

SCIENTIFIC INTERESTS 298

XLJII. RETIREMENT, TO 1897: OF BOOKS AND OPINIONS . 323
XLIV. MISCELLANEOUS LETTERS : 1886-1897 . . .339

XLV THE ' LION ' LETTERS 366

XLVI. FINAL BOTANICAL WORK . 377

i CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME

CHAPTER PA.OB

XL VII. FURTHER PROBLEMS OF ECONOMIC BOTANY . . 402

XL VIII. HOOKER'S POSITION AS BOTANIST. BY PROF. F. O.

BOWER 411

XLIX. PERSONALIA: 1898-1906 429

L. THE LAST YEARS 463

APPENDICES

A. JORGEN JORGENSEN '. . .483

B. LIST OF WORKS BY THE LATE SIB JOSEPH HOOKER . .486

C. LIST OF DEGREES, APPOINTMENTS, SOCIETIES, AND HONOURS . 507

INDEX . . 519

ILLUSTEATIONS

TO

THE SECOND VOLUME

SIB JOSEPH DALTON HOOKER, O.M., G.C.S.I. . . Frontispiece

From a portrait by Hubert von Hcrkomer, R.A. (1889), by kind permission of
the Linnean Society.

GEORGE BENTHAM AND J. D. HOOKER, 1870 . . To face p. 14
ENCAMPED IN THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS, 1877 . . „ 208

SIR J. D. HOOKER IN ms STUDY AT THE CAMP . „ 428

From a Photograph by W. End, Sunningdalf.

AT THE DARWIN CENTENARY .... „ 468

From a Photograph by Mr. W. O. Collins.

LIFE OF
SIR JOSEPH DALTON HOOKER

CHAPTEE XXVIII

ECONOMIC BOTANY AND THE NEW FLORAS

THE practical interests of Economic Botany constantly reappear
in the correspondence of the sixties : such as reports on the
Indian tea plantations (1868), the despatch of young tea plants
and seeds to Jamaica (1863), an interest which led him to
accept the dedication of a work on Tea by Mr. James Mac-
Pherson, to whom he writes (November 2, 1870) :

Such a book is very much wanted indeed, and will prove
a great stimulus to the introduction of the Tea plant into
many parts of the world to which we have sent the plant from
Kew, and from whence I have enquiries for such a work.

Further appear the introduction of Ipecacuanha1 and
Mahogany from seed raised at Kew (1866 and 1867) to India,
and the boyishly cheerful note to Dr. Anderson in the latter
year:

I am so jolly glad to have been the means of introducing
Papyrus into India ; I really am proud of that.

Of special importance is the correspondence with Dr.
Anderson of the Calcutta Botanic Garden on the introduction
of Cinchona into India2 at a tune when the cost of quinine

1 This was unsuccessful.

1 Mr. (afterwards Sir) Clements Markham was the actual collector who
pushed into the forests of Peru and Ecuador, and at great personal risk brought
back young plants and seeds, which were raised in thousands at Kew for
distribution. Anderson instituted the experiments which led to its successful
cultivation in India.

2 ECONOMIC BOTANY AND THE NEW FLORAS

to the Bengal Government was placed at £40,000. The first
reference is dated April 22, 1861 :

I have not written since you left ; in fact I have been so
anxious about the Cinchonas you so gallantly took out that
I was indifferent to everything else in your way out till I
should hear the result. ' Well done thou good and faithful
servt.' Thwaites confirms your report of their well-being,
and I do hope that McNicholl at Ceylon will rear them
up in the way they should go.

A year later :

I am truly glad to hear of the Cinchona success and
sincerely hope my vaticination against Darjiling will fail —
we know nothing at all by theory.

Indeed there was some trouble over the rival sites recom-
mended for the plantations ; he recommends the avoidance
of partizanship, patient trial of each, for :

Every day tells me that theory and practice have nothing
to do with one another, and that in gardening operations
they are wholly opposed.

And again, summing up Anderson's and his opponent's
views :

I think you both presume inordinately on your several
experiences, yours in Java, his in America, and that if
Cinchona is to succeed it will be in spite of you both.

More plants were asked for in January 1863, but ' it is impos-
sible to send them in winter. They would all be killed in the
Channel, and must wait till the sharp frosts are over.' By
April 1, 1863, ' The Cinchona growing at Calcutta is a wonder
— have you a photograph of it ? '

So it continues to « go ahead fast and well. I do not believe
in an atom of difference between so-called micrantha, nitida,
and peruviana.'

Of a German, however, in charge of a West Indian station,
though able to write ' a splendid paper,' he complains :

CINCHONA AND JOHN SCOTT 3

How I wish he were a better Botanic Gardener — he
has been instructed to propagate Cinchona in Trinidad
and made a regular mess of it. A German scientific
man is the most unpractical and impracticable pig in
Christendom.

Meanwhile an attempt was being made to alter the nomen-
clature of Cinchonas ; of this he writes (February 14, 1863) :

Neither Bentham, my Father, nor Thomson nor I will
have Chinchona at any price — true enough it is right in the
abstract, but it is an innovation that will be forgotten and
never followed. At any rate no non-scientific man has any
right to dabble authoritatively in scientific nomenclature,
and any scientific one is crazy to attempt it before securing
the adhesion of a large class of men ; he should have con-
sulted us, you, the French, the Germans and pharmacists
before attempting to force a change down our throats. As it
[is] names are means, not ends ; Cinchona is not only the
long recognised equivalent for Count Chinchon's name, and
what is of more importance, is the universally recognised
name for the Genus. If we change it on grounds of deriva-
tion, so we must thousands of names in Botany, Zoology,
Geography, and indeed in every-day language of life.

One of the Kew employes was sent to Dr. Anderson in the
winter of 1863, a good gardener, but not likely to become a
herbarium keeper or curator, to help at Darjiling cinchona
plantations. A year later :

A first-rate man goes out to you in Scott ;x he is the author
of first-rate papers on Hybridization, highly applauded by
Darwin, and goes to India to get any appointment he can
in Bot. Gardens, Tea or Cinchona. His only faults are his
craze for science and a tendency to shirk work for science.
In this respect he would suit you well.

1 John Scott (1838-80), who had been working as a gardener in the
Edinburgh Botanic Gardens. See C.D. iii. 300 and the interesting biographical
note, M.L. i. 217. The latter book also contains Darwin's correspondence with
him. Hooker's interest in Scott had been stirred by Darwin — whose letters
of May 23, 1863, first suggesting the Indian appointment, and of May 22,
1864, when it was settled, are given in M.L. ii. 319 and 331.

4 ECONOMIC BOTANY AND THE NEW FLOEAS

The general success of the Cinchona plantations is reported
to the sympathetic ear of Sir Henry Barkly1 at Mauritius
(June 17, 1867) :

The Cinchona is at last established in Jamaica and in a
fair way of being successfully established: 200 acres have
been enclosed for the cultivation and 2500 plants have
sprung from the seeds I transmitted and which Thwaites at
Ceylon ripened.

And further on (July 6, 1868) :

Cinchona continues to thrive in India and in most of the
Colonies that are warm enough. I have obtained permission
and sent out a good gardener for 5 years to St. Helena,
of whom I heard an excellent account to-day. His first
attentions will be given to Tobacco and Cinchona. The
former will be, I suspect, the more profitable produce of
the two, the want of really good Tobacco is so great. The
London Merchants complain bitterly of the dearth of good
leaf for cigar manufacturing in England. Letters from Bahia,
received two days ago, tell me that they export from that
Port 10,000 tons annually, but of so low a quality as not to
command a market in England !

On the other hand, though he sends Cinchona plants with
others to Sir H. Barkly in 1874 for cultivation in the Gardens
in Cape Colony, he repeats the warning he had given to Mr.
Bolus 2 six years before : ' There is not a ghost of a chance of
Cinchona succeeding in S. Africa.' And ' I cannot fancy what
you will do with the Cinchonas, for which I fear you are too
cold and dry.' But though

1 Sir Henry Barkly (1815-98) was a very successful colonial governor,
British Guiana 1849-53, Jamaica 1853-6, Victoria 1853-63, Mauritius 1863-
70, Cape Colony 1870-7. He was elected F.R.S. 1864, his scientific interests
being principally in botany.

* Dr. Harry Bolus (1834-1911), botanist and collector, went out to the
Cape in 1850, accumulated a large fortune there, and was a liberal patron of
botany and education. He founded the Bolus professorship of botany in the
South African College at Cape Town, and left a large sum for scholarships, &c.,
and his valuable herbarium and library to the College. He first corresponded
with the Royal Gardens, Kew, in 1867, and continued this during his whole
life, presenting large collections of his duplicates to Kew. He published many
works on the South African Flora; principally on the heaths and orchids.
Elected F.L.S. in 1873, and Hon. D.Sc. of the South African University later.

EUBBEE 5

I cannot suppose that you will succeed with the Cinchonas,
I hope that you will with Eucalyptus citriodora, a charming
plant, the odour of whose leaves far supersedes the ' Lemon
Verbena.'

Cinchona was also introduced successfully into Jamaica,
but the full triumph of Cinchona in India appears in 1893, when
Sir George King, sending his latest Keport on its cultivation,
writes (September 24) :

We have at last compassed the end which Govt. set before
itself in introducing Cinchona into India — an enterprise with
the initiation of which you had a great deal to do — viz., to
put Quinine within the reach of the poorest native.

Now anybody in Bengal who possesses a farthing (the
equivalent of a pice) can buy for himself at any post-office
in Bengal a dose of 5 grams of perfectly unadulterated
Quinine !

It may interest you to see what these pice packets are
like, so I enclose a few. They can be had printed in any
Indian vernacular. The scheme was begun last January ;
and up to the end of August 368£ pounds of Quinine had
been sold in this way.

The Colombian barks were propagated in India ; cork oaks in
the Punjab ; seed of better kinds of tobacco was sent to Natal ;
Liberian coffee that was first grown at Kew in 1872, became a
flourishing crop alike in the East and the West Indies. To
Dominica it promised special success, as being immune to the
* white fly ' which destroyed ordinary coffee. Chocolate also
was introduced into Ceylon. The Elaeis guineensis, source of
palm oil, was taken to Labuan ; experiments were made with
a new tanning material, the Atgarrobo of Chile, and various
fodder grasses were brought to new centres. The plant most
widely in demand from Kew in the late seventies was the
Eucalyptus, enemy of malaria ; but perhaps the most valuable
achievement of Kew was the transportation of the rubber plant
from the dangerous forests of the Amazon and the Orinoco to
our own healthier colonies. In 1873 Hooker persuaded the
Government to send an expedition to obtain the seeds of the
Hevea brasiliensis' — the Para rubber tree. From the seeds

6 ECONOMIC BOTANY AND THE NEW FLOEAS

collected, about a dozen plants were raised at Kew and sent to
Calcutta, but all died. Then in 1876 Mr. H. A,. Wickham was
sent out by the Kew authorities. He found the best trees
growing not in the swamps beside the rivers, but upon the up-
lands, and therefore insisted on Hevea being treated as a forest
tree, planted not more than forty to the acre. As in the case of
the Cinchona, a government jealous of its monopoly might have
raised difficulties had it been certain that the seeds collected
could have started a rival industry ; but the previous experi-
ment had failed, and Mr. Wickham's 70,000 seeds, specially
designated for delivery to Her Britannic Majesty's Eoyal
Gardens at Kew, passed unchallenged.

This time the experiment was successful. From the 70,000
seeds, some 2800 plants were raised and sent to Ceylon, where
their cultivation was studied and new seeds in turn sent out
by Dr. Thwaites to Fiji, Queensland and Sydney, Jamaica
and Trinidad, Java and Zanzibar, to be the foundation of the
new rubber industry.

Thirty years later, when at length the rubber plantations
had become a valuable national asset, Mr. Wickham wrote to
Hooker as follows :

August 10, 1906.

Will you permit me to congratulate you on the now, at
last, after so many delays, development in systematic cultiva-
tion of the Hevea (Para) Indian Eubber ; remembering, as
I do, your foresight and initiative in securing the free hand
enabling me to bring away the original stock on which it is
founded, from the forests of Alto-Amazonas.

Hooker foresaw the future of rubber from the first. WTriting
to Lady Hooker from Trichinopoly in December 1914, Captain
J. S. Hooker tells how he met an ex-tea planter, a bit of a
botanist, who had several times been to Kew in the old days.

He told me that if he had followed ' Lion's ' * advice when
he first came out in, I think, '75, as a tea planter, he would
have been a rich man now. ' Lion's ' parting words were,
' If you take my advice you will go in for rubber.' Fancy

1 ' Lion ' was a nickname for Sir Joseph (see p. 367).

FOEEST CONSEEVATION 7

his having foreseen the possibilities of rubber as long ago
as that !

In 1868 he strongly encourages Sir Henry Barkly in his
efforts for the salvation of the forests in Mauritius, where, as
in New Zealand and the Western Cape districts, a decrease of
rainfall and general humidity appeared to follow forest de-
struction by axe and fire. India had found a remedy by
inaugurating a staff of well-paid forest officers, who received
two years' training in the forest schools of Germany and
France ; but ' our arbitrary Indian measures would not suit
a Colony?

July 6, 1868.

Even in England we are suffering from over drainage,
and the desiccation of the air and extremes of cold rainy
seasons and protracted droughts are no doubt > due to this.
At Kew, where thirty years ago very good collections of
Mosses and Hepaticae were to be made in the wood, there
are now not a dozen species, and the underground streams
and back springs of Eichmond Hill being diverted into drains,
the trees suffer frightfully and die by scores. ... I am now
introducing watermains and standcocks all over the grounds
and having reservoirs built on Eichmond Hill for the supply
of the Gardens with water which we pump from the Thames
up to the reservoir.

Later, he reports progress with regard to New Zealand.
To Sir H. BarUy

July 6, 1874.

The Colonial Govt. have sent me £100 to be expended
on boxes and carriage of forest plants which Kew is to
supply to the Colony during the summer. I am very glad
of all this though, as it will tend to impress the Govt. with
the practical value of Kew to the State, of which the last
Govt. were absolutely ignorant,, and showed no wish to be
instructed.

It was the business of Kew to maintain a correspondence
with other great Botanical Gardens ; but Hooker's own friend-
ship with many of the men at the head of these gave the corres-

8 ECONOMIC BOTANY AND THE NEW FLOEAS

pondence a personal turn, covering a wider field of interests
than official communications. Such, for instance, was his
correspondence with his old friend Dr. Anderson, who took
charge of the Calcutta Garden in 1860, the letters amounting
to more than one a month for nine years.

The Anderson letters show the exchange of plants pro-
ceeding and the sending of drawings, especially of Orchids,
to be copied at Kew ; the safe arrival of three Himalayan
Magnolias ; the loss of plants in transport and the fatal damage
to Ward's cases, especially if transhipped [' all steamships hate
Ward's cases,' he assures Mr. Bolus, February 24, 1868] ; the
superior facilities possessed by the great nurserymen for re-
viving and ' growing on ' the plants which reach them, so that
their collectors are credited with sending better materials than
the Gardens and their collectors :

The real truth is, we cultivate orchids under very great
difficulties, and cannot hold a Dendrobe * to a Nurseryman.

Since my expedition into Sikkim not one Alpine Sikkim
plant has been introduced. You know I dried all seeds my-
self and sent them off at once by post straight to England.

We much want that class of Darjiling plants that are so
common and gay about the station. Do make an effort.
I then introduced a great many, but they have been lost
since.

Further, time after time he begs that ' the plan, so success-
ful with me,' be adopted ' of sending a few seeds of the rarer
Sikkim things in letters by post at once and repeatedly,' and
Alpines collected ' with your own hands by pinches not by
pecks through natives,' who cannot be trusted to see that
they are properly ripe and dry. For the miscellaneous collec-
tions of seeds come up very badly both at Kew and elsewhere.
If seeds from England also fail, let them be bought from
Vilmorin of Paris ; they will have ripened better in his southern
gardens.

On the other hand he no longer wants miscellaneous collec-
tions of Indian plants sent for the Herbarium ; they do not

1 The Dendrobium is a very handsome genus of orchid.

THE CALCUTTA GAEDEN 9

repay the trouble of collating. There were abundant dupli-
cates of almost everything :

Half the day Thomson and I spend over the huge supple-
mental Indian collections, most of which are mere lumber,
and we are burning cartloads of specimens. . . . For now
12 years we have been groaning over collections from
India, and we still have Falconer's and Wight's to do.

His active interest in the Calcutta Gardens had continued
unabated since his first visit hi 1847. From the first he would
have liked to see them moved to a more convenient position,
say at Alipur. Opportunity of pressing the point came in
1867. At the end of the year Anderson wrote reporting the
destruction wrought by a terrific cyclone ; if the Gardens be
reconstituted, it should be nearer Calcutta. To have the
Botanic Garden where it would be accessible to students of the
Medical College and to the public, would be an immense boon,
Hooker knew, and he replies :

I immediately wrote a leader for Gardeners'] C[hronicle]
in which, with my usual stupidity, I put the Garden on the
wrong side of the river ! It is a constitutional disease with
me not to know right hand from left till I stop to think.

I have consulted Thomson, Sir Lawrence Peel and others,
and all think the principal Botanical Establishment, Library,
Herbarium and a good type-named Garden Collection should
be at or near Calcutta, nearer than Garden Eeach, and a
noble large general Garden perhaps at Darjiling or elsewhere
in hills on rail to Calcutta.

February 19, 1868. I continue to sympathise most deeply
in the matter of the Calcutta Garden, and will co-operate
gladly to the extent of anything short of having no Botanical
Establishment at Calcutta.

You ask if I and Thomson ' will urge you to remove the
site.' We will gladly do anything in reason, but you must
mature a plan first. I suppose that you could not come
home for 6 weeks and discuss it here ? Govt. deputing
you ? It is a matter of vital importance. If you could come
at the British Association time we could do a stroke of
work.

10 ECONOMIC BOTANY AND THE NEW FLOEAS

After reporting official sympathy with this view in his next
letter, he urges on June 4 :

I am most anxious about the future of your Garden and
take care to ventilate it everywhere. Kidderpore all agree
is a capital idea [a site was available there] — Alipore way
was always my view since 1847. Do not frighten the
Govt. by too great demands. My Father's plan always
was to ask for so much of one thing at a time as could
be done and form a complete affair by itself ; the next year
another, and so on. It would be most advisable that you
came home for a short leave to take hints from European
Gardens. This would commit the Govt. to move.

In 1867 he is ' heartily glad to find that there is another
Student of Botany in South Africa— a Colony which I think
boasts of more than any other.' This was Mr. Harry Bolus,
already mentioned, with whom he exchanged plants and seeds.
But there was a limit to the powers of Kew. Collating doubt-
ful species took time, and no one at Kew was so familiar with
Cape botany as to distinguish common from scarce plants or to
name off hand. Therefore let his correspondent mark those
specimens only of which he has any doubt — not sending more
than twenty or thirty at a time.

' You must expect now and then a difference of opinion,'
he writes, ' as to the species : we work from dried specimens,
you from fresh, and we have each much to learn from one
another.' (September 9, 1867.)

On his father's death in 1865, Hooker had taken up the corres-
pondence with Sir Henry Barkly, then Governor of Mauritius,
where there was a fine Botanical Garden. Sir Henry was a
keen botanist, and Lady Barkly a collector of ferns. A packet
of ferns which she had sent to be named had to stand over awhile
for ' we have now no one at Kew capable of naming Ferns.'
Early next year, however, as the post of Assistant Director had
been abolished on Hooker's accession to the Directorship, an
additional assistant in the Herbarium was sanctioned, and
' I have my eye on a man who will take Ferns in hand.' Mean-
while Lady Barkly's ' Pteridomania ' would be ' remembered
when we have a distribution of duplicates at Kew.'

THE MAUBITIUS HEEBAEIUM 11

Their personal interest in his own science was stimulated
by many practical touches. Hooker buys a set of rare Samoan
ferns and sends them out that Sir Henry may have the refusal
of them ; sees about the naming of Eeunion ferns for Lady
Barkly, with the promise of examining one rare specimen
himself ; discusses a knotty point of nomenclature with her ;
sends cultural hints from Kew experience of growing the deli-
cate Hymenopliyllum group under bell glasses coloured green,
or in artificially arranged shade at Calcutta ; sends out books
that are wanted, and introduces an American botanist who
will correspond with him on ferns.

More officially he busies himself to confirm the appointment
of a first-rate curator of the Mauritius Garden whom his father
had chosen, Dr. Meller, one of whose chief interests should be
to make known the rich vegetation of Madagascar. For Dr.
Meller he picks out rare books at sales, and helpfully adds :
' Always ask me to do anything of this kind, as I can generally
hear of cheap copies.'

Most important of the various transactions with Sir H.
Barkly was that a little before Sir William Hooker's death, the
Mauritius Herbarium had been sent to Kew for collation with
the collections there.

In this connexion a couple of letters may be quoted. The
first touches on the idiosyncrasy of the assistant who had
been dealing with the ferns sent for identification.

June 29, 1866. I quite understand what you observe
of his tendency to over-work — it is inevitable with men
who, having long closely studied local Floras and sub-
divided them to the (very) root, are suddenly confronted by
large collections and extensive suites of specimens from
many localities ; a reaction sets in, and like all neophytes,
they are apt to be carried too far [when going from critical
analysis to careless or superficial synthesis, March 23, 1867].
I am always fearful of assuming the position of scientific
mentor over my subordinates, at first especially, but shall
lose no opportunity of keeping him straight before he finds
his way for himself, which he is sure to do in time. . . . Any
hints you give me for him, or his nomenclature, will be

12 ECONOMIC BOTANY AND THE NEW FLOEAS

immensely valuable, both for their own sakes and as showing
him that correspondents are not mere lookers on.

At the end of the next month, the Mauritian Herbarium
was to go back, as soon as the assistant had revised the lists :

He tells me that he catalogued them all, took out specimens
of all that were wanting with us and kept corresponding num-
bers, so that any query arising in Mauritius can be answered
at once by a reference to us. These collections should be
deposited at the Bot: Garden; where alone they can be made
useful, and to which establishment they are essential.

But Sir Henry was disappointed and dissatisfied with the
Herbarium when it reached Mauritius. He had expected an
entire critical revision of its contents. Hooker had to explain
that this was a much vaster work than either Sir Henry imagined
or Kew in reality had time or means to undertake. The simple
collation of the materials with those at Kew, a point of great
value for future reference, had involved many weeks' labour
for Professor Oliver at a time when he was overburdened with
work owing to the death of Sir William and the illness of Dr.
Hooker.

With the return of T. Thomson from India in May 1861,
there was a renewed prospect of finishing off the arrangement
of the Indian materials and publishing a complete Flora Indica.

As regards the former, the work was greatly prolonged. Dr.
Thomson himself was broken in health, and though after paying
another visit to India, forbidden by his doctor, he left Eeigate
and definitely settled at Kew in 1863, progress was slow. When
the distribution of the existing Indian collections was finished,
Dr. Wight's Herbarium of Peninsular India also came to
Kew, for distribution, so that the catalogues and material pre-
liminary to the main enterprise were not finally ready tiD 1870.
The first part of Vol. I. appeared in 1872.

As to the form the Indian Flora was now to take, it was
that of the Colonial Floras which were being put in hand by
the local Governments.

!. r Thus the matter is broached in a letter to Anderson, August
18, 1861 :

COLONIAL AND INDIAN FLOBAS 18

The Australian Govts. have taken up the Flora in
earnest and will pay Bentham well to do a Flora Austra-
lasiae. I wonder when the Indian Govts. will. I have
been really thinking that if the Indian Govts. (Calcutta,
Bombay and Madras) would club to make it worth my
while I would yet do * Flora Indica ' and give up examina-
tions and all my other emoluments but Kew for 8 years.
I should do it in English, like Flora Hong Kong in all respects,
I think it would all come into 8 volumes of 1200-1400
species in each, and if Bengal would grant £100 per volume
and Madras and Bombay £50 each, and they would together
take 100 copies from the publisher, at not more than 20s.
per volume, I would undertake the work and devote my
faculties to it till finished. I have now been 14 years
working at the Indian Flora continually, and I must confess
I feel loth to leave the work to others now that the way is
all cleared by myself.

His hope was that Anderson might arrange for the proposal
to come from the Indian Government, and he writes (April 21,
1862) :

I shall be very anxious to hear what terms you shall have
made with Laing about Flora Indica. I really cannot make
up my own mind as to Latin or English and shall only be too
glad to have that settled for me ; du reste we are agreed
on plan &c.

And in July :

My* impression is that for a Flora of all India Latin would
be best, for departmental or Presidential English.

The matter dragged, as official matters do, and he was
vexed by the delay.

August 4, 1862.

Sir W. Denison has just written asking me what steps are
taken in Calcutta about ' Flora Indica.' I have answered;
sending extract of yours of March 10th, saying that you had
prepared a plan which Laing had promised to sanction, and
that I was to have option of refusing it — which was all
very fine, but never a word have I heard since from you
or anyone else. I am heartily sick of you Indians and your

14 ECONOMIC BOTANY AND THE NEW FLOBAS

talkee talkee of Flora Indica. I wish I had adhered to my
resolution of listening to no more proposals. ... I really
am sick of proposals, and feel rather indignant about the
whole thing. I have had correspondence enough to make a
bonfire of about it, first and last. Denison is in earnest;
however, and is a very fine fellow, and I should not like to
give him umbrage by appearing ungracious about what he
has really taken ajl active interest in.

Decision still tarried : ' I do wish,' he writes on October 27,

you would put me out of my pain about ' Flora Indica.' I
would be thankful to be told there is no chance of its being
undertaken rather than this perennial uncertainty.

By the new year another delay arose.

I am booked for Flora of both British N. America and New-
Zealand, so good-bye to Flora Indica for the present. Here
are Australia, New Zealand, Brit. N. America, the Cape and
West Indies all uniting Colonial Floras, and India NOWHEKE.
If you still think of it I would only undertake it with Oliver
and set him to work while I get these little works off my
hands. New Zealand will not cost me much trouble as by
good luck I am now well through revising the Flora for my
own satisfaction, and so it will be all writing out chiefly.
(January 4, 1863.)

Still negotiations proceeded. The India Council at home
took up the matter, though, as he tells Anderson on September
10, 1863,

the initiative had far better come from Calcutta. As it is
I do suppose that it will be more your affair than any one
else's ; true enough we may begin it here, but we are getting
old, and the work can never be finished by me, I fear. As it
is my hands are very full without it. Thomson, however,
is most anxious to begin.

But the initiative was not to come from Calcutta. The
official responsible, ' to my knowledge a very " pernicketty "
fellow to originate a thing with,' was obdurate, despite Ander-
son's ' gallant fight.' News of this defeat reached Kew by
the same post as an intimation that, prompted by Sir Charles

%

I

THE FLOEA INDICA 15

Wood, who forestalled Denison's offer in November to see things
through in Calcutta, the India Council at home were beginning
to move. And he tells Anderson (September 19) :

I am sure you have done all in your power and well done
too. I am not at alb disappointed and will do my ' little
possible ' still ; under whatever shape the work is sanctioned
by whatever department of Govt. I am your man. . . .
As for the personal pay, I feel past paying for and
praying for ... but Thomson will no doubt take his share
(of the work) and I do suppose that T. Anderson, late
Director of the B. Bot. Gard. Calcutta, will in 1870 carry on
the work. ... I find the N.Z. Flora so onerous and labori-
ous, though I have thrice worked it all out, that I do dread
the Flora Indica.

This was looking far ahead. But his fears as to its com-
pletion were sadly justified, more especially by Thomson's
illness and Hooker's accession to all his father's duties and
such unlooked-for tasks as the completion in 1868 of the
' Genera of Cape Plants ' 1 on Dr. Harvey's sudden death, for
Dr. Sender, who was nominally collaborating, proved a broken
reed.

For a long time, so far as Hooker was concerned, amid the
endless pressure of duties at Kew in addition to work at the
laborious Genera Plantarum, he could only hold a watching
brief for the Flora Indica. A typical note is dated December 30,
1864 :

I am working desperately hard at Herbarium and Garden
work, Genera Plantarum and Cryptogamic portion of the
New Zealand Flora. I have also undertaken to finish
Boott's Carices and to publish 200 plates thereof. The
whole of the collections have come to Kew. Flora Indica
makes no progress.

1 Though Harvey's Cape Flora had to be abandoned, Hooker, in default
of other aid, finished the Genera himself before July 7, when he wrote to Mr.
Bolus at the Cape. ' It is true,' he notes a fortnight later, ' that each little
hiatus was little, but they could only be supplied by a full consideration of
collateral subjects.' But it was a laborious task for one already so busy who
was not personally familiar with the Cape Flora. He had added ' Sketches
of the Arrangement of the Classes and Orders that may assist the Students, and
the very improved Introduction to Botany from Harvey's Cape Flora.''

16 ECONOMIC BOTANY AND THE NEW FLOEAS

The Flora of Tropical Africa is ordered, and Oliver and I
have to undertake it ! We shall not attempt a complete
Flora, but sort of sketch of each genus as far as its species
are well known, easily discriminated and worth describing
if new, and so on.

In short (October 12)

we are all worked within an inch of our lives, and as my own
family grows up and my Father advances in years (he is
now 79) my daily cares increase in every way, so that I am
at times utterly stranded with work.

Nine years had increased the note of pessimism since Colonel
Munro's departure in 1855, and the farewell letter that looked
forward eagerlyto his return :

How soon will that be ? I shall hope to have worked out
the Indian collections down to Gramineae [Col. Munro's
speciality] by that time, when you really must relieve guard,
or I shall lay down my musquet — but indeed I do hope that
you will have laid by your real one before that, and have
left active soldiering to younger men, who have not the
stores of intellectual matter to dispense that you have. We
Botanists have some property in you and do not wish to
lose it.

But in 1864 the hoped-for progress has not been accom-
plished ; and he repeats to Anderson :

I begin to look to your return before any material
progress can be made in so laborious and extensive an
undertaking.

Again, May 20, 1868 :

I wish indeed you could scheme a few months in England
to talk over matters, and still more that I could scheme
a cold weather at Calcutta to help you ! In two years you
might make a good stroke into the Flora Indica, which
Thomson will never do a stroke of — and as for me, my
share is done in the 7 years of hard work I had in naming
and arranging the whole Indian collections of ourselves,
Jacquemont, Griffith, Falconer, Heifer, Wight and aU

UNCO-OED1NATED EFFORTS 17

others, and incorporating with the Wallichian, &c. &c., at
Kew. That and the Precursores must stand as my contri-
bution. There is now no difficulty in taking any genus down
and describing the species — all that remains is to collate
with the original Wallichian Herbarium at Linn. Soc.

In 1869, the sixth year since the work had been officially
sanctioned (November 10, 1863), the cry was still for workers.
The Botany of India rested in a ' chaotic and disgraceful state.'
Even the Calcutta Botanic Gardens remained scarcely accessible
to students in Calcutta. Fruitless search for J. L. Stewart's
' Punjab Plants,' printed by the Punjab Government, of which
he had heard by accident, revealed the fact that

the local Governments of India habitually print purely
scientific works on Botany which they neither advertise,
nor publish, nor distribute to Botanists, and which, as in
this case of the Punjab Flora, are quite inaccessible to work-
ing Botanists, even when they hear of them. [In short] it
is really a pity that steps are not taken to centralize and
utilize the Scientific efforts of the Indian Govt. Indian
Botany is the bete noire of Botanists. (To Sir Mountstuart
Elphinstone Grant Duff, November 3, 1869.)

He had already suggested that Dr. Cleghorn, a retired
civilian, should be employed in writing books on Indian
Forestry.

His little work on the forests of Southern India is a most
excellent one, and should be followed by others on the
forests of the N.W. Provinces, Bengal, &c. It is a sad pity
that the experience of such men, who were the organisers
of the Forest System, should go to the grave with them-
selves. (To M. E. Grant Duff, February 6, 1869.)

CHAPTEE XXIX

SCIENTIFIC WORK, 1860-1865

ALTHOUGH the last five years of the Assistant Directorship
were a period of great pressure administratively, it was also
a productive period in scientific work.

Chief among Hooker's publications were * The Outlines of
the Distribution of Arctic Plants,' which after being first read
at the Linnean, June 21, 1860, was completed for publication
in the transactions for 1862 ; a series of publications on the flora
of the Cameroons, based on Gustav Mann's collections ; x part
of the Handbook of the New Zealand Flora ; the famous Essay
on Welwitschia ; the Botany of Syria and Palestine for Smith's
Dictionary of the Bible, and the first parts of the Genera
Plantarum.

Of these, the monumental Genera Plantarum deserves first
mention, for it marked an epoch in botany. With the advance
of knowledge, previous systematic works of the kind were no
longer adequate. These had been based on examination of
a relatively small number of plants, and were quite inade-
quate in face of the vast numbers of plants that came to Kew
from every part of the world. A great summary was more
than ever needful.

Hooker did well by inspiring Bentham to join in this monu-
mental task at the very moment when he was inclined to retire
from botanical work. Both had long felt the need of a com-
plete summary of botanical diagnosis, But realised that it was

1 One of these was an enumeration of the Mountain Flowering Plants and
Ferns of the whole region for Burton's Abeokuta and the Cameroons Mountains,
1863.

18

INCEPTION OF THE GENEEA PLANTAEUM 19

beyond the powers of any one man to undertake. About 1857
they found that they had this idea in common. Thereupon
plans and guiding ideas were fully discussed; Work began with
the sixties, and by 1862 the first part of Vol. L appeared. This
was completed in 1865; Of Vol. II. the first half appeared
in 1873, the second in 1876 ; of Vol. Ill:, similarly in 1880 and
1883, the work, as long as it was arduous, thus covering nearly
a quarter of a century.

The aim of the work was not so much, like that of so many
others, to produce a complete new system, as to lay the foun-
dation for this by the accurate definition of the smaller groups.
Systematic botany was taken not as an end in itself, but as
a means of illustrating the laws of evolution and the dispersal
of species, and the relation of physical changes to these laws.
The authors set out to give a revised definition of every genus of
flowering plants, a view of its constituent species, geographical
distribution and synonymy, with references and notes. ' It
is difficult,' Hooker once wrote to Bentham, ' to keep one's
wits sharp in revising such pregnant matters.' The especial
value lay in the fact of a personal re-examination of thousands
of specimens, living or dead, whenever practicable, for between
them the authors had an extent of knowledge and a command
of materials never previously attained. At the same time as
he analysed his materials for the Genera, Bentham took the
opportunity to discuss fully some of the more important orders
in the Linnean Society's Journal.

The general framework upon which Bentham and Hooker
built their work was not a new one. It was adapted, with
advantageous modifications, from the system set forth by De
Candolle. This they chose as the most satisfactory of the many
with which the path of botanical science had been strewn
with increasing frequency from 1789 to 1857. Botanists
were constantly striving after a natural system of classi-
fication as opposed to the artificial, non-natural system of
Linnaeus, which long held the field by reason of its utility in
identifying plants.

A natural system, said Bay, was not to bring together dis-
similar species, nor to separate those which are really allied.

20 SCIENTIFIC WOKK, 1860-1865

But his dictum gave no clue to the principle on which this
grouping should be made. What was the true test of affinity ?
It was something more than the casual resemblances which in
early days led to the division of plants into trees, shrubs, and
herbs.

As knowledge advanced, Linnaeus, with his gift of lucid
discrimination and concise terminology, was able to mark off
species clearly by their structure and group them. Here was
a firm step for future advance to a natural system ; but that
advance was stopped by the very success of his non-natural
identification system.

He applied the strict principle of formal logic, whereby a
species is defined as possessing the attributes common to a
wider class (genus) together with the attributes peculiar to
itself. Hence his scheme of the two names, one generic, the
other specific, which labelled and ' placed ' a species, the
' barbarous binomials ' of a later sneer, which ignored Lin-
naeus' logical mind and the orderly basis he laid for future
workers.

De Jussieu revived and filled out a conception which had
already been partly applied. Nature had given plants as
they germinated, either one seed-leaf or two or none. Here,
then, were the three primary groups of De Jussieu's system
(1789), monocotyledons and dicotyledons (together the flower-
ing plants) and acotyledons (the cryptogams, mainly). He com-
pleted his subsidiary grouping by dividing the flowering plants
into fifteen classes, somewhat artificially arranged, and these
again into 100 natural orders, each made up of a group of genera
with characters in common.

This system De Candolle recast. De Jussieu's classes were
scarcely satisfactory ; the addition of whole new floras, such as
those of the Cape and Australia, meant much reorganisation.
The great virtue of De Candolle's system was that, in the main,
it was established on a morphological basis. True that he
employed physiological characters as well for some of his
definitions, but he recognised the comparatively small value of
these in classification, unlike Lindley, none of whose classifi-
catory schemes held good, for the most diverse plants may show

THE GANDOLLEAN BASIS 21

similar physiological adaptations to their conditions, e.g. when
they turn parasites. Moreover, he showed that his morpho-
logical basis held good even where obscured by structural
abortion or degeneration or union of parts. Pushed to its
conclusion, indeed, this implied that existing species were not
originally such as we know them. To build on such a founda-
tion was not irreconcilable with Darwinian developments,
though, like all other pre-Darwinian systems, it was based on
the belief on the fixity of species, and so had missed the real
clue to nature's order.

Had the order of events been changed by ten years, and the
planning of the Genera Plantarum followed instead of preceding
the ' Origin,' it would have been arranged to show as far as
possible a grouping by lines of descent. But the original
scheme had been worked out before the ' Origin ' appeared,
and it was not till nearly six years afterwards that Bentham
confessed himself a complete convert. A new scheme, so far as
the two authors were in agreement as to affinity by descent,
would have meant a new survey of the whole botanical field and
a thorough re -working out of the evolutionary idea as applied
to botany. Leaving these, then, to the ripening effect of
time, they proceeded with their original plan, only with such
clear recognition of natural affinity by kinship that it became,
if not a Darwinian exposition, at least an arsenal of material
for such an exposition.

Bentham's appreciation of the Candollean system was
perhaps intensified by the fact that he had been brought up on
it and had worked with De Candolle himself ; but this implied
no disposition to follow De Candolle slavishly. His system was
used as a basis, not a complete scheme ; the great groups,
with special reference to the Gymnosperms, were more evenly
balanced ; a new series, the discifloral, was introduced under
his first group ; and elsewhere we see — here, a new sub-class
introduced : there, the whole series of natural orders re-cast,
the morphological grounds of classification being extended
so as to include differences of internal structure.

The arrangement of the work, if assumed to proceed in
each great division from the simpler to the more complex

22 SCIENTIFIC WOKK, 1860-1865

orders, seemed to support the theories as to the primitive type
of Angiosperms advanced by Dr. Arber and Mr. Parkin in
1907.1

Dr. Arber accordingly wrote to enquire if the sequence of
orders and families adopted, to give a simple example, in the
' British Flora ' of Bentham and Hooker, was in accordance
with some scheme of beginning with the most primitive. What
precisely was the principle involved ? The reply was as
follows :

To Dr. E. Newell Arber 2

14 South Parade : May 13, 1907.

With regard to your queries respecting the primitive
type of Angiospermous ' plants,' that subject has never
been far from my mind for upwards of half a century, during
which period I have failed to grasp a feature in the Mor-
phology, Physiology or Geographical distribution of Angio-
sperms, that gave much color to whatever speculations I
may have indulged in respecting it.

I do not share Engler's views as expressed in his classifi-
cation and writings. The classification is neither better
nor worse in the abstract than De Candolle's (so-called),
and is far more troublesome to apply for practical purposes.
I hold to Eobert Brown's view of the orders being reticu-
lately not lineally related.

The Cohorts of the Genera Plantarum were the result of
long study and anxious deliberation on Mr. Bentham's
and my part ; they are in a measure compromises, intended
to show the relationship of the orders and at the same time
enable users of the work to recognise them (and the plants
belonging to them) by our descriptions.

You ask why ' in the British Flora of Mr. Bentham and
myself I begin Dicots with Eanunculaceae ' ! Premising
that I had no part in the authorship of the work, I can
only assume that Mr. Bentham, having regard to the object
of the work which he sedulously puts forward, adopted what

1 ' On the Origin of Angiosperms,' read at the Linnean Society in March,
and published in the July Proceedings.

2 Edward Alexander Newell Arber (6. 1870), M.A., Sc.D. Cantab., F.K.S.,
F.L.S., Hon. Member of the New Zealand Institute ; University Demonstrator
in Palaeobotany, Trinity College, Cambridge.

THE GENEEA PLANTAEUM DESCEIBED 23

he considered the sequence best adapted for his purpose —
that is the so-called Candollean. I am quite sure he had
no hypothetical view.

Lastly with regard to the primitive Type of Angiosperms.
I am disposed to think that apart from Geological Evidence,
the channels along which this is to be sought have not been
explored, if found.

An excellent description of the Genera Plantarum is given
by Professor F. 0. Bower, which I quote from ' Makers of
British Botany,' pp. 313-14.

It consists of a codification of the Latin diagnoses of
all the genera of Flowering Plants. It is essentially a work
for the technical botanist, but for him it is indispensable.
Of the Joiown species of plants many show such a close
similarity of their characters that their kinship is recognised
by grouping them into genera. In order that these genera
may be accurately denned it is necessary to have a precis
of the characters which their species have in common. This
must be so drawn that it shall also serve for purposes of
diagnosis from allied genera. Such drafting requires not
only a keen appreciation of fact, but also the verbal clearness
and accuracy of the conveyancing barrister. The facts
could only be obtained by access to a reliable and rich Her-
barium. Bentham and Hooker," working together at Kew,
satisfied these drastic requirements more fully than any
botanists of their time. The only real predecessors of this
monumental work were the Genera Plantarum of Linnaeus
(1737-1764) and of Jussieu (1789), to which may be added
that of Endlicher (1836-40). But all these were written
when the number of known genera and species was smaller.
The difficulty of the task of Bentham and Hooker was
greatly enhanced by their wider knowledge. But their
Genera Plantarum is on that account a nearer approach to
finality. Hitherto its supremacy has not been challenged. '

Notable in another way was the monograph on the strange
plant Weluntschia mirdbilis, named after Dr. Welwitsch, who
had discovered it in Angola. Hooker did not do much in the
way of microscopic botany, but what he did was fifteen years
ahead of contemporary work, and remained of permanent value.

24 SCIENTIFIC WORK, 1860-1865

The monograph on Welwitschia, patiently working out its
morphology, development, and histology, still holds its place,
though recently many papers on it have been written under
the direction of the late Dr. Pearson * of the Cape, and new
light has been thrown on it by subsequent botanical
generalisations.

The determination of this highly anomalous plant was a
matter of great labour and prolonged microscopical examina-
tion directed by unrivalled botanical knowledge. ' I expect
it is going to be your Barnacles,' wrote Darwin with a jesting
glance at his own long drawn labours with the microscope on
that genus'; and Hooker himself regarded this as his greatest
triumph of the kind.

4 1 brought my remarkable plant before Linn. Soc. last
Thursday (he tells Darwin, January 19, 1862) with some effect —
it was thought quite as curious as I represented.'

And the following day he writes tojHuxley :

Then this blessed Angola plant has proved even more
wonderful than I expected — figurez vous a Dicot. embryo, ex-
panding like a dream into a huge broad woody brown disc 8
years old and of texture and surface like an overdone loaf,
5 feet diam. by 1^ high above the ground, and never growing
higher, and whose two cotyledons become the two and only
two leaves the plant ever has, and these each a good fathom
long. From the edges of this disc, above the two leaves,
rise branched annual panicles, bearing cones something
like Pine cones, which contain either all female flowers, or all
hermaphrodite flowers ; the hermaph. flowers consist of one
naked ovule absolutely the same as of Ephedra, in the organic
axis of the flower, surrounded by six stamens and a four-
leaved perigone. The ? flower is quite different ! Lastly,

1 H. Harold W. Pearson (1870-1916). He was educated privately, and after
holding a teaching post at Eastbourne, he entered Cambridge in 1893 ; was
Foundation Scholar of Christ's College in 1896, Darwin Prizeman and Frank
Smart Student of Botany at Gonville and Caius College 1898. Visited Ceylon
as Wort's Travelling Scholar 1897-8, and gained the Walsingham Gold Medal
in 1899. B.A. 1896; M.A. 1900, and Sc.D. 1907. Assistant for India, Royal
Gardens, Kew, 1899-1901. Assistant to the Director 1901-3. Appointed
Harry Bolus Professor of Botany, S. African College, 1903, he travelled a good
deal; especially in Namaqua Land; and contributed various botanical and geo-
graphical papers. Through his ceaseless exertions an unrivalled Botanical
Garden has been formed at the Cape. F.R.S. 1916.

WELWITSCHIA 25

fancy my joy at discovering the key to the development of
this hypertrophical embryo taking to become a plant after
the fashion it does : and at my being able to show that
though neither Dicot, Monocot, nor Gymnosperm in flower
or Exogen or Endogen in structure of axis, wood or bark
(its cambium ring is facetious in the extreme), it is still
undoubtedly a member of the family Gnetaceae amongst
Gymnosperms, as the structure of the ovule and develop-
ment of the seed and embryo clearly show. It is out of all
question the most wonderful plant ever brought to this
country — and the very ugliest. It re-opens the whole
question of Gymnosperms as a class, will (in the eyes of
most) raise these, as I always said they would be raised (by
its hermaph. state and perianth) to equivalence in these
respects with Angiosperms, assuming (which I do not) that
such unisexuality is a sign of low type in Phaenogams,
strikes at the root of Brown's placentation theory and of
that which ranks the radicle of embryo as an internode :
and is a strong argument in favour of a new French doc-
trine that the Gymnospermous ovule is all a delusion and
a snare.

There then — having bepraised myself I will turn the
cock on you. I am very much obliged for the Edinburgh
paper slip, which is very gratifying ; the outline seems capital,
and I do not wonder that you found sinners enough in
' Saintly Edinburgh ' to go and hear [it].1

By August 4 he could tell Dr. Anderson that he had spent
fully seventy hours already over the microscope, and yet had
all the wood and leaf anatomy to do ; and on the 20th arouses
Darwin's admiring envy at such a feat by having

sat 5 hours together at microscope at least 6 times lately,
besides all the odd days and hours I have spent over it ;
and am very far from finished yet. Every part is so
curious.

He was deep in all the ' horrid complexity of Gymno-
spermous embryology.' At this moment he was fortunate

1 On January 4 and 7, 1862, Huxley lectured in Edinburgh ' On the Relation
of Man to the Lower Animals.' A furious outcry followed in the local religious
papers. See Life and Letters of T. H. Huxley, i. 278 seq.

VOL. II c

26 SCIENTIFIC WOKK, 1860-1865

enough to receive five splendid specimens from a Mr. Monteiro
of Loando, who ' like a trump ' sent down the coast at his
request to get them. And during his absence from home in
September, still ' staggered with the intricacy of Welwitschia,'
much help was given by Professor Oliver, ' who is a real bless-
ing,' and had been examining the tissues where he had left
off, making ' some charming drawings that will save me a world
of trouble.' (To C. D., September 16, 1862.) The completed
monograph was read at the Linnean in December, and published
in the Transactions for 1868.

The inevitable sense of staleness after a protracted piece
of work appears from a letter to Darwin of October (12 ? ).

My wife went to Cambridge and enjoyed it ; I stayed
at home ! (and enjoyed it); working away at Welwitschia
every day and almost every night. I entirely agree with
you by the way, that after long working at a subject, and
after making something of it, one invariably finds that it
all seems dull, flat, stale and unprofitable — this feeling,
however, you will observe only comes (most mercifully) after
you really have made out something worth knowing. I feel
as if everybody must know more of Welwitschia than I do,
and yet I cannot but believe I have ill or well expounded
and faithfully recorded a heap of the most curious facts
regarding a single plant that have been brought to light
for many years. The whole thing is, however, a dry record
of singular structures, and sinks down to the level of the
dullest descriptive account of dead matter beside your jolly
dancing facts anent orchid-life and bee-life. I have looked
at an Orchid or two since reading the Orchid book, and
feel that I never could have made out one of your points,
even had I limitless leisure, zeal and material. I am a dull
dog, a very dull dog. I may content myself with the per
contra reflection that you could not (be dull enough to)
write a ' Genera Plantarum,' which is just about what I am
best fitted for. I feel I have a call that way and you the
other.

The Arctic Essay was one of those where his own work had
ranged far into rewarding fields under the stimulus of Charles
Darwin's questioning, and after patient marshalling of the facts

ON AKCTIC PLANTS 27

and analysis of their meaning, brought back new support for
Darwin's ideas, wherein was to be found the only intelligible
explanation of the problem.

After enumerating the 762 known Arctic flowering plants
with their localities (examining specimens in every possible
case), and distinguishing the five Arctic areas characterised by
marked differences in vegetation, he traced the distribution of
the Arctic plants and their close allies into the temperate and
alpine regions of both hemispheres, and showed how this dis-
tribution was accounted for by slow changes of climate during
and since the Glacial period.

The five botanical areas differed greatly in the abundance
of their flora, while many types were restricted to a north and
south range in their own area. Eichest of all was the Scan-
dinavian section of the European area, containing three-quarters
of the whole Arctic flora, three-fifths of the species and nearly all
the genera. Hooker had already pointed out in the Tasmanian
Flora that this Scandinavian flora alone of all groups was
present in every latitude of the globe. The fuller the investiga-
tion, the more clearly all pointed to a southward migration of
plants as the Glacial cold devastated the northern lands — and
a subsequent return northwards at the end of the Glacial
period, though in each area certain species had changed during
long isolation — so as to be botanically defined as closely allied
representative species — and again in each area the march north
had been accompanied by hardy plants from the southern lands
temporarily occupied, giving a slightly different character to
each area.

Greenland presented a crucial case. Its flora was scanty ;
it possessed scarcely any American species, though so near to
America ; and yet, although European in character, it lacked
some of the very common Scandinavian types, which ranged
far north elsewhere. Its poverty was due not to climate, but
to a large abstraction of Arctic types from some other cause.
In effect, the plants retreating before the cold found their
retreat cut off at the end of the peninsula. Many, having
no further refuge, perished. The survivors spread north again
with the milder climate, but the sea still sundered Greenland

28 SCIENTIFIC WOEK, 1860-1865

from America, and they were not overtaken and reinforced
by the migrants on the American shore.

These conclusions then, drawn from much laborious com-
parison of species and tabulation of statistics, could only be
accounted for by admitting Darwin's hypothesis of the south-
ward migration of northern forms — an hypothesis begun by
Edward Forbes and extended by Darwin to transtropical
migration. Nevertheless, Hooker felt doubts as to the extent
of the world-wide cooling invoked by Darwin to account for this
transtropical migration ; and the amount of equatorial cooling
needed would, he considered, have killed off all the purely
tropical vegetation such as we know.

The same Darwinian interest extended to his technical
work on Mann's Cameroon plants, so interesting as connecting
the Cape and Europe. This was to lead to a discussion of the
cold period ' quoad tropical African Mountains and Flora,' and
letters to Darwin are full of information as to what northern
plants were preserved in the cooler tracts of these tropical
mountains.

I do not know what to think of Tropical plants during
the cold period [he writes on March 17]. As to their living
through it, it is an impossibility. I quite go along with you
in suggesting as many Tertiary or Secondary cold periods of
migration as you please. But that such an order as Diptero-
carpeae, whose species are all ultra-tropical, all trees, contain-
ing many diverse genera and species, should have survived
a cold period, or have been developed since, are equally pre-
posterous surmises in the present state of science.

Darwin in return repeated the claim of the * Origin ' (ch.
xi.) for no more tropical cooling than Hooker himself had found
in the Himalayan zone where tropical and temperate flora
commingled, and confidently believed it would be found that
the ultra-tropical plants mentioned could adapt themselves to
this amount of cooling in conjunction with other changes in
physical conditions, such as moisture.

Against this, however, he still held out, writing on
March 18 :

TKOPICAL COOLING 29

I wish I could see any way of ' ingenious wriggling ' that
would remove the crushing evidence in the shape of tropical
forms — against tropical cold. You have no idea of the
magnitude of such a case as the Dipterocarpeae, a Nat. Ord.,
not a mere genus, of 10 genera and 112 species all from
Ceylon, the Malayan Peninsula and Islands — and of which
a good 100 more species and many more genera are still
to come from Borneo, Sumatra &c. All are woody, and far
the larger proportion are large timber trees — not one ascends
at all to any height — and analogous species to living are
found in tertiary coal-beds of Labuah &c.

Darwin's appreciation of this Essay is recorded in his
letter of February 25. (M.L. i. 465 et seq.) ' Such papers,'
he exclaims, ' are the real engine to compel people to reflect
on modification of species ' : and ' What a splendid new and
original evidence and case is that of Greenland.'
To this Hooker replies on the 27th :

I am greatly pleased and indeed relieved by your letter,
for no one but Oliver (who can judge) has pronounced any
opinion on my Greenland paper, and I find that one is so
easily deceived as to the value of such researches that I was
anything but sanguine of your approval.

In a subsequent letter (March 3) he refers to certain correc-
tions which had not been put into the final proofs — errors
which required the eye of Darwin to detect — and replies to
several questions raised by Darwin.

I am really sorry about the blunders in my Arctic paper
(and, in anticipation, for the others you will find); but it is
of mighty little consequence, you being the only one who
has found it out ; it is well this should be so, I should never
have written such papers but for you ; and the evulgation
of your views is the purest pleasure I derive from them.

I am staggered equally with you by the idea that Green-
land ought to have been depopulated during the Glacial
period ; but if so, how is it that its temperate flora is no
richer than its arctic — if it had been populated by migration
since the Glacial Epoch, surely some species suited to the
south end would have got over there — there are plenty such

30 SCIENTIFIC WOKK, 1860-1865

in Iceland ; then again the absence of Cdltha anywhere in
Greenland, and other plants that swarm elsewhere all round
the circle, is as fatal as any indirect evidence can be to the
population of the whole by chance migration. If you
intend to ask me when we meet how I account for richness
of Lapland Flora, I will take care to flee your presence.
I am utterly at sea when I attempt to jog out of the quiet
locus standens of Lapland being the focus for lattermost
migration. I grant that the idea may be utterly false, of
its being the centre. I have some vague notion that the
pre-glacial focus of Scandinavian plants was a terra polaris
that United Greenland, Iceland and Scandinavia (not perhaps
in latitude, but somehow) ; what it may have embraced to
the North of America and Asia I neither know nor care ;
for it is quite clear that there have been very great modern
changes of level amongst the Polar American Islands, which
I suppose are rising. I only call this vegetation Scandinavian
because it is now represented best in Scandinavia, and this
partly because of present climate of Scandinavia and partly
because of its mountains having afforded a favoring climate
to said plants during post-glacial warm period. I cannot
too strongly impress the fact that Greenland is unaccount-
ably poor in plants ; its comparatively equable (for an arctic)
climate is singularly favorable for a northern Flora. In
summer the line of perpetual snow in Disko is about 4000
feet I am told. Just look again at the list of Arctic
species at p. 272 found in Europe and America but not in
Greenland. I have not a shadow of doubt about wholesale
extinction in East N. America.

The criticism of naturalists able to appreciate the value
of the botanical argument was the only criticism he considered
worth having. Thus on August 20 he could tell Darwin, ' I am
hugely pleased with Asa Gray's review of my Arctic Essay.' 1

On the other hand, a review by Dr. Dawson,2 a geologist
with inadequate knowledge of botany, attacked the Essay
specially on geological grounds, and accused Hooker of

1 American Journal of Science and Arts, xxxiv., and in Gray's Scientific
Papers, i. 122.

1 Sir J. William Dawson, C.M.G., F.R.S. (1820-99), was born in Nova
Scotia, and studied in Edinburgh 1841-2. He was President of the McGill
University, Montreal, from 1855-93.

THE 'ANTIQUITY OF MAN' 31

asserting a subsidence of Arctic America, which never
entered into my head. . . . Indeed I need hardly say that
I set out on Biological grounds, and hold myself as inde-
pendent of theories of subsidence as you do of the opinions
of Physicists on heat of Globe ! (November 2, 1862.)

In fact he had been over the geological ground twice,
with Lyell, and again with Hector. Dawson's review, as he
tells Darwin, he treated with scant respect, and in the course
of discussing his geological argument roundly told the writer

that it was impossible to entertain a strong opinion against
the Darwinian hypothesis without its giving rise to a mental
twist when viewing matters in which that hypothesis was or
might be involved. I told him I felt that this was so with
me when I opposed you, and that all minds are subject to
such obliquities ! the Lord help me, and this toanLL.D. and
Principal of a College ! 1

As a curious anthropological pendant to the whole question
he notes the following to Darwin (November 2) :

By the way, do you see the Athenceum notice of L.
Bonaparte's Basque and Finnish language — is it not possible
that the Basques are Finns left behind after the Glacial
period, like the Arctic plants ! I have often thought this theory
would explain the Mexican and Chinese national affinities.

At the end of 1862 the scientific world was anxiously
awaiting the appearance of Lyell's book, ' The Antiquity of
Man,' which was to proclaim definitely his acceptance of the
mutability of species — rare instance of a man past sixty being
converted from the opinion of a lifetime. The book appeared
in March 1863. The situation of the moment and the
unceasing expansion of Darwin's research work are Hooker's
theme in the following.

To Brian Hodgson

December 6, 1862.

You ask about Lyell. I saw him the other day, still
polishing away at his work on age of man, which he told me

1 See the letter of November 9, 1862, in M.L. i. 209,

5 SCIENTIFIC WOEK, 1860-1865

would not be out before Christmas, which means, not till an
indefinite period after it. He will have a pretty job to
reconcile all his old Geology and Biology to the new state of
things brought about by the discoveries relative to the early
condition of man, and the Darwinian controversy, theory,
heresy, truth, or whatever else it be hight. Lyell accepts
both and will be pitched into accordingly ; he has the ear
of the public, however, and the sale of his work will be
prodigious. It will be followed by a very clever and most
amusing one by Huxley, on the relations of men to the lower
animals, of which I have seen some sheets ; it is amazingly
clever. This polemical Philosopher is resting on his spear
at present, and giving Owen a little time to commit himself
again. I heard a fraction of Owen's paper on the Grypho-
saurus at the E.S. ; it was very interesting but too verbose
and minute, reading out all the measurements of minute
parts to inches and lines, etc. The general opinion was that
Owen demonstrated its ornithic affinity and proved it to be
a bird with the tail-feathers set on a jointed tail instead of the
truculent hump that most birds have, but some say that
there are peculiar bones or organs amongst the bones that
may yet prove it to be Eeptilian. The most curious part of
its history is its confirmation of Darwin's much disputed
dogma, the 'imperfection of the geological record.' This
animal is only now found in the identical quarries that have
been worked for all the lithographic stones used all over
Europe, ever since lithography was an art !

Darwin still works away at his experiments and his
theory, and startles us by the surprising discoveries he now
makes in Botany ; his work on the fertilisation of orchids
is quite unique — there is nothing in the whole range of
Botanical Literature to compare with it, and this, with his
other works, ' Journal,' ' Coral Eeefs,' ' Volcanic Islands,'
' Geology of Beagle,' ' Anatomy, etc., of Cirripedes ' and
' Origin,' raise him without doubt to the position of the
first Naturalist in Europe, indeed I question if he will not
be regarded as great as any that ever lived ; his powers of
observation, memory and judgement seem prodigious, his
industry indefatigable and his sagacity in planning experi-
ments, fertility of resources and care in conducting them are
unrivalled, and all this with health so detestable that his

LYELL AND THE POSITION OF MAN 33

life is a curse to him and more than half his days and weeks
are spent in inaction — in forced idleness of mind and body.

The following is apropos of Huxley's book above mentioned
on ' The Eelation of Man to the Lower Animals.'

To T. H. Huxley

Kew : Friday.

I am making a precis of our poor German collector,
G. Mann's, West African letters, to contradict Burton's
assertions, and have come across a passage that will amuse
you. Talking of the Gaboon natives, he says, ' They
generally were touching my beard and hair, lifting my hat to
see if the whole head was covered with the same hair, and
found it as they said, very strange that I had hair like the
Monkeys and not like mankind.''

So you see there are two opinions as to the value of the
similarity between men and monkeys. I do not think this
would have struck any but a nigger looking from a Nigger's
point of view. I wonder what the Monkeys find.

As to Lyell's book itself, he agreed with Darwin's verdict
as to the excellence of the Glacial chapters, the force of the
aggregation of evidence as to the origin of Man, and the skill in
picking out salient points in the argument for change of species,
combined with disappointment at the timidity which prevented
him from giving any judgment of his own on the materials set
forth.

In a letter to Darwin of March 15, 1863, he writes :

I have been having a long correspondence with Lyell, and
have given him quite as deflagrating a yarn as I sent you,
and likened him to the Theologians ! adding, that I had always
hitherto classed him as the sole sexagenarian philosopher
who could change his opinion on good ground. He proposes
some alterations of the two obnoxious passages, which will
at any rate do justice to the hypothesis as he states it, which
the former ones did not. Lyell dwells, and with reason,
on the fact that he makes as many converts whether he
withholds or gives his own opinion. I tell him perhaps
more, as people like to draw their own inferences, but that
is not the particular point we as his friends now look to.

34 SCIENTIFIC WOKK, 1860-1865

I have finished Lyell and am enchanted with the Glacial
Chapters, language, and the whole treatment of the Origin
and Development subjects (with above qualifications) : it
is certainly a grand book on the whole, and well worthy of
Lyell's scientific reputation. He never rises to the magnifi-
cence of Huxley's language, nor to the sublimity of some of
the passages in H.'s little book on the Position of Man,
which you can read 1000 times with fresh delight.

Of his own work, indeed, as compared with Darwin's —
whom he once apostrophised as 'you facile princeps of
observers ' — he always felt and spoke with humility. Thus
he writes on October 2, 1862 :

The dismal fact you quote of hybrid transitions between
Verbascum Thapsus and nigrum (or whichever two it was)
and its bearing on my practice of lumping species through
intermediate specimens, is a very horrible one ; and would
open my eyes to my own blindness if nothing else could. I
have long been prepared for such a case, though I once
wrote much against its probability. I feel tolerably sure I
must have encountered many such, but have not had the tact
to discern them, when under my nose, and I hence feel as if
all my vast experience in the field has been thrown away.
Your Orchid Book has pretty well convinced me that such
cases must be abundant, and they only tend further to disturb
our ideas of physiological versus structural species. Perhaps
my intermediates between Habenaria chloraniha and bifolia
(of which I retain a lively recollection) were of this hybrid
nature. Certain it is, that I had only to look for Hybrid
Orchids in Switzerland to find two different sorts, and
numerous specimens of one of them.

Besides correspondence touching Darwin's immediate
interests in the study of cross-fertilisation and in climbing
plants, many specimens of which he sent to Down for experi-
ments, topics discussed with Darwin include the relations
between Islands and Continents, the parallel between Alps
and Himalayas, Variation and Environment, the latter
leading to a curious application of Natural Selection to
Sociology.

OCEANIC ISLANDS 35

May 13, 1863.

I have perfect faith in your doctrine of absence of competi-
tion favoring retention of continental forms on Islands, though
how the devil one is to reconcile that with the extraordinary
modifications of other continental forms on same Islands
passes my comprehension, except what you won't admit —
that they were common to continent and island before
disjunction of latter, and the modification is of the continental
forms, the insular being the old original type. This is turning
the tables over you with a vengeance, but I will work it out
in spite of you. Go to — weep and howl ! The Ferns of
Ascension and St. Helena are totally different from one
another and from Cameroons ; this is, or ought to be, a
death-blow to all aerial migration, for Ferns are notoriously
widely dispersed and dispersable. I wish I had never
wasted a thought on the stupid subject.

May 24, 1862.

Thanks for your exposition of your island views,1 I think
I understand them precisely, my difficulty in accepting
them arises from the want of apparent accordance between
the plants common to island and continent, and what I
should have expected to be common. In other words,
migration is inadequate to explain the presence of what is
common to both and the absence of what is absent in one.
I am far from believing in ancient commotion, all I hold is
that in the present state of science it is to me the least
difficult hypothesis, though a very bad one. Cameroons
Mountains have shaken my faith in our having any clue to
ancient or modern migration as yet. We want some new
hypothesis, as novel as Nat. Selection, or Glacial Cold, and
as stupendous as Continental Connection.

Samaden, Engadine Valley : July 10, 1862.

This, the valley of the Inn, appears to me to combine the
beauty of the Tyrol with the savage grandeur of Switzerland
in a remarkable degree. In science I have seen little but
Heer's fossils, he shewed me a leaf apparently Dicotyledonous
from the Lower Lias in Jura, which please tell Lyell of. He
has a wonderful collection of fossil insects and crustaceae

1 See Darwin's letter, M.L. i. 241. ' With respect to Island Floras, if I
understand rightly, we differ almost solely how plants first got there.'

36 SCIENTIFIC WORK, 1860-1865

from the same, beside which the fossil plants are as nothing,
in point of absolute value of characters for systematic
determination. I am as always impressed with the identity
of physical features and wonderful analogy of biological
between Alps and Himalayas, the former we can suppose we
understand, because physical causes are the same everywhere
and the sequence of these is probably the same in Alps and
India: The representation of allied species too we can now
(thanks to you) account for largely, but the repetition of
forms in plants and animals in no way allied is always a
puzzle, especially when accompanied by startling contrasts
between allied forms. These latter can best no doubt be
accounted for by the indirect action of physical causes (i.e.
Nat. Selection) and I think there are already many reliable
facts to be quoted in illustration of this, and that after the
course of alteratives you have administered I could write
a suggestive chapter, comparing the vegetation of Alps,
Andes and Himalayas in my (never to be begun) book on
Plants.

I cannot yet give up my dream of meeting you in Switzer-
land one day ; if you ever did come here, and I could see you
for 5 minutes a day, I should be the happiest man alive.
These rocks, plants and insects teem with thoughts of you
and reminiscences of your writings.

Your Orchid book, which I have not read through, has
suggested to me that insects &c. may have a wonderful deal
more to do with checking migration than climate or geo-
graphies, and that the absence of whole genera may thus one
day be accounted for by absence of genera of insects : in
short that the Cat and Clover story is capable of immediate
expansion by any one having sufficient knowledge of Plants,
Insects and Geography.

Thursday, July (24 ? ) 1862.

I was delighted with Heer, and went over all his collections,
which are grand and good ; they serve to convince me that
the Miocene vegetation was Himalayan, not American as H.
supposed. Heer's error was very natural, for no one knows
from any published works what the real nature of the
Himalayan vegetation is:

Darwin's answer to the following is given in M.L. i. 197.

EFFECT OF EXTEKNAL CONDITIONS 37

March 17, 1862.

I am greatly puzzled just now in my mind by a very
prevalent difference between animals and vegetables : inas-
much as the individual animal is certainly changed materially
by external conditions, the latter (I think) never except in
such a coarse way as stunting or enlarging — and this is
because in animals there is a direct relation between stimu-
lated function and consequent change in organs concerned
in that function ; e:g. no increase of cold on the spot, or
change of individual plant from hot to cold, will induce
said individual plant to get more woolly covering, but I
suppose that a series of cold seasons would bring about such
a change in an individual quadruped, just as rowing will
harden hands &c. The cases are not parallel, because the
parts of plants that could be so changed are annually lost,
and the only conceivable parallel is afforded by bark : would
a cycle of cold seasons cause the bark of a tree to thicken
more than it otherwise would ? I cannot suppose that the
buds of the individual would get thicker, or more scales,
or more resinous scales ; or that its successive leaves can
become annually more hairy : except indeed we assume the
annual death of a large proportion of the buds, and that
those alone are preserved that have most ' woolly ' leaves —
when no doubt the woolly tendency would be inherited by
the successive phytons of that bud, as by successive genera-
tions from seeds.

Be all this as it may, in neither plant nor animal would
the induced character be of necessity inherited by the
offspring by seed of the individual, to any greater extent
than if it had not been changed — at least so far as the animal
is concerned ; though with regard to the plant it might be,
the seed being that of the phyton, not of the whole tree, or
average tree. Thus a wild complication is introduced into
the whole subject that perplexes me greatly.

Berkeley's article on acclimatization is very unclear I
think (see last Saturday's Gardeners' Chronicle).

I cannot conceive what you say, that climate could have
effected even such a single character as a hooked seed. You
know I have a morbid horror of two laws in nature for
obtaining the same end ; hence I incline to attribute the
smallest variation to the inherent tendency to vary ; a

38 SCIENTIFIC WOEK, 1860-1865

principle wholly independent of physical conditions — but
whose effects on the race are absolutely dependent on
physical conditions for their conservation.

Huxley is rather disposed to think you have overlooked
f Saltus,' but I am not sure that he is right. Saltus quoad
individual, is not saltus quoad species, as I pointed out in
the Begonia case, though perhaps that was rather special
pleading in the present state of science.

The exchange of letters continued while Hooker paid a
few days' visit to a big country house. Observation of the
life there led to an effusion on High Life by ' the future author
of " Aristocracy " or " Darwin in all in all." '

Kew : Sunday (March 20, 1862).

MY DEAR DARWIN, — I returned last night and found
Bates' letters which I send herewith, I have no time to com-
pare them. I hope I have not abused you unmercifully in
my letter to Bates — you must take your chance !

I had a very profitable stay at X , considering all

things, and came away with food for much reflection. I
could not make up my mind to stay over Sunday though
kindly pressed with real English hospitality. Some of the
family are very nice, all the ladies particularly so, the servants
perfection (such Nat. selection of flunkies), the food good
and plenty, the country beautiful — the weather detestable
and the habits and hours of the house quite intolerable.
It would take a letter from you every morning to have sup-
ported me under such a system of killing time and outraging
the stomach. However it does one good to go to such
places rarely, gives one much food for reflection, and will add
a chapter to my posthumous work ' On the principles which
regulate the development of an aristocracy.' The principal
part of this work will consist of 4 chapters, each headed
with a B, viz. Blood, Blunt, Brains, Beauty. These are
all good things, of use to the organism possessing them,
and hence sought after by all human organisms, and their
accumulation, by natural selection, must culminate in an
aristocracy, or there is no truth in Darwinism. The better
these are blended, the better will be your aristocracy, the
more they are separated the worse, and it is hard to say
which is worst per se, or which is best when all are mixed.

ABISTOCBACY AND NATUKAL SELECTION 39

You have the aristocracy purely of Bl in Germany ; of B2
in America ; of B3 in France ; of B4 everywhere, but of
4Bs in England only : where indeed we have 4Bs in the

highest nobility. I met nothing beyond Bl and B2 at X

however, perhaps with ever so small an element of the two
others I might have been induced to stay Sunday, for I do
maintain that the union of all must be irresistible in every
degree and condition of life, from Puegia to London.

I have no time to answer your kind long letter. There
must be, as you say, something effective in the alteration
of the reproductive system under variation, not necessarily
induced by domestication but accompanying some variety
artificially selected. I cannot however forget that it is
through marriage alone that the 4 B's are usually recruited
in after life, and so there may be something in what you
say ! ! ! that's my philosophy — make the best of it till we
meet.

To C. Darwin

June 29, 1863.

I went to the Guards Ball the other night, and was
deeply interested — of course I know so few people that I had
abundant time and opportunity to roam about, and observe,
and listen — admire and despise — the contrasts of old and
young were ghastly — my God, there were hideous old
women in bride's robes enough to keep you in nightmares
for a month of Sundays, and lovely girls enough to fill all
the paradises of all the Turks. The intellectual cut and
exceeding handsomeness of both men and women was very
satisfactory in the main, as was the cleanliness and general
health of the whole stock of high-bred humanity. To compare
them with an equal number of the lower classes suggested
many reflections, and strengthened me in my dogma that
Brains + Beauty = Breeding + Wealth. I should extremely
like to go to a similar selection in America, France or Austria ;
my impression is that the comparison would be ludicrous.

The same view is pursued in the matter of Democracy in
America, prompted in part by reading De Tocqueville, in part
by the stir of the American Civil War. His own sympathies
at the time may be described as not so much positively in favour

40 SCIENTIFIC WOEK, 1860-1865

of the South as negatively against the North, resenting as he
did the unfairness of Northern criticisms of England, and the
overbearing and loud-mouthed tone of meetings held even in
cultured Boston, while he deplored the blinding and undigni-
fied effect produced on the tone and temper of such a man as
his friend Asa Gray — ' I mean of course in his capacity as a
citizen, for I have the same high opinion of him as a man, as
ever,' he tells Darwin, with whom as well as Hooker, Gray
maintained a correspondence. When Gray spoke of the
two nations as naturally destined to be on the best of terms,
he reflected on the inevitable contention in the struggle for
life between two great organisms at once so like and so bent on
the same ends. In writing to Gray his only allusion to the
war ' was to the effect that it would clear off the mass of scum
under which, I considered, his nation groaned — this I intended
as the only conceivable good that could come out of such a
political contest ' — and Gray had taken this as applying solely
to the opposite side. ' You and I,' he tells Darwin, ' have
always differed a good deal about America,' and continues
(March 10, 1862) :

Our aristocracy may have been '(and has been) a great
drawback to civilisation, but on the other hand it has had
its advantages, has kept in check the uneducated and
unreflecting, and has forced those who had intellect enough
to rise to their own level, to use it all in the struggle. There
is a deal in breeding, and I do not think that any but high bred
gentlemen are safe guides in emergencies such as these. The
moral effect of Lord Eussell's despatches on the English
mind has been quite astounding, and I do not think you can
point out a dozen men in public life, but of less breeding
and culture (I do not mean by this aristocratic training, a
specific thing) who would have been safe to have behaved
with equal prudence, dignity and consideration, and yet Gray
calls this the pressure of a mob ! If there is anything at all
in force of circumstances and Natural Selection, it must
arrive that the best trained, bred and ablest man will be
found in the higher walks of life — true he will be rare, but
then he will be obvious and easily selected by a discriminating
public. When got too he is removed above a multitude of

1 DEMOCKACY IN AMEEICA ' 41

temptations and conditions that prove the ruin of 9/10ths of
the rising statesmen of a lower class of life. Your ' Origin' has
done more to enhance the value of an aristocracy in my eyes
than any social, political or other argument. Now I never
allude to politics in writing to Gray — it is useless I know,
and furthermore wherever we did agree, it would perhaps
most often be on totally different grounds, and this leads to
endless misunderstandings.

What folly he talks of 2 such nations as England and
America ever being on the best of terms. What is there in
the whole history of the human race to quote for such a state
of things as ' best of terms ' between two nations of the
same blood and bone, and with the same aims and prospects ?
Nothing but the power of despising us, or we them, ever can
or ever will bring one of us to look amicably on the other.
It is not in the bounds of possibility that two nations so
powerful, so ambitious, so like should love one another, and
it will be a bad day for one or both when they do. A. Gray
knows no more of the philosophy of the ' struggle for life '
than the Bishop of Oxford does. You might as well talk
of High Church loving Low Church, God knows they are each
powerful enough and like enough to form one body religious
with a common aim and object, if they would sink differences
and agree each to be nothing, or one to be everything and the
other nothing.

Kew, Sunday (Dec. 1862).

I am actually reading de Tocqueville's Democracy in
America ; it appears to me a most able book, though I do not
at all agree with it\(bigger fool you, you may say, and double
big fool I am to say so), but I cannot help it. He assumes
that D. in America was a success. Now I never regarded
America as having cohesion enough to be pronounced either
a success or a failure : there has been hitherto far too much
freedom of motion there, too little ' struggle for existence '
to develop any settled Govt. at all, and it is impossible
to predict what shape the existing (introduced) form of Govt.
would take in 100 years, even if this war had not stepped in
to confound all calculations. Democracy has persisted in
America, because there has been no cause for its overthrow,
just as Monarchies might persist indefinitely (though they
persist under much greater disadvantages). Specialisation

42 SCIENTIFIC WOKK, 1860-1865

I conceive to be a dominant law governing everything, and
I cannot see how either a Democracy or Republican form of
Govt. can resist the effects of Natural Selection. In short,
I regard a pure Democracy as visionary as a country peopled
by one invariable species. This with me is no question of
what is good or bad, but of what must ever be, and I do
hold that a Govt. must always eventually get into the hands
of an individual, or a family, or a class, or there is no truth
in Natural Selection. Q.E.D. as you say.

To Charles Darwin

January 6, 1863.

I have finished De Tocqueville's Democracy in America
and cannot help thinking how differently he might have
written had he read the ' Origin ' and applied it ; all his fallacies
are attributable to ignorance of its principles, specially his
want of perception that the versatility and variety of re-
sources each Yankee possesses (to which he attributes all their
excellences more or less) is simply the result of want of com-
petition, and that when the land is filled with people this
superiority will vanish, each will be good at his speciality
only and the evil effects of Republicanism will burst out
all over the people and communities. I do not believe any
nation can last for ever, either under a Republic or Monarchy
(both being bad). . . .

Then too all De Tocqueville's comparative vaticinations
are frustrated by the growth of England's colonies; which he
(Frenchman-like) utterly ignores:

January 24, 1863.

How dreadful the New York papers are ; we see them here
and I read and moralize over them by the hour. I believe
that a Republican is the worst form of Govt: that can
be given to a people, but perhaps the best they can make
for themselves ; the mistake is to suppose that the Americans
made it for themselves — they never did so, they accepted
it from the hands of the few great men of that day, and so
long as there was no struggle for existence it was never put
to the test ; when the struggle came they found out that what
they accepted as a working theory had not taken root enough
in the hearts of the people to be upheld at any price. Really
there is no bright spot in this sad, sad world but in shops

THE AMEEICAN CIVIL WAR 48

that sell Wedgwood ware, which I have been haunting with
some success. As I know that you will listen to nothing
from me after this I will shut up.

The same subject is continued in letters to Asa Gray after
the war.

I continue to read the Nation regularly and with great
interest. I am so glad that it is the Tories who are going
to take up the Alabama case. Though a whig myself (if
anything), I always believed that the Tories and Aristocracy
generally had better and wiser ideas during the American war
than Goldwin Smith, &c. gave them credit for. I have no
hesitation in thinking that the honor of our uppermost Tory
classes is of a higher order than of the middle, just as their
vices are more conspicuous. They can afford to be more
high-minded, just as they can afford to commit sins that
damn a lower class, and upon the whole I expect they are
less vicious than the middle class and infinitely less than the
lower. Indeed upon scientific grounds I have stated before
(Natural selection, and continued success only attending
honesty) I think it should be so.

Did you ever read that painful book, Malthus on Popu-
lation ? I did the other day, and was painfully impressed
by it. I had supposed he was a sort of materialist, who advised
the checking of the population by restrictive means, and was
surprised to find nothing of the sort, and a rather fine exordium
at the end on a future state and the benefits of Christianity !
His arguments seem incontrovertible to me.

To A. Gray

March 22, 1867.

I was amused with the Boston Advertiser pitching into the
Pall Mall as representing ' the Governing Class.' I suppose
the fashionable name misleads them with regard to the
point at issue. The P. M. is logically right and B. A. clearly
wrong ; the error is in the B. A. assuming that we are a ' free
nation.' We are nothing of the sort, and the masses do not
wish to be so. They are engaged in the struggle for existence
and care nought for freedom or politics — so we have bribery
and corruption in all our elections — even amongst the lower
educated classes — rampant. Take away bribery — and other

44 SCIENTIFIC WOEK, 1860-1865

extraneous motives for voting — and scarce any would vote
but the middle and upper middle classes. The more I com-
pare your and our papers, the more I see that you have no
representatives of our lower middle and lowest classes,
except perhaps in New York — of our masses, in short — any
more than you have representatives of our Aristocracy.
You represent our middle and upper middle classes, who wield
all the power with us as it is. We are in no way comparable
as a people ; our political virtues and vices are quite different.
Upon the whole you are the gainers ; but it will not last.
You will one day have a poverty smitten residuum that will
yearly increase in the same ratio as wealth at the other end —
a class who won't be educated, and who will vote for equal
distribution of property and of all God's gifts, for no ' meum '
and ' tuurn,' but for ' God for us all,' and that god their
bellies. Power and wealth will lapse into the hands of the
strong with you, and laws will keep it there.

I also notice the Nation pitching into the Londoners for
the state of London during the snow, and citing it as a proof
of the lamentable inability of the English to improve &c. ;
and on same day in the New York paper were frightful letters
on the state of the river and ferries of New York, where
people were kept all day and could not cross. So we go on
every day ; it is the Beam and the Mote, — and so it will be
to the end of the Chapter.

The Herbarium affair is now settled,1 and I expect the
money next week, not before it is wanted for my wants and
position here, which I must have abandoned, were it not
settled. I could not live on here without a complete altera-
tion of all my household affairs, on my present income,
besides which I must have given up all my functions as
head of my own and Henslow's family, and mover of
Botanists, &c.

To A. Gray

March 12, 1868.

Anent politics I have nothing to say. On both sides of
the water we seem to suffer under the inevitable evils of our
respective forms of Government, and all I believe is that if
you had our form you would be ten times worse than you

1 I.e. the purchase by Government of Sir William's collections and library
(see p. 48).

THE PHILOSOPHY OF GOVEENMENT 45

are, and if we had yours ditto ditto. I suppose that amongst
civilized peoples not engaged in warfares that distract their
attention from home affairs, the Government is pretty much
what the masses like — a part of themselves in fact — and I do
not believe in any abstract good or bad form of Government.
If we like an Aristocratic Govt., it is because we like that
form of the haphazard that settles the Govt. on birth.
You, on the contrary, like the haphazard of public election,
which is not the same thing as public voice, still less as public
opinion. What is sauce for the goose is not sauce for the
gander. The Celt wants, and should have, a totally different
form of Government from the Saxon, and if there was any
object in keeping up the Celt, then our Govt. should provide
a branch legislature suited to his (damnable) idiosyncrasies.

I am utterly sick of the political nostrums prevalent on
both sides the Atlantic, and the everlasting peevishness
that springs out of our and the others' supposing that the
evils of our respective countries are due to the form of Govern-
ment that we severally enjoy — endure, I mean. Go to — I
am cynical.

Have you read Darwin's last book, and what do you say
to Pangenesis ? I have gone deeply into the whole Philosophy
of the Subject — there then —

Apart from the heavy scientific labours of this period the
last five years of the Assistant Directorship at Kew were a
time of pressure growing more and more intense. Not only
did the expansion and reorganisation of the Gardens increase
Hooker's own share of administrative work, but the gradual
failing of Sir William's power of application and prompt
decision threw yet more upon his shoulders; As he tells
Darwin (May 26, 1865) :

My dear old Father piles duty on duty, and will neither
give in nor give up. I do admire his gallantry, and I do not
want to see him give up, but things do get into dreadful con-
fusion, and I shall have a heavy day of reckoning.

In addition the death of his trusty Herbarium Clerk was
a serious loss. Meantime the departure of the Curator of
Pleasure Grounds gave an opportunity which he wished to
employ —

46 SCIENTIFIC WORK, 1860-1865

to reorganize the whole establishment which is worked to
death, and I dread a breakdown of our new Curator, who,
what with Garden-duties and accounts, works 16 hours a
day : as for myself, who have never done less, this is all very
well, but persons not accustomed to it cannot stand it — as
matters stand, neither he nor I could leave Kew a week.

Indeed Garden reforms had begun a couple of months
earlier :

We have been robbed much by our own people [he tells
Darwin on April 7]; and I discharged two foremen, dismissed
half a dozen gardeners and labourers, and clapped one fellow
in jail for six months. All this is not very agreeable work,
but we have really a first rate Curator now (John Smith the
second) and I am anxious to put everything straight for him
to go on without troubling me.

The late gardeners' neglect during the winter had let many
plants perish. In June Darwin is told : ' I hope to have a
Botanical Garden worth looking at in a couple of years.'

Ever full of hospitality as he was and delighting to ask his
friends to come and be shown the wonders of which he was
justly proud, Hooker found that the uninvited ' torrent of
visitors,' scientific or otherwise, to the Gardens cut up his time
terribly. He often breaks out despairingly to Darwin — e.g.
(May 28, 1862) :

I see an everlasting round of visitors whom I (for the most
part) wish at Jericho. I broke three solemn engagements
to-day;

And (September 20, 1862) :

I am frightfully busy and inundated with d — d visitors.
There goes the bell — just as I wrote.

It was at least a relief that the Gardens continued to be
closed to the public in the forenoon.

The months brought no relief: In the summer of 1863 it
was not only that ' we are overwhelmed and almost knocked

THE INCREASING WORK OF KEW 47

up by visitors and visiting,' but London society, which made
worse inroads upon his time than the extra work involved by
his father's absence.

I cannot see my way to a mean course between dining out
everywhere and nowhere, without a system of prevarication
that would be intolerable, and now that my Father never
goes out, I have double duty that way.

' How opposite our troubles are about society,' rejoins
Darwin ; ' you too much, I absolutely none.'

This state of affairs continued till Sir William Hooker's
death in 1865, and his son's succession to the post of Director
at Kew. For this he had long been marked out both as the
foremost botanist in his country and as Assistant Director
since 1855. Nor was there anyone even to stand second to
him. Along with his father he was bound up with the making
and development of Kew. That it had risen to be for botany
pure and applied what Greenwich is for astronomy, the science
that directs the art of navigation, was due to the untiring
energy, the personal devotion, the material private contributions
of father and son in specimens and books. With the appoint-
ment of the new Director came the necessary adjustment of
public and private property in the Herbarium, which was,
so to say, the scientific palladium of Kew. This, it will be
remembered, began with Sir William's own collection which
he had brought from Glasgow, and to which he had been con-
stantly adding. In conjunction with the Library it was the
basis of all the scientific work which was reflected over the home
country and the colonies and attracted the botanists of
all other countries. At first it was maintained and housed
entirely at Sir William's expense, but in the first decade it
outgrew all the accommodation within his means. Govern-
ment consented to provide better accommodation — on terms :
granted a Curator in return for public rights of access. But
it was not taken over bodily nor entirely maintained. Addi-
tions still came from Sir William. The gift of Bentham's
fine library and herbarium (of the flowering plants) helped to
fix the national character of the whole collection, and it became

48 SCIENTIFIC WORK, 1860-1865

more than ever necessary to put an end to the fundamental
anomalies of its ownership.

Sir William's own wish was that the nation should pur-
chase his herbarium — the one valuable piece of property he
could bequeath to his son : and he left a memorandum to
this effect — though unsigned, for he had procrastinated too
long over the matter. Thus, the year after his death the State
bought the herbarium, some 1000 volumes from his library, and
a matchless collection of botanical drawings, maps, MSS.,
portraits of botanists, and letters from botanical correspon-
dents, to the number of about 27,000, for the sum of £7,000.

A year later, the Gay Herbarium at Paris came into the
market. Hooker purchased it for £400 and presented it to Kew.
As it contained a number of specimens which were lacking
in the Kew Herbarium, he prided himself on the result.
Writing to Berkeley on November 20, 1870, apropos of a new
botanical correspondent, with the quality of whose contribu-
tion he was much taken, he adds :

Pray, however, undeceive her about Kew's poverty of
European plants, which is rather a cut after my purchase of
Gay's Herbarium and presentation of it to Kew ! and which
for completeness and perfection beats the Paris ' European '
Herbarium — otherwise the finest in Europe. Having the
Gayan I should not feel justified in buying the Pittonian.

The principal change was that the new Director had no
Assistant Director. In fact there was no one qualified to take
the special post, and the lieutenancy was divided. One sub-
ordinate became official assistant in the Gardens : a second in
scientific matters, though here Hooker demanded yet another
assistant.

The general effect upon Kew of the new appointment is
described in a letter to Darwin (November 1865) :

I am up in heaps with work, and find I shall have a des-
perate fight to get scientific assistance. I will not give in
however. I am prepared to improve the Gardens enormously
and will do so, but if the scientific character of the establish-
ment is to go down one iota, I shall intimate that I only hold

BECOMES DIEECTOE OF KEW 49

the post with a view to retirement when able. My elevation
brings me no increase of income and a higher scale of living,
as I now feel it my duty to give up examinerships &c. that
yielded upwards of £300. But I have no fear of not carrying
my point, which is a properly educated assistant to be under
Oliver. The Curator is in future to be my assistant in
Garden duties, Oliver, with increased salary, in scientific
matters ; an excellent arrangement, as there is no one able
to be my assistant in both, nor are the functions compatible
in any but one who like myself has grown with the growth of
the establishment and been educated to it. In the conver-
sation I had with the Board they - let the cat out of the bag '
in informing me that they abolished the Assistant Director-
ship because they knew of no one fitted for it ! — not only an
unintentional compliment to me, but an admission by impli-
cation that neither could they find another person fit to be
Director ! I took no notice, but have it in hand as ' one for
his nob ' if needs be.

You see ' my Dander is up,' as the Yankees say, but pray
say nothing about this ; fighting battles before bystanders
is only a shade better than in the dark, and one gains nothing
by appearing to be in opposition.

CHAPTEE XXX

1860-1865 : PERSONAL

SINCE his intervention at the Oxford meeting of the British
Association in 1860, Hooker was not directly concerned in
several bitter controversies which took place during this period,
either in attack or defence, though he followed them closely.
There was the battle of the brains, human and simian, where
Huxley, supported by other anatomists, fulfilled his pledge
made at the Oxford meeting to demonstrate the baselessness
of Owen's assertions, finally summing up the case in his little
book ' Man's Place in Nature ' (1863). There was Owen's
attack on Lyell and Lyell's conversion to Darwinism, under
cover of a review of ' The Antiquity of Man ' (1863 — see C:D;
in. 7 seq. ; M.L. i. 238-9). There was the AthencBum review
(March 28, 1863) of Dr. Carpenter's * Introduction to the
Study of the Foraminifera,' celebrated as having provoked
Darwin for the first and, save once only, the last time in his life,
to reply on a scientific question in a popular journal. Carpenter
had referred to living and extinct Foraminifera as having a
common ancestry ; the reviewer took the opportunity of
denouncing his Darwinian tendencies and Darwinism itself,
propounding instead a wonderful theory of spontaneous
generation (Heterogeny): * Who would ever have thought of
the old stupid Athenaeum taking to Oken-like transcendental
philosophy written in Owenian style ! ' * exclaimed Darwin to

1 Lorenz Oken (1779-1851), Professor of Natural Science at Jena, Munich,
and Zurich successively, set out to deduce all knowledge from certain a priori
principles, especially of parallelism between the universal and the particular.
Thus, as there are five senses in the perfect animal, so there are five main classes
of animals each representing the special development of one of the senses — and
in the individual the head is in essence the repetition of the trunk.

Though experiment afterwards gave science something not utterly unlike
60

NEWSPAPER CONTEOVEKSIES 51

Hooker. But Darwin's letter saying a word in his own defence,
while attacking the ' monstrous article ' on Heterogeny (the
author of which was Owen himself), only brought forth another
skilful appeal to popular prejudice (see C.D. iii. 17-23, and
M:L. i. 242).

The whole thing was utterly repugnant to Hooker; who
wrote (May 1863) :

I cannot abide this lugging of science before the public
in Times and Aihenceum, and implore you, my dear fellow,
not to do so again. Owen's answer to you is triumphant
in the eyes of the public (whom you wish to enlighten) as
Manchester's over Natal. The only party that gains by these
discussions is the proprietor of the paper ; the only one
that loses every way is the maintainer of truth. Science
will be much more respected if it keeps its discussions within
its own circle.

Similarly, when in 1864 Professor Kolliker * wrote a review of
the ' Origin,' entirely misconceiving several of Darwin's main
positions, and Darwin was strongly inclined to reply, Hooker
wrote (September 5) :

I did not mean that it was beneath your dignity or really
below the dignity of your subject to answer Kolliker, but
what I think is, that when such subjects are dragged into
periodicals for discussion the public are apt to form a low
opinion of them and their disputants. The subject is a

certain of his striking homologies, as in cell development and the relations of
heat and light, this kind of transcendentalism was a matter of vague suggestion,
not of solid science. With some limitations, Oken's ideas were taken up by
Richard Owen in his theory of the archetype and the doctrine that the skull is
a virtu; 1 repetition of certain vertebrae. But in his method of claiming to be
the discoverer of the true theory Owen placed himself in a very equivocal
position.

1 RudolphAlbert von Kolliker (1817-1901 ?), anatomist and embryologist.
He studied natural sciences at Zurich, Bonn, and Berlin, and was appointed
Professor of Physiology and Comparative Anatomy at Zurich in 1845, and in
1847 took the chair of Anatomy at Wiirzburg. Among his principal works is
his Handbuch der Qewebelehre des Menschen, Die Siphonophora oder Schwimm-
polypen von Messina, the Challenger Report on Pennatulida, and Enturickelungs-
geschichte des Menschen u. d. hoheren Thiere. In association with Von Siebold
he started the Zeitschrift fur Wissenschaftliche Zoologie, and in 1858 published
with E. Pelikan Physiologischtoxikologische Untersuchung iiber die Wirkung
des alkoholischen Extractes der Tanghinia venenifera.

52 1860-1865 : PEKSONAL

great one, there are acknowledged organs for its discussion,
accessible to all taking a true interest and capable of ap-
preciating the men and their arguments, and to fling these
down-to be scrambled for in a weekly periodical is somehow
derogatory. I dare say I do not explain my meaning, nor
should I convince you if I did. Of one thing I can assure you,
that it is never worth your while, whose working moments are
worth so much to us, to waste one thought on the discussion.
After all you could only impress outsiders — who would forget
and turn like the wind to the next writer, and it is the dignity
of the subject more than of the proceeding which I am
considering.

In the event Darwin did not reply. He was more than
satisfied with the answer made by Huxley in the Natural His-
tory Review the following month, entitled ' Criticisms on the
Origin of Species ' (see ' Collected Essays/ ii., Darwiniana,
p. 80).

In a similar strain he adds in his letter of May 1863 how

Falconer has his hands full and goes to Paris to-morrow to
confront Quatrefages, Bouchet and the chemists and anato-
mists, who to a man say that F. is wrong that both Flints
and jaw [human remains found in a cave with the remains of
extinct animals] are ancient, and perfide Albion at its old tricks
of traduction. I met F. last night ; he is beating up for
allies to take over with him. I tell him he should go alone —
it is his only chance of getting fair play. The more go, the
more opposition, the more misunderstanding, the more all
that is bad.1

Where, however, the ground of contention was no more
than a reclamation for priority or recognition of material
used, much -as he disliked the practice, he exerted himself
privately to bring about a reconciliation. Such were two
public reclames made against the veteran Lyell. One was by
Falconer, who complained loudly that his and Prestwich's
researches had not met with proper recognition in ' The
Antiquity of Man ' (1863). Of his idiosyncrasy in suddenly

1 The whole misunderstanding is told in C.D. iii. 14, 19, 21, and M.L. i.
229-41; cp. ii. 377.

A QUESTION OF PRIORITY 58

discovering and magnifying a grievance, Hooker amusingly
remarks to Darwin, March 29, 1863 :

Falconer is one of the two classes of Scotchmen that
Crawfurd distinguishes as ' Scotsmen ' and ' d d Scots-
men.' There are two most curiously antagonistic sides to
his character:

Or as he puts it elsewhere : ' Falconer is a Scotchman, who
when once wrong seems never to get right again,' yet ' one of
the most honourable men I know, except when out of temper.'

The other was by Sir John Lubbock (Lord Avebury) in
1865. Certainly the material in dispute had first been worked
over in English by Lubbock, but it was Danish research con-
tained in a Danish memoir. However, these were uneasy
times, when confidence had been lowered by the methods of
one leader of opinion and those whom he inspired. The
suppressed irritation of a quiet man flared out with unhappy
results. It was too bad, Hooker agreed with Darwin, to treat
an old hero in science thus ; on the other hand, he was not
satisfied with the older man's subsequent amende. ' It is not
handsome at all, and from an old Prince of Science to a young
aspirant is not liberal, I think.', In impartial eyes, if the
acerbity of the attack was unwarranted, the explanation was
ungracious. Tenacity was at fault on either side, and as
Huxley pithily put it, the one had failed to set the affair
straight with half a dozen words of frank explanation as he
might have done ; the other, ' like all quiet and mild men
who do get a grievance, became about twice as " wud " as
Berserks like you and me.' Hooker, with a sly hit at his
friend's favourite assertion that a ' compiler ' was a greater
man than an * observer,' wrote to Darwin (June 2, 1865) :

This comes of your divine art of Compilation ! Both, as it
appears to me, were making capital compilations, and from
precisely the same sources and to illustrate the same subject.

In both cases, as has been said, Hooker's intimacy with
the parties concerned enabled him to pour oil on the troubled
waters.

54 1860-1865 : PEBSONAL

It was in connexion with references to Lyell's ingrained
caution and similar hesitation elsewhere to speak definitely on
the descent of man or religious difficulties, burning questions
of the day, that Hooker had occasion to write to Darwin
(October 6, 1865) :

It is all very well for Wallace to wonder at scientific men
being afraid of saying what they think — he has all ' the
freedom of motion in vacuo' in one sense. Had he as many
kind and good relations as I have, who would be grieved and
pained to hear me say what I think, and had he children
who would be placed in predicaments most detrimental
to children's minds by such avowals on my part, he would
not wonder so much.

Nevertheless if not called upon at the immediate juncture
to proclaim his ultimate convictions urbi et orbi, Hooker freely
gave his support to liberalising movements in the Church.
His concern was how to give such support most efficaciously
without importing new controversial elements into the affair.
This careful temper appears in two letters to Lubbock, apropos
of a projected memorial of men of science in favour of the
authors of ' Essays and Eeviews,' who were being vehemently
attacked by unprogressive orthodoxy.

Royal Gardens, Kew : February 29, 1861.

MY DEAR LUBBOCK, — I would sign your memorial with
pleasure if I could satisfy myself that it would do good to
the cause it so handsomely advocates, but I am far from
convinced of this ; and on the contrary I fear that it may do
harm.

You see that as matters at present stand, all that have
signed may be considered as belonging more or less intimately
to one school or party — for the most part they are personally
attached by twos or threes : they represent the young
progressionists in Science, their opinions are of no weight
in religious matters, and the appearance of a large body of
such names, unaccompanied by an equally large body of
those men of older standing and opposite tendencies (who
have nevertheless the confidence of the public), would in my
opinion tend to create a fission in the ' body politic ' of

SCIENCE AND LIBEEAL THEOLOGY 55

sciejitific men. Now in matters of science I am for no sort
of compromise between progression and non-progression,
which is retrogression ; but I should be sorry to see anything
done that would countenance a belief amongst the outsiders
that our scientific differences influenced our religious views —
and this would be a very legitimate inference if your memorial
was signed wholly or chiefly by men of one way of thinking, in
such matters as ' Origin of Species,' ' Age of Man,' &c., &c.

I confess however to have an almost morbid aversion for
clique or sectarianism, the spirit of which is around us every-
where and may be evoked at any moment. In the present
excited state of the public mind, I think that our rushing
into the conflict would do more harm than good : we should
be listened to more calmly a few months hence, when the
futile attempts of the narrow minded shall have demon-
strably failed ; and then I shall gladly sign a memorial
addressed to the Essayists, thanking them for what they
have done and requesting a Second Series of Essays.

Royal Gardens, Kew : March 4, 1861.

MY DEAR LUBBOCK, — I am sorry you cannot be at Linnean
on Thursday, for I should have liked to meet you and talk
over this affair of the' Essays and Eeviews ; also because I
wanted you to be at meeting in evening:

I should really be glad to join in any effectual method
of carrying out your object ; but I think we should be well
assured before we start that our plan will be really successful.
I assure you I by no means supposed that the names you
sent me were either all you had, or all you were likely to get ;
they were enough, and more than enough, I thought, to
prevent a large body of Naturalists, &c., from signing at all,
and I still think that a memorial that embodied the views of a
moiety only of a class, and that moiety itself a sub-class, would
be prejudicial both to the cause and the interests of science
at this particular juncture. If taken by the Essayists for
more than it was worth it might urge some of them on to
some premature step, as leaving the Church, a course which
I am not prepared to say I wish to see any of them follow ;
if for less than it was worth, its object would be by so much
defeated.

I thoroughly sympathise with the Essayists, and their
Essays to a very great extent. I would extend to both even

56 1860-1865 : PERSONAL

greater countenance than your memorial professes to do ;
but I cannot help thinking that the Essayists are placed in
an extremely critical position as public professors of the
Faith of the Church of England and holders of its benefits :
and as I should wish to do more than give my name if called
upon to do so, I feel extremely anxious as to the turn matters
may take any day. What I should suggest would be to give
them privately our names in the terms of your memorial,
and offer to rally round them publicly when the time comes
for their acting, if they care to have us.

My opinion of the whole thing is that the Essayists cannot
stop where they are ; the public who are now excited by
them, whether to admiration or to determination, have a right
to expect that they will proceed ; they have thrown down
the gauntlet and it is taken up ; they must either retreat,
or leave the Church, or justify their position in the Church
by expediency or by honest intentions, and for my part
I am inclined on various grounds to uphold them in the
latter course if they adopt it . Can you not communicate with
them, through A. P. Stanley or otherwise ? If so, and you
can ascertain that such a memorial as you propose, without
names such as Owen, Bell, Herschel, Rosse and a host of
others which I fancy you won't get, would be acceptable to
them, I will still sign with pleasure.

Whatever you do, do not suppose I am lukewarm or
snub your memorial.

When a similar attack was made on Bishop Colenso,1
he wrote, ' I shall subscribe to the Colenso defence fund on

1 John William Colenso (1814-83), well known for his school-books on arith-
metic and algebra, had become Bishop of the new see of Natal in 1853. His
critical faculties, already awakened on some theological points, were further
stirred in the course of his translation of the Bible into Zulu, by the plain ques-
tions of his converts. His views on the historical authenticity of parts of the
Pentateuch (the first three vols. appeared in 1862-3) led to sentence of deposi-
tion (Dec. 23) and excommunication by Dr. Gray, Bishop of Capetown, proceed-
ings quashed on appeal by the judicial committee of the Privy Council. In 1866
he was again upheld by the Rolls Court when the trustees of the Colonial
Bishoprics Fund refused to pay him his episcopal income. His original work
on the Pentateuch was concluded in 1879, having been interrupted by his reply
to the Speaker's Commentary, designed to answer him. His New Bible Com-
mentary Literally Examined appeared in six parts, 1871-4. ' The result,'
says the D.N.B., ' was not a triumph for the " bishops and other clergy " who
had undertaken to cross lances with him.' His latter years were taken up with
efforts to obtain justice for certain Zulu chiefs who had been summarily treated.
In one case he was successful ; in the others the alarm of a Zulu invasion, which
ended in the war of 1879, stood in his way.

BISHOP COLENSO 57

principle ' ; but tells Darwin he withholds his name ' as my
poor mother would take it so to heart/ as well as to avoid the
practical unwisdom of seeming to make a party cry of it.
His attitude towards the man and his cause appears from
letters to Brian Hodgson and to Darwin.

To B. H.

JDecember 6, 1862.

Of Bishop Colenso and his writings I cannot say much.
I have heard his book discussed repeatedly but have not
read it, and sometimes by clergymen, and by these always
with a total want of candour, but candour in a clergyman
when discussing theological questions is a thing almost
unknown. One will not read the book ; another has and
can see nothing in it ; a third sees plenty in it and says all
educated clergymen know this, but rightly hide it from the
laity lest it should do mischief ; as if truth could do mischief !
The most candid clerical disputant I met with would allow
the freest and fullest discussion, but only in Latin !

The Press is, I regret to say, not one whit more truthful.
One paper fills its columns with a few mistakes of the author ;
another condemns * cobweb theories ' (a curious name for
plain facts) ; a third considers Arithmetic and common
sense not applicable to the case ; a fourth wonders what all
the fuss is about, and says it is all true but of no consequence
and so on. The grave fact that our youth when educated
for clergy are systematically kept in ignorance of there
being two opinions on these subjects, and left till after they
have sworn to an uncompromising belief — before they can find
out what they have sworn to — is ignored by all. No doubt
Colenso will be followed by a host of men, good, bad and
indifferent, whose eyes once opened their tongues will be
let loose. The worst of it is that the present condition of
things prevents the rising talent and candid thinkers from
entering the Church at all, and we shall be bepastored with
fools, knaves or imbeciles.

To B. H. Hodgson

April 19, 1863.

Of the biblical question I have heard nothing. I am
not an admirer of McCaul or the Bishop of Manchester, and
as you know I distrust all theologians ; there seems to me

58 1860-1865 : PERSONAL

a total want of candour and of charity amongst them in all
public matters, their minds are those of women — a very good
type in woman, a very bad one in man. I have glanced
at Stanley's sermons and can detect an undercurrent of
Colensoism in them very obviously. I had thought that all
educated clergymen had long ago abandoned the verbal,
literal inspiration of the Bible, e.g. the worship of the letter,
the Genesis creation, the Flood,1 tower of Babel, &c., &c.; &c.,
plus much of the so-called Mosaic narrative ; but this is
either not so, or the educated ones hold their tongues —
perhaps the latter is the case, for after all it is curious to
observe how few deans, archdeacons and other dignitaries,
professors, &c., come forward to condemn Colenso — it -is
the Bishops and noisy theologians who usurp the press and
pulpits and fill them with denunciations.

I think I told you that I stayed a couple of days with
Colenso in the country, and was pleased with his calmness,
dignity and charity towards his opponents. He is a tall,
grave, very striking man, with a quiet determination of
mouth, and candid, broad forehead and open eyes, that
together produced an impression of power and dignity;
He has, however, calculated without his host, and for this
he has his education to thank, rather than his judgment or
faults. He might in my opinion have said ten times as
much as he has in different language and he would have
created no sensation at all. I think Stanley implies in many
of his writings as much at least as Colenso insists upon, but
puts a fine spiritual varnish over it all.

To C. Darwin

February 16, 1864.

I am not quite sure about Colenso himself — he ought to
go further. My hope is, that after the trial he will go out
just to assert his position, and then retire. His holding his
Bishopric in Natal can only breed intolerable confusion and
do his cause mischief ; and as to his going out to convert
Zulus, why, he has Christians here to convert, and the Zulus
are not worth a thought. He might come back with great

1 As he writes to Darwin, October 25, 1862 : ' What a nice simple book
Parrott's Ararat is : it is refreshing to read his simple faith in the Ark being
still under the enow ! '

ON STANDING SPONSOE 59

glory and set up in England as a tutor, abandoning his title
and mitre. I have seen a good deal of him, and consider him
sanguine and unsafe.

His attitude towards the ceremonies of the Church is illus-
trated by a letter to Huxley, who had asked him to be godfather
to his son, at his wife's desire, though to himself it was an
unmeaning form only to be turned into ' a reality by making it
a bond with one's friends.' ' If,' he adds, ' you have any objec-
tions to say ' all this I steadfastly believe,' even by deputy, I
know you will have no hesitation in saying so.'

Kew : January 4, 1861.

MY DEAR HUXLEY, — I will volontiers ' renounce the
Devil and all his works ' for your child, in spirit, and chasser
his majesty in person from his cradle and bed whenever and
wherever I am called upon to do so. Nay more — I will do
it ' by bell and by book,' for he shall have a coral when his
blessed teeth be coming and a book when he can read it.
Also as the christening is to be done, it is a duty to see it
done properly; ' devoutly, orderly and reverently,' and as
I won't trust these parsons, I will go see it myself. In the
abstract I hate and despise the spiritual element of the
ceremony, but in practice I do not care so much about it as
conscientiously to plead any honest wish to shirk it. I have
a greater objection to say ' all this I steadfastly believe '
by deputy, than in person. I have a conflicting opinions as
to the expediency &c. of doing things by halves, but only one
as to the propriety of being hung for a sheep in preference to
a lamb, and as I have had hitherto, and yet shall have, to
go to Church with other people's bairns, I should be ashamed
to decline to do so with yours. I assure you truthfully that
the pleasure of being in any recognised relationship to your
child will sweeten any pill of doctrine that may be offered, even
if I could not manage to ' sham Abraham ' at the responses,
an unworthy and cowardly resort I affect on such occasions.

Under his critical distrust, however, of theologians and
sacerdotalism generally, he was deeply responsive to the
deep things of the spirit which move humanity in life and
in death. Characteristic in their different ways are letters

60 1860-1865 : PEESONAL

touching the death of his father-in-law Henslow in May 1861 ;
of his little daughter Minnie (September 28, 1863) ; of Falconer
and of Sir William Hooker in 1865.

We realise the beauty of Henslow's character from the
words of the friend and close intimate whose intimacy had
only served to increase his admiration and affection. It was
a prolonged deathbed. Bronchitis and congestion of the
lungs aggravated long-standing heart disease, and all through
April and May he was in a hopeless condition. Hooker spent
a long time at Hitcham tending him, for happily his father
was well and active and could spare him from Kew. He writes
to Huxley on April 3 :

He has bidden farewell to his friends, parishioners and
little botanical school children, one by one, addressing a few
words of encouragement and advice to each with a calmness
and affectionate interest that is quite overpowering.

I am utterly overwhelmed ; to be loved as he was for the
good he had done I would lay down my science and almost
' turn parson. To me personally the loss will be immeasurable
— he took interest in everything I did and I loved him — I am
wrong to think how much.

His loss to this neighbourhood will be incalculable ; there
is none to take his place, morally, socially or religiously.
Between his paroxysms he talks of all his friends as calmly
as possible, discourses on Essays and Eeviews and all the
great religious questions with the most perfect openness
and fairness, and for thorough appreciation of the opinions
of those with whom he differs, his charity is unbounded.
You know how my associations are sunk in this place and
can guess how I take tearing them up by the roots — bitterly.

And again on the llth :

His brain scarcely indicates a change in its workings. He
goes on dictating letters when he can, of advice, encourage-
ment and warnings to all who he thinks may be bettered
by them. I have written some very touching ones. The
kindness and wisdom with which he does all this is very
admirable, not only in counselling individuals to pursue some
innocent substitute for their besetting sin, but recommending

HENSLOW'S CHARACTER 61

them to mutual friends, of integrity, resources and inflexible
purpose, who will encourage and quiet them if they will
take his advice and use his instructions.

To Anderson in Calcutta he also opens his heart :

[April 22, 1861.]

It is a grievous break-up in many ways, and I for one
had little idea of the enormous extent and power of Henslow's
influence, socially, morally and religiously, till called here
to his dying bed and to witness the extent of sympathy his
illness creates and the huge blank his death will cause. It
is like gouging a piece out of the face of the country. His
death-bed is wonderful and makes one wish to have led his
life and almost reconciles one to [his] having been a parson !
Well, my dear Anderson, we shall never be like him, a man
who never turned back on friend or foe, and never spoke or
thought ill of another, a man who with strong enough religious
convictions of his own, had the biggest charity for every
heresy so long as it was conscientiously entertained.

And finally on May 23 :

Henslow has left a blank in my existence never to be
replaced. Quite apart from considerations matrimonial, H.
had more influence over my life and conduct than any other
man, so good, so calm, so wise, so far above all taint of pride,
prejudice or passion, so magnanimous in short was he in all
situations of life. More than all this, I miss his knowledge
of loads of matters bearing on Botany which I never knew
or took up but through him, and of loads of kindred subjects
in which I have keenly interested myself, ever since I knew
him. He was one of those friends formed late in life to be a
lamp unto our path whom we never go ahead of as we do
with the instructors of our youth. I know what death and
losses are, but this is the first of which ' the funeral over '
is no relief. His loss hangs like a dead weight upon me:
I feel as if a bit of each faculty was gone for ever, for he
sharpened every faculty I had, and created some too. You
knew enough of him to understand all this.

His little daughter, who had died almost suddenly on
September 28, was six years old.

J 1860-1865 : PERSONAL

Kew, October 1, 1863.

DEAR OLD DARWIN, — I have just buried my darling
little girl and read your kind note. I tried hard to make no
difference between her and the other children, but she was
my very own, the flower of my flock in every one's eyes, the
companion of my walks, the first of my children who has
shown any love for music and flowers, and the sweetest
tempered, affectionate little thing that ever I knew. It
will be long before I cease to hear her voice in my ears, or
feel her little hand stealing into mine ; by the fireside and in
the Garden, wherever I go she is there.

The funeral service had no more effect on me than on
her : the association with her personally snapped as the
ceremonial left my door, and oddly enough, I felt nothing
at seeing the little white coffin go into the vault, my mind
was wandering amongst sweeter memories elsewhere.

And now lean calmly think of what sorrows I am spared.
Hers was no contagious disease, threatening the whole
family for weeks afterwards ; she suffered comparatively
little ; and above all do I rejoice that she was yet so young
and happy, that death did not enter her little head during
her illness, and I was spared the agony of seeing my darling
pass through the ' valley of the shadow of death.' Then too,
strangely enough, I never knew she was dying till 3 minutes
before the breath left her body. For 3 hours I was blind
to every one of those symptoms of rapidly approaching
dissolution, that every nurse knows and every novelist de-
scribes, and I have seen myself so often. The doctor came
in just 3 minutes before she died and told me to my horror
she was dying. I knew the extreme danger, but assumed
she had many hours to live. The retrospect of that last
night is thus in some respects comforting, in others hideous,
and I can still feel the cold shudder that every misinterpreted
symptom still sent through me, during that long night of
agony and suspense.

A month later, October 23 :

I am very well, but it will be long before I get over this
craving for my child, or the bitterness of that last night.
To nurse grief I hold is a deadly sin, but I shall never cease
to wish my child back in rny arms, as long as I live.

A CHILD'S DEATH 63

Three years afterwards, writing to Darwin, whose sister, Mrs.
Langton, was hopelessly ill, he is pursued by the same memory.

I have been so haunted by death and his darts this 6 or
8 years, that I can hardly bear to look at my children asleep
in bed. I used to think a child asleep not only the loveliest
thing in creation, but the most gratifying in every respect
— leaving nothing to be desired except that it would not
grow older. All is changed now.

The death of Falconer in January 1865 took away an old
and warm-hearted friend of both Darwin and Hooker.

Poor old Falconer ! how my mind runs back to those
happiest of all my days, that I used to spend at Down 20
years ago — when I left your house with my heart in my
mouth like a school-boy.

What a mountainous mass of admirable and accurate
information dies with our dear old friend. I shall miss him
greatly, not only personally, but as a scientific man of
unflinching and uncompromising integrity, and of great
weight in Murchisonian and other counsels, where ballast
is sadly needed. The inconceivability of our being born
for nothing better than such a petty existence as ours is,
gives me some hope of meeting in a better world. What
does it all mean ? . . . When we think what millions upon
millions of lives and intellects it has taken to work up to a
knowledge of gravity and natural selection, we really do
seem a contemptible creature intellectually, and when we
feel the death of friends more keenly the older we grow
we do strike me as being corporeally most miserable, for
we have no pleasures to compensate fully for our griefs and
pains : these alone are unalloyed.

Three years later Falconer's ' Palseontological Memoirs '
appeared — and Hooker wrote to Darwin :

Feb.- 1, 1868.

What a fine work Dr. Murchison 1 has made of dear old
Falconer's Memoirs ; it strikes me that it will be most

1 Charles Murchison (1830-79), F.R.S. 1866, a cousin of Sir Roderick, was a
distinguished physician, who served in India 1853-5, and was Professor of
Chemistry at Calcutta. Returning to London he won a high reputation both
as a practitioner and as a lecturer at several of the great hospitals. He made
many contributions to medical science, and was a considerable geologist.

64 1860-1865: PEESONAL

useful. I sigh when I think how poor my reprinted Memoirs
would appear beside them, if any injudicious post-mortem
friend were to issue them. There is something grand hi
the blunt force of Falconer's writings, and when he mounts
the Pegasus of Theory, he reminds me of the picture of
Sintram (ask Henrietta) — with him the very thought of a
Speculation is sin, and a very serious tiling — it is the original
sin, besetting sin, of the scientific man — but when he specu-
lated himself, as on the perfection of the post-Tertiary record,
how lame and impotent he was. He sinned and suffered
in short.

Of the contrast between the death of the old and of the
young he writes to Charles Darwin, September 26, 1865.

How strange is the difference between the loss of an aged
' parent and child : my father has been my companion as well
as parent for 25 years, our intimacy has never been broken;
our aims have been one as much as those of father and son
ever could by possibility be ; but I have to reflect on his loss
before I realise it and swell with grief. How different in
my child's case ! I cannot see that it is altogether natural,
though it is so in the main. Is my grief for him more selfish
than that for my child ? I cannot feel it to be so. I do sup-
pose we have a pure nature, independent of conditions (and
of Darwinism applied !), but what it is we can only hope to
know if we realize a future state.

I am gratified by your expressions about my father ;
he was one of the most truly liberal and modest men I ever
' knew ; he had not an atom of self in him, always thought
nothing of himself, and never took any self-seeking steps
to raise himself in the estimation of the Government or
of scientific men. With one-tenth of the exertion that
Murchison displayed, he would have had honors and titles
showered on him, and I hate the Eoyal Soc. for never recog-
nizing the obligations science is under to him. He never
received any honor, distinction or reward from the Crown
or Government for all his public services, because he never
would put himself into the way of them. I thought the boast
of the K.S. was that they sought out such as had similar
claims upon science. I know I am not agreed with, but I
will not give in.

THE OLD AND THE YOUNG 65

When Darwin was very ill the following February, he was
allowed to see no one : and Hooker, who had spent the week-
end near by at the Lubbocks', writes feelingly :

I yearned to go over and see Mrs. Darwin, but it would
have been too great a punishment to both of us (you and
me). I cannot tell which I crave for most, another little
girl, or for you to get well.

And as the anniversary of his loss came round, he wrote
(September 16, 1864 : the British Association was meeting
at Bath) :

I go to Bath to-morrow for two or three days. I am glad
to do so, though I go with a very heavy heart ; on principle
I think we should not keep anniversaries of great sorrows,
but as the day draws nearer I feel all the misery of last year
crawling over me, and my lost child's face and voice accom-
pany me everywhere by day and by night ; so that I now
dread an attack of what were more the horrors of delirium
tremens than the chastened sorrows of a sensible man. I
am sure however that there is no fear of that now ; time, as
you told me it would, has done its inevitable work. What
queer mortals we are ! Poor Grove's far more dreadful blow
reconciles me to my loss, in a real though irrational manner.1
I have felt for him exceedingly. It is too bad of me to write
on such selfish subjects to you, and I am sure Mrs. Darwin
must be angry with me for doing so — but your affection for
your children has been a great example to me, and there is
no other living soul with whom I can talk of the subject ;
it would make my wife ill if I went on so to her. She is
wonderfully different from me, the loss simply made her
very ill; almost dangerously so. I am of tougher, coarser
material and, like Eawdon Crawley, have greater capacity
for feelings, which when once roused run riot.

Here may conveniently be added later expressions on
these and similar subjects. The first is a letter to Darwin,
January 7, 1873 :

1 Probably Sir George Grove (1820-1900), writer on music and first director
of the Royal College of Music, whose daughter died about this time.

66 1860-1865: PEESONAL

Greg's 1 ' Enigmas ' is one of the most eloquent books I
ever read, and it quite fascinated me by its manner, not by its
matter, which is singularly weak and inconclusive. I wrote
to him combating some of his positions, and met him soon
after and had a delightful conversation. As to the poor
man's faith, he frankly admitted to me that, as I put it, all
scientific evidence is in favor of extinction upon death,
and that any reasoning to the contrary was ' ingenious
wriggling.' I quite agreed with him, however, that this
was not conclusive and that there was no inexcusable pre-
sumption in the conclusion, that there was a future state.
It is a book that cannot but be disappointing : remember
all it pretends to do is, not to crush hope, but to foster the
presumption of hope being tenable — barely tenable perhaps !

We have just returned from a visit to Cardwell's, near
Godalming ; both he and his wife are singularly pleasing
persons at home. He is almost a religious man, or I should
say a devout one perhaps. We had some long talks about
faith and prayer ; he was very frank, admitting to the full
how much more difficult it was for a scientific man to believe
than for any other : that the Miracles were open questions,
of evidence entirely ; and that prayer in the common sense
was wrong ; he much regretted such occasional outbursts
as Huxley's, but blamed the clergy more. He was singularly
earnest, candid and calm, even on such matters as Darwinism !
which he only a little believes — much disliking some of the
results (Monkeydom &c.), but could see even to this no
opposition to any religion worth holding.

The other two citations are from letters to Huxley. One —
Huxley had sent him proofs of his chapter ' On the Reception
of the " Origin of Species," ' which was to appear in the ' Life
and Letters of Charles Darwin.' On October 21, 1886, he

1 William Rathbone Greg (1809-1881) began life as a cotton spinner,
following in his father's footsteps. His literary activities and his removal
from Bury to the Lakes on account of his wife's health hindered him in his
business, and he gave up his mill in 1850. In 1856 he was appointed a Com-
missioner on the Board of Customs, and from 1864-77 was Comptroller of
the Stationery Office. He was distinguished as a thoughtful and prolific essayist
on religious, political, and economic subjects, and equally ardent in his philan-
thropy and his disinterested love of truth, which balanced generous enthusiasms
with an unflinching view of the difficulty and complexity of modern problems.
His first book, The Creed of Christendom, appeared in 1851 ; the Enigmas of
Life, mentioned here, in 1872.

CHANCE, THEISM AND A NATIONAL CHURCH 67

replies, agreeing with the suggestion that a paragraph or two
should be added with ' the two chief objections made formerly
and now to Darwin — the one that it is introducing " chance "
as a factor in nature, and the other that it is atheistic.'

You must deal with the ' Chance ' objection, and that
involves the atheistic ; but this you can do better than any
one, briefly and effectively.

The haziness of ordinary people's minds in regard to
both Theism and Atheism, and the idea that either can be
supported or negatived by reasoning — e.g. from little fishes
is wonderful.

As you say, Theism and Atheism are just where they
were in the days of Job and his comforters.

The other is apropos of the first volume of the ' Collected
Essays ' which Huxley had just sent to him. (October 8,
1893.)

The ' Inequality of Man ' is thoroughly well dealt with.
and leaves nothing to be desired. There is much that merits
consideration (would that it could be action) in the conception
of a National Church at p. 284. Something is wanted in
the present day, that would systematically foster, in the
young especially, a spirit of reverence for the higher aims
and aspirations of the best men towards the attainment of
knowledge, truth and pure living. My old friend W. R. Greg
used to discuss this with me, and would have had me proceed
on these lines !

A thousand thanks for the coming volume.

As Sir William Hooker advanced in years, the possibilities
that would open out at his death inevitably presented them-
selves both to himself and to his son. To the latter the thought
was odious. If he should be compelled to shoulder the burden
of continuing his beloved father's work alone, it would of
course have to be done ; but he would gladly have renounced
an official position for quiet research. Administrative work
with its official shackles and its shadow of official honours
made little appeal to him : much less the open lionising of
science, or its exploitation as a stepping-stone to knighthoods
and the like. Thus when in 1863 the Indian Government

68 1860-1865: PEESONAL

talked of commissioning him to do the Flora Indica, he writes
to Darwin (October ?) :

Pay would tempt me, but only because it would hold
out a prospect of early retirement from the struggle of
scientific work for one's livelihood, and shaking the dust
off my feet at the Govt. and Kew Gardens — but for God's
sake let this go no further. I regard succession to my father
with horror. Not that a better scientific place exists in the
world, except my own. I am beginning too to hate the ol
TTO\\OI of science. Huxley, Lubbock and half a dozen others
are enough for me of the workers, outside my own imme-
diate pale, which includes only yourself, Bentham, Oliver and
Thomson. As to Murchisonian science and all that sort
of thing, like K.C.B 's, it makes me sick to read his science at
the Newcastle Meeting.

Still, when it came, Sir William's death, the dividing point
between the two eras in his son's life, came as a sudden blow.
To the last he had been wonderfully active. Though now past
eighty, on the Monday he had escorted Queen Emma of the
Sandwich Islands and her party over the Gardens — ' I never
saw him more lively and active.' Next day he was out and
about both morning and afternoon, first walking over to see
the subtropical plants in Battersea Park, then taking friends
over Kew. On the Wednesday he developed what we to-day
should call a septic throat with utter prostration, which was
epidemic in Kew, and on Saturday the 12th died very quietly
and almost without pain. ' He never realised his danger,
nd altogether his illness and end were unspeakably peaceful
and happy for himself and those around him.'

For the first two days his son and his faithful servant nursed
him. The other members of the family were away at Yarmouth,
owing to the domestic exigencies of house-painting. Lady
Hooker returned on the Thursday, but Mrs. Hooker and the
children were forbidden to come for the next fortnight, owing
to the epidemic. But at this critical moment Joseph Hooker
himself, to his intense grief, was himself stricken down. On
the Wednesday night he had slept on the floor of a dressing-room
by wjiich he was airing his father's room. As he slept, the wind

HOLIDAY BEADING 69

got up, and he awoke with pain and stiffness all over, and
though he held out on the Thursday, was down with his old
enemy, rheumatic fever, next day. For three weeks he lay
in great pain, distracted by his inability to render help when
it was so much needed: Happily his friends Berkeley and
Thomson, who were at Kew, took over the examinations for
Assistant Surgeons which he had in hand.
; Then Dr. Campbell, his old Darjiling friend, backed by a
London doctor, carried him off to his own house in Netting Hill,
whence, as he got better, he was sent to complete his cure
in the bracing air of Buxton, being forbidden to return to
work until October 20, a leave subsequently extended to the
end of the month.

The enforced leisure of convalescence afforded much oppor-
tunity for miscellaneous reading. From time to time the letters
which passed between Darwin and Hooker contain references
to novels, for Darwin, as we know, constantly had novels read
to him when unable to work, and Hooker, from his wife's and
his own reading, would offer suggestions or criticisms. Thus
in 1863 Hooker recommends ' The Admiral's Daughter ' by
the author of ' Emilia Wyndham,' which on re-reading he had
found as deeply interesting as on his first reading twenty-five
years before ; but this was barred as ending too sadly. Next
year ' Quits ' is more successful ; on a return recommendation,
Hooker at Bath cannot get ' Beppo,' but borrows ' Eomola,'
f which is ponderous.' In April 1865, having received from
Darwin the serial numbers of Wilkie Collins' novel, Hooker
replies, ' I have nearly finished " Can you Forgive Her ? "
and have made up my mind that I cannot at ah1 do so, and
don't care whether she minds it or no.'

Now the unexpected scope of holiday reading appears from
two letters to Darwin. Indeed he was so much tickled by the
idea of having been reduced to reading ' Clarissa Harlowe,
that he repeated the announcement to Huxley, with a ' Figurez
vous, mon cher Huxley.'

September 26, 1865.

Out of the utter idleness of my mind I write to you, you
; dear blessed ultima thule of my fatuous correspondence, to

70 1860-1865 : PEESONAL

whom I can write in my folly, as well as in my sorrow
and perplexity. Don't you see I am better ?

We have read Uncle Silas, isn't it creepy ? and crawly
too. One should have a brandy bottle and sal volatile to
get through it in safety alone. How splendidly the interest
is kept up. Then I took the ' Mill on the Floss ' and am
ravished with it ; what a clever person the authoress is,
I like it even better than ' Adam Bede.' How evidently the
authoress belongs to the class of life of her heroines, with whom
first love is an animal passion with nothing to elevate it.
How splendid are her analyses of the mixed motives of human
action in the young, but not in the old, and yet how vividly she
represents the acts and conversation of the old. Then I took
a dose of Jamieson's paper on the Glacial period of Scotland,1
and wrote him a long letter praising it. Still I am sure there
was a time when the contour of submerged Scotland was
ploughed by icebergs moving in definite direction (S.W. to
N.E., or rather vice versa !). Given a submerged Great
Britain a hundred miles or so off Victoria Land, and the Bergs
would plough it in a direction S.W. to N.E.— Bergs some of
them 10 miles long and 700 feet below water ! I can fancy no
other explanation of the parallelism of the great Scotch
valleys but this, and as there are not more things in Heaven
and Earth than are dreamt of in &c., it follows as a matter
of course.

October 6, 1865.

And now for a confession — I have read ' Clarissa Harlowe'!
I feel that this is self damnatory and can only plead my illness
and the tedium of a watering-place. As however ' frank
confession is good for the soul,' I will tell you the first 5
volumes are simply illegible, so dull, so poor, so attenuated,
that had I stopped there I should have considered the
former popularity of the book as one of those things which
' no fellow can be expected to understand,' as Uncle Sam
has it ; the 6th and 7th (horresco referens) opened my eyes
however ; though to me they had no merit or interest what-

1 In the Quarterly Journal, Geological Society, vol. xijf., p. 235, 1863. This
paper brought forward further evidence as to the existence of glacial barriers
damming the mouth of Glen Roy, &c., and so forming lakes, the margins of
which are still marked by the famous ' Parallel Roads.' Jamieson's work
converted Darwin from his earlier theory of raised sea-beaches, which was
the only explanation possible in the then state of knowledge (see M.L. ii. 172).

SCIENCE AND POLITICS 71

ever as a tale, I could quite understand the deep interest
they must have had in an artificial and vicious age, when
alone such compositions could be put by mothers into the
hands of virtuous daughters with injunctions to study them,
and the immense good they may have done. In an age when
men of fashion had no honor, and when the prejudices of
education or absence of it, and want of public journals kept
women in the dark as to the means men employed, and when
maudlin sensational writing did act on the brain in a way it
does not now, it is obvious to me that Richardson's works
must have frightened hosts of young women into caution
at any rate, and stimulated a few to good works. Be this as
it may, there is no doubt I suppose that his works were
perused by thousands as standard literature for young ladies
in 1750-1770, and that the change of manners was so rapid,
that in 1780 I find by the life of Reynolds (I am ashamed of
owning that I have been reading a solid book) both Richard-
son's and Fielding's works were considered as too coarse
for young ladies.

The regret at politics clashing with science finds repeated
expression.

I gnash my teeth when I think of Lubbock going
into Parliament [he exclaims to Darwin, April 19, 1865].
The awful waste of time, of energy, of brain, of life and
all that makes life worth living — always except a man
goes in for Politics, Finance or Self-aggrandizement — for
such the up-hill drag through mire of all kinds, dinners,
Committees, Deputations, Lady P.'s receptions, Levees, &c.
&c. — all this and more, may be worth a man's undergoing
who has a clear calling that way, and a prospect of some 25
years of political superiority or supremacy at the end of it.

And (on the 7th) :

I grudge so good a man from Science, and have a presenti-
ment that it will inaugurate a very trying life for him. I
believe I am no end of way happier in avoiding every avenue
to ambitious ends in my small walk of life, and so long as
one's mind is fully occupied, there is nothing to regret in a
life of mere drudgery.

72 1860-1865: PERSONAL

Miscellanea from the correspondence of these years may
appropriately close this section.
Of a slashing writer :

He goes like a desert whirlwind over the ground, scorching,
blasting and suffocating all opposing objects, and leaving
nothing but dry bones on the ground. The vegetation he
withers was one of vile weeds to be sure, but vile weeds are
green, and all is black after him.

A photograph goes to Darwin on March 17, 1862, with the
criticism :

As regards my Photograph, I believe I have very little
expression. I have often remarked that I am not recognized
except by those who know me tolerably well, that I have
often to introduce myself, added to which all my photographs
and portraits make me look either silly or stupid or affected.
Artists find nothing salient, nothing to idealize upon. Poor
Kichmond, who generally knocks off his chalk heads in two
sittings, gave me eight I think, and grumbled all the time,
and has turned me out a very lackadaisical young gentleman.

In return, Darwin sends his photograph in June 1864 saying,
' Funnily enough the boys declared it was like Moses ' :

Glorified friend — Your photogra'ph tells me where Herbert
got his Moses for the fresco in the House of Lords — horns
and halo and all. Well done William.

Darwin had reported that all the doctors seemed to think
him a case of suppressed gout.

What the devil is this ' suppressed goat ' upon which
doctors fasten every ill they cannot name ? If it is suppressed
how do they know it is gout ? If it is apparent, why the
devil do they call it suppressed ? I hate the use of cant
terms to cloak ignorance. (January 1865.)

In lighter vein he writes to Darwin on April 29 (?), 1864 :

Frank Palgrave told me a good story last night : He
met a Frenchman who talked largely of art, and asked him
if he knew Ary Scheffer. ' Oui,' he answered, with enthusiasm,

HUMOBESQUES 78

' je pose quelquefois pour M. Scheffer comme Jesus Christ,
et quelquefois aussi pour le diable ! ' If you don't laugh I
will hate you.

The same light touch enlivens the description of a burglary
at Kew, when ' a nice young man who introduced himself to
the maids ' made off with the contents of the plate-basket,
so that ' I have had tears, groans, hysterics, Police inspectors
and all the other evidences of civilisation in the house.' But
strange to say, the ' nice young man ' overlooked a ' lovely
teapot,' Darwin's gift, and various solid but unattractive
articles.

I am disgusted at their not taking the candlesticks, which
are of no use to me a bit, and at their assuming your teapot
to be plated ! or they surely would have taken it — so ' there
is no pleasing some people ' you will say. (May 5, 1862.)

An epigrammatic piece of characterisation is that of J. E.
Gray, the anatomist and zoological keeper at the British
Museum. Gray had a loose-tongued habit, if any one came
under his criticism, of heaping reckless abuse upon him, quite
without foundation and often self-contradictory. On one
of these occasions Hooker tells Darwin how he took him to
task (May 13, 1863).

I pitched into him hot and strong, and made him eat all
his assertions. I think I made him heartily ashamed of
himself. I never heard such a slanderer in my whole life.
I suppose it is because he so overdoes it that he makes so
few real enemies thereby.

And on the 24th he expands his judgment.

Dr. Gray is really not malignant ... he has all the at-
tributes of malignancy except malignance — there then ! — or
rather, he talks like a malignant man without feeling in the
least malignant. I never knew Gray to do an action that
sprang from an unkind motive or feeling. He abounds in
all the active attributes of unkindness and malignancy
without being either in heart.

74 1860-1865: PERSONAL

Another character study is in reply to one of Darwin's
appeals for help to a clever young man who had submitted
some original observations to him.

I am afraid A.B. is a man who cannot be helped ... he
is one of those men whom love of knowledge makes to forget
that man is not born for self alone, or rather, that the only
way of serving self effectually is to do it by proxy, and make
yourself a useful self-supporting member of society. The
man frankly says ' 1 am fit for nothing but what " won't
pay," this is the world's fault, not mine.' A love of science,
however pure, may be practically as selfish a love as any vice.
A.B. should have been born to £1000 a year and no ties
domestic, social or territorial— in short should not be called
upon to take his part in the ' struggle for life.' I have known
many such — most amongst artists — next most amongst
scientific young men. No one such ever succeeded, even
in science, and depend upon it after 10 years A.B. would
be as used up as a man of science as he now is as a man of
mental energy.

lyndall, Faraday, Huxley, Graham, Lindley, &c. all
began by establishing themselves as useful self-supporting
members of Society, and, that accomplished, they gradually
shook off the disagreeable work as they took on science.
A.B. has not established himself as a useful member of
society, knows it, owns it, and blames the world for it. Now,
my dear Darwin, you may depend on it, that such men are
no more able to cut a figure in science than in life — useful
drudges for a time they may be and are, gradually the
feeling grows that their drudgery is other men's fame and
bread, and they become pestilent fellows. My dear old
friend, my heart sinks sometimes, and I could cry like a
child, when appeals for charity come to me from cases to
which I must apply your theory in all its force, and come
to the conclusion that in giving I am hastening the fall.

As regards letters which reveal the personal affection
and happy intimacy with Darwin, one of the very best is
unfortunately missing. It is the letter written to Darwin
when the proposal to award him the Copley Medal in 1863
failed. Only Darwin's reply is given in M.L. ii. 338. ' Your

DABWIN'S COPLEY MEDAL 75

Hastings note, my dear old fellow, was a Copley Medal to me
and more than a Copley Medal.' But in 1864, at Falconer's
proposal, the Copley was awarded to him, and Hooker writes
in ironical delight on November 23 (?) :

I have not got over the shock of your getting the Copley.
I had so made up my mind that you were too far ahead
of your day to be appreciated, that I was [flabbergasted ?].
I thought it took [word illegible] like me and Huxley and
Lubbock to see so far ahead as you are of the ruck of candi-
dates whom the Council bring forward for (Copley) medals.
However it is best as it is ! ! ! and I am resigned to the feeling
that if they could not appreciate you. they could appreciate
(or fear) the opinions of those who brought you forward.
I am curious to see the President's address.1

General Sabine, the President of the Royal Society, was
notoriously anti- Darwinian and willing to deliver a left-handed
blow at the medallist. The sequel, which is referred to in
C.D. iii. 28, and fully told in M.L. ii. 255, including the quota-
tion from the 'Life of T. H. Huxley,' is sufficiently described
in the following to Darwin, December 2, 1864 :

Have you heard of the small breeze at R.S. apropos of
your award ? Busk told me thus : Sabine said, in his
address, that in awarding you the Copley ' all consideration
of your " Origin " was expressly excluded.' After the address,
Huxley gets up and asks how this is, and being assured it
is so, he insists on the Minutes of the Council being produced
and read, in which of course there was no such exclusion
or indeed any allusion to the ' Origin.' Busk and Sabine
afterwards were discussing the point, Sabine saying that
no allusion = express exclusion, and shuffling as usual,
when up comes Falconer, and to Busk's horror compliments
Sabine's address unreservedly. Busk, thinking that F.
had overheard the discussion, said nothing at the time, but

1 The same spirit of happy banter occurs in a note of 1865, when Darwin
had been, as it were, reading the Origin for the first time, as he was collecting
material for a second French edition, and laughingly declared ' Upon my life,
my dear fellow, it is a very good book, but oh my goodness, it is tough reading.'
Thereupon Hooker retorted : ' I am egregiously delighted with your calm
judgment on the Origin. Do you know I have re-read some of my papers
with the same result, and NEVER WAS WRONG ONCB IN MY OPINION.'

76 1860-1865 : PERSONAL

calls Falconer to account afterwards, upon which F. is griev-
ously put out at finding out what he has done and forthwith
goes and writes a letter to Sabine on the subject. May the
Lord have mercy on S. is all I can say ; for F. will have
none. This is the story as I believe Busk to have told it
to me yesterday ; but as it has thus passed through two
hands I do not doubt it is damaged in the process, so pray
take it for no more than it is worth.

Moreover, having been asked to supply a statement as to
Darwin's botanical discoveries, Hooker, on reading Sabine's
complete address, which he found ' very good on the whole,'
expressed himself to his friend as

indignant and disgusted at the mutilation and emasculation
of what I wrote — especially about Lythrum and Linum,1
which he has made nonsense of, and the use your obser-
vations will be in interpreting no end of phenomena not
yet guessed at. (January 1, 1865.)

He has certainly not praised you too much as to your
Botany, but I -do suppose that your merits as a Geologist
and Zoologist are AUDACIOUSLY EXAGGERATED — there then !

A year or so later, Sir Charles Lyell was desirous that the
same recognition for his great scientific labours should be
given to Hooker. The latter, however, was by no means of
this mind, and frankly tells Darwin :

After his funny and not-at-all-agreeable-to-me fashion of
telling me all about it, of course I must not tell him so, but
it is God's truth, that not only shall I never think I deserve
it if I get it, but that if I did deserve it, it would be far too
dear at the cost of an after-dinner speech. These are things,
however, which must take their courses.

Darwin's rejoinder was emphatic :

As for thinking that you do not deserve the Copley Medal,2
that I declare is mere insanity.

1 I.e. the two and threefold relations between the pistil and stamens of
certain plants, ensuring cross-fertilisation.
' He received it in 1887.

THE WEDGWOOD WARE HOBBY 77

It was during this period that Hooker took up the hobby
of collecting Wedgwood ware, which became a subject of much
cheery banter between him and his friend.

By the way — now don't despise me — I am collecting
Wedgwoods, simply and solely because they are pretty
and I love them. I have not even a Grayan excuse, they
afford me pleasure — voild tout.

Darwin, who declared that he drew the line at collecting
stamps, was much amused, but confessed his family to be
' degenerate descendants of old Josiah W., for we have not a
bit of pretty ware in the house ' (see C.D. iii. 4), and to Hooker's
enthusiasm retorts : ' You cannot imagine what pleasure your
plants give me (far more than your Wedgwood ware can give
you).'

To Charles Darwin

January 6, 1863.

I am quite aware of your insensibility to Wedgwood ware.
Were it otherwise I do not think I could have gone into the
foible, for I should have bored you out of your life to beg,
buy, borrow and steal for me (do not tell Henrietta). As
it is, I do not go further than little Medallions and such
matters — such gorgeous things as you had on slates are not
for the like of me, and as to the chimney-pots on your
chimney-piece in the dining-room, they are not worth carriage.

And next day enjoyment bubbles over :

It is rather jolly this writing about matters non-scientific
— let's give up science when you have done the three vols.,
and take to gossip. I quite agree with you, that a holiday
is an unendurable bore, but depend on it, that is because we
have no vices to indulge in, and if you will only join me
in some good vice, such as talking about and writing about
what will do no good to our neighbours and some harm to
ourselves — we shall get on capitally, and scratch away.

At a time when he declared he found life too great a worry
to allow him to bring mind or time to bear on botanical experi-
ments, he exclaims (March 5, 1863) :

78 1860-1865 : PERSONAL

I do assure you that without joking, Wedgwoods are an
unspeakable relief to me. I look over them every Sunday
morning, and poke into all the little second-hand shops I
pass in London, seeking medallions. The prices of vases are
quite incredible : I saw a lovely butter-boat and was quite
determined to go up to 30s. for it, at the dirtiest little pigsty e
of a subterranean hole in the wall of a shop you ever were in,
the price was £25. All this amuses me vastly and is an
enjoyable contrast to grim science. No lady enjoys bonnets
more heartily.

So he tells Hodgson :

I have gone mad after Wedgwood ware, and especially
the medallions— things of another world. If you come across
any good specimens of old Wedgwood, pray beg, buy, borrow
and steal for me.

And to his uncle the Eev. J. Gunn, a sympathiser in such
things, he writes (January 29, 1863) :

When are you coming up ? I have some absolutely stifling
Wedgwoods to shew you : a plaque 18 in. long, with
Achilles dragging Hector round the walls of Troy, of Flax-
man's grandest time and manner — it will make your hair
curl to look at it ; an oval medallion of Goldsmith, 18 in.
diam. ; Mitten and Erasmus in white on pink clay, and the
Prince and Princess of Wales on pea-green clay ; besides
about forty other portraits of sorts.

Darwin fed the hobby with mingled grain 'and chaff.

I had a whole box full of small Wedgwood medallions
[he tells his friend in April] ;. but, drat the children, every-
thing in this house gets lost and wasted ; I can only find
about a dozen little things as big as shillings, and I presume
worth nothing ; but you shall look at them when here and
take them if worth pocketing.

He got his sister to send Hooker one of her black and
brown vases, but —

You sent us a gratuitous insult about the ' chimney-pots '
in dining-room, for you shan't have them ; nor are they
Wedgwood ware.

WEDGWOODS AS SCIENCE AND HISTORY 79

From Darwin Hooker borrowed a medallion of his grand-
father Erasmus, and had a cast carefully made by Woolner the
sculptor for the Kew Museum. Through Darwin also he made
acquaintance with the Wedgwoods of Etruria and visited them
there, where he ' dabbled among the moulds ' to his heart's
content, and chose several fine plaques which the Wedgwoods
kindly reproduced for him.

Jesting allusions constantly recur on either side, especially
to the value of the hobby as a standard of intellectual activity.
Hooker sums up the scientific worth of ' Juventus Mundi '
by declaring that ' Wedgwood is a science to it.' Mr. Gladstone,
it may be remembered, was also a collector of Wedgwood ware.
So too as a guide to history. Speaking of what a picturesque
Joan of Arc Miss Susan Horner would make, he remarks :

N.B. My ideas of J.A. are wholly derived from Etty's
and Millais' pictures. I do not know even in whose reign
she lived, if in any, and as I have no Wedgwood medallion
of her, I have no means of knowing.

But by this time (May 13, 1866) the hobby had perforce to
go slowly :

My pursuit of that blue art is over, and the crockery shops
know me no more. I have never time to go to London now,
and hope never to have again.

Still though the hope of filling up certain gaps at a sale
after the death of Mrs. Langton, Darwin's sister, failed because
all the medallions were bought in, he continued to buy wben
occasion offered.

CHAPTEK XXXI

KEW, ST. PETERSBURG, AND MAROCCO

HOOKER returned to Kew in the autumn of 1865 ' really
extremely well, though still a little stiff in the joints.' ' I
am taking to gardening,' he tells Darwin, and the share of
outdoor occupation certainly made for health in his strenuous
life. ' I am very busy,' he adds (September 28, 1866), ' out of
doors six hours a day and delighting in my occupation. I
can make even Kew 50 per cent, better than it is.' In June
1867, ' I am turning into a landscape gardener, getting up
cheerfully at 6 and before it, and sleeping like a ploughboy in
consequence, or rather in spite of it.' And by February 1868,
' I am getting very proud of the Gardens, in which I really have
worked tremendously hard for now two years.'

But this portion of outdoor life never quenched the deep-
seated desire for travel in the wilds. Being bidden by the
Admiralty in 1866 to look out for two ' high class ' naturalists
for voyages to Corea and the Straits of Magellan, he exclaims :
' I wish I could go ! ' And to one of these, Dr. Cunningham,
who had sailed on the latter expedition, he repeats :

I know no life so enjoyable as camping out, and I never
met a man worth his salt that did not keenly relish it, under
whatever hardships, discomforts and dangers. If I have
an ardent wish (which alas is not even tempered by a hope)
it is to camp out again for a month or two in a savage country
— the worst of it is, it is confoundedly bad for collecting,
preserving and stowing away specimens.

Happily fate still reserved two more expeditions for him.
80

ORGANISATION AT KEW 81

The actual supervision of the Gardens was the least part of
the official work at Kew, though fuller organisation proceeded
apace and he could tell Darwin (November 19, 1867) :

In the Garden I am very busy laying out grounds and
planting all over, and doing a vast deal for better or for
worse. Also I have induced the Board to put the whole
heating apparatus (which has been messed and jobbed till
Curator and Foremen are driven wild) into my hands instead
of the Surveyor of Works, and I have elaborated a plan for
rearranging the whole in 25 houses and 3 Museums, and have
put out all for estimates from 3 tradesmen. I shall effect
an enormous saving, and have all properly heated too. Also
I am planning one new range of houses to supersede 7 old
ones, and which will not only save 6 fires, but save Smith
and myself a deal of labor.

And though illness deprived him of his Curator for some
time :

The whole garden system is in such good order that I can
conduct the out of door duties in his absence with pleasure.
I can trust all my 7 foremen and Oliver reigns.

The correspondence was vast, and constantly increasing,
alike with foreign and colonial establishments, and with con-
tributors of specimens and inquirers seeking identifications
of plants or seeds. The more successful the Gardens, the greater
the army of special visitors who broke in on working hours.
Kew, as he exclaimed in 1884, had become the house of call
for all nations. Again and again, as in 1869, 1875 and 1878,
the threatened loss of working time made him deprecate
fresh proposals by would-be popularisers of Kew, who knew
nothing of its inner workings, to open the Gardens at 10 A.M.

As he told Asa Gray, when he had to report on the matter
officially (July 25, 1869) :

I feel it is inevitable and right ; but it will require a com-
plete reorganisation and great increase of outlay, and dish
me. They cannot make it up to me in any way. I do not
want more pay — no wish for more — I am one of those who
live from hand to mouth, with always a small balance on

82 KEW, ST. PETERSBURG, AND MAROCCO

the wrong side of my bank book, and the more I get somehow
the larger that balance gets !

Then, too, no one can help me much — no one can write
this letter to you ! and having grown with the growth of
this Establishment, I know too much and can do too much :
' Knowledge is power ' — till it becomes overpowering. I
shall certainly go in for an aid to Smith (the Curator) ; he
will else break down. I am of tougher metal and coarser
fibre.

But six years later he proclaims to Huxley with grateful
astonishment the merits of a Government so rarely anything
but grudging towards science : ' My Lords snubbed a deputa-
tion in favour of opening the Garden in the forenoon on the
ground of its being injurious to Botanical Science I '

His official position as Director also demanded some sacrifices
to Society in the way of dining out in London ; but delightful
as such meetings with friends might be, at the Lyells' or the
Spottiswoodes', for instance, he had to contess, as he breaks
off from writing to Darwin in order to get on with ' Genera
Plantaram,' that ' these London dinners are the ruin of science.'
A fixed income and a family of six helped to tie him down.
Moreover :

There is no fun in a holiday when you know that work
is piling up mountains h;gh at home meanwhile. So I shall
carry on, with stunsails alow and aloft, till the end of the
chapter. (To Sir W. Macleay, September 4, 1868.)

So to Darwin also he lets himself go in 1869 apropos of
the accumulations of correspondence awaiting him on his
return from St. Petersburg and the general pressure of official
demands upon his time. June 24 :

How I wish I could join you in Wales, but it is impossible.
I have a pile of letters that appal myself, and I am not easily
frightened — plus a large unopened box of documents and
pamphlets accumulated during my absence. I too sometimes
.wish myself in a tomb, though I hold that the balance of
life is always on the side of enjoyment, and that the bitterness
of the bitterest loss is an insufficient measure of the enjoy-
ment we had in the object lost.

VAEIETY OP WOEK 83

And August 13 :

I suppose I must read the N.B. [The North British
Review, where Prof. Fleeming Jenkin's 1 review of Darwinism
touched on Hooker also], but I never read now, and am getting
very tired of the struggle, not for life, thank God, but of life,
and am getting overweighted with duties for the Colonial
and Foreign Office which want endless supplies of seeds and
forest trees, &c., that I alone can procure, and I only through
personal correspondence with people, who would snap their
fingers at official requests. The D. of A. [Duke of Argyll,
now Secretary for India] has further requested me to superin-
tend the publication of a Flora Sylvatica of India, that will
give me a lot of trouble. I think he is paying me off for
my kick at Nat. Theology Address [Presidential Address
at the meeting of the British Association in 1868 : see below,
p. 118].

While the ' Genera Plantarum ' continued its laborious
course, and the no less laborious ' Flora of British India '
advanced for the first stage of publication in 1872,2 Hooker
was still busy with other botanical work. Some consisted of
important works left unfinished by the death of their authors,
but which no one else was prepared to complete. Thus he
writes to Darwin (November 19, 1867) :

As for me, I have been, and am, sic vos non
rather too much even for my liking — and I really do like that
sort of dilettanteing for my neighbours. I have just con-
cluded Boott's Carices, and am at the distribution of the
copies (as much bother as anything). I am printing Harvey's
' Genera of Cape Plants,' and revising the English edition
of De Candolle's ' Laws of Botanical Nomenclature,' which
will be a good thick pamphlet.

1 Henry Charles Fleeming Jenkin (1833-85), Professor of Engineering at
Edinburgh, in 1868 criticised Natural Selection on mathematical grounds.
It was, he urged, an infinitesimal chance that an individual with a particular
variation should meet with a similarly varying mate and so propagate the
variation. At that time neither the frequency and extent of variation nor the
actuarial ' expectation ' of its reproduction had been investigated.

* Seven vols. 8vo. Vol. i., 1872-5. The seventh volume was not com-
pleted till 1897.

84 KEW, ST. PETBB8BUBG, AND MAEOCCO

During these years when several larger books were on hand
the Appendix reveals a smaller number of technical papers
than in preceding years. This period contains six contribu-
tions to botanical journals, of which that on Nepenthes pre-
figures the 1874 paper on Carnivorous Plants. He contributed
furthermore Kosaceae to Martius' < Flora Braziliensis,' and the
descriptions of four orders to Oliver's « Flora of Tropical Africa.'
For the ' Admiralty Manual of Scientific Enquiry ' he revised
his father's article on botany. The year 1869 was mainly
devoted to a work of especial interest, alike as a continuation
of his father's work and a pursuit of his own inclinations.

To Charks Darwin

(End of 1868.)

Now lift up your hands and eyes, when I tell you that I
am doing a British Flora ! My Father's British Flora is just
out of print, and Arnott, his coadjutor, is dead, and both
Balfour and other Scotch Professors have been at me to
write another Flora that shall be better adapted to students'
purposes — more scientific, with references to such observa-
tions as yours, with attention to various points that in
structure and morphology [are] not usually noted, and
with rather more complete and uniform Genera descriptions
than the former editions. Bentham's is far the best Flora,
but he slurs over very distinct subspecies &c., his English
names are an abomination to the Professors, and his phrase-
ology is not scientific enough for a class book, that should
impress terms that express definite morphological combi-
nations and structures of flower, fruit, &c. I have long
wished to write a book of this sort, and shall have famous
help from Oliver in all scientific points, and Baker l as
to critical species, &c. I should like too to write a good
brief introduction to the principles of plant -classification,
with a map or two of orders such as we have often spoken of.
It is an awful task and you may wish me well through it ;
but by my wife acting as amanuensis the descriptive part
goes on very smoothly. It will, if well done, be the class
book for Edinburgh, Glasgow, Dublin and U. College, London,
and perhaps other schools, and hence have a good sale, a

1 See p. 242, note.

THE STUDENT'S FLORA 85

matter of importance to me now as the children grow up
and my income is yearly more inelastic.

This was published in 1870 under the title of * The Students'
Flora of the British Islands ' ; it reached a second edition in
1878, and a third in 1884.

Its aim was to * supply students and field botanists with a
fuller account of the plants of the British Isles than the manuals
hitherto in use aim at giving.' Nor is this all that English
students and lovers of our native plants owe to him. In
1887, after Bentham's death, he edited the fifth edition of
Bentham's ' Handbook of the British Flora.' To quote Pro-
fessor Bower, ' Both of these still hold the field, though they
require to be brought up to date in point of classification
and nomenclature.'

In the spring of 1867 Hooker went officially to Paris as
Juror in the botanical section of the Exposition. Similarly
in 1869 he

was threatened with being sent to St. Petersburg by Govt.
to represent British Botanists and Horticulturists (God help
them) at the approaching Congress which the Emperor has
taken up. I hate the sort of thing, but shall have to go.

He goes on to tell Darwin (March 11) how he is ' mugging
up French as hard as he can ' with the help of a French Baron
from London two hours daily, besides French novels with
his wife and French conversation with Miss Symonds, who was
staying at Kew. He was also getting three months ahead
with his current duties in hopes of extending his travels from
St. Petersburg for a couple of months to the South-East.

In the end, however, the Treasury refused to send him,
and he went, accompanied by his wife, independently, and not
as a delegate. His tour, which did not take him to any new
botanical regions beyond Moscow, lasted six weeks, from May 7
to June 23, going by Berlin and returning by Stockholm.

As a traveller, his delight in flowers and scenery remained
vivid as ever, and as of old, he pointed his descriptions of
strange places by references to familiar scenes. To his mother
he tells of the wistarias in the beautiful gardens at Brussels,

86 KEW, ST. PETERSBURG, AND MAROCCO

trained like pyramidal standard trees and covered with gorgeous
masses of bloom ; the Ardennes country, so different from the
rest of the route to Berlin, is like Derbyshire, with rocky wooded
glens, brawling streams and so forth, while the entrance to
Stockholm is through miles of rocky wooded islets and long bays
like the Kyles of Bute, clothed with luxuriant forests, and the
rocks carpeted with mosses and wild flowers, especially lilies
of the valley, anemones and yellow tulips. As for the city :

If you can imagine 5 or 6 St. Peter's Ports of Guernsey on as
many rocky headlands fingering in and out in all directions,
some into the sea on one side, others on the other side into
the fresh water lake, you have some idea of Stockholm.

To his mother also he makes a point of mentioning an inter-
view with the Princess of Wales and Princess Alice at Sans
Souci, and their kindly recollections of his father.

On the forty-four hours of train from Berlin an unexpected
fellow-traveller made himself very friendly ; this was General
Todleben, the defender of Sebastopol, who had been feted in
England some five years before, ' a grand old fellow,' full of
wounds and honours — ' lame of both legs — an English bullet
in one, and a French in the other, which shattered the bones ;
he has a huge hole in the neck, caused by a bayonet thrust, and
a wound through the bridge of the nose, from a Turkish poniard/

At St. Petersburg, thanks to the vast distances and the
imperfect arrangements of the secretary to the Congress, it was
difficult to find several friends to whom they had introductions,
but they met with a warm welcome from Hooker's second cousin,
Dr. de Wahl, and General Manderstjerna, who had married
another second cousin of his, a de Rosen, and who, as A.D.C.
to the Emperor, ' was immensely useful to us — nothing indeed
can exceed the kindness of these Scandinavians and Scythians.'

The inefficient secretary, who had taken too much upon his
own shoulders, to the disgust and effacement of the well-known
Russian botanists, had made no sort of preparations

to receive us, or to introduce us, or in any other way to put
us en rapport with the Russians. We tumbled into the city
and continued for the best part of a week unknown and

AT ST. PETEESBUEG 87

unrecognised, unable to speak a word of the language, and
utterly helpless. We fortunately had many kind personal
friends, and I was able through them to do much of this duty.
(To Asa Gray, June 25, 1869.)

To Darwin he writes both of science and society, June 6, 1869,

At the Academy I was much interested with old Brandt,
the Zoological Director, who declares that all the Bos'es
longifrons and Co. are one species, that there is but one fossil
elephant, and that the Dinotheriumis simpliciter a Mammoth !
He believes in you with a vengeance, and I hope I do not
misinterpret his ideas. I saw the Rhinoceros tichorinus
with skin and hair on head and feet found in East Russia.
I was not aware, or had forgotten, that this animal had been
found with the soft parts preserved. The Mammoth is
certainly a magnificent thing. The skin is preserved in huge
masses. But the Syremi Stelleri (I cannot spell the name)
of which they have a complete skeleton, is even more interest-
ing ; the texture of all the bones is like the hardest ivory,
and the proportion of bone to size of animal I should think
exceeds that of any other animal : this and its curious organi-
zation rendered it to my eyes the most curious thing I ever
saw. The Birds and beasts at the Academy are most admir-
ably stuffed and set up, and the series of varieties of Rodents
&c. is most instructive in the variability point of view.

With St. P. I was a good deal disappointed ; it is huge,
tasteless and void of all national architecture, except the
Churches which are sublime, and the choral services celes-
tial ; beside these our emasculated Anglican service, with its
halting imagery and puling intonation, is contemptible ; —
if we are to have music and gesticulation and incense and
gold and jewels, give them me hot and strong, and the Russo-
Greek Church is the place for my money. The altar screens
and chapels are literally ablaze with jewels, and every jewel
given is a full and perfect sacrifice for some real stunning
crime, sin or misdemeanour committed by this most immoral
people.1

1 ' As regards the people, their devotion is emotional wholly ; they under-
stand not a word, but go to worship with a blind faith and feeling of the deepest
humiliation : it is Adoration in fact, pure and simple, not worship in any
intellectual sense. We combine (or endeavour to combine) both, and not
always harmoniously.' (To his Mother, May 23, 1869.)

88 KEW, ST. PETEBSBURG, AND MAROCCO

The Palaces are gorgeous, but one gets quite sick of
French decoration, and endless cabinets of diamonds and
rubies. The streets are enormous and horribly paved, dis-
tances are tremendous, living very expensive, and the place
terribly unhealthy. I never saw such sickly children, and
I am assured that the mortality exceeds the births by 6000
per annum ; immigration of French and Germans keeps up
the population.

The Exposition was very fair, but the arrangements
extremely bad. The Emperor was most polite ; received a
lot of us at his palace of Tsarskoe Selo, showed us himself
over the private apartments that were of historic interest,
gave us two dejeuners, and at the end decorated a dozen
or so of the savants and expositors. As I declined a decora-
tion, he has sent me a pair of beautiful jasper vases from a
private mine he has in Tomsk which he reserves for such
purposes. I was sorely puzzled what to do about the decora-
tion, not wishing to be rude on one hand, and on the other
anxious to avoid it, lest my motives in coming, after the
refusal of Lowe to send me, should be misunderstood. So
I said that as one could not wear foreign decorations at our
Court, I would decline, adding that to Englishmen of science
they were not of the same value as to foreigners. His
functionaries were most civil about it, and he consequently
sent to me the vases and to my two compatriots, Murray
and Hogg, each a malachite table.1

With Moscow we were enchanted, and could have spent
weeks there with pleasure ; it is as eminently national as
St. P. is the contrary.

To . avoid the weariness of the train journey to Berlin,
a return was made by Stockholm and Upsala, Copenhagen
and Hamburg, then by Hanover, Utrecht, Amsterdam, the
Hague and Leyden to Rotterdam, inspecting the Botanical
Gardens and their Museums throughout.

1 ' Medals were distributed by the score, and some thirty or forty decora- '
tions distributed. They offered me a high one on my arrival, independent of
the Congress, and I declined it on various grounds. The Gardeners' Chronicle
has stated that it was owing to Dr. Hooker's advice that decorations were not
given to Delegates from England. This is utterly untrue. I was never con-
sulted about them, and the decoration offered to me was before the meeting of
the Congress and independent of it.' (To Asa Gray, June 25 )

STOCKHOLM 89

I got very tired of it [he tells Darwin, June 24], though
it was excessively interesting, but the constant packing and
moving got odious. Such lots of people asked for you.
Even at the Hague I found a young Frenchman busy making
notes on the pictures, so I pointed out the Dodo to him, and
he immediately asked me whether itwas alluded to in Darwin's
last book on Animals and Plants, which he had read.

At Upsala he received ' a regular ovation and Latin
speech from old Fries, a noble old septuagenarian,' which he
had to answer in English. At Stockholm and still more at
Copenhagen he is struck by the Ethnographical Museums,
illustrating the lives and arts of native races from the Stone
Age to modern civilisation. ' We have nothing in England at
all to compare with it.' At Herrenhausen, near Hanover, the
Palms, which he made this special pilgrimage to see, appeared
1 the finest in Europe, far surpassing Kew in number and good
cultivation, and a few in height too.'

Taken all round, this trip was no less interesting than
agreeable, especially in the making of new scientific acquaint-
ances or the renewing of old ones, such as with Professor
Miquel and his family. Nevertheless, railways and hotels
proved most wearisome, and he confides to Asa Gray :

It will take a great deal to get me to travel again in
civilised countries. I do long to get into the jungles and
live in tents or have my own cabin at sea.

Minor excursions of this time combine active holiday-
making with the companionship of equally energetic friends.
Thus in April 1867 he spent a fortnight in Brittany with
Huxley and Lubbock, exploring the monuments of the ancient
big-stone builders ; he had another ' perfect April fortnight '
with Huxley in the Snowdon country the next year. In 1870
he tells Darwin of

the jolly tour I took with Huxley (April 14-24) to the Eifel,
with my boy Charlie, to whom H. has taken a great fancy.
We dabbled a little in the Geology, which is most curious,
took long walks, ate very heartily, and came back quite as
well as we went.

90 KEW, ST. PETERSBUEG, AND MAROCCO

In 1871, at the age of fifty-three, he accomplished another
of his important botanical travels. This was to the little
known country of Marocco, and included the first ascent of
the Great Atlas.

Marocco, indeed, was the China of the West, jealously
guarded from foreign eyes lest the discovery of mineral treasures
should bring in the hated Christians. Its botany was even more
scantily known than its geography ; the Alpine regions of the
Great Atlas, untrodden by European foot, probably held the
key to important problems of botanical distribution. As
in Sikkim, science was spiced with adventure, and here too
Hooker's Himalayan experiences enabled him to deal success-
fully with suspicious natives, blending firmness with reason,
and never suffering the dignity of a party under Imperial
authority to be slighted.

The trip had been planned for some time with George Maw,
whose business was pottery and his pleasure gardening and
botany, ' the best friend the Garden ever had in many ways:'
Hooker knew him for an excellent companion, as well as ' a
capital plant-hunter and grower, and fair Geologist.' As plans
took shape, John Ball l asked to join the party, ' so old a friend
and so good a man, that we shall take him with pleasure.'

The general plan is outlined in the following letter.

To Charks Darwin

March 19, 1871.

I am off for Marocco on the 1st, and shall be glad of any
commands from you. I go partly to try and bake out my

1 John Ball (1818-89), man of science, politician, and Alpine traveller.
At Cambridge he came under the influence of Henslow, and on his subsequent
travels through Europe, did much botanical work, notably a paper on the
botany of Sicily, while also studying Glaciers. He was in Parliament 1852-8,
and as Under-Secretary for the Colonies after 1855 was instrumental in seeking
out the best route for Trans-Canadian railway communication, and in securing
Government support for Sir William Hooker's efforts to publish floras of all
our colonies on a definite system, which he himself drew up.

He was the first president of the Alpine Club (1857), and in his famous
Alpine Ouide (1863-8) united the scientific and practical points of view. In
Marocco and the Great Atlas (1878) he completed the story of this expedition,
which Hooker had been complied to lay aside, and his Spicilegium Florae
Maroccanae (1878) was a classical memorial of their joint researches. In 1882
he also made a five months' voyage in S. America, described in his Notes of a
Naturalist in South America (1887).

TO MAEOCCO 91

rheumatism, partly in faint hopes of connecting the Atlantic
Flora [i.e. that surviving in the Canaries and Madeira]
with the African, and (perhaps most of all) to taste the
delights of savagery again. Lord Granville l has applied to
the Sultan for permission and escort for self and Maw to
visit the highest points S. of the city of Marocco — but this
permit is not yet arrived, and probably will not be granted.
We take P. and 0. to Gibraltar, thence cross to Tangier and
botanize there as far as we can go with safety under the aegis
of Sir J. D. Hay [the Minister]. Our future movements
will depend on circumstances ; if there is a chance of the
Greater Atlas we shall take the steamer to Mogador, and
thence head Eastwards. We shall not be gone many weeks,
and as the success of the whole project is dubious, I do not
care to have much talked about it. I expect Alpine Maroccan
Botany to be the most novel and interesting of any W. of
Central Asia in the Old World. Of course we take tents,
saddles, and such like, soups, tea, old watches, musical
boxes, &c., no end of paper for drying plants, and so forth.

I am busy clearing off arrears and prospective work,
and have not read your book yet 2 — very much because every
one asks me and worries me about it, and it is safest to say I
have not even looked into it. I shall take it with me.

The fortnight's botanising in the north was over beaten
ground, but served to determine the relations between the
floras on either side of the Straits of Gibraltar, and to em-
phasise the antiquity of the severance between them.

Hooker and Ball rode as far as Ceuta, and crossed to Alge-
ciras, meaning to take the daily boat on to Gibraltar, and so
cross again to Tangier. But they were held up, all the steamers
having been taken off the line owing to a great bull fight at
Cadiz. However, he writes to Professor Oliver on April 12 :

The day at Algeciras was very instructive, as enabling us
to compare Spain and the opposite coast at the same season ;
the general character of the vegetation was the same, but
the civilisation of this, the least civilised country in Europe,

1 Lord Granville (1815-91), the second earl, was at this time (1870-4)
Secretary for Foreign Affairs.
1 The Descent of Man.

92 KEW, ST. PETERSBURG, AND MAROCCO

is so far ahead of the barbarism of the Moor, that there might
be hundreds of miles between them. . . .

I say that Ball finds this and that, because he beats me
hollow in botanising, and is making a splendid Herbarium.
I find my eyesight quite fails me as a collector ; indeed I have
been remarking for two years now, that I cannot read the
garden labels with my spectacles even, except I stoop down.

Mr. Maw has a marvellous eye also, especially for
bulbs ; and the aggregate knowledge of Ball and Maw, as
to European plants, is simply astounding. Ball knows the
smallest flowering scrap of hundreds of obscure things
(Medicago, Carex, and such like), and Maw recognises the
bulbs by leaf, however long the tall grass they grow amongst.

On April 20 they left Tangier for Mogador (April 26-29)
and, reaching the city of Marocco on the evening of May 3,
left it again on the 8th.

Sir John Drummond Hay,1 our representative in Tangier,
had obtained the proper permit from the Sultan. At Marocco
it was necessary to interview El Graoui, governor of the moun-
tain district they wished to explore, in order to make detailed
plans of travel. Incidentally Hooker was able to play off the
goodwill of El Graoui and the Viceroy, the Sultan's son, against
the discourtesy of the fanatical governor of the town, and to
get the better of him at the first encounter.

Writing to his mother on May 6, he tells of his success so
far ' in botanising and getting about in this barbarous country '
and the delays of the local officials, while reassuring her alarms.
It was only on May 5 that his main object was secured.

Yesterday I went to El Graoui, the Governor of the
Atlas Provinces, whom the Sultan had given orders to
facilitate my travels and objects in every way, and this he
will do now, sending a guard of soldiers and providing me
with food every day for myself and all my party. El
Graoui is an ignorant man, almost a Negro, with a pleasant
face and, like all these people, extremely courteous in his

1 Sir John Hay Drummond-Hay (1816-93) was first assistant, and then
successor (1845) to his father as Consul-General of Marocco, finally becoming
Minister Resident 1860-72 and Plenipotentiary 1872-86.

A PKETEXT FOE BOTANISING 93

The Sultan's power is absolute, where acknowledged,
which is not over more than one-third of his dominions ;
where it is, there is absolute safety of life and property ;
where it is not, he will not allow any one to go under his
orders.

The Mountain people we shall visit for two or three
weeks (till May 29) before returning to Mogador (June 3-7)
and home (June 21) are said to be a very fine race, and as
I have lots of presents for them in knives, scissors, handker-
chiefs, watches, musical-boxes, opera-glasses, &c., I expect
to be well treated and received, over and above the food
and respect which the Sultan's orders ensure. . . .

I am now anxious about getting home,1 but the chance
of exploring so new and hitherto unvisited and inaccessible
a region as the Greater Atlas must not be thrown away, or
I should be disgraced everlastingly. Nothing short of the
strongest representations on Sir J. Hay's part and the
assurance that I had no political or commercial object and
would not explore the mineral riches of the mountains, to-
gether with the assurance that a refusal would be unfriendly
to the English Sultana, whose Hakim and Gardener I was !
compelled the Sultan to yield the point, and then Sir J.
H[ay] did not think all secure till he insisted on my being the
bearer of an autograph letter of the Sultan's to the Chief
at Mogador ordering him to put me on the journey to Marocco
and hand me over to El Graoui, to whom and the Viceroy
he (the Sultan) had sent orders to treat me properly and send
me to the Atlas with liberty to pursue my investigations.

With these restrictions, they were unable to examine the
rocks openly, or to secure geological specimens ; while as to
botany, the only acceptable pretext was to give out that they
were commissioned to collect the plants of the country,
especially those useful in medicine. As improved by the
interpreter and camp talk, the belief among their followers
undoubtedly was that the Sultana of England had heard that
there was somewhere in Marocco a plant that would make

1 Writing to Mrs. Hooker on the 19th, he repeats : ' We are all perfectly
well, but I am most anxious to get home, if only to relieve Smith [his curator].
This is the last expedition of the kind I shall ever undertake. At my age
one has had too much experience and sees too well how much he leaves undone
to enjoy such feats as of yore.'

94 KEW, ST. PETEESBUBG, AND MABOCCO

her live for ever, and that she had sent her own hakim to find
it for her.

When, in the course of our journey, it was seen that our
botanical pursuits entailed rather severe labour, the com-
mentary was : ' The Sultana of England is a severe woman,
and she has threatened to give them stick (the bastinado)
if they do not find the herb she wants ! '

Though the chief captain of the escort was a surly, extor-
tionate fellow, apt at contriving local opposition so as to escape
the discomforts of the mountains, Hooker reduced him to order
by threatening an appeal to the Viceroy, and the substitution
of another officer who would take his place and his perquisites.
Thus the Atlas summits were reached from two directions,
and an excellent botanical collection made, in spite of frequently
unfavourable conditions. The amount of moisture in the air
made drying a great difficulty, and the labour of dealing with
the rich harvest of the hills was increased by the exigencies
of mountain travel.

Those who have had experience in this line [their book
records (' Marocco and the Great Atlas,' p. 273)] know that the
labour of a botanical collector is not light, and in truth it
would be almost intolerable if it were not for its compensating
pleasures. It often happened that the solitary candle was
in use throughout the entire night, Ball working till two
o'clock or later, when Hooker would rise, more or less refreshed,
and keep up work till daylight.

Save for one day in the low country, early in the journey,
Hooker kept an unbroken record of good health during his
Marocco trip. Exertion and exposure only increased his
physical fitness, and up the mountain passes his stride was
indefatigable.

So on July 4 he writes to Darwin :

Well, I am back, as usual, like a bad shilling ! after a
very pleasant cruise. I must get up a readable account of it
in a small volume, and shall publish the Bot. Geog. in Linn.
Roc., I hope with Ball. The results are mainly negative,
the Atlas being the dying out of the European Flora.

BESTJLTS OF THE JOURNEY 95

And on the 6th :

I really believe that the Moraines are the only points in
my journey worth much ; except the negative results of
no Alpines on the Atlas !

Darwin, who published his ' Expression of the Emotions
in Man and Animals ' in 1872, had asked him to make obser-
vations on this point among the Moors and Berbers. The same
letter adds :

I tried for expression, but the people are too civilised,
and so taciturn and unpleasant with Christians, that their
features were too constrained to make anything out of.

Before long, however, the book of Moorish travel was brought
to a standstill. He writes to Ball on September 17, 1871 :

In primis I wanted to tell you, that I see no prospects of
my publishing my book on Marocco within any reasonable
time, and I therefore hope you may publish whenever and
wherever you choose at home and abroad. I have a little
narrative on the stocks. I had begun and made progress
with it, but have been worried out of my life with Ayrton,
— Gen. Plant. — and Fk>ra Indica, and in my mother's state
of health I cannot count on finishing it for some months.

The Marocco plants I have all ticketed and thrown
roughly into species;

I should still like to join you in a work on Marocco Botany
in any shape you please, and take any of the drudgery.

Later, the additional duties as President of the Eoyal Society
still more emphatically blocked the way, and the book was
ultimately brought out by Ball in 1878, using Hooker's journal
and fragment of narrative as well as his own and Maw's
journal. Hooker also contributed three botanical appendices,
on some economic plants of Marocco and comparisons of the
Marocco Flora with those of the Canaries and of Tropical
Africa. Ball's general description of Marocco Botany has
already been mentioned.

The following letter on social economics also arises out of
the Marocco experiences.

96 KEW, ST. PETEKSBURG, AND MAEOCCO
To T. H. Huxley

August 31, 1871.

My visit to the Moors has led me to think a good deal on
the real source of the wealth of a people, and I am disposed
to attribute it to the development of mere artificial wants
in the main and ' au fond.' Do you know any good book
on the subject — French more likely than English ? I have
read Adam Smith twice, years ago, and though much ad-
miring did not think that he went to the bottom of the thing,
and do not care to read him again now. Marocco is retro-
grading, though food is abundant and cheap, — because the
state of the people and their laws are hostile to the display
of any wealth but that of food, slaves and women. You see
there neither fine arms, jewels, horses or furniture — and from
highest to lowest, the food is materially the same and the
table services of the coarsest and commonest description
from the Sultan to the Slave. Grain, butter and honey are
hoarded and rotted by the Chiefs, money is buried by every
one. 1 he population is stationary or dwindling — the natural
increase being checked by wars, climatic famines, the locust
and cholera. I doubt if there has been any material change
in the country since the Moors were driven back from Spain ;
the successes of the Riff Pirates and the Sallee Rovers cannot
have contributed materially to the wealth of the country,
except through boat building (for they then had fleets,
and now have none whatever). Give security to life and
property within a ten mile radius of any Port and wealth
would flow in and be utilized, not to supply nature's wants,
but artificial wants, and most of them imported. Of the
many hundred articles I call necessaries of life, very few
contribute to my health, sustenance, or daily labor, nine-
tenths are to make me more comfortable, luxurious or
happy. Corollary.— The more dense the population, the
easier it is to find something to do : so the means of obtain-
ing a livelihood increase with the population which has to
get a livelihood. So it is all bosh to say that it is every
year more difficult to find places for your sons. Q.E.D. bv
J. D. H.

It is interesting to note that the Marocco expedition cost
about £110. Though Kew was to benefit by his collections,

THE EXPEDITION AND KEW 97

he was careful to pay everything, even the wages of the Garden
man whom he took out. In cases of this kind he preferred to
be in a position where no question could possibly be raised.
The home carriage of the plants was all the expense that fell
on the Gardens.

CHAPTER XXXII

DABWINIAN INTERESTS

THE special interest of 1866 was the discussion of Insular
Floras. As one of the crucial points of the great question of
Distribution, it had been a frequent subject of discussion in the
correspondence with Darwin from the very first. Hooker now
chose this as the subject of an address before the British Asso-
ciation at Nottingham. In the course of the summer, while
the lecture was being prepared, the correspondence was very
full, and is largely quoted in M.L. i. 479 seq.

Two hypotheses were in the field to account for the problem
involved — one, the more obvious and sweeping, that of con-
tinental extensions ; the other, that of migration or accidental
transport. Darwin was a migrationist ; Forbes and others
pushed the extension theory to excess. In the then state of
knowledge, before the soundings taken on the Challenger expedi-
tion, which put unlimited extensionists out of court, Hooker
found either possible, but neither proved. The difficulties
were not all met by the arguments adduced, and in discussing
the subject he found himself without the stimulus of a thesis
to defend, or a side to take. , .

' I think I know Origin by heart in relation to the subject,'
he tells Darwin ; and it was reading the ' Origin ' that had
suggested questions as to ice-transport for European plants,
betokened by boulders in the Azores, and the European
character of the Madeiran birds. But while he deliberately
raised all the difficulties that would have to be overcome
by Darwin's arguments, he added :

CONTINENTAL EXTENSIONS 99

You must not suppose me to be a champion of Continental
Connection, because I am not agreeable to trans-oceanic
migration. I have no fixed opinion on the subject, and am
much in the state regarding this point that the Vestiges left
me in regarding species. What we want is, not new facts,
but new ideas analogous to yours of Natural Selection in its
application to origin. Either hypothesis appears to me well
to cover the facts of Oceanic Floras, but there are grave
objections to both, Botanical to yours, Geological to Forbes'.
I intend to discuss the point with as little prejudice as I can

— in fact to d — — n both hypotheses, or, if you like, to d n

Forbes's and double d n yours ! for I suppose that is

how you will take my fair play. I own that it is most dis-
giisting to have no side, and I cannot tell you how it dispirits
me with the whole thing. I shall make up for it by blessing
Nat. Selection and Variation — and they shall be blest —
as necessary to either hypothesis, and therefore proving
them to be twice as right as if they only fitted one ! (July
31, 1866.)

However, on August 6 he adds, ' You need not fear my not
doing justice to your objections to the Continental Hypothesis I '
And on the 7th :

You must not let me worry you. I am an obstinate pig,
but you must not be miserable at my looking at the same
thing in a different light from you. I must get to the bottom
of this question, and that is all I can do. Some cleverer
fellow one day will knock the bottom out of it, and see
his way to explain what to a Botanist, without a theory to
support, must be very great difficulties. True enough, all
may be explained as you reason it will be, I quite grant this ;
but meanwhile all is not so explained, and I cannot accept
a hypothesis that leaves so many facts unaccounted for. . . .

I do want to sum up impartially, leaving verdict to
Jury. I cannot do this without putting all difficulties -most
clearly — how do you know how you would fare with me if you
were a continentalist ! Then too, we must recollect that I
have to meet a host who are all on the continental side, in
fact pretty nearly all the thinkers, Forbes, Hartung,1 Heer,

1 G. Hartung, joint author with Dr. K. von Fritsch of Tenerife Geologi&ch
iind topographisch dargestettt, published 1867.

100 DAEWINIAN INTERESTS

Unger,1 Wollaston, Lowe, (Wallace I suppose), and now Andrew
Murray.2 I do not regard all these, I snap my fingers at all
but you ; in my inmost soul I conscientiously say I incline
to your theory — but I cannot accept it as an established
truth or unexceptionable hypothesis.

And finally, on August 9 :

If my letters did not gener you, it is impossible that you
should suppose that yours were of no use to me ! I would
throw up the whole thing were it not for correspondence with
you, which is the only bit of silver in the affair. I do feel
it disgusting to have to make a point of a speciality, in which
one cannot see one's way a bit further than I could before
I began. To be sure I have a ve^y much clearer notion of
the pros and cons on both sides (though these were rather
forgotten facts than re-discoveries). I see the sides of the
well further down and more distinctly, but the bottom is as
obscure as ever.

After all, the lecture proved a great success despite the cry :
' I am worked and worried to death with this Lecture, and curse
myself as a soft headed and hearted imbecile to have accepted
it.' ' It cost me much midnight oil and more phosphorus of
the brain,' he tells Sir W. Macleay, ' and yet the deuce take
it these luminous principles cast very little light on the subject.
I delivered myself to about 2000 persons in the Theatre, and
gave them a pounding about Darwinism till they jumped
from their seats.'

It was, as he promised, a judicial survey of the facts which
clamoured for explanation and the rival theories that would
explain them. Thus, though in Madeira, for example, the pre-
dominant Flora is European, specialising with a certain number
of varieties and distinct species, there exists in the heart of the
island a set of non-European plants — ' Atlantic types ' — recur-

1 Franz Unger (1800-70), an Austrian botanist and palaeontologist ;
Professor of Botany at Vienna from 1850. He published in 1866 Die Insel
Cypern einst und jetzt. He was noted for his researches in the anatomy and
physiology of plants and in fossil botany.

* Andrew Murray (1812-78), naturalist; abandoned law and took up
natural science. F.R.S. Edinburgh 1857 ; President of the Edinburgh Botanical
Society 1858; Secretary of the Royal Horticultural Society 1860; F.L.S.
1861 ; its scientific Director 1877. Wrote on botany and entomology.

INSULAE FLOEAS 101

ring in the Canaries and Azores, with unique genera, species
and varieties occurring on the outlying islets. This is the
wreck of an ancient flora, now surviving in Asia and America,
which is only found as fossil in Europe, having succumbed
to the Northern and Eastern floras that now hold that
continent.

The Canaries, so much nearer to Africa, have not more than
a sprinkling of African plants ; nor have the Azores, so much
nearer America, more American plants than the others. The
tropical Cape de Verde Islands, 'while showing some affinities
with the Canaries and Madeira, have a mainly Saharan flora.

Going further afield, the indigenous flora of St. Helena in
the isolation of the S. Atlantic, is mainly S. African. Linked
with this are the scanty plants of Ascension, though empha-
sising the effects of isolation. In the S. Indian Ocean, the
Kerguelen Land flora is clearly Fuegian, though the island
lies nearer to S. Africa and New Zealand than to S. America,
and its most notable plant, the Pringlea or Kerguelen Land
Cabbage, has no ally in the Southern hemisphere.

Thus with all their peculiarities — the result, on Darwinian
principles, of isolation in survivals and modifications — no island
flora is an independent one. What was the link that made
immigration possible, whether ancient or recent ? This ques-
tion Hooker called ' the bete noire of botanists.' Now geology
did not favour extensions to the volcanic islands of the ocean '.
the absence of land mammals and batrachians, and sundry
great gaps in the flora, also told against continental extension.
The difficulties of ocean transport in relation to prevailing
winds and currents, the vitality of seeds in sea-water or in the
crops of birds, or in mud sticking to their feet, the chances of
land insects reaching Oceanic islands * had been matter of
long discussion with Darwin.

If he could pronounce for neither theory, still his balance of
opinion appears from his words :

1 He writes to Dr. Cunningham (see p. 80), May 18, 1867 : ' Your observa-
tions on the abundance of terrestrial insects seen so far out at sea alive are
very curious. Pray collect all such evidence carefully and collate it, it
bears so strongly on Darwin's theory of populating Oceanic Islands from
Continents.'

AGRICULTURAL LIBRARY

UNIVERSITY OF C' LI FORM! A

CITRUS RESEARCH CLNTER AND
AGRICULTURAL LXfc.Rifvi£NT STATIC

DIV/CDC », ;,. rv« I ifc-ViPMIA

102 DARWINIAN INTERESTS

The great objection to the continental extension is, that
it may be said to account for everything, but to explain
nothing ; it proves too much ; whilst the hypothesis of
trans-oceanic migration, though it leaves a multitude of facts
unexplained, offers a rational solution of many of the most
puzzling phenomena that oceanic islands present : phe-
nomena which, under the hypothesis of intermediate con-
tinents, are barren facts, literally of no scientific interest —
are curiosities of science, no doubt, but are not scientific
curiosities. ,

He wound up with an amusing apologue upon the reception
of new ideas.

You have all read of uncivilised races of mankind that
regard every month's moon as a new creation of their gods,
who, they say, eat the old moons, not for their sustenance,
but for their glory, and to prove to mortals that they can
make new ones ; and they regard your denial that their
gods do monthly make a new moon as equivalent to denying
that they could do so if they would.

It is not so long since it was held by most scientific men
(and is so by some few still) that species of plants and animals
were, like the savages' moons, created in as many spots as
we meet them in, and in as great numbers as they were found
at the times and places of their discovery. To deny that
species were thus created was, in the opinion of many
persons, equivalent to denying that they could have been
so created.

And I have twice been present at the annual gathering
of tribes, in such a state of advancement as this, but after
they had come into contact with the missionaries of the
most enlightened nations of mankind. These missionaries
attempted to teach them, amongst other matters, the true
theory of the meon's motions, and at the first of the gather-
ings the subject was discussed by them. The presiding
Sachem shook his head and his spear. The priests first
attacked the new doctrine, and with fury, their temples
were ornamented with symbols of the old creed, and their
religious chants and rites were worded and arranged in
accordance with it. The medicine men, however, being
divided among themselves (as medicine men are apt to be

A PAEABLE 103

in all countries), some of them sided with the missionaries —
many from spite to the priests, but a few, I could see, from
conviction — and putting my trust in the latter, I never
doubted what the upshot would be.

Upwards of six years elapsed before I was again present
at a similar gathering of these tribes ; and I then found the
presiding Sachem treating the missionaries' theory of the
moon's motions as an accepted fact, and the people applaud-
ing the new creed !

Do you ask what tribes these were, and where their
annual gatherings took place, and when ? I will tell you.
The first was in 1860, when the Derivative doctrine of species
was first brought before the bar of a scientific assembly,
and that the British Association at Oxford ; and I need not
tell those who heard our presiding Sachem's 1 address last
Wednesday evening, that the last was at Nottingham.

Hooker's qualms about lecturing happily came to nothing.

Nottingham : Tuesday, August 28, 1866.

DEAR OLD DARWIN, — The whole thing went off last night
in very good style. The audience were well fed and con-
formable, they followed the whole lecture with admirable
good nature, and were sent into fits by the conclusion. I
made myself well and easily heard without unreasonable
effort, and have all the more reason to bless my stars that I
have not earlier given way to popular lecturing, for which I
am already besought ! I never was so glad to get a thing out
of hand and mind, and now I must in the course of the winter
cast it into scientific form for publication.

I am awfully busy as you may suppose, and only just
beginning to enjoy the fun.

Huxley is getting on splendidly in Section D. He re-
turned thanks for my Lecture in the most skilful, graceful
and perfect way. I never heard anything so hearty and
thoroughly good — no coarse flattery or fulsome praise —
but an earnest, thoughtful and, I believe, truthful eulogy
of what he thought good and happy in the treatment of the
subject, with a really affectionate tribute to myself.
Ever your affectionate,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

1 Sir W. R. Grove.

104 DARWINIAN INTERESTS

Darwin replied (August 30) :

I have seldom been more pleased in my life than at hearing
how successfully your lecture went off. Mrs. H. Wedgwood
sent us an account, saying that you read capitally and were
listened to with profound attention and great applause. She
says when your final allegory began ' For a moment or two
we were all mystified, and then came such bursts of applause
from the audience. It was thoroughly enjoyed amid roars
of laughter and noise, making a most brilliant conclusion.'
I am rejoiced that you will publish your lecture, and felt sure
that sooner or later it would come to this ; indeed it would
have been a sin if you had not done so. I am especially
rejoiced, as you give the arguments for occasional transport
with such perfect fairness ; these will now receive a fair share
of attention, as coming from you, a professed Botanist.

Hooker's response includes a description of the President's
address, and the aim it had in view.

Kew: Tuesday, September 4, 1866.

DEAR OLD DARWIN, — I am very proud of your letter.
I thought I might have exaggerated the effect I produced on
my audience, and did not like to think too much of it. I do
now pray to be another ' single speech Robinson ' ! I wish
you could have heard Huxley's eloge, it pleased me so
immensely, and was so much better than all the applause.
I had set my head, heart and mind on gaining yours, Grove's,
Huxley's, Tyndall's and the Lubbocks' (especially Lady
L's !) good opinion, I cared little for other people's. I have
not seen Tyndall since, nor heard how he liked it. He came
up to me in the forenoon, evidently most anxious for my
success, and questioned me about it. When I told him that
it was a written discourse and that I intended to read it,
his countenance fell and I saw he was cut. He turned away
first, but came back and with great delicacy and loving-kind-
ness gave me some hints, to learn passages by heart, &c.
(I had done this copiously already), and to put myself en
rapport with the audience, &c., &c. I saw in short that he
prognosticated a dead failure, and I spared no pains that
afternoon in preparing myself to succeed in his eyes. I hope
I did.

THE NOTTINGHAM ADDKESS 105

Huxley made a capital President of Section D. and was
very conciliatory, prudent and amusing too. I really heard
few papers, and none of any consequence. Wallace's was no
doubt the best in our line.

As to Grove's address, I can quite understand your
disappointment at the Species part of it — I only wonder he
did it so well, for when I have talked the subject with him,
he has shown so little appreciation of its difficulties, that I
was rather pleased than otherwise that he thought it needful
to discuss it. I knew too that he had left it all to me —
indeed he, on accepting the Presidentship, retained me as
champion of the cause. I wished him at the Devil, but felt
nattered at the selection, puzzled as I was then, and am now,
to make out why he should have thought me worthy of so
responsible a post on so critical an occasion. I had always
a notion that he looked on me as a very weak vessel, and my
branches of Botany as mild child's play. Then too he had
no hints or instructions for me. I was ' to back him up '
and ' to carry Darwinism through the ranks of the enemy '
after he had sounded the charge ; and whether or no his
1 Continuity ' Address was well received. In short I was
a stinkpot, which he was to pitch into the enemies' decks,
whether sinking or swimming himself.

I am so glad you are succeeding with Acropera. I should
not like you to be beat by any Orchid.

The lecture was published in instalments in the Gardeners'
Chronicle of January 5, 12, 19, and 26, and afterwards reprinted
in pamphlet form. But the lecture was only a stage in the
discussion of this crucial question. Further criticisms were
sent by Darwin (see M.L. i. 492-4, ii. 1-4), who was the only
critic able to detect an anomaly on page 9 of the reprint.
Hooker replied :

I see you ' smell a rat ' in the matter of insular' plants that
are related to those of [a] distant continent being common.
Yes, my beloved friend, let me make a clean breast of it —
I only found it out after the Lecture was in print ! and by Jingo
it has played the very devil with me ever since. I have
been waiting ever since to ' think it out ' and write to you
about it coherently. I thought it best to squeeze it in, any

106 DAKWINIAN INTERESTS

how or where, rather than leave so curious a fact unnoticed.
I am glad that you are the only one who has twigged it and
its importance.

Here may be added two extracts from Hooker's letter of
February 4, apropos of the reprint.

The only thing I do not like, and could not conscientiously
consult you about, was the passage about a wise Providence
ordering &c., &c., or something of that sort (I forget the words,
it matters little).1 It is bosh and unscientific, but I could
not resist the opportunity of turning the tables of Providence
over those who think and argue the contrary of its intentions,
and showing those who will have a Providence in the affair,
that yours is the God one, theirs the Devil's. I always felt
that if I had to'print the Lecture, I should wish these passages
cut out, but that this would be dishonest, so it e'en went
forth in G.C., and now will further.

What I mean about Providence is this : —

I think and believe that all reasoning upon the subject
is utterly futile, that there is no such thing in a scientific
sense — but that whereas those who deal in it hold that
the theory of fixed types is the only one consonant with a
belief in a Providence, I hold that they are wrong and that
the theory of continuity and variation is the only one con-
sonant with the belief.

Bentham is doing Umbelliferae for Gen. Plant., and finds
that the two remarkable umbelliferous genera of Madeira,
Monizia and Melanoselinum, are only species of Thapsia,
a Mediterranean genus of most remarkable and exceptional
habit. Now this is one of those cases of Genera confined
to the Island, being then created out of a Continental form ;
the genus I suspect not having ever existed on the Continent.
It appears to me that it will always be difficult to say whether
a genus that has continental allies, is an Insular development,

1 ' By a wise ordinance it is ruled, that amongst living beings like shall never
produce its exact like ; that as no two circumstances in time or place are abso-
lutely synchronous, or equal, or similar, so shall no two beings be born alike ;
that a variety in the environing conditions in which the progeny of a living
being may be placed, shall be met by variety in the progeny itself. A wise
ordinance it is, that ensures the succession of being, not by multiplying abso-
lutely identical forms, but by varying these, so that the right form may fill
its right place in Nature's ever varying economy ' (p. 12).

A DAEWIN1AN JEST 107

or an old, now extinct Continental genus ; the utter want of
fixed system upon which genera are and must always be
formed, will always throw insuperable obstacles in the way
of this inquiry — it is easy enough with regard to the Laurels,
and other things having no continental affinities.

Many more botanical relations required careful analysis
before definite conclusions as to origin could be reached, and
Insular Floras were a study of much concern during the follow-
ing years, capped with the wish that- it were possible to write
a new Essay on the subject. He dealt with it again, however,
in the 1881 address on Geographical Distribution.

At the same time he was always ready to meet his friend's
challenge with some excellent scientific fooling. To test the
hypothesis that bright seeds attract birds which thus help in
their wide dispersal, he recommended Darwin to pass some
through a fowl. Darwin thereupon experimented with seeds of

the Mimoseous tree, of which the pods open and wind spirally
outwards and display a lining like yellow silk studded with
these crimson seeds, and look gorgeous.

But he was disappointed.

I gave two seeds to a confounded old cock, but his gizzard
ground them up. ... Please Mr. Deputy Wriggler explain
to me why these seeds and pods hang long and look gorgeous,
if Birds only grind up the seeds, for I do not suppose they
can be covered with any pulp.

Hooker then replied (December 14, 1866) :

The scarlet seed is that of Adenanthera pavonina, a native
of India. I am well acquainted with its self and with its
habits from the year — oo [minus infinity]. At that rather
(geologically) early period it was a low bush, and the seeds
were all black (an allied species has seeds half black and half
red, which proves this statement). Gallinaceous birds were,
after its creation, introduced into the part of the Globe where
I first saw it, and these sought the seeds with avidity : so
that finally only those vars. of climbing habit survived
and thus got out of the way of the gallinaceous birds (which
are not perchers) ; its chances of dissemination being thus

108 DARWINIAN INTERESTS

diminished, the tendency to scarlet next developed itself
in excess, being determined by the perchers (whose gizzard
would not grind the seeds) and which were attracted by the
color, and soon led to the extinction of all but the full scarlet
forms.

Nonsense apart, I should suppose that it is to imitate a
scarlet insect and thus attract insectivorous birds, or frugi-
vorous perchers, of weak digestions, that the color is acquired.
The plant is a very common Indian one, and it would be
easy to ascertain how far it is a prey to birds.

Early in 1867 he was urged to accept nomination at the
next meeting of the British Association for the Presidency of
1868. This honour he at first declined ; as he wrote to Darwin
(February 4, 1867) :

The fact is that I have an insuperable aversion to high
places ; the acceptance would have been bad dreams in
anticipation for 18 months, and a downright surgical opera-
tion at the end of it ! I believe I inherit this from my father,
who never would put himself forward, or be put forward,
and I am sure it paid in the end. I was also actuated by the
fact that I can see no way to a good ' Address.' I played
out my trump card at Nottingham, knowing that if I were
called upon to be President (which I had already good reason
to expect) and accepted, I was throwing away my last chance
of success. Lastly it would stand terribly in the way of my
work — both Genera Plantarum and Insular Botany. Here-
above is a pretty dose of egotism even from one friend to
another.

Darwin's approval was a relief, and he begged for support
in his resolution, if the subject cropped up, against his friends
of the x Club, whose joint attack he had much difficulty in
beating off, though ' with a heavy heart, for I would fain have
obliged them.' They dwelt on the scientific need of it, especially
after the choice for 1867 of social prestige instead of scientific
distinction, in the person of the Duke of Buccleuch.

But though he doubted whether the post, with all its dis-
tractions from research, was one for the most scientific men of
the day to aspire to, he had to yield to the insistence of all

PANGENESIS 109

the botanists he respected, and on March 14, ' in a state of
deep dejection,' bids Darwin pity him. ' However, in for a
penny, in for a pound, and if I am in good health and keep
a so at the time, I will do my very best.'

The matter that most interested him at this time outside
his own work, was Darwin's ' Variation of Animals and Plants
under Domestication ' (published January 30, 1868) with the
speculation ' which will be called a mad dream,' said its author,
of Pangenesis. Several letters bear on this.

To Charles Darwin

March 20, 1867.

I am dying to understand Pangenesis, that haunts me at
night. Huxley told me that he had referred you to something
of the kind in Bonnet. I cannot conceive a Pangenesis
without a correlative Panexodus (the Great God Pan is not
dead yet, that's clear). What I mean is this, that if every
previous attribute (infinitely subdivided) of all its ancestors
exists in an organism, any of these may come out (turn up)
in its progeny — but I suspect I am talking nonsense to you.
I was so long blind to the force of the derivative hypothesis,
that I always feel too inclined to take your views au coup de
(I forget what ; I am coaching up French, hard, for Paris
Exposition).

Darwin answered that Pangenesis by no means implied
that every previous attribute of all the ancestors exists in an
organism, ' but I fear my dear Pang, will appear bosh to all
you Sceptics.'

Until the middle of November, Darwin was very busy with
proofs of the book, and Hooker, knowing this, abstained from
writing ; but after the book appeared, he wrote at some
length.

To Charks Darwin
[This replies to Darwin's letter of the 23rd, C.D. iii. 77.]

February 26, 1868.

I am extremely obliged for your candid record of opinions
on Pangenesis. I was talking it over with Huxley, who made

110 DAEWINIAN INTERESTS

a very clever remark, so deuced clever that I cannot quite
recollect it, and still less write it down — to the effect that the
cell might not contain germs or gemmules, but a potentiality
in shape of a homogeneous mass, whose exact future con-
dition, or the exact future of whose elements, depended
on an impulse consummated at moment of evolution. I
suppose he meant, just as a crystallizable compound, that
presents various isomorphic forms, depends on some unknown
influence for the crystalline form it ultimately does take —
but this is only my guess at his meaning, I will try and get it
more clearly. I fear you will laugh at my density, but I
cannot see that in Pangenesis you are doing aught but
formulating what I have always supposed to a fundamental
idea in all development doctrines — viz. the transference to
the progeny of any or every quality (property) the parent
possessed ; or at least the potentiality of reproducing these
qualities — and it was the inconceivability of grasping this
idea that was always a great barrier to my accepting the
development doctrine. You transmit this potentiality in
a cell — you diffuse it from that cell throughout the whole
living organism, and you regard a spermatic cell as neither
more nor less charged than others with this potentiality.
Of this point I am not quite sure, I must read up every point
again of your argument. This was always with me an
essential condition of the Development Doctrine, and I do
not see what you gain by putting it in an imagery of germs
and gemmules analogous to a chemist's atoms. A chemist's
atoms are useful imagery, for they convey definite ideas of
proportions and have an exact meaning as relative values.
If Biology enabled us so to convey definite ideas through
your gemmules, they would have their use — but inasmuch
as organisms are not given to unite in definite proportions,
I do not see what you gain.

Be all this as it may, I regard your Pangenesis chapter as
the most wonderful in the book, and intensely interesting —
it is so full of thought, of genuine mind ; and you do so love
it yourself. I should not care a farthing were I you what
people thought of it. Not one Naturalist in a hundred can
follow it I am sure. Spencer, Huxley, and Lubbock (if he
has time) may. I have not yet mastered it. The ' throwing
off gemmules ' is hard to hold in head, as a real vital process

PANGENESIS AND MENTAL PAKALLAX 111

— if you say that each cell ' diffuses an influence,' that is
intelligible ! ! !

I wish I could help you anent sexuality — the male
element affecting the mother plant or animal is your strong
point, nothing I suppose can explain that, but what is or is
akin to Pangenesis.

Next morning. After re-reading all this vaporous letter,
I shall try to answer your last page in a concrete manner
(to adopt the current literary slang). I can neither answer
nor explain nor account for any of the facts you put to me,
except on the supposition that every mother cell thrown off
by the parent and destined to reproduce the kind, must
contain within itself and diffuse throughout every cell to
which it gives rise any or all the properties of the parent.

I have put this in another form on a separate piece of
paper — how does it tally with Pangenesis ? Please postulate
Pangenesis as I have my crudity.

To this Darwin replied on the 28th (see C.D. iii. 81) ; and
Hooker wrote again on March 3 :

Tuesday.

Your letter has delighted me, and I want to answer it at
length, which I shall do from Norwich where I go for two
days on Friday. I now quite understand your Pangenesis.

I wrote all the first part of my letter by fits and starts,
and no doubt made a precious muddle. It is all true what
you say that the satisfaction which Pan. may give will de-
pend on mental constitution, or as I call it, Mental Parallax.

I never arrived at any such conclusion, nor did I ever in
any way shape my thoughts or reason towards it, because it
was simply self-evident. What I have always instinctively
held and thought and never could help seeing is, that in all
cases of descent ' all ilie 'properties of the parents are trans-
mitted in the one cell ' (a wonder of wonders it always was
and is to me) and were diffused to every part of the future
offspring — my examples being the reproductive power of
single cells of most lower orders of plants, of Bryum andro-
gynum and many Ferns, and of Malax paludosa on the one
hand, and the fertilized cell of all organisms on the other.

I do not see how any one who ever thought of the matter
of descent could escape this conclusion — that the properties

112 DARWINIAN INTERESTS

are not only transmitted by the one cell, but diffused there-
after throughout the future individual. It is so hard to
conceive this, or rather to grasp this, for individuals, that
when you come to extend it to species, genera, orders, classes,
&c., it may very well form a stumblingblock to the accepta-
tion of the ' Development of Species Doctrine ' — as it did
with me.

So far I have instinctively held your doctrine but never
as a postulated or formulated theory or hypothesis — it was
merely as part of the doctrine of descent, the most ordinary
phenomena of descent being simply inconceivable to me
without it. Much less did I ever ask myself whether the
most obscure facts of reproduction were explicable on any
other hypothesis.

So far we are agreed ; when you come to your atoms and
germs and gemmules and so forth we do not part company,
but move off a little — I do not see my way. Tyndall believes
he feels atoms, as firmly as St. Paul believed he saw Christ.1
I do not say that atoms do not exist, but I rather suppose
that they may be like minutes of time or inches of space
or any other purely arbitrary quantities. Your doctrine of
atoms thrown off in no way furthers my perceptions or
advances my ideas.

I have again read Part I. of Pan. and with literally re-
newed delight. I do think Pan. as fine a thing as you ever
writ, the idea of germs and atoms notwithstanding. As to
[my] laying claim to having by any logical process or reasoning
arrived at such a doctrine, in any scientific sense, i.e. by
testing it as you have done, do not for a moment entertain
it. I always held, as part and parcel of the development
. doctrine, that the potentiality of the parent was not only
transmitted by a cell, but indefinitely diffused therefrom,
and hence, as I told you from the first, I could not see what
there was new in your theory, except the idea of atoms, &c.,
which I could not grasp.

To Asa Gray

March 12, 1868.

Have you read Darwin's last book, and what do you
say to Pangenesis? I have gone deeply into the whole
phiksophy of the Subject — there then.
1 Cp. p. 359.

POTENTIALITIES AND FOEMULAE 113

I must say that the Pangenesis chapters are in themselves
admirable — so careful and so good ; but what he gains by
clothing what appears to be a simple, necessary and inevit-
able belief with all (who accept the derivative hypothesis,
in a garb of atoms, germs and gemmules I do not see. When
I accepted the derivative hypothesis, I accepted the fact,
that each individual must contribute by a cell to its progeny
more or less of any or all the properties of all its forefathers ;
and that such properties, or the potentiality to reproduce
them, must be diffused from that cell more or less throughout
the mass of the plant. E.G. a single cell of tip of leaf of
Malaxis paludosa will reproduce a whole Malaxis paludosa,
with any or all the properties of its parent and grandparents
so diffused through its mass from that parent cell, that each
of the cells of its leaf will do ditto. This always appeared
to me a fundamental doctrine in the history of propagation
of individuals from parent to offspring. If you accept this
for the propagation of individuals, and reduce the origin of
species to the same category as the propagation of indi-
viduals comes under, you must accept it for these too.

A better instance than Malaxis is Begonia phyllomaniaca,
and a better still any cellular Alga that propagates by any
constituent cell. This power of packing into a cell the
potentiality of an indefinite number of the indefinite pro-
perties of its ancestors, is as much beyond our compre-
hension as atoms, or ethics, or time, or space, or gravity, or
God. And as any definite conceptions of God are to be had
only and solely by anthropomorphising him or his attributes,
so are our only ideas of the potentiality to propagate all
qualities by a cell, only to be formulated by calling the
contents of that cell atoms, gemmules, and so forth. My
upshot is that it is not necessary to formulate or postulate
such subjects at all, and better not to do so.

To Charles Darwin

May 20, 1868.

You greatly underrate the interest of your [book] ; it is
capital reading, putting aside all question of its matter,
which will, if foreigners deign to read it at all, do you more
credit in their eyes than all your other works put together.
(I have not read a quarter of it yet.) Bentham has, and

114 DAEWINIAN INTEEESTS

now I think unreservedly, acknowledged himself a convert
to Darwinism ! this, I quite expected, would be the case
with many : a few will still hold back and flaunt the ' rag
of protection ' till your next part appears, holding that
cultivation is no argument, when, the said rag being worn
back to the rope and no longer visible, they will gracefully
haul it down.

... I have finished the Eeign of Law [by the Duke of
Argyll] with utter disgust and uncontrollable indignation [for]
his suppressed sneers at you. ... I like a man to sneer at
me out of malice and envy, but cannot stand a man's sneering
at me from atop oi a high horse. The preliminary reasoning
on the principles of flight appears to me radically unsound.
The idea of God being compelled to dab on rudimentary
organs to keep up appearances ! as it were, is very droll. He
writes extremely well and expresses himself with admir-
able facility — in fact he has a fatal facility for handling
things he does not fully understand, and which he has
not the time, and probably not the power to grasp the
principles of.

I am used up and have nothing more to say. I feel my
barrenness of scientific matter to communicate creeping over
me every day now, and the tide of scientific literature is
already up to my knees. The time was when I had now and
then something to communicate that you cared to know —
that is all changed now, and I feel very low at times about it.
I begin to despair of doing anything, even at Insular Floras
again, wherein I see that I could still do much. Perhaps
when this Norwich meeting is over I shall feel more at ease.
I would give 100 guineas that it were over, even with a failure,
a fiasco, or worse. The address is nowhere yet, and I look
on its prospects with a loathing that cannot be uttered.
To-morrow I go to see Fergusson to encourage him about his
prospective Lecture at the Meeting ! God pity us both —
the blind leading the blind. I shall have to play the hypocrite
with a vengeance.

These letters reveal how greatly his mind was taken up
with the progress of Darwinism, while he was still casting about
for a good subject for the Norwich address. He had already
written to Darwin on April 7 :

A SUBJECT FOB NOEWICH 115

I get more and more unhappy about the Address as the
time draws on. Nothing on earth would induce me to do a
thing so damned indelicate as to force such a position on an
unwilling soul. Science might go to the Devil before I would
do so by an enemy even. You see I am working up myself
to the starting point.

I have often thought of a History of great steps in Botany,
but it would take a deal of reading, and I have no time for
any, and then when we came down to later years I should
offend everybody. And after all, should a President's
Address be a ' scientific thesis ' ? I think not. Who ever
consulted such addresses, or regarded such as authorities ?

Finally, as the pressure of administrative work at Kew
forbade any more recondite study, he fell back on the Dar-
winian interests that engaged him as his main theme, with
others that were specially topical.

To Charles Darwin

July 12, 1868.

If I cannot get to Down before you go to the Isle of Wight,
do you think that I might see you there for a day in August ?
I shudder at the thoughts of bringing you my Address and
at the same time cannot bear the cowardice of not doing so.

I have utterly broken down in every attempt to compose
a solemn scientific harangue, or a philosophical resume of
the progress of Botany, or a dilatation on the correlation
of Botany with other sciences. I cannot possibly give the
three clear weeks of continuous application that such subjects
demand, and I am going to say so. I have sketched out a
sort of see-saw discourse on several subjects that are germane
to the Association and the Norwich Meeting par excellence :
some of them are practical (as Museums), others theoretical,
as the influence of your labors on Botany — and Pangenesis
(God help it) — others touch ' Tom Tiddler's Ground,' as
the early history of mankind apropos of religious teaching
and the International Prehistoric Congress, which part I
feel convinced you will advise me to burn if I read it to you,
which is hence doubtful, as I shan't burn it, but will read it
if I burn for it. I do not intend to show any part of the
Address to my wife, from the conviction that she would burn

116 DABWINIAN INTERESTS

it all, nor shall I worry myself by telling anybody else any-
thing about it. I have written very little of it as yet, and I
will not go touting about for matter or illustrations.

The work was completed under a great strain. His youngest
child nearly died.

It did indeed make the Address repulsive [he writes on
July 29], but on the other hand it druv' me to it and made me
work. You know the horrid way a man who has his work
at home, loafs about the house when a child is ill.

I have just concluded the rough sketch of what I shall
say (if not hissed down), for by George I would hiss anybody
who would eruct such stuff as I have written under any other
circumstances than a Presidential martyrdom.

Apart from a description of the ideal organisation of a local
museum, such as that at Norwich, with its educational possi-
bilities before the still unattained epoch when teachers should
be trained in science, the main theme, as has been indicated,
was the progress of the ' Origin ' and an estimate of Darwin's
contributions to botany, alike in observation and in fertile
theory. For this task none was so .well qualified as Hooker
himself, and none could take greater pleasure in it. In the
1 Fertilisation of Orchids,' in the almost more wonderful dis-
coveries of the twofold and threefold mechanisms to ensure
cross-fertilisation in the primrose, the flax and the loosestrife,
and in the ' Habits and Movements of Climbing Plants,' he
found a wealth of observation which made the greatest of
living botanists ' feel that his botanical knowledge of these
homely plants had been but little deeper than Peter Bell's,'
while at the same time it opened up entirely new fields of
research and discovered new and important principles that
apply to the whole vegetable kingdom.

Then, turning to Darwin's ' Animals and Plants under
Domestication,' so eagerly awaited as one of the pieces justifi-
catives of the ' Origin,' he exclaimed :

It is hard to say whether this book is most remarkable
for the number and value of the new facts it discloses, or
for its array of small forgotten or overlooked observations,

METAPHYSICS AND SCIENCE 117

neglected by some naturalists and discarded by others, which,
under his mind and eye, prove to be of first-rate scientific
importance.

One of Darwin's characteristic faculties, as Sir James Paget
put it, was this power of utilising the waste materials of other
men's laboratories.

As to the theory of Pangenesis, Hooker frankly admitted
that the hypothetical ' gemmules ' invoked as the mechanism
of inheritance, were ' not proven,' but like other assumed
mechanisms which escape the senses, could serve as an orderly
basis for reasoned investigation till a more plausible hypothesis
be brought forward. Meantime, whatever the scientific value
of the ' gemmules,' the statement of the theory was ' the
clearest and most systematic resume of the many wonderful
phenomena of reproduction and inheritance that has yet
appeared.'

To the critics of Natural Selection, whether on metaphysical
or physical grounds, he made firm reply. Those who reject
it on metaphysical grounds with customary appeal to the
odium iheologicum, are, so far, outside the pale of scientific
criticism.

Having myself [he said] been a student of Moral Philo-
sophy in a Northern University, I entered on my scientific
career full of hopes that Metaphysics would prove a useful
mentor, if not a guide in Science. I soon however found
that it availed me nothing, and I long ago arrived at the
i conclusion, so well put by Agassiz, when he says, ' We trust
that the time is not distant when it will be universally
understood that the battle of the evidences will have to be
fought on the field of Physical Science, and not on that of
Metaphysical.

On the score of geology, there were still some, a«dwindling
minority, who relied for criticism on the assumed perfection
of the Geological Eecord. This gave occasion for the well-
known tribute to Sir Charles Lyell, who after upholding the
fixity of species for forty years, was led by the researches
of his old pupil to abandon it in the tenth edition of the*

118 DARWINIAN INTERESTS

' Principles.' . * I know of no brighter example of heroism of
its kind,' he exclaims, and adds in telling phrase :

Well may he be proud of a super-structure, raised on the
foundations of an insecure doctrine, when he finds that he
can underpin it and substitute a new foundation ; and after
all is finished, survey his edifice, not only more secure, but
more harmonious in its proportions than it was before ; for
assuredly the biological chapters of the tenth edition of the
' Principles ' are more in harmony with the doctrine of slow
changes in the history of our planet, than were their counter-
parts in the former editions.

To the astronomer critics he pointed out the limits of mathe-
matical infallibility : as was said on another occasion, mathe-
matics is a mill which grinds out results very accurately, but
the value of the results depends on the material put into the
mill. Did the physicists, calculating (on somewhat uncertain
data) the rate of the earth's cooling, assert that evolution
claimed an impossibly long period, the biologists replied that
they took their time from geology, and if the geological clock
needed speeding up, they would automatically follow suit.

Finally he turned to the new science of Pre-historic Archae-
ology, which was holding its first International Congress at
Norwich. It was a science which led men where hitherto they
had not ventured to tread — where science clashes with the old
accepted Scripture chronology, where separation can hardly
be made between its physical and its spiritual aspect. Yet
as Truth (in Disraeli's words) is the sovereign passion of
mankind, religion and science must speak peace to one
another.

But [he added] if they would thus work in harmony, both
parties must beware how they fence with that most dangerous
of all two-edged weapons, Natural Theology ; a science,
falsely so called, when, not content with trustfully accepting
truths hostile to any presumptuous standard it may set up,
it seeks to weigh the infinite in the balance of the finite, and
shifts its ground to meet the requirements of every new
fact that science establishes, and every old error that science
exposes. Thus pursued, Natural Theology is to the scien-

THE NOEWICH ADDRESS 119

tific man a delusion, and to the religious man a snare, leading
too often to disordered intellects and to atheism.

Thus only, with mutual recognition that, as Herbert Spencer
had put it, the ultimate power of the universe is inscrutable,
can religion and science proceed at peace on their common
but disparate search into the whence and whither of man's
existence, that passionate aspiration of the stanzas from
Francis Palgrave's poem, « The Eeign of Law/ with which the
Address concluded.

He wrote at once to Darwin :

It is all well over, though I broke down in what I least
expected — voice — the place was atrocious to speak in, and
the desk so badly placed that I could with difficulty read — so
about the middle I got husky, but recovered towards the
end and am said to have done the agony bits and the poetry
very well. I modified two or three things, left out the
allusion to Gray's being superseded, and something else.

All is going off well. Huxley spoke nicely after it of our
sea-faring life, and Tyndall warmly of you and me being types
of ' unconscious merit ' ! ! ! !

To Charles Darwin

August 30, 1868.

A thousand thanks for your letter — a regular sunbeam
it was. What a pother the papers kick up about my mild
theology ! An Aberdeen one calls me an Atheist and all
that is bad : to me, who do not intend to answer their abuse,
misquotations, garbled extracts and blunders, it is all really
very good fun. There were gentle disapproving allusions
at Kew church to-day I am told ! I am beginning to feel
quite a great man !

Tyndall most assuredly did couple our names most
prominently, unequivocally and unmistakeably, as the two
modestest men in science ! ! !

. . . The Cathedral service was glorious, the Anthem
was chosen for me, ' What though I know each herb and
flower,' and brought tears to my eyes, and Dr. Magee's dis-
course was the grandest ever heard by Tyndall, Berkeley,
Spottiswoode, Hirst and myself.

120 DAEWINIAN INTERESTS

... I forgot to tell you that I read all over about you
to Thomson, who thought I had ' drawn it very mild.'
Bentham and Oliver do not think that I said a word too
much.

The astronomers do not quite like my allusions to them.
I had a long talk with Adams,1 who is a most charming fellow.
He will not agree with me, but won't give me any definite
answer. He does not allow that Astronomy is in fault in
the matter of the sun's distance — no more it is in one sense ;
but astronomers are, and the science of Astronomy is simply
the exponent of astronomers' knowledge.

For the toil of the concluding day, with more than twelve
hours of continuous committees and councils and lectures and
social functions, punctuated with speechmaking at each, he paid
with a sleepless night and consequent fatigue. The redeeming
point was the evident enjoyment of his wife, who was able to
make her gracious presence felt everywhere. She

did enjoy it all most thoroughly, and proved herself ' as
strong as a woman.' I am sure that without her the whole
thing would have been to me simply intolerable.

As he told Macleay (September 4), ' Without her I really
should have been miserable, I was so disappointed at her not
being present at Oxford and Cambridge when I was doctored.
I feel I do want somebody who can help me to take so much
more than my deserts/

To Charles Darwin

January 18, 1869.

I have got tremendously pitched into for quoting (Spencer)
in -my address, as I expected ; and for declaring the power
above us to be inscrutable. My last flagellation is from
Pritchard the Astronomer, who blames me for not being
complimentary enough to the Almighty. I have answered
him that I think the concluding three verses of Palgrave's
poem is enough for the occasion.

1 John Couch Adams (1819-92), the Cambridge astronomer and co-discoverer
of Neptune ; President of the Royal Astronomical Society 1851-3 and 1874-6 ;
Copley Medallist 1848.

MORPHOLOGICAL CHARACTERS 121

To Charks Darwin

(Undated.)

Babington is 'very much surprised at Dr. Hooker's
advocacy of Darwinian views at Norwich, and observes that
it has greatly disappointed many of Dr. Hooker's friends and
well-wishers.' I feel like the Parrot which was in the habit
of saying hi a tone of great contempt after the family prayers
were over, ' My God,' or like the Turk in Hogarth's picture,
calmly smoking his pipe as he gazes in through the window
of a Church where the congregation are in a state of religious
excitement.

Other questions arose directly from Darwin's wide-ranging
work. Such were the cause of variation, the transmission of
acquired characters, the Descent of Man (Darwin published
his book in February 1871), and the introduction of life to our
globe by meteors.

The following are criticisms on passages in Darwin's fifth
edition of the ' Origin,' published in May 1869 (see especially
p. 151), on which he asked Hooker's assistance (December 5,
1868). Nageli in his ' Entstehung und Begriff der Natur-
historischen Arten ' objected that Darwin's ' useful adapta-
tions ' are exclusively of a physiological kind — i.e. showing the
formation or transformation of an organ to a special function.
He knew of no morphological modification in plants which
could be explained on utilitarian principles. (See M.L. ii. 375,
where the editors point out that this is a truism, since Natural
Selection is assumed to work upon structures which have a
function, while on the other hand a difficulty arises from the
various meanings given to the word ' morphological.')

To Charles Darwin

January 15, 1869.

I do not quite like the starting by shirking the question
of what is a ' morphological character ' — you imply that it
is a term of indefinite meaning. You talk of what ' he calls
M. characters ' and of what ' I presume likewise to be M.
characters.' I think that non-scientific readers will at once

122 DARWINIAN INTERESTS

say, ' How little these men know of what they write so much
about, when their fundamental terms have no definite
meaning.' All characters, i.e. all departures from a given
structure, are and must be morphological. All originate in
the fact that every individual varies from its parents ; and
this from being subject to ' the direct and definite action
of the conditions of life ' — (an admirable definition ; Weis-
mann's is not intelligible to me, if sense at all).

P. 3 at A. This is very mildly put ; would it not better
meet Nageli's objection, which seems to point to histolo-
gical characters (and to which and symmetry he probably
confines his use of term ' Morphology '), to add ' nor do we
know the uses of all the special tissues of any one organ.'

P. 4 at B. Furthermore, though these arrangements of
leaves are reducible to mathematical laws and might hence
be presupposed to be the most constant of all the laws of
vegetable growth, and to be absolute and irrefragable, they
prove not to be so — shewing that even here is variation
which no one could call progressive ! capable of transmission
and ready for the action of selection.

To Charks Darwin

January 18, 1869.

I do not see either how you can avoid using the term
4 morphological,' but can you not use it without leaving the
reader to suppose that it has no definite sense : a very slight
modification of what you say when alluding to Nageli's
limitation of it would effect this, I think.

I should not have implied that variations in leaf divergence
were transmitted, but that they might be inherited (like
any other variation) — but that if such a variation occurs,
there is no reason why it should not be transmitted, and if
transmitted why N.S. should not determine its prevalence
and subsequent constancy in a specific mark. If you have
kept my letter, please look and let me know if I have implied
more than this. I should extremely like to graft a Chestnut
branch if such a variation from the normal leaf divergence
occurred, and sow the seed [which] a similar branch produced.

I know no case of ovules differing in position in the
different flowers of one plant, except perhaps in monsters.

CLASSIFICATION AND FUNCTION 123

I think Henslow gave me a Primrose in which the ovules
were basal (as normally they should be) in most flowers,
and they were parietal in others. It was otherwise
monstrous.

I was much struck with your conclusion that the near
approach to uniformity in an organ throughout a group
implied its functional inutility — it is no doubt true. I had
a sort of gleam of this truth when considering the fact you
once pointed out to me, that the calli of Oncidium, though
essential to the plant for physiological purpose, are still so
very variable. It then suggested the converse which you
have so well evolved. But what an apparent contradiction
it involves — or paradox at least — that classification and
system is founded on the least useful modifications, and
this explains a very common observation, that Physiology,
i.e. the operations of active plant life, does not much help
the systematist. And yet there is something uncomfortable
in the idea that system is based on modifications the active
exigency of which is no longer in play. It seems frightfully
paradoxical to say that the quinary arrangement of Dicoty-
ledons is a matter of no moment to the Dicotyledon as such :
and yet that this is true is proved by the fact that such
Dicots. as are ternary or quaternary are as good Dicots.
as their quinary brethren. It is a tremendous upset to
Owen's doctrines, or rather his writings, for these in no
way rise to the dignity of doctrines. The ' law of necessary
correlation ' is — nowheres.

Monday (January 1869).

Just one last thought anent Genetic characters of no
value to the plant : is not the fact, that characters of primary
value in system are so often of no use, an argument in favour
of your conclusion, that such characters as are of no use, if
not in any way detrimental, are not necessarily eliminated
but may be retained ad infinitum ?

On the other hand, is it not an argument against the
theory of characters acquired by the individual being heredi-
tary— thus, if hereditary modifications that never come
into play do not die out, is it likely that non-hereditary
modifications brought into play by the individual (for its
own special use) should be transmitted ?

124 DARWINIAN INTERESTS

The following answers Darwin's letter of August 7 (M.L. i.
314, where it is partly quoted in a footnote) apropos of Hallett
having found some varieties of wheat which could not be im-
proved in certain desirable qualities as quickly as at first.

August 13, 1869.

I did not mean to imply that Hallett affirmed that all
variation stopped, far from it, he maintains the contrary,
but, if I understand him aright, he soon arrives at a point
beyond which any further accumulation in the direction
sought is so small and so slow that practically a fixity of
type (not absolute fixity however) is the result. Also that
coincident with this point is that the plant is also very slow
to vary in other directions than that it was bred to accumu-*
late. This, I supposed, correlation would account for, viz.
that while you are knowingly accumulating in one direction,
correlation obliges you unknowingly to be accumulating in
others.

To Charles Darwin

July 17, 1869.

I have had a queer Strasburg Mathematician here with
me this morning about Phyllotaxy, &c., and we have had
a long chat, during which he has expounded certain queer
aspects of scientific theories— «.g. that the original primor-
dial cell, from which all Organized creatures were developed,
was that of Man, inasmuch as it has attained its highest
development in Man. I told him that Pangenesis would
demand this, for the original cell must have contained the
original gemmules which enter into the composition of every
cell of Man.

To Charles Darwin

July 18, 1870.

I had a long talk with the D. of Argyll last night, with
whom I dined, about origin of man, and found him a ' cleft
stick ' about Wallace, believing him to be right in the fact
about man, but allowing that he must be wrong in his
argument ! (he had not read that paper of Wallace's).
What a clever little beggar it is ! But I cannot follow his
views about man, or quite see what he would have us believe.
His chief quarrel with the ' Origin ' is that you do not state

TRIBUTE TO HIMALAYAN WORK 125

that the order of evolution is preordained, though he believes
that you would admit this. I told him that I did not think
this was any business of yours — that you did not pretend
to go into the origin of life, only into its phenomena. I
could not, before his wife and children especially, go into this
matter, and avow my own (and I suppose yours) belief that
all speculations on preordination are utterly idle in the
absence of better materials than theologies and cosmogonies
supply us with — that in fact the whole subject is beyond
the range of our conceptions.

March 26, 1871.

The success of your book [' The Descent of Man '] delights
me to hear of — 5500 copies ! it is tremendous. I hear that
ladies think it delightful reading, but that it does not do to
talk about it, which no doubt promotes the sale — the only
way to get it being to order it on the sly ! I dined out three
days last week, and at every table heard evolution talked of
as an accepted fact, and the descent of man with calmness.
I take it to read in P. and 0. in intervals of sea-sickness.1

A man called yesterday who had been up to my most
distant passes in the Himalaya — the first man to do it
since 1848 ! — a Mr. Elwes,2 formerly I believe a Guardsman,
who has taken enthusiastically to Ornithology — one of the
Blanfords accompanied him. I must be vain enough to
tell you that he found my book a ' miracle of accuracy,' and
that he could find nothing I had not taken note of. I dare
say that Blanford 3 will tell a different story ! ' Sufficient
for the day is the Kudos thereof/

I fear for Huxley, who (his wife tells me) is running a
fearful rig of work. . . .

What I most dislike is, this unsettlement for any
future scientific or self-sustaining work : his love of exer-
cising his marvellous intellectual power over men is leading
him on — and on — and on— God knows to where — here he is

1 I.e. on the forthcoming voyage to Marocco.

2 See i. 271.

3 Henry Francis Blanford (1834-93) studied as a geologist and from 1855-
62 was on the Geological Survey of India. From 1862-72 he held a professor-
ship at the Presidency College, Calcutta. Then, having devoted himself to
meteorology, he was appointed meteorological reporter first to Bengal, and
later to the Government of India till he retired in 1888. He became F.R.S.
1880, President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 1884-5.

126 DARWINIAN INTERESTS

now, at Owen's College, Manchester, on Friday, and lecturing
again to working men at Liverpool yesterday, and to be
back in London to-night !

The following deals with Sir William Thomson (Lord
Kelvin's) address at the Edinburgh meeting of the British
Association in 1871. In it he had suggested that life had
been brought to the earth by ' seed-bearing aerolite^.' Huxley,
who was present, welcomed the implicit acceptance of evolution
by such a theory, however improbable in itself, and whatever
the criticisms passed on Darwin's views of the working of
evolution.

To Charles Darwin

August 5, 1871.

I have been reading W. Thomson's * address, and am
anxious to hear your opinion of it. What a belly-full it is,
and how Scotchy ! It seems to be very able indeed, and what
a good notion it gives of the gigantic achievements of mathe-
maticians and physicists — it really makes one giddy to
read of them. I do not think Huxley will thank him for his
reference to him as a positive unbeliever in spontaneous
generation — these mathematicians do not seem to me to
distinguish between un-belief and a-belief — I know no other
name for the state of mind that is traduced under the term
scepticism. I had no idea before that pure mathematics
had achieved such wonders in practical science, and I wonder
how far Thomson's statements will be contested. The total
absence of any allusion to Tyndall's labors, even when comets
are his theme, seems strange to me.

The notion of introducing life by Meteors 2 is astounding
and very unphilosophical, as being dragged in head and

1 William Thomson (1824-1907), afterwards Lord Kelvin, was the son of
James Thomson, who became Professor of Mathematics at Glasgow. Inherit-
ing his father's powers in an intensified degree, he entered the college at
the early age of eleven, and thus, though Hooker's junior by seven years,
managed to be in the same class with him.

1 Huxley wrote to Hooker (August 11) : ' What do you think of Thomson's
" creation by cockshy "—God Almighty sitting like an idle boy at the seaside
and shying aerolites (with germs), mostly missing, but sometimes hitting a
planet ! ' Following which Hooker adds to Darwin on the 15th : ' Huxley calls
Thomson's the " Cock-shy theory "—God makes a cockshy of the world. I
hear that he baited T. awfully in section D.'

METEOEIC OKIGIN OF LIFE 127

shoulders apropos of the speculations of the ' Origin ' of
life from or amongst existing matter — seeing that Meteorites
are after all composed of the same matter as the Globe is.
Does he suppose that God's breathing upon Meteors or their
progenitors is more philosophical than breathing on the
face of the earth ? I thought too that Meteors arrived on the
earth in a state of incandescence, — the condition under
which T. assumes that the world itself could not have
sustained life. For my part I would as soon believe in the
Phoenix as in the Meteoric import of life. After all the
worst objections are to be found in the distribution of life,
and the total want of evidence of renewal by importation
such as meteoric visitations would suggest the constant
recurrence of. The quotation of Herschel's very early
objection to Nat. Selection is surely not fair, if indeed
correct, 'and again highly unphilosophical — what real ob-
jection is it to Nat. Selection that it should be too Laputan ?
Surely Columbus and the egg might have occurred to him,
and to call this (Herschel's objection) ' a most valuable and
instructive criticism ' ! I wish he, or any one else, could tell
me the logical significance of the phrase ' the argument from
design.' I understand design well enough, but ' the argument '
from it is just what the arguer pleases to argue. He means
I suppose ' a certain conclusion from design,' assuming always
that his idea of design is God's idea too. Again, how the
Deuce can ' proofs of intelligent design ' (in Nature) show us
' through nature the influence of a free will ' ?

What will Huxley say to the phrase ' metaphysical or
scientific ' ? If Metaphysics are anything, they are in his
opinion as good science as aught else scientific. Are the
Commentators on Paley a bit worse than Paley himself ?

I am pleased with his praise of old Sabine, because I
think there has been too much disposition to overlook his
really great scientific merits, and his indomitable perse-
verance— just as I think Humboldt is underrated now-a-
days. Well, these were our Gods my friend, and I still
worship at their shrines a little.

I am hammering away at a narrative of my Marocco
trip (see p. 95), and find it harder work than ever ; I suspect
that systematic and descriptive writing hurts head and hand
for other writing, though you preserve freshness of style
with any amount of purely scientific writing.

128 DAEWINIAN INTERESTS

The letter's that follow are concerned with the attack made
on.Darwin by Mr. St. George Mivart l openly in his * Genesis of
Species ' and anonymously, but from internal evidence indubit-
ably, in the Quarterly Review. The reply made by Huxley
in the Contemporary Review for November 1871 (see ' Collected
Essays ' ii. 120) under the title of ' Mr. Darwin's Critics,' was
one of the most deadly in the history of controversy. Mivart,
inter alia, had attempted to show that evolution, properly
garnished with limitations as to man acceptable to the priest-
hood, had been accepted in advance by the Fathers of the
Roman Church. Turning up the authorities quoted, Huxley
found the precise opposite stated, and with delicious irony
was able to pose as the defender of Catholic orthodoxy against
a heterodox son of the Church, while combating his philosophy
and psychology. At the same time he was full of cold anger
against the man who was writing privately to express his friend-
ship for Darwin, yet, as the anonymous Quarterly Reviewer,
treated Mr. Darwin in a manner ' alike unjust and unbecoming,'
sneering at his candour and the mutually generous relations
between him and Wallace over the enunciation of Natural
Selection.

Writing to Mrs. Darwin on September 16, apropos of her
daughter's marriage to Mr. Litchfield, Hooker also refers to
the impending reply.

I had not seen the marriage in the paper — I hope all
passed off with the least possible ' putting about.' I am
accused of once having uttered the horrid sentiment, that I
would rather go to two burials than one marriage, any day.

I heard from Mr. Huxley yesterday— threatening to
' pin out ' Mr. Mivart, for his insolent attack on Mr. Darwin,

1 St. George Jackson Mivart (1827-1900), F.L.S. 1862, Sec. 1874-80, F.B.S.
1869, biologist and brilliant anatomist, who, having embraced Roman
Catholicism, formally opposed Darwinism, while supporting evolution by the
side wind of derivative creation. But though he employed his great knowledge
and polemical adroitness in the service of his spiritual advisers, his liberalising
philosophy finally led to his excommunication. Mivart's biographer in the
D.N.B. speaks of the criticisms mentioned in the text as ' an assertion of the
right of private judgment which led to an estrangement from both Darwin
and Huxley.' This is not the fact. True that they resented, and Mivart
privately apologised for, the personalities of his Quarterly article ; the breach
took place three years later owing to a repetition of the offence in a peculiarly
hurtful form .

'MB. DAEWIN'S CRITICS ' 129

and adding that he was reading up Suarez and the Jesuit
Fathers and found that Mivart either misquoted or mis-
understood him, and he (H.) proposed to vindicate the
Catholic Fathers ! What an irony his life is becoming. I
call him a ' Polemician.'

To T. H. Huxley

Kew : September 17, 1871.

DEAE H. — There is an irony in your going in for Suarez
in Scotland — were not his works burnt in public by James I ?
I have just glanced again at Mivart's last chapter ; it is
curious for the illustrations it introduces pro and con his
views, which seem to have been sought with zeal and pro-
duced without discretion. The pages on the attributes of
an Almighty God are hopelessly vague and commonplace,
and I never had much respect for the God who originates —
derivatively. His ' God inscrutable ' is no better or worse for
me than Spencer's ' God unknowable ' whom he won't have !
Given a God who can be in two places at once — and it
is mighty little odds whether you call him inscrutable or
unknowable in reference either to his disposal of events, or
to our consideration of him or his attributes !

The whole scheme of ' Derivative Creation ' in its religious
aspect always seemed to me a poor makeshift — a sweet to
the physic of evolution : and I should indeed be astonished
if the Jesuit Fathers' conceptions of creation squared with
this. All they contended for, I assume, was that God made
beasts and birds, &c. out of solids, and not out of vacuum.

I see that as far as possible Mivart gives Providence a wide
berth — well for him. If I understand him aright, he believes
in an original creation of Soul in every man (not a derivative
one) — it is a pity that he had not expounded that idea ; he
could scarce have escaped the pitfall of Heredity in reference
to the attributes of the Soul, i.e. of all we know of what we
call Soul — which I take it is simply a mixed idea.

I shall be most curious to read your paper.

To Charles Darwin

Kew : Monday (November ? 1871).

DEAR DARWIN, — I return Huxley's article [' Mr. Darwin's
Critics ' : Contemporary Review, Nov. 17] which I have read

130 DABWINIAN INTEEESTS

with all the admiration I can express. What a wonderful
Essayist he is, and incomparable critic and defender of the
faithful. Well, I think you are avenged of your enemy — but
are not the happier for that — though you must be for the
spirit and body which the avenger has given to the subject,
and above all for the grand use he has made of your own
arguments for confuting your enemy. What you must feel,
and always feel, is, that peculiar and quite unreasonable
bitter sorrowing which a man excites who praises you to
your face and abuses you behind your back. Why should
this excite anything but contempt at worst, or pity at best ?
And yet there is no man with generous emotions but feels
more sad and sorry over such treatment than either angry
or vindictive.

The Psychological passages seem to me to be wonder-
fully clear and good — how tight he clothes a difficult idea in
language. I was particularly struck with the paragraphs
on Neurosis and Psychosis — consciousness and its physical
basis — but really it is difficult to single out either passages
or subjects, all is so good and there is so much power and
acumen in the treatment of every branch of his subject — you
may call it an Essay, a critique, an exposition, a discussion,
an enquiry, or what else you wish — you may read for one
and all of these aims.

The exposition of Mivart's presumptuous ignorance in
citing the Catholic Fathers is delicious — that's the last
pitfall the poor devil expected to be snared into. The
tumbling over Wallace is, however, if not an equal feat, a
far, far greater service to Science.1

The appeal to conscience in the matter of the clergy
and the 6 days is very powerful, and must; make many a

1 Wallace in his Contributions to the Theory of Natural Selection, 1870, p. 359,
urged that Natural Selection accounted for the evolution of man's bodily frame
from the simian stock, but that from this point on some extraneous power had
inspired Jiim with his mentality, and with a future purpose in view had provided
the mere savage with a brain disproportionate to his requirements, whether
compared with civilised man or with the brutes. Thereafter the struggle
for existence among men had operated mainly through their mental abilities,
with the consequence that the human body retained comparative fixity of type.

Against the argument adduced Huxley quoted Wallace's own words in
Instinct in Men and Animals, describing the vast calls upon the intelligence
even in a savage's life, and pointed out that by parity of reasoning wolves like-
wise had brains too large for their requirements, and must therefore have been
supernaturally bred up to prepare them to become dogs.

A TBOUBLESOME FIGHT 131

poor devil wince in the pulpit. And all the quiet contempt
with which he treats the Squires and Parsons is extra-
ordinarily humorous in its manner.

Well, the article has been a god-send to me, for I am very
low, and cannot get my spirits up, about my poor Mother's
state. I have just returned from Torquay. I am also in
the most detestable position that a scientific man, or an
officer, or a gentleman can be with my Lord and Master,
Ayrton, whom I have officially denounced to the First Lord
of the Treasury for his conduct to me and to Kew ; and I
need not say that our lives are not the happiest after such
an explosion ! How it will all end God knows. I began the
battle with heart and spirit — and gloried in it — but my
Mother's condition has poisoned the whole, and I left my
sister very ill, even for her — so I am in a state of utter
disquiet, not caring a farthing what the Treasury or Ayrton
do. What a poor lot we men are — a woman would be twice
as rational as I am, under twice the hard lines. God bless
you, dear old friend.

The reference in the preceding paragraph is to a long-
drawn and perfectly gratuitous quarrel between Hooker and
his official superior who was appointed to the Board of Works
in Mr. Gladstone's Government of 1870. The story of this is
told in a subsequent chapter.

CHAPTEE XXXIII

THE PRESIDENCY OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY

FROM 1873 to 1878 Hooker was President of the Royal
Society. Pre-eminent as a philosophic botanist, successful in
administration, trusted for his cool judgment and knowledge
of men, he was clearly marked out for the most honour-
able and most responsible service which Science can claim
of her representatives, and on the resignation of Sir George
Airy, he was nominated by a three-fourths majority of the
Council.

The duty was one which he could not refuse, but which
he undertook with great reluctance. It meant the restric-
tion of his own botanical work ; it meant a good deal of
speech-making and an inevitable pressure to accept the long
over-due knighthood for thirty years of official services
which so far he had, on various pretexts, managed to evade.
Nolo episcopari was his cry when he knew he was to be
nominated.

To Charles Darwin

January 12, 1873.

I quite agree as to the awful honor of P.E.S., and its
inestimable value to me in my position, and under existing
circumstances — but my dear fellow, I don't want to be
crowned head of science. I dread it — ' Uneasy is the head,'
&c. — and then my beloved Gen. Plant, will be grievously
impeded. The dream of my later days is to be let alone,
where I am and as I am — I want no higher position, no
dignities nor honors. I cannot undertake to represent

132

SCIENCE ORGANISATION ' 133

Science officially, and refuse the inevitables that flow from
it, or come with it, and stick to you for the rest of your life.
This may be all very selfish, but so it is. I would fain die
as I now live.

By the way, have you seen the lovely compliment that
R. Strachey pays us 1 at the end of his paper on the Scope
of Scientific Geography, in the last number of Geog. Soc.
Proc. — p. 450 — has he not ' pointed his moral and adorned
his tail ' with our names ! I was and am astonished indeed.
I hope Owen will see it.

I sent Gladstone a Wedgwood medallion of my Father,
and he writes so nice and characteristic a letter that I must
enclose it for your perusal.

Ever, dear old fellow, Yours,

J. D. HOOKER.

The nomination was made on January 16. Hooker's
acceptance was marked by a new procedure.

Sabine had held the Presidency from 1861 to 1872 ; Airy,
the astronomer, who was already seventy-one years of age,
during 1872-3. Following up some previous discussion of
the matter, Hooker made it a condition that his tenure of
office should not be of indefinite length, but ' only from year
to year,' thus ensuring elasticity to the working of the Society,
without the breach of continuity involved in a fixed short
term.

As President, he did much to consolidate the organisation
of scientific interests which had so long been his great concern,
Since the forties, the Eoyal Society had been steadily becoming
a more strictly scientific body. By its original constitution
it had found social and financial support in the admission of
distinguished persons with presumably a general interest in
' natural philosophy ' — naturae curiosi as some learned societies
called them. With the advance of professional science, this
element of support became less valuable. It crowded out
working men of science. In administrative presidential
positions it was more ornamental than useful. Now, under

1 As being the two most modest men of science.

184 THE PEESIDENCY OP THE EOYAL SOCIETY

Hooker's auspices, this ' privileged ' non-scientific element
was further restricted.1

Next to be noted is the completion to date of the catalogue
of all the scientific papers published by the Society, the lack
of which had been a serious handicap to scientific workers.
The cost of preparing the catalogue was borne by the Society ;
that of printing by the Government. By 1875 six volumes
had already been issued ; two more on the same scale covering
the decade 1864-1873, and including 95,000 titles, appeared
in 1876. .

A subsidiary improvement in the publication of the Trans-
actions made it easier to obtain separate copies of the papers
when required.

Most memorable, however, and of widest benefit to the
Society at large, was the idea which took shape as the final

1 In this connexion mention may be made of Hooker's membership of
the Philosophical Club. At the time of his election to the Royal Society
(April 22, 1847) there was much dissatisfaction owing to the indiscriminate
election of men of rank and fashion to the Fellowship, often to the neglect of
real workers in science. A strong reforming party, in opposition to the then
president, the Marquis of Northampton, and many influential Fellows, had
carried a resolution in favour of the present system of election, with a limit of
fifteen each year, selected and recommended by the Council from the whole
body of candidates. Hooker himself was among the last batch elected under
the old rules.

The leading advocates of this and other reforms were Sir Henry De la Beche,
Sir William Grove, Leonard Homer, and Sir Charles Lyell, all intimate friends
of Hooker's. On April 12, 1847, the reformers and a number of friends met
and decided to found a dining club to be called ' The Philosophical Club ' — its
objects the discussion of questions affecting the prosperity of the R.S. and the
provision of opportunities for the early announcement and discussion of new
discoveries. It was resolved that the number of members be forty-seven, to
commemorate the date of foundation, and at the third meeting, on June 3,
Hooker was one of those co-opted to make up the number. He was very
regular in his attendance both before and after bis journey to India, and in
1854 became Treasurer.

The Club played a useful part in its informal work for science, though for
Hooker its personal attraction was eclipsed by that of the x Club from 1863
onwards. So long as the meetings of the R.S. were held in the evenings, both
the Philosophical and its antitype the Royal Society Club (founded in 1743)
were well attended ; but when the R.S. meetings were held in the afternoons,
there was a great falling off. Proposals were made for fusion of the two
clubs, for the old grounds of difference had disappeared. Of the three original
members surviving, Sir William Grove and Sir William Bowman somewhat
reluctantly consented ; Hooker stood out, saying that there might still b ; work
for the Club to do in resisting abuses. His final regret, in a farewell letter to
the Treasurer, Professor Judd, after the last meeting he attended on April 24,
1890, his 43rd anniversary, was the inevitable move with the times which had
substituted more elaborate menus for the old time simplicity of the dinners.

THE PUBLICATION FUND 185

act of his Presidency. The high fees payable by the Fellows
pressed hard on men of small means and often prevented them
from coming forward as candidates for election. In half a
dozen cases, indeed, the fees had been remitted by special
resolution.

The inception of the scheme is told in the following letter.

To Charles Darwin

June 9, 1878.

I have long had at heart a scheme of reducing the
monstrous heavy fees (in future) 'of F.E.S. by establishing a
' publication fund,' which by relieving the income of part
of the expenditure on publication, would eventually set free
the desired amount for reduction of fees to the standard
of other Societies.

To this end I induced my old friend Young of Kelly to
give me £1000, and the Council has entered into my scheme,
accepted the £1000 as the first contribution to the fund
and sanctioned my taking any honest course towards in-
creasing it.

Spottiswoode has gone into the matter for me, and finds
that £10,000 would suffice, and further he thinks that an
effort should be made to raise this sum at once amongst
the Fellows by subscriptions varying from £50 (which is
as much as I can afford) to £1000, out of which a few swells
may be cozened !

I need hardly say that I am ambitious to confer this
boon on the Society and on Science before I leave the Chair.
I am sure of your sympathy, but can well suppose that you
cannot help and shall not be surprised to be told so.

The response was immediate. There was no need to go
tentatively and fund the first subscriptions until the minimum
of £10,000 should be reached. In a few weeks £8000 was
subscribed in large donations, and the remainder of the
minimum soon followed. Mr. T. Phillips Jodrell, who had
given the Eoyal Society a large sum for research purposes
in the same spirit of liberality with which he had endowed
science at the Universities and built a physiological laboratory
at Kew, consented to transfer £1000 to this fund ; Sir Joseph

186 THE PEESIDENCY OF THE EOYAL SOCIETY

Whitworth1 gave £2000, Sir W. G. Armstrong2 (afterwards Lord
Armstrong) £1000, the Duke of Devonshire, Mr. De la Eue,
Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode, Dr. Siemens,3 and the Earl
of Derby, £500 each, and Dr. Gladstone 4 £250. The remainder
was contributed by thirty-two Fellows of the Society.

Thanks to the fund thus raised, new Fellows were relieved
of the entrance fee and paid an annual subscription of only £3.
No man henceforth need be kept outside the Society on the
score of money.

To Hooker's administrative work at Kew was now added
the ordinary administrative work which falls to the P.E.S., not
to mention the fact that he was furthermore ex officio a Trustee
of the British Museum. Council days are described by him as
4 great pulls, 1-6 P.M. continuous — then dinner, followed by the
Meeting at 8|.' The internal affairs of the E.S. covered a wide
range of business, on this occasion including a long negotia-
tion with the Treasury as to the tenure of the rooms at Burling-

1 Sir Joseph Whitworth (1803-87), the mechanical genius who deliberately
set himself to become a perfect craftsman by entering one great engineering shop
after another as a workman, thereafter setting up as a tooimaker in Manchester.
His great discovery of how to make a truly plane surface was the basis of a
device for ensuring the accuracy to 1(?ooo of an inch of his standard measures
and gauges, which revolutionised engineering. His new rifle and cannon, the
result of patient experiment at the request of the Board of Ordnance, anticipated
modern developments, but were rejected by the officials. After this ' Battle
of the guns ' Whitworth made his other great discovery in the forging of steel
under hydraulic pressure when fluid. His patient thoroughness in scientific
investigation has been compared to Darwin's. He became F.R.S. in 1857.
The bulk of his great fortune was finally devoted to educational and charitable
purposes.

2 Sir William George Armstrong (1810-1900 ; knight 1859, baron 1887)
applied his mechanical genius to many inventions, especially in hydraulic
machinery and the manufacture of guns, and was the founder and organiser of
the great Elswick Works at Newcastle. Elected F.R.S. in 1846, he continued
his scientific researches not only in mechanics, but also in electrical science.
He was President of the British Association in 1863 when it met at Newcastle.

* Sir William Siemens (1823-83), metallurgist, electrician and inventor.
Three of his brothers, like himself, turned to the practical applications of science.
In 1843 he left Hanover to dispose of an electroplating invention in England,
becoming naturalised in 1859. With his name are associated such diverse
inventions as a water-meter, the regenerative furnace, insulation for submarine
cables, the dynamo, as well as the application of electric lighting. He was
President of the British Association in 1882.

4 John Hall Gladstone, Ph.D., F.R.S. (1827-1902), chemist and physicist,
was Professor of Chemistry at the Royal Institution 1874-7 ; President of the
Physical Society 1874-6 and of the Chemical Society 1877-9. At this time he
was also a member of the London School Board.

ADMINISTRATIVE WORK 137

ton House, when Hooker succeeded in renewing tenure on the
original terms of 1856. President and Council are responsible
for the grounds on which the medals are awarded each year,
and for scrutiny of the merits of the fifteen candidates whom
they recommend for election annually. Now also the whole
question of fixing this number at fifteen was redebated. The
Society's trust funds for research have to be allotted and recom-
mendations made for the allotment of the Government grant.
The President sits on the several committees which had charge
of these and other questions taken up by the R.S. either on its
own account or as advisers to the Government. These matters
are multifarious, for the P.E.S. is, so to say, the Attorney-
General of science. At the head of his Council and supported
by hard-working secretaries, he keeps in touch with the pro-
gress and needs of science on the one hand, and on the other,
speaks for science in the official world, giving advice or drawing
up the instructions required, when public money is to be given
for exploration or research or in pensions to science workers
or their dependents. In effect, we see Hooker consulted alike
about great things and small ; now deep in complex details
as to the work done by our Observatories and Admiralty
Hydrographer, when it was proposed to establish a new
Meteorological Department, and now asked to recommend a
head gardener for the Phoenix Park in Dublin.

Per contra, he was able on occasion to use the dignity of
the Royal Society as a lever against official apathy or niggard-
liness. There was a small house next the Kew Herbarium,
which had been empty for half a century, and standing as it
did within the demesne, could not be let to anyone uncon-
nected with the establishment. For more than a year Hooker
vainly urged the Treasury to have it done up at a trifling cost
and assign it, rent free, to J. G. Baker, the Herbarium First
Assistant. After two refusals he went in person to one of the
under-secretaries, and ' insisted on a reversal of the refusals,
telling him that Mr. Baker was an F.R.S., that so was the
Chancellor of the Exchequer (Sir Stafford Northcote), and that
if it was not done, a representation would be made by some
Fellows of the R.S. to the C. of E. and a scandal ensue. After

138 THE PEESIDENCY OF THE EOYAL SOCIETY

yet another refusal, Hooker had the long-deferred pleasure of
seeing the wasteful penny- wise policy reversed to the advantage
of one whom he described as ' the most hard-working useful
man [whose] services to this establishment have been most
self-sacrificing.' (To Darwin, Dec. 14, 1878.)

Among the more important matters which passed through
Hooker's hands as President were the arrangements with
Government for the expeditions to observe the solar eclipses
of 1875 and 1878 and the transit of Venus, also in 1875, which
involved the transport of the astronomers and their instru-
ments to stations on the other side of the world, and any
miscalculations in which meant the loss alike of public money
and scientific results. To the latter expedition, naturalists
and geologists were also attached, who made full investiga-
tions on the remote Oceanic islands of Eodriguez and
Kerguelen's Land.

For the Polar expedition of 1875 under Captain (Sir) George
Nares,1 naturalists were selected, and a scientific manual drawn
up, ' The Natural History, Geology, and Physics of the Arctic
Regions,' which, with the Scientific Instructions, made a book
of over 800 pages.2 A further suggestion was carried out,
that deep sea research should be made on board the store ship
of the expedition on its way to Davis' Straits.

Another such matter was the publication of the meteoro-
logical and magnetic observations which had been carried on
since 1851 in an observatory in Travancore, the first volume
appearing in 1875. This specially enlisted Hooker's interest
and help, and the valuable results won a Royal medal in 1878
for the observer, Mr. J. Allan Broun.

Of special importance again was the Naturalist's Report

1 Captaia Sir George Strong Nares, R.N., K.C.B., F.R.S. (1831-1915),
had already had experience in Arctic travel and in surveying the coast of
Australia and Torres Straits, before being appointed to the command of the
Challenger on her great scientific voyage, 1872, from which he was recalled in
1874 to lead the attempt to reach the North Pole in the Alert and the Discovery,
1875-6.

* ' Have you any botanical suggestions for the Arctic Expedition ? If
so, please let me have them at once. I recommend special attention to insect
action and fertilisation, hybrids, &c., sowing earth from Icebergs. Also to
try experiments on germination of seeds exposed to various degrees of cold '
(To Darwin, April 15, 1875.)

VOYAGE OF THE CHALLENGER 189

from the Voyage of the Challenger,1 and the care and working
out of the valuable collections made. Here, as usual with
scientific expeditions, the Eoyal Society had furnished the
Government with ' instructions ' for the scientific plan of
campaign, had found the workers and published results. On
the return of the expedition the Natural History Department
of the British Museum, moved by Professor Owen, laid claim
to the collections and the right of describing them, though
the British Museum authorities had never shown the smallest
interest in the expedition, and the Museum itself was a place
where a naturalist could only work for a very limited time
daily, and inaccessible to Sir Wyville Thomson at Edinburgh.
It fell to Hooker to uphold the credit of the Society and inci-
dentally of its President, easily showing that the precedents
invoked were irrelevant and the allegations unfounded, that
the sending of Eoss's collections to Kew instead of the British
Museum was diversion of public property. The collections
were Eoss's own, to be disposed of as he pleased.

All this additional work was a heavy burden, and at Kew
the period after his wife's death was one of excessive mental
and physical strain. This was accentuated by the refusal of
the Office of Works to forward his application for assistance,
so that he was compelled to appeal to the Treasury direct.
Yet he was able to write indomitably to his old friend on
January 14, 1875 :

To Charles Darwin

I have 15 Committees of the E.S. to attend to. I cannot
tell you what relief they are to me — matters are so ably and
quietly conducted by Stokes, Huxley, and Spottiswoode
[the Secretaries and Treasurer] that to me they are of the

1 This voya6e of oceanic research lasted from Dec. 1872 to May 1876. The
scientific observers were under (Sir) C. Wyville Thomson. [Sir Charles Wyville
Thomson (1830-82), after holding several professorships in Ireland, was elected
to the chair of Natural History at Edinburgh in 1870. The value of his deep
sea researches with Carpenter and Gwyn Jeffreys on the Lightning and the
Porcupine led to the despatch of the Challenger expedition (1872-6) with
Thomson as head of the scientific staff. Besides scientific papers, he wrote The
Depths of the Sea, 1873, and The Voyage of the Challenger in the Atlantic, 1877.
But he did not live to .complete the reports on the Challenger material, which
were entrusted to (Sir) John Murray.]

140 THE PRESIDENCY OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY

same sort of relaxation that Metaphysics are to Huxley.
I have no sense of weariness after them. Of course I must
expect some rows and difficulties in the Society, and they
will come when least expected, you will say, — but mean-
while let me enjoy my illusions.

Much labour and correspondence were also involved in
preparing the Presidential Address for the Anniversary
meetings, when the medallists and their services to science
were announced and the work of the Society for the past year
summarised.

Thus he writes to Darwin, October 11, 1874 :

I am busy with my address for R.S., which I am advised
to make a purely business one, and confine it to the opera-
tions of the Society, its Committees, Funds, labours under
Government and private affairs, about which it appears
that the Fellows in general are absolutely ignorant. They
know nothing of the Donation Fund, Government Grant,
Sc. Relief Fund, and the dozen or so Committees, many of
them Standing Committees, that involve an amount of work
on the part of the officers that not only justifies paying the
Secretaries but makes it expedient for the Society to do so,
and necessary to support themselves.

To summarise his Presidential Addresses : the first, in
1874, reviewed the finances and work of the Society ; the
second, in 1875, dealt with various scientific expeditions
initiated or directed by the Royal Society ; the third, in 1876,
with the relations between the R.S. and Government, the
Government Grant Fund, the Vivisection Act, the Loan
Collection of Scientific Apparatus, the Meteorological Office,
and the return of the Challenger ; the fourth, in 1877, with
Nares' Polar expedition, the American Flora, and the relation
between the Cretaceous and Tertiary fossils ; the fifth and last,
in 1878, with the reduction of feeslo Fellows, recent discoveries,
Palseobotany and modern development of botanical science,
notably Darwin's work and the sequel to Burdon Sanderson's
discovery of electromotive properties in plants, and the new
world of knowledge opened by bacteriology and its bearing
on the theory of spontaneous generation.

PEESIDENTIAL ADDKESSES 141

Of the final address, delivered on November 30, 1878, he
writes to Darwin, October 4 :

My Address for Koyal is nowhere. I have not thought
of a word for it, and every time I try, it makes my head and
heart ache. One's last Address ought to be good. I have
this last half-hour (moved thereto by your letter) maundered
over the matter and written to De la Eue for some informa-
tion relative to Electric discharges apropos of Spottiswoode's
researches. Hitherto I have not (like my predecessors)
sponged on my Fellows for matter for my Addresses. Now
I must, if, as I am advised, I am to give a resume of some
of the advances in Physical and Biological Sciences that
have rendered the Society's labours noteworthy during my
Presidentship. Would Frank1 give me some crude data
in reference to your and his labours ? and as to what they
point to ? I would work them up. Pray do not allude
to it to him if you think better not. I should like to give
a short analysis of the question of biogenesis — and so forth,
but it makes me giddy to think of it. I shall consult the
godlike Huxley on this. I must keep off controversial
questions.

And again after the address had been delivered (December
14):

I am immensely gratified with your praise of the Address,
which I was most anxious about, and feared would be a
failure. I have to thank Frank for the gist of the story
about your works, and Dyer gave me great help in vegetable
Physiology — the rest cost me a deal of coaching up. I
left out the Palaeontology because I dosed them with it in
last year's Address and I could not grapple with Zoology
in the time and space. I felt very sorry to leave the Chair,
but the relief is very great.

In 1875 also a successful experiment was made by holding
two evening receptions of a less formal character than the
annual conversazione, in order to bring the Fellows together
socially. Popularity, however, has its drawbacks, and of the
more formal gathering in 1874 he tells Asa Gray that it was

1 (Sir) F. Derwin, who was working with hia father, and especially extending
research among carnivorous plants.

142 THE PRESIDENCY OF THE EOYAL SOCIETY

a tremendous affair, I suppose the fullest known for many
years ; twice as many, as ever known, but very fatiguing for
me. How I did pity the President of the United States !

And in 1877 he gets home from the same function at half-
past one in the morning, ' with a crick in my shoulder and
" phalangitis " from pump-handling some 500 people.'

In regard to the vivisection question, Hooker, as a botanist,
was less actively concerned with the agitation of the seventies
than were the biologists. But with entire appreciation of the
interests and principles involved, he cordially joined in the
protest of science against the sweeping prohibitions which
perhaps did more honour to the heart than the head of their
proposers, who seemed to make no moral distinction between
the wanton infliction of pain and the infliction of pain per se,
and to justify their attitude by denying what was the
cumulative experience of peace and war, the value to suffer-
ing mankind of treatment based upon experiments on living
animals.1

Examples may here be given of some of the difficulties
which beset the ' referees ' on whose judgment depends the
acceptance or rejection of a paper submitted to a learned
society.

• In 1866 a paper had been submitted to the Linnean Society
dealing with a subject on which Hooker's friend Col. Munro,
the authority on Indian grasses, was at work. Munro hoped
to have early sight of it to quote in relation to his own research.
When Hooker, seeing that it would not be helpful in providing
systematic references, simply wrote that he was not sending it,
just as he would have written if Munro had never heard of
its existence, his friend apparently was seized with alarm
lest Hooker should have some hidden meaning. Hooker
hastened to explain how he had misled him, or forgotten some-
thing which he ought to have remembered.

1 Of Lord Carnarvon's ' Act to amend the law relating to Cruelty to Animals '
which followed the report of the Commission in 1876, a writer in Nature (1876,
p. 248) remarks : ' The evidence on the strength of which legislation was recom-
mended went beyond the facts ; the report went beyond the evidence, and the
bill can hardly be said to have gone beyond the recommendation, but rather
to have contradicted them.'

EMBARRASSMENTS OF A EEFEREE 143

To Col Munro

April 24, 1866.

A paper comes from L.S. which was expected to be of
value and, as such, to be printed, in which case every one
would have wished you to see it at once, and before printing,
knowing that you would make no unfair use of it. It turns
out to be worthless, and we therefore propose not to hamper
you with it ; both because it would not help you, and
because it avoids all suspicion of our having had a sinister
object in sending it to you.

No thought of your cutting out X. ever occurred to
B[entham] or self ; we would both of us readily swear by
your honour and not only by this but by your generosity,
yea, even to your own detriment, and we felt sure that a
sight of this crude performance would be a bad service to
you, and to science. If you did see it you might have found
quarries of gold that you would wish to quote and must have
quoted, and would then be open to be accused of not quoting
more, or of using more without quotation ; and the paper
remaining unpublished another would be able to say what
he liked uncontradicted. Believe me, my dear friend, that
it was in consideration of your scrupulous honour and
generosity that we acted as we did ; and to avoid
embarrassing you.

Similarly he writes to Darwin in April 1870 :

I am now in a frightful state of mind. The R.S. have

referred to me 's [address], and I find it so full of perfect

trash that I am compelled to recommend its non-publi-
cation. It will be a knock-down blow to the poor man.
The systematic part is very meagre indeed, the vegetable
anatomy miserable and often utterly wrong ; the affinities
more often mere guess-work than not, and as to the theories
and speculations, they would make your hair stand on
end. . . . Altogether the affair has cut me up terribly,
and I would rather have burnt my fingers than performed
so painful a duty. The curse of Cain will cleave to
me. By the way he pooh-poohed my Greenland paper —
this has only just come into my head, and does not mend
matters — for he will, if he hears of it, put my sinister
report down to spite, whereas I would fain have heaped

144 THE PEESIDENCY OF THE EOYAL SOCIETY

coals of fire on the poor devil's head by a gushing (not
crushing) report.

So also, when Huxley as referee got into hot water for
rejecting a paper and in the usual course retaining it among
the E.S. archives, or as the author said ' suppressing ' it,
Hooker wrote to him :

December 28, 1874.

You could not have answered T. better. I have long
thought that the retention of rejected papers was a course
that had its awkward side ; it is so often regarded, however
unreasonably, as ' suppression ' of the papers, which, added
to rejection, piles the horrors. We must be unfettered in
our power of rejection, and we must keep the originals as
our pieces justificatives, and I see no middle course but that
of offering copies to be made at the author's expense.

CHAPTER XXXIV

THE PRESIDENCY (continued)

IN 1877 Hooker received knighthood in the Order of the Star
of India. He had received his C.B. in 1869. There being then
no vacant K.C.B., this was offered together with knighthood
en attendant a K.C.B. after longer services. That the first
honour of the kind to be offered him should be the C.B. was
quite unexpected. It would have been more appropriate and
in many ways more acceptable had he been offered Companion-
ship of the Star of India. His services to Indian science had
begun before his official connexion with Kew, and had continued
since gratuitously. The Court of Directors snubbed him before
he set out, refusing him assistance and official letters of intro-
duction to India and even a passage out. Both the Court and
its successor, the India Board, made no move of recognition,
though they constantly wrote to him for information and
for recommendations in filling up appointments : though he
rescued all Falconer's, Griffith's and Heifer's collections from
destruction, and himself distributed them all over Europe and
America, with catalogues and numbers. It was Hooker who
surveyed and mapped the whole province of Sikkim and
opened up the resources of Darjiling at the cost of captivity
in Sikkim and the consequent loss of all his instruments and
part of his notes and collections. Yet the India Board actually
sold on Government behalf the presents the Eajah made him
after his release, though they owed the annexation of the
province and the Government sites of the Tea and Cinchona
cultivation to his misfortunes and his energy. On his return
U5

146 THE PEESIDENCY OF THE EOYAL SOCIETY

to England, although they were spending £30,000 on the
explorations of the four Schlagintweit brothers, they would not
give a shilling to pay the printing even of the ' Flora Indica,'
nor subscribe for copies. And at this very time they had sent
an Indian officer — who was actually using Hooker's MSS. which
he placed at his disposition — on full pay and on service time
to Kew, to publish a Forest Flora of the N.W. Provinces,
instructing him to prepare it ' under Dr. Hooker's advice and
directions.'

Here were services given freely to India for which, had
Hooker cared to do so, he could quite properly have claimed
a mark of official recognition. But he had no personal
ambition in such a direction : he did not covet the C.S.I,
either as a vanity or as a reward of scientific eminence.
So far as he could be said to covet such at all, it would be
as a recognition of actual services rendered by his science
or himself, a recognition that he could accept if offered, but
would never ask.

Thus to the offer of 1869 he replied by return of post,
accepting the C.B. for services and declining knighthood.

The latter [he tells Darwin on November 14] I did on
various grounds, partly because it signifies nothing, whilst
the C.B. recognises services, which is the only recognition
I care for — and because if they wanted to knight me (and I
do not wish for Knighthood) they might have offered it in
an order that indicates special services.

His friends, however, were eager that he should be offered
such a recognition. His services in India were at least as
noteworthy as those at home. Murchison and Lyell therefore
approached the Duke of Argyll at the India Office, recommend-
ing Hooker for the Star of India.

The Duke replied more than once that he had set his sub-
ordinates to seek official information on which to act. Little
were they likely to find, for the East India Company had con-
sistently ignored Hooker, and refused him countenance and
assistance !

On hearing what was afoot, Hooker begged that he might

DISLIKE OF KNIGHTHOOD 147

not be put forward ; not being in the Indian service, he
doubted his eligibility.

But [he continues to Darwin] I do not think there is the
least chance of my getting the offer of it.

The K.C.S.I. is so rare an honour that I might well be
proud to have it, for my Indian services ; but I really do
not desire Knighthood, and would infinitely rather be plain
Dr. Hooker with C.B. to testify to my having done my
duty as well as others who have that certificate. So if it
comes I shall be proud of it ; if not, I shall be as well con-
tent. Please say nothing about it. The fact is the Duke
might do it with a stroke of the pen, but he don't like my
Darwinism and my Address and I am right proud of that !
And now to more congenial subjects.

A week later there is a pointed postscript :

Pray do not C.B. your letters to me — I can't stand it.
I own C.B. gratifies me in a service point of view, and it is
very useful officially in Indian and Colonial correspondence,
but scientifically I rather dislike it.

The result did not satisfy Lyell, who a little time afterwards
— it appears to have been early in 1870 — took Hooker to task
for his refusals. The latter unbosoms himself very freely to
his closest friend.

To Charles Darwin

Monday.

Lyell had a long talk with me about Knighthood, which
he seems greatly to regret my not accepting. I could not
tell him how gladly I * not accepted,' nor how much I do
not regret it, nor could I make him understand my feelings
in the matter, — that I have no wish whatever to be Sir J.
at all, but that if this must be some day, the least objection-
able way is clearly in the Bath, the Bath being a recognition
of public services &c. I have no urish even for that, but I
quite feel the force of all my friends wishing it, of my public
position suiting it, and of keeping up (what I and my relations
do, and my children will take a reasonable pride in) the
public recognition won by so many members of my family

148 THE PEESIDENCY OF THE EOYAL SOCIETY

without Court or aristocratic influence. If I had raised
myself, wholly unaided, to my scientific position, as Lyell
himself, and my father, and Murchison and Palgrave did
to the positions they attained, then I should have felt that
I had earned Knighthood as they did, and might have
accepted ; but my case is wholly different. My Science I
owe to my father, ditto my Kew position. My services
have been wholly under Govt., and if I am entitled to any such
recognition as Knighthood at all, it is to one given for services
unmistakeably. As it is, I am on the horns of a dilemma-
I could be knighted for the saying I wished it to-morrow —
the declining is interpreted into despising it, in preference
to a riband which I am not offered. Lyell and Murchison
say—' Take the Knighthood as a step to K.C.B.' This
would be all very well if I really wanted the K.C.B. ! though
even then I do not think I could have stooped to any such
dodge. Huxley and Lyell are the only persons with whom I
have talked over this matter. Huxley quite understands and
approves ; but then he despises Knighthood, which I do not.

Again, to Hooker's grim amusement, he found that in
October 1871, in the height of the Ayrton troubles, Sir Charles
Lyell urged Mr. Gladstone to make amends to Hooker by
giving him the deferred K.C.B.— at the very time when the
Prime Minister was specially exercised how to keep his unruly
colleague in order without giving him further offence ! *•

The next episode was in 1874. The K.C.M.G., a recom-
mendation for which had been refused by the late Government,
five years before, was again offered. The official link between
Kew and the Colonies was attractive, but as he was now
President of the Eoyal Society, it would have been regarded
as given to P.E.S., and not to himself for Colonial services,
and the Society, as appeared later, would not have approved
of his taking anything less than the Bath given to both his
predecessors in the chair, with far less service claims. The
K.C.B. being so limited an honour, he now felt safe from
Knighthood for some time to come.

He had followed his own inclination but felt some qualms

TEE K.C.M.G. 149

as to whether he was justified. The following tells the story
at length.

To T. H. Huxley

March 29, 1874.

Lord Carnarvon (a stranger to me, as are all his C.O.
Officials of any weight or influence) asked me to call on him
two days ago, when he offered me the K.C.M.G., putting
it solely on my services to the Colonies and not at all on
scientific position. I declined at once. He pleaded hard
in the interests of Public Service ; he regretted that the
Office had not recognised my services earlier — added that
he hoped and wished this to be the first act of his official
career — that my name would be agreeable to the Colonists,
and add lustre to the Order, and so forth. I finally beat
him on the point, that the Order was limited to 60 Knights,
that it was instituted for the Colonies, not for outsiders, and
that there were lots of men in the Colonies with unquestion-
ably higher claims than mine on such a recognition.

I am not clear that I am right all round, and that my
motives are not as egoistic as friend X.'s. Acceptance
would have set the official seal to the value of Kew to the
Govt. itself, in an unmistakeable way, and been a powerful
handle for introducing more Science here, especially in the
shape of a physiological laboratory. The refusal was not
gracious to the Colonies, nor to the Service of which I am a
member — and acceptance would have gilded the Board of
Works as well as Kew. A host of unselfish considerations
rise up to rebuke me. In fine, I may not have done right,
but I have done what I liked and that is far better !

It is clear now that I cannot go on refusing to accept
recognition of services for ever, and that I shall one day be
placed in a fix. It is very much through my official services
that I have attained the position I occupy and through
official opportunities that I have made my way as a scientific
man too. In short I dread Sabine's death and the vacant
K.C.B. that may then possibly be offered me after this
refusal. Now I recognise the duty of Public Servants to
accept the Crown's recognition of these, so long as such
recognitions exist, and they cannot wriggle out of accept-
ance ! And though I look with aversion to being ' Sir

150 THE PEESIDENCY OF THE EOYAL SOCIETY

Joseph ' in any shape, I am perhaps as wrong in refusing
K.C.M.G. as if I refused a Royal Medal. Every herring
should hang by its own head.

Meanwhile I pray for Sabine's longevity and send him
flowers to prolong his existence. Every man's life has its
value to those who know it ; — how kind is Providence !

The final history of the matter is told in the following.
To Charles Darwin

June 18, 1877.

I should have told you before of K.C.S.I., but as I knew
you kindly would excuse me, I delayed. As Huxley will
tell you, I was taken completely by surprise at E.S. by
receiving a letter from Lord Salisbury informing me that
he had taken a liberty with my name, proposed it to the
Queen for K.C.S.I. and that I was virtually appointed !
It went on to imply that as I was not in the Indian Service
it was somewhat irregular, but that my Himalayan work
alone ' entitled me technically and substantially to the rank.'
It added a little about my beneficent exertions for India,
and was altogether a very ' pretty letter.' Huxley told
me that I could not refuse it if I would, and on recovering
my senses I could not but see that both the compliment and
the manner of paying it were the highest and most gracious
that could be. I have since heard that the Cabinet dis-
cussed the thing — that they could not longer allow my
services to pass unrecognised, there was no K.C.B. vacant,
and as I had refused K.C.M.G. it would be risky to ask me
to accept anything else — so they strained a point to give
me K.C.S.I., and in the handsomest manner gave it solely
for Indian work. I had always regarded the Star of India
as the most honourable of all such distinctions — it is very
limited (to 60 K.C.S.L's)— is never, like K.C.B., given by
favor or on personal considerations, and it has a flavor of
hard work under difficulties, of obstacles overcome, and of
brilliant deeds that is very attractive. Assuredly I would
rather go down to posterity as one of the ' Star of India '
than as of any other dignity whatever that the Crown can
offer. Of course it pales before P.R.S., but then they can-
not clash. I do not know whether I told you some five years
ago application was made to the D. of Argyll to give it

THE K.O.S.L 151

me, on hearing of which I wrote to him begging him not,
as I thought so rare an honor should be confined to actual
Indian servants. He answered that he would have given it
me, but implied that the Statutes of the Order forbade it !
so I never thought anything more of the matter. It is as
you say a ' peculiar ' honor and I may well be proud of it
and of the way it came.

Is this not a jolly strain of self-gratulation and
glorification ?

Meantime the Genera Plantarum progressed slowly. He
was compelled to leave his share of it aside, ' having,' as he
tells Asa Gray (July 20, 1874),

so very few continuous days and half days to give to it, and
I cannot work it as I can Flora Indica, &c., by jerks. The
latter has given me unexpected trouble. (With two excep-
tions, one of whom was his Assistant, Dyer), no one has
worked well, and I had no idea how difficult it appears to
be a middling systematist even.

Some of the work, indeed, he had wholly to re-do.

Other botanical work which claims particular mention
includes the Botanical Primer for Macmillan's Science Series,
' to keep company with Huxley and Tyndall,' and researches
into carnivorous plants.

Of the former, which was published in 1876, he writes to
Darwin, February 20, 1873 :

I have no news except of my own folly. I have under-
taken the Botany Primer for Macmillan which will be some
100 12mo pages of a sort [of] Introduction to the subject
of Botany — something different I think from an elementary
lesson-book, and yet the information must be definite, and
such as the recipient can be questioned about. I have
given the subject a great deal of thought and sketched out
a plan. The great difficulty is to go to the bottom of things
and yet avoid detail — or rather to keep pointing to the
bottom of things without going into it. I am afraid it will
be like the Sailor's ' Potato and Point,' which, as I daresay
you remember, consisted in a plate of potato and one
odoriferous red herring hung over the mess table. At every

152 THE PRESIDENCY OF THE KOYAL SOCIETY

mouthful of potato every man pointed it to the herring before
eating it — by way of catching a flavor.

The work on Carnivorous plants was one of those which
grew out of Darwin's enquiries. Hooker, as has been said,
was constantly supplying his friend with plants for experiment
and experimenting for him on plants which could not be kept
in the small greenhouse at Down.

During this period his help lay chiefly among the sensi-
tive and the carnivorous plants. As to the former, Hooker
occasionally experimented ; thus in November, 1873,

I was trying Mimosa albida in the Hot-house the other
day and found it wonderfully sensitive compared to what
it was in my room. I wonder if the damp heat kept it on
the * qui vive,' like a pig before rain ! It is in our hottest
house now.

But his chief part was to send plants and answer questions,
which sometimes were liable to be pushed home with searching
supplementary questions for which he had perhaps a practical
but not a scientific answer.

Thus in 1873 (as later in 1877) Darwin sought some explana-
tion of the waxy coat or ' bloom ' and layer of fine hairs upon
leaves. (See C.D. iii. 339, and M.L. ii. 409, 410.) One obvious
effect of these equipments was to keep water off. But was
this all ?

To Charles Darwin

August 14, 1873.

I have often speculated on the point you allude to,
which is specially conspicuous in the Nelumbium. Ferns
and various Cryptogams do not show it as Phaenogams do.
It is not conspicuous in other water plants as in Nelumbium,
which further holds its leaves high above the water ; — but
for this association of the two means of getting out of the
way as it were of injury from the water, I should have
supposed that both waxy coat and hairs were connected
with absorption in respiratory functions. I have lately
wondered whether both may not subserve some purpose
connected with Actinic or chemical rays of the sun, especially

EXPEEIMENTS FOE DAEWIN 153

as the waxy secretion is often more conspicuous on the
upper leaf surface.

The prevalence of indumentum on the under surface
points to transposition in some cases ; in others perhaps
it is a provision against the attacks of insects, which harbor
on under surfaces.

I can quite fancy water impeding both the actinic and
calorific effects of sunlight on the leaf. We find watering
most prejudicial in the hot sun. It is a splendid subject
for experiments.

Darwin immediately followed this up. He must hear more
about the rationale of watering in sunlight when Hooker came
on his promised visit the following week. This elicited the
rejoinder :

I am aghast at the prospect of being cross-questioned on
the subject of effect of watering in sunshine, and fear that
no amount of ingenious wriggling will save me from the
reputation of an ignorant pretender to the post of Director
of Kew. (August 21.)

As regards carnivorous plants, the first reference to Darwin's
researches is in a letter of January 7, 1873.

I have wandered away from Drosera and the question
you put. In so far as I can remember it is an accepted
dogma that there is no cutaneous absorption in living plants,
and that glandular hairs are excretory only. I will however
ask Dyer, who is away with a cold — he is translating Sachs,1
and will be up to the latest discoveries. I will also ask
Berkeley.

Your aggregation of the protoplasmic contents of the
cell reminds me of the contraction of the chlorophyll contents
and (?) inner cell wall of the cells under sunlight in a Sela-
ginella (serpens I think). Have you tried Begonia leaves,
or shall I look out for some plants with hyaline bladdery
epidermal cells for you to operate upon ? Can you correlate
the specific action of the Ammonia on the protoplasm of
the cells, with that of its effect on the blood of animals

1 A translation of Sachs's Text-Book of Botany, by A. W. Bennett and
W. T. Thiselton Dyer, was published in 1875.

VOL. II L

154 THE PRESIDENCY OF THE EOYAL SOCIETY

poisoned by snake bites ? Is it not the case that snake
poison affects the blood corpuscles ?

In August he writes :

I rejoice to hear of your success with Drosera and long
to hear more of the acid reaction and the retardation of the
external digestive processes. I long to be at Nepenthes —
the specimens are splendid and most inviting, but neither
I nor Dyer have had time.

Later in the autumn there was more time for experimen-
tation. The work undertaken to supply Darwin with more
facts began to grow, and Darwin early suggested separate
publication of the results ; a suggestion not carried out till
the following year.

Kew: October 20, 1873.

DEAR DARWIN, — A line only to say that I am at
Nepenthes, but it is a far more difficult affair than Drosera,
because of the thickness of the tissues. The structure of
the glands of the pouch below water mark is well made out
and described and consists of globose glands analogous I
take it to Drosera's tops of hairs, lying in a semi-circular
fold of the cuticle and half exposed. It is in these globose
glands that I must look for the action.

The water is acid : it has been most carefully described
by Voelcker and others and I have, I find, referred to many
papers on anatomy of Nepenthes in my account of the
species for DC Prod., which is printed, I believe, but not yet
published.

I have found rough copy and can send you a string of
authors.

The correspondence continues at length through October.
' Dyer is making excellent drawings and working like a horse
at it,' but ' the whole investigation is fearfully difficult com-
pared with Drosera.' Similar experiments produce analogous
action to that on the cells of Drosera.

October 25, 1873.

We are now trying the egg process. The pieces I put
into old pitchers last night were unaffected this morning. Did

CARNIVOROUS PLANTS 155

I understand you that the pieces should be 1/20 in. square ?
I put in big lumps. We have still a great deal to do before
arriving at any satisfactory results. The constant presence
of insects in all open pitchers is a drawback, and we are
going to experiment on virgin pitchers.

October 29, 1873.

What you say of the glands being secretory organs is
suggestive, and may account for the pouches in which they
lie pointing downwards — but I suppose they must be both
digestive and secretive, as I understand Drosera hairs to be.
The fluid of the virgin pitcher is very slightly acid. I find
the cells of the glands of old pitchers (full of insects) with
very aggregated contents.

I had no intention of publishing Nepenthes, the experi-
ments were made solely for your eating, and I hope that
you will absorb them in the Drosera paper. I thought of
mentioning them at the Phil. Club as experiments suggested
by and undertaken for you — if you did not object. If ever
these and those on Sarracenia &c. should be worth col-
lecting and making a paper of, it cannot be till you have
done Drosera.

In the following spring he notes Lady Dorothy Nevill's
gardener as saying that he had fed a Dionaea with raw meat
and that it beat all others of the same age in growth and
dimensions.

Pressure of work interrupted experiments till July 1874 :

I have splendid Sarracenias and will perform any miracle
you put me up to regarding them.

I am charmed with your account of Pinguicula 1 : and
should like to try if Lychnis viscaria has the same use for
its viscid fluid — which I should have guessed was to prevent
insects climbing up to the flower—but all things now go by
contraries !

And on the 3rd :

I have been going on with Nepenthes. I have 3 plants
set out in an inviolable place — a very sanctum— and shall

1 The common Buttervrort also turned out to be insectivorous.

156 THE PKESIDENCY OF THE KOYAL SOCIETY

make a point of now going on — all other duties social,
scientific, and parental notwithstanding.

Any hints for observations most gratefully received.
I note carefully what I do.

July 15. I am at fibrin to-day. Michael Foster suggests
that coagulation of protoplasm may be diseased not digestive
symptom, and advises my trying effect of citric acid in
pitchers.

July 18. Have you any objection to my giving an outline
of what is published of your Drosera observations at the Bel-
fast meeting ? I have to give an Address, and would like to
make a resume of the Pitcher plant results the back-bone
of it, stating that they were wholly undertaken under your
auspices and apropos of your Drosera experiments.

If you have the smallest objection to either Nepenthes
or Drosera being described pray say so, as I would rather
send you all Nepenthes matter for you to append or in-
corporate, than appear to filch.

We had such a night at the Mozart Festival at Covent
Garden. I was carried away with Albani's ' Dove sono,'
and felt it up and down my back as when we were at New
College Chapel, -Oxford, in 1847. I could not help my eyes
watering. I thought I had never heard anything so beautiful
since Malibran in 1837. Patti I cannot get up sympathy
or enthusiasm for — she fails to satisfy me.

July 22. I am stupefied by the trouble you have taken,
and your kindness. What you have sent was not in the
least wanted apropos of Belfast, but will be enormously
useful in my work on these pitcher plants, &c.

As to Belfast, all I wanted was your assurance that a
mention of what has been published in Nature &c. of your
observations on Drosera and Dionaea, would not interfere
with your book, and that my giving a resume of my Nepenthes
observations would not look like forestalling your far more
important work.

The Brit. Assn. Sections are all trying to get for Belfast
Meeting more brief reports of what is doing in each branch
of Science, and the direction in which research therein is
tending. I thought of making carnivorous plants my share
of this work ; and giving it as my Address as Pres. of Sub-
section Bot. and Zool. I thought of introducing it "by a

PITCHEE PLANTS 157

notice of what was published of your results, and then going
on to my own, as supplementary to yours, and undertaken
apropos of yours. I do not intend to make a paper of it.
I should like Nepenthes &c. results either to go to you
altogether, or to form a paper for E.S., but would really
rather you took them.

August 17. I have been driven wild with work and the
Address, which I am taking down with me in an inchoate
state. We are off to-night via Stranraer.

I have been working steadily at Nepenthes every day
and made a good deal out — its appetite for cartilage is simply
prodigious — it reduced a lump as big as your finger nail in
48 hours to lovely jelly, and after 10 days there is not the
slightest trace of putrefaction in what of the jelly remains.
Nothing can be more lovely than to draw out the cartilage
attached to a thread after immersion, it looks like a ball of
rock crystal refracting the light most beautifully. I got
little or no action by fluid withdrawn from pitcher and kept
in a tube — nor with plants in a cold room. The digestive
fluid is evidently poured into the original liquid only after
immersion of meat. Fibrin as I think I told you goes ' like
smoke,' but not in a tube. I find copious honey-secretion
on glands of lid in all species but one, and in this one (the
only one of the genus) the lid lies horizontally back ! and it
would be prejudicial if it had honey, for it would decoy them
away from the pitcher. I have tried seeds, but results are
not satisfactory. After three days' immersion both mustard
and cress are killed — ditto in distilled water. One day's
immersion shows no difference. I must try seeds quite
differently.

I have made out a good deal of structure in Sarracenia,
but nothing of action — it is not easy and secretion is scarce.

As to Cephalotus it is a beast — it will not kill or eat,
and I am in despair about it — it does not catch insects to
any extent and I find no action in glands or cells. The
stomata in the pitcher is an exception to all these pitcher
plants and shows that this cannot depend on the secretion
much, it forms very little water indeed. I have made out
the secreting glands, seen them secrete acid fluid, but I
can't excite them to secrete. Cartilage rots very soon in
the pitcher and fibrin remains unchanged.

158 THE PRESIDENCY OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY

The Address is a sort of rambling statement of the
history of Dionaea and Sarracenia and Drosera up to your
time, ending with Burdon Sanderson. I shall not touch your
ground, but refer to you. I then go straight to Sarracenia
and Nepenthes, and shall just touch on Cephalotus, and wind
up with some generalities on absorption and nutrition by
plants in general.

Dyer has helped me enormously, and indeed I could not
but for him either have got through the work or done it half
so well. He catches over ideas and anticipates one's wants
wonderfully, and I really feel that he should share whatever
credit the historical part and general conclusions may get.

At the Belfast meeting of the British Association in 1874
the Hookers tried to arrange that the members of the x Club
and their wives (x's + yv's) should club together as a single
group ; but the pleasant plan could not be carried out. Hooker
did not take any active part in the hubbub that followed Prof.
Tyndall's Presidential Address, which fluttered the theological
dovecotes ; his only reference to the meeting is in a letter to
Darwin (August 22 or 29) : * Lubbock's Lecture l went off
admirably, but Huxley's 2 was the magnum opus of the meeting.
It was a most capital meeting.'

The same letter contains a reference to protective changes
of colour in animals. His correspondent wrote from South
Africa.

The enclosed have just arrived from Mrs. Barber. Her
clever suggestion of the colour being as it were photographed
reminds me that Grove ages ago told me that he had seen
dead Fish take the colour of an adjacent object, I forget
what, but it was after the manner of a photograph.

The Papilio reminds me of my Indian Tick or Lizard,
which I have never quite persuaded myself to believe in till
now ! ! ! I remember telling you of the grasshoppers on
Mt. Lebanon which were grey on grey rocks and greener and
browner on other situations.

1 On • British Wild Flowers Considered in Relation to Insects.'

2 On the ' Hypothesis that Animals are Automata, and its History.' Coll.
Ess. i.

CHAPTEE XXXV

THE AYETON EPISODE

THE years from 1870 to 1872 were ravaged and embittered
by a personal conflict with Mr. Ayrton, the First Commis-
sioner of Works in Mr. Gladstone's Government. Gossip
suggested that he was taken into the Ministry to economise
the time that would have been wasted had he been left free
to heckle the Government. For he was gifted with a blistering
tongue and a thick skin, with which he exploited in the Eadical
interest a breezy sansculottism akin to that which sent Lavoisier
to the block, with the words ' the republic has no need of men
of science,' but extending the phrase to cover a wider range
of civilised amenities. Lord Suffield tells an amusing story
of him. In 1873 he was present at a grand ball given
at Stafford House in honour of the Shah of Persia, who
was visiting London. The Shah desired to meet Mr. Ayrton,
and a messenger was dispatched in search of him. He was
found in the supper room, and being invited to come forth-
with and be presented to the Shah, he bluntly responded,
from a mouth full of chicken, ' I'll see the old nigger in
Jericho first ! '

Kew, like the rest of the Eoyal Parks, fell under the
administration of the First Commissioner. In his re-election
speech at the Tower Hamlets in the winter of 1869 he enlarged
on the popular aims of his rule, with a warning to ' architects,
sculptors, and gardeners ' that they would be kept in their
places.

In dealing with an official superior who had thus dotted

159

160 THE AYETON EPISODE

the i's and crossed the t's of his existing reputation, Hooker
took care to walk warily. But this availed nothing. As soon
as the First Commissioner was fairly in the saddle, one of his
first acts was to send an official reprimand to the Director of
Kew, the first in the twenty-nine years of the Hooker regime.
Launched without warning given or explanation asked, it
turned out to be based on a misapprehension.

This was not encouraging, but Hooker maintained a con-
ciliatory attitude ; and indeed, while still smarting under this
unprovoked reprimand, at the First Commissioner's special
request devoted many nights to examining and reporting upon
various books and pamphlets on the public parks of England,
France, and America, for his guidance — a labour not very
congenial and wholly beyond his province as Director of Kew,
but furthermore undertaken in the hope that it might lead the
First Commissioner to judge more generously of the acquire-
ments and duties of some of the officers of the department
under his control.

But such considerations had no meaning for Mr. Ayrton.
Public economy was his watchword ; his method the con-
temptuous disregard of his subordinates' status and authority,
with equal contempt for the scientific as apart from the popular
purpose of the Gardens. His apparent aim was to drive
Hooker to resign, and then convert Kew into an ordinary
Park, and send science to the right about.

After a series of vexatious interferences, matters came to
a head in the summer of 1871, when Hooker casually dis-
covered from one of his subordinates that he himself had been
superseded six months before in one of his most important
duties — namely, the heating of the plant houses, which had, for
scientific reasons, been specially assigned to the Director in 1867
(see p. 81). In reply to a courteous inquiry as to the reason of
this, he received an offensively curt intimation that the change
had been made, and that he ' must govern himself accordingly.'
Hooker thereupon addressed a sharp remonstrance to the
First Commissioner, complaining of the disregard of his office
and the want of confidence with which he had been treated.
In reply, Ayrton demanded particulars and dates of these

CAEE OF THE HEATING APPARATUS 161

acts ; 1 and instead of answering them, ' contented himself,'
as he put it, ' with forwarding an official memorandum to the
First Lord of the Treasury.' This memorandum was doubly
disingenuous ; it complained of Hooker having * launched
out into various topics,' whereas Ayrton had invited him to
specify these topics of complaint ; and it slurred over three
of Hooker's chief instances, while asserting that Hooker had
originally been appointed to supervise the works at Kew
(instead of the heating works only).

I do not [Hooker wrote] for a moment question the First
Commissioner's power to exercise arbitrary authority over
the Director of Kew, but I do submit that there has been
hitherto no plea whatever for such action as regards myself,
and that the repetition of such acts, and the leaving me to
be informed of them, on each occasion, by my subordinate,
constitute a grievous injury to my official position, and tend
to the subversion of all discipline in this department.

And he respectfully claimed the privilege of appealing for
redress to the First Lord of the Treasury, Mr. Gladstone.

The whole incident leading to this extreme measure justi-
fied the prophecy of The Times that it would prove ' another
instance of Mr. Ayrton's unfortunate tendency to carry out
what he thinks right in as unpleasant a manner as possible.'
Had he only condescended to explain his purpose, there could
have been little difficulty in effecting what in many respects
was a desirable change. The heating apparatus had, as a
whole, been very successful ; but an accident to one of the
pipes revealed some imperfect execution of details, and it was
difficult to decide who was responsible for the technical correct-
ness of such works. Hence the expediency of appointing a
specially qualified Director of Works, (Sir) Douglas S. Galton,
who should carry out all works sanctioned by the Department,
not only at Kew, but elsewhere, the requisition in each case
being made by the official, such as Hooker, in local authority.

But no explanation was vouchsafed, before or after. The

1 ' I have launched a rostrate ironclad against Ayrton,' remarked Hooker
when he sent the particulars.

162 THE AYETON EPISODE

Secretary of the Department chose to think that ' Mr. Galton's
appointment and the purposes for which he was appointed
were so well known ' that any special notification to Hooker
was needless ; and later, when a report on some proposals for
works at Kew were endorsed by Ayrton with a note ' that such
works should be carried out on the responsibility of the Director
of Works in future,' he neglected to see that this was conveyed
in the subsequent letter sent to Hooker. Accordingly, the
Director of Kew, whose appointment made him responsible
only to the First Commissioner, suddenly found himself in
certain particulars responsible to his own subordinate as well.

As an isolated act, this was bad enough, but taken in con-
junction with others equally unreasonable, it had every appear-
ance of being part of a design to render Hooker's personal
position intolerable.

Thus in 1870, when the plan of adding a part of Hyde
Park to Kensington Gardens was under consideration, Mr.
Ayrton directed that Mr. Smith, the Curator of the Eoyal
Gardens, Kew, under the ^control of the Director, should
undertake the superintendence of the proposed works. Dr.
Hooker was ' to be informed accordingly, and to arrange for
Mr. Smith attending at the Park as often as required.' In
effect the Director, without consultation, was to be deprived
of his most useful subordinate. He replied that he could not
spare his Curator, and naturally complained that he had not
been consulted. Answer, a curt Minute, stating that ' it is
apparent Dr. Hooker is not aware that the exigencies of
H.M. Service required the immediate assistance of Mr. Smith,
in the manner directed by the First Commissioner.' Again
Hooker explained in detail his inability to spare his Curator,
and received for answer a still curter Minute, simply saying
that his letter ' appears to have been written under a miscon-
ception,' and directing him to convey the First Commissioner's
orders to Mr. Smith. In the end, Mr. Smith declared he could
not combine the two duties, and the proposal dropped.

Nor was this all. Ayrton had first come down to Kew,
and unknown to Hooker, had a private interview with Smith,
discussing the possibility of appointing him to the superior

TREATMENT OF KEW OFFICIALS 163

office of Surveyor of Parks and Gardens. According to Smith's
account, Ayrton concluded by asking him to keep this con-
versation secret. Ayrton first described this secret visit to
Kew as a friendly visit to Hooker : his explanation later was
that he simply said * it was not necessary for the Curator to
report, as the First Commissioner would himself communicate
with Dr. Hooker on the matter.' But he unfortunately made
no such communication, either at the moment, when he might
have found Dr. Hooker by enquiry at his house or in the
Gardens, nor by letter subsequently.

Again, a vacancy arose in the Herbarium, which had
hitherto been filled up by selection of one of the young gardeners
who had shown botanical aptitude. But nomination lacked
the ultra-democratic touch so dear to the First Commissioner,
and he had let it be known that these appointments should
henceforth be made by competitive examinations under the
new Civil Service rules, though the Treasury wrote to him that
the exception allowed in the case of appointments requiring
technical skill might well be admitted here. The men them-
selves saw the futility of a non-technical examination, and
Hooker had to tell the First Commissioner that • ' at present
there is no candidate for botanical employment among the
young gardeners ; lately there were several, but since it became
known that this brought them under the Civil Service rules
they have not come forward.' Thereupon Ayrton with an
economy of words towards the central fact informed the Civil
Service Commissioners that ' with reference to the proposal
for selecting a candidate from among the best of the young
gardeners, Dr. Hooker reports that there are at present no
candidates for botanical employment.' The real point, that
they desired the other form of selection, is omitted. This,
says The Times,

is an illustration of a reckless roughness in transacting
business in which Mr. Ayrton appears almost to take a pride.
He boasts of his refusal to discuss matters of past complaint,
of his success of confining his writing to the exigencies of
public business, and of his skill in rendering his communica-
tions as brief as possible. He evidently has to learn that

164 THE AYBTON EPISODE

the way in which a thing is done is often not less important
than the thing itself.

The last scene of this serious interlude was purely farcical.
After due examination in outside subjects, a young man was
appointed who had been employed at the Gardens two years
before, and was described by the Curator as a ' dull young
fellow who will not suit us at all.' But protest suddenly became
unnecessary. To the First Commissioner's accountant, who
came to investigate, the young man, with great good sense,
frankly admitted that he was not qualified for the work, and
the whole thing fell to the ground.

From the coming of Sir William Hooker to Kew in March
1841, until Ayrton's accession to power, the relations between
the Director and his official superiors had always been marked
by mutual respect and consideration. Now there was an un-
reasonable and arbitrary regime. Even the estimates for Kew
were made without taking the Director into consultation, and
proposals made to the Treasury for extensive and unsuitable
alterations in the Museum, the full cost of which even was
not foreseen.

Again there was a difficulty in regard to the remaining
volumes of the Flora of Tropical Africa. The book had been
sanctioned by the Treasury in 1864, the cost to appear in the
estimates of the Stationery Office. The first volume appeared
in 1868, the second in 1871, the arrangement with regard to
the former being that their distribution should, for scientific
reasons, be in the Director's hands. Now, without enquiry,
the remainder of vol. i. was withdrawn from him, and sent with
vol. ii. to the Stationery Office for sale. Hooker pointed out
the objections to this procedure, adding that in his opinion
the copies ought not to be sold. In spite of a letter from
the head of the Stationery Department, afterwards printed
in the Parliamentary papers, pointing out that Hooker was
right, and that the new arrangement would have been incon-
sistent with the contract made with the publishers, Messrs.
Eeeve, and would have amounted to a breach of faith, the
First Commissioner overrode his protests, telling him officially
that the Treasury had decided against him — and this in the

EEFUSAL TO RESIGN' 165

summer of 1872, when an ' amicable settlement ' had been
suggested. Small wonder that Hooker writes to Bentham
(February 2, 1872) : * My life has become utterly detestable
and I do long to throw up the Directorship. What can be more
humiliating than two years of wrangling with such a creature ! '
As long as the attack on Kew appeared to be Ayrton's
only, he was prepared to resign if Ayrton were not removed
or Kew placed under another department. But when he found
the Government had known of his views and had not checked
them — whether or no they favoured them — he at once changed
front, and determined to hold on till turned out, if so they
dared. The attack was on Science, and his scientific friends
rallied round the cause. Huxley, who was away in Scotland,
writes on August 23 :

From T. H. Huxley

Ardlui, Arrochar : August 23, 1871.

MY DEAR HOOKER, — I heartily wish I could have been
within tongue-reach of you and have aided and abetted
in the cooking of your new kettle of fish. I hope you have
not made the fire too hot, which is what one generally does
if left to one's own devices — at least, I do. As for your
resigning Kew, that's out of the question. Ayrton has made
such a brute of himself in all quarters, that the fact of your
rebelling against him will be a strong prima facie argument
in your favour in the minds of all men — and we shall make
common cause and shew him that he has caught a Tartar
in presuming to meddle with Science. Only let not thy
soul be vexed by that Amalekite to the verge of losing sleep,
Morpheus being the god of temper and patience.

I like what I have seen of Thomson much. He is,
mentally, like the scene which lies before my windows,
grand and massive but much encumbered with mist —
which adds to his picturesqueness but not to his intelligi-
bility. Tait * worships him with the fidelity of a large dog

1 Peter Guthrie Tait (1831-1901) was educated at Edinburgh and Cam-
bridge, where he was Senior Wrangler and First Smith's Prizeman. From
1854-60 he was Professor of Mathematics at Queen's College, Belfast, and
thereafter Professor of Natural Philosophy at' Edinburgh. Besides important
works on mathematics and physics, he wrote in conjunction with Prof. Balfour
Stewart, The Unseen Universe.

166 THE AYETON EPISODE

— which noble beast he much resembles in other ways. I
cannot say I greatly admired the address. It wants cohesion
and resembles a flash of his own aerolite more than anything
else — bright points in the midst of much nebulosity.

We have come over here to spend a few days with some
old friends but we shall [be] back at St. Andrews on Monday.
Let me hear of any new incidents in the fight. Wife unites
with me in best love.

Ever yours,

T. H. HUXLEY.

Mr. Gladstone, being appealed to, forwarded Hooker's
complaint to the First Commissioner and obtained a reply
which Hooker found unsatisfactory on one point, inaccurate on
the second, and avoiding reference to the three other points.
Accordingly, to avoid departmental embarrassment and un-
necessary publicity, Hooker asked to be put in communica-
tion with Mr. Gladstone's Private Secretary, Mr. (afterwards
Sir) Algernon West, to whom, on October 10, 1871, he offered
all explanations of his case, summarising it the same evening
in a letter :

I am at a loss what to say as to my future position under
a Minister whom I accuse of evasion, misrepresentation and
misstatements in his communications to the First Minister
of the Crown, whose conduct to myself I regard as ungracious
and offensive, and whose acts I consider to be injurious to
the public service, and tending to the subversion of discipline.
: . . Granting that the functions of a Director are restored
to me, how am I to act when ordered to undertake works
that involve wasteful expenditure, or are otherwise detri-
mental ? I should be thankful for Mr. Gladstone's instruc-
tions on this head.

By this time the matter had become a political one,
and quite apart from the merits of the case, he felt he had
political strength in the number of his friends who would be
troublesome ! 1

1 Mr. Ayrton and his supporters had had no idea of the halo of popularity
with which Sir William Hooker had surrounded Kew ; they now began to be
alarmed at the outcry about ' Kew in danger.'

APPEAL TO ME. GLADSTONE 167

Knowing this [he tells Darwin, October 20, 1871], I
am determined that my voice shall not be withered. . . .
I should lose caste altogether if I did not stand up to fight.
I am putting all this in plain language to Mr. Gladstone. I
quite feel that I should hold on here, and that it is my duty
to do so, and that I ought not even to hint at resignation.
On the contrary, my cue is to treat my being turned out
as a ridiculous idea. Moreover, to threaten even to resign
would be a dishonourable ruse. But I shall let Mr. Glad-
stone know that I continue in Office under protest, and Mr.
Ayrton's office subordinates, no less than my own here,
shall know this, and that there is no sort of compromise of
principle in doing my duty under such circumstances.

To C. Darwin.

Kew : October 31, 1871.

DEAR DARWIN, — I think that you should see enclosed.

I have at last driven Mr. Gladstone into a corner, and
/obliged him to take up my grievances. I told you that
he had forwarded my complaints against Mr. Ayrton to the
latter to be answered, and he has sent me Mr. Ayrton's in
the form of a paper of explanations, and allowed me an
opportunity of discussing them with his private Secretary
as his representative. I have unhesitatingly pronounced
Mr. Ayrton's ' explanations ' to be ' a tissue of evasions,
misstatements and misrepresentations,' and I further charge
him with telling the Prime Minister a direct falsehood. I
then proceeded to show how all but impossible it is, that
I should hold office under a Minister of whom I entertain
and express these sentiments, and whose conduct to me has
been so ungracious and offensive, and whose acts I regard as
so detrimental and subversive of discipline in this establish-
ment. I further appeal to Mr. Gladstone as the First Minister
of the Crown, ~by whom Mr. Ayrton was set to rule over me !
to direct the latter to restore to me that authority and those
functions of a Director that his Minister has taken away.

' So you see,' he continues a few days later, ' I am enjoying
a good shriek at my Lords and Masters, and I rather enjoy
tossing my horns against the Sun and Moon ' — the more so
because circumstances introduced a touch of ironic comedy
into the business. "*

168 THE AYETON EPISODE

The Duke of Argyll has been most kind about it. But
the best part of the fun is— only for God's sake don't let
it escape you — that Lyell has written to Lord Granville,
asking him to get Gladstone to confer Murchison's K.C.B.
on me ! I'd give a hundred pounds to see Gladstone's
face when this ' obus ' was dropped into the embroglio —
it gives infinite zest to the whole proceeding. Of course
Gladstone would rather give it to Ayrton than to such a
pestilent fellow as I am, who have continuously worried
him for three whole months. But how good of dear Lyell,
and how like him to cleave to an old friend and seek his
honor when in extremis. I am immensely touched by it,
and for his sake (not for my own, God knows) would have
wished him success. As it is, that incubus is now put off
sine die. Lyell has, I know, done it by way of influencing
Gladstone to my side in this pitiful quarrel with Ayrton,
and in that respect the application cannot but have immense
effect — in fact, if I beat Ayrton I shall rank Lyell's shot
as in the bull's-eye — bless him.

Ever your affectionate,

J. D. HOOKEE.

While no exception was taken by Mr. Gladstone or his
Secretary to Hooker's written or spoken statements, the
situation was a troublesome one for the Cabinet, who naturally
wished to avoid anything like a public scandal. A couple of
months passing without any steps being taken, Hooker wrote
again to Mr. West, who replied that a plan was under consider-
ation that would materially alter his position in regard to the
Office of Works.

Writing to Sir John Lubbock, February 9, 1872, he notes
that such steps will involve an Act of Parliament, but the
Ministers have not the faintest notion about the working of
Kew. Can he go to Mr. Lowe and point out the necessity of
first consulting himself or some other naturalists ? Two of
his friends who knew the Government's intentions had been
bound over not to tell him a word of what they were.

Kew [he writes] is what my father and I have made it
by our sole unaided efforts ; and the Ministers have for
three months or more been considering a scheme for funda-

ATTEMPTS AT SETTLEMENT 169

mentally altering its constitution and my position, without
consulting me either directly or indirectly in the matter.
I say nothing and try to think as little as possible of their
utter disregard of my experience and position. I have no
wish to throw up my post, but I must do so if matters go
on thus.

However, this scheme to move Kew from the Board of
Works and set Hooker ' on his legs again ' fell through in the
third week of February ; as did another essay immediately
after, for which Hooker waited with some hope, for ' Mr. West
assures me that my grievance is thoroughly appreciated and
that there is a determination to support me.' (Feb. 23).
His own opinion, however, was

that matters are not ripe for any great scheme, but that a
beginning may be made by removing Kew to the ' Lords of
the Committee,' where it will be in the same category as
Jermyn Street and South Kensington. Kew has come to
be classed with, and as one of, the Parks, most erroneously,
and out of that it must be hauled forthwith, if possible.
(To Lubbock, Feb. 19, 1872.)

This scheme being dropped, Mr. Gladstone placed the
matter in the hands of a Committee of the Cabinet, consisting
of Lord Eipon, Lord Halifax, and Mr. Cardwell,1 to whom, on
March 21, Hooker handed in a memorial stating the points
wherein his relations to the Government required definition
and correction.

The upshot was a communication from Mr. Gladstone
through Lord Eipon's secretary, that ' Mr. Ayrton has been
told that Dr. Hooker should in all respects be treated as the
head of the local establishment at Kew ; of course in sub-
ordination to the First Commissioner of Works.'

This thoroughly inconclusive statement provoked a vigorous
answer from Hooker. The issues raised were not met by such

1 Edward Cardwell (1813-86), cr. viscount on retirement from politics in
1874, was a first-rate administrator, best remembered for his Merchant Shipping
Act of 1854, and the reform of the Army when Secretary for War under Mr.
Gladstone after 1 868. Others will recall that it was he who defeated Thackeray
at the Oxford bye-election in 1867.

VOL. n x

170 THE AYRTON EPISODE

a curt and vague announcement. The First Commissioner,
to whom alone he was responsible, had officially subordinated
him to the Secretary of the Board and the Director of Works
in London. In the eight months which had passed since the
appeal was made to Mr. Gladstone, four of them under the
assurance that a measure of effective relief was under con-
sideration, the aggression had continued, and the Director's
position had become not better, but worse.

This answer was inconveniently uncompromising in reply
to a message which he had been told was official and final,
but which was later defined as a private and friendly com-
munication. As an official answer was now to come from the
Treasury, Hooker was begged to let this letter be regarded
as non avenue. Since, however, he had shown it to his friends
and counsellors, he felt that Mr. Gladstone should see what
had been seen by others, and the letter remained as part of
the correspondence.

The Treasury's official reply, dated April 25, merely repeated
the message, with the addition that

they anticipate no difficulty in the regulation of the relations
of that important establishment (Kew) to the office of the
Board of Works, in which the duties and powers of manage-
ment are vested by statute.

The vagueness of this statement is only equalled by that
of the final paragraph.

The present form of estimate for Kew Gardens laid by
their Lordships before the House of Commons cannot now
be altered, but it will be acted upon, and will in future be
framed in accordance with this letter.

Hooker therefore (on May 1) begged an interpretation of
these generalities, without which he could not understand his
position, in regard to the original points at issue. But to this
letter no answer was sent.

So far the Government had admitted the essential justice
of Hooker's case by trying to effect his release from an
injudicious superior. If this could not be effected at once,

MEMORIAL FROM MEN OP SCIENCE 171

he must be patient. Kew, politically, was of negligible
importance ; Cabinet solidarity could not be imperilled on
its account. It was the politician's instinct to look at the
affair as a personal matter. Granted that the First Com-
missioner's action had been rough, even incorrect — to take
offence was to be too thin-skinned. Now that complaint
had been made and considered, all could be smoothed over by
a general expression of confidence that in the future the rules
would be observed.

But it was a great deal more than a matter of personal
offence. True that the attack was on Hooker's personal
position ; but in his person were attacked Kew itself, and
science and administrative fair dealing. It remained to make
Kew less negligible politically ; to send the Prime Minister
an expression of the weightiest scientific opinion, and finally,
to lay the matter before Parliament, through Sir John Lubbock,
the natural representative of science in the House of Commons.

Accordingly a full statement of the case was drawn up over
the signatures of Sir Charles Lyell and Darwin, of George
Bentham, Sir Henry Holland, George Burrows, George Busk,
and H. C. Rawlinson, Presidents respectively of the Linnean
Society, the Royal Institution, the Colleges of Physicians and
Surgeons, and the Geographical Society, of Sir James Paget
(the surgeon), William Spottiswoode (afterwards President of
the Royal Society), and Professors Huxley and Tyndall.1
This recited the history of Kew, its debt to the two Hookers,
and the overbearing acts of Mr. Ayrton. The concluding
paragraphs run as follows :

It but rarely falls in either with our duties or our desires
to meddle in public questions ; and not until we found Dr.
Hooker maimed as regards his scientific usefulness — not
until we saw the noble establishment of which he has hither-
to been the living head in peril of losing services which it
would be absolutely impossible to replace ; not, indeed,
until we had observed a hesitation upon your part which

1 Tyndall, writing to Huxley on April 27, remarks that the Government
lacks ' inner fibre of rectitude sufficiently strong to resist Ayrton, so the only
plan is to lift up the hands of Joshua by external aid. What a smashing
memorial could be written on this correspondence.'

172 THE AYETON EPISODE

we believe could only arise from lack of information — did
the thought of interference in this controversy occur to us.
Knowing how difficult it must be for one engrossed in the
duties of your high position to learn the real merits of a
conflict like that originated by the First Commissioner of
Works, we venture to hope that you will not look with
disfavour on an attempt to place a clear and succinct state-
ment of the case before you.

That statement invites you, respectfully, to decide
whether Kew Gardens are, or are not, to lose the supervision
of a man of whose scientific labours any nation might be
proud ; in whom natural capacity for the post he occupies
has been developed by a culture unexampled in variety and
extent ; a man honoured for his integrity, beloved for his
courtesy and kindliness of heart ; and who has spent in the
public service, not only a stainless, but an illustrious life.
The resignation of Dr. Hooker under the circumstances here
set forth would, we declare, be a calamity to English science
and a scandal to the English Government. With the power
to avert this in your hands, we appeal to your justice to
do so. The difficulty of removing the Directorship of Kew
from the Department of Works cannot surely be insuperable ;
or, if it be, it must be possible to give such a position to the
Director and such definition to his duties, as shall in future
shield him from the exercise of authority which has been so
wantonly abused.

Little as the Government desired to give battle on behalf
of so unpopular a representative, in a cause which could not
possibly do them any good, conflict became inevitable when,
early in July, the question began to be discussed in the public
press. The Spectator of July 13 had a strong article, based
on the memorial of the men of science, declaring that if by such
treatment Hooker were compelled to resign, it would be a
great and very real calamity to the nation. An article in the
Daily Telegraph of the 15th suggested the line that would be
taken up by the First Commissioner. The trouble, it was
alleged, arose from his zeal for retrenchment, cutting down the
tropical exuberance of the Kew estimates. The plain fact
was precisely opposite to this. The economies effected were

TEEASUEY EEBUKE TO AYETON 173

due to Hooker's management ; the additional estimates were
those he had protested against. Accordingly Lubbock gave
notice that he would raise the question on the 30th, and called
for papers to be laid before the House. On the 25th the
papers were tabled. These 128 folio pages were remarkable
as combining redundancy with incompleteness ; redundancy
in irrelevant matters of ancient history, of which The Times
remarks that ' so scrupulous an economist as Mr. Ayrton might
have been expected to save the country the expense of printing
such trivialities ' ; incompleteness in the omission, save for
one memorandum, of the correspondence between Mr. Ayrton,
Mr. Gladstone, and Dr. Hooker, on which the latter's charges
of ' evasions, misrepresentation and misstatements in his
communications to the First Minister of the Crown ' were
based.

Additional papers, however, were presented to the House
of Lords, and formed the basis of some discussion on the 29th.
They gave fifty pages of correspondence between the Treasury,
the Board of Works, the Civil Service Commissioners, and Dr.
Hooker, showing that in the ordinary course of business the
Treasury ' intimated to Mr. Ayrton a very decided opinion '
that ' he has failed to treat Dr. Hooker with proper considera-
tion,' while ' in addition to this, the Eeturn closes with an
important Treasury Minute, dated July 24, which deals
generally with the whole controversy, and with ample con-
sideration for Mr. Ayrton, admits substantially the justice of
Dr. Hooker's remonstrance.' It was very plain speaking to
say that ' the Lords of the Treasury are not surprised that in
various cases Dr. Hooker should have thought that he had
just cause of complaint,' and ' they direct so decidedly that
in all matters connected with the scientific branch of the
Gardens Dr. Hooker's opinion should be followed, subject only
to the consideration of expense, and lay down so distinctly
his right to be consulted in all matters relating to the manage-
ment of the establishment, that there can hardly be room in
future for substantial disagreement.'

The most unpardonable feature, however, of the Eeturn
laid before the House was the publication of an official report

174 THE AYETON EPISODE

on Kew and its management which had never been submitted
to the Director for answer or comment. Ayrton had caused
it to be written by Prof. Owen, who was notoriously hostile
to Kew and to its Director for his evidence before the Science
Commissioners, and Owen had employed all his great dexterity
to belittle Kew and its applications of systematic botany, to
urge the transfer of its collections to the British Museum,
where they would come under his own government, and to
insinuate a bitter personal attack on both the Hookers.

Nothing could so rouse Hooker as an attack on the memory
of his father. He insisted on adding to the parliamentary
papers a vigorous and dignified reply. It was easy enough to
expose the long string of misrepresentations as to the aims of
a Botanic Garden, the actual arrangement of the plants, the
need of a first-class herbarium and library at hand, and a dis-
ingenuous comparison with the old-time practice of identify-
ing plants — to challenge the perversion of Hooker's known
views as to the Herbaria at Kew and the British Museum
— to dispose of the approved sneer at systematic botany in
the herbarium, whose ' net result ' was ' attaching barbarous
binomials to dried foreign weeds ' — to repel the false innu-
endoes as to the labours and rewards of Hooker and his
fellow workers. But his greatest satisfaction was to pulverise
the attacks upon his father — not on the strength of his own
assertions, but by citing the Treasury Minute which followed
the Report. Did Owen make sidelong appeal for an official
enquiry into the benefits received from Kew by the leading
gardeners ? He was answered in advance by the Eoyal
Horticultural Society's address to the Premier, by the meetings
of the botanists and the consensus of the gardening papers.
Did he impute neglect to introduce new, rare, and beautiful
plants ? For five- and- twenty years, from the beginning to
the end of Sir William's Directorate, his Botanical Magazine
was full of descriptions and illustrations of these. Eagerness
to find any handle for attack overreached itself no less signally
in specific charges of mismanaging the trees at Kew. Especially
there was the great Araucaria. Look how inferior it was
to its coeval at Dropmore. Sir William was in fault 1 Sir

ATTACK ON HIS FATHEB 175

William's son must have had particular satisfaction in giving
the actual facts. Here was no matter of opinion. The mere
recital of facts was damning to the accuser who was in an
official position to know them. The tree in question had come
to Kew in 1796 ; it had been planted in poor soil and cossetted
till its growth was checked and its strength failed ! Sir
William, forty-four years later, found it moribund : he left it
a strong tree 30 feet high and 90 in spread. The better appear-
ance of the Dropmore tree was due to its having been planted
at once in more favourable soil and better atmosphere.

The debate in the House of Lords on July 29 was marked
by one piece of disingenuous tactics that was immediately
exposed. One speaker was put up to say, inter alia, that the
memorial of the men of science in support of Hooker was to
be discounted because some of the signatories were moved not
by sympathy for Dr. Hooker, nor illwill to Mr. Ayrton, but
opposition to Owen's views on a central botanical museum,
and other differences.

This gave Prof. Huxley, as one of the signatories, occasion
to write to The Times (July 31, 1872), pointing out that the
scientific memorial was in Mr. Gladstone's hands a month
before anyone knew of Owen's participation in the affair, and
that no divergence of opinion as to the botanical value of Kew
touched the points at issue.1

Before the debate in the Commons, on August 8, various
negotiations took place, through Sir John Lubbock. Mr.
Gladstone wrote to him that Ayrton had no intention of giving
offence. Hooker responded in kind. Then Mr. Gladstone

1 ' I am not aware that there is anything (except its strong infusion of
hostility towards Dr. Hooker) in the paper presented two months ago by
Professor Owen to the First Commissioner which the memorialists might not
accept without incurring the risk of a charge of inconsistency. For example,
if I thought it a wise way of convincing people of my fitness to express an
opinion upon a botanical question, I might speak of the great science of
systematic botany as a process of " attaching barbarous binomials to foreign
weeds," or I might advocate the conversion of Kew into a sort of colossal
kitchen garden, and the transference of its vast collection to the British Museum,
without being thereby estopped from entertaining any of the opinions which
have been expressed by the memorialists as to the justice or propriety of the
dealings of the First Commissioner of Works with Dr. Hooker.'

Owen's reply in The Times of August 8 may be read as an example of ineffec-
tive ingenuity.

176 THE AYKTON EPISODE

desired withdrawal of the charge of evasion — a sign, apparently,
that the case was too strong to be successfully defended.
Hooker agreed on condition that a substantial reply to Owen's
attack be placed at once before the House. This was effected
by a Treasury Minute, whereupon Hooker, in accordance with
the Prime Minister's wish, withdrew any imputations which
may be regarded as of a personal character in his letter to Mr.
West of October 30; 1871, at the same time requesting per-
mission, in justice to his father's memory, to place on record
in the Office of Works his reply to Owen's report. He refused,
however, to withdraw the letter itself, the basis of all his charges
for the last ten months, lest this should be used against him as
a withdrawal of the charges themselves.

Lubbock's speech in the House was effective in its studied
moderation, backed by the force of the Treasury's official rebuke
to Ayrton's roughness and the incompleteness of his presenta-
tion of the case. Ayrton, in a defence ' forty times as able
as his written memorandum,' as the Spectator describes it,
' exerted his whole capacity in developing this thesis, that when,
as Justice Maule said, " God Almighty was addressing a black
beetle," He could not be expected to choose His words.' The
whole drift of his reply was that he had not injured Dr. Hooker,
and that Dr. Hooker was far too low an official to have a right
to raise questions of manner with a Minister of the Crown.
He was a mere subordinate spending £12,000 a- year, while
the ' departments I control spend £1,200,000.' It was a great
thing for a Minister of the Crown to take such ' trouble to
satisfy a person occupying so subordinate a position.' Dr.
Hooker ought to have called on the Secretary, if he had any-
thing to complain of, ' like anyone else who was one of a number
of subordinates.' His scientific friends had written a scurrilous
libel on him (Mr. Ayrton) secretly, though they only knew
' about organic and inorganic matter,' while he knew some-
thing ' far higher,' the science of the law. Evasions ! Those
were ' errors used by a slave to escape from the anger of his master,
but which a master, conscious of his power, was not in the habit
of using against a slave.'

The House was so taken aback by the strong man's repre-

CONCLUSION 177

sentation of himself as the ' weak and helpless victim of a
scientific tyrant ' that it allowed Mr. Gladstone to wind up the
debate without expressing its opinion on what it had heard.
The Government could congratulate itself on escape from a
most unpromising situation. It had avoided producing the
crushing correspondence which, though Ayrton had declared
it should not be produced if asked for, Mr. Gladstone had not
refused. Hooker, though still eager to substantiate his charges
to the hilt, bowed to Mr. Gladstone's wish, and wrote Ayrton
a formal withdrawal of imputations that might be regarded
as personal or incompatible with official subordination. Ayrton
rejected this qualified withdrawal as being less than he had
demanded in the debate. The truce, however, remained un-
broken. At last, in August 1874, Mr. Gladstone transferred
Mr. Ayrton from the Board of Works to the resuscitated
office of Judge Advocate General. With the resignation of the
Ministry in 1874 his 'political career came to an end, as he twice
failed to secure re-election to Parliament. But till then Hooker
lived in perpetual uncertainty as to the next move, and exclaims
to Maw (November 2, 1872) :

How I long for your liberty of life. You cannot con-
ceive the depressing effect of working under a chief in whom
you have less than no confidence. I dread opening every
letter from the Board, lest it should contain something
offensive, and I suspect every unusual communication.

Sir Algernon West, in his ' Recollections, ' recalls the part
he played as mediator in the quarrel, and says that he found
Ayrton the more reasonable man to deal with. I think this
is highly probable, for Ayrton had no reason to stand out for
redress of grievances and was quite ready to accept an act
of oblivion and indemnity — for his own indiscretions — and to
promise official correctitude — if he might be judge of what was
officially correct.

CHAPTEK XXXVI

LIFE AND FKIENDSHIP AT KEW

A VISITOR to Kew about this period would have found the
Director always busy, though never hustling. Entering the
house from Kew Green, to which it turned an old-world front
of brick half covered with ivy, the visitor would be shown
along a passage hung with old engravings to the Director's
studies, two simple rooms lined with books. In the wide south
window that filled up most of the farther end and looked out
upon a green lawn backed with trees, stood a table and micro-
scope. On the right stretched tables and a long desk covered
with letters and reports, perhaps a pot of strange flowers and
several coloured drawings of rare plants. Over the mantel-
piece hung a medallion of Sir John Franklin and a portrait of
Darwin, and on the walls various portraits of botanical worthies,
including his father and Lindley, as well as some of the beloved
Wedgwood portrait medallions framed.

Somehow he would generally be able to steal time from his
long day to show his visitor something of the beauty and the
scientific worth of the Gardens, for he was proud of both. He
was eager to stir interest in Kew for its own sake ; well-in-
formed public opinion would resist its possible starvation by
a penny-wise Government.

When he sallied forth, it would not be in the conventional

silk hat and black coat always worn by Bentham and Oliver

in the Gardens. Much travel had confirmed his liking for

comfortable clothes ; he appeared in the freedom and ease of

178

THE GAEDEN EOUTINE 179

a light suit and a flat topped felt hat or occasionally a white
' topper.' It is recorded, however, that once being cornered
in the Herbarium by distinguished visitors, he dashed into
Oliver's room and borrowed a black coat in place of his
working jacket.

Each corner of the Gardens would suggest a particular
aspect of Kew's activities : travel and discovery ; special
modes of cultivating tropical plants, which at last made even
the languishing plants flourish and the flourishing ones expand
beyond their enforced limits to the veritable splendour of their
own homes ; and not least, the abounding benefit arising from
the practical side of economic botany.

He always rose early and worked before breakfast. As to
his ordinary routine, the day's work had its share of outdoor
movement in the morning round of the houses and gardens.
This, the gardening side of his work, though he enjoyed it,
was not his special metier in the same way as botanical science.
He was not a gardener steeped in the empirical treatment
so different from the plants' natural conditions with which
travel and travellers had made him familiar. The story runs
that on his round of the houses he marked a particular plant
and gave an order : ' Don't water this ; it is in Nature's
three months' drought.' The foreman followed just after
with a nod and a whisper : ' Never mind what Sir Joseph
says ! ' All the same, cultivation reached a high level under
the Hookers' regime, though with supplies pared down to
the barest minimum, it was a struggle to maintain things
adequately. The palmiest days for this side of the Gardens
could only be when the Department was ruled by a minister
who had personal appreciation of such work and helped it
with a liberal hand.

The largest part of the day's work, however, lay in the
correspondence. Letters poured in every day from Europe
and Asia, Africa, Australia and America, with enquiries about
plants large and small. In the Herbarium curator and
assistants would be busy naming plants from the most out-
of-the-way parts of the world. These were generally sent in

180 LIFE AND FBIENDSHIP AT KEW

duplicate ; one specimen going to swell the Kew collection in
return for naming plants which the senders could not identify.
Correspondence, much of it in Hooker's own hand, was main-
tained with the directors of botanical gardens elsewhere, and
with collectors and unofficial correspondents. The raising
of useful plants from seeds and cuttings and sending them to
new countries was a vast undertaking in itself. Eeports on
the ordinary work and on the special subjects referred to Kew
had to be written, the Botanical Magazine and the Icones
Plantarum to be published, work to be done on the Colonial
Floras that were being issued in connexion with Kew. It was
only after official work was over that he could turn to his own
original work, and official work did not necessarily end with
official hours.

Yet all this never cut short his scientific work ; the Botanist
was never swallowed up in the Official, though he kept in the
closest touch with the details of administration. In all this
he looked well after his subordinates. He never lost a chance
of picking up a promising young man to whom he could give
work in the Gardens till he was fully trained and thus exempted
from Civil Service examination before being added to the
staff. Often he found excellent places for them in Colonial
botanic gardens where they could best serve science and keep
in close touch with Kew. His personal interest here is illus-
trated by a cheery letter to the elder Oliver in 1865, telling
how he had bidden one of the other Garden officials restrict
his correspondence with a gardening paper to time outside the
official hours of 8.30 to 5. At the same time he warned him
about excessive smoking and his habit of rushing back to
work immediately after meals — ' which you should be told of
too ! He suffers from dyspepsia (no wonder).' Prof. F. W.
Oliver remembers his father obediently resting three-quarters
of an hour after lunch. He was always fearful of assuming
the position of scientific mentor over his subordinates, especially
at first. Still, in case of need, he would lose no opportunity
of keeping their work on the right lines, till they found their
way for themselves.

Bad workmanship and waste of time were his abhorrence,

DISEAELI AND THE VICTORIA EEGIA 181

and he would condemn them emphatically.1 To give must
always be to give of the best. Judge of his horror when once
he found Crump, the Herbarium man, ' picking out the worst
specimens from the borders for von Mueller, and then ' — what
was almost worse than such misplaced parsimony — ' making
them up into shocking bad parcels,' for he himself was excellent
at making up parcels, and often sent away plants with his
own hands. This was how he was occupied when Prof. Daniel
Oliver first set eyes upon him in 1858, in the little room to the
right of the Herbarium door.

Mean motives were even more hateful to him. To protect
the Gardens from the dust and dirt that came from the increased
traffic outside, it became necessary to raise the wall along the
Eichmond Eoad. He would have preferred simple railings,
for they would have added to the amenities of the district,
only they would have ruined the Gardens. Thus he was
regretfully compelled to resist the local property owners, who
desired the railings so that a nice view might be opened up
for their houses overlooking the Gardens. But this regret
was mitigated when he found that the nice view thus obtained
was to be a ground for raising their tenants' rent.

In general he was outspoken and downright, but he could
be beautifully diplomatic. Prof. Oliver was with him when
he interviewed Disraeli about a pension for Fitch, the admirable
botanical draughtsman. Disraeli was rather unwilling, but
Hooker played on his Imperialist feelings by showing him
drawings by Fitch of the Victoria Eegia and suchlike high-
sounding names, and succeeded. The auditor was greatly
tickled.

For young people he had a great liking ; an unquenchable
touch of boyishness kept his spirit from ageing. Prof. F. W.
Oliver tells how as a boy he had one day climbed up an oak
tree in the Gardens. Hooker at the same time was moved to
ascend the Pagoda close by, and spotting the boy by the move-

1 In his last letter to the Secretary of the Linnean Society he begs to have
the leaves of their Journal cut, after the good example of the Geological, Royal,
and Statistical Societies. He wastes so much time and temper over cutting
the leaves of the books which must be read, that he fears they will be registered
against him aloft. It will be a mercy to him to have the pages out.

182 LIFE AND FBIENDSHIP AT KEW

ment in the branches, hailed him, and they exchanged greetings
and fun. As they walked back, they were met by one of the
Hooker boys. Hooker told him of the adventure ; the spirit
of rivalry was stirred, whereupon he set them on a challenge
climb up the cables of the great flagstaff. The result has
faded from memory ; the picture that remains is of the central
figure ordering them down when honour was satisfied. So,
too, he always looked in on the children's parties ; Prof. Oliver
remembers his appearing from under the table as a lion, and
a very fine lion he made.

It was this same buoyancy of spirit that made it so difficult
to induce him to talk of the past. In a moment he was back
in the present and the future, the things that were being done,
the things that still might be accomplished.

His unceasing interest in the education of his sons, as they
reached school age, is reflected in his letters both to Darwin,
whose sons were past that age, and to Huxley, whose cares
in that direction were beginning. In 1872 Charles Hooker was
at the International College at Isleworth, under Dr. Leonhard
Schmitz, a modern school, where the main stress was laid on
science and modern languages. Brian was at a preparatory
school. It was disappointing to find that at a scientific school
science was not yet emancipated from bookish methods, while
at a literary school the headmaster did not know what was
inside his books of literature.

To T. H. Huxley

(Christmas 1872.)

I am disgusted with the so-called Science teaching at the
International, and have written a sharp remonstrance to
Schmitz : it is an utter sham, worse by far than nothing,
and calculated to bring the thing into contempt.

Per contra, Brian brings from Weybridge, as a school
prize, a copy of Chaucer, with all its obscenity, verbatim
and literatim, reproduced, — a sweet thing for an ingenuous
youth of 12 ! So I send a shell into that camp, and am
answered that it is a mistake, and that the Master (a Eev.
D.D.) never read Chaucer and got it as a prize for another
boy who had ' been examined in the " Faery Queene." ' I

A BKOTHEKLY GIFT 188

don't see the connection myself. Perhaps the D.D. thinks
that Chaucer wrote the latter. I have prescribed for him
a course of the ' Miller's ' and ' Eeeve's ' tales with analyses.

A pleasanter echo came from the Himalayas after more
than twenty years.

To Charles Darwin

November 1873.

I am in a state of temporary inflation — a book just
published on the military operations in Sikkim says of my
Travels : ' Never was the officer commanding a force
favoured with a fuller, more able, or more lucid report of a
country and its inhabitants than I was by the study of Dr.
Hooker.' I wonder whether Leonard * will ever display
such military sagacity and acumen as this Commander-in-
Chief ; and he has his reward by being made ' Keeper of
Crown Jewels,' a sort of Lady's Maid Extraordinary, you
will say.

The serious illness of his friend Huxley gave occasion for
drawing the links of friendship yet closer. Consistent over-
work had led to a breakdown, aggravated by the black misery
of acute dyspepsia. In 1872 a trip to Egypt improved matters,
but much of the good was undone by renewed overwork, coupled
with the worry of a wholly gratuitous lawsuit. On his move
into a new house, a rascally neighbour pretended that his
property was damaged by certain building operations. His
efforts at blackmail were contemptuously thrown out in the
Courts, but, as he was a man of straw, no costs could be re-
covered from him, and Huxley found himself heavily mulcted
for being in the right.

His friends were deeply concerned at the threat of a renewed
breakdown ; and Darwin, in whom generosity and delicacy
went hand in hand, organised a joint gift from eighteen such
friends, as ' to an honoured and much loved brother,' which
should enable him to rest, free from every care, until
he had won back to health. (See ' Life of T. H. Huxley/
chap, xxvi.)

1 His third son, now Major Darwin, R.E.

184 LIFE AND FKIENDSHIP AT KEW

To diaries Darwin

Monday (March or April, 1873).

I write by return of post. Come on Wednesday. I am
so happy to think you can. I have never liked to worry you
by asking — thank goodness you know that.

Fanny called on you the other day with some such
proposal on the tip of her tongue. She had suggested to
me the paying to Huxley's Banker the amount of his law
expenses (to be raised by you, I, and a couple or so more).
I asked Tyndall the night before F. called on you, and he
thought the affair too small, and that H. would not like the
' stealing a march upon him.' So we agreed that F. should
say nothing to you about it. The matter has however never
left our minds.

My impression is that the thing (raising £3000 or so)
should be done, if we can assure ourselves that H. will have
it, but I feel sure that this will be a difficulty. He and I
have been railing at the testimonial system within the
last few weeks ; x and as a public testimonial I feel sure he
would not accept. I have beaten my brains to find out
if we could practise a pious fraud, and hand it over to him
as a legacy from a defunct friend — but he is a deal too sharp,
and no one could be other than open with Huxley. I can't
conceive deception, however innocent, in his presence. I
have no time to say more, but do, I pray you, cudgel your
brains. I will come to lunch with you to-morrow, Tuesday,
lest weather or health should prevent your coming here on
Wednesday.

The gift was accepted in the spirit in which it was offered.
On April 25, Hooker tells Darwin :

I am charmed with Huxley's noble-minded letter. We
had a walk and talk together yesterday, but no allusion
passed — but he said he was determined on a long holiday
and was very doubtful whether to give up his summer
Lectures to Schoolmasters or no. He asked whether I
would go with him in July to Auvergne and Germany ;

1 Apropos of certain memorials and monuments to men of science, to which
as P.R.S. he felt bound to subscribe (' these are the luxuries of Presidentship '),
Hooker had recently told Darwin he need not contribute to one of them : ' I
see no call whatever, and disapprove this eternal touting for dead bones.'

TBAVEL WITH HUXLEY 185

I promised that I would if I did not go to America, of which
I have heard nothing more.

This is modestly put ; in plain fact he had to wrestle hard
to overcome the invalid's stubborn desire to ' cany on.' A
special inducement was this visit to the volcanic region of the
Auvergne with Scrope's1 classical volume, which they both
knew and admired, as a guide-book.

They began their month's trip on July 2. * I will take
great care of Huxley,' he wrote to Darwin. He was loaded
with doctor's orders as to what his friend should eat and drink
and avoid, how much to sleep and rest, how little to talk and
walk, orders

that would have made the expedition a perpetual burden
had I not believed that I knew enough of my friend's dis-
position and ailments to be convinced that not only health
but happiness would be our companions throughout.

And so it was. After the first few days, depression was
lightened ; mental recreation was found by picking up at a
bookstall a ' History of the Miracles of Lourdes/ which were
then exciting the religious fervour of France, and the interest
of her scientific public. He followed this up with keen interest,
getting together all accessible treatises on the subject, favour-
able or the reverse, and forming a very definite opinion as to
the nature of the original ' vision ' from which the rest followed.

By the end of another week, he was equal to any expedition
they cared to make in the still primitive conditions of Central
France and its rural districts. Geology was an unfailing lure ;
and near La Tour on the Pic de Sancy they made what they
thought was a new discovery — namely, evidence of glacial
action in Central France ; striated stones, a seemingly glaciated
valley and huge perched blocks. (See ' Nature,' xiii. 31, 166.)

1 George Julius Poulett Scrope, F.R.S. (1797-1876), a pioneer, with his
friend Lyell, of modern geology, though after the Reform Act of 1832 he devoted
himself principally to social reform. His two most important works were on
Volcanos and on the Geology and Extinct Volcanos of Central France, which ' is
still carefully read by every geologist who visits Auvergne.' He was awarded
the Wollaston Medal in 1867.

186 LIFE AND FKIENDSHIP AT KEW

It turned out, however, that these had been already observed
by Sir William Guise in 1870 and von Lasaulx1 in 1872.

Geology, too, offered a special interest at Le Puy in the
skeleton of a pre-historic man found in a cave with the remains
of a rhinoceros, elephant, and other extinct mammals. This
Huxley carefully examined and sketched.

Then, to quote Hooker once more,

after leaving the Ardeche, with no Scrope to lead or follow,
our scientific ardours collapsed. We had vague views as to
future travel. Whatever one proposed was unhesitatingly
acceded to by the other. A more happy-go-lucky pair of
idlers never joined company.

So they wandered to Dauphiny ; then, driven from Grenoble
by heat and maleficent drains, to the Black Forest.

By August 2 he was home, ready to attend the meeting of the
British Association at Bradford, having parted from Huxley at
Baden Baden, ' really remarkably well/ as he reports to Darwin.

On his return he found a surprise for himself and his friend.

Kew : August 4 (probably 5), 1873.

Taking up the Times last night, over a ' Jamaica ' in
the kitchen, I find it announced that you, Tyndall, Airy,
and self, are all made Knights of the Polar Star !

[His own insignia had arrived] — a great nuisance, having
to send it back with a long yarn. I shall get into the black
books of all the crowned Heads, and think of putting up a
notice warning off all such.

For acceptance was formally barred by the rule that ' the
Queen neither authorises in her officers and Civil Servants,
the acceptance, nor allows the wearing of these orders/ in
accordance with which Hooker had previously refused decora-
tions offered by the Tsar and the Emperor of Brazil.

A common line of action had to be arranged, for even one
who, like Tyndall, held no official position, was not free in the
matter.

1 A. von Lasaulx, a Sicilian, published Ein geographisches Charakterbild,
1879, and Der Aetna in 2 vols. in 1880, from the MSS. of the late Dr. Wolfgang
Sartorius.

OEDEE OF THE NOETH STAE 187

To T. H. Huxley

August 8, 1873.

As to the North Star — it is only given for Scientific or
Literary merit, is very limited (to 50 I think), and a very
great mark. All which is 0 to the purpose. The Queen's
Order in Council is absolute. ' No subject of H.M. shall
accept a Foreign Order, or wear the Insignia thereof, without
previously obtaining H.M.'s permission to that effect.'

It goes on to say that no permission can be granted except
for ' active and distinguished service before the Enemy or
except the person shall have been actually and entirely
employed beyond H.M.'s dominions, in the service of the
Foreign Sovereign.'

This would equally apply to the Order ' pour le merite,'
which I should decline on the same grounds. Now comes
the hitch. Little Sweden is very proud of this Order, which
is sent to us at the instigation of the Swedish Academy
without a doubt — and who but such would single out Airy,
Tyndall and you and me. Such concentrated wisdom is
not of Courts and Camps — and it appears to me that hasty
action on the part of the representative men (of E.S.) might
give offence. So I took the liberty of suggesting to Mrs.
H. to acknowledge receipt of communication in your name,
and add, that owing to your absence, it would be some time
before you could write in person. Then I wrote to Sec7,
of Embassy, telling him I had refused similar Orders and
must this, but that if the sending back the Brevet and
Decoration would give offence, I would make further applica-
tion to the Foreign Office for instructions. His first answer
was evident bewilderment, which was followed by next post
by another very nice letter, to the effect that should per-
mission to accept be refused as, he added, it no doubt would,
he hoped that I would still not refuse to retain the brevet
and decoration. I took this to the F.O., and was advised
by the head of the Treaty &c. Department not to send these
back, as it would clearly give offence, but to let my refusal
to accept stand. The position being this, that neither I
nor the Queen can prevent the King of Sweden naming me
one of his Eitters, whether I accept or no, but that this
cannot absolve from the duty of declining to accept. Then
I had to revolve in my mighty mind what to say to H.M.

188 LIFE AND FEIENDSHIP AT KEW

of Sweden — which I settled by asking H.E. Baron Hoch-
schild, through Count Steenbock, to ' convey to H.M. the K.
of S. and N., my grateful sense of the honour he has con-
ferred upon me, in holding me worthy of being created a
Knight of so illustrious an Order as the North Star, which
is distinguished for the high Literary and Scientific attain-
ments of its members.' My previous refusal to accept,
being official, holds good, and I retain the badge and brevet
to please them. If this course approves itself to you, you
might write to Count Steenbock, expressing your regret
that H.M. Orders in Council peremptorily preclude the
formal acceptance and wearing of the Order, and thank him
in the sense I have (i.e. for his intentions) and either say
nothing about badge and brevet, or that you retain them
as a pledge of H.M.'s gracious message. Address, Count
Otto Steenbock, 2 Great Cumberland Place, W.

The death of Lady Lyell in 1873 broke one of the links with
olden days. She was the eldest daughter of Leonard Horner,
the geologist, education reformer and public worker.1 Among
his friends were the elder generation of Hookers, Lyells, and
Darwins, through his friend S. T. Galton, who had married
Dr. Darwin's sister.

Mary Horner, eight years Joseph Hooker's senior, was first
of a group of sisters distinguished for beauty and charm, which
touched the artist in him as well as the friend.

To diaries Darwin

April 25, 1873.

Lady Ly ell's death is a complete upset. I called to-day
and had a long talk with poor Mrs. Lyell 2 and saw (at her
wish) for the last time that most lovable face shrouded in
flowers in the coffin — looking so calm and beautiful. Amid
a flood of later memories my mind rushed back to long years
ago, when quite a boy, I felt rather than thought, that 1

i 1785-1864. He was the first Warden of University College iii London, a
founder of the Edinburgh School of Arts and the Academy, the well-known
boys' school, President of the Geological Society, and afterwards for twenty-
five years a Factory Inspector under the new Factory Act.

1 Katharine Horner (1817-1914), the fourth sister, married Charles' brother,
Ool. Henry Lyell.

DEATH OF MKS. HOOKEK 189

never could look at it without emotion — I used to dream
of it as a child. I have no morbid or other liking for seeing
the faces of the dead, but am glad I have seen this ; it was
so beautiful — and I should not have liked my last thoughts
of her to have been coupled with a face worn by sickness.

The happy but strenuous tenor of his life was soon to be
broken in upon by a grievous and unexpected blow. This was
the death of Mrs. Hooker. The year had opened with brightness
as well as shadows. The Presidency of the Eoyal Society
was the crown of his scientific career. In connexion with a
Botanical Congress at Florence during the spring, he made a
charming tour with his wife in Northern Italy. He was happily
able, as his letter of July 18 tells, to take once more a deep
draught of the music he loved so well. But the physical
strain was more and more tense, and was aggravated by a bout
of whooping cough early in the year, caught from his children
who brought it back from school. A sign of fatigue in
September was the recurrence of ear-trouble, while, as a last
straw, Prof. Dyer was unable to continue as his private secretary.

I am in the depths of despair [he tells Darwin]. He is
quite right — he ought to be at original work, and I am only
too glad to think that he will now settle to good work, though
to me the loss of his hour a day is dreadful.

As has been told already, his request to the Office of Works
for the assistance so imperatively necessary with the expan-
sion of the functions of Kew, was coolly shelved until in the
following January he appealed direct to the Treasury. This
time the Treasury officials showed no unwise parsimony. The
Office of Works was invited to do its duty ; and when, being
internally at sixes and sevens, it was again in default, the Prime
Minister himself, Mr. Disraeli, intervened. Prof. Dyer was
appointed Assistant Director in the summer of 1875, and in
August the most obnoxious official was politely retired.

It was in the midst of this wearing strain that the blow
fell. Mrs. Hooker died quite suddenly on November 13, 1874.
She had lived to see her husband reach the highest scientific
fame and the highest position in the scientific world. The

190 LIFE AND FRIENDSHIP AT KEW

daughter of a botanist and a considerable botanist herself,
her active interests marched with his. As a good writer of
English, she constantly aided him in his writing and correction
of proofs, where he relied greatly on her judgment. Her
knowledge of foreign languages enabled her to play her part
whether as hostess receiving the many foreign visitors to Kew,
or as guest with her husband on his official visits abroad. Her
skill was also shown in the translation of Le Maout and
Decaisne's ' General System of Botany,' which was published
in 1873, with additions by Dr. Hooker. An attachment
buttressed by mutual affinity, by a share of common interests
and pursuits, by the same measured firmness in ensuring the
same ideals of family and social life, had taken into its fabric
the common joys and sorrows of three-and-twenty years.

Of the six surviving children, three still required care. The
inevitable problems of the home and education added their
undivided anxieties to Hooker's workaday burdens. For the
blow had fallen at a moment when not only the honours but
the labours of the time had been heaped up.

His elder daughter was able to be a great help to her
father, and fortunately his aunt, Mrs. Dawson Turner,1 and
her daughter (afterwards Mrs. Calverley Bewicke), were able to
join his family circle and were of great assistance to him. He
especially delighted in his cousin Mrs. Bewicke's beautiful
voice and cultured singing — a voice afterwards devoted for
many years and until, indeed, the present time, to the enjoy-
ment of the sick and wounded in Westminster Hospital.

Two brief references may be permitted to his sense of loss.
One is in a letter to Huxley, a fortnight after the event.

December 7, 1874.

As for me, barring fits of depression, I am getting on. I
am still in a sort of trance — my memory of the immediate
past is blurred, and I have difficulty in recalling her features.
I think of her mostly as the girl I so long and so dearly loved

1 The wife of Dawson William Turner (1815-85), philanthropist and
educational writer; son of Dawsbn Turner ; demy of Magdalen College, Oxford ;
M.A. 1840, D.C.L. 1862; for some years Headmaster of the Royal Institution
at Liverpool, and a most generous benefactor to the London Hospitals.

HOME MEMORIES 191

25 years ago, and feel as if I had never returned from the
East to marry her, — and never shall now. And yet I am
perpetually stumbling into pitfalls of recollections of the
immediate past.

The other is in a letter to Darwin eighteen months later;
from Nuneham, near Oxford.

I am here on a two days' visit to a place I had not seen
since I was here with Fanny Henslow in 1847 ! I cannot tell
you how depressed I feel at times. She, you and Oxford
are burnt into my memory.

The following recollections, contributed by Mrs. Bewicke,
date mainly from this period, when she and her mother came
to live at Kew after Mrs. Hooker's death.

From my earliest childhood to the close of Sir Joseph
Hooker's long life, I remember ' Cousin Joseph,' as he liked
us to call him, as the best and kindest of friends to my mother
and myself. His kindness was especially shown at a period
of great trouble and anxiety in our lives. It was during this
time that I had an opportunity of knowing Sir Joseph well,
and appreciating his truly lovable and noble nature.

My father was ill and had been ordered a long rest and a
voyage to the Antipodes. My mother and I were in great
trouble, when Cousin Joseph, with the thoughtful kindness
so characteristic of him, proposed that we should go and live
with him at Kew. He would take no denial, and made us
feel it was all for his benefit, when under the circumstances
it was entirely for ours. He made Kew a real home to us,
and I think my mother was a help to him with his children,
while I thoroughly enjoyed the companionship of his daughter
Harriet, my contemporary in age. My brother too, then
quite a boy, was always a welcome guest, and Cousin Joseph
took the greatest interest in his work, helping him in every
way he could.

Nothing gave Cousin Joseph greater joy than the progress
of his children, and, if one of them brought a good report
from school or answered correctly any of the many questions
he asked them at meals, it would make him proud and happy
for hours. There never was a father more appreciative of the

192 LIFE AND FKIENDSHIP AT KEW

good points of his children, and my mother and I often said
to each other that he was either ' up in a balloon ' or ' down
in a diving bell ' according as the children's reports were good
or bad.

About many little things he was particular. For instance,
I soon learned that I must put down my knife and fork very
quietly at table, and, if he asked for half or quarter of a cup of
tea, I must not give him more. Again, I must not leave a
door open, especially my bedroom door.

I had been brought up to think it a virtue to go to bed
1 early, and was greatly astonished to find that Cousin Joseph
looked on it in quite a different light and was really shocked
if I proposed going to bed as early as ten o'clock. He him-
self, though a very early riser, used often to sit up until
two o'clock in the morning writing.

He was very fond of music. His eldest son, Willie,
played the violin, and every evening I used to sing to him
for about an hour. About nine o'clock, a big bundle of
newspapers tucked under his arm, he would come up to the
drawing-room for a little recreation. I well remember how
he would stretch himself out in an armchair, his head thrown
back, his eyes closed, and, with a sigh of relief, would say,
' Now sing to me.'

His favourite songs were, ' Angels ever bright and fair,'
' Old Bobin Gray,' ' Eobin Adair,' and Blumenthal's ' Love
the Pilgrim.' The first of these songs is associated in my
memories of Cousin Joseph with a visit we made in his
company to Mr. Spottiswoode, the Queen's printer, and Mrs.
Spottiswoode. We were invited for a few days, and there
was a large house party of distinguished people, one of them
Henry Irving, the actor. The first evening was devoted to
science, Mr. Spottiswoode, a keen student of science, giving
us and some of his tenants an after-dinner causerie on
spectrum analysis, telling us how we could be sure from
the spectrum what metals there were in the sun and the
planets.

The next night one of the visitors, a great lady,
monopolised the piano in the music room. Cousin Joseph,
as was usual on Sunday evenings, wanted me to sing his
favourite song, so when the piano became vacant, he helped
me on to the platform, and, though very frightened, I sang

Aft EPISODE OP HENEY IEVING 193

' Angels ever bright and fair.' When I had finished, the
aforesaid great lady remarked, ' Don't know whether you
are aware of it, Miss Dawson Turner, but you sang that
song quite out of time.'

Very much embarrassed, I was beginning to apologise,
when Sir Henry, or rather Mr. Henry Irving, as he was then,
jumped on to the platform, and said for the benefit of the
audience, ' No doubt her ladyship is right, but in my opinion
that song requires the time broken for the expression.'

' That may be very well, Mr. Irving, with an ordinary
composer, but it does not do with Handel.'

' Ah, when I'm reciting Shakespeare doubtless you would
like me to count four at the full stops and two at the commas,
but for my part I prefer the time broken for the expression.'

It was very kind of Mr. Irving to defend such a young
girl as I was then, and Cousin Joseph was so pleased that
he at once asked my champion to come down to Kew and
spend a day at the earliest opportunity.

Our life at Kew was as simple as it was happy. With
regard to meals, as in everything else, Cousin Joseph was
abstemious. There was breakfast at half -past eight, luncheon,
or rather dinner, at one o'clock — two courses as a rule, and
some very light wine, and no afternoon tea unless there were
visitors down from London, and he thought they would like
it. His own evening meal, consisting of tea and cold meat
of some kind, was at seven, with nothing else afterwards.

Cousin Joseph liked us young people to talk with him at
meals and other times, but to talk subjects, not people. I
remember that I would often read a newspaper or book with
the special purpose of finding some topic likely to please and
interest him when we met at table. WThen we drove into
London with him, he would tell us the names of the big
houses and their owners, and then expect us to know them
as we drove back. If Reggie, his youngest son, was in the
carriage, he would tell him to count the different trees we
passed, his idea being, of course, to teach us to be observant.
He would always take us himself to see the pictures at the
Eoyal Academy, and he was, I remember, a great admirer
of Leader's landscapes, Hook's seapieces, and Poynter's
work. He was less appreciative of the after-dinner speeches
at Eoyal Academy dinners, and I remember his saying

194 LIFE AND FKIENDSHIP AT KEW

apropos of one of them, ' I could not sleep the night before
for thinking what I should say, nor the night after for
thinking of all the good things I might have said.' Though
he encouraged us to express our views, again on subjects,
not people, Cousin Joseph would often tease us, ending an
argument with his favourite expression, ' What you say
true, my dear, is perfectly correct.' He would parry
our questions with grave humour. For instance, on one
occasion when I asked what the doctor, whom he had been
consulting, had said about his health, he replied, ' I had to
be very firm with him, very firm indeed, or he would have
stopped all the things I liked.'

We young people often used to smile at the way every-
one spoke of our distinguished scientist and to him as ' dear
Joseph.' I have never known a man more genuinely be-
loved, and deservedly so ; so childlike and ingenuous he was
and so really modest, always putting others before himself,
always unconscious of his own importance. One of his
most delightful traits was his tender-hearted affection for his
friends ; and I shall never forget how overcome he was with
grief when any of his old friends died, and how anxious he
was to do everything to help those they left behind to
mourn them.

Many of his friends were distinguished scientists, like
himself, Herbert Spencer, Tyndall, Huxley among the
number. I remember Herbert Spencer coming to lunch one
day and my mother, who was a great student and admirer of
his books, asking him what he thought on a certain subject.

' I forget what I think on that subject,' was his reply,
4 but you will find it in such and such a book of mine.'

I remember Dr. Tyndall coming down at Christmas and
taking Cousin Joseph and all of us on to the lake in Kew
Gardens, where there was some skating. Dr. Tyndall began
making experiments in sound when, as if in the special
interest of these experiments, a thick London fog came
on, and, if I remember rightly, he was able to prove to
us that sound travelled more quickly in a fog than in
clear air.

Cousin Joseph was interested in all the sciences, not only
in those he had made his special study. He would often
regret that he did not know much about astronomy. H«

THE EMPEEOE OF BRAZIL 195

liked my mother to point him out the stars, often going out
in the evening on purpose to learn them. I have heard him
express regret at the neglect of scientific knowledge in the
army ; and I remember he would say, ' Oh, how much
suffering might have been spared on that expedition, if only
the men had had a little scientific knowledge.'

We often went with him to scientific parties at his friends'
houses or the Eoyal Institution. I remember one party at
Dr. Busk's in Harley Street, where he was greatly interested
in an experiment shown us, a pith ball moved by light-
proving, I suppose, that light is a mode of motion. He took
the greatest trouble to explain the phenomenon to his
daughter Harriet and myself. I also remember going with
him to the Eoyal Institution, and Dr. Tyndall showing us a
ray of light hi which he held a bottle which did not impede
the light at all. He then made a vacuum in the bottle, put
it again in the ray of light, and showed the inside of the
bottle in unillumined darkness — proving, I imagine, that
light in itself is invisible.

A great friend of his in the medical world was Sir James
Paget, the well-known surgeon. We often went to lunch
with him ; and I recollect Cousin Joseph's na'ive enjoyment
of the Norfolk biscuits that always figured on the menu,
making a prelude to pleasant reminiscences of his mother's
native county.

Many royal visitors came to Kew to see the famous
gardens. I forget the date of the Emperor of Brazil's visit,
but I remember Harriet Hooker and I were sleeping in a room
looking on to Kew Green, when we were awakened by the
noise of a carriage being driven round the Green at six o'clock
in the morning. There were four gentlemen in the carriage,
and when the front door bell rang, we guessed it was the
Emperor and his suite, as we had been told he was a very
early riser.

Cousin Joseph went down as quickly as he could, but
not before the bell had rung more than once, and a Brazilian
parrot we had in the hall had given the Emperor a warm, if
hardly polite welcome. Then he accompanied the Emperor
and his party round the gardens, while we waited their return
for breakfast.

To our surprise the Emperor took the head of the table,

196 LIFE AND FEIENDSHIP AT KEW

and asked us in French if we would sit down and take coffee.
I had been teaching little Eeggie Hooker French, and to
his father's delight, when the Emperor, addressing the little
boy, asked ' Parlez-vous francais ? ' my pupil promptly
replied, ' un peu.' The Emperor had hit upon the one
sentence Master Keggie happened to know.

The Emperor, who I remember was a very fine, tall;
good-looking man with a charming manner, had the royal
gift of never forgetting a face. Meeting me two years later
at a garden party given by Canon Duckworth in the Dean's
Yard, he at once recognised me.

Another recollection connected with a royal personage is
of being taken by Cousin Joseph to Buckingham Palace,
shortly before a visit that the Shah of Persia made to England,
and of his saying, ' How foolish to tell me to bring all these
plants over from Kew and bed them in Buckingham Palace
Gardens ! The Shah will think they grow out of doors in
England.'

A charming group of royal visitors to Kew were the
Princess Alice of Hesse and her sisters. They came with two
or three ladies-in- waiting, and Harriet and I took them over
the gardens. They were really very good-looking girls with
charming manners, expressing so gracefully their thanks for
our escort and hoping they were not tiring us. Cousin Joseph
admired these young Princesses very much.

The close of our visit to Kew was marked by an event of
great importance, Cousin Joseph's second marriage. If there
is anything in a name, it seemed most appropriate that Dr.
Hooker, a botanist, should marry a lady of the name of
Hyacinth Jardine.1

Willie Hooker and I were present at the wedding, which
took place very quietly at Hereford. Afterwards I joined
Dr. and Mrs. Hooker at a meeting of the British Association,
where he received the congratulations of all his scientific
friends and we had a most interesting time.

Later, when Dr. and Mrs. Hooker went on a little tour to
Oban and the Isle of Skye, I was invited to accompany them,
Cousin Joseph encouraging me to sketch all the time. Mr.
Arthur Lyell also went with us, and kept all our accounts for
us during the journey. It was a case of history repeating

1 See p. 202.

AN OLD TOUE AND A NEW GENEKATION 197

itself, for, as my cousin pointed out, sixty-two years before,
in 1814, a Lyell, a Hooker, and a Miss Dawson Turner with
her parents and a younger sister had made a tour together
through Normandy to France, and on that occasion too, the
Lyell, afterwards Sir Charles Lyell, the distinguished geologist,
kept the accounts for the party. A diary written by the
younger ladies of the party, Maria and Elizabeth Dawson
Turner, with many beautiful sketches of the churches seen
on the way to Paris, still exists, an interesting record of a
tour that had its part in Dr. Hooker's family history. For
the Hooker of the earlier journey was William, later Sir
William Hooker, Sir Joseph's father ; and Maria Dawson
Turner, the older of the two sisters, was later to become Sir
William's wife and the mother of Sir Joseph. The fifteen-
year-old Elizabeth was the future Lady Palgrave, wife of
Sir Francis Palgrave.1

1 See p. 203 ; the journey repeated, p. 341.

CHAPTER XXXVII

LOSS AND GAIN

THE one anodyne for loss and sorrow lay in the remedy he
prescribed for others — application to work, especially official
work with its impersonal necessities. Kew, single-handed, was
growing an intolerable burden ; intolerable, also, as has been
recounted, the immobility of his official superiors ; the pros-
pect of a new official ' row ' used up the last of his fighting
spirit. In all this ' the Eoyal Society is my " great con-
solation " — everything there is smooth and pleasant so far.'
(To C. D., February 24, 1875.)

Success in this struggle, with the appointment of an Assis-
tant Director in June 1875, brought relief ; but the strain
told. Months before, the new labours brought by the Presi-
dency of the Royal Society made him long for the ' peace and
quiet and sound sleep ' of a week-end at Down. Now with
his ' arrears of work pressing and Bentham craving for Gen.
Plant.,' he could not break off till after the Royal Society
soiree on April 16, when he joined his eldest son and daughter
at Algiers for a month. Moreover all through the year from
February to September he was troubled with headaches and
dyspepsia, varied by attacks of lumbago and bronchitis, ' one
off, and t'other on,' and on October 11 reported himself to
Huxley (who was still feeling the effects of his recent break-
down) as well again after a horrid bout of rheumatism and ear
trouble ; he adds : ' And if I did not get as hipped of a morn-
ing as a Huxley, I should be all right.'

As he wrote afterwards to Darwin (March 15, 1879) :

I cannot but think that a little public duty is an excellent
thing for any man who has health, energy, and acquirements
198

SIB CHAELES LYELL 199

enough to perform it, and I think I am not wrong in sur-
mising that in X.'s case such a duty would be eminently
beneficial. I well remember my own extreme aversion to
undertake public duties, and your affectionate encourage-
ment on very many occasions when I would fain have held
back. I now know how good it has been for me, and how
grateful I am to you for your encouragement I only know.

Now, too, another link with the past was broken, another
lifelong friendship ended. Already in 1871 he had written
apropos of ' dear old ' Murchison's death and Sedgwick's
retirement from lecturing : ' After a year or two there will
have been a regular clearing out of the old philosophers, all
dying at a ripe old age.' Chief among these, Sir Charles Lyell,
who had for some time been failing, died on February 22, 1875.

This is another black week [he tells Asa Gray on February
26]. Dear Lyell is gone. . . . Stanley had as good as offered
[Westminster Abbey for his burial], and there we shall lay
the grand old Philosopher, — the kind friend and sympathiser
in all my ups and downs. He was indeed great ; so truthful,
so fearlessly honest, such a hater of everything mean, small,
or doubtful. To me the loss is very great. I loved him
so, as I did his wife.

To Charles Darwin

February 24, 1875.

I feel Lyell's loss most keenly, he was father and brother
to me ; and except yourself, no one took that lively, generous,
hearty, deep, and warm interest in my welfare that he did.
I cannot tell you how lonely I begin to feel, how desolate,
and how heavily the days, and worse still, the nights, hang
on my mind and body. Well ! it is all for the best, i.e,
the best that man is born to, poor lot as that may be, it is
one that no one really .wishes to exchange for an unknown
one ; and we are hence logically driven to the conclusion
that the sum of life is more happiness than the reverse.
Assuredly the sum of happiness derived from having known
and loved Lyell is greatly in excess of the pain felt at his
loss : the gap he filled has to be compared with the chink
Jiis mere absence for the rest of life opens*

200 LOSS AND GAIN

I have arranged for his burial in Westminster Abbey.
On Monday I got up a petition signed by some 50 Fellows
of the Eoyal, Geological, and Linnean, and at Stanley's
suggestion and promise that it should be attended to (com-
municated to Spottiswoode) I sent it in yesterday. It
was by mere accident I went to Town on the Monday to
vote at the Athenaeum, heard of LyelTs death, and was able
to secure so many voters to sign the petition.

As to any other testimonial, I think that this is so in-
comparably beyond any other that none need be thought of
— any other would in my eyes dim the lustre of his memory
— his Principles must live for ever — they will no more be
forgotten than Plato's or Faraday's works : they will
always be classical. The idea of a testimonial being in any
way required seems to me rather an underrating of the
durability of his works.

The choice of an epitaph involved much consideration.
To Charles Darwin

June 20, 1876.

Mrs. Lyell has asked me to help her with an inscription
for Lyell's slab in Westminster Abbey — such as Stanley
may approve (I have fainted away twice).

She sends me two, neither of which I like. I enclose
them.

I have asked for some days to consider, and the longer
I do so the more awful the task appears. How would it
do to suggest something of this sort :

His long life was devoted to searching for Truths and
to reasoning on their Teaching ; and he gave to the
Public the results of his labours in a memorable work of
enduring scientific value — ' The Principles of Geology.'

The epitaph took final form as follows :

Throughout a long and laborious lif e he sought the means
of deciphering the fragmentary records of the earth's history
in the patient investigation of the present order of Nature,
enlarging the boundaries of knowledge and leaving on
scientific thought an enduring influence.

THE ' LIFE ' OF LYELL 201

Two later letters to Darwin of 1878 and 1881 touch on the
publication of Lyell'g Life and Letters.

Mrs. Lyell has been consulting me confidentially as to
what is best done with Sir Charles' correspondence, and 1
have her permission to ask what you think, and if you
would kindly help her with an opinion.

I have read a great many of the letters, to Horner and
others, and am greatly taken with them — they are so full
of matter, so pleasant, lucid, and tell so much of his unwearied
labours and of the progress of Geology during its comparative
infancy. Then too they are so full of feeling to, and ready
recognition of, the labours of others. They are full of local
colouring as regards the places (often very obscure) that
he visited for the purpose of verifying statements and
collecting facts ; and full of little notices of admirable
local collectors and Museums that are worthy of being
remembered.

Mrs. Lyell has a mind to put all in print for private
distribution, after revision and cutting out all passages that
could hurt any one (of which I have seen no trace), and
afterwards publish a selection as a contribution to his life.
My idea is that the number will prove too great for print-
ing, but this must depend on their value. I suggested her
picking out a dozen by chance (without looking at them)
of the bundle I have perused and sending them to you for
your opinion, as to their value to Science. I am a partial
witness I know, and so would you be, but that must be taken
into account.

Mrs. Lyell has riches and is devoted to Lyell's memory,
and if good can be done by the printing now is the time. —
Ever affectionately yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

The value of the work would be : (1) The history it is
of the progress of Geology ; (2) the evidence of the ease
with which Lyell sifted facts and evidence, and the interest
attached to the facts.

[1881.] I have been reading Lyell's Life with great interest.
It is a great pity that it was not cut down to one volume,
but as it is I am only too glad to get it in any shape. I

202 LOSS AND GAIN

really think that Mrs. Lyell has given us a very important
contribution to the history of Science — and it does make
one ' warm to ' Lyell himself. The accounts of the early
history of the Geological, its dinners, &c., are most enter-
taining and instructive ; so too is the substance of many
of his journeys, in which he chronicles the labours of many
good men whose names deserve to be remembered. The
account of Cuvier and his way of working is most curious.
The letters to Herschel are the best, they are evidently
very careful compositions.

Do you observe certain passages that seem to prove
that he never expected to come into the Kinnordy property
on his father's death ? and that on the contrary he looked
from an early age to providing himself with a modest com-
petency for his latter days.

So the months passed till a fresh thread of happy and sus-
taining companionship was woven into the broken fabric of
his life. * No one can have an idea who has not experienced
it, what a house of six children is without a female guide — let
the children behave ever so well ! ' At the end of August
1876 he married Hyacinth, daughter of the Eev. W. S. Symonds,
Eector of Pendock, Worcestershire, and widow of Sir William
Jardine. Her friendship with the Hookers dated from 1864,
when her father brought her to the Bath meeting of the British
Association ; it was drawn closer from 1869, when they fore-
gathered at Sir Charles Lyell's, and visits were frequently
exchanged between Kew and Pendock. To native personality,
education and environment was added a community of general
interests with her husband. Her lines had been cast amidst
science and letters. Her father (1818-87) was a considerable
geologist and a writer of merit * ; Sir William Jardine (1800-74)
a lifelong student and writer on Natural History, especially
ornithology:2

1 Among his scientific books were Stories of the Valley, 1858 ; Old Bones,
1859 and 1884 ; Records of the Bocks, 1872. He also wrote two novels, Malvern
Chase and Hanley Castle.

1 He published with Prideaux Selby Illustrations of Ornithology, 1830, edited
the Naturalists' Library, 1833-45, contributing sections on birds and fish,
founded the Annals and Magazine of Natural History, and for a time was joint
editor of the Edinburgh Philosophical Journal. In 1860 he was appointed a
Commissioner on Salmon Fishing.

SECOND MARRIAGE 203

Part of the honeymoon was spent in North Wales. It was
on this occasion that, going up Snowdon, they were caught ' in
a storm such as I have not seen in mountains since I left the
Himalaya,' and had ' the top of an umbrella, incautiously
raised, blown in.'

Then to Glasgow, for the British Association, where they
stayed with his niece, Mrs. Campbell, and with the old friend
of the family, Miss Smith, of Jordan Hill. Thence for a week
to Skye, with a contingent of Lyells and Mr. Symonds ; 1 then
to other friends in Perthshire and Fife and to the Hodgsons' in
Gloucestershire, thus picking up the strands of many friendships.

One scientific note of this journey is in a letter to Prof.
Oliver (September 25) :

The Geology of all that part of Scotland [from Loch Maree
to Dingwall] seemed to me wonderfully complicated, and
gave me a new impression of the labours of Macculloch
and Murchison. Skye Geology too impressed me much ;
the island resembled some of the Antarctic ones in many
particulars ; and though volcanic on the whole, it contains
beds representative of most of all the British formations
from the Laurentians upwards ! and I could not help
wondering if future discoveries, say in Kerguelen's Land,
may not throw as much light on the Geology of the Antarctic
regions, as Skye alone would have done in respect of Northern
Europe. Perhaps the Fossil wood of Kerguelen's Land may
be the nucleus of a great light.

To Darwin he adds : ' Were you aware that Dickie of
Aberdeen had examined the earth beneath the Glen Roy roads
and found them to contain Fresh water diatoms ? '

But in the midst of this happiness he was deeply moved by
the sudden death of a young friend's wife. They had not been
married a year. It seemed to open up his own too recent loss
and to depress him utterly :

They were so happy and she so lovable — how I envied them
a few months ago. . . . Give the dear fellow my most
affectionate sympathy. . . . Oh dear, oh dear, what a weary
world it is, and yet I should be the last to complain.

* See p. 197.

204 LOSS AND GAIN

And remembering the kind words about re-marriage that
had come to him from his friend's mother, he adds with a
look from his own history towards his friend's future : ' I
can but hold the prospect for him deep down in a far off corner
of my heart.'

The new era at home was rendered yet more happy by
the engagement of his elder daughter in the following spring
to Professor Dyer, now for two years established as Assistant
Director at Kew. As he confided to Darwin, the only objection
(a crumpled roseleaf) was

that it is ridiculously apropos, i.e. commonplace, and reminds
me of Hogarth's industrious apprentice. I never had any
ambitious desires for my sons and daughters, and a good
scientific man though poor (if otherwise honest, as Sydney
Smith ? said of a poor man) is the best of all matches in
my eyes. . . . What especially pleases me is that he is just
the brother-in-law I should like my sons to have.

The birth of a son (Joseph Symonds) in 1877 opened another
happy phase in his varied life. That the infant son of the
President of the Eoyal Society should visit Burlington House
was an unusual episode.

To Mrs. Hodgson

March 10, 1878.

Hyacinth and I went to the Old Masters the other day,
the first dissipation ! either of us have had since my return.
She took the baby and left it at the Eoyal Society's rooms
with the Porter's wife, who has a baby of her own, and ' the
President's baby ' created quite a sensation in the House !
What a ' rum world ' it is — the more I think of my own life
and career, the more unintelligible it appears to me. I feel
as if I had been divested of my individuality every ten years
or so of my life, and then given quite another body and
mind.

And though at times in these years memory could not but
cast lingering looks behind and catch the shadows of past
sorrows, still he could say ' nothing can be brighter than my
visible future, little as I now dare to trust to it.' (1878.)

CHAPTEE XXXVIII

AMERICA : AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

THE outstanding event of 1877 was the long looked for visit
to the United States. This had been half-planned for the
last four years. America had a two-fold call for Hooker, in
the problem of the North American Flora and the friendship
with Asa Gray. These represented the personal and impersonal
sides of the same impulse. Their common interest in the same
question, approached from different sides, had initiated an
unbroken correspondence which deepened in personal and
scientific interest with their united appreciation of Darwin.
Gray had already visited England four times, and was urgent
for Hooker to come over and join him in a personal study of
the complexities of botanical distribution in the States.

Two features in the problem which cried most loudly for
explanation were the remarkable connexion between the
plants of the Eastern States and those of Eastern Asia and
Japan — with no living intermediate connexions — and the
hard line of division between the Arctic floras of America
and Greenland. Independently of each other, Gray had in-
vestigated the former 1 and Hooker the latter.2 Both came
back to a common cause in the Glacial Period and the earlier
land connexion with an Arctic continent.

But why had not the Glacial Period produced the same

1 ' Observations upon the Relations of the Japanese Flora to that of
North America, and of other parts of the North Temperate Zone,' Memoirs of
the North American Academy of Sciences, vol. vi. p. 377. Bead December 14,
1858, and January 11, 1859.

* ' Outlines of the Distribution of Arctic Plants.' Read before the Linn.
Soc., June 21, 1860. Trans. Linn. Soc., xxiii. p. 257.
205

•206 AMERICA : GEOGEAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

results in the great mountain chains of the West, where now
only a few botanical ' pockets ' of East Asiatic type exist,
among plants of Mexican and more southern types ? Unsup-
ported suggestions had been advanced of contemporary sub-
mergence of these high lands or of recent unsuitable climate ;
actual investigation was to show that these ' pockets ' extended
over specially favoured areas. Considering that the high
mountains would have kept the glacial cap long after it had
retired from the other levels of North America, the plants
of East Asiatic type could have got no foothold there save in
these favoured areas, and by the time that the general change
of climate had melted this belated ice-cap, it would also have
affected the now treeless prairie district, exterminating these
plants and leaving the survivors isolated in the more congenial
forest district of the Eastern States, with no possibility of
re-invading the Rocky Mountain area, which was thus left
open to the plants advancing from the Mexican highlands until
they met, not temperate, but Boreal forms.

The Polar problem in its relation to the whole question
of distribution was constantly before Hooker's eyes, and it
has been noted that in 1873 he was working in this connexion
at the flora of North- West America.

The journey this time, though often beyond beaten tracks,
could not class with the wholly adventurous trips which had
so strongly appealed to his spirit in earlier days, and which
he had renounced after his Marocco expedition. Still there
was a flavour of the elemental joy and labour of the wild that
might not have been welcome to every man of sixty. The
two elderly botanists were indefatigable, and Hooker especially,
who never carried a superfluous ounce on his bones, astonished
the rest of the party by his activity, though his own remark is;
' Gray is a man of extraordinary energy, and though 5 or 6
years my senior is the younger of the two ! '

After seeing his daughter married on June 23, Hooker
sailed for New York on the 28th. Professor Dyer was to
return in a 'week to 'carry on' until his chief came back.
when he would be free to take the rest of his honeymoon.

With him went his old friend Major-General (Sir) Richard

THE AMEEICAN JOUENEY 207

Strachey, E.E., and his wife. Strachey, like himself, was a
Himalayan traveller, who had surveyed the Kumaon valley,
and was both a geologist arid botanist.

At the invitation of Professor Hayden, chief of the Topo-
graphical and Geological Surveys of the United States, they
joined the official surveying party which was at work in
Colorado and Utah, Nevada and California, whose formal
report, it was arranged, was to utilise their general botanical
results, especially in regard to the character and distribution
of the forest trees.

On the Parthia there were only some thirty-five cabin
passengers, and he had a state cabin to himself. Finding some
excellent books on board, he had occupation in Macaulay,
Evelyn's ' Diary,' Keyes' ' Lives of Eminent Indians,'
Longfellow's Poems, and one volume of Lyell's ' Travels
in North America,' to beguile the tedious voyage, for the
Parthia was a slow boat, so that from the first, with
the prevailing west winds, he despaired of a ten days'
passage.

Moreover he found the motion of the screw so unpleasant
as contrasted with the rhythmical beat of a paddle-boat's
engines, to which he was better accustomed, that he grew more
weary of this voyage than of any other he had taken. Boston
was reached on the night of July 8. One day was spent with
the Asa Grays ; three with Professor Sargent, curator of the
Botanical Garden at Harvard and of a magnificent park, the
Arnold Arboretum, which was not yet laid out, but was to be
the Kew of Boston. He was ' up to the eyes in trees, flowers
and shrubs.'

Boston, with its charm of openness and good upkeep, the
cleanness and comfort of the labouring classes, where ' coach-
men and railway guards look and speak like gentlemen, and
in the market the butcher is as clean as the grocer, betraying
no disagreeable features of his trade in apron, hands or head,'
represents the best of long established culture, in contrast to
the grime of London streets. Comment on the comfort and
variety of the public conveyances rouses no astonishment in
those who can recall the frowsy discomfort of our omnibuses

208 AMEEICA : GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

and ' growlers ' of the seventies. Everyone seemed to be well
educated. A visit to the Museum and Natural History Insti-
tute endowed by Peabody at Salem, where the Professor was
teaching Zoology to a mixed class of school teachers, for the
most part, on the lines of Huxley's courses at S. Kensington,
prefaces the remark, ' The thirst for knowledge in this State
is most wonderful ' ; and the sight of Wellesley College, a rich
man's gift to the State for the education of female school
teachers, prompts the reflection, ' Education is the rage here ;
wealthy people do not know what to do with their money.'

The journey was broken for a day at Cincinnati and at
Stv Louis, where the party was joined by Dr. Lambourne,
Professor Leidy, ' the very great zoologist whom Huxley swears
by, who wants to explore the minute animals, Diatoms, Rhizo-
pods, &c., of the Colorado waters,' further north in Wisconsin,
his wife and adopted daughter, Mr. Hayden, head of the
Geological Survey, and Captain Stevenson, his chief assistant.

Then followed two. nights and nearly two days on the newly
made railway to Pueblo across the prairies along the Arkansas
river. At Pueblo the Leidys went north ; the others to Canon
City. Then Hooker and the Stracheys went by wagon over
the hills to La Veta, visiting on the way Dr. Bell, an English-
man who had settled there, and was President of the local rail-
road. The main survey party went direct to La Veta by rail, and
established a camp at 9000 feet as a centre for botanical work.

The facilities [he notes] of getting about this world's
end of a country are wonderful, but travelling is very fatigu-
ing, as you have to go great distances and there is so much
to learn and see by the way, and everything is rough and
hard.

Again,

the education, intelligence and general prosperity of the
people still impresses me very agreeably. Here at this
wretched collection of scattered ' balloon ' cabins [i.e. rough
pine planks] and adobe huts I find eight or ten journals and
newspapers sold, and of the very latest date, and there are
several ' balloon ' churches.

ITINERARY 209

#

The camp consisted of five tents pitched at the edge of the
great pine forest, one for the Grays, one for the Stracheys, one
for JJooker and Dr. Lambourne, one for the cook and black man
and one for the mess. On the 26th they proceeded to Fort
Garland, a lonely post in the midst of a vast plain, garrisoned
by five officers and fifty soldiers. There were no Eed Indians
left within fifty miles or more : no skirmishes save at distant
outposts : the chief duty that of escorting stores. In this
monotonous existence the travellers' visit was a most welcome
break, especially to the four ladies who had accompanied their
husbands to the Fort. From this they ascended the Sierra
Blanca, said to be the highest of the Rockies, 14,500 feet, a very
fatiguing ascent, for to pass the timber line they had to force
their way for five hours through thickets of aspen, then through
forests of pine, the fallen branches of which encumbered the
ground. They slept at 13,000 feet under thick blankets on the
ground by a huge fire very comfortably, ' though my breath
turned to frost all round my head.' After a day's botanising
on the heights, they returned to the Fort, very tired and in
rags, to rise at four next morning to return to La Veta, and
proceed beyond Colorado Springs to the neighbourhood of
Pike's Peak. Two days of botanising there, and they reached
Denver on August 1, leaving that on the 2nd for Georgetown
and Gray's Peak, returning on the 5th to Denver on the way
to Salt Lake City, two days and a night by train, for a botanical
excursion to the Wahsatch Mountains. Salt Lake City was
left on the 9th, and from Ogden, where to Hooker's great regret
the Stracheys went home, the arid mining region, with its
astounding mushroom cities, was wearily crossed. This portion
of the journey began with twenty-nine hours in the train to
Reno and Carson City ; then by Silver City and on for ten days
by wagon across the Sierra Nevada to the Yosemite and
Calaveras Groves, winding up at San Francisco. Hooker's
botanical work was to end with the Forest region of the Pacific
Coast. With his very large collection of plants and a good
general idea of the Flora of the whole continent from East to
West, it would be, he felt, a splendid achievement in Geo-
graphical Botany, but a very laborious one. ' I am so sick,'

210 AMERICA : GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

he says feelingly, ' of railway cars and perpetual packing of
traps, drying plants, writing notes and seeing endless people
and things.' This was more trying than the dust and dirt,
though these were ' horrible ' on the railway and in driving
and riding. In the dry Californian climate not only the roads,
but even the mountain paths were loaded with dust, and a light
camping outfit did not provide much in the way of change and
comfort. What troubled him least, though he had passed
his sixtieth birthday, was the fact of being never in bed till
midnight and up at five or six.

A sketch of a mining city, Georgetown, in Colorado, and of
a visit to Brigham Young, deserve quotation. Colorado had
but recently transformed from a Territory into a State which
should take care of itself with no questions asked by the
Central Government as to how criminals are punished and how
laws are evaded. Public organisation was inefficient, and the
better disposed were still compelled to keep order by lynch-
ing the incorrigible. But this voluntaryism was often very
efficacious.

Here, at this little town at the extreme finger-end of
civilisation [Georgetown] the streets are watered better than
at Kew, people sleep without locks to their doors, the fire-
engines are well manned and in capital order, and of food
there is no end, though it is too high to raise vegetables or
any garden produce ! — all is brought up by train from Denver
to within a few miles of the City. The smallpox has been
raging in a neighbouring mining village, i.e. city, to this, and
the authorities sent the beds and bedding of the sick to the
Capital City (about 50 houses) to be stored there for the casual
poor. The citizens sent a vigorous remonstrance to the said
authorities, who paid no heed, upon which they coolly set fire
to the building. The alarm bells were rung, and the fire
brigade refused to turn out, and so infection was stamped
out by * lynch law ' ! This is the sort of way matters go on,
quite illegally, but in the right direction and in the interests
of the community. (To his Wife, August 5, 1877.)

August 8, 1877.

To-day we called on Brigham Young and had a chat with
him. He is about 70, stout, well dressed, and with rather a

A CALL ON BEIGHAM YOUNG 211

refined countenance. He reminded me more of a stout,
elderly and thoroughly respectable butler, than anything else.
In person and conversation he is less of a Yankee than T9o
of the gentlemen I have been introduced to. Of course he
is an arrant impostor, but nothing in speech, look or manner
differs from those of a quiet well-bred English gentleman.
I talked a good deal with him about the climate, history and
productions of his country, and found him communicative
and intelligent. He gave us iced water and ' God blessed
us ! ' when we left ! His missionaries are bringing in con-
verts from all quarters, especially Wales, Sweden and Prussia
— of course from the most profoundly ignorant classes, but
once arrived here, they get plenty of work, good food,
comforts and domestic happiness — for a plurality of wives,
which few care for and fewer can afford, is the only sin that
B.Y. allows, and for that he quotes the Testament. All the
school children are brought up to believe in him and in a lot
of Scripture history as useless and idle as that taught in our
schools, and the religious teaching is altogether contemptible.
The Gentile ladies hold no intercourse with their Mormonite
sisters ; nor is it likely they should. Educated U.S. ladies
would not care to associate with the ignorant class to which
the Mormonite ladies belong. In short as far as I can make
out, the system of polygamy is that of making young female
servants your wives. They are servants without pay who
cannot run away ! and a well-to-do man here with large
farms, cattle, vegetables and other produce of all sorts for
distant and near markets, has plenty for many wives to do,
if he will take the trouble to teach and then rule them.

The following letters give some impressions of his tour :
To Professor Oliver

August 8, 1877.

I should have written to you ere this, as my work has
been always and altogether Herbarium work, over and above
travelling, since I landed in this country. . . .

On the steamer between Providence and New York
we picked up Thurber, a big, stout, very intelligent man,
of a rather leucophleginatic temperament and curly hair.
He is fond of grasses, and knows them ; is in bad health.
I liked what I saw of him very much indeed ; he reminded

212 AMERICA : GEOGEAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

me of Berkeley a little. He took us about the streets of
New York for the two hours we spent there, which city did
not delight me. It is just like Liverpool. The sea, islands,
and shipping, and especially the gigantic Ferry and coasting
steamers all white, with Saloons piled one over another,
and paddles 40 ft. diarn., are all extraordinary sights.

Thence we took rail via Philadelphia to Cincinnati,
where we staid a night, and then on, sleeping in Pullman
cars, to St. Louis, where I saw a great deal of Engelmann,
who is still hot on Pines, Oaks, Yuccas, and Euphorbias.
It is astonishing what a lot of information one picks up of
trees and shrubs, especially in travelling with such a man
•as Gray, and both at Cincinnati and St. Louis (and with
Sargent at Boston) I saw much of the native tree- and
shrub-floras East of the Mississippi. The number of asso-
ciated trees struck me as most curious ; a few yards walk
in the forest would introduce you to perhaps 20 different
forest trees and of more than half as many genera.

The Herbaceous1 Flora, and especially the Compositae,
were equally numerous. I visited several Gentlemen's
seats, where the native trees were carefully preserved and
replanted.

From St. Louis West was over the gradually ascending,
weary prairies with Helianihus rampant, also here and
there the Compass plant with its leaves in a vertical plane
N. and S. tolerably conspicuously. Of the many big yellow-
flowered Compos, some certainly open towards the sun,
but do not appear to me to follow it ; they wriggle about
afterwards according to the wind or their own inclinations.

Buffalo and savages are all gone from the prairie on our
line of rail which was South of the main one and struck the
State of Colorado about the middle, at Pueblo, whence we
went into the Mts. by the cafion of the Arkansas. The
R. Mts. are not a range of Mts., but a multitude of rocky
ridges rising to 12 and 14,000 ft. over a huge elevated pro-
tuberance some 300 miles broad. Their ridges are rocky
and rather bare except of Pines and Aspen. They are
usually craggy and sparkled with snow patches (not perpetual
except in hollows). Between these ridges are vast open
downs 6-9000 ft. above the sea, with grass and herbs but
few or no trees. The Forest Zone extends to and above

AMEEICAN IMPRESSIONS 213

2000 ft., and the Alpine Zone above it is not rich. By
going into the range from three different points, La Veta,
near New Mexico, Pueblo (the Arkansas), and Colorado
Springs (a feeder of the Arkansas), and Georgetown (the
Platte) on the North, we had a fair general view of the
Colorado vegetation from 4000 to 14,000 ft., yielding me
altogether about 500 species I think, of which I have dried
small specimens.

After these explorations we came up to Cheyenne on
the main line of rail from the Mississippi to the West, and
took it across the R. Mts. to Ogden in Utah, whence a branch
36 miles long runs between the Wahsatch Mts. (12,000 ft.,
with rocky peaks and patches of snow) and Salt Lake, to Salt
Lake City, where we arrived last night and whence I write.

You expressed an interest in hearing about the manners,
social &c. of the Americans as they impressed me. Of
course all such impressions must touch principally upon
very superficial observation. The New Englanders are
most like us in language, speech, and habits, and have least
of the nasal twang, which is simply obtrusive and detestable.
As a rule I find the Americans too loquacious, for ever
praising themselves and introducing you to most remarkable
men. They think the curious things of their country have
no parallel with us, and forget how ' Colonial ' they appear
to us. Their high sharp voices, and of the women especially,
is the most grating feature of their life to us. In other
respects they are superior to us, as in education, civility,
great desire to oblige and take trouble for you, — decent,
cleanly manners, clean shirts and a far- superior condition
and manner of the official and subofficial classes attached
to public conveyances and to Hotels, &c. These people
are most universally well conducted, civil and obliging to
all, far more so than with us. Meal hours are at very irregular
times. At Hotels you pay so much a day for everything
whether you eat or no. The food is most abundant, waste-
fully so, and I do not like the little messes of endless meats,
breadstuffs, and vegetables that are served to each at all
meals. Each individual is surrounded by a constellation
of little thick white plates, which the waiters throw down and
about like quoits, making a dreadful clatter all through the
huge or small dining-halls. Few drink at meals anything

214 AMERICA : GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

but tea and coffee, or iced do., iced water or milk in tumblers
— of the latter you get any quantity — and this and the
bread and oatmeal porridge (admirably made) at breakfast
are my great supports. Of course quality of beef, &e., varies
in different States. The Americans are great and promis-
cuous eaters, and are too fond of talking of their foods.
Their fruits are simply contemptible, except the Californian
pears, which are splendid. (The apple season is not in.)
The peaches are great coarse things with a big mamilla
at the top, and decidedly compressed sides. The apricots,
though large, are also flattened and poor. The plums
shrunk up my tongue to the size of a snail.

There are many Eubi and Vaccinia, all very poor. I
have seen nothing equal to a good V. Myrtillus, or wild
strawberry or raspberry. The Rubi are greatly eaten at all
meals, raw, stewed, or in tarts called pies. A good account of
the native and cultivated native fruit is greatly wanted.

Beds are remarkably clear^and good but the pillows too
soft. Even in out-of-the-way mining districts we got good
food, clean beds, and civil service. The scale of living
amongst all classes West here is enormously high. Here
(I am now at Carson City, Nevada, Aug. 23rd) gold is the
currency, paper loses 6 per cent. ; and nothing less than a
silver 10 cent piece is taken. The miners' and labor wage
generally here is four dollars a day, and the men live like
fighting cocks, as to eating and drinking especially.

Gray and I took a trip into the Wahsatch Mts. (E. of
Salt Lake), and at 10 or 12,000 ft., in a hut of seven miners
with some women and children, we found a dinner fit for a
prince preparing — clean plates, knives, forks, castors, &c.,
&c., &c. Before every cabin door are heaps of empty
tin cans (of fruit, vegetables, and luxuries), clean unbroken
bottles, good new empty casks, and often hundreds of play-
ing cards — and this over whole States. Wealth is largely
distributed. The poor are starved out and seek the towns.
Here I am in the centre of the greatest gold and silver pro-
ducing mines in the world. Virginia City, 6000 ft. above the
sea, is built at the mines 21 miles from here. We went there
yesterday. The country is a hideous desert, but full of
good plants : lots of Erigone, Grayia, Ephedra, Pinus mono-
phylla, Juniperus, scattered with tufts of Artemisia, Bige-

THE MINING DISTRICT 215

lowia, Argemone, and Compositae, all over the face of the
bare, yellow and red, hilly landscape.

The mines are marvellous, yielding daily thousands of
pounds of gold and silver. The machinery for working the
mines, crushing, amalgamating and smelting and assaying,
&c., is quite superb, gigantic in short, and all so well kept,
clean, and complete. I have seeji nothing like it elsewhere.
Then too the Banks, places of business, Hotels, &c., at these
mining cities are as perfect in fittings, carpets, pictures,
clocks, &c., &c., as the trimmest house in Lombard Street.
Everything is done regardless of expense, and yet efficiently.
You see no makeshifts anywhere. The houses are small
and wooden (no one cares to invest in such things, they
are too often burnt down, and the more lucrative lodes of
silver and gold may be worked out at a day's notice) but
look very neat inside, windows always clean ; outside,
i.e. about the house generally, they are very slovenly, no,
or few, little gardens or grass plots.

Since I began this I have added very largely to my collec-
tion from the desert region, though the season is too late.
We are now starting for the Yosemite, by some interior
route across the Sierra Nevada which rises in rocky ridges
with P. ponderosa to the West of us, while all to the East
are hideous, bare, rounded, stony hills with a grey tufted
vegetation as mentioned above, and only Pinus monophylla,
which finds both its N. and its W. limits here and continues
E. only to W. Utah and S. to Arizona ; it is a very small
species, a round bunchy thing, and appears to me to represent
P. edulis of the lower zone of the Rocky Mts. I am getting
a great deal of information about forest trees, and have learnt
an enormous deal of botany in a month (it is just 31 days
since we left New York for the West). The Stracheys have
gone home. Dr. and Mrs. Gray and Prof. Hayden go on
with me to California. We shall be ten days in getting to
San Francisco by this route. I miss letters most terribly.
If forwarded from Boston we do not get them, and I have
no news since July 16 (from Dyer).

With kindest regards to Mrs.- Oliver and the Bakers,
Ever affectionately yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

P.S. — The weather has been on the whole most cool and

216 AMERICA : GEOGEAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

propitious till we entered this desert region, which extends
from Salt Lake westwards, and is very low, dusty, and very
trying. It is awfully hard to keep up, travelling by rail,
collecting, drying plants, writing notes and Journal in such
heat and drought . I am getting very sick of it , but to-morrow
we shall be, I hope, over the Sierra. I cannot fancy any
route over which a European would get more accessible
Botany new to him than a railroad trip across N. America.
The Floras of the E. and W. are of two continents !

To Charles Darwin

October 19, 1877.

I have indeed had a splendid journey ; and thanks to
A. Gray a most profitable one — nothing could or can ever
reach his unwearied exertions to make me master of all I saw
throughout the breadth and not a little of the length of the
U. States. The Geographical Distribution of the Flora is
wonderfully interesting, and its very outlines are not yet
drawn. We have material for a most interesting Essay. I
have brought home upwards of 1000 species of dried speci-
mens for comparison of the Rocky and Sierra Nevada and
Coast Range Floras, an investigation of which should give
the key to the American Flora migrations.

As usual with me when at sea I caught the Equinoctials,
and we had the longest Eastward voyage that the Captain
had ever known ! Thirteen days of heavy contrary gales and
a high sea continuously from Boston Harbour to Cork.

Dyer has done uncommonly well in my absence, and
goes for the last three-quarters of his honeymoon on
Monday. Crowds of people asked for you in America, so
pray accept the national greetings through me, for I can't
individualize.

To George Maw

November 16, 1877.

I had not the ghost of an adventure in America, where
I saw a prodigious deal and learnt much. California was
burnt up with nine months' drought, which obliterated the
herbaceous vegetation and allowed me full time for the
arboreous and fruticose. I was charmed with New England,
disappointed with the Rocky Mts. as a range, and have no

EESULTS OF AMEEICAN TEIP 217

love for California, but all are full of great interest, and
wonderful resources. Niagara did not disappoint me nor did
the big trees. I travelled 7-8000 miles by rail and never
but once missed a connection ! but I did not like the cars.
The people I found to be wonderfully nice, and A. Gray is
a trump in all senses.

To the Same

June 16, 1878.

I was quite as much struck as you were with the ' mature
aspect ' of Boston ; and not of Boston only, but of many
towns, and even villages in New England. Nothing impressed
me more with my ignorance of America ; and long before I
left I rallied the Americans on thinking themselves so young
a people when they were long past youth. It is only when
one comes to look close and finds the absence of any old
dwellings of a poor class, that one realises that all must be
new after all.

A first conspectus of the general scientific bearings of the
expedition was given by Hooker in a lecture at the Eoyal
Institution, April 12, 1878.

To Asa Gray

February 25, 1878.

Well done your hypothesis ! it is splendid. It fits in
splendidly to a Friday evening Lecture on our work which
I am to give to the Eoyal Institution on April 12th, entitled
' On the Distribution of Plants in N. America.' You may
not know that the Friday evenings are reserved for the
single Lectures of Swells ! The Committee, who for years
have given me all the privileges of the Institution gratis,
had over and over again besought me to lecture, and I had
steadily refused ; but this time I could do so no longer.
I have made Meridional Distribution my principal theme,
and had intended to treat of Pliocene Flora, &c., and the
effect of the Alps as compared with the American Mts.,
in the latter directing the course of migration, and in the
former favoring the extinction of N. Pliocene forms ; but
I had not come to the formulating of the subject as you
have done. I did not think so much of the Mediterranean

218 AMERICA : GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

as a barrier, regarding the dry extreme climate of the South
shore as sufficient to kill any Northern Pliocene that might
have arrived there. Also who knows what may turn up in
the Pliocene of N. Africa ?

I have been comparing E. States Flora with Calif ornian,
and am more than ever amazed at the difference even in
such an order as Caryophylkae.

I hope that you will indicate to me any views or papers
of yours that you think I may have overlooked or am likely
to overlook. I intend to show, first how your researches
on the Japan Flora and mine on the Arctic each come in,
and are foundations upon which we meet in theory (one
of us in England, the other in America), and how we coalesce
as to results in our present labors after travelling together.
How ever I shall get the Lecture finished, i.e. the subject
properly elaborated, I do not see, for I am really busier
than ever !

Talking of the E. and W. Floras of N. America, I am
surprised to find so many Asiatic types in W. America that
are not in East ; and the Western American representatives
of Asia seem to belong to a different type from the Eastern
American representatives. Can both (the East and the
West Asiatic types) have branched off from one Asiatic
migration into N. America ? or were there two migrations
at very different periods, one into East, the other into West ?
if so which first ? I have not read up this matter ; please
tell me where to look.

The full botanical results were worked over when Asa Gray,
on his visit to Europe in 1881-2, spent a couple of months at
Kew, thereafter joining the Hookers on a spring trip to the
Continent. The work was issued conjointly in the Bulletin
of the U.S. Geological Survey for 1882, vol. vi, pp. 1-62, under
the title of ' The Vegetation of the Rocky Mountain Region
and a Comparison with that of other Parts of the World,' by
J. D. Hooker and Asa Gray, albeit Hooker, enquiring after
progress on August 2, 1879, had written : ' Dare I ask what
has become of our report ? I will do anything you like but
have my name put before yours.'

The following letters deal with the progress of the work.

GLACIATION IN THE YOSEMITE VALLEY 219
To Asa Gray

August 22, 1878.

Here I am with my wife immured in a little inn to which
we came yesterday, to view the beauties of Killarney, which
have ever since been obscured by torrents of rain accompanied
by a furious gale, which for aught I know has blown here
ever since I sighted the S. of Ireland last October. It is a
beastly climate. How different from Nevada !

How stupid of me to forget the Miocene Flora of Ice-
land ! which I knew of. It is well my letters to you are
not publications !

Our difference as to ' gouging out ' of Yosemite is pro-
bably verbal only. I never intended it to be understood
' that the Glaciers had initiated the valley,' but I think
that the mass of material has been removed by glaciers,
and that they have given its sides their configurations to a
much greater extent than you do. A glacier enduring for
ages in such a valley must have carried away an incredible
amount of stuff, and not merely ' scraped the sides.' That
sort of granite offers no resistance to ice, such as Limestone,
Porphyry, Slate, and other Metamorphic rocks do.

Just regard the amount of solid rock on the lateral and
medial moraines of any glacier at any one time — add the
grooved detrition of sides and bottom and sum up the
annual loss of material — it is stupendous. You say you see
no proof of anything more than ' Glaciers smoothing the
sides a little.' I saw proof of enormous removal of stuff,
in moraines everywhere, and no doubt had we gone down
the valley we should have carried old glacial detritus to its
mouth. As to your ' seeing no proof,' I do not see the
force of this unless you have made a study of glacier action ;
a non-botanist ' sees no proof ' of Ruscus being allied to
Asparagus ! You have not lived alongside glaciers for
months and watched day by day what they do and what
they must have done.

I am very stubborn about Greenland and have asked
Dyer to review the subject. Certainly Platanthera hyper-
lorea is European, if books are to be trusted. You make
no allowance for the great rarity in America of so many
Greenlandic plants. I mean such as just cross Baffin's
Bay, or turn up in one or two places in America.

220 AMERICA : GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

Now for yours of July 15th. I am glad to hear of the
Chilian types in West N. America — but may retort upon
your proverb apropos of Greenland : ' Ponderandum non
numerandum, &c.'

I deny that the Equator is the Grandfather of climate
— it is the Grandmother — the Poles are the Grandfathers ;
i.e. it is the alternate heating and cooling of the most extra -
tropical areas that ' kicks up the bobbery.'

Assuredly you should try for an English market for
your Introduction to Morphology and classification. It is
much wanted — but all the world is mad after Physiology
and Histology^ and Morphology pure and classifications
are despised on the Continent, and Britain is fast following
suit.

To Charles Darwin

October 4, 1878.

I am very busy at Gray's and my joint paper on the
Botany of Colorado in relation to the rest of America, and
the Universe I suppose. It has I find curious relations with
Altai which I hope to show are not shared by the Floras of
either Eastern or Western America, but these comparisons
are very laborious.

To the Same

October 7, 1878.

I am working hard at the Rocky Mountain Flora, and
find that it contains many Old World genera and species
not found in the equally lofty Sierra Nevada which runs
parallel to it for so many hundred miles, and I am excessively
interested about it. One would suppose that the migration
along the American meridional ridges from the North South-
wards and back again was the simplest thing in the world,
but it has not been so I am sure. The Rocky Mountain
Flora will stand a very fair comparison with the Altai,
which the Sierra Nevada will not.

To Asa Gray

August 2, 1879.

What a splendid time you had of it on the Alleghanies.
I should indeed like to have been with you both.

So next year you are normally due in England. Come

EOCKY MOUNTAIN AND ALTAI BOTANY 221

then ! 1 I have thought much of my next trip to America,
and of my great obstacle, which is Bentham. If I do not
go, and he continues as active as now (and I really see no
dimming of intellect or cessation of power of work), we
really should get on well with Monocots. Except yourself
there is no one who can work like him. I have been closely
observing all he has been doing with the genera of Coniferae
and can only marvel. Now that I am rid of E.S. we see
more of one another, and I of his work and he of mine.
With the Gen. Plant, on hand I canno.t think I ought to
leave him.

We are dreadfully impatient for the continuation of
Watson's Bibliography. Nothing short of it will mitigate
the curse that hangs over American Botanists. You can
have no idea of the labor you cost all hands at the Herbarium
when we revise a sheet of Gen. Plant, for checking the
references.

To Charles Darwin

November 29, 1879.

We are still thinking over our conjoint work on the
Geographical Distribution of American Flora. I have sent
him (Asa Gray) a comparison between the Kocky Mt. Flora
and that of Altai, which present many curious points of
affinity, as in rarity or absence of Oaks, Nuts and other
cupulifera which abound all round both areas. He now
wants my Lecture to Eoyal Institution in a modified form,
and a comparison of the European and Asiatic Floras, which
might be very interesting in reference to America. I have
a notion that the E. Asiatic and W. European Temperate
and Subtropical Floras are very distinct, but not so distinct
as both are from the intermediate Area, and that the Himalaya
is the bridge between them, crossing the intermediate area.

Further the Himalaya contains a mingling of European
types with others typical of both Eastern and Western
America.

Three years later, at the York meeting of the British
Association in 1881, he delivered before the Geographical Sec-
tion an address ' On Geographical Distribution,' a survey of

1 Gray duly came in 1880, and when he left Hooker wrote (October 19,
1880) : ' We missed you awfully for a full week, and then put off mourning.'

222 AMERICA : GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

the whole question to which he had himself contributed so much
exact material from every quarter of the globe. It had been
his earliest as it was his most constant interest. Like Darwin,
he saw that the secret of Distribution must throw light on the
origin of existing plants and animals ; it was reciprocally
true that a valid theory of the Origin must reflect light on the
dark places of Distribution.

When Humboldt developed Linnaeus' analysis of the
habitats of plants into a richly furnished Botanical Geography,
and further strengthened this with numerical data, he founded
the science of Geographical Distribution, of which Forbes
was to be the reformer and Darwin ' its latest and greatest
lawgiver ' ; but he, no more than his predecessors who noted
the most obvious instance of Distribution in the succession of
plants in ascending the mountains, could realise its full bearing.
It was left for later investigators to show ' that the parallelism
between the floras of mountains and latitudes was the result
of community of descent of the plants composing the floras,
brought about by physical causes.' Not otherwise could the
existence of representative types, so utterly perplexing to
earlier naturalists, be explained.

Historically it had first to be shown (and this was Lyell's
work) that our continents and oceans had experienced great
changes of surface and climate since the introduction of the
existing assemblages of plants and animals ; that there had
been a glacial period, as betokened by the Arctic survivals
and fossils found in N. temperate lands ; and, long before, a
warm Arctic period, attested by the abundant fossils brought
back by Arctic travellers, of plants belonging to a warm
temperate zone.

Stirred by results so largely due to himself and Asa Gray
(though these, to be sure, were barely touched upon in the
address) new research and new interpretations had pushed the
history still further. As Forbes had traced successive plant
immigrations into the British Isles, so Blytt traced in the
Norwegian peat bogs the succession of five different waves of
plants following wet or dry periods. And as for the world-
tides of migration so clearly worked out in the Northern hemi-

OUTLINE OF THE YORK ADDEESS 228

sphere, not only were they paralleled in the Southern, and
from similar causes, but the work of Saporta and Dyer had
gone on to make it probable that all plant life had originated
in the polar regions, and radiated thence to be differentiated
in different regions.

Kew : August 4, 1881.

DEAR DARWIN, — I am groaning over my Address for
York after a fashion with which I have more than once bored
you awfully. Now do believe me when I say that it is an
unspeakable relief to me to groan towards you ; — and I
will have clone.

I am trying to formulate my ideas on the subject of the
several stages or discoveries or ideas by which the Geog.
Distrib. (of plants) has been brought up to be a science
and to its present level, and showing that these stages have
all been erected on ideas first entertained by great voyagers
or travellers, thus ' hitching ' myself on to the sympathies
of a geographical audience ! something in this following
sort of way :

1. Tournefort's enunciation of the likeness between the
vegetation of successive elevations and degrees of latitude :
the true bearings of which have come out only now that we
know that said vegetations are affiliated in fact as well as in
appearance.

2. Humboldt's showing that great Natural Orders,
Gramineae, Leguminosae, Compositae, &c., are subject to
certain laws of increase or decrease relatively to other plants,
in going polewards (in both hemispheres) and skywards.
I should also refer parenthetically to his construction of the
isothermals as so great an engine towards the advancement
of Geog. Bot.

Now will you give me your idea as to whether I should be
right in calling Humboldt the greatest of scientific travellers,
or only the most accomplished, — or most prolific ? It is
the custom to disparage Humboldt now as a shallow man,
but when I think of what he did through his own observa-
tions during travel, for Geographical distribution of plants,
for Meteorology, for Magnetism, for Topography, for Physical
Geography and Hydrography, for Ethnology, for political
history of Spanish America and for Antiquity of Mexico —

224 AMEEICA : GEOGEAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

besides the truth and pictures queness of his descriptions of
scenery and all else — I am constrained to regard him as
the first of scientific travellers ; do you ? This is however
a digression.

3. LyelTs showing that distribution is not a thing of the
present only or of the present condition of climates and
present outline and contours of lands, and Forbes' Essay on
the British Flora.

4. The establishment of the permanence since the Silurian
period of the present continents and oceans. Were you not
the first to insist on this, or at least point this out ? Do
you not think that Wallace's summing up of the proof of it is
good ? (I know I once disputed the doctrine, or rather could
not take it in — but let that pass !)

5. The Evolution theory.

6. The discovery of fossil warm plants in high Northern
regions, leading to exact ideas as to effect of glacial period
as shown by Gray's Essaj.

7. I must wind up with the doctrine of general distribu-
tion being primarily from North to South and always along
existing continents, with no similar general flow from S.
to N. — thus supporting the doctrine which has its last
expression in Dyer's Essay read before the Geog. Soc., and
referred to in my last E.S. Address [1879, p. 15]. Now if
this is accepted, we may not too hastily throw overboard
Saporta's doctrine of the boreal origination of the main
types of vegetation ; and if this again is accepted we cannot
altogether neglect Buffon's argument that vegetation should
have commenced where the cooling globe was first cold enough
to support it, i.e. at a pole ; and lastly, if this is accepted I
must bring in Buffon's speculation in its proper chronological
order, and put it as No. 2 of the stages that have led up to our
present state of knowledge. But I am disposed to regard
Saporta's and Buffon's views as too speculative for that and
to introduce them at the end. What do you think of this
point, and of it all ?

It is not even on paper, and how I am to get it all in
shape before the end of the month passes my limited powers
of prevision.

I have to take some part in this Congress,1 and by request

1 The International- Medical Congress held in London, in August 1881.

HUMBOLDT'S WOEK 225

give a Garden Party on Saturday — it will be a dreadful
ordeal I fear (except it rains !).

Kew : August 11, 1881.

MY DEAR DARWIN, — Your letter and memos have been
unspeakable comforts — for I was beginning to despair of
making my Address anything but a budget of snippets of facts
and ideas, and you have both helped and encouraged me to
give one part of it at any rate a consecutive and scientific
character.

Then too the revival of our scientific correspondence and
interchange of ideas is extraordinarily pleasing to me, who
regard myself as your pupil.

I am indeed glad that your old appreciation of Humboldt
is no more dimmed than is mine. I have been re-reading all
his Geog. Bot. Essays, and it is impossible to deny their
supreme ability and approach to originality. I wish I had
time to write, and space to give to all I think of them — his
' Distributio Arithmetices ' of the great groups, expressed in
definite proportions, is a stroke of originality, if not of genius.
and I have called it a sort of parallel (?) (I can't find a good
word !) to his Isothermal lines.

I cannot find a reference to the permanence of continents
in your ' Coral Eeefs ' — a book by the way that shook my
confidence in that theory more than all others put together,
and the effect of which it has required years of thought to
eliminate or rather to overlay. I thought the idea was first
published in your * Geological Observations,' of which I can-
not find my copy (but shall). Any of Dana's works must
have been long after both. Where does he ' reclaim,' and
where does J. Mellard Beade publish his views ? x

I may have to allude to this subject from the Chair at
York in view of the papers to be read on the progress of
Geog. discovery in the great Continents. In respect of
them I have long cogitated over the fact that the main
water parting of Asia is not coincident with the greater

1 Under date of August 20 he writes : ' I find that Dana was the first (of all
I have yet found) who broached the doctrine of permanence of position of
existing continents. You somewhere do the same for existing oceans, and I
read it lately but for the life of me cannot turn the passage up. Also in the
Origin you imply this. But I do not know of any one except Wallace who
has summed up all the arguments for it, and marshalled them with convincing
force.'

226 AMERICA : GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

elevations of that continent but runs obliquely from S.W.
to N.E., and is sometimes determined by huge sedimentary
deposits as in Upper India, at others by very low mountains —
does this not imply vast oscillations over an already formed
land of continental extension ?

I am doubtful about going into the Flora of past ages,
beyond the Tertiary. I quite believe in the sudden develop-
ment of the mass of Phanerogams being due to the intro-
duction of flower -feeding insects, though we must not forget
that insects occur in the coal and may have been flower-
feeding too.

I have dealt with Saporta's view of the polar origin
of Floras in my last R.S. Address.

I hope we may talk over them and many other such
matters when too late for my Address !

It appears to me that the great Botanical question
to settle is, whether the main endemic Southern temperate
types originated there and spread Northwards, or whether
they originated in the North and have only just reached
the South, and have increased and multiplied there (to be
turned out in time by the Northern perhaps). The balance
of evidence seems to favor the latter view, and if Palae-
ontologists are to be believed in crediting our tertiaries
(even polar ones ?) with Proteaceae, it would tend to con-
firm this view, as do the Cycadeae, now about extinct in
the N. Hemisphere and swarming in the South.

Buffon's and Saporta's views of life originating at a
pole, because a pole must have first cooled low enough to
admit of it, is perhaps more ingenious than true — but is
there any reason opposed to it ? If conceded, the question
arises, did life originate at both Poles or one only ? or if
at both was it simultaneously? — but this is the deepest
abyss of idle speculation. Ever yours affectly.

J. D. HOOKER.

To the Same

September 9, 1881.

Your criticism anent Southern Glacial Epoch is just —
my loose statement was due to hasty condensation of matter.
What I should have said, and did originally in MS., was,
that from the appearance of Antarctic plants on .mountains

A SOUTHERN GLACIAL EPOCH 227

north of their home, a glacial period might be inferred, as
proved on astronomical and geological grounds, or something
to that effect.

Yes, I do hope to live to work out the relations of the
Southern Temperate Flora. I do wish I could throw off
my official duties here ; I am getting so weary of them,
and Dyer does them so well ; but I could not nearly afford
it yet.

CHAPTEE XXXIX

END OF THE PRESIDENTIAL TERM (1877-1878)

MEANTIME the building of the new Herbarium was a fresh
landmark in the history of Kew. But it was not accomplished
without considerable friction, in great part the aftermath of the
old trouble with the Office of Works, for Lord Henry Lennox
continued the Ayrtonian tradition of supercilious official-
dom towards science and glorified gardeners, and Ayrton's
right-hand man was not retired till August 1875. The one
helpful person in the office was Mr. Bertram Mitford (the late
Lord Eedesdale), and his chief was at loggerheads with him !
When the last personal obstruction was removed, Hooker
could exclaim, " Thank goodness I have all the Office and the
Treasury at my back and beck," and continues :

To Charles Darwin

August 16, 1875.

I only hope that now my Lord will find himself unsup-
ported, he will retire from active interference in the Office.
Meanwhile he is moving heaven and earth with the people
about the Queen to prevent the Herbarium being kept
in the Queen's private grounds, for a small piece of which
I have asked (as a site for the new building). He insists
on my finding a site for it in the public part of the Gardens !
which I absolutely refuse to do, except the Queen refuses
a corner of the ground where the Herbarium now is.

To Asa Gray

March 12, 1876.

After a great deal of worry, lasting over nine months, the
Herbarium building is in a fair way of commencing. The

THE NEW HEEBAEIUM 229

family, who had an eye to the ground and house, were

bitterly opposed to it, and got over my present chief, who,
after the Queen had given the site, continued throwing
obstacles in the way. When Lo ! by a stroke of luck, it
turned out, when preparing for a legal transfer of the site,
that the present Herb., House and grounds all belonged
to us ! — that old scamp, George IV., having sold it for £84,000
to pay his debts, in 1824 ! There was no legal conveyance,
but the receipt of the money is to the fore ! Thus both
William IV and Victoria have for half a century been giving
to others (the King of Hanover and the Herbarium) a house
not their own.

I shall retain the present building for the Library and
Working rooms, render them sufficiently fire -proof, and throw
out a Herb. Hall at the back in the same style of archi-
tecture that suits the site and surroundings. I am all the
more glad of this, as George III had given the building origin-
ally for Library and Herbarium, and Banks had begun to
have it fitted up as such, when his death stopped it all, and
it reverted to the King's use.

The result was thoroughly satisfactory : ' I wish,' he tells
Asa Gray, August 2, 1879, ' you could see our Herbarium and
Library arrangements before you begin to build, for which I
quite saw the need.'

Hooker had hoped to combine with this needful addition
to Kew the physiological laboratory offered by Mr. Phillips
Jodrell. The Eoyal Commission on Scientific Instruction
and the Advancement of Science had stated in its fourth report
(1874) that ' it is highly desirable that opportunities for the
pursuit of investigations in Physiological Botany should be
afforded at Kew to those persons who may be inclined to
follow that branch of science.'

Hooker was not primarily a physiological botanist, but
lie well understood the value of this branch of his science.
This was being vigorously taken up in Germany under the
influence of Sachs, and should be no longer neglected in
England, which in olden days had led the way in this direction,
before systematic botany, expanding with the discoveries of
our expanding empire, had swamped other lines of research.

280 END OF THE PEESIDENTIAL TEEM

Beside Hooker, moreover, now stood William Thiselton-Dyer,
a leading representative of the new school of physiologists,
whose ardour had received inspiration and direction from
Huxley. He was Professor of Botany to the Eoyal Horticul-
tural Society, and was then aiding the Director of Kew as
Private Secretary. Hooker already had him in mind for
Permanent Secretary, or better still Assistant Director, as
soon as the Government should sanction the appointment,
which took place in 1875. Under his care the Physiological
Laboratory could find its true development, while it would
also afford him immediate scope for his own branch of
work.

Hooker was therefore well advised when he persuaded
Air. Jodrell to make his benefaction to botanical science in
the form of this Physiological Laboratory. Private munificence
thus outstripping a laggard Government, the Jodrell labora-
tory was built, equipped and in working onder by 1876, before
the new Herbarium was well under way. It is interesting
to note that the first research made in the laboratory was
by Professor Tyndall on the organisms of putrefaction.

The immediate need and scope of such a laboratory are
illustrated by a letter of 1874 arising out of Darwin's corres-
pondence with G. J. Eomanes,1 who was experimenting to
raise seedlings from graft hybrids. If the seminal offspring
of plants hybridised by grafting should show their hybrid
character, it would be striking evidence in favour of pangenesis.
This experiment, however, did not succeed. (See M.L. i. 280
and i. 359.)

To Charles Darwin

Kew: December 22, 1874.

By all means let Mr. Eomanes come here and I will dokj
what I can. Our best grafters &c. get such good places
abroad that we cannot keep them, but he shall have the

1 George John Romanes (1848-94), a student under Michael Foster and
Burdon Sanderson, proceeded from physiological work to wider scientific
problems, especially on the development of the intelligence in animals and in
man : while in Darwinian and post-Darwinian theory, he put forward a theory
of Physiological Selection. Elected F.R.S. 1879.

THE PHYSIOLOGICAL LABOEATOKY -231

best aid and advice that we can give. Why should he not
experiment at Kew himself ? I would put plants and all
appliances at his service. The only thing is, that he must
himself daily inspect his own work. I cannot get anything
of the kind done for myself even, with any approach to
skill and care — but I have plants and appliances to any
amount.

I am now writing to the Board about a Physiological
Laboratory, which Mr. Phillips Jodrell offers to build, and
which I hope we may get as an adjunct to the new Herbarium
building. Mr. Eomanes's is just the work which should
be conducted in a laboratory, which should be at the service
of such men as Mr. Komanes, on payment of a small fee for
materials, &c., which should be had from Govt. Grant or
other funds.

This is the sort of encouragement that I think Govt.
should give to original research. Let Govt. find the
appliances and buildings and Colleges, Universities, &c.,
and private enterprise find the workers and funds when they
require it for their support. The K.S. will have abundance
to repay workers at present, and I am not sure but that
it would be well, if the Gilchrist works well, to have a similar
one raised by subscription. — Ever your affectionate

J. D. HOOKER.

The last piece of work to be recorded for 1878 is the long
delayed publication of the ' Journal of a Tour in Marocco
and the Great Atlas.' In July he was busy correcting proofs
with John Ball, to whom had fallen the writing of the greater
part of the book. The seven years' delay since the journey
itself in 1871 (see p. 90) scarcely prejudiced the scientific
or historical value of the book, dealing as it did with an un-
changing country ; but it may have contributed to lessen
its popularity. ' It will, I think, be interesting,' was his
opinion ; but it was an expensive book to produce, and to
his disappointment the sales were far from recouping the cost
and left a deficit of over £100.

The following letters touch on these and other occupations
about this time.

232 END OF THE PRESIDENTIAL TEEM

To T. H. Huxley

[He was about to attend the Dublin meeting of the British
Association.]

Kew : July 30, 1878.

DEAR HUXLEY, — There is a talk of giving me a sub-
section of D., which I make no objection to : but I have heard
nothing more of it. I shall certainly give no address if I am
called upon to act as President in any capacity. I have
too long resisted Satan to make it worth the old gentleman's
while to tempt me in that line. — Ever yours,

J. D. HOOKER.
To Charles Darwin

July 31, 1878.

Huxley tells me he will give no address to his section
and I applaud his resolution. I think that even he will
soon find that the power of giving addresses is exhaustible,
and that he will be reduced to a state of nudity — the address
becoming no dress. I am at my wits' end for a subject
for the Anniversary of Eoyal.

To the Same

October 4, 1878.

Ball's and rny Marocco Journals are nearly out, they
await a brief Essay from me on the comparison of the Floras
of Marocco and the Canaries — the differences are marvellous
and quite unexpected. There are no islands in the world
so near the mainland with such a difference in their vegeta-
tion— they beat the Galapagos in certain respects, but then
the separate islands do not differ much.

I must clear the American and Marocco works off before
I begin my Address : happily the matter of these is in my
head. Then I must go to Paris on the 18th to be present
at the Prize giving of the Exhibition, which is to be my
only duty as a Eoyal Commissioner ! I have shirked every
other without exception and cannot have*the impudence to
decline this, though I do hate it.

I am still looking out for a country cottage within easy
distance of Kew to retire to on Sundays and perhaps in the

ST. HELENA FLOBA 233

end for weeks, months, years of Sundays, for between you
and me I am getting giddy with science in all shapes, and
with the worry of social, scientific, and official life, and I
long for rest and nothing but the Library and Herbarium
to busy myself with.

This is the best and most sensible growl you have had
from me for a long time.' — Ever your affectionate

J. D. HOOKER.
To the Same

[Darwin had sent for his criticism a paper he had received
on the flora and insects of St. Helena.]

October 7, 1878.

DEAR DARWIN, — I had already read [the] paper and
corresponded with [the author] about his conclusions.
Unfortunately the Botany is all dead against him. There
is no relationship whatever between the N. Atlantic Island
Flora and that of St. Helena.

You have marked a passage to the effect that ' one or
two genera of plants common to St. Helena and S. Africa
are strongly suggestive of a Palaearctic origin, and dis-
persion by the influence of a Glacial epoch ; for example
Sium, which has an endemic representative in St. Helena,
and the very characteristic Cape genus Pelargonium, which
has a straggler in Syria.'

Now the Sium which I first described, I have stated
to be closely allied to the S. Thunbergia of the Cape, which
is no Palaearctic form ; t and how Pelargonium is to be classed
as Palaearctic because one species grows in Syria, whilst
hundreds are confined to the Cape, which is its headquarters,
passes my comprehension.

I have come to the conclusion that the Flora of St. Helena
is very S. African and not in the least North Atlantic, and
as the plants must have got to St. Helena before the insects,
these must, if they came from the North, indicate that the
Flora has survived the Glacial epoch, i.e. had come from the
Cape before it.

The difficulty of attributing to the Flora a Miocene age

or origin is, the absence of any old types, such as Conifers

and Cycads or examples of exceedingly limited (i.e. dying

out) Natural Orders. If I remember aright, most or all

VOL. n g

234 END OF THE PEESIDENTIAL TEEM

the plants belong to large and very cosmopolitan Orders,
well represented in S. Africa. Ascension does not help ;
its only shrubs are of South African affinity and St. Helena,
and these are, if I remember aright, its only flowering plants
(except tropical weeds). St. Helena has affinities with Tristan
d'Acunha. If we could only make the insects antedate the
plants I would understand the argument. Is the Entomology
of the S. African Mountains known? especially of those
Mts. of the W. coast.— Ever yours affectionately,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

To the Same

January 18, 1877.

Wheat brought by Nares from Smith's Sound, where the
Polaris left it some five years ago, has germinated splendidly.
I am now planting a lot of various seeds which I sent out
and which have been exposed to cold of 60°-70°. A grain
of maize that was with the Polaris wheat has also grown ;
this being properly a tropical plant is remarkable.

What a rum thing living protoplasm must be, so quickly
to decompose in some seeds and resist change in others.
That the freezing of its watery constituent (if it, water, is
a constituent) should not affect its vitality is very wonderful.
A good man might make a splendid thesis on ' vitality '
in the abstract. Jas. Salter 1 has been writing to me about
another series of experiments on burying seeds, but I do
not think he is prepared to carry it out. I should be disposed
to attack the problem another way — viz., to experiment on
means of prolonging vitality of seeds which are notoriously
short lived.

It seems an age since I heard of you all.- — Ever
affectionately yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

1 Samuel James Augustus Salter (1825-97), or James Salter as he called
himself, received his medical education at King's College, London, and after
graduating as M.B. at the University of London, became partner with his
uncle Thomas Bell, dental surgeon. He was elected F.L.S. 1853, and F.R.S.
1863, and on his retirement from his profession occupied himself with horti-
culture at Basingstoke. He was the first to make the remarkable observation
of perfectly formed pollen-grains in the nucellus of the ovary (see Trans. Linn.
Soc. 1863, xxiv. p. 143). He published his Dental Pathology and Surgery in
1874.

A LEGACY TO DAEWIN 235

He was immensely interested to hear that Mr. Anthony
Rich, the antiquarian, having no other kith and kin but his
sister, with whom he lived at Worthing, had resolved to
bequeath his fortune ultimately to Darwin, in token of his
admiration for the man and his work.

To the Same

December 13, 1878.

Well, I shall dream of that blessed old couple at Worthing
— it was indeed a curious thing, and I have no doubt that it is
the precursor of many such acts ; as knowledge increases,
so must appreciation of the people and institutions to whom
we owe it. Govt. may do much, but it must always be
under such vexatious restrictions that it tries a man's temper
and patience, let his patriotism be what it will, to undertake
the expenditure of what Government gives, and I fear it
ever must be so. Between ourselves I think there will be
a wretched outcome of the Govt. Fund (the £4000 per annum).
I am sure that if I had the uncontrolled selection of persons
to grant it to, and was free to use my authority over them,
I could have got ten times more done with the money. I
shirked the subject with my address. — Ever your affectionate
rejoicer,

J. D. HOOKER.

There was an old couple at Worthing

Who resolved to reward the deserving ;

And with wise resolution

Pitched upon Evolution,

That pecunious old couple of Worthing.

Kew : February 8, 1877.

MY DEAR GRAY, — I have not yet wished you a happy
New Year and many of them, — but like Martha, I am
' troubled with much serving.' Now too I have a new edition
of my Student's British Flora on hand, anent which nothing
strikes me as so curious as the contrast with your Manual in
respect of the limits of species. Will you ever be bothered
with the subspecies and varieties that drive me frantic,

286 END OF THE PRESIDENTIAL TERM

and in my view are not worth the time they take to
elucidate ? 1

What I wish now to consult you about is the position of
Gymnosperms, whether to make of them a sub-class of
Dicotyledons, or a group equal to all other Phaenogams :
i.e. should it be

1. Monocots."

2. Dicots.

a. Angiosp.
6. Gymnosp.
or Phanerogams :

1. Angiosperms.

Monocot.
Dicot.

2. Gymnosperms.

I see that you and Decaisne, and I (in Decaisne and Maout)
have adopted the first course, and I still incline to it. Oliver
is disposed to go in for the second with Dyer. No one could
weigh the evidence on both sides so well as you could. Much
should depend on the structure of Gnetum embryo, sacs, &c.,
and I think Gnetum is quite overlooked by the Physiologues
in removing Gymnosperms from Dicots.

I have just sent to Press the corrected Primer,2 a work
which has cost me immense labor. I feel terribly the want
of that facility for writing such a book as lecturing would
have given me.

1 Writing to Mr. Bolus on November 20, 1883, he calls the accurate deter-
mination of them 'a most fidgetty affair, and most unsatisfactory.' To com-
plete the new edition it was further necessary to collate the ' new edition ' of
Nyman (presumably the Conspectus Florae Europaeae, 1878-82, the Sylloge
Florae Europaeae having appeared in 1854-5), to rearrange many Orders by the
Gen. Plant., and revise distribution by the last edition of Watson's Topographical
Botany.

* I.e. the third 10,000.

CHAPTEK XL

KEW : 1879-1885

THE years that followed the end of the Presidential term were
still full of incessant activity ; but it was the activity that
centred in Kew and the systematic botany to be completed at
home. Work on the Councils of the Eoyal Society and Linnean
Society continued into the early eighties ; but the best of his
active life being past he refused to think of new presidential
duties, whether at the Linnean or Geographical Societies, even
for the sake of carrying through desirable reforms. The days
of camp and field work were over ; the old explorer could
only respond to the call of the wild through others. For these
his sympathy, his experience, his advice, were unfailingly
ready — more especially for Antarctic explorers, such as Dr.
Bruce of the Scotia, and Captain Scott, who twice revisited
the southernmost land of which he himself had been one of
the original discoverers. Past also were the days when he
had travelled with Darwin as a pioneer in speculative regions
more difficult and more perplexing than the unmapped in-
tricacies of the Himalayan passes. The joyous pains of the
long wrestle with Nature, the rapture of finding a way
through the maze, the first great conflict with a hostile
organisation, all these also were now of the past, and the
paths so laboriously broken had become the common highway.
Thus the picturesque element grows less though the solid
work moves on in the business of Kew, its constantly improved
organisation, the completion of the Genera Plantarum, and
the yet greater burden of the Indian Flora and the undertaking
of 'Darwin's last great gift to science, the Index Kewensis.

237

288 KEW : 1879-1885

This gift had a personal as well as a public aspect. Darwin
owed a debt of ' happiness and fame to the natural-history
sciences which had been the solace of what might have been
a painful existence.' He was moved by admiration for the
work done at Kew and gratitude for the incalculable aid which
for so many years he had received from the Director and his
Staff. At the same time his botanical work had shown him
the importance of a complete index to the names and authors
of the genera and species of plants known to botanists, together
with their native countries. The plants he received from all
sorts of sources were often incorrectly named, and without
precise means of identification by other workers, his own re-
searches would be misleading.

Steudel's ' Nomenclator ' had partly fulfilled this purpose ;
but it had been published in 1840, and in the next forty years
the number of described plants had been doubled. At Kew
the list had been kept posted up by means of an interleaved
copy, by the help of funds supplied by private generosity.
But this was unpublished. "Wishing definitely then, ' to aid in
some way the scientific work carried on at the Eoyal Gardens,'
he set aside a considerable sum to complete and publish the
Kew ' Nomenclator ' under a scheme drawn up by Hooker at
the end of 1881, with the help of the Kew Staff and Bentham,
and carried out in detail by Dr. B. Daydon Jackson, the
Secretary to the Linnean Society, for ' we should of course
all help.' As the work proceeded, Darwin's original idea of
producing a modern edition of Steudel was practically aban-
doned, and the aim kept in view was rather to construct a
list of genera and species (with references) founded on Bentham
and Hooker's ' Genera Plantarum.'

This ' Nomenclator Botanicus Darwinianus,' or more briefly
Index Kewensis, was brought out in four quarto volumes
between 1892-5. It was no trifling work which proceeded for
fourteen years under Hooker's supervision. In 1887, Sir P.
Darwin notes, the MS. of the Index was estimated to weigh
more than a ton,1 and the completed work, all the proofs of
which Hooker read and criticised, comprised 2500 pages, each
1 See G.D., iii. 351-54, on which I have largely drawn.

THE INDEX KEWENSIS 239

with three columns containing some fifty names each, a total
of about 375,000 entries.

The officialdom of the period was still characteristically
left cold by this rich gift to a national home of science.

To Charles Darwin

January 19, 1882.

DEAK DAKWIN, — The enclosed requires no answer. The
history of it is this. I, as a matter of course, informed the
Board of your munificent offer, showing what a grand aid it
would be to our own work, as well as to science in general,
and how honorable to Kew. The First Commissioner (one
of your d — d Liberals) wrote a characteristically illiberal and
ill-bred minute on it, addressed to me, in effect warning
me against your putting the Board to any expense ! — and
this though I expressly stated that ' your offer involved
the Board in no expense or other responsibility whatever.'
I flared up at this, and told the Secretary, whom I saw
on the subject, that the F.C., rather than send me such
a minute, should have written a letter of thanks to you.
I suppose that this shamed him, and he has taken me
at my word, though I did not seriously contemplate such
action.

In the administration of Kew the years brought no relaxa-
tion to the Director. The general lines for the development
of the Gardens had long been laid down ; the same operations
went on, only on an annually increasing scale ; development
from within proceeded unceasingly, while correspondence with
collectors and gardens overseas grew with the central im-
portance of Kew. ' The ordinary correspondence, etc.' he
assures his friend Maw (March 24, 1882), ' gets more extra-
ordinary every year.' At that moment, for instance, all the
Cinchona papers relating to the cultivation of both kinds, and
the policy of making both quinine and the febrifuge in India,
were coming to Hooker to be reported on. The making of new
sections, the re-arrangement of the old, went on busily, for
the progress of science, inverting the familiar proverb, makes
the better the enemy of the good, and leaves the excellences

240 KEW : 1879-1885

of the past out of date. But the burdensomeness of this
inevitable work could be sadly increased by the spasmodic
action of Government departments.

To Asa Gray

January 20, 1880.

I wrote you the other day and have no further news.
Sargent wants any amount of the Indian woods, &c., of which
and other things there are 36 tons measurement coming to
Kew from the India Store department, and I cannot tell you
how many tons we have already disposed of — the accumula-
tion of 30 years' extravagant collecting in India without
judgment or regard to cost, and of utter mismanagement,
indolence, and caprice on the part of the India Museum
authorities here. I suppose there never was such a revela-
tion of the sort (in the Museum way). Many many thousands
of pounds must have been spent in India upon the collecting
duplicates on duplicates, put up in the most expensive manner,
to be destroyed unopened by rust, dust, rats, and insects.
There are, I am told, cases of Cashmere shawls riddled by
vermin, sent for exhibition (these of course were not coming
with my 36 tons ! of vegetable produce), and a silver Elephant
Howdah. I need not say we are tremendously worked.
Dyer gets through work most wonderfully, and is a very
skilful manager.

The Indian Government gives us £2000 to add to the big
Museum, and I have screwed £450 out of the Treasury to add
to the little one (that my Father inaugurated), so we shall
have space enough ; but it will cost us the re -arrangement
of both Museums ' au fond,' and as poor Dyer has just com-
pleted that operation, we do growl at the job.

A far more agreeable feature of the time was the inaugura-
tion of the regular garden parties, which became a social link
with the many personal and official friends in London. A letter
written by an old friend in December 1915 gives a capital
description of these.

No one privileged to be present at one of the famous
Eoyal Gardens' summer parties during the last years of Sir
Joseph Hooker's Directorship could ever forget the especially

GATHEEINGS AT KEW 241

unique enjoyment which distinguished them. The small
garden belonging to his official residence used to be thronged
with people, famous, not only in science (a natural product
there) but in Politics, Art, Literature, etc., etc. The Arch-
bishop (Tait), the Prime Minister (Lord Salisbury), Travellers,
Literary men, Artists, Journalists, came in crowds, and among
them, genial, radiant, happy, moved the eminent host,
enjoying himself to the full and delighting in being sur-
rounded by so many friendly faces.

These gatherings made Kew not only a well-managed
Government Department, but a meeting-place for the best
social life of London. All were gratified by an invitation
from the President of the Koyal Society, and it was doubtless
his position as head of the Scientific World that suggested
Kew's possibilities as a Universal host. No set entertain-
ment nor amusement, not even a band, was ever found there,
none was wanted. The crown and joy of it all was just
the pleasure of meeting everybody, of seeing and hearing the
celebrities of the time, listening to the busy hum of talk,
enjoying the boundless hospitality, and then passing at will
into the wider Public Gardens. Yet the exact secret of the
charm of these gatherings was, I think, something above and
beyond all these factors. It was simply because the host
and hostess themselves enjoyed the gathering together of
their friends, and never regarded it as a duty to be discharged,
or a burden to be borne. Memory reports that these parties
were generally favoured as to weather, but if rain fell, who
cared if it did pour without, for within that spacious house
were treasures innumerable, Wedgwoods, Indian curiosities,
pictures, books, etc., and the fragrance of exquisitely arranged
flowers, while host and hostess excelled themselves in their
welcome, warmer and more cordial because the weather was
unkind.

His heart's desire now was to throw off the trammels of
official life and get back to pure science. First of all he was
eager to finish the ' Genera Plantarum,' for Bentham, born
in 1800, was now growing old and frail, though he came daily
to the Herbarium for four or five hours, and his memory,
judgment, and power of botanical work seemed unimpaired.
And in the second place, he wanted to deal finally with the

242 KEW : 1879-1885

Indian Flora. But with a family to maintain, this was not yet
practical politics. He could only hope to economise time by
retiring from the active work of the learned societies which
he had served steadily for so many years. As he tells Asa
Gray (October 28, 1880) :

The B. S. Councils begin to-day. Happily this is my
last year of them (for the present] after 10 continuous, and
16 in all ! just half my period of membership. I suppose
I must have been useful ! or else have been an egregious
impostor — a little of both, we may conclude logically. As
it is, I feel a loathing to all that sort of work.

How I wish that we could join you in Spain, but it is
impossible. We cannot leave home now, even if my duties
allowed of it, and I must get three months Bot. Magazine
off my hands before I go anywhere.1 Bentham too is
commenting on my slow progress at the Palms.

1 It may be of interest, in alluding to Sir Jos<?ph Hooker's editorship of the
Botanical Magazine, to give a brief account of its beginning and uninterrupted
existence of 129 years. Since 1787 it has appeared regularly every month
without fail, and probably no other serial or periodical can show such a record,
due in great part to the energy and resourcefulness of its editors, in bearing it
safely through more than one great crisis. For seventy-seven years of this
time it had two editors only, Sir William and Sir Joseph Hooker, and for seventy-
one years (from the time lithography was first employed in 1845, up to the
present volume) the plates were put on stone by two lithographers only, W. H.
Fitch and his nephew J. N. Fitch — verily two further ' records ' ! while, except
for a brief space, when W. H. Fitch retired in 1878, he and the present artist
have been the only artists employed on it for seventy-eight years, from 1837
to 1916— vols. 64 to 141 !

The founder of the Botanical Magazine was William Curtis, of the Society
of Friends, who was born in 1746, and, after some years as an apothecary, \vas
appointed Botanical Demonstrator to the Apothecaries Society at Chelsea.
He started the magazine, a serial of octavo size with coloured illustrations, in
1787 the first number containing only three plates. On his early death in
1799, Dr. John Sims became editor. He was born in 1749, and studied medicine
at Leyden and in Edinburgh, and finally settled as a physician in London. He
retired from tLe editorship in 1826, and was succeeded by Sir William Hooker,
who was artist to the magazine as well as editor for some ten years. His work
has a delicate finished style of its own, and he introduced the plan of giving full
analyses of his plants. In 1834, or even sooner, finding his other botanical
work too exacting, he began the training of a young man, Walter H. Fitch, who
in a very short time became one of our most famous botanical artists. In vol. 61
(1834) two plates are signed by him, and his work must have appeared, unsigned,
for some time before that, though only in 1837 (vol. 64) does he seem to have
become the regular, recognised artist to the magazine. No one has ever
excelled him in the life and vigour he put into his portraits of plants, the plant
itself lives before us, and his drawing was so accurate and yet so free, that Sir
Joseph once said delightedly, ' I don't think Fitch could make a mistake in his
perspective and outline, not even if he tried ! ' while in his sketch of his father's

WITHDRAWAL FROM OFFICIAL POSTS 243

Subsequently, also, Hooker refused to be put forward for the
presidency of the Linnean and the Geographical Societies,
even for the sake of battling for desirable reforms, especially
where his efforts were likely to produce no more effect than
' pinching a pillow.' That form of work belonged to the past.

But his experience and authority were still in demand,
and he found it impossible to escape from the ' endless Councils
and Committees in London of which I am heartily tired,' as
he tells Asa Gray, May 26, 1885. ' The grasshopper becometh
a burden at last,' he confesses to Huxley (1884), even in regard
to ' The Club,' that ' mixed lot of savans and swells, all very
agreeable as far as my experience goes.' Meantime he threw
himself into his official work at Kew as energetically as ever,
ably seconded by his skilful lieutenant, only indulging in a
' growl ' to his intimates now and again. There was no prospect

life he writes of him as ' One who by his artistic talents contributed to the value
of my Father's work.'

On Sir William's death in 1865, Sir Joseph became editor, and remained
so until 1904, when, owing to his living at a distance from Kew, he felt himself
unable to continue his duties. Under him and Walter Fitch the magazine
attained its greatest height of excellence, and some very interesting and re-
markable plants were figured. Mr. J. G. Baker, Assistant Keeper, and later
Keeper of the Herbarium, supplied the letterpress for the Monocots, but all the
rest were described by Sir Joseph himself, until some few years before his
withdrawal, when Dr. W. B. Hemsley, Keeper of the Herbarium, gave him
such great assistance that both their names occur on the title-page of Sir
Joseph's last volume (130th).

Even in 1898, when dedicating the 124th volume to Dr. Hemsley, Sir Joseph
says, the dedication ' is offered as a record of the interest you have shown in
this work, and an acknowledgment of the valuable aid I have received from
you in conducting it.'

One great crisis was safely surmounted in 1878, when Fitch gave up his
connection with the magazine, which was left with little or no stock of drawings
to fill its monthly issue. But Sir Joseph's energy was equal to the occasion ; he
secured the continuance of J. N. Fitch's services as lithographer, and succeeded
in getting various artists to contribute. His daughter, Mrs. (now Lady) Thisel-
ton-Dyer, and his sister-in-law, Mrs. Barnard, daughter of Prof. Henslow, both
contributed drawings for some five or six years (in part), with most praiseworthy
and admirable results, considering the ' Master ' they followed, while Miss
Eleanor Ormerod, the entomologist, and others helped to supply a few plates.
No less than nine different names appear in that volume (105th). It was then
that the editor undertook to train the present artist, Miss Smith, and thanks
to his skilled instruction and high standard of artistic feeling, she was able to
be of use at once, and finally to become the sole artist with J. N. Fitch as
lithographer, and both continue to fill these posts up to the present time. On
Sir Joseph's withdrawal in 1904, Sir William Thiselton-Dyer edited two volumes,
and at the end of 1906 the present Director (Sir David Prain) succeeded to
the editorship.

244 KEW: 1879-1885

of time to experiment on further species of pitcher plants, and
at sight of the ' hopeless pile of literature to glance at ' accumu-
lating on his desk, he murmurs : ' The " intellectual activity "
of the age is horrid.' The release he desired was not from
work, but from uncongenial work, which would allow him to
take up the wider interests always to the fore in his corres-
pondence with Darwin.

To Charles Darwin

November 24, 1881.

I must just thank you for the ' Movements,' which
seems a most capital production, and I am so pleased to
see Frank's name associated with yours in it. I have read
only two chapters, 7 and 8, and they are splendid, but I
hate the zigzags ! Bauhinia leaf-closing is a curious case ;
does it not show that said, leaf consists of two leaflets ?

The fact that for good action tEe leaves want a good
illumination during the preceding day is very suggestive
of experiments with the electric light. They are like the
new paint that shines only by night after sun-light by day.
There are heaps of points I should like to know more about.

Dyer and Baker are taken aback by the keel of the
Cucurbita seed ; which keel was a wonderful discovery
in Welwitschia ! ! !

I have had no time to read more than the two chapters
as yet, for I have a stock of half-read books on hand and
no time for any of them. I am only two -thirds through
Wallace and it is splendid. What a number of cobwebs he
has swept away. That such a man should be a Spiritualist
is more wonderful than all the movements of all the plants.
He has done great things towards the explanation of the
New Zealand Flora and Australian, but marred it by assum-
ing a pre-existent S.W. Australian Flora — I am sure that
the Australian Flora is very modern in the main, and the
S.W. peculiarities are exaggerations due to long isolation
during the severance of the West from the East by the
inland sea or straits that occupied the continent from Car-
pentaria to the Gt. Bight. I live in hopes of showing by
an analysis (botanical) of the Australian types, that they
are all derived from the Asiatic continent. Meanwhile I

BURDEN OF ADMINISTRATIVE WORK 245

have no chance of tackling problems — I must grind away
at the Garden, the Bot. Mag., and Indian Flora, which I cannot
afford to give up, and Gen. Plant., which alone I delight in.
I am at Palms, a most difficult task, and sometimes weeks
elapse and not a stroke of work done ! I am getting very
weary of * working for a living,' and am beginning to covet
rest and leisure in a way I never did before. But I must
first look out for the education of three sons, — all hopeful
I am glad to say, but one still an infant !

Have you read Paget's Lecture 1 on plant diseases ? it
is very suggestive and a wonderful specimen of style aiding
in giving great importance to possibly very superficial
resemblances between animal and vegetable malformations.
Still there must be a great deal in the subject to be
investigated.

Paget has started the idea of a Vegetable Pathologist for
Kew, and I have asked him to corkscrew Gladstone about it.

To the Same

Juae 12, 1881.

I am groaning as usual, — now under the incubus of the
Sectional Presidency of the B.A. for York (Geography) 2 —
which I was ass enough to accept — because of Lubbock.

Kew is becoming more toilsome than ever, and I can
rarely get an hour for ' Genera Plantarum,' for which I
have been doing the Palms for 16 months at least ; the
most difficult task I ever undertook. They are evidently
a very ancient group and much dislocated, structurally and
geographically.

The Palms, with ' near 120 genera, many very imperfectly
known,' took over three years to finish : stigmatised again not
only as the most difficult job he ever undertook, but ' perhaps
the most unsatisfactory.' Indeed 'when the Gen. Plant, is
off my hands, I shall be a happy man — I hope.'

To the Same

June 18, 1881.

I quite understand your misery at finding yourself where
you have ' all play ' offered you, and no work to fall back

1 ' Disease in Plants,' by Sir James Paget. See Gardeners' Chronicle, 1880.
* See ante, p. 223.

246 KEW : 1879-1885

upon.' 1 I should be as bad, but then I know not the
condition. When I go away I have work that I can always
take with me, official and other : and my misery is the lots
accumulating at home. I cannot tell you how I long to
throw off the trammels of official life and do like Bentham.

Now at last he ' struck out ' for a more liberal treatment of
Kew, for the pay of the principal officials was far below that of
similar positions elsewhere ; a clerk was needed for the Director ;
a proper office and office keeper to relieve the Curator of work
after office hours, besides accommodation for a couple of good
gardeners and provision of further labour.

While the Assistant Director took over most of the Garden
work, Hooker's special share from 1882 onwards was the
Arboretum, of which he was making ' a noble thing ' with
groups of species of trees, &c., in systematic sequence, no easy
task.

In the spring of 1882, also, a new rock garden had to be
provided to receive a large collection of rock plants, the generous
bequest of Mr. G. C. Joad of Wimbledon, and the present long
rock garden, 160 yards in length, was made ' in the form of
a winding valley with rocks and tree trunks on both sides
rising 8-12 feet.' As a consequence of these developments,
it became necessary to prepare new guides for the Garden,
Arboretum, and Museum. The latter promised to be the most
complete summary of economic plants as yet published.

Thus in the letter of November 20, 1883, to Mr. Bolus,
already quoted, he sums up the situation by saying :

Everything goes on here much as when you were with
us, only on an annually increasing scale, the correspondence
especially waxes more formidable every year. The old staff
I am happy to say holds on, and we have no changes, only
additional assistants in the Herbarium. In the Garden we
have greatly improved the cultivation by obtaining better
pay for really good foremen as growers and propagators ;
so that now even the Orchids are praised. The Palm House,

1 Charles Darwin was staying at Patterdale, and had written despond-
ently, ' I have not the heart or strength to begin any investigation lasting
years, which is the only thing which I enjoy, and I have no little jobs which
I can do.' (June 15.)

THE INDIAN FLORA 247

which is Dyer's special pet, is magnificent, and he has gone
in for Cycads, and by correspondence all over the world got
together a wonderful collection of them.

What with his writing and his administrative work, he
finds himself so busy that he never gets to the Linnean and
very rarely to the Eoyal Society. In short, as he reiterates to
Hodgson (May 28, 1884) : ' The Kew work does not decrease ;
the contrast between what the Directorship now is and that
when I took it is enormous, and I shall not be sorry to be
relieved of my share.'

Most of his spare time went to the Flora of British India.
Progress was slow ; the nun .her of species had exceeded his
estimate, and at the desire of many Indian botanists he had
expanded quotations and references far beyond his original
intention. At the same time the actual examination of the
specimens was exceedingly laborious. ' Polygonum,' he re-
marks, ' was a hard task, but I think I have squared them all
up.' The Peppers, when he came to them, were ' by far the
worst genus I have ever had to do with, and I shall have to
assign lots of Miquel's and De Candolle's species to the limbo of
the unknowable.' A few weeks later : ' I am groaning over
Myristica ! The species are indeterminable without $ and <$
flowers and fruit — all three ! and the specimens of Manigey and
others play the deuce with Thomson's descriptions in Flora
Indica.' In the Laurels he had perforce to follow his old
grouping, but would have done them differently if he had had
time. One genus brings up a situation familiar in his early
systematic work : ' Cyanadaphne is I am sure a myth, and its
one species is in two or three other genera as well ! ' Finally,
the bibliographical details and the readjustments in the
Herbarium involved much drudgery, and he responds to Asa
Gray's sympathy on September 26, 1885 :

Yes, the references to volumes, pages and plates are
horrible plagues. I groan over them daily. Nine-tenths
of them are not worth verifying. I am now bored with
revising the reprint of Gen. Plant., Part I. I sympathise
with your supplement work, but oh, how I wish you could

248 KEW : 1879-1885

have been persuaded to throw all other work aside for the
ten last years for Flor. Bor. Amer. !

We have much accelerated the work of intercalation at
the Herbarium, and shall do more yet. I am putting away
my Indian accessories and am more than ever impressed
with the huge waste of labour in putting away a few at a
time. We have adopted the supplementary pigeon holes
at the ends of large genera and small orders, &c. It is the
gigantic accessories that now weigh on us, and to decide when
and where to stop gluing down more specimens is distracting.

Other letters of the period again illustrate the sustained
interest in the botanical work that was being done in India and
the colonies. Now it is a matter of detail. Mr. Duthie is going
into the Himalayas ; he is bidden make special pilgrimage in
search of a strange plant with a strange history.

To Mr. Dufhi$

August 12, 1882.

Strachey and Wmterbotham found in Kumaon a most
remarkable little plant, which neither Brown nor any other
botanist could refer to any natural order. I made a careful
drawing of it, with full analyses for the Linnean Society,
some 28 years ago. This and the specimens were lost
soon after, and nothing more was known or heard of the
plant till Maximovicz sent us a specimen from N. China as
an unintelligible nondescript, and he has since published it
as Circaeaster agrestis,. Max. in Bull. Acad. Petrop. xi., 845,
and adopted an idea of Oliver's which I hardly share, that it-
is Chlomnthaceous.

Now I think perhaps you may be able to re-find this
pigmy, so I send you a rude sketch of it ; and I have asked
Strachey, who remembers it well, for the exact locality,
which is at ' Saba Udiyar, on an overhanging rock, at or
near the halting place below Ealam, on the road from the
Gori valley— Jalat or Munshari, elevation ? 8000 feet.'

The plant is worth a pilgrimage, for I know nothing in
the least like it.

A year later he identifies various plants in Mr. Duthie's col-
lection from the Alpine Himalayan region, and adds a postscript

INDIAN EEOKGANISATION NEEDED 249

delight at the revival of Sikkim memories. And in a similar
letter on October 27, 1884, he strikes the same note : ' Abies
dumosa seeds will be most acceptable, as we have lost it at
Kew. Only to-day, I gave Masters a pencil drawing I made of
it in 1848, for Gardeners' Chronicle.'

November 18, 1882. Mr. Duthie has been planning an
extension of the Mussoori Gardens for European plants :

I am glad to find that the ' powers that be ' support you
so well, and that your European Garden is likely to be carried
out, upon a scale that will necessitate a European gardener ;
you must never rest till you get this, for I quite agree with
you, that without a European it will not work.

November 20, 1883 : — I am glad to hear of your being
utilised for the Lahore Garden. Botanical matters want
drawing together in India very badly.

On this point a note of June 22, 1884, to Hodgson records :

King * of the Calcutta Garden and Mr. Duthie x of the
Saharunpor too, are both home now and I have been at the
India Office with them about getting a better botanical
organisation in India.

In the spring of 1883 Mr. Bolus sent from South Africa a
paper on the Cape Orchids and a quantity of specimens ; all
was put into shape by one of the Kew assistants, and the
paper duly read at the Linnean. Hooker's suggestion of a
botanising trip to the north-west bore immediate fruit.

To Mr. Bolus

April 18, 1883.

What you say of the richness of S. Africa in terrestrial
Orchids is truly surprising and a curious contrast to Aus-
tralia where the Order abounds in specimens but where there
are no great number of species. The way the Caladenias,
Prasophyllum, Diuris and Pterostylis come up through the
grass everywhere in Tasmania is enchanting, one gets 20
or 30 species at once, but extending the area adds but

1 See p. 275 and p. 281 respectively,

VOL. II. B

250 KEW : 1879-1885

slowly to the number of species. I hope that your Cymbidium
tdbulare will turn out the right thing.

To the Same

May 29, 1883.

It will indeed be a good work done to get the Cape Orchids
into order ; at present they are in a little confusion with
regard to many genera. Pray get figures however rude.

I wish that you could manage a trip to the N. W. frontier,
there must be many curious things there.

To the Same

November 20, 1883.

Your letter has interested me extraordinarily, for I
know very little of Namaqualand beyond what I had picked
up from old travellers and Baines's paintings. Your account
of the geographical and botanical features of the country
is very instructive. I had a mind J;o communicate some
of the contents of your letter to the Linnean, but was not
sure that you might like it ; I do hope you will send in a
paper on the subject. The brilliant display of flowers you
mention reminds me of California in spring — as it now is —
but where, as they cut down the forests of the Sierra Nevada
ranges they may expect droughts like those you describe,
and only an occasional flush of vegetation.

The following to Mr. W. Hancock, of the Chinese Customs,
illustrates the way in which a fresh correspondent would be
enlisted for Kew.

Kew : June 17, 1883.

MY DEAR SIR, — The perusal of a most interesting and in-
structive article from your pen about Tamsui, in the Chinese
Customs reports, emboldens me to address you, in the hopes
of enlisting your kind offices in behalf of the Royal Gardens
at Kew.

We are deeply interested in Chinese products and most
anxious to know more of its vegetable resources, whether
by Herb, specimens or seeds ; or, especially, objects illus-
trative of the uses to mankind of the members of the vege-
table kingdom : of these we are incredibly ignorant. I may

ENLISTING A NEW COEEESPONDENT 251

mention that it is .within the last very few years only that
we have ascertained the origin of Chinese Cassia, of the
Star Anise, and of the Coffin wood, — all through the energy
of Mr. Ford of the Hong Kong Botanic Gardens : and the
more we hear of China, the more persuaded we are of the
inexhaustible riches of her vegetation in the way of utilised
plants for textiles, drugs, dyes, gums, waxes, &c., of which
nothing is known except by vague reports.

It is a singular fact, that none of the late expeditions
into the interior of China, Giles's, Baber's, or Colquhoun's,
has added materially to our knowledge of its vegetation
and native products. Not that I would speak disparagingly
of their labors or works, for those of Baber especially were
quite admirable, but those explorers have not the knowledge
which you possess and which renders your Tamsui Journal
so deeply interesting to botanists, and which makes Kew so
desirous of obtaining collections from you.

It would afford me sincere pleasure if I could aid you in
any way. If you were to send us Herbarium specimens
numbered, I would guarantee a speedy return of the names
of the plants so numbered, as far as we could determine
them, and our means of doing this are unrivalled.

I have been studying the Palms lately and we have not
a single one, known to me, from Formosa ! The seeds of
any China Palm would be most acceptable.

I take the liberty of forwarding a copy of the latest
Kew Eeport, and trusting that you will forgive my intrusion,
Believe me very faithfully yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

To turn to more personal interests, in 1881 a trip to
Italy was taken in company with Prof, and Mrs. Asa Gray,
' most agreeable and most considerate travelling companions,'
and lasted from the beginning of March to May 12. They
began with the Naples district ; ascended Vesuvius on the one
fine day of their stay ; and worked northward by Eome and
the Umbrian cities to Florence, and finally to Venice and the
Italian Lakes.

As to botany, he confesses he did very little, and indeed the
spring was too backward for much. He visited various Italian
botanists, and the Forest school at Vallombrosa. At Florence

252 KEW : 1879-1885

he did what he could ' to stop the insane project of moving the
Herbarium and Garden from their present unique position to
the horrible stables at the other end of the town.' At Rome,
he tells Prof. Oliver, the collections and herbaria were good, but

the new Botanic Garden is a complete fiasco ; a dry
rounded pile of brick rubbish on the tip top of the ' Mons
Viminalis ' without shade or water ! There is however a
scheme for making a new one on a capital site on the baths
of Caracalla and to unite with it a Zoological and acclima-
titative one. The Italians are a wonderfully go-ahead people ;
but they have a great deal of leeway to make up yet. Mr.
Newton, whom I met at Eome, and who had attended the
meetings of the Lyncei Academy and of the Senate, was
much impressed with the practical businesslike way in
which they conducted affairs in both.

The impressions of so great a traveller as regards scenery
are worth recording. In the same letter to Prof. Oliver (April
15, 1881) dated Florence, he writes of his delight in Cortona
and Orvieto, and their fine situation ; adding,

though as far as scenery is concerned, Italy is, I think,
far behind many others parts of Europe ; and but for its
atmosphere would be considered quite third-rate ; of the
picturesque there is no end, but little of the grand or beau-
tiful in so far as I have seen. Naples I thought greatly
overrated.

As regards Roman sightseeing, he remarks to Bent-ham :

Rome as a whole, in its antiquarian aspect, is a headache
and a nightmare ; the comparatively modem Churches
are a great relief ; one is thankful that the ancient Romans
were not Christians to have burthened these with their
' ancient history,' their endless gods, Censors, Senators,
Kings and Emperors. The history of Rome is too convulsive.
History, it is said, repeats itself ! any schoolboy will tell you
the contrary, were it so it would be easily learnt ! History is
the curse of modern Education ; it not only doubles itself
as time goes on, as population increases and as people segre-
gate, but not content with this it burrows in the past for
new (and best forgotten) facts for boys to be crammed with.

IMPEESSIONS OF EOME 253

His general impressions appear most clearly from the
following.

To Brian Hodgson

April 10, 1881.

We have been now for the best part of a fortnight in this
august city, and I know you will be kindly glad to hear of
our impressions thereupon.

I can easily give my wife's ; she would prefer green fields
and flowers and insects a thousand times over to the Ruins,
Sculptures, Pictures and Churches with which this place is
stuffed and loaded. Our two excursions from Rome to
Tivoli, and to Albano and Frascati charmed her, and the
air and the woods and flowers were to me too a relief after
so thorough a drenching with sightseeing as the ' necessities '
of travel here impose on one. Then too the finding Mr.
and Mrs. Morgan here has been a great relief and pleasure,
and they have been most kind to us.

Rome as a city of ruins is to me very disappointing,
so few of these are in an intelligible state of preservation,
and such as there are are representative of people and
events separated by such a vast interval of time or inter -
calcated one with the other so abruptly that they appear to
have no more in common than the fossils of widely separated
geological beds whose strata had been faulted and dislocated.
Here you have something of the Caesars', at the next turn
something of Constantine's, with perhaps a monument of
the Kingly period opposite it, then a vestige of the Republic,
then of the Volscians and the Goths — and so forth, to which
you have to add the memorials innumerable of that compli-
cated era when Heathendom and Christendom took it turn
about to vex history. One heartily wishes that some one of
those masters of Rome had destroyed every vestige of his
predecessors' works, or else let them all alone ! As it is, what
little History of Rome I had is reduced to the ruinous state
in which I find the memorials of it ; and the objective
vestiges of events not worth recording, take a firmer hold on
the memory than the written records of world -disturbing
events which have left no visible evidence of their identity
or effects. I spent hours in the Palace of the Caesars, and
as many in Hadrian's Villa, and I declare that if you were
to change their positions and take me blindfold to either, I

254 KEW: 1879-1885

should not know which I was at ! Each has a stadium and
its Palaestra, and a theatre and a library and so forth, and
in both cases these are separated by gigantic mounds of
ruins that have no distinguishing character of any sort.

I think however that I can picture Eome as it was in the
Eepublic better than before — a city of no imposing character
as a whole, formed of a vast multitude of low buildings with
slanting roofs belonging to the lower classes, with here and
there a magnificent vendua, and scattered public buildings of
still greater magnificence contrasting strangely with the hovels
around. In fact a sort of Benares with architecture of a
very different type. Judging from the frescoes, the ordinary
peasant's and townsman's house must have been very like
what we see now in and around Eome, and the house with
the atriurn, peristyle, impluvium and so forth must have
been confined to the wealthy and few and far between.
Again it appears to me that the vast extent of the public
buildings and private ones of the upper classes, the prodigious
amount of material put into these, the vast amount of wrought
stones of incredible magnitude and hardness, and the lavish
decoration of mosaics that required much time or many hands
to produce them, all bespeak a prodigious disproportion of
a very poor working class whose labor was forced or paid
for by the smallest coin and coarsest food. The civilisation
that produced such buildings as we have in Italy, Egypt and
Assyria had I suppose this element in common of a prodigality
of forced or very cheap labor. These stupendous buildings
are the Stonehenge and the Monoliths of a barbarous people
in so far as means employed are concerned. It is true that
St. Peter's is as big a thing as any that the ancient Eomans
produced, but it does not represent the ' brute strength '
that the Colosseum does, as an expenditure of human labor
or muscular power.

This last sage remark turns me to the Churches, an endless
theme. The first thing that must strike any traveller from
the North is the difference in the style of architecture from
the Northern Gothic, and the fact that one is adapted to
pictorial decoration, the other not, and this leads to the
enquiry how it was that architecture and painting, being
sister arts, should be so utterly divorced in the North ! Of
the Churches here the grandest in my view are the S. Maria

DAEWIN'S ' EAETHWOEMS ' 255

degli Angeli and the Pantheon ; these surprise you with the
vastness of their proportions on entering, which St. Peter's
does not. In fact, to appreciate the latter you must go into
the galleries of the dome and look down on human beings
like ants below, and up to the tier upon tier of gigantic
heads in mosaic that rear themselves aloft, curving inwards
to the navel of the dome. This last — the interior of the
dome — produces an overpowering effect, heightened perhaps
by the height at which you stand, and the slimness of the
rail that separates you from the gulf below and the infinite
space above crowded with grim faces glaring at you.

The dome itself, seen from outside, is very inferior in
proportions to St. Paul's, which, seen from Waterloo Bridge,
is exceedingly beautiful — as indeed is the whole building
which had the advantage of being the design of one man of
surpassing genius in many lines of thought and action.

As to the pictures and sculpture, it is dangerous to begin
upon them in a letter, and so I will draw this epistle to a
close.

By this time the plans for ultimate retreat from the cares
of Kew began to take practical shape. As he thanks Darwin
for his book on ' The Formation of Vegetable Mould through
the Action of Worms, with Observations on their Habits '
(published October 10, 1881) he tells of his purchase of a piece
of land at Sunningdale, to effect which he sold privately his
superfluous books and collections, for he could neither go on
accumulating collections at Kew, nor house what he already
possessed in any other residence.

I take shame to myself for not having earlier thanked
you for the Diet of Worms, which I have read through with
great interest. I must own I had always looked on worms
as amongst the most helpless and unintelligent members of
the creation ; and am amazed to find that they have a
domestic life and public duties ! I shall now respect them,
even in our Garden pots ; and regard them as something
better than food for fishes. I am interested in observing
how they shun some soils at Kew, apparently from want of
vegetable matter in them.

I have been very busy for the last six weeks owing to Dyer

256 KEW : 1879-1885

and my daughter being on the Continent : they returned
last week. I have been busy, too, negotiating for the purchase
of a plot of land near Sunningdale whereon to build a ' Tus-
culum,' and am on the point of closing with an offer of
six acres of ' Bagshot sand,' including a hill of 300 feet com-
manding a superb view, and in a country of Scotch fir and
heather. Another year I shall hope to be able to build
a cottage, an awful undertaking for me. The situation,
1£ miles from the station, from which I can reach Kew
in 1-1 1 hours, will be very convenient.

The building of the new house gave Hooker's old friend,
George Maw, the opportunity of making him a present, from
his own factory, of all the floor and grate tiles required for the
house.

Mrs. Asa Gray, knowing his partiality for such things, sent
some beautiful tiles for the study fireplace, which he afterwards
said jestingly kept her in warm remembrance.

The house was comfortable. Hooker's first use of it in the
autumn of 1883 was to make it a winter home for his father-in-
law, Mr. Symonds, whose health had obliged him to resign his
living at Pendock. Invalid though he was, and always in
suffering,

his spirits are as good as ever. I never knew such a man
for not knocking under ! He reads, writes poetry for Joe,
and keeps up his warm and generous interest in everything.
There is in him no trace of the ' selfishness of illness.'
(To Hodgson, May 28, 1884.)

The house, was called ' The Camp.'

We took the name of the spot for it [he tells W. E.
Darwin, March 4, 1884] ; it is the site of a camp formed after
the battle of Culloden, the troops from which were such
scoundrels that they could not be kept in the town ! and
were camped in this spot, which was continued as a camp
during all the French wars.

These ' scoundrels ' were usefully employed in making the
Lake and Waterfall at Virginia Water, the large stones for the
latter being taken from the camp and its neighbourhood. The

' THE CAMP ' 257

site of The Camp was again used as headquarters when the
volunteers were assembled in 1853.

The house agent, in a happy mean between ' villa ' and
' country house,' would probably describe this ' Tusculum ' a3
' a charming country residence,' with ' every modern conveni-
ence.' The trees then planted have grown up high, so that
not even the chimneys, much less the red brick walls and Bath
stone mullions, are visible from the road, and the garden, rich
in rhododendrons, is a haven of peace.

The house itself fulfilled every expectation, but the levelling
and laying out of the ground in particular ran into greater
expense than he first had in mind, so that he began by ' furnish-
ing very scrimpily.' ' It is, however,' he adds, ' a great amuse-
ment, and as the value of land here is rapidly rising I can look
upon it as a tolerable investment.'

In the early eighties Time began to take a heavy toll of
Hooker's friends and contemporaries. Such loss made him
turn the more warmly to his best and closest intimates. To
Hodgson, now eighty, he writes on February 7, 1881 :

MY DEAB BRIAN, — I am haunted with the idea that
to-morrow is your birthday, and writing as I am from London
I have no means of verifying the supposition. Be this as
it may, you will, my dear old friend, accept my most affec-
tionate and most heartfelt greetings on the present occasion.
I am rejoiced to hear so good an account of you as your wife
sent to mine the other day. Now that dear old Colvile
is gone, I cling more than ever to my only remaining Indian
Chum ; and look more wistfully than ever to the hope of
a permanent reunion in the unknown land. God bless you,
my dear old friend, and Susie and all you love and hold
dear.

Hodgson replied on the 9th :

MY DEAR JOE, — I hasten to express my heartfelt thanks
for your affectionate recollection of my "birthday. What
you say about the trio of friends — Colvile, yourself and
myself — has a significance you can hardly realise as regards
me, in whom peculiar circumstances acting on a very sensitive
nature have all my life gone to minimise the power and the

258 KEW: 1879-1885

will to make friends ! Dear Colvile hit off exactly when he
called me ' the most unclubable of men.' . . . But however
to be accounted for, the fact remains, that I am the most
unclubable of men ; and, as a necessary consequence, I
cling to you now that Colvile is gone, with all my heart as
being almost the only thorough friend I have left. You
are younger than me who have entered my 81st year.
But neither of us can look to many years here below, and
therefore we naturally begin ' to look,' as you say, ' more
wistfully than ever to the hope of a permanent reunion
in the unknown land,' with the friends we have known on
earth.

A little later he exclaims to Darwin (June 18, 1881) :

We have lost no end of friends this year, and it is difficult
to resist the pessimist view of creation. When I look back,
however, my beloved friend, to \he days I have spent in
intercourse with you and yours, that view takes wings to
itself and flies away ; it is a horrid world to be sure, but
it could have been worse.

Two months later died Darwin's elder brother, Erasmus, a
man whose intellectual gifts and great personal charm were,
owing to ill health, only known within the circle of his imme-
diate friends and relations.

To Charles Darwin

August 29, 1881.

I have just seen the announcement of your brother's
death and must send you a few words of heartfelt sympathy.
I have somehow come to think those the happiest who,
like myself, lost an only brother when very young ; it seems
now as if they could then be best spared — a blunder no
doubt — but we know better what we lose after having lived
so long together as you and your brother have.

It was in your brother's house, near Park Lane, that I
first became acquainted with you — and shall never for-
get his kind face and kinder welcome — that was nearly
40 years ago ! — I well remember thinking him then quite an
elderly man and yet I see he was then under forty.

OLD FEIENDS : DEATH OF DARWIN 259

But a heavier loss was soon to follow. On April 19, 1882,
died Charles Darwin, the friend of forty years, in science the
ally and inspirer, in personal affection and intimate sympathy
the closest of his circle. Hooker's sorrow and weariness were
broken in upon by the request for an obituary notice to appear
in Nature. Happily he was spared this task to which he felt
sadly unequal.

Kew : April 21, 1882.

DEAR HUXLEY, — Romanes, after asking me to write
the notice of Darwin for Nature, now telegraphs that you
had, unknown to him, been asked by the Sub-editor to
undertake it, and had accepted.

I am right glad of it, as I am utterly unhinged and un-
fit for work and am not feeling well in my praecordia, and
have not been for some time — pray say nothing of this, but
I sometimes fear I shall have to seek rest if I would not that
it were found for me. Nothing but the feeling that I was
shrinking from duty induced me to assent to Romanes's
request.

If I can help you with any notice of Darwin's early
life I will come over to you on Sunday.

Up to the time of his going to Cambridge, though he had
flirted a little with Nat. Hist., he had no notion of pursuing
it, and had devoted himself to fox-hunting and partridges.

I did not feel our loss yesterday, but to-day I am de-
pressed terribly, and a touching letter from Mrs. Darwin
quite upset me.

I have heard nothing about the Abbey, though Spottis-
woode promised to telegraph the answer to me. I have no
fancy for the bitter taste of these ceremonials. — Ever, dear
old boy, yours,

J. D. HOOKER.

Kew : April 24, 1882.

DEAR HUXLEY, — It is well indeed that I turned Darwin,
over to you — the only idea I had parallel to yours was. a
comparison with Faraday. I have sent your eloquent and
most impressive eloge on to Keltie,1 with a note to send proof
to you.

1 Dr. John Scott Keltie (1840) was for some years sub-editor of Nature,
becoming in 1885 Librarian, and 1892-1915 Secretary of the Royal Geographical
Society.

260 KEW : 1879-1885

You are right ; it is too soon for any sort of biographical
notice of life or works.

As for myself, I have had a ten days' bout of my Anginic
pains, night and day, and am in a state of nervous worry,
with Bentham failing fast (82) and pressing the Genera
Plantarum on me, and no end of work in the Garden.

In short I have my warning note struck.

On the 26th Darwin was buried in Westminster Abbey.
Hooker was one of the pall-bearers.

Bentham, the other friend of his youth and fellow-worker
of his age, lived long enough to see the publication of the
' Genera Plantarum,' the monument of a quarter of a century's
work. At eighty-three, with work still to do, he was alert and
vigorous in mind, though growing frail in body, and sadly
lonely, having no near kith or kin to look after him. But the
interest of his great work once gone, he rapidly faded away, and
died on September 10, 1884. ' Bentham's loss was and is a
great loss to me,' he tells Berkeley, October 29 ; ' and I do not
get over it.' In the obituary notice of him in Nature (October 2)
(which a passing note tells us cost him two days' hard work),
Hooker declared that he had ' no superior since the days of
Linna3us and Robert Brown, and he has left no equal except
Asa Gray.'

To Hooker he left the copyright of his British Flora and a
mass of papers and family things. Busy as he was, he hardly
knew how to deal with all this. He writes to Asa Gray
(February 15, 1885) :

I am greatly troubled over Bentham's British Flora.
He has left me the copyright and duty of bringing out a
new Edition which Eeeve is calling out for. I must not
alter the character of the work, and yet how to do it justice
without introducing a good deal of new matter is the ques-
' tion. It has been a very useful work, enticing many to
take up Botany who otherwise would not have done so.

And on April 5 :

I am puzzled what to do with all the family things he
left to me. I wish some Benthamophobist [?-philist] would

AND OF BENTHAM 261

offer me £1000 for the lot, portraits, MSS., swords, medals,
autographs, and hoc genus omne. There is all Jeremy's
correspondence I suppose — piles of letters, from all manner
of people to him, apparently never opened since his death,
— and bound volumes of Sir Samuel's correspondence &c.,
&c. I have no time to open them even, and no wish. I
wish to goodness he had left them to his niece.

And yet again, on May 26 :

I am puzzled what to do with his autobiography, which he
left to me without further instructions than left me unfettered
what to do with it. It is contained in about 700 closely written
pages of his small hand, 4to, and goes down to 1883 (?). It
was begun to please his wife, and continued to please himself,
finally broken off by his illness. It is full of curious matter,
and, to the like of us, is most interesting, but I am in doubt
how far any considerable public would be interested.

I have still a huge mass of his correspondence to deal
with and a huger of his uncle's and father's, and am at my
wits' end to know what to do with it all — being an undigested
mass of papers.

As for the botanical papers, they must be for some
botanical authority to sort. Not for Kew, however — our
hands are full enough of unpaid work [not] to care for more,
and keeping up the Icones without Bentham's head and pen
will be no such easy task, worked as we all are ; for we must
both digest and. describe, as well as select materials.

Bentham's fatal illness and the impending duties of executor -
ship for him and for Mr. Symonds, whose life for several years
hung by a thread, prevented a long planned visit to the Asa
Grays in America in the summer of 1884. Hooker had not
meant to attend the meeting of the British Association in
Canada, but being appointed an official Vice-President, pro-
posed to take Toronto on the way.

This visit, to his great regret, never materialised, though, as
appears from the following, it was planned again for 1886, for
since their joint trip to Italy in 1881, he had had ' no holiday
for a single week, but the 10 days in Paris last winter.' ' If we
ever do visit you,' he writes, February 15, 1885, ' it will be a

262 KEW: 1879-1885

quiet one to Boston, which I should dearly enjoy and still look
forward to, but until I retire I see no chance of it.'

But by that time circumstances had changed, though till
then the hope was constantly in the foreground.

To Asa Gray

April 5, 1885.

I do indeed trust that California will set you both up,
and that we shall find you both nourishing when we cross the
Atlantic to visit you. This I assure you we have still in our
minds, and only to-day, when my wife said, can we not go
to Switzerland with the children this autumn ? I sternly
answered : No, we must lay by for a return trip to the Grays
next year, if possible — and she meekly assented, or rather
joyfully consented. . . .

Your account of the views in Mexico and the Cypresses
makes me quite green with envy,

As older friends dropped out, the correspondence with
Huxley, always active, gradually takes a leading place in the
record of friendship. Huxley was eight years the younger, just
as much his junior as Darwin had been his senior. That also
was a lifelong friendship which lasted over forty years, un-
broken by a shadow of discord, but constantly strengthened
by fellowship in work and aims and proven trust in each
other's character.

»•/• They had entered the same profession, for medicine was the
one practicable channel to biological science ; they had the
same after-career of scientific opportunity on an exploring ship
tempered by the personal regime of naval discipline ; they
had the same unceasing impulse to unriddle the palimpsest of
Nature and find a new basis for speculative truth in place of
the stifling infallibilities of the time ; they shared the struggle,
the obloquy and the triumph that were symbolised by their
friendship with Darwin. In the end, each in his turn was
President of the Eoyal Society ; and in the roll of the Society
their names stood next one another in the list of Copley and
Darwin medallists.

As Huxley wrote of their friendship in 1888 :

FRIENDSHIP WITH HUXLEY 263

It is very pleasant to have our niches in the Pantheon
together. It is getting on for forty years since we were
first ' acquent,' and considering with what a very consider-
able dose of tenacity, vivacity, and that glorious firmness
(which the beasts who don't like us call obstinacy) we are
both endowed, the fact that we have never had the shadow
of a shade of a quarrel is more to our credit than being
ex- Presidents and Copley medallists.

But we have had a masonic bond in both being well
salted in early life. I have always felt I owed a great deal
to my acquaintance with the realities of things gained in
the old Eattlesnake.

Huxley's accession to the Presidency of the Royal Society
in succession to William Spottiswoode, who died on June 27,
1883, was a matter of great concern to Hooker. In his view
the office should be filled by a man of science, not merely a man
of wealth or of high social standing ; a man who had shown
good business capacity, but not simply a business man of
scientific attainments or one who had made a fortune by turning
scientific invention to practical account. The first step was
to choose a temporary President from the Council till the next
general meeting of the Society on November 30. Hooker,
when called upon as ex-President to ' prick the list,' had no
hesitation in his choice of one who to his other qualifications
added that of admirable management as Secretary of the
Society.

Thus he was very glad when his friend after some hesita-
tion accepted the temporary office, though refusing on grounds
of ill-health and overwork to be nominated for subsequent
election to the permanent post. Nevertheless he continued
his persuasion : ' You must not throw aside all possibility of
the Presidency. I regard the Society's position as very critical,'
and after enlarging on the various factors involved, remarks :

Lady Hooker won't hear of my pressing you to take the
chair, because of your health ; on the other hand she won't

hear of much as she likes him personally. What does

Mrs. Huxley say — these women have a curious 6th sense
not given to men. (July 2, 1883.)

264 KEW : 1879-1885

Backed by pressure from many other friends, this per-
suasion succeeded, and Huxley was President till ill-health
compelled him to retire in 1885.

Being no longer on the Council, Hooker was not concerned
with the management of the Koyal Society during this period ;
one letter, however, shows that he was consulted in regard to
the workers in meteorology which had Deen a special interest
of his own presidency. Should the title ' Koyal ' be conferred
upon the Meteorological Society ?

To T. H. Huxley

August 23, 1883.

I believe that the Metl. Socy. is a very respectable hard-
working body, but know no more about it.

I think that the multiplication of ' Eoyal ' Societies is
an evil — and that the fact of there being a Meteorological
Council of the E.S. renders it inadvisable to dub the Meteoro-
logical Koyal.

The Scotch Met. Soc. will be the next claimant. If any
of these bodies would give us decent weather I would con-
sider their claims not only to Koyalty but to Divine honours.

One or two letters of miscellaneous interest may be quoted
here for their personal note, whether in light or serious vein.

To Brian Hodgson

October 6, 1883.

I have not, thanked you for your last kind letter. I do
think that the vigour you show in your hand-writing is
marvellous. My hand gets more cramped every year, and
I am about ashamed to send such scrawls even to ' the like
of you,' but your writing is as fresh as your affections, and
I can't say more.

Yes, Buddhist Literature is making enormous strides,
and this must be an immense gratification to you who are
the Grand Lama of the lore ; but what a curious discovery
is this now hinted at, that the early Chinese history is
borrowed from the Chaldean !

You will laugh to hear that I am about to be made a
Freeman of the City; the ' Salters' Company,' which boasts

THE SALTEBS' COMPANY 265

of a Eoyal Prince, an archbishop and a few swells of that
stamp, have asked me to accept the honour of membership
and freedom along with Huxley. It entails a dinner and
a speech, both of which I detest. There is something rather
funny in Huxley and me, both ' old Salts,' being picked out
by the Salters' Company, though of this ' fittingness ' of
the compliment I suppose they never thought. I have
turned up the Company in the Almanack and find that it
is one of the oldest in the City. Hitherto the very few
scientific men ever so honoured have been elected by the
worshipful ' Spectacle makers.'

There is a humorous touch in the rule laid down for
the interpretation of Providence according to one's own
predilections.

To the Same

May 28, 1884.

[Hodgson was in Italy. Has he met a gouty M.P. of their
acquaintance on his honeymoon ?]

Happily his gout was checked before the marriage day,
for we expected to see him hobble up on crutches to the Altar
as he did in the House to give his support to the Government.
Then you see that Providence disapproved of the latter
deed and approved of the former ! What a wonderful thing
the finger of providence is — if people would only understand
it — that's my philosophy ; and yours ?

On exploration without scientific observation he set
moderate store.

To the Same

June 22, 1884.

I went to the Geographical Society the other night to
hear Mr. Graham's account of his ascent of Kinchin ; he
seems to have got up to 24,000 feet or very near it, but has
not made an observation of any kind, sort or description.
He was accompanied by a Swiss guide and is no doubt a bold
mountaineer. Curiously enough he did not suffer from
difficulty of breathing or discomfort of any sort ! and he
coolly put all other descriptions of such suffering down to
the imagination. I had to speak afterwards and could not

266 KEW : 1879-1885

help saying that he reminded me of a man, who being never
sea-sick himself, would not believe that there was any such
thing in others.

Sir R. Temple spoke absurdly in praise of the paper,
talking most ignorantly as if no one had written on the
Himalayan chain before. So I took the liberty of reminding
him that such men as General Strachey, Hodgson, Thomson,
and many more had told us all about the Himalaya that Mr.
Graham had, though none had performed the same plucky
exploits, or ascended nearly as high.

His youngest son was born in January 1885. To Asa Gray
he writes playfully of his bearing the name of his ' Judicious '
ancestor, and the paternal inheritance of a skull sloping up
high behind, a shape so fashionable among one of the western
coast tribes of Redskins, that they press their infants' heads
between boards to produce it in the extremest form.

To Asa Gray

February 15, 1885.

We have returned to Kew, with the new child christened
Richard, — my wife's whim, — I don't approve ; ten to one
he won't be ' judicious ' at all, — all the more as his cranium
is just like mine, i.e. like a Chinook's, tremendously long
from chin to occiput (sketch) facsimile.

I wish when you go North, you or Mrs. Gray would get
made for me a Chinook flattener to work the other (back)
way, and I will ask my wife to clap it on for a year or two
and see if I can't make him judicious. • •..

Early in October 1885, soon after his sixty-eighth birthday,
Hooker resolved to resign the Directorship of Kew, retiring
from office at the end of November. He had held the post for
twenty years, and for ten years before that had been his
father's assistant, gradually taking more and more of the
burden of administration upon his own shoulders. Now,
though the enormously increased work, scientific and adminis-
trative, was divided with his assistant, ' the world,' in his shape,
' was too much with him,' laying waste the hours he would fain
have devoted to that lifelong work, the Indian Flora. Now,

EETIBEMENT FROM KEW 267

also, though full of vigour, and indeed continuing an ordinary
man's share of labour for another quarter of a century, he would
not wait to have it whispered either that he was growing feeble
or that, being hale, his ideals belonged to a bygone stage of
progress.

Accordingly he retired to his ' Tusculum ' among the
pinewoods of Sunningdale, whence he could easily reach Kew
to work in the Herbarium at his Indian Flora and other
books.

True to his principle that testimonialising paid official ser-
vices is (except in very rare cases) inexpedient, and even mis-
chievous— liable to great abuse, a burthen to the poor, and
setting a very bad example (as he wrote to Huxley in March
1879), he got his intimate friends to choke off any proposal of
the kind. He was pleased, however, by the warmth of the
official expressions in regard to his own and his father's
services.

To Asa Gray

December 2, 1885.

I am pretty busy — changing quarters, putting old wine
into new bottles, stuffing the contents of a big house into
a small one, making over charge of Garden duties, and ex-
cogitating plans for putting Dyer at his ease in the shape of
providing an office, and such scientific assistance as I can get
for him. I am deep in Indian Laurels (they are perfectly
dreadful). I have just sent Bentham's Flora-to press. I
am on the Councils of the Royal and Geographical, and I
have to find time for bed and meals — I forgot that I have
the Bot. Mag. ever before me too.

My wife lives at the Camp and comes up and down after
the furniture, books, and goods and chattels of all sorts.
I am taking most of my books down and shelving two rooms
at the Camp. I wanted to part with the birds and some
Wedgwoods, but she will not, so the Camp resembles a
Dry Goods Store. As for me, I shall be here till Xmas,
except Saturday to Monday at Camp. It is ghastly sitting
with empty shelves and no pictures, but then I am utterly
quiet and get through a lot of work and correspondence,
for all the world writes to condole or congratulate, with

268 KEW : 1879-1885

me, or the public, or both, and I feel inclined to say to the
world, like the vain actor when applauded : ' Bless you
my people."

As for myself, I have nothing but vainglories to detail.
Lord Iddesleigh has written me really a beautiful private
note, regretting my resignation and adding that Kew will
be to me what St. Paul's is to Wren ! I have thanked in
my family's name (as including my Father).

The Secretaries of the Colonies and India have both
addressed the Treasury officially, deploring their loss of
me, and hoping that my services to them will procure me
a good pension ! — (We shall see. My 'opes are not 'igh !).
I make out that they owe me £930 as pension ; perhaps
they won't see it. I feel very keenly the cutting adrift
from my official relations with so many Public Offices, but
I guess I have not seen the end of them, for visions of
Treasury Committees float before me. I shall cut London
Society generally, except perhaps that we may take lodgings
in Town for a month in the Season, that is when our friends
will be too busy to care for us ! Meanwhile I have taken a
little house at Kew for Willy, and shall keep two rooms for
ourselves.

Compliments, however, issue from public offices more
speedily than cash, and the long delay of the Treasury in
deciding the amount of his retiring pension was a serious
inconvenience. Four months after his retirement he writes to
Huxley (March 27, 1886) :

I have just had a very handsome acknowledgement of
service in a despatch from the Government of India — but
' fine words butter no parsnips,' and I am £—600 at my
Bankers and don't want to sell out if I can help it. I think
I must poke up the Treasury.

It took the full year, to November 1886, before the Treasury
informed him that his pension would be paid on a certain scale,
and Christmas before the proportions allotted for his various
services were finally decided. It is well for the public adminis-
tration to practise economy, but to haggle over the retiring
allowance of distinguished public servants is not the happiest
exertion of this public virtue, nor the most encouraging to those

SCALE OF PENSION 269

whose services have all along been remunerated on a scale
accommodated to the prospective gilding of their declining
years, if they survive so long.

His term of public service extended over forty-seven years,
seventeen in the Naval service (1839-1855) and thirty in the
Civil service, under the Board of Works, his name remaining
on the Navy list till 1870. Under the terms of his appoint-
ment to Kew, ten years' nominal time was to be added as a
' special award ' for Kew in calculating his retiring pension.

On the latter point the Treasury's reluctance gave way to
the explicit testimony of the Board of Workfe. On the naval
question they were more stubborn.

In 1870 by Order in Council all Assistant Surgeons who had
not served afloat during the five previous years were compul-
sorily retired on pay of £200. Hooker came under this order.
Before 1870 there had been no retirement scheme for Assistant
Surgeons. The continuance of his name on the Navy list,
which brought him no higher pay, had been thought useful to
Kew in various ways, and was especially so when he went to
Syria with the Hydrographer. During the seventeen years
from 1839, he was serving either afloat or ashore, always under
orders in India or publishing the botany of all the Voyages in
the South from Cook's onwards, and had no idle half-pay time.
His last service afloat had been eight years before he came
under the Board of Works as Assistant Director of Kew.

The Treasury now proposed to disregard this Order in
Council, and to calculate his naval retired pay on the current
scale of £54 15s., as if it had existed in 1855. To this proposal,
put forward at first tentatively and in private form, Hooker
objected strongly, even though it appeared possible by cutting
down his rightful naval allowance to make his ' special award '
for Kew larger than what he was entitled to receive — an act of
grace instead of simple equity.

Backed by the Board of Works and by counsel's opinion
as to the inability of the Treasury by an administrative act to
alter the naval pension awarded by Order in Council and con-
firmed by Parliament, he continued to press his point. As he
expressed himself to Huxley (November 11, 1886) :

270 KEW: 1879-1885

You may call me a mule for my pains, but I will have
the whole matter thrashed out.

I do not like bothering others with my evils, but I know
your nares will dilate at the scent of strife, even as do those
of one parent of the above-named quadruped, and of which
I may be the other.

In the end, his claim as to naval pay could not be resisted,
but the Treasury had the last word, striking off the civil
pension what was added to the naval.

CHAPTEE XLI

RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WORK

HOOKER was now sixty-eight. With his ' Tusculum ' ready
to move into, it did not take long to settle down to the purely
scientific work the completion of which was the main object
of his retirement. This was an ordinary man's full work,
but in the first expansion of relief from official burdens he
writes to Huxley, then slowly recovering from a severe break-
down, as though such work were mere idleness : ' I am glad
to hear you are lazy ; it keeps me in countenance. My indo-
lence is, as the Yankees say, phenomenal.' (May 3, 1886.)

For many years he journeyed to Kew three or four times
a week and spent the day working in the Herbarium. Old
age was slow to shackle his energies ; he was ninety-three
before he confessed, ' I am getting very lazy in my old age.'
But at eighty-two he was ' younger than ever ' ; 'I often
feel,' he exclaims, * that I have no business to be so well as
I am,' and it was only after thirty years' familiar indifference
to the vagaries of an intermittent pulse, that at eighty-three
he yielded to his doctor's orders not to travel alone. But
this was of less concern to him than his slowly increasing
deafness and the fitful onsets of eczema which lamed him from
time to time. And at eighty-four he began to accuse himself
of loss of memory, more perceptible perhaps to himself than
to others, describing thus, for instance, inability to call up
the details of once familiar research and botanical study,
or, in other fields, to keep clearly apart the distinctions of the
different forms of Buddhism.

As an octogenarian, in 1900 influenza robbed him to a

271

•272 EETIEEMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WORK

great extent of smell and taste ; but his sight remained ;
and save that in 1904 one eye troubled him, he could repeat
contentedly at ninety as at eighty that working at the simple
microscope, his eyes were as good, his hand as steady and
agile, as when he had first begun such work. By that time,
too, his patience, as he said, ought to be inexhaustible. And
though in 1895 he admits to Mr. La Touche, ' What you say
about anxiety pressing on the old is true indeed ; I feel very
acutely that " the Grasshopper is a burden," ' he adds with
a quietly sardonic touch, ' Then too I have so little to com-
plain of and so much to be thankful for, that any little
grievance takes Cyclopean form.'

These ' little grievances ' are no doubt the things he men-
tions in 1897 when sympathising with his friend's worries :

Certainly the Clergy are, taken as a whole, the most
long-suffering class of the community ; and then you,
like me, suffer from what I regard as .the worst evil of old
age, the accumulation of petty duties, calls and inroads
upon one's time, temper and pocket. The very calls for
subscriptions mount up to something appalling, and most
of them are reasonable calls (which is the worst of it !).

For himself, it was as he prophesied it would be with
his friend George Maw (May 26, 1886) :

I do hope you may feel your release from business
trammels as keenly as I do that from official drudgery —
though I fancy you should enjoy it more than I do, as you
had not the many bright spots in the daily intercourse
with people worth knowing that I had.

It will, I suppose, be with you as with me, no cessation
from work — that would be no pleasure ; but the feeling
that you can break away at any time with ' none daring
to make you afraid,' and best of all, without the feeling
that you are neglecting duty, is a most enjoyable state of
existence for me.

Now he had the work he desired, not the work he was
constrained to do. He still had a year to serve on the R.S.
Council ; he continued on that of the Geographical Society

THE LINNEAN PEESIDENCY 273

to which he owed much, for ' it has always upheld Kew,
and it gave me its Gold Medal ' (1884). His Committee was
actively engaged in devising means for the encouraging the
study of Geography. And there and elsewhere he was ever
ready to serve the one cause which he would not grudge as
a distraction from the overriding claims of the Indian Flora,
the cause of Antarctic exploration. Both here and at the
British Association throughout the nineties he warmly sup-
ported those unwearying efforts of Sir Clements Markham
which brought about Captain Scott's first expedition in the
Discovery.

The definite break with his old activities is clearly illus-
trated by a letter to Sir John Lubbock (Lord Avebury), de-
clining to be put forward as his successor in the Presidency of
the Linnean Society.

The Camp, Sunningdale : March 7, 1886.

MY DEAR LUBBOCK, — When I resolved upon retirement
from official life and work, it was from well considered
principles from which I cannot depart. These included
severance from active participation in the labors of Scientific
Societies, as an absolutely essential condition for concluding
some at least of the almost life-long tasks that I have in hand.

Could I see that Science would be more advantaged by
the breaking than by the holding to my resolve, I should
be justified in reconsidering it ; but in my view everything
points the other way.

Were I to undertake the Presidentship of the Linnean,
I should feel it to be my duty and my endeavor to show
the same disinterested zeal in personally conducting the
Society's affairs, that I hope I have shown in every other
position of trust that I have held. To divert my thoughts
from its requirements would be impossible. No Secretary
could relieve me of that feeling of responsibility to Science
and the Society which the Presidentship demands, nor of
the craving to carry out measures for its improvement in
every detail.

Even were I living at Kew, the work of reconstituting
the Society as the headquarters of Botany (as the Geological,
Chemical and Zoological are of their Sciences) would have

274 EETIEEMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WOEK

been difficult for me as one of the old school ; and even
had I the leisure for it, it would from my present residence
be impossible.

Moreover, the President has a social as well as a scientific
position to maintain, for he is a representative man, occupy-
ing a high position in other Scientific bodies. Such a
position the Director of Kew has also to maintain, and the
two would have worked admirably together. This latter
position (social) I have sacrificed under the conviction that
Botany will be better advanced by my passing the rest of
my days in the study ; and I hope to be allowed to advance
the interests of the Linnean to more purpose by contributing
papers to it, than I should be occupying its Chair.

I need not repeat what has passed in conversation between
us, about the fatigue to a septuagenarian of conducting
duties in places so distant from each other as this, Kew,
and London ; nor as to my conviction that anyone occupying
the Chair as merely honorary President would not be to the
Society's advantage. It is enough for me that no possible
arrangements could relieve me of the feeling that I was not
doing for the Society what I might, could and should do,
or avert the regret with which I should retrospect a Presi-
dentship of inactivity.

My wife and I would have been delighted to have done
at Kew, that for the Linnean primarily, which we attempted
to do for Scientific Society at large when I was President
of the Eoyal and since that time ; and when indeed we
included every Fellow of the Linnean that we personally
knew or who held official positions there ; and that this
opportunity is lost to us is one of the regrets entailed by
our leaving Kew, and I assure you we both feel it in reference
to this invitation to the Presidentship.

It remains to thank you most warmly for your kindness
and consideration in this matter, and to express my earnest
hope that a successor to the Chair may be found who will
be as thoroughly appreciated during his term of office and
as sincerely regretted when he retires as yourself. Yours
affectionately,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

For the next twelve years, then, his cardinal labour was
to finish the Flora of British India, a life's work in itself,

OCCUPATIONS 275

begun, it will be remembered, on a vaster scale by himself
and T. Thomson, but abandoned for want of support, to lie
for fifteen years in the limbo of the incomplete with only
the dim regretful hope that the half used material might some
day be worked up by younger hands.

The first part of the new issue had appeared in 1872 ; the
last was to appear in 1897. Of these, the last three volumes,
issued after his retirement, contained 2500 pages.

Some points from the correspondence connected with
this work will be noted later. To continue the bare outline
of his occupations, two of his old Kew interests were still
in his hands, the ' Botanical Magazine ' and the ' Icones
Plantarum,' those illustrations of new and rare plants from
the Kew Herbarium, for the continuation of which Bentham
had left a considerable legacy (£7000). Two volumes of the
* Icones ' (200 plates), from 1890 to 1894, were devoted to the
Indian Orchideae, while in 1895 his ' Century of Indian Orchids '
appeared in the ' Annals of the Calcutta Botanical Gardens.'
Bentham had also left him the duty of revising his ' Hand-
book of the British Flora.' Of this he brought out four fresh
editions, the fifth to the eighth, between 1887 and 1908.

In 1886 he published the third and final edition of his
' Primer of Botany,' * the rashest and most profitable of my
undertakings,' as he called it to Asa Gray, adding in particular
a section on The Movements of Plants including the carnivorous
ones ; then a fourth edition of the ' Student's Flora ' in 1897 ;
while in 1896 he edited from a manuscript in the British
Museum, Banks's Journal during Captain Cook's first voyage.

In 1888 he was commissioned by the Government of the
Straits Settlements to publish a Flora of those colonies, in
conjunction with Dr. King,1 the head of the Calcutta Gardens,

1 Sir George King, K.C.I.E., M.B., LL.D., F.R.S. (1840-1909) ; Indian
Botanist, Superintendent of the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta, and of cin-
chona cultivation in Bengal 1871-1898 ; greatly increased production of quin-
ine and established a method of distributing it at a low price ; organised a
Botanical Survey of India and became the first director 1891-98 ; founded
Annals of Royal Botanical Gardens, Calcutta, and contributed monographs ;
published ' Materials ' for a Malayan Flora. Sir Joseph's correspondence with
Sir G. King was very extensive, but most unfortunately on the death of the
latter his letters were all destroyed.

276 EETIEEMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WOEK

who was to be at Kew all the autumn, arranging all prelimi-
naries with him.1

Overshadowing these secondary occupations, however,
came a mass of Darwinian work ; correspondence about
the Life which Sir Francis Darwin was preparing (1887), and
the arrangement and entire revision of the colossal ' Index
Kewensis,' Darwin's invaluable legacy to botany, which,
set afoot in 1886, appeared from the press during 1893-95.
While he was toiling over the microscope at the Indian Grasses
his time was drawn upon for this long task : ' The huge
Darwinian " Index Kewensis " drags its slow length along,
at the rate of 2 sheets, — about 2500 names, authors and
native countries to revise in press per week. It will take
1| years more to finish it.' (To La Touche, April 9,
1894.)

Mention may be made of the obituaries of De Candolle,
1893 ; and Dr. David Lyall, his feUow Antarcticker, 1895 ; of
the Eulogium on Eobert Brown, 1888 ; while various reviews
and monographs arising out of his botanical work may be found
in the Bibliography, of which ' Pachytheca ' 1889 may have
special mention.

The new era opened enthusiastically.

To Asa Gray

Jan. 24, 1886.

We are very comfortably housed now, and I have just
got my books into place. I find working here and at the
Herbarium vastly different from in the study at Kew.
I can now concentrate my attention (I hope I will) and
write off the Magazine without interruptions of all sorts ; —
indeed I find the withdrawal from the Directorship a stupen-
dous relief ; and, many regrets notwithstanding, it is sweet
to be independent, and to be free of that thirst for power
and position which alone enables one to carry on official
business with some ease and less friction.

1 ' Happily the foundations of it are laid, in my Flora of British India, which
includes the Straits Flora, but which is far too bulky a work for the use of Colon-
ists, and does not expressly deal with the timbers, drugs, dyes, textiles, oils,
waxes, and guttas ; and the nomenclature of which is in such sublime confusion,
that the Govt. has called for such a Flora as we shall undertake.'

WOKK ON THE INDIAN FLOE A 277

As for Botany, I am working hard at ' Fl. Brit. Ind.,
but am not yet done with Litsaea (alias Tetrantherd), of
which I have utterly failed to make natural groups. I shall
have, I suppose, 60 or 70 Indian species to be dissected.
Without fruit they are very hard to delimit.

A temporary chagrin was the necessity of reprinting Part I.
of the ' Genera Plantarum.' The demand had been larger than
could reasonably have been expected, and the book was out of
print. ' I never grudged any job more,' he continues. ' By
the time I shall be recouped for that I must reprint Part II.,
a heavier job.'

To Asa Gray

Feb. 23, 1886.

I am still at Laurineae, but nearly done. The one-
celled anthered Litsaeaceae I have followed Bentham in
bringing under one genus, Lindera — though I feel satisfied
that they should make 3 or 4 by habit and inflorescence.
The latter is very curious and often difficult to make out.
Bentham did not attempt to understand it — had he attempted
it the Gen. Plant, would not now be finished ! Laurineae
is one of those Orders that he would have wished me to
do, not because I could do it better, but because I have
more patience with that sort of analysis that is required
and which is necessary, even if I do not make so good a
use of it. I did however suppose that Bentham had done
generically the S. American ones for Schomburgk and
Spruce.

You never, I think, tried your hand at such a job of
exotic plants as classifying any of these obscure, arborescent,
tropical Orders. They are a great strain, but I prefer
such work to such jerky work as Bot. Mag. But you have
your full share of troubles in your own Compositae and
other Orders.

I am now printing Indian Polygonums, 70 species !

To Asa Gray

June 20, 1886.

I have just completed Laurineae and am utterly dis-
satisfied with the result. No doubt I have tripped up

278 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WORK

Meissner 1 over and over again, but really my work is, though
fatter by far, no better of its period than his was, and the
whole has raised old Nees 2 a good deal in my estimation.
It is at any rate much better than his Acanthaceae.

I am now at Euphorbiaceae, of which Boissier3 has of
course made too many species, chiefly by looking at scraps in
isolated herbaria. How could he have expected to find un-
described plants of Hayrte in Herb. Vienna, Petersburg, &c.
Of botanical news I have none. We are busy with
more Icones, with what of Bentham's money has come in.
His affairs are not wound up yet and I am sick of them.
They were to have given no trouble to anybody ! Much
he knew ! It makes me miss him all the more. I occupy
his room at the Herbarium, where I am about three days
a week. The more I see of Oliver, the more I wonder at his
marvellous knowledge. He has far the greatest knowledge
of Phaenogams of any two Botanists that ever lived. You
cannot puzzle him.

To Asa Gray

Sept. 27, 1886.

I am more and more absorbed in Indian Botany, and
have thrown aside all idea of making headway with — any
desire to keep up with even — heads of Chemico-botany,

1 Charles Fr&leric Meissner (1800-74). His father, of Hanoverian origin,
settled at Berne, where his son was born. He was educated at Yverdon and
Vevey, and afterwards at Vienna, Paris, and Goettingen. He contributed
monographs of various families to De Candolle's Prodromw Linnaeus, Botanische
Zeitung, Hooker's Journal of Botany, Warming's Symbolae Botanicae, Lehmann's
Plantae Preissianae and the Flora Brasiliensis, and also published, 1836-43,
bis Plantarum vascularium genera. He formed an extensive herbarium, sold at
his death to Columbia College, New York.

• Christian Gottfried Nees von Esenbeck (1776-1858), physician and botan-
ist. Educated at Darmstadt and Jena 1796-9. He was Professor of Botany
at Erlangen in 1817^ and chosen President of the Imperial Leop. Carol. Aka-
demie of Natural History the same year. Subsequently he held the Chair of
Botany at Bonn 1819, and Breslau 1830, when he was also Director of the
Botanic Gardens. Among his many botanical works is the Handbuch der
Botanik, 1820-1. He also wrote on Entomology and Philosophy.

» Edmond Boissier (1810-85), botanist and traveller, born and educated
at Geneva. Most of his work relates to the Mediterranean Region, Spain and
the Orient. He published his Voyage Boianique dans le Midi de VEspagne
between 1839-45, and in 1842 travelled in Greece, Anatolia, Syria and Egypt.
Between 1842 and 1854 appeared the first series of his Diagnoses Plantarum
Orientalium Novarum,m 1848 his monograph of the Plumbagineae, and in 1862
his elaboration of the genus Euphorbia, and the Icones Euphorbiarium in 1866.
His great work,the Flora Orientalis in five volumes, was published between 1867
and 1884.

THE NEW BOTANY AND THE OLD 279

and Micro-phytology. I may content myself with a casual
grin at young men calling themselves botanists, who know
nothing of plants, but the ' innards ' of a score or so. The
pendulum will swing round, or rather back, one day.

I have no copy of Fl. B. I. here, but look forward with
amusement to seeing what I have written on page 893.
I often muddle in press what I have written clearly enough
on paper. I look with great dissatisfaction on Piperaceae,
Laurineae and Myristaceae, but think I may with different
feelings on Polygonaceae and the reforms in Loranihaceae.

... I enjoy my freedom from harness more than ever,
though so much poorer. They have given me a shabby
pension from Kew, reducing what would otherwise have
been given as a ' special award ' because of my Naval Pension !
though this was awarded for services rendered three years
before I became Asst. Director. ... I shall have to econo-
mize for the next few years and work as I have done (and
liked). . . . However I am well, happy and contented,
and have been a most fortunate man in family, friends,
launch into life, and opportunities, and if my income is not
so good as my father's was, it is because I have had such
a family to educate and support — otherwise I should have
been wealthy.

As to the extremes of the New Botany, the ' casual grin '
recurs in his letter of the 22nd to Professor Oliver, whose son
Frank he hopes will decide to take up botany.

When settled he would not be disinclined I think to
take up a large Genus in a small Nat. Ord. I should like
him to attack one with minute flowers, like the Phyllanthi
I am at, the male flowers of which are often not 1 /40 in.
diam. — they might delude him into the belief that his work
was histological ! and nothing but the very minute seems
worthy of the attention of the modern school.

Similarly, a couple of years later, writing to a young botanist
about the possibility of standing for a professorship, he
remarks :

There is already a strong feeling apparent, that vegetable
physiology and anatomy alone do not supply the wants of
the public — and that some knowledge of plants in general,

280 BETIBEMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WOBK

their uses, physiognomies and distribution, should be
taught : — a knowledge of plants, in short, as well as of their
* innards ' and movements.

To F. Darwin

September 9, 1894.

I am glad you are going to teach the Medicos a little
practical Botany. It is lamentable to find that all this
botanical teaching of the greatest Universities in England
and Scotland does not turn out a single man who can turn
his botanical knowledge to any use whatever to his fellow
creatures. Where should we be if Medicine, Law, or any
other pursuit were taught after that fashion ?

All through 1887 the Indian Euphorbias were ' on his brain.'
He struggled with the confusion of species under one or more
names in the Wallich Herbarium. Bentham, who distributed
the plants after Wallich returned to India, ' had evidently not
as yet got his Botanical Optics.' The work was most distract-
ing in the genera with microscopic flowers, one of which he had
on the table for two months. He tells Asa Gray (March 8)
that he has kept Baccaurea for a bonne louche. ' The pile of
specimens is quite 5 ft. high ; it goes on growing by speci-
mens thrown out of other genera. I suppose that no genus
of Phaenogams is so little known, not even Calamus ! ' Still
he confesses : ' The more I see of Bentham 's work on the
Euphorbs. in Gfen. Plant., the more I am lost in " wonder, love
and awe." ' (January 7.)

It was November before he could record that he was print-
ing the last sheet of the Euphorbiaceae, just eighteen months'
work. But even then,

The next part will hardly take all in. I am getting on
with the Urticeae, and making a list of the Monocots, so
as to see how I am to get all in. Two-thirds of my synonymy
and citations are perfectly useless, but King, Thomson and
others thought I should make a sweep up of all, so that
Indian Departmental Floras need not do so.

From time to time during the progress of the work, he con-
tributed descriptions of new and rare species to the Icones

LETTEES TO MR. DUTHIE 281

Plantarum, particularly, as has been already noted, of the Indian
Orchids from 1890 to 1894. When sending two such descrip-
tions to Professor Oliver, he writes (September 22, 1886) :

I must really get some more Indian things for the Icones.
There are plenty, and having to describe them at any rate,
it would be easier for me to contribute to that work than
for any one. But I, like you, seem to hate anything that
drags me out of the track ot methodical work.

Some further illustrations of his labours on the Fl. B. 1.
may be drawn from the correspondence with Mr. Duthie,1
the Director of the Saharunpur Botanic Garden. This corres-
pondence is typical of his interest in more than the im-
mediate needs of his own task ; his desire of putting others
in the best way of serving Botany as a whole and building
up their own reputation. Indeed, when in 1875 Duthie was
designated for Saharunpur, Hooker invited him to steep himself
in Indian Botany at Kew. There were moreover many Indian
Natural Orders which needed to be monographed : all the Kew
material should be available if he undertook the work.

Thus (September 9, 1890) :

It is good news that you are going to collect in the
Central Provinces. I do not expect much novelty, but a
considerable accession to dim knowledge of the Geographical
distribution of Indian plants. You will find some Himal.
species that you could not expect in that region, and probably
some novelties consisting of plants of the Eastern Ghats,
a country not explored since Roxburgh explored the Circars.

What we want now is rather observation than specimens,
especially of the smaller flowered plants, and above all of
Orchideae.2

1 John Firminger Duthie, botanist, B.A. and F.L.S., Director of the Botani-
cal Department of N. W. India and Assistant for India at Kew in 1903. He sent
collections of upwards of 1200 dried plants to Kew from Kashmir in 1893, be-
sides 200 grasses in 1896. He published a List of N. W. Indian Plants in 1881,
and has written a great many papers on grasses and on other botanical subjects.

3 He insists again and again on this point, notably with regard to the Grasses
and the ' unmanageable ' groups of Festuca ; of which Mr. Duthie had sent him
a rich collection. ' Indeed what we want now from India is not more collec-
tions, but critical observations on the spot, with illustrative specimens.' (Feb.
16, 1896.)

282 EETIEEMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WORK
May 24, 1893 :

When you are again up in the hills, it would be well
to ascertain exactly, what are the Aconites whose roots are
eaten with impunity. . . . The subject of the alkaloids in
the roots of Aconites is now being studied with great care,
and there are anomalies amongst the Indian ones (as named)
which I can only explain by a confusion of nomenclature.
The Pharmaceutical Society is publishing separate researches
on the subject.

... It is impossible in the Herbarium to limit the
Alpine varieties of several of the species, and to distinguish
those of one species from those of another. A careful
following of each species from a lower to a higher elevation,
would be a great thing to do.

. . . The species of Iris of India are in a shocking
mess, I wasted days over them. Pray observe them well,
especially the ' orris rooted ' wild and cultivated.

January 7, 1896 :

I can quite sympathise with you in your disappointment
at not being sent along with the Pauri Commission. ... It
may indeed be doubted whether the result would be worth
the expenditure ; wrhat is now wanted is, not more collections,
but far more knowledge about what plants we have. The
number of genera, of which the species want careful examina-
tion, is very great ; in the Orchideae, for instance, all the
terrestrial species require revision ; Griffith set the example
of what could be done by the co-ordination of observing
with collecting. . . . The long and the short of it is, the N.W.
Flora wants revision throughout, by careful study of each
species, its range, variation, and obscure characters.

February 22, 1895 :

Have you ever yet taken up the Indian Irises system-
atically ? It can only be done by garden specimens and
drawings. You have also a fine field in the terrestrial
Orchids, which want analysis on living specimens.

February 16, 1896 :

Grasses are terribly difficult and full of snares ; but

OBSEBVATIONS NEEDED 283

what really is more wanting in India is that men like yourself
should carefully work up the floras of one or more definite
areas, not too large ; and also take up such cultivated plants
as Pennisetum typhoideum, Andropogon Sorghum, A. Nardus,
&c. &c., carefully note their habits and varieties over such
areas, and, as far as they travel, we can get specimens from
beyond it. Just as I told you Iris wanted it. Mr. Foster
[Prof, (afterwards Sir) Michael Foster, F.B.S.] has done
more for Indian Irises by getting people in India &c. to send
roots, than have all other Indian botanists put together.
The rage for collecting has cold-shouldered observations in
the field. Old Eoxburgh l stands alone.

The systematist's labours in this part of the Flora were no
less than in the preceding part, ' 1400 species rescued from
veritable chaos.' His request for more observations on the
Orchids was called forth by his immediate difficulties. He tells
Mr. Duthie (September 9, 1890) :

I have just done Hdbenaria, about 100 species, and you
have no idea of the difficulty I have experienced in deter-
mining the structure of the stigmatic surfaces and processes,
and above all of the rostellum. Accurate drawings of this
latter organ would be invaluable. In some, so called,
Peristyles it appears to cover the pollinia glands, and, if so,
what becomes of the character of Orchis ? I have been off
and on Hdbenaria for now 5 years, and am very dissatisfied
with the result. The longer I am at it, the more I feel that
Fl. Br. Ind. is little better than a sweeping up of materials,
with approximate references and synonymy.

The grasses were still more difficult to tackle. Morpho-
logically he found them very interesting, and the types of all
the huge Order occur in India. But the work was all micro-
scopical ; the only method was to draw the floral organs of
every species and often many specimens of each. System-
atically, confusion was rampant. The descriptions of the

1 William Roxburgh (1751-1815), a botanist who, while in the Indian medical
service, not only collected plants, but set up an experimental station to improve
the cultivation of valuable plants. He was Director of the Calcutta Botanic
Garden from 1793 to 1813. His accurate descriptive work was made doubly
valuable by his" copious drawings, which were copied for Kew at the expense
of Sir William Hooker.

284 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WORK

old Indian authors were often impossible to recognise, thanks
to insufficient data and incomplete characters. Even in
Eoxburgh's careful work, a good many species could not be
guessed at ; in many of his otherwise excellent drawings,
Hooker felt sure that the enlarged fruit figures did not belong
to the plant named.

Every detail therefore had to be worked over anew. And
when this ' laborious job ' was done, it would be so far unsatis-
factory that no ' good sections ' — i.e. clear subdivisions — could
be found in the genus.

As he puts it to Mr. La Touche (April 23, 1894) :

[The Grasses] are dreadfully difficult and systematically
a chaos of imperfect descriptions, erroneous identifications,
confused synonymy and imbecile attempts. We have up-
wards of a century of collections and not an attempt at a
classification. Each Botanist in his own country has worked
at his sweet will in ignorance of his predecessors' and
contemporaries' work, with imperfect materials and often
no books — * Hinc illae lachrymae.'

' I think,' he grimly remarks, ' my results will open the
eyes of Botanists.' (To T. H. Huxley, August 16, 1894.)

A further complexity was introduced into the difficulties of
the subject by the fact that a set of the Indian Andnpogont
had been sent to Professor Hackel 1 to be worked up for his
Monograph on the Order.

I have been trying Hackel's Monograph [he writes
on May 24, 1893] and find it most difficult to work with.
For diagnostic characters he prefers the most obscure and
difficult to detect, to the obvious and natural. I long to see
another Kunth 2 in Germany.

Panicum is in a chaotic condition ; there is a pile of
materials five or six feet high from half a dozen collections,

1 Eduard Hackel, an Austrian, one of the greatest authorities on grasses,
the author of various papers and publications on the grasses of Carpathia,
Portugal, Spain, and the Alpes Maritimes. He has published a monograph on
Andropogon and one upon Festuca. Professor in a gymnasium at St. Polten.

* Carl Sigismund Kunth, botanist. He published his Flora Berolinensis
in 1813 ; revision of various Natural Orders as Bignoniaceae, Leguminosae,
Malvaceae, Tiliaceae, Gramineae. &c. His Nova Genera and Species Plantarum
appeared 1815-25.

THE INDIAN GRASSES 285

topped by Mr. Duthie's last bundle from Kashmir, and his yet
more important collections from Central India, which linked
Northern and Southern India. For four months he does not
get through one species a day, identification being often a matter
of counting nerves in the glumes under a microscope in an
enormous number of specimens. The synonymy is ' frightful ' ;
for example, all the species of three other genera have been put
into Panicum at one time or other. It was impossible even
to ' divide it into good groups ; all characters inosculate hope-
lessly. The only way to get on is to make pencil sketches
of the spikelets and their parts on scores of sheets of speci-
mens, often of one species only.' P. sanguinale alone, of
which he unearthed 86 synonyms, kept him for three weeks.
A large form of this, noted in the Himalayan Journals as
being grown for food in the Khasia, found mention nowhere
else, and could not be safely identified with herbarium speci-
latest wrongly labelled or described. Worse still, even the
mens investigator, Hackel, had made a new species of a hairy
state of one of its foims and " has already been floundering,
by taking up individual specimens for description." (March
15, 1894.)

To Mr. Duthie

March 15, 1894.

Occasionally I, for a change, take up the Andropogs,
which Hackel has worked out well ; but tooth- drawing is
nothing to working with Hackel ; you are in agony till you
have waded through his line after line of characters, many of
which apply to the whole genus — if not to all the vegetable
kingdom I was going to say. He has not found out that it is
a perfect matter of indifference to most grasses, whether they
wear hairs or not. Still I should not complain ; if Hackel
had not done the Andropogs, I do not know who would ;
and I feel sure no one would have done them more con-
scientiously.

I wonder what you will say to Clarke's l Cyperaceae, the
most important of all contributions to the Flora.

1 Charles Baron Clarke (1832-1906), botanist and collector. Educated at
King's CoUege School, London, and Cambridge, bracketed Third Wrangler 1856,
and elected Fellow of Queen's College 1857. He was called to the Bar in 1858,
and in 1866 joined the Educational Department in Bengal. He acted as Super-

286 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WOBK
To the Same

Feb. 11, 1895.

I thank you for sending me the report on your Kashmir
tour, which has interested me very much, besides being of use
in giving me exact information as to the localities where you
made your collections, for many of which localities one may
hunt for ever in the ordinary maps and gazetteers without
finding them.

I am in the middle of your grasses, by far the finest col-
lection ever made in Northern India. But oh how difficult !
You have many more species than Thomson obtained.
The N. Western grasses differ more from the Sikkim than
I could have supposed ; but then I have no good Sikkim
materials. My June and July collections were almost
destroyed during the rains, living as I was in a tent of two
blankets, with no collector proper.

I have been for nearly three weeks at Poa and am utterly
beaten. As to Nees's, Boyle's, Munro's and Grisebach's 1
names, they are all wrong. It is impossible to name Poas
on single specimens. Except P. persica (war. soongarica),
which is Boyle's Festuca Amherstiana, there is not a definable
specimen in the genus, and I am at my wits' end what to do.
I cannot even sort the specimens ; your specimens leave
nothing to be desired as such. Indeed, but for their magna
copia I could get on well enough ; it is easy to sort collec-
tions of single specimens, but yours show such series of forms
and in such good state that they run all sorts of apparently
distinct things into one. I shall take counsel with Stapf,2

intendent of the Calcutta Botanic Garden from 1869 to 1871, and in 1879 was
placed on special duty as assistant for the Flora of British India at Kew. He
returned to India in 1883 and served till his retirement in 1887,when he returned
to the Kew Herbarium and worked as a volunteer till his death. He contributed
largely to the Flora of British India, De Oandolle's Monogr. Phan., Journal of
Botany, and the Journal Linn. Soc., &c.

1 August Heinrich Rudolph Grisebach (1813-79), botanist and Director of
the Botanical Garden at Gottingen. He published his Plantae Wrightianae
e Cuba Orientals 1860-2, his West Indiens Geographische Verbreitung der
Pflanze 1865, Vegetation der Erde 1872, and Pflanze lorentzianae 1874.

1 Dr. Otto Stapf, Ph.D., was his excellent coadjutor at Kew, to the value of
whose hints in the revising of the clavis he specially refers, and furthermore
adds (May 20, 1895) :

' Stapf has worked up the Indian Poas, and after carefully revising his work,
I do not think it could be better done, but the want of definable, or constant
characters in the genus will, I feel sure, render it impossible to name a single
species by book alone, with any confidence.'

TWO DESCEIBEES AT ONCE 287

and cut the Gordian knot as best we can. When I have done
the grasses I will send you a list of your species.

He complains that the immense variety among the speci-
mens as their numbers increased made systematic results sadly
uncertain ; the incessant revision necessary delayed progress
with the proofs. ' I am perpetually on the scent of false re-
ductions or false references of a doubtful or badly described
species.' (January 7.)

Finally, June 26, 1896 :

I have put Poa, Festuca, and Bromus into Stapf's hands,
as he is well up in the S. European and Persian species. In
respect of Poa his work agrees well with Hackel's determina-
tions of your plants, but as to Festuca they are wide apart.
After two struggles with the latter genus I gave it up, and
I shall be curious to know what future observers make of
Stapf's determinations. I can testify to the extreme care
with which he has worked, but my impression is that the
whole of ovina and rubra and duriuscula groups are utterly
unmanageable.

The fact that the same plants were being sent from India
for description to Hooker and Hackel simultaneously might
have led to embarrassment, especially as the former was, so
to speak, in the Indian Government employ. The only clash,
however, took the form of a happy coincidence.

To the Same

March 27, 1895.

I left Kew Herb, yesterday with my usual bundle of
grasses for description at home, amongst them a new genus,
which I examined some time ago and for which I intended
the name Duthiea, when to my astonishment I found your
letter on my table, and the very same grass for which Hackel
had proposed the very same generic name !

Leaving Mr. Duthie to arrange the matter, he adds, for
his own part :

I am only too glad to have Hackel's identifications in
which I put the greatest faith, and I shall adopt his names

288 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WORK

for all new species in the place of my own whenever we agree.
The latter [agreement] will I do hope be the rule, but consider-
ing the very different materials, in amount of specimens and
number of collections upon which we work, there must be
discrepancies in details.

To Mr. DutMe

Jan. 7, 1896.

I am not sorry that Hackel has cut me out of Duthiea ;
he could and has discoursed on it in a way I could not have.
My impression is that the plant is as good an Avenacea as
Festucacea — but I am not going to interfere with Hackel's
determination. After all Hackel's paper shows that the
tribes and sub-tribes of Poaceae are a sad lot.

He was doubtful, however, as to the natural position near
Bromus assigned to Duthiea by Hackel. A new Duthiea turned
up in a fresh consignment of Indian grasses,

which satisfies me (and Stapf) that I was right in placing the
genus next Danihonia. When Hackel's paper appeared I,
of course, followed him, and in the clavis of genera (printed
off months ago) I put it next to Bromus. I shall ' hale it
up ' in the body of the work to its right place. It corrobo-
rates my view of the close affinity between Bromus and
Avenaceae. (Feb. 16, 1896.)

Amid such complexities of this, ' the hardest work I ever
did,' the solution of which depended upon the critical observa-
tions on the spot that he so much desiderated, it was hardly
to be wondered at, however annoying, that errors crept in.
For these he was constantly on the look out, and on February 6,
1898 (the Flora was published in 1897 and he was then at work
on the Ceylon Grasses for the completion of Trimen's Flora of
Ceylon), he writes to Mr. Duthie :

You may be shocked to hear that my new genus Ney-
raudia, over which Stapf and I spent no little time (to make
sure !) turns out to be a known not uncommon Triraphis !
and is not even Arundineous. The fact is that Gramineae
are still in a shocking state. Stapf is making discoveries
constantly of mistaken affinities amongst well-known genera,

AN IMAGINARY BLUNDER 289

and hopes to arrive at a more natural grouping than has
hitherto obtained, of the Poaceae especially.

And on August 16 he is staggered by ' a hideous blunder
in the M. Brit. India which fell under my eyes accidentally
two days ago, and was nearly followed by a stroke of paralysis.'
He found that the plant listed as Panicum latifolium of Linnaeus
had nothing to do with the latifolium of Kunth, and there was
no latifolium in the Kew Herbarium ! It should be zizanioides.

But the blundering he could not trace turned out to be
no blunder at all. ' Now I recollected ' (he writes on Oct. 21)
'that I took the name from Linn. Herb., so I went there
the other day, and sure enough a fine specimen of oryzoides
[zizanioides] is named in Linnaeus' own hand P. latifolium,
so oryzoides is latifolium Linn. Herb. nov. Sp. PL*

One fresh observation incorporated in the ' Flora of British
India ' came from the work of his old friend Bertram Mitford,
later Lord Redesdale,1 who, not content with growing many
kinds of Bamboo in his beautiful garden at Batsford, published
a botanical study of them in his ' Bamboo Garden.' Hooker,
to whom the MS. was shown, was no little interested, and
pronounced his description quite clear and good except in
one or two small matters of wording, against which, to ward
off cavillers, he pencilled suggestions, especially where the turn
of the phrase appeared to convey, in strict botanical language,
more than should be intended.

His friend demurred, though with diffidence as against
such authority ; to which Hooker replied (Aug. 23, 1896) :

Never hesitate to challenge me. I have not seldom
been convicted of error in the use of terms. I quite saw
what you meant, but hold that putting 'persistent where you
did, does in botanical language assert that the sheaths are
persistent on the culm and branches respectively.

1 (1837-1916.) He was created Baron Redesdale in 1902, having inherited
the estates of his uncle, the Earl of Redesdale, in 1886. His literary classic,
the Tales of Old Japan, was the fruit of his diplomatic career in Japan. Then
he entered the Office of Works during the Ayrton affair, and lent Hooker much
aid and sympathy. Later the famous gardens of Batsford enabled him to
pursue his botanical tastes to the full.

290 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WORK

But when, granting that the suggestion lamed the sentence,
he suggested that it be rewritten, so as to draw the currently
accepted distinction between these, the next letter revealed
that his friend had made entirely new observations on the
persistence of portions of the sheath (known as ' pseudophyll '
and ' limb ' respectively) in the branch as well as in the culm
of the Bamboo, and Hooker responds (August 26) :

There you ' 'ave me on the 'ip,' as a Cockney friend once
addressed me in a friendly dispute. I took it for granted,
in my ignorance, that pseudophylls were restricted to culm
sheaths. That they are not suggests a close examination
with the view of ascertaining whether or no a transition may
be found from the pseudophyll to the true leaf-blade. It
would be satisfactory in either case to correlate them with
some functional or morphological character of the plant. . . .

The matter of the pseudophyll is of great moment to
me. I cannot find its special attributes described, or even
alluded to in any other accounts of Bambuseae that I have
as yet consulted than yours, and I must bring it in in a note
prefatory to the account of the tribe in the ' Fl. Brit. Ind.'
(by Gamble1), over which note I shall ask you kindly to
cast your eye when I get to Bambuseae. Also I expect I
shall have to introduce observations from the ' Bamboo
Garden ' under the Indian species, as to which I must have
your good offices. . . .

I have asked Stapf to look out for any other grasses with
all the sheaths normally deciduous from the node by a clean,
clear-cut line, as in Bambuseae. I think I can name cases
where the true blade when sessile on the sheath disarticu-
lates, but none where the true blade is petiolulate. All such
reminiscences are, however, very untrustworthy. I only
wish I had had the point in my mind when working up
the Indian grasses. It is most interesting to find a field of
research opened up by a study of the last tribe of the Order !

The Camp, Sunningdale: September 1, 1896.

DEAR MITFOBD, — Since I wrote yesterday I have tackled '
a proof sheet in which Bambusa sees the light ; so I thought

1 James Sykes Gamble, C.I.E., M.A. (Oxon.), F.R.S., F.L.S., late Conserva-
tor of Forests in India, and Director of the Imperial Forest School, Dehra Dun.

LORD EEDESDALE AS BOTANIST 291

it best to spend the morning in attempts to compose a rider
on ' the Bamboo Garden,' and the matter of the blades.
I enclose it herewith, with tremor, you must kindly look
over it for me and give your candid opinion like the good
fellow you are, and let me have it back.
Ever, my beloved Censor, Yours,

J. D. HOOKER.

September 8, 1896.

A thousand thanks, my dear Mitford. The difference
between our says resolves itself into mine being the work
of an at second hand hasher up of material not his own,
and which he has not fully grasped — yours is the result
of- long and careful autopsy.

The long and short of it is that what I would like and
crave is a brief statement of the dry facts from your pen
with leave to give it as such. In case of your agreeing, to
show what I want, I have extracted from your able exponent
what I should like to see. I have drawn a pencil round the
parts of your MSS. which I have not included to save you
the trouble of collation — the rest is verbatim. Kindly look
at it. Excuse haste — this is our afternoon for visitors.

Ever yours,

J. D. HOOKER.

Sept. 10. I sent off the paragraph with the emendations,
and with it a thankful heart.

In 1889 he published in the ' Annals of Botany ' (vol. iii,
pp. 135-40) a paper on the curious organism Pachytheca.
For half a century this was a puzzle to botanists. It was
a seed-like body found in the Ludlow bone-bed, and first
described by Hooker in 1853 in a note to H. E. Strickland's 1
paper on the fossils there found (Quarterly Journal of the
Geological Society).

These specimens did not allow of transparent sections
being cut for the microscope, but the observations that could

1 Hugh Edwin Strickland (1811-1853), naturalist; accompanied William
John Hamilton in a geological tour through Asia Minor, and traversed Greece,
Constantinople, Italy, and Switzerland, 1835; drew up rules for zoological
nomenclature, ultimately with some modifications accepted as authoritative.
Among several important scientific writings were Ornithological Synonyms,
1855, and The Dodo, 1848.

292 EETIEEMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WORK

be made justified Hooker in considering it to be a sporangium
of a Lycopodium or allied plant.

In 1875 more specimens were discovered in the West
Malvern limestones, and sent to Hooker through Mr. Symonds
of Pendock. Sections made convinced Hooker (as also various
cryptogamists) of its structural connexion with the Algae,
though there was much difference as to its existing affinities.
A stumbling-block was the apparent discontinuity between
the filaments of its inner cavity and the tissues of the sur-
rounding walls, which even suggested the possibility that
the former belonged to an intruded parasitic alga, or the
mycelium of a parasite.

Similar bodies were constantly found in Great Britain
and in America, and in 1882 Principal (Sir J. W.) Dawson
of Toronto communicated a paper on the subject to the Geo-
logical Society. In his view Pachytheca was a seed, rather
than a spore case, belonging to a primitive form of Gymno-
sperm (Prototaxites}. But his arguments did not find much
support ; others variously suggested that it was the float
of a seaweed, or even of animal origin ; Professor Thiselton-
Dyer, who believed he had detected the missing connexion
between the contents of the cavity and the wall, traced a
morphological affinity to Codium in both Pachytheca and
Prototaxites, but saw no evidence of the former being a
sporangium of the latter.

All through the eighties Hooker sought more light, and
corresponded with various investigators. Professor (Sir E.)
Ray Lankester confirmed his general views ; the specimens
were examined by the Rev. J. D. La Touche, himself a
keen "geologist, who was publishing the local geology for the
Shropshire Natural History Society ; Mr. W. Phillips, the
algologist of' Shrewsbury, propounded a definite form of the
parasitic view which on many grounds Hooker considered
untenable.

Robert Etheridge,1 President of the Geological Society in
1880-81, who had ' again and again examined these bodies,'

1 Robert Etheridge contributed various papers to the Memoirs of the Geo-
logical Survey of New South Wales, 1888-94.

PACHYTHECA 293

summed up, saying (July 6, 1888), ' Your own note in the
Quarterly Journal for 1853 contains after all the pith of the
matter and the best figure.'

He would not rest content, however, without having a
thorough microscopic examination of the material, old and new,
made by a young botanist of Christ's College, Mr. C. A. Barber,1
a capital artist, who in the course of drawing, made out a
new feature which Hooker suggested might be callus plates.
A doubtful specimen which he showed to Professor Bayley
Balfour 2 had yet more doubtful signs of attachment, as of a
marine alga, which, if substantiated, might suggest, as the latter
said, the possibility of Pachytheca being a gemma which had
been detached from a highly organised Alga. But there was
nothing to bear out this suggestion ; and other suggestions as
to its affinities based on exact but limited knowledge of some
one class were unacceptable to wider knowledge.

Pachytheca gets more and more inscrutable [Hooker
writes to Mr. La Touche on Aug. 3, 1888]. My impression
still is that it is in all probability a type of structure of
which there is no existing type — and of such structures there
must have been thousands of old. Uniformitarianism has
run mad in Geology and Palaeontology and every dead thing
is screwed into the category of living things. I always ask
what proofs have we that what are now land shells were
not (in their primitive types) sea shells, and vice versa in a
more or less degree. But this strikes at the root of all
Geology as founded on Palaeontology.

Accordingly, after tracing the history of Pachytheca and
the theories about it, he wound up his paper by declaring that
no certain conclusions as to its real nature and affinities were
as yet possible.

His judicial caution was justified.

1 Mr. C. A. Barber, assistant to (Sir) F. Darwin at Cambridge, was ap-
pointed to the new Agricultural Department of the Leeward Islands in 1891,
and in 1898, after three years at Cooper's Hill College, became head of the
botanical department for the Presidency of Madras, at Ootacamund.

2 Isaac Bayley Balfour (6. 1853) was Professor of Botany at Glasgow 1879,
at Oxford 1884, and at Edinburgh in 1887, the position so long held by his
father, J. H. Balfour.

294 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WORK
To Eev. J. D. La Touche

June 9, 1895.

I have this morning received from Mr. Murray of Brit.
Mus. a notice published in the ' Phycological Memoirs ' of
Pachyiheca, which is enough to turn your -hair gray — if
it were not so already !

Pachyiheca is found to sit in a cup ! from the base of
which cup rootlets issue ! (sketch). The cup has distinct
traces of a stalk, and so must have been attached to some
large body. Pachyiheca itself of these specimens retains
its internal structure — but no structure has been found in
the cup. They are from S. Wales.

A more ghastly proof of the futility of speculations on
the nature of imperfect specimens could not well be. ' Ex
uno disce omnes ' !

A letter to Canon Ellacombe, the well-known horticulturist
and botanist, illustrates Hooker's experience of the pitfalls
of Fossil Botany.

Dec. 19, 1887.

Your question is a very difficult one to answer. Fossil
Botany has made enormous strides in the matter of publica-
tion of names and drawings since 1852, but not, that I am
aware, under the hands of competent botanists familiar
with the existing flora of the globe or the infinitely varied
forms of recent plants, and above all with the incessant
repetition of identical forms of foliar organs in the most
different natural families of plants. Of certain identifica-
tions there can I think be no reasonable doubt, as of the
genera Liriodendron and Salisburia1 and of a few others
where the fruit has been found associated with the foliage,
as I believe,' of Liquidambar and Platanus, Acer, &c.

When you come however to coniferous fruits, where to
ascertain even the tribe of the recent genera, you should
know the position of the ovule, and where the form of the
foliage and cone is so polymorphous, I must confess to the
gravest doubts. Nor would I accept the evidence of Aihro-
taxis, except on the statement of a botanist well versed in
recent Coniferae.

1 Nevertheless no competent botanist would be surprised at receiving from
New Guinea or China, plants of totally different Natural Orders showing the
foliage of these genera.

FOSSIL BOTANY 295

It is an ugly fact that, tempting as is the study of Fossil
Botany, every competent botanist with a large knowledge
of existing floras, and that has tried his hand on it, has given
it up, notably Brown, Brongniart, and Lindley, or these have
subsequently confined themselves to specimens exhibiting
structure, as fossil wood, &c. — whilst Oliver, Bentham, &c.
have only shaken their heads when asked to identify a fossil
plant. If you are ever at the Herbarium and will look at
the multitudes of figures of leaves in Gardner, Lesquereux,
and other works, the vagueness of the identifications will
strike you at once. There is a standing joke at the Herbarium,
if you have a plant the affinities of which puzzle you, ' fossilize
it and send it to a palaeontologist and he will give you the
genus and species at once.'

To sum up, in a general way the work of Vegetable
Palaeontologists has thrown much light on the older floras
of the globe, but far too much is made of the supposed facts,
which in detail are wholesalely unreliable.

With regard to Salisburia, I was the first to show the
strong resemblance of the Coal Measure fruit called Trigono-
carpon to that of Salisburia, founded on a careful comparison
of the tissues of the several layers of the fruits obtained by
slicing silicified specimens of Trigonocarpon and fresh ones
of Salisburia (published in ' Phil. Trans.') but I am quite
prepared to find the same tissues in Cycadeae, in Podocarpus,
in Dacrydium, in Cephalotaxus and other genera ! Had
leaves of Salisburia occurred with Trigonocarpon the evidence
would be good. As it is, possibly Salisburia fruits occur in
the Coal ; and abundant Salisburia leaves occur (not in the
Coal) but in tertiary rocks without Trigonocarpon.

I have myself tried my hand on the identification of
fossil collections of plants by their leaves, &c. and what I
find is this, you have, say 100 forms of leaves from one
bed, evidently belonging to many genera and families. You
identify one of the most peculiar with a plant of Japan we
will say. Well, you have no difficulty in matching all the
others with plants of Japan, and you conclude that you
have an old Japanese Flora. But if you had started with a
S. American identification, and had an equal knowledge of
S. American plants, you would have been as successful —
probably more so — for the simple reason that the forms of

296 EETIEEMENT, TO 1897 : BOTANICAL WORK

leaves are protean and repetitive and that in the fossil you
have neither insertion, stipulation, surface, texture, verna-
tion or colour to check you in your headlong course at identi-
fication. Lastly sweep up the floor of a Herbarium, after
a good case of rejecting bad specimens from a heap of plants,
and see what a fossil botanist would make of the disjecta
membra !

He was much interested about this time in his friend
Huxley's excursion into practical botany. The latter, seeking
health in long summer visits to Arolla and the Engadine, began
to study the structure, life-history, and affinities of the Alpine
gentians, and went on to investigate the gentians of the whole
world in order to make out their evolutionary affinities and
distribution. Indeed his devotion to the gentians led the
Bishop of Chichester, who was staying at Arolla, to declare
that he sought the ' Urgentian ' as a kind of Holy Grail.

He seemed to find that the distribution of the gentians
corresponded very closely with that of the Crayfishes, on which
he had written a well-known monograph.. But Hooker doubted
any general identity between zoological and botanical regions.

Athenaeum Club : Feb. 25, 1887.

DEAR HUXLEY, — I have finished the Gentians, and have
been much instructed by the first part and interested in
the last. The junction of your line with Mueller's and both
running into the same terminus is the ' bright particular '
point in it.

As to the Taxonomic part, Gentiana is one of many
old genera founded on a few heterogeneous materials, the
result of which is, that for years it is not only not reformed
but all sorts of things are added to it — it takes 7 devils
worse than the first. I found Palms in the same condition
when I worked up the genera for Gen. Plant. Areca was
the equivalent of Gentiana.

I am very uneasy about your Zoological views : none
previously prepared will do for plants — and you will not
help us. I have left your MSS. at the Athenaeum.

Sunningdale : March 14, 1887.

DEAR H., — Awfully sorry; — my fingers got vilely cramped.
The last allusion was to your Geographical distribution

THE GENTIANS 297

of animals, which won't run on all 4s with plants, for that
New Zealand won't make a Botanical province. But the
more I try, the more difficult I find it to limit Bot. provinces
at all — there are only two — land and sea !

I said something about Gentiana being one of many
genera established on a few heterogeneous materials, and
which grew by the accession of new matter to the various
salient points. A ' Gen. Plant.,' reviewing genera as wholes,
should, if it could, have broken such up. I do not remember
what else I may have said.

To the Same

Sept. 25, 1887.

The retroversion of the anthers in Genliana was first
described by myself in the ' Flora Antarctica,' as character-
istic of the Southern species. It does not occur in all the
genus, and it is now necessary to correct the anthers' charac-
ters with the others of your groups. If I remember aright,
some dehisce when still ' introrsum spectantes,' others
not till after reversion — depending on the form of the
Corolla.

As far as I can remember, all the gamopetalous Corollas
are polypetalous (whether thalamiflorai or calycifloral)
in the earliest state — certainly very many are. I think
Payer 1 so represents a great many in his ' Organogenie.'

Later, when his old friend had settled down in the bracing
air of Eastbourne, to his regret that it was not in the pine woods
of Sunningdale near the Camp, he fostered this new taste for
botany by sending him plants for his newly made garden,
some in particular with the bantering remark that as they do
well on any neglected dry rockwork, they should succeed under
his tender cares !

1 Jean Baptiste Payer (1818-1860), Membre de 1'Institut (Acad. des
Sciences) ; Prof, de Bot. a la Faculte des Sciences de Paris et a 1'Ecole Normale
Superieure. Author of Traiti d'Organogenie Comparie de la Fleur, published
1857.

CHAPTER XLII

RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : DARWINIANA AND OTHER
SCIENTIFIC INTERESTS

DURING 1886 and 1887, as the Life of Charles Darwin was
advancing towards completion, Hooker had much correspond-
ence with (Sir) Francis Darwin, reading the first proofs and
making various notes and suggestions out of his close know-
ledge of his old friend's work, and the scientific circles of the
time. One note is of interest for all biographers, and in this
direction, the Life, when published, left nothing to be desired.

I thirk you have rather a paucity of footnotes referring
to men's position, works, &c. Eemember how little the
next generation will think of E. Forbes, Hancock 1 and many
great Guns of your father's lifetime. It added enormously
to the interest of the life of Lyell to be told in footnotes
who even the now second-class workers were of whom he
spoke, and who were luminaries in his day.

The question was raised as to Darwin's purpose in spending
eight years upon his monograph of the Cirripedes.

To F. Darwin

Dec. 31, 1885.

MY DEAR FRANK, — When I can get at the letters I may
find something that will throw light on the question you
raise — but I am helpless till my Library is shelved and
painted, when I shall bring down the letters, which, with
my books, are all in boxes at Kew, waiting.

1 Albany Hancock (1806-73), zoologist. Received the Royal Society's
medal for his paper on ' The Organisation of Brachiopoda,' 1857 ; F.L.S. 1862 ;
collaborated also in works on Mollusca.

DABWIN AND SYSTEMATIC BIOLOGY 299

I do not understand that passage of Huxley's to imply,
as you seem to think, that your father first went in for
Barnacles deliberately thinking they would be good training ;
but that he took to monographing the Order under that
impression, and in this Huxley is I know right.

Your father had Barnacles on the brain, from Chili
onwards ! He talked to me incessantly of beginning to
work at his ' beloved Barnacles ' (his favorite expression)
long before he did so methodically. It is impossible to
say at what stage of progress he realised the necessity of
such a training as monographing the Order offered him ;
but that he did recognize it and act upon it as a training
in systematic biological study, morphological, anatomical,
geographical, taxonomic and descriptive, is very certain ;
he often alluded to it to me as a valued discipline and added
that even the * hateful ' work of digging out synonyms and
of describing, not only improved his methods, but opened
his eyes to the difficulties and merits of the works of the
dullest of cataloguers.

One result was that he would never allow a depreciatory
remark to pass unchallenged on the poorest class of scientific
workers, provided their work was honest and good of its
kind. I always regarded this as one of the finest traits
of his character — this generous appreciation of the hodmen
of science and of their labors, and which culminated in
the ' Steudel ' [i.e. the Index Kewensis], and it was mono-
graphing the Barnacles that brought it about. The fact is
that no one goes into such a piece of work as his Barnacles
upon a cut and dried motive. When once begun various
motives supervene or grow that direct the course adopted
to this and that end. Your father recognized in conversa-
tion with me three stages in his career as biologist, the mere
collector, in Cambridge &c. ; the collector and observer,
in the Beagle and for some years after ; and the trained
naturalist after, and only after, the Cirripede work. That
he was a thinker all along is true enough, and there is a
vast deal in his writings previous to the Cirripedes that a
trained Naturalist could but emulate.

I have no more to say but that it would have been
marvellous if your father had not felt the want of such a
training as monographing the Cirripedes would give, and

300 EETIEEMENT, TO 1897 : DAEWINIANA, ETC.

if he had not consciously taken advantage of it with his
eyes open to its value in weighing all evidence pro and con
evolution.

If you will let me make a suggestion, it is that you alter
the expression ' could be considered well spent,' for eight
years so spent by any other man would establish his reputa-
tion for all time, and whether as a discipline to your father,
or for its results, I cannot conceive his spending it better,
at that period of his career especially.

Probably it all came out in this wise — the original idea
was to work out the problem of the complementary males :
this he told me over and over again. When once begun
he told me that he felt the want of training and discipline
in every detail of work; he applied to me (1844-6) for
microscopes and lenses and for lessons in dissecting under
it, for information as to the relative value of male and
female organs in plants, of characters afforded by buds and
flowers, fruits and seed, and no end of matters as to synonymy,
priority, and the practical details of descriptive biology.
We even dissected and drew together ; he all along calling
himself a learner in these matters of research.

You are welcome to send this desultory scrawl to Huxley,
or to make any other use of it. I have been interrupted
over and over again, for I am writing all after page 1 on
New Year's Day — of which I wish you and yours many
returns and all good with them.

As he goes on with his notes on his correspondence with
Darwin, he exclaims : ' I am staggered at the inordinate share
of myself that your " Life " will contain, even if I am ever so
brief.'

The next letters speak of the meeting at the Linnean
Society when the joint Darwin- Wallace paper was read, and
of the severe criticism passed on the Quarterly Eeview of July
1860 by Huxley in the chapter he contributed to the ' Life '
(ii. p. 182).

To F. Darwin

Oct. 22, 1886.

I was present with Lyell at the meeting. We both I
think said something impressing the necessity of profound

BECEPTION OF THE ' OEIGIN ' 301

attention (on the part of Naturalists) to the papers and
their bearing on the future of Nat. Hist. &c.} &c., &c., but
there was no semblance of discussion.

The interest excited was intense, but the subject too
novel and too ominous for the old School to enter the lists
before armouring. It was talked over after the meeting,
' with bated breath.' Lyell's approval, and perhaps in a
small way mine, as his Lieutenant in the affair, rather
overawed those Fellows who would otherwise have flown
out against the doctrine, and this because we had the vantage
ground of being familiar with the authors and their themes.
Bell, the President, in the Chair, was, though a personal
friend of your father's, hostile to the end of his life. Busk,
who was present as Secretary, said nothing, nor did Bennett,
the Bot. Sec. Bentham was also there, and silent.

I do not remember Huxley being present, you might
ask him.

Huxley has sent me the proof of his contribution to
the ' Life.' I do not think it too severe. The Quarterly
then held the highest place amongst the first class Eeviews
and was most bound to be fair and judicious, but proved
unjust and malicious and ignorant. It went indefinitely
beyond ' severity ' and into scurrility, and for all Huxley
says he cites abundant proof. It is not for us, who repeat
ad nauseam our contempt for the persecutors of Galileo and
the sneerers at Franklin, to conceal the fact that our own
great discoverers met the same fate at the hands of the
highest in the land of Literature and Science, as represented
by. its most exalted organ, the Q.R.

I talked to X. about it in as strong terms as I
could, when he turned round to me and asked if I really
believed the doctrine, and on my response he pointed to the
poker, and with fatuous solemnity said, ' Dr. Hooker ! I
would as soon believe that that poker bred rabbits.' It
amused me to think, that if the Apocalypse had said that
pokers bred rabbits he would have believed it devoutly,
and thought your father wicked to disbelieve.

To return to Huxley, I suggested his replacing the
word ' person ' by ' reviewer,' in the bottom of. the first slip,
and to omit ' tricks of ' in alluding to Owen's style, because
it weakened the force of the passage. As for the rest, if

802 EETIREMENT, TO 1897 : DARWINIANA , ETC.

not vigorous it would not be Huxley's, and if we ask a man
for a specimen of himself, we must let him appear in his
own colours.

When he made these suggestions to Huxley the day before,
he wrote :

These are the only points as to which your articles could
be hypercriticised in the. matter of taste. For the rest I
would not alter anything. . . . The Quarterly does not
get one iota more than it deserves, or than the public should
see it gets.

To F. Darwin

The Camp, Sunningdale : Oct. 23, 1886.

DEAR FRANK, — I was not aware that the Bishop had
acknowledged the Review in his Essays. It certainly does
appear that this should be stated, but I would like to see
the passage acknowledging it, before considering how
much or how little of it should come in. No one who was
present at the Bishop's attack on Huxley at the Oxford
Meeting could wonder at Huxley's delighting in ' paying
him off.'

I believe that the Q.R. has just treated Gosse as badly
almost as it did the « Origin,' and if so Huxley's dressing is
not inopportune. It is abominable that a Review of such
standing should seek out ignorant and incompetent and
even prejudiced and hostile reviewers to write in such
cases,

I quite feel with you that it is a pity that the ' Life ' of one
so far above all fierceness of disposition should have to treat
of matters requiring such stern and hot handling. But the
Q.R. was, from its influence and position, the head and front
of the offending, and if the history of Evolution has to be
dealt with, it must be brought to the front to be pilloried ;
and given Huxley as executioner, the rest follows ! Nothing
short of recasting the whole of his contribution as regards
the Quarterly would meet the case. Were Owen or the
Bishop in Huxley's place, and the tables turned, you would
have a contribution of malignant sneers and innuendoes.
It is the old story, ' the greater the truth, the greater the
libel.'

MEMOEIES OF THE OXFOED MEETING 303
To F. Darwin

1887.

Unfortunately we have not got the best point in Huxley's
answer to the Bishop. It was to this effect — ' The Bishop
asks how would I like it if my Mother had been an ape. I
answer, putting aside the bad taste of the allusion to a
relationship which I have in my own case regarded as calling
up the tenderest memories, and having regard to that argu-
ment from the ' Godlike gift ' of language which the Bishop
has put forward as paramount against Mr. Darwin's theory,
that I would rather I had a parent wanting that " God-
like gift," than a parent who devoted that great and godlike
gift to the perversion of truth or to diverting the minds of
an audience from the facts that support a great scientific
hypothesis by ridicule,' &c.

This was the sense of it — the words I cannot recall.
The telling point was that Huxley showed how keenly
wounded he was by an allusion to a relationship which he
regarded so tenderly [having] been driven home in so in-
delicate a manner.

I shall see Huxley to-morrow and if I can get him to
attend to me will endeavour to obtain from him a more
definite account, for use or not, and will let you know.

Hooker's own letter to Darwin on the Oxford meeting (see
i. 525) did not appear in the ' Life ' ; he feared it was ' far too
much of a braggart epistle.' But he added :

Have you any account of the Oxford meeting ? If not,
I will, if you like, see what I can do towards vivifying it
(and vivisecting the Bishop) for you. I had utterly for-
gotten that letter of mine, and am amused to find that it
recalls the scene so clearly. (Oct. 30, 1886.)

His account was printed in the ' Life,' vol. ii. pp. 320-323,
November 21 :

Here is my screed. I do not like it altogether, but can
do no better. I should like Huxley to see it if you put it
in print. Pray Anglicize it where necessary. ... I have
been driven wild formulating it from memory.

Later the question was raised whether the Bishop's taunt
to Huxley dragged in the name of his mother or his grand-

304 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : DAKWINIANA, ETC.

mother, as Hooker's memory had it ; and on March 10, 1887,
being twice disappointed of meeting Huxley, whom he wished
to consult on the point, he writes :

I find, however, on enquiry of others, that they did not
understand the Bishop to allude to Huxley's Mother, but
his Grandmother, so pray make no alteration in what you
have written as to the Oxford meeting except Huxley
approves. It is impossible to be sure of what one heard,
or of impressions formed, after nearly 30 years of active
life.1

The following letters refer to the Darwin Obituary (Proc.
Boy. Soc., 1888), afterwards republished in Huxley's Collected
Essays, vol. ii. His memory of what had happened thirty
and forty years before was rarely at fault, despite his depre-
ciation of it ; yet looking back, it was in such a far away
vista of the past that he was moved to exclaim ' Darwinism
is all a dream to me now.' (November 3, 1890.)

To T. U. Huxley

March 25, 1888.

I have not seen Dana's obit, notice of Gray. I suppose
it is in Silliman — I will send for it and tell you what I think.

I never attached much importance to Gray's philosophy
of Darwinism. He ' illuminated ' the text, but did not
advance the subject in a scientific point of view ; only in a
general and popular one.

Darwin has nowhere that I can think of dealt with the
causes of variation. My impression is that he regarded them
as inscrutable, and I doubt his assenting to the view that
they were in any scientific sense limited or directed by ex-
ternal conditions — except in so far as that conditions which
kill an organism limit its powers of variation 1

Organisms vary from whatever you please to call type,
under no known fashion ; and this whether the conditions
are favorable or unfavorable to life : if they are favorable
so much the better for them.

I very much hope that you will carry out your Primer
idea. I feel myself ever apt to go astray on the subject,

1 Seethe unveiling of the Danvin statue at Oxford, 1899, p. 432.

ASA GEAY AND DARWINISM 305

and hark back on pre-Darwinian ideas that were not neces-
sarily anti-Darwinian, but which should not be confounded

with these.

The Camp, Sunningdale : March 27, 1888.

DEAR HUXLEY, — Dana's Gray arrived yesterday and I
turned to pp. 19, 20. I see nothing anti-Darwinian in the
passages, and I do not gather from [them?] that Gray did.

I did not follow Gray into his later comments on Darwin-
ism, and I never read his ' Darwiniana.' My recollection of his
attitude after acceptance of the Doctrine, and during the
first few years of his active promulgation of it, is, that he
understood it clearly, but sought to harmonize it with his
prepossession — without disturbing its physical principles in
any way. He certainly showed far more knowledge and ap-
preciation of the contents of the Origin than any of the re-
viewers, and than any of the commentators, yourself excepted.
He almost alone had faithfully studied it from beginning to
end, and for this both Darwin and I have given him credit.

Latterly he got deeper and deeper into theological and
metaphysical wanderings, and finally formulated his ideas
in an illogical fashion. Before this I had given up reading
him, and as I have said, I have not read his ' Darwiniana.'
Such workings of the mind have no more attraction for me
than those of Maurice x and J. Martineau.2

Be all this as it may, Dana seems to be in a muddle on
p. 20, and quite a self-sought one.

It remains for you to put the whole matter clear in the

1 Frederick Denison Maurice (1805-72), the saintly divine who fled from
the narrowness of a dissenting ministry to law and literature ; then took
Orders at Oxford (1830-4), hoping to realise a Christian unity based on a
spiritual fact instead of dogmatic opinions, and linking with this his Christian
Socialism and the foundation of the Working Men's and Queen's Colleges. His
sharp opposition to ' parties ' and his maze of metaphysical subtleties led to
lifelong controversies. Hunted out of his Professorship at King's College for
heresy, he was supported by more liberal opinion when appointed to St. Peter's,
Vere Street (1860) and to the Chair of Moral Philosophy at Cambridge (1866).

2 James Martineau (1805-1900), Unitarian divine, born at Norwich, studied
at the Manchester (New) College (1822-7), in which he became Professor of
Mental and Moral Philosophy, 1840, migrating with it to London, 1857, and
becoming Principal 1869. Prom the first, as pastor in Dublin and Liverpool,
he made his mark in preaching and controversy ; but study at Gottingen (1848)
turned him from the old deterministic unitarianism to freewill philosophy.
Hooker probably had in mind not the ' Types of Ethical Theory,' 1885, norths
' Study of Religion,' 1888, but the earlier Essays and the controversy over
Tyndall's Belfast address.

306 KETIREMENT, TO 1897 : DARWINIANA, ETC.

matter of expression by words, — and this no one can do so
well as you, or better than by a Primer.

Spencer has alone I think tried to account for variation
on scientific grounds. I thought at the time his ways were
good but not all in the right direction — but I forget what
they were !

The Camp, Sunningdale : May 2, 1888.

DEAR HUXLEY, — The evolution of Darwin is excellent,
it makes quite a Natural Order of him.

You will find an X on page 1 in reference to Darwin's
father. I understood from D. that his father had not only
scientific proclivities, but ambition, and that he presented
to the E.S. a communication on some optical subject, which,
being rejected, disgusted him, and led to his stifling his own
early scientific tendencies and scoffing at those of others.
If worth following this up Frank might confirm or refute
my memory.

Your treatment of two subjects, Medicine and the Church,
is capital — the latter (quoad Paley and Pearson) is very
diverting from the cynical way it is put.

Nothing could be better than your history of the Evolu-
tion of the doctrine of that ilk, and the showing up of the
erroneous, imperfect conceptions of some of its favorers.

Your treatment of the main subject, under heredity,
variation and multiplication as the factors, is very happy,
and will instruct as well as elucidate.

Would you not say where I have put an X on p. 10, that
among the non-adaptive concomitant characters some may be
even disadvantageous so long as they are not predominant ?

I well remember the worry which that subject of tendency
to divergence caused him. I believe I first pointed the defect
out to him, at least I insisted from the first on his entertaining
a crude idea which I held, that variation was a centrifugal
force, whether it resulted in species or not. P. 7. Is ' malice ' *
the best term to apply ? I am sure you can find a better —
it was a case of ' one for his nob ' — (irony ? banter ? ) it was
a ' taunt.'

The whole has interested me warmly, and I am particu-
larly glad to see references to his tastes and feelings that

1 The word was used more in the sense it bears in French than English.

RECEIVES THE COPLEY MEDAL 307

traverse an article on Darwin in the Atlantic Monthly.
That disproves his want of culture.

Now dear old boy do take care of yourself, and do not
rashly follow the prescriptions of any doctor on the faculty,
but use your own judgment, and follow nostrums tentatively.

In this Epistle I have sacrificed lucidity of expression to
penmanship, so I hope you can read it. The sheets go by
this post. Keep a copy for me. Ever yours,

J. D. HOOKER.

In 1887 he was awarded the Copley Medal, the highest
award of the Royal Society for scientific discoveries or the
advancement of science. ' The Copley quite took my breath
away,' he writes to Huxley, November 7. ' Much as I have
had to do with that award, I never once thought of myself
as within the pale of it.' And to Asa Gray, November 15 :

Dyer tells me how kind and generous, I fear too generous,
you were about it. The secret was well kept, for I heard not
a whisper till the award was made. It is an honour which
I never expected, often as I have had to award it as P.R.S.,
and oftener to take a part in awarding it.

I never for a moment put myself into a thought of it —
and am not now clear that it is a ' Statutory ' award, being
intended for bona fide discovery. As, however, I am informed
that my name was brought forward last, and all preceding
ones at once withdrawn, I must concede that there are some
good grounds for the departure from precedent. I do feel
it to be a tremendous honour.

Quotation has already been made from his speech returning
thanks for the medallists at the Anniversary dinner in which
he compared the state of botanical teaching in his youth with
that of the present day, and told the story of his earliest essays
in botany and the hereditary impulse which he followed.

My father and my grandfather; Dawson Turner, were dis-
tinguished botanists, and both were Fellows, at a compara-
tively early age, of the Royal Society ; so that when I was
startled by the intelligence that I had been awarded the
Copley Medal, my first thoughts were that I had arrived at
that distinction by a process of Evolution ; that I was, in

308 EETIEEMENT, TO 1897 : DAEWINIANA, ETC.

short, the puppet of Natural Selection. I was, however,
soon confronted with the truth, that I was by no means
' the Survivor of the fittest ! ' I have said that my father
and grandfather were both Botanists, and singularly enough
they both began their studies with the Mosses, quite inde-
pendently of one another ; and my friend Mr. Galton, whom
I am glad to see here, may be interested to know that I am
a born Muscologist.

He referred, as he always gratefully referred, to his father's
influence in launching him on his career ; then added :

I have one more advantage to record, and it is the greatest
of all, — it was the friendship and encouragement, for forty
years of my life, of a man to whom I looked up, as the Pole
Star and Lode Stone of my scientific life. The name of
that man is uppermost in the thoughts of every one here.
It is Charles Darwin;

The conclusion of his speech ran as follows :

Mr. President, I have exceeded all bounds already, but
if I may be allowed a few minutes longer, I would, taking
advantage of the patriarchal age which your treasurer has
assigned to me, say a few words for the encouragement of
the younger scientific men here present. A septuagenarian
may indulge in retrospection ; indeed it comes natural to
him to do so ; and when I heard of the award of the Copley
Medal to me, I could not but ask myself to what quality or
exceptional condition of mind I could attribute it that I
had attained to so unique an honour. Heredity, early
training, advantages, opportunities, experiences, and even
research itself, are fruitless, if there is not some inward
motive power to compel us to exercise our faculties, and some
inward heat, some fervour, to ripen the fruits of our labours —
I can truly say that I am conscious of no genius, exceptional
powers or talent ; but I have a talent, and it is one that is
possessed by every one in this room, and by many I hope in
greater degree than I possess it. It is not talent in the
modern meaning of the word, but in the old French meaning
of wish or will, and I cannot better express the sense in which
I possess it, and you all possess it, than in the words of a
very modest motto adopted for his rule in life, by a very great

THE LINNEAN CENTENARY 309

man, who died four hundred years ago — Prince Henry of
Portugal,1 the Father of Navigation and Patron of Navi-
gators, who chose for his motto ' Talent de bien faire,'
' the wish to do well.' To such as have this wish, and will use
it with all their might, even a Copley Medal is attainable.

To W. E. Danvin

Dec. 7, 1887.

How I did crave for your father's sympathy in the
matter of preparing my speech of thanks at the Royal
dinner for the Medal, and how he would have sympathised
and encouraged me. It was an effort for such an un-
accustomed orator (and faulty one) as I am, but it went off
so well that I have been asked to print it ! — This eclipses
the Copley in my opinion !

And in similar vein to Huxley, December 5 :

The success of my after dinner homily at the R.S. is to
me far more wonderful than getting the Copley. You who
are one of the few who know how morbidly nervous I am —
can guess my condition of two days' nausea before the
dinner, and 2 days of illness after it. I am not speaking
figuratively. It is mere nervous upset.

When the Copley was awarded to Huxley the following
year he wrote (November 4, 1888) :

I am rejoiced at the news of the Copley being awarded
to you : and that our names will stand next one another
in the glorious hierarchy of the R.S. is a real pleasure to
me (whether as past Presidents or Medallists). Ask Mrs.
Huxley to accept my most cordial congratulations.

In 1888 the Linnean Society celebrated the centenary
of its foundation by (Sir) J. E. Smith, the friend of Banks
and fortunate purchaser of Linnaeus' collections.

1 Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed the Navigator (1394-1460), first
distinguished himself at the conquest of Ceuta 1415, after the death of his
father Joao I. He lived at Sagres, near Cape St. Vincent, and while at war with
the Moors, his ship reached unknown and unvisited parts of the ocean. He
formed a school for instruction in the science of navigation, and his pupils
discovered Madeira in 1418, and one of his mariners sailed round Cape Nun as
far south as Cape Bojado in 1433, and in 1440 to Cape Blanco. Cape Verd was
also discovered in 1446 ; three of the Azores in 1448. A national celebration of
his memory took place in 1894 in Portugal.

310 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : DARWINIANA, ETC.

To [Sir] F. Darwin

I am in for an eloge of Robert Brown for the Linnean
Anniversary and am re-reading his miscellaneous writings
with increased admiration. I know no botanical writings
at all comparable to those on Morphology, taxonomy and
classification, for sagacity, profundity, range of knowledge,
scrupulous accuracy and clearness. He took in the whole
phsenogamic kingdom. Every young botanist should go
through a course of reading these miscellaneous works.
They are as much above all others as Wellington's despatches
are to those of subsequent warriors.

However, he now found the dinners which accompanied
these functions oppressive, and refused every such invitation
that it was possible to refuse.

To the Same

May 31, 1888.

I really cannot martyr myself any more to dinners of the
kind — they completely knock me up. I was ill the whole
day following the Newton function, and again now after
the Linnean. Not a week now passes without my having
pressing invitations of this kind — another came by the same
post with your letter.

By way of exception, he attended the Ipswich meeting of
the British Association in 1895 in honour of the inauguration
of Botany as a separate section, and in June 1896 the Kelvin
Jubilee at Glasgow ; otherwise meetings, like public dinners,
were avoided, especially the distant conference of botanists
at Berlin in 1893. Paris being more accessible, he would
have attended, as a ' very old Associate,' the centenary of
the Acadeniie des Sciences in October 1895, and actually
began to ' grind away at a conversation book ' to rub up
his 'wretched French,' the chief drawback to -such a visit,
but circumstances counselled prudence, so that he wrote to
his friend La Touche (October 22) :

I was not sorry to give up the Paris trip. I like seeing
festivities but not taking part in them ; I can hardly speak
French intelligibly — cannot converse at all — and I dreaded

LOED SALISBURY AT OXFORD 311

the weather breaking up as it seemed disposed to do. It is
now raining here with a N.E. wind which would be deplorable
in Paris. Add to this I am deep in work with my Indian
Flora at home and in the Herbarium at Kew ; and that all
my friends say I was wise! not to go, at this season, to
Paris.

Occasionally he regretted his absences, as when at the
Oxford meeting of the British Association in 1894, Huxley
proposed the vote of thanks to Lord Salisbury for his pre-
sidential address, and in the city which had rung with the
first loud fight over Darwinism, gracefully countersigned his
somewhat hesitating acceptance of the doctrine of evolution.
And again, later in the autumn when he missed two speeches
by his friend, the one on receiving the Darwin Medal from
the Royal Society on November 30, the other at a dinner
given by Messrs. Macmillan to Sir Norman Lockyer, who
had edited Nature since its foundation twenty-five years
before.

To T. H. Huxley

Aug. 16, 1894.

I was very glad to see your ' hand of write,' as the Scotch
say, again. I saw with surprise that you were exposing
yourself to the Saturnalia of the British Association. I was
much tempted to go, but am so bothered with deafness
and eczema auriculanm, that I funked it. So I accepted
an invitation for a fortnight to Glenfinart on the Clyde,
where I enjoyed visiting old haunts of sea, loch and
mountain.

I was much struck with the first part of Lord Salisbury's
address, but had hardly patience to read the last, which is
silly — really I thought he had more gumption. I am much
more disposed to believe that inability to grasp the subject,
i.e. to conceive of the operation — than a surrender is at the
bottom of his hesitation. The fact is, that like many other
physicists, he with difficulty entertains any but mathematical
reasoning.

I hope that your ' Discourses ' are not exhausted. I call
them my ' Pick me ups,' they are such refreshers.

312 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : DARWINIANA, ETC,
To the Same

Dec. 2, 1894.

MY DEAR OLD BOY, — The award of the Copley and Darwin
medals1 gave me complete satisfaction and supreme pleasure ;
and as for your speech at the dinner, it made me glow all
over. I should like to have been there, but bronchitis
dogs my footsteps in the night air, and between ourselves
I fear I am in for it for the winter, I hope in a very mild
form.

Dyer tells me that your address at the Nature banquet
was exceedingly good in substance and manner, and ought
to be printed for its worth as a warning voice. Do think
of it.

The ' Journal of Sir Joseph Banks ' was published in the
autumn of 1896. A curious history attached to the book,
especially as the preservation of the text was primarily due
to Hooker's grandfather, Dawson Turner. When Hawkes-
worth2 first edited ' Cook's Voyages,' he made a melange of
Banks' and Cook's journals, which were put at his disposal,
interspersed with reflections of his own. There was nothing
to distinguish his sources, and he only made such selections
from Banks as would interest the general public. Cook's own
journal had recently been published by Admiral Wharton ; it
was time to make clear the real and very distinguished part
played in the great adventure by Banks.

Now while the bulk of Banks' property was left to the
Hugesseris (his wife's family) his library and herbarium were
left to Robert Brown, the botanist, who was his librarian,
with the proviso that on his death they were to go to the
British Museum.

Robert Brown being unable to write the Life of Banks,
suggested that it should be undertaken by another friend
of them both, Dawson Turner, to whom the papers were

1 To Frankland and Huxley respectively.

1 John Hawkesworth (1715?— 73), author, said to have succeeded Johnson
as compiler of Parliamentary debates for the Gentleman's Magazine, 1744;
edited Swift's Works, 1755 ; LL.D. Lambeth 1756. His Edgar and Emmeline
was produced at Drury Lane 1761. He published an Account of the Voyages
undertaken by the Order of His present Majesty for making Discoveries in the
Southern Hemisphere in three volumes, 1773.

BANKS'S JOUENAL 313

handed over. Dawson Turner had the whole carefully tran-
scribed by his two daughters. Of this Hooker writes in his
Preface to the book :

It was when on a visit to my grandfather in 1833 that
I first saw the original Journal in Banks' handwriting. It
was then being copied, and I was employed to verify the
copies of the earlier part by comparison with the original.
I well remember being as a boy fascinated with the Journal,
and I never ceased to hope that it might one day be
published.

But Dawson Turner did no more, and original and copies
were returned to Mr. Knatchbull-Hugessen x (afterwards Lord
Brabourne), and for many years rested in the Manuscript De-
partment of the British Museum, to become the property of the
Trustees after the death of Lady Knatchbull. During one of
the periodical attempts to have the Life of Banks written, the
transcripts were transferred for examination to the Botanical
Department, and were thus saved when in the middle eighties
Lord Brabourne refused to accept the view of the Museum
authorities as to the ultimate property in the MSS., and carried
off the box containing the originals. Later he offered these for
sale to the Museum, but being dissatisfied with the price offered,
had them sold by auction at Sotheby's, lock, stock and barrel.
The result was pitiful. The 207 lots into which the Journal and
correspondence were broken up, realised but £182 19s., and a
collection, the peculiar value of which lay in its being preserved
entire, was scattered to the winds. Letters with well-known
signatures were resold as autographs, the rest destroyed.
One large portion of the Journal was afterwards traced to
Sydney, an appropriate resting-place. But the full material
on which Hooker worked was the salvage of his own family's
labour, taken from the very papers upon which he himself
had worked as a boy, sixty-three years before.

In a Journal such as this, posted up from day to day, there

1 Edward Knatchbull-Hugessen, first Baron Brabourne (1829-93), M.A.
1854, who took the surname of Hugessen 1849, was M.P. for Sandwich 1857 ;
Lord of the Treasury 1859-66, etc. ; privy councillor 1873 ; and raised to the
peerage 1880. He waa the author of a charming volume of children's stories.

814 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : DARWINIANA, ETC.

was much work to be done in reduction and verbal correction ;
but the longest task was the identification of the plants men-
tioned under native names.

To Mrs. Darwin

Feb. 27, 1896:

I am busier than ever — getting through the last Vol.
of the ' Flora of British India,' the Grasses, the hardest
work I ever had ; and editing Sir J. Banks' narrative of
Cook's first voyage. This interests me much, for it nowhere
appears that Banks ever worked as a Naturalist proper
so to speak, whereas his Journal shows that he employed
himself with extraordinary zeal and industry to collecting
and observing throughout the voyage — that he is in fact the
earliest of those Voyager Naturalists of which Darwin is
the greatest. The Journal is admirably kept ; even at sea
he never let a day pass without an observation : and the
accounts given in ' Cook's Voyage ' of the manners and
languages &c., &c. of the people are all from Banks' Journals.
It is of course well known that Hawkesworth was permitted
to draw what he pleased from Banks' Journal when publishing
Cook's and that the result is a composite work ; but this
result gives no idea of what Banks really did. Reggie 1 is
aiding me most efficiently.

His less specialised scientific interests are particularly re-
flected in the correspondence with the Rev. J. D. La Touche.

Mr. La Touche, under whom at various times Hooker placed
three of his sons for coaching, was a man of wide interests and
stimulating influence, a Shropshire clergyman whose broad
liberalism was barely contained within the strict pale of the
Church. He was a keen geologist, and fostered local activity
in science. Hooker gives him practical advice as to running
a field club ; appreciates his son's geological work in the
Himalayas. But the bulk of the correspondence — Hooker
wrote him seventy-six letters between 1886 and 1898 — abounds
in references to the books they read, their current interests,

1 His fourth son. Sometime Secretary to the Royal Statistical Society ;
afterwards Head of Branch under Board of Agriculture and Fisheries. Author
of many papers published in the Journal of the Royal Statistical Society.

FIELD CLUBS 315

popular education, politics, wherein they had a friendly
difference, La Touche being a Eadical, Hooker a philosophic
Conservative, a strong Unionist, but not a Tory.

To Bev. J. D. La Touche

May 10, 1886.

(There was a question of attending a local scientific meeting
at Shrewsbury, to which after all Hooker did not go.)

It is a great pity that such gatherings have degenerated
into a mere ' picnic with flirtations ' — it was not so with
one, the meeting I attended at Ludlow with you some ten
years ago. But really I do not wonder at it, when I see how
rare is the taste for Science. It is only when a contingent
of the Scientific men of a great town like Liverpool, or
Birmingham, or Newcastle, can be counted on for attendance
that there is any chance of keeping the Scientific character
of local assemblies. Well I shall hope to visit you some
day at your own house, and that is what I should like better.

To the Same

Aug. 22, 1888.

I quite sympathise with your views as to the future of
the Caradoc Field Club — but am as you know very sceptical
as to the influence of outsiders in such matters. The force
must come from within. I well remember telling the Club
this at a Ludlow (?) meeting ages ago. Men who have it
in them want no talking to as an incentive to work. All
over the country these Clubs have been urged to take defi-
nite subjects up, but what is every member's business is
no member's practice. All were formed with the professed
view of investigating the Nat. Hist. &c. of their several
areas — how many have elucidated one single branch of it ?
Few of such local Faunas and Floras as have been published
trace their origin to the Club, but many to the energy of
individuals fond of the subject and irrepressible. On the
other hand, the Clubs do a vast amount of good in keeping
up an esteem for Science in the country, and by their meetings
they afford opportunities for discussing scientific matters
and giving object lessons in every branch of science ; and
what one wants to see at these meetings is more devotion

316 KETIEEMENT, TO 1897 : DABWINIANA, ETC.

to discourses and object lessons, peripatetic lectures and the
like, and less mere amusement.

Be all that as it may, there can be no question of the
advantage of getting those of the members who are com-
petent to devote themselves to the description of the county
— but to carry this out I should go to individuals, not to the
Club, nor to those at the Club. I should get their adhesion
first and report it to the Club.

It is the same with a Scientific Society, it is of no use
that the President calls on the Fellows to do this or that —
all applaud and no one acts. — What you do is to get up a
small meeting of interested men, draw up the plan of work,
and when complete announce it to the Society together with
the names of the future workers. All this takes time and
much thought, but it is the only practical plan. My experi-
ence is, that talking to a Club is talking to the wind if you
cannot yourself by subsequent personal intercourse, and at
great time and trouble, both educe zeal and direct its course.

You have I take it two objects in view, giving a better
tone to the at present aimless rambles, and the elucidation
of the Natural History of the County.

The same method applies to the rambles as to the solid
works. I should engage competent members to be scientific
leaders, who should conduct excursions with definite objects
at each meeting.

Let one leader take the plants, another the geology,
and so forth, and further, require that every member joining
the meetings should attach himself for the day, or half the
day, to some one or other of the leaders and stay with him.
I would allow two hours in midday in some convenient
(meal) time for ' promiscuous intercourse ' ; but that over,
each goes to one of the appointed leaders for the rest of the
excursion.

If the day is divided into a morning and afternoon ramble,
you might allow a change — the botanical ramblers of the fore-
noon might join the geological of the afternoon — but there
must be no chopping and changing at other times ; and this
rule must be rigidly enforced. Of course any one is at liberty
to go away altogether, or even absent himself temporarily,
but not to join any. other peripatetic Philosopher.

But I should not announce or allude even to this or any

A SCHEME FOE SCIENTIFIC EXCUESIONS 317,

other plan of procedure till the whole is thoroughly worked out,
even to the supplying of substitutes in case of the failure of
attendance of any of the leaders.

You may or may not have time before the 25th to organise
such a plan of proceedings for that day — if you can so much
the better, and a circular would announce it to all the mem-
bers. But, whatever you do, have no half measures, let it
be clearly known that the rule of sticking to one leader for
the appointed time will be rigidly enforced. Members might
be asked (not forced) to say beforehand which leader they
will follow. It will be the leader's duty so to conduct his
party that all temptation to stray into another party is
avoided. If the ramble is to — say the top of a hill, they
should arrange that no two parties meet there, for the
moment you allow of ' promiscuous intercourse ' it is all up
and the thing degenerates into an agapemone. ' Them's
my notions,' if you think they are available, and see your
way to the leaders, pray come here for a night and we will
talk over rules.

P. 8. Arrangements for a rainy day are most desirable, and
the best thing I can think of is, that the leaders (or others)
should give talks or lecturets to the members. It would
depend on the remuneration whether these should be delivered
to the whole Club at a time, in which case the lectures would
follow one another ; or if several apartments were available,
lectures on different subjects might go on at the same time —
but here again no wandering from the lecture once commenced
should be permitted.

It will be the same with the lecturets as with the rambles
• — a thoroughly matured plan is necessary and at least six
resolute members to carry it out. Each Lecturer or leader
should have his second in command.

Upshot — if very much work is to be done, either in the
way of making the rambles instructive, or the labors of
members more systematic, much personal supervision, fore-
thought and time is necessary. The reason why the Clubs
have done so little is, the want of organisation and super-
vision to the end of making them instructive.

I do believe that if such a plan of the rambles as I suggest
were once established, you would get a far better class of
attendants. People would know that definite information

318 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : DAEWINIANA, ETC.

as to the Natural History &c. of their own country was to be
had for the listening, and the leaders would be marked men.

J. H.

To the Same

Oct. 26, 1888.

The great thing will be to lead the Club back to definite
work with a definite object, and if you succeed in this it will
be an achievement. But even then a difficulty remains,
and that is to induce the workers to put up their work into
shape for publication ; however it is a case of ' nothing
venture, nothing win.'

A scheme of reform was proposed, and later bore good
fruit. It was a curious coincidence that by almost the same
post Hooker received a similar communication from New
Zealand as to maintaining a Natural History Club.

In 1892 he was asked, with Lady Hooker, to preside at a
meeting of the Club, to give a short address and see for himself
the betterment of local effort. But though he went as a guest
and greatly enjoyed the excursion, he refused speech and
presidency, not only because with the Flora of British India to
finish, he had abjured all lectures and addresses, but because,
in his opinion,

the plan of asking outsiders of position to take the
leadership of such exceptional provincial scientific meetings
is a mistake. These meetings afford the opportunities for the
members of bringing forward their own provincial scientific
magnates, whom they should then show they honour, by
putting them forward.

The same principle is insisted on in the following letters.
Shrewsbury was erecting a memorial statue to Charles Darwin.

The Camp, Sunningdalc: March 4, 1894.

My DEAR LA TOUCHE, — Anent the Darwin Memorial for
Shrewsbury, I feel sure that the best plan by far is to have
a copy of the statue in the Nat. Hist. Museum, and it ought
to be at the expense of the Salopians themselves. The
general public contributed most liberally, the scientific men

THE DAEWIN STATUE AT SHEEWSBUEY 319

of London especially, to that in the S. K. Museum, and to
call upon it for a second and a local one, appears to me to be
unreasonable. It seems to me absurd that a great town
like Shrewsbury should have to go round the world with the
hat to secure its own credit ! in fact I do not think it credit-
able, and I should think would not be well responded to.

A scholarship is rather a thing for a University to honor
one of its Alumni with, and for a local object a statue would
get more support than a scholarship. A school for promoting
science would be a first rate thing, but it involves great labor
and paid supervision. To be effective it would cost thousands
to establish and much to maintain. I cannot see the objec-
tion to a copy, provided the original is good. The noble
statue of Jas. Watt, put up by the Glasgovians, has been
copied elsewhere.

The only objection to a statue is that it looks so miserable
in the rain and grimy air of a British town. It should be
in bronze, but that would be enormously expensive. The
alternative would be a half size in marble, to be placed in
the Museum, or in an alcove built for it (if there is no room),
With good photographs of the one in S. K. Museum, a careful
young sculptor should have no difficulty in reproducing the
original in ' petto.' These are my ideas.

I quite agree with you as to the futility of enlarging
W. Abbey for the mortal remains of illustrious men — but I
have always favored a Campo Santo for memorial tablets,
busts, &c., &c., which should have inscribed on them the
burial place of the deceased, as well as his birth, death
and deeds.

Ever, my dear La Touche, most sincerely yours,

J. D. HOOKER.

Huxley's ' Hume ' has just come. I have written to ask
Mr. Darwin if he wants it before it goes to you.

To the Same

Feb. 18, 1897.

I am very pleased to get so good an account of the Darwin
statue. There will be time to think of inviting some one to
unveil it when it is got into marble — a long job. I differ
from you as to this matter of unveiling. I do not like to
see this delegated to outsiders. Why should every town

320 EETIEEMENT, TO 1897 : DABWINIANA, ETC.

that wants a function of that sort performed send to London
for an operator ? To me the fittest thing appears to be that
the Lord Lieut., or Sheriff of the County, or its M.P. should
perform the office, inviting all the Listers and Huxleys and
Lubbocks to attend at the ceremony, and, if they will kindly
do so, say a few words on the occasion. It is all very well
if you want to get up a subscription, to get a Prince, Duke,
or P.K.S. to come and tickle the pockets of the town. In
the case of unveiling, it should be a source of pride to the
townsman or countyman, whereas it is a huge bore to the
outsider. ' Them's my sentiments.'

The Committee approving of the idea, he added (March 8) :

I am sure it is right. The looking to London for all out-
comes is a mistake and emasculates the country's energies.

The sculptor at first proposed to add a symbolic ornamenta-
tion on the back of the chair in which the figure is seated ;
but thinking this out of keeping with the perfect simplicity of
the rest, Hooker advised successfully that this be abandoned.

For my part I think that the Committee are most fortu-
nate in the matter of the execution of the work, in respect
of both pose and likeness ; and were it mine to deal with,
I would let well alone and not ' try to make the elephant
dance,' as they say in India.

The unveiling took place in the beginning of September1
1897, and Hooker attended the ceremony.

Knowing his friend's perennial interest in the Himalayas,
Mr. La Touche used to send on his son's letters from India.

To the Same

Dec. 28, 1892.

I should have thought that there were abundant traces
of the Glacial period in the Himalaya.

I was reading a review the other day of some one's book
on the Earth's crust, who thought that it was subject to
pressure from mountain masses ; if so the bases of the moun-
tain masses must be a mile deep, and it struck me that this
might account for the curious phenomenon of the strata

HIMALAYAN GEOLOGY 321

of the foot-hills dipping away from the axis of the chain, so
commonly observed. The intervening valley would then be
a line of fracture parallel to the range.

I do not see the necessity for a shift of the Earth's axis
to account for a glacial period in the Himalaya ; all you want
is greater deposition of snow, either owing to a wetter climate
or to a greater elevation of the chain.

When the N.E. of Asia was a sea (inclusive of Caspian,
Aral, Black, and probably E. Russia), the Himal. must
have had a much wetter climate. I never thought it
necessary to suppose that the Ice of the Glacial period
extended to one and the same latitude in a given longitude
during the whole of the Epoch. Why should we suppose
that it extended to mid. N. America at the same time
that it extended to N. Italy ? The two Continents, then
as now, differed wholly in climatic conditions, and as wholly,
if not more so, during the glacial than the present period.
Be all this as it may, we have no conditions existing in
the globe to be compared with the Himal., when the Aralo-
Caspian sea extended over N.W. Asia.

I should like to see a map of the Himalayas with the
perpetual snow indicated as now, and as if the snow-line
were 1000 ft. lower, and anpther with it 2000 ft. lower.
I suspect that such an accession, covering so many now un-
snowed Mts. and valleys, would bring about a pretty state
of matters, and a sea to the North might bring about this.

To the Same

Aug. 11, 1893.

Thanks for Mr. Middlemiss' x paper. I am so awfully
busy that I could do no more than glance through it, but
that was enough to frighten me from doing more, for the
very technical terms are new to me. The complication
of the Strata is enough to make one giddy, and I recall a
rhyme I made in the Himalaya and sent it to Darwin :

Stratification is vexation,
Foliation's twice as bad ;
Where faults there be
They puzzle me,
And Cleavage drives me mad.

1 Charles Stewart Middlemiss. In 1883 he was appointed Deputy Superin-
tendent of the Geological Survey of India.

322 BETIBEMENT, TO 1897: DAEWINIANA, ETC.
The following refers to a pamphlet by Sir W. L. Buller.1
To the Same

June 25, 1895.

I am sending you by post a pamphlet on Darwinism
and other matters by an old friend of mine and capital
Naturalist, who is author of a splendid work on New Zealand
Birds.

The pamphlet has charmed me, reminding me of White's
Selborne. I have only one criticism upon it — which is as
to the necessary correlation, see p. 102, of the huge forms
of Palaeozoic life with a tropical vegetation, and the assump-
tion that this is so now ; mentioning the Siberian Mammoth,
the Irish Elk, &c., as having had tropical climates, whereas
the food found in the teeth of the Mammoth, and stomach
I believe, is of the leaves of the Birch and Willow now found
in the Tundras, and there is no reason to suppose that the
vegetation of the bogs in which the Irish Elk is found differed
from that now prevailing — and Elephants abounded at the
Cape of Good Hope when first discovered, or rather when
first occupied. Also the Greenland Whale feeds on the
Arctic Beroe, a very minute sea jelly-fish.

1 Sir Walter Lawry Buller, K.C.M.G., F.R.S., of Canterbury, N.Z. ;
Resident Magistrate and Native Commissioner in various districts of New
Zealand; served in the Maori war (medal and mention in despatches); a
distinguished ornithologist; Governor of the Imperial Institute; author of
The Birds of New Zealand and other scientific publications.

CHAPTER XLIII

BETIBEMENT, TO 1897 I OF BOOKS AND OPINIONS

FBOM the wide variety of topics touched upon in the more
personal part of the correspondence of this time, a few may
be chosen to illustrate the writer's enduring freshness of mind.
His letters differ in complexion according to the correspond-
ent. With the botanists, they deal in botanical science,
pure and applied, in travel and research, and scientific news.
With men of science who were old intimates, affectionate
freedom of personal topics enriches the tale of current activi-
ties. With friends whose common ground was mainly in
the general interests of life, easy talk on books, art, politics,
education public and private, social questions, are added to
the personalia, and with the surviving friends of his youth
the old time atmosphere envelops the evening of life with
the unfading reflections of its happiest morning colours.

As to politics, suffice it to say that while at no time he took
an active part in them, his native caution, his love of continuity
and prudent discipline, led him to a moderate conservative
standpoint. The ideal democracy was non-existent, and of
democracy on the largest scale as he saw it, he wrote to his
friend Ayerst Hooker1 (December 29, 1891) :

I have just received from America a new life of Thomas
Hooker, short, but most instructive. I have given it to
Eeggie to read and send on to you. It attributes to said
Thomas the source of the democratic Institutions of America,
but in no wise reconciles me to it. A democracy sounds
very well for a uniformly educated people ; but when the

"' x A member of another branch of the Hooker family descended from John
Vowell, alias Hoker, Chamberlain of the City of Exeter, 1554 (uncle and patron
of Richard Hooker), who was also the ancestor of Sir J. D. Hooker.
323

324 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : OF BOOKS, ETC.

masses are not only ignorant, but wrong-headed, it could
only be a curse to all ; and Thomas Hooker arguing from
the point of view of a small body united in sympathy and —
well — superstition, is no sign of originality, and still less of
sound reasoning.

He disbelieved in the egalitarian tendencies of reforming
Radicalism as emphatically as in the true Tory's impene-
trability to ideas. In his official relations he had suffered
more from the activity of the one party than from the passivity
of the other, though neither offered special sympathy. Indeed
he writes to W. E. Darwin (June 9, 1895) :

My experience of the Public Departments is, that they
are riddled with small defects, and much idleness — and
that in this respect many want overhauling, but not all.
But that, as regards great reforms of methods, the chances are
that the new arrangements, not founded on experience, do
as much evil as good and are certain to cost more. There
must always be a tremendous friction between a spending
and a conserving Dept., and I do not see how a change
in the relations of the chiefs is to prevent 'that, or even to
mitigate it much. We are apt to forget that if Eed-tape
has prejudice on its side, it also has experience.

During his long experience he found that with rare excep-
tions the official and governing classes cared little and under-
stood less what science ultimately meant to the nation's
life. To men of their upbringing and circumstances science
was something alien, intrusive, disturbing to the established
order of education, thought, and action ; in its highest flights,
a thing abstract and dusty, typified by museums and pro-
fessors ; and when it descended to earth, a useful familiar
labouring in the forges of civilisation. There was no question
of a national organisation of science for future national de-
velopment ; aid was limited to the obvious by conscientious
administrators to whom economy only meant the cutting
down of expenditure. But when the question arose of reform-
ing public departments from above, common sense forbade
him to expect a magical transformation.

INTEKNATIONAL GLIMPSES 325

As to foreign relations, suffice it to quote a few passages
which have a curious bearing on the clash of arms to-day.
One dates from November 1893, when the omens were unpeace-
ful and pointed to a coming struggle for the dominion of the
Mediterranean :

To W, E. Darwin

Nov. 9, 1893.

I am dreamer enough to look for a time when America
will forbid a European war ! What a splendid role this would
be for a nation to undertake — to send us all to our tents and
tell us that we may snarl at one another in the length and
breadth of Europe as much as we please, but nothing more,
and that if we go further she will intervene.

To Ayerst Hooker

April 27, 1890.

[Apropos of the Stanley reception at the Albert Hall. The
impending partition of Africa into rival Colonies and spheres
of influence boded no good to peace.]

I see much humiliation in store for us in Africa, and with
I fear far more evil results than the Soudan or Transvaal.

Bismark was not the only man of blood and iron in Ger-
many ; the whole of Prussia breathes arrogance, and this
chirruppy young Emperor will soon be the tool of faction.
He evidently has no conception of the difficulties and dangers
of his position.

June 30, 1895.

What did you think of the pacific character of the Kiel
gathering ? Seventeen nations, each with a loaded and
cocked 6-shooter, calling themselves joint ' harbingers of
peace ! ! ! ' — the irony of the situation is lovely.

To W. E. Darwin

Jan. 8, 1896.

[The Venezuelan affair and the Armenian massacres threat-
ened warlike complications.]

What an imbroglio we have been forced into ; and what
an ass the German Emperor is.— We should lose less and

326 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : OF BOOKS, ETC.

Germany more by a war than would any other nation in
Europe.

By conviction of travel in our great dependencies he was
somewhat of an Imperialist before the word became a political
shibboleth ; he felt strongly the duties, and sometimes the
compensations, we owed to these dependencies, and to the
very end of his career was keenly concerned in the aid which
scientific botany could lend to their comfort, health, and
prosperity. His own active share in this was not small. It
was very much due to Kew in his time that Jamaica was
recovered from bankruptcy, and afterwards he kept in close
touch with the work of the West Indian Governors and their
botanical advisers, and was especially rejoiced at the issue
of the Sugar Commission by Mr. Joseph Chamberlain when
Colonial Secretary.

Education, again, was no party matter with him. Ignorance
and the indiscipline of ignorance are the greatest enemies
of the State. State education1 was necessary, but let it
be appropriate. The farm-hand must not be trained merely
as a clerk for town life. Neither should boys of the wealthier
classes be restricted to a literary education, for which at
least half of them were unsuited. These and similar points,
such as the course taken by the higher education of women,
he discusses freely in his letters to Mr. La Touche, who as a
school manager in his Shropshire village was much exercised
over the working of popular education.

In the case of his elder sons he had tried to avoid, so far as
was possible in the existing arrangements of the public schools,
the extreme dose of classical instruction ; but the modern side
was not then organised as it is now, and the newer schools which
tried to meet the new demand did no good because they taught
the new subjects in the old bookish way. It is only a minority
of boys who are naturally adapted to reap the full benefit
of this highly specialised form of literary education, and he

I have always,' he
at the same time

HOME TEACHING 327

realised that his own boys, like so many others, had not carried
off any enduring and precious intellectual harvest from their
inevitable share in the classical routine. Their later bent was
towards practice, whether scientific or administrative.

Hooker had always endeavoured to awaken his children's
interests and direct their minds by his own well-furnished mind,
for ' Nature he loved, and after Nature, Art.' Now that his
time was freer, he devoted daily hours to the early teaching
of his younger sons. As soon as they were established at
The Camp, he tells how the eight year old ' reads " Eobinson
Crusoe " and the " History of England " every morning with
me for one and a half hours, enthusiastically.' Again we see
him reading Mrs. Markham's History with one of them before
breakfast and some simple Eoman History after supper ; now
it is Ball's Astronomy for children — Star-land — or Huxley's
' Physiography/ a book of which, he tells the author who had
just sent him the latest edition, ' I have had a copy for each
of my four elder boys — but they disappear seriatim with the
youths themselves when they leave the paternal house. This
comes in the nick of time for Joe.' (December 27, 1887.)
He started them also, and very successfully, with colloquial
Latin from an Ollendorffian French handbook, in pursuance
of his belief that only a language spoken is a language learnt.
Having found companions for Joe in the grandsons of Colonel
Hannay,1 he carefully watched their progress under a private
tutor, and when the elder boys went to school the same system
was continued for the youngest.

His lighter reading, ' Novels, Histories, Lives, an old man's
proclivities,' comes in for frequent mention in the letters, in
the absence of any friend to talk science or philosophy with,
or to contradict ! Novels run the gamut from W. D. Howells
and Mrs. Humphry Ward by way of the 'Briar Bush ' to ' Peter

1 Colonel Hannay had much correspondence with Sir William Hooker on
botanical matters ; he evinced much interest in various departments of agri-
culture in India, but more especially in fibre-yielding plants and cotton, respect-
ing which several of his papers were published in the Journal of the Agricultural
and Horticultural Society of India. He also brought a small experimental garden
of the China tea plant to a high state of perfection, and thus demonstrated what
was deficient in the adventure of the Assam Tea Company.

328 EETIEEMENT, TO 1897 : OF BOOKS, ETC.

Simple/ ' a great relief between spells of work ' ; the Lives are
sometimes of his contemporaries, Leonard Horner, G. H.
Eomanes, or Lord Eoberts, or studies of the past like Menerval
on Napoleon or Mahan's Nelson ; and Boswell he read anew
with enthusiasm. Bryce's ' Holy Eoman Empire ' matches
Green's ' Short History' ; but while Sir L. Mallet's Free Exchange
is illuminating, he cannot make head or tail of the Bimetallism
craze. The East and its philosophies are an unfailing lure ;
whether ancestor worship as described by Lafcadio Hearne in
his ' Korokoro,' or the relations between the greatest religions
of the East and the West as set forth in Lillie's ' Buddhism
and Christianity.' And not least from 1892-94 he enjoyed his
' pick-me-ups/ the successive volumes of the ' Collected Essays '
sent to him by his friend Huxley (see p. 311). This was a pleasure
not to be kept to himself, and he used to send on the volumes
to appreciative friends such as W. E. Darwin and Mr. La
Touche. To the latter he remarks (April 9, 1894) :

I am glad that Huxley's works have interested you so
much. His versatility is indeed wonderful, but not so wonder-
ful as his power of rapid assimilation of mental food, in all
shapes, and of all kinds. He is about the last of the ' thick
and thin ' companions of my younger days.

To the Rev. J. D. La Touche

Dec. 28, 1892.

I am exceedingly sorry to hear of your annoyance with
the School board ; but must confess to having some sympathy
with the ratepayers. Education is a very good thing in its
way, but it is driving the rural population into the towns,
raising the price of labor beyond the limits of capital, and the
taxes of the poor themselves perhaps out of proportion to
the good they derive from it.

As it is, the well-to-do are spending tens of thousands on
the education of their sons, who are after all no better than
fit for the plough ! and the sons of the poor are getting the
same for nothing at the expense of the well-to-do. I know
that I am a blasphemer, and will only add that I am for
compulsory reading, writing, arithmetic and cooking, and
for a limited extension of higher education, to which the

P.OPULAE EDUCATION 329

Govt. should contribute. But why on earth I am to
be taxed to have every stupid child taught the niceties
of English grammar, and of English history three-fourths
of which is better forgotten, and the geography of every-
place under the sun — I do not see ; and all the more when it
comes to educating the children whose parents could and
ought to afford it themselves.

May 2, 1893.

I am a Eadical in such matters — but your radicalism will
not tolerate mine.

To the Same

May 24, 1893.

You must not think that I oppose education of the
laboring classes, but I should like it conducted towards the
future life of the average, and not to the high education of
the few who can profit by the complex education of the
Board Schools. Mind you I am just as much against the
higher school and College education of the masses of the
upper classes ! surely it would be far better if much of their
teaching were devoted to making them more useful members
of society. . . .

To return to technical education, my notion of it is, that
it should be begun early, at the expense of some of the Board's
literature, classical English, &c. — and be accompanied
throughout by semi-scientific teaching — i.e. the cobbler
should be taught what tanning is, what bristles are, and how
developed, and so forth. If any Board-school child shows
a genius for the higher education, push him on by all means
to school and college ; but it is no use trying to ' make silk
purses out of sows' ears.'

To the Same

April 22, 1898.

I get quite giddy over the letters and articles in the
papers about Education. It is, I think, beginning to dawn
on some scholastic minds that you ' can't make a silk purse
out of a sow's ear,' and that four-fifths of ordinary children
or youths cannot be got even to see the beauties of language
or poetry, Greek, English, or Latin, &c., &c., that our
educated teachers (who do) are trying to cram into their

830 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : OF BOOKS, ETC.

heads. Tyndall used to say that you had only to show boys
scientific experiments to make them love science. Bence*
Jones 1 was nearer the mark when he said, ' all the boys care
for and call Chemistry is a blaze, a bang, and a stink.' My
view is, to teach the mass the 3 Es, and something technical,
picking out for a higher education the very few who have
shown talent or taste for higher things, and educating them
on as high as you can. As it is we are throwing away millions
of money, and racking the brains of thousands of admirable
teachers, male and female, in attempting the impossible.
I do pity a Board teacher.

To the Same

Christmas, 1894.

I have just received as a present, from his sister (Mrs.
Hodgson), Townshend's ' Agricola and Germania ' of Tacitus.
I had never seen the little work before, and am very much
interested in it. It is a great pity that boys were not made
to read such translations. They can get no notion of the
subject or author by grinding at the original as in school
exercises of grammar. It always amuses me to hear the
' tall talk ' of schoolmasters about the value of teaching
the Classics because it instructs boys and men in the genius
of the Greek and Eoman authors and their languages and
literature. The fact being that 19 boys out of 20 do not get
even an idea of the subject they translate by halting efforts
to put it into English — and as to the genius of the language,
they do not know what that means, and no one at school
cares to tell them. Joe has been learning Mechanics. I
asked him what was meant by Mechanics — his answer was
that it meant Hydrostatics, &c., &c. — but what it was he
had not an idea ! Turning to ' Chambers ' I find the
definition ' The Geometry of motion.' A very little explana-
tion would make this clear to a boy.

I have just opened B. Stewart's 2 Primer of Physics.

1 Henry Bence Jones, M.D. (1814-73), was an accomplished physician and
student of chemistry, making many researches into the relation of chemistry
to pathology and medicine. He became F.R.S. 1846, and from 1860 onwards
Secretary to the Royal Institution.

* Balfour Stewart (1828-87), physicist and meteorologist, was Director of
the Kew Observatory 1859-71, and Professor of Natural Philosophy in Owens
College, Manchester, 1870, till his death. His most important researches were
in connexion with radiant heat. In collaboration with Professor P. G. Tait he

WOMEN'S EDUCATION 331

The first paragraph is headed ' Definition of Physics ' —
two pages follow with instances of physical facts — but no
definition of Physics is ever attempted. So too with the
Chemistry Primer.

To the Same

June 5, 1897.

I entirely agree with all you say in respect of the women
themselves ; — that the function of women in the scheme of
creation is not fully understood, by themselves that is, or
rather greatly misunderstood. What is wanted is, to raise
their standard of education throughout, without inter-
fering with their special function. I doubt, however, if
they have what you call ' a great future before them '
(I do not know, however, what you mean by this), i.e. in
a strictly intellectual sense. No education will give them
originality, and scarcely intellectual individuality. The
Epicene man is a poor woman, but the Epicene woman is a
bad man, or nothing. (What a miserable parody !) There
is no shirking the great fact, that the woman's function
is to be wife and mother, and that a degree certifying high
intellectual powers or qualifications is not that recommenda-
tion to the choice of a wife that it is to the choice of a husband,
who must live and maintain wife and children by his wits,
however manual his craft may be. Now the drift of all
this very high education of woman is to lead her to ignore
her true place in the scheme of creation — and most un-
fortunately it is pushed on at the most critical period of
woman's life. The excuse is, that so many women must
either live by their wits, or, if they have money and do not
marry, must have some intellectual food to keep them out
of idleness and possible mischief. This is all very true and
points to a good reason for giving to those women who must
live by their wits a substantial degree of some sort (such as
they have at the L.U.). Hence I rejoice in recognising a
public stamp of intellectual merit in such cases ; but do
not in seeing a rich man's daughter having any title of the

wrote The Unseen Universe, 1875, and was co-editor with Huxley and Roscoe
of Macmillan's series of Science Primers, himself writing the Primer of Physics
(1872), besides writing several successful text-books. He was one of the
founders of the Society for Psychical Research.

332 BETIEEMENT, TO 1897 : OF BOOKS, ETC.

sort. But what do we see ? the poor hardworking girls
alone take the L.U. degrees — the ladies aim at the incom-
parably inferior ones of Oxford and Cambridge ! Practically
it is a question of rich and poor after all, which degree is
chosen ; and this vitiates the desire for C. and 0. degrees
as objects of ambitious desire. In the broadest aspect,
male and female of the human species are anatomically,
physiologically, and intellectually different (I will not allow
inferiority), least so in the last respect, but still manifestly
so. They therefore require different treatment in all these
respects as they grow up, and this treatment must be different
throughout life. There is no abrupt intellectual stop at
the period when woman's higher education begins, whereas
at that period the feminine functions are exacerbated, and
the mind more or less disturbed (as that of the man is not)
in consequence of the physiological peculiarities of the
sex.

To the Same

March 2, 1898.

Certainly the engineering trade still shows that the
mills of public education grind very slowly, and not finely
at all.

I am no enemy of public education, but what I would
have is, the giving it a more practical turn. Men cannot
live on intellectual culture, and a mighty small percentage
can make use of it if they have acquired it — fewer still care
to use it.

I am aghast at the folly of much of our intellectual
teaching of boys. It is in the hands, as a rule, of highly
intellectual men, who assume that the average boy will see
the beauties of Milton and Shakespeare, and Euripides and
Aristophanes, if only taught to see them. Now this is a pro-
found error. Take [the mass of public school boys who] have
had 6-8 years of classical education — not one of them can
now translate a simple paper of Latin or Greek, or will look
into a classical author, or listen to the talk about one. I
do not say that this branch of education has done them no
good, but I do say that it is nothing as compared to the
time and expense, and that all talk of their having imbibed
the spirit or matter of the language is pure bosh. Perhaps
at the end of their education they could translate Livy

THE CLASSICS 333

and quote Horace ; but they could not say bo to a goose
in Latin or Greek, or ask for food or drink even ! and
yet we say they have acquired a knowledge of the Latin
tongue ! and have had their intellect raised thereby. There
are of course boys and men who wirf respond to all the
master teaches, and learn the colloquial Latin that the
master cannot teach or speak, but these are the rare excep-
tions, and I would give them every opportunity of acquiring
all that can be taught or learnt. So it is with the English
Classics. How many of all that are taught (or told) to
admire Milton and Shakespeare ever take up either as
a pleasure, or taking them up, have the divine gift of
readily appreciating their beauties. But we do not give
the boys 6-8 years of our English Classics — why not ?
I would have every child whose parents could afford it
taught some Classics, both Latin, Greek and English,
and encourage those that had a gift for them to go on ;
but to continue rubbing the noses of 19 boys out of 20
in these subjects for 6-8 years is in my opinion utter
folly.'

The history of the East and its philosophies were a con-
stant interest, especially when they touched upon the bases of
Western creeds. There was a special fascination in the subject,
because he had ' " assisted," as the French say, at worship
in Buddhist Churches.'

To the Same

Jan. 23, 1891.

I heard a most curious thing last night, from Mr. Maunde
Thompson, principal Librarian B.M. — that the oldest
Chaldean inscriptions in the B.M. were dug up in London !
on the banks of the river, dating 4000 B.C. Luckily some
Dutch tiles were found with them, which gave a clue to
the discovery that the position was occupied by a Dutch
merchant who traded with the Persian Gulf. This was
before the Fire of London. Probably the stones, which
are like those used for gate posts, came home as ballast, —
possibly were used as ballast by a boat down the Euphrates
or Tigris before getting on board the British ships that
brought them to England.'

334 RETIREMENT, TO 1897 : OP BOOKS, ETC.
To Hie Same

Dec. 18, 1893.

Lillie's Buddhist books are most curious, but very badly
written — full of valuable suggestions. I cannot understand
the Church ignoring the teaching of the Buddhists, and
overlooking the startling fact, that it has taken over all
the Buddhist worship, vestments, appointments, litany,
orders of priesthood, nunneries and convents, &c., &c.
en bloc. The history of all this was no doubt burnt at
Alexandria. Some of it may turn up in Papyri yet. The
dark ages were indeed dark when so pregnant a fact was
disregarded or burked. Did the Christians absorb all of
Buddhism but Buddha and his miracles, or did the Bud-
dhists turn Christians en bloc, retaining their ceremonial ?
and when did it happen ? it could only be where many of
both were massed together — Alexandria ? Rome ? Con-
stantinople ? I can understand the conversion of a Buddhist
Lamasery and Seminary to Christianity, for the Buddhists
were not bigots, and I can understand the Christians (who
everywhere allowed and winked at a great deal of idolatrous
practice amongst their early converts) being dazzled by
the pomps of the Buddhist church and adopting them.
Both were ascetics, and both preached holy lives and good
will to all men, &c., &c., &c. Both had hazy inchoate
ideas of a future state and a Godhead — had community
of goods and so forth, but whilst one had a ceremonial,
&c., the other had none. It would have taken ages for the
Christians to have evolved and established the ritual, &c.,
which the Buddhists had used for 600 years or so.

A very similar subject recurs a little later.
To the Same

AprU 23, 1894.

I should very much like to see the notice to which you
allude of the Jesus in Tibet. I never heard of it. Theo-
retically it is likely enough, for I have often asked myself
what were the antecedents of Jesus' late life, and why
so short a time was spent in his preaching and teaching.
Was he not supposed to be eetat. 30 when he was baptized ?
On the other hand, it is difficult to suppose that had he

BUDDHIST LTFE^OF JESUS 335

been a traveller there should be no allusion in his sayings
to his foreign experiences. It is more probable that he
worked as a carpenter and met with Buddhists whose
doctrines he in part embraced. It is also difficult to suppose
that one who had spent much time among the Buddhists
should advocate the Jewish law to the extent of saying
that ' not one jot or tittle of it should pass away,' &c.

To the Same

The Camp, Sunningdale : March 23, 1895.

I have read the Buddhist Life of Jesus, and am not
edified. It is a lame story. The author, a very ignorant
young Eussian traveller, was travelling in India, and
visited Tibet, where he broke his leg, and was domiciled
for some weeks or months in a large Lamasery near Ladak.
Having heard of ' The Life ' he asked about it and had
it read to him by the Head Lama, or rather read to his
interpreter, for he could not speak a word of Tibetan.
He took desultory notes, and has pieced them apparently
from memory. The History professes to give the life of
Jesus as a missionary who travelled throughout the length
and breadth of India preaching his Gospel, especially at
Juggernath ! He returned to Palestine, where he was put to
death with some of the events of the Bible narrative more
or less distorted. The Lamas told the author that copies of
this narrative are in many Lamaseries in Tibet ; — and that
is likely enough, as the Monks have little to do but write
fables and histories, &c., and their libraries are innumerable
and very extensive, and swarm with copies.

There is nothing impossible in the Indian part of the
narrative, but all very unlikely, and to accept it from Mr.
Novitesky's (or some such name) version would be absurd.
On the other hand, nothing is more probable than that the
Monks have written accounts of Jesus' death, — brought by
their travelling brothers from Syria &c.

To the Same

May 10, 1894.

I should have returned this long ago, but I have been
pretty busy, and wanted to think the thing over. It is a
matter in which one can proceed only by guess work ; and

336 EETIEEMENT, TO 1897 : OF BOOKS, ETC.

my guess is, that Issa was an Essene who carried the early
Christian teaching with its myths into Tibet, and by a very
natural process became identified with the founder whose
system he expounded and whose life he narrated. For
my part I cannot conceive Jesus having spent the best
years of. his life as a traveller and yet no allusion to
foreign peoples, places, religions (other than Buddhist),
or things peeping out in his teaching. If he had so passed
his prime of life, it must have been well known to his neigh-
bours— but except as ' the Carpenter's son,' no allusion that
I can recollect is made to his early life — except as a child,
and I cannot conceive the episodes of his childhood having
been remembered for 30 years by Orientals ! — they were
imagined or made up with no intent to deceive afterwards
I suspect by his followers. My idea is that Jesus passed his
life (like hundreds of others, for Palestine is drilled with their
caves in places) as an Essene recluse, in meditation, and
came forth at last as a prophet and preacher. The tide of
events taught him the speedy destruction of the temple and
Jerusalem — and Buddhist pilgrims, or monks, taught him
Buddhist doctrines, proverbs and parables, rules of life,
duty, &c., &c., &c. It is impossible to guess how much is
true of what is attributed to him by his followers, or rather
his successors, who believed in his mission, but not in his
Godhead I suppose.

We naturally regard Jesus in respect of his family and
surroundings as we do ourselves ; forgetting that there is
no such family life in the East as we enjoy.

To the Same

Dec. 24, 1893.

What you say of A. B. and C. does not at all surprise me.
They are ' ne plus ultra ' mathematicians, have not a con-
ception of biological science, and in fact are only half intellects
(I suppose I deserve to be burned), but so it is, that I have
often found such men to be impervious to reasoning out
of their own circle, in matters of natural science. With
biologists, who have to found everything, beyond pure
observation, on circumstantial evidence, the case is quite
different. For hundreds of biologists who are good mathe-
maticians, you will not find ten vice versa.

MATHEMATICS, BIOLOGY, AND EELIGION 337

How many medical men do you suppose believe in the
doctrine of the Incarnation '? A medical man's faith in a
doctrine that contradicts his daily experience of obstetric
practice, must be strong indeed ; a thousand times stronger
than that of non-medicos.

It has often struck me that had the biological sciences
preceded or run abreast with the mathematics and classics,
we should long ago have had a religion of pure reason, such
as Huxley has sketched at the end of one of his Essays — I
forget which. As it is. biological science is hardly a century-
old, and just see what havoc it is making in doctrinal religion.

To the Same

Dec. 29, 1893.

I have just finished Huxley's last volume. The Essay
on the ' Evolution of Religion ' is most remarkable and
gives an astonishing idea of his grasp of mind, powerful
reasoning, and admirable style. Certainly no one, theo-
logian or other, has brought the subject before the ordinary
reader in anything like the persuasive manner and rhetorical
power he displays. It goes to Darwin to-day.

To the Same

February 18, 1897.

Your letter has interested me much, if only by the
contrast it affords to our readings. I have been going
through a long course of Boswell's Johnson, and of Bos-
welliana. I had already long ago read the Tour in the
Hebrides, and Madame Piozzi, so I am pretty well up in the
old Hero, whom one cannot help admiring (and disliking
rather). But he had great nobility of character, and I
much like the prayers and invocations he addresses to his
Maker like a man, with all humility and earnestness, and
yet in the language of one who felt it his duty to do so in
his best style — neither whining nor pompous, not studied
nor stilted, but as one deeply affected by the awful presence
of his Maker. He has published his prayers and meditations
somewhere, and I will try to get them.

As to poor, half crazy, clever, kindly, vain Bozzy, it
was a shock to me, after having derived much pleasure
from his writings, to find that he died at 55, the victim of

888 BETIBEMENT, TO 1897 : OP BOOKS, ETC.

drink ! That he had bursts of this, as of other vices, he
tells us (and Johnson) candidly, but I did not know that
he succumbed to it, and at so early an age.

I quite agree with you," that the Board schools give
quite as much religious instruction as is good for the children
of the school, and that anything further should be supplied
from other sources. But whatever I may think of the
dogmatic religious teaching given in the voluntary schools,
I do not suppose it has a particle of bad effect — it is all
washed away. There is, my dear La Touche, an under-
current of jealousy in the attitude of the Radicals, to both
Landlords and Church, which blinds them to the good
that these do and have done. My idea is that the propor-
tion of good Landlords to bad = that of good Workmen to
bad, if not greater. Changes for the better must come
slowly, and in the process you must help the lame dogs
over the stiles. I do hate doctrinaire Politics.

CHAPTER XLIV

MISCELLANEOUS LETTERS : 1886-1897

THE current of events ran tranquilly during the fruitful
autumn of Hooker's long life. The successive letters which
follow serve to show the plain threads that were woven year
by year into the fabric of daily life.

The year 1886 opens with a greeting to Hodgson:

This reciprocates your affectionate good wishes and
would if possible bear interest, but that I know is not pos-
sible, for you are my most affectionate friend in the world,
and are ever in my thoughts.

I go on laying out my grounds, chiefly with Rhodo-
dendrons and ornamental bushes and trees. I have no word
yet about my pension, which is awkward, as I must now
determine my style of living, which will depend upon it, and
I have still outhouses and other expensive items to meet.

Next year the date of Hodgson's birthday (February 1)
was missed, but not the greeting :

Again your birthday has passed without the greetings
from me that should have arrived on that very morning.
Pray pardon me — it was not forgetfulness of you, for we
were talking of you at the very time. . . . Your birthday
is down in my Diary, but I do not look at it as often as I
should, and so my own children's birthdays are as often
overshot as not.

Miss Lyell, to whom the next letter is addressed, was the
sister of Sir Charles, the geologist, and a lifelong friend of the
Hookers, as her parents had been of his. Sharing both families'

339

340 MISCELLANEOUS LETTERS, 1886-1897

love of flowers, she sent him for his peaty garden some plants
of the Star-flower (Trientalis), a rare and charming reminder
of their Scottish hillsides. His other Highland favourite, the
exquisite little Twin-flower (Linnaea), another of

these mountain flowers,
More virginal and fresh than ours,

of which he had not seen a living bloom for sixty years, had
already been sent by her sister-in-law, Mrs. Henry Lyell, who
was herself a lifelong friend of the family, being the daughter
of Leonard Horner, Sir William Hooker's friend. She was
Joseph Hooker's senior by just three weeks, and in their old
age used laughingly to claim great precedence on that score.
She outlived him three years, bright and alert to the last.

The patch of Linnaea, Mrs. Lyell's gift, was the best of
mementoes. It spread and bloomed profusely under its
familiar pines, by 1888 making a carpet 9 feet across each
way literally clothed with flowers after Midsummer ; later
three dry springs spoiled the original patch, and its glories
were sustained by two daughter patches in shadier positions.
Twenty years after and more he continued, whenever possible,
to send Mrs. Lyell a spray of its blossom on her birthday
in the first week of June.

Its immediate success in the wild garden is insisted on again
in 1888, when two kinds of Wintergreen, another rare wildling,
were sent to him, the one by Mrs. Lyell from Kirriemuir, the
other by her daughter from the Engadine,

the floweriest land [he assures her] I ever visited except
Australia. Nowhere else have I seen such attractive plant
and insect-life, and nowhere more beautiful and at the same
time accessible mountain scenery. [Adding a postscript], If
you see Mr. Huxley pray give him my brotherly slap on the
shoulder, and ask him if the Engadine is not * all right.'

To Miss LyeU

July 16, 1887.

We are all well and have been entertaining our American
friends, Dr. and Mrs. Asa Gray, whom we accompanied to

THE NORMANDY TOUR KEPEATED 341

Oxford and Cambridge — at both which Universities Dr.
Gray received an Honorary degree. We thus missed the
Jubilee demonstrations in London and I cannot say I re-
gretted this, for I am too old to like a crowd, and illumina-
tions have no great attraction for me. I did, however, go
to the Queen's Garden party, which was a very pretty sight.
The Queen and all the Princes, Princelings and personages,
European and exotic, walked in a very long scattered pro-
cession through an avenue formed by the visitors, bowing
and shaking hands here and there, and ranging right and
left without formal order of march or other ceremony, so
everyone saw everybody without crowding or inconvenience.
I never before saw the Queen looking so happy and pleased,
and this she here looked, smiling and bowing and chatting,
leaning on an ebony cane — but what a little bit of a thing
she is, amongst a crowd of tall and stately Britons !

To the Rev. John Gunn (his uncle by marriage)

Sept. 19, 1887.

We returned only a fortnight ago from a short tour in
Normandy, where I took Mr. Turner's Tour. It was very
interesting to look at the original of Cotman's Etchings and
my Grandmother's drawings, and I can pronounce them all
to be admirable. We were charmed with the picturesque-
ness of the country and people. . . .

I saw a lovely Vincent at Christie's rooms the other day,
but dared not buy.

On this trip they spent * two weeks with the Grays amongst
the churches of Kouen, Caen, Bayeux, St. Lo, Coutances,
Avranches, and Mt. St. Michel, and a fortnight at a desolate
watering place south of Granville.' The reference to Mr.
Dawson Turner's tour is explained in a letter of September 26,
1897, to Mrs. Henry Lyell. (See also pp. 197, 203.)

My father and mother went on a tour in Normandy,
with Mr. Turner, Mr. Lyell, and some of my aunts. All
I believe sketched ; I think this was in 1815 : my Grand-
father went in 1815, 1818, 1819, and was accompanied on
one or more occasions by Mr. Cohen (afterwards Sir F.
Palgrave) and Mr. Cotman, by whom many of the illustra-

342 MISCELLANEOUS LETTEES, 1886-1897

tions in Mr. Turner's ' Tour in Normandy ' were made and
subsequently etched. No doubt a copy of the ' Tour ' is
at Kinnordy. My father pencilled beautifully. I have
many of his sketches.

On September 15 died his father-in-law, Mr. Symonds,
who had spent so much of his last years at The Camp. ' He
is a great loss. Scientifically and intellectually he was the
life of a large surrounding.'

To Asa Gray

Nov. 15, 1887.

Eead Bonney's 1 article in ' Nature ' on Huxley and the
Duke of Argyll in reference to Darwin's and Murray's Coral
reef theories ; it is wonderfully good. The Duke's article
in the XIX Century (I think) was a very stupid one, —
but what struck me most was, the Duke's not seeing that
Darwin's theory was, whether right or wrong, a stroke of
genius, unaided by that knowledge we now possess of land,
sea, sea-bottom, chemistry and corals ; whereas Murray's is
a conclusion arrived at through the labour of a staff of most
eminent fellow workers on the Ocean, and a knowledge of
all the facts and data that they were collecting around him
during the Challenger Voyage. As you say, * the greater
truth, the greater libel ' — so we may say of Darwin's theory,
' the greater error, the greater genius.' But I expect the
truth will lie between them, and that there will prove to be
two, perhaps more, ways of making Coral Islands.

To T. H. Huxley

March 4, 1888:

I went to Cambridge to hear one of Strachey's Geography
Lectures; the matter was excellent but very dry — as the
Frenchman said of English meat, which he bought from the
dog's-meat man.

In February and March 1889 his portrait was painted by
Herkomer, Kitcat size, for the Linnean Society, and looked
* a very old man indeed.'

1 Canon Thomas George Bonney, D.Sc. (1833), alpinist and geologist,
Emeritus Professor of Geology at University College, London ; was President
of the Geological Society 1884-8; Vice-President of the Royal Society 1899;
President of the British Association, 1910-11.

HIMALAYAN BHODODENDKONS ACCLIMATISED 343

In June he spent a week in Cornwall, the guest of his
old friend General Sir J. H. Lefroy.1 The sight of many
Himalayan rhododendrons acclimatised there rilled him with
enthusiasm, and he writes to Mrs. Hodgson on the
80th:

Tell Brian with my love that I saw, in Cornwall, many,
many plants of the Bhod. Hodgsoni in the open air, 6 feet
across and more, and with leaves a foot long — they were past
flower unfortunately. They were planted in the woods and
throve luxuriantly. There were also noble plants of Falconeri,
Aucklandii, argenteum, barbatum and others — together with
Hodgsoni forming regular shrubberies, as if natives of the
soil.

' The Club ' brought about meetings with many interesting
people. Mr. Gladstone, though the Ayrton trouble had taken
place under his administration, was always on the best of terms
with Hooker, and shared moreover in his passion for Wedg-
woods. The following impressions of a conversation with
him, and the inferences to be drawn from it, are of curious
interest.

1 General Sir John Henry Lefroy, R.A., C.B., K.C.M.G., F.E.S., &c. (1817-
90); entered the Royal Artillery 1835; in 1839 was appointed to the Observa-
tory for Magnetic Research in St. Helena and made the voyage in the Terror,
then starting in company with the Erebus for the Antarctic, a four months'
passage, during which was formed a lasting friendship between him and J. D.
Hooker.

In 1842 he was transferred from St. Helena to the Observatory at Toronto,
from whence in 1843 he made a journey with only one companion to Lachine
and Hudson's Bay, 5475 miles, by canoes and on snow-shoes, which established
his reputation as a geographer and was productive of most valuable results in
magnetic observations.

He returned to England in 1853 and took command of his battery, and in
1854 became Secretary of the Royal Artillery Institution, founded by himself in
1838 ; in 1854 he was appointed Scientific Adviser on Subjects of Artillery
and Inventions; in 1857 Inspector-General of Army Schools; in 1868
Director- General of Ordnance at the War Office.

From 1871-7 he was Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Bermudas;
Governor of Tasmania 1880-2.

Among his publications are the Handbook of Field Artillery for the Use of
Officers, used in the Crimean War ; Memorials of the Discovery and Early Settle-
ment of the Bermudas or Somers Islands (1515-1685), 2 vols., 1879 ; Diary of a
Magnetic Survey of the Dominion of Canada, &c. 1883 ; also various scientific
papers.

An obituary notice of him and his work was written by Sir Joseph Hooker
and published in the Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, 1891.

344 MISCELLANEOUS LETTERS, 1886-1897

To Ayerst Hooker

May 18, 1890.

I had the G.O.M. on my left at the dinner of ' The Club :
last Tuesday. He is marvellous ! as full of interest in
everything in the shape of literature, Art, &c., as ever, and
as pleasant and vivacious, and really modest and unassuming
in conversation. I never saw a man wear so well at 80 ;
looking at his hands, they are not like those of a man of his
age ; and he enjoyed his dinner temperately. I soon found
out that he was not allowed to see the Times, for he was
deeply interested in the question of the mode of beheading
of Charles 1st, but did not know of its now being discussed !
Nor did he know of Caprivi's speech l or that France had 20
millions of public debt.2 I could not wonder at his living
in an atmosphere of illusions.3

In August he went to Scotland ; but the tour was cut short
by an alarm of diphtheria at home. The changes noted by him
in Edinburgh are interesting.

To W. E. Darwin

August 7, 1890.

I did know it well 40 years ago, and now find the old
features as good and grand as ever, and miles of new added,
in good taste and with fine effects.

The old town is almost replaced by new houses, which
however are not so conspicuously unlike the old as utterly
to destroy associations and sentiment ; and when one
remembers the intolerable filth, squalor, and stench of the
old town, one cannot regret the change.

Nothing is more striking than the contrast in point of
good clothing for heads and feet, that distinguishes the
lowest orders of this and earlier days — though indeed bare
filthy feet and legs, and towzly heads of capless hair are still
too common. Above all I must mention that I saw but one

1 His maiden speeoh as Chancellor : The Times, April 16.

2 Apparently a floating debt of 28 millions to be met by a loan.

3 He had known Mr. Gladstone for many years, admiring his powers though
not following his politics. After meeting Mr. Gladstoneat Sir Harry Verney's
on March 8, 1878, he tells Mrs. Hodgson : ' I had, as usual, a long talk with
him. He was enthusiastic about America and the Californian trees, and the
methods of felling them and so forth. His memory is wonderful : he remem-
bered passages in books on Western America that he had read 40 years ago ! '

MEMOIKS OF LEONAED HOBNEB 345

drunken man (and no drunken woman !) between Holyrood
and the Castle Hill.'

Mrs. Lyell had just printed for private circulation the
' Memoirs of Leonard Horner,' her father.

The Camp, Sunningdale : October 22, 1890.

I find it delightful in spirit, matter and style. The
account of Holland after its Napoleonic barbarities is not
only instructive, but quite new to me. I do not know where
else a reader could get in so few pages such a living and
moving impression of the state of the country and its causes.

Nothing can bear higher testimony to your father's
calm temperament and noble soul, than that he too, after all
he saw, should not have felt some spark of that fire of revenge
that he so well describes as coursing in the breast of others,
and as so inhuman and unwise : though, alas, so natural,
and perhaps in some degree useful.

Indeed I had every reason to love and venerate Mr.
Horner and Mrs. Horner, and I do so most truly. After
Lyell's life, none could interest me more, personally linking
as they do my early with my later life in bond of the kindest,
warmest friendship, and most intellectual intercourse.

Of the two intimates whose death is next recorded, Gifford
Palgrave was his first cousin,1 his mother being a daughter of
Dawson Turner ; and Mrs. Busk was the widow of George
Busk the anatomist, a member of the inner circle of the
x Club. She was an accomplished and gifted woman, with
great social charm.

1 William Gifford Palgrave (1826-88), whose mother was a daughter of
Dawson Turner ; scholar, writer and diplomatist. He early felt the call of the
East ; entered the Indian army, and left it to take up missionary work as a
Jesuit in South India, and in Syria, where he barely escaped with his life from
the Damascus massacre of June 1861. Then in 1862-3, partly with a view to
missionary enterprise, partly with a semi -political commission from Napo-
leon III, he traversed Arabia, disguised as a Syrian Christian doctor, visiting
places to which no European could penetrate. His Narrative of a Year's
Journey through Central and Eastern Arabia is well known. Later he withdrew
from the Jesuit Order, and entered the British Diplomatic service, where his
astounding facility in acquiring languages stood him in good stead. He was
entrusted with a mission to King Theodore, as a last resort before the
Abyssinian war, to demand the release of the English captives. Afterwards
he was Consul in Asia Minor, in the West Indies and Manilla, in Bulgaria,
Bangkok, and finally as minister-resident in Uruguay, where he died.
VOL. n z

346 MISCELLANEOUS LETTERS, 1886-1897

To T. H. Huxley

The Camp, Sunningdale : Nov. 3, 1890.

I should have gone to Mrs. Busk's funeral, but I get so
bronchitic this weather, that I am ' defended.' To-morrow
I ought to go to Gifford Palgrave's, on every account. . . .

The bringing Palgrave's body from Monte Video is a
curious episode in his history — after all his vagaries he died
in the arms of Mother Church ! and to bury a full blown
Ambassador of that creed in Buenos Ayres would cost an
enormous sum — so large indeed that it could not be afforded.

Mrs. Busk's death is a great shock to us — a truer and
better friend never lived ; but I am getting almost case-
hardened to deaths. One feels them awfully, on wakening
every morning especially ; I suppose jecur [liver] has some-
thing to do with morning melancholia.

To* Francis Palgrave

November 9, 1890.

Poor Giffy ! one can only think now of his noble qualities.
I was indeed gratified by finding I could attend at his inter-
ment, though it was accompanied with a flood of memories —
some painful, and some peaceful. It brought back Hamp-
stead days most vividly, and all that was grateful. How kind
your dear mother was to me !

In 1892 correspondence with Mrs. Lyell resuscitates the
picturesque but disreputable figure of Jorgen Jorgensen. She
had been reading a book about him, published in 1891. Enquiry
of Sir Joseph as to the journey to Iceland and the real part
played by Jorgensen led to the following :

To Mrs. Lyell

April 11, 1892.

Oddly enough only the other day Miss Cracroft sent
me a letter of Jorgen Jorgensen's addressed to Sir J.
Franklin [her uncle] when Governor of Tasmania. My
father, Mrs. Fry, and Sir Joseph Banks stood his friends
when sentenced to death for robbing with violence, if I
recollect aright, in England after his return from Iceland,
and had his punishment commuted to transportation for
life.

A JOEGENSEN LETTER 347

No doubt you know the history of his taking possession
of the Island of Iceland, whither, though at the time a
prisoner of war in England, on parole, he went, with a letter
of marque ship, to get a cargo of tallow for a London firm,
but which cargo he could not obtain because Denmark was
at war with England. My father tells the story of his being
taken prisoner by a British ship of war and brought home to
England ; but not of his subsequent rascality that brought
him at last to the scaffold.

The British Museum has all his correspondence with my
father when in Newgate, written on gilt-edged paper ! and
the sermon he preached to his condemned brethren ; and
his life : (all were in the British Museum). The enclosed
letter is half romance ; he did not give the dress (there was
only one) to my father, who bought it, nor did my father
give it to the Miss Smiths. It is now in S. Kensington
Museum.

When I went to Tasmania in 1840,"J. J. called on me in
a half tipsy state and in rags, and begged for half a crown.
On my return I found that he was dead, having been picked
up in a ditch a few weeks before.

Kindly let me know in what book you are reading about
him.1

1 The above-mentioned letter of Jorgensen's is dated Watchorn Street
(Hobarton), Oct. 26, 1839. The occasion he seized for addressing Franklin
was ' the utmost satisfaction ' with which ' I learned the other day that your
Excellency's merit has attracted the attention of the Royal Antiquarian Society
of Copenhagen.' Thereupon he discourses of the character of Iceland, the
discovery of America by Scandinavian adventurers, and of the visits to Iceland
first of Sir Joseph Banks, and then of Sir W. Hooker and himself.

On this occasion he continues :

' I also purchased two uncommonly costly Female dresses, the only two which
were left in Iceland of the ancient fashion. Maids wear distinct dresses from
married women, and when a female is wedded her maiden dress is put by for
the use of her first daughter when arrived at the age of maturity. The dresses
are made of the finest cloth trimmed with Gold and Silver, and a large massive
chain is placed round the neck with a precious medal appended thereto.

' The two dresses, the price upwards of One hundred pounds, I gave to Pro-
fessor Hooker (Sir William), who again presented them to the two daughters of
Mr. William Smith, then M.P. for Norwich. [My father purchased them him-
self ; one he kept, and it is now in the S. Kensington Museum. J. D. Hooker.]
The two young ladies [no, Mrs. Smith's Frederick aged 14 and Octavius 16.
J. D. Hooker.] attired themselves in the dresses one evening when going to
Vauxhall, and every one believed that the Lady of the Icelandic Ambassador
was in the Garden. The newspapers echoed this next morning. [True : my
father went with them to Vauxhall, and informed me that they were discovered
and mobbed. J. D. H.]

348 MISCELLANEOUS LETTEES, 1886-1897
To the Same

April 15, 1892.

I shall get the ' Uncrowned King.' 1 You say he does
not seem to be anything worse than a gambler — but did
you read my letter ? My father had scores of letters from
him from the condemned cell in Newgate, and I found him
a convict in Tasmania. I have often heard my father tell
the tale of his iniquities. He was the most plausible rascal
he ever knew, and narrowly escaped the gallows. E. Brown
was much interested in him from his having been with him
in Flinders' voyage.

In the very letter I sent you he tells a lie — that he gave
my father the Iceland dress. My father bought it. I suppose
he thought himself safe in telling this to Sir J. Franklin at
the Antipodes.

Ever, dear Mrs. Lyell, affectionately yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

To T. H. Huxley

The Camp, Sunningdale : April 16, 1893.

MY DEAR HUXLEY, — I am all alone and in the place of
Hope — but hoping for what, beyond the completion of the
Flora Indica, is hard to say. Well I am down to Grasses,
which you may remember is at the bottom of all in the
accepted classification of Phaenogs., but there are 800 of
them, from the top of the Himal. to Malacca and Ceylon,
and no one has hitherto digested them. I hope to, for
" it is dogged that does it " — words in which you rightly
summed up my qualities.

I am very concerned to hear of your influenza and
enfeeblement. Do take care of yourself.

I had a note from Spencer the other day asking infor-
mation about Garden plants — he is still floundering on at
acquired habits, &c. He makes no progress. In my appre-
hension, if it were a truth Nature would not be so d — d
sensitive about it.

I am bothered with bronchitis, and eschew night hours,
but go to Kew thrice a week despite Madam's objurgations
— fair weather or foul.

1 Presumably The Convict King, by J. T. Hogan, published in 1891.

OWEN'S SCIENTIFIC WOEK 349

Huxley had been asked by Sir Eichard Owen's grandson
and biographer to contribute an appreciation of his character
and scientific work. He restricted himself to the latter.

To T. H. Huxley

October 8, 1893.

Though certainly I should never have expected it, I am
not surprised at your undertaking the estimate of E. O.'s
scientific work. No one is so well qualified, and I am sure
that it will be done in a spirit of perfect good taste, and with
judicial fairness — tending to the merciful. . . . Under any
circumstances I will gladly look over it, and give you my
opinion.

Yes, Jowett is gone — a phoenix. Dissolution is ever
jogging our elbows ; on Friday I was at my cousin Eliza-
beth's J funeral. I first saw her in 1820, and we have been
fast friends for many a long year. On the following day I
had another funeral to attend, one here, of the Mother-in-
law of Flower's son, Mrs. King Chambers. I am kept well
alive to the fact that people come here to die.

I have finished Vol. I. [of Huxley's Collected Essays]
with keen interest. I like Descartes best, he seems to me
the most subtle in analysis, and wonderfully lucid. I well
remember looking at his statue in Touraine, reading the
inscription, and turning away saying to myself that the
converse, ' I am, therefore I think,' is quite as logical. I
told you ages ago that I hated Metaphysics — but did not
add, that my Metaphysics was six months of the ' Moral
Philosophy ' class of a Scotch divine !

In December 1893 the death of his old friend John Tyndall
by a tragic misadventure came as a great shock. ' Another
of MS has gone,' he exclaimed to Huxley. ' What a tragedy
it all is — it seems to take a bite out of one's life. He, you
and I took to one another in 1857.' And to another friend :
' He was quite the purest, brightest creature I ever knew to
be a philosopher,' a man of whom he wrote to his cousin Francis
Palgrave, five-and-twenty years before, when Tyndall had

1 Elizabeth, Lady Eastlake, nie, Rigby ; widow of Sir Charles Lock East-
lake, President of the Royal Academy.

350 MISCELLANEOUS LETTERS, 1886-1897

over-hastily come into official conflict with him, * He is so
sterling and amiable, and his faults are so pointedly heart-
affections, that I never can bear to see him hurt, and got
the better of, without the strongest sympathy and wish to
resent.'

Each old friend warned the other not to expose himself
to the chills of a winter journey into the Surrey hills, but
both went to the funeral of the old comrade whose love for
those two had been beyond any others whatever.

Once home, his warmest concern was to learn how his
friend had borne what he himself had found such a hard
trial. For himself he had had a sound sleep in the train return-
ing ; ' what a contrast to the previous agony, for it was all
I could do to restrain my emotion.'

Huxley wrote a little memorial article on Tyndall for the
January number of the Nineteenth Century, and asked for
Hooker's reminiscence of their own first meeting.

To T. H. Huxley

It was at the Ipswich Association Meeting in 1851 ; but
as I was courting at the time, I do not remember much else
about it, than the presence of my beloved— yes I do, — I
tossed off a wine glass of ink at the Eed Lion dinner, which
was handed me by a waiter, without any intimation that I
was to receive after it a pen, and so be equipped for writing
my name in the book.

To the Same

The Camp, Sunningdale : New Year's Day, 1894.

Together with all the best wishes of the day, I offer my
congratulations on the ' Tyndall.' I think it is as judicious
and as good as it could well be. Some of the lighter touches
are delightful — notably the ' droll effect ' of some of his
sayings. The Carlylean antitheses are very instructive. I
have often watched the effect of such * habits of thought '
in you both. The affecting episode of his last hours comes
in perfectly naturally and well. I am glad that you intro-
duced it, though I fancy it cost you a struggle to do so.
The x Club comes in very appropriately — it is its Swan's
song, I fear.

TYNDALL'S CHARACTER 351

At our age we shall never know his equal for * pure and
high aims,' though such no doubt exist, nor ever hear of one
who could hold his unique position.

I have never thanked you enough for the Essays, of which
I have read all but the Darwinian, for they come out rather
too fast for the reader, and so I lent the Darwinian whilst
reading the earlier. The two which I should choose as being
the first to re-read are ' Descartes ' and the ' Evolution of
Religion ' — I like both so much. The Educational were
pleasant memories ; and here is Botany still holding its
sway in the Medical Curriculum ! I do pity the poor devils
of students — just to glance at the vocabulary of hard words
which they are expected to attach some meaning to in some
thirty lectures is appalling.

I do like you lecturing me on the preservation of my
health,1 — like it for its affection, and for the bitter irony
of it — Satan rebuking sin. I do wrap up well and smoke
a cigar in the train to keep off the possibility of cold
draughts getting into my bronchial tubes, which are all
right so far.

To the Same

Jan. 28, 1894.

No news is good news here. I hope you can repeat it
after me ; long may it last to both of us.

I have a splendid fur coat, a historical one : it was Lyell's,
who left it to Symonds, and he to me. I well remember
hoisting Lyell into it on the last occasion on which he dined
at the Phil: Club. With this and the last Vol. of the ' Essays '
(for which many thanks) and a cigar, I travel to and from
Kew on three days a week — weather permitting.

In 1893 and 1894 Mr. La Touche was for a time threatened
with blindness. In this connexion, two letters to him may
be quoted.

September 29, 1893.

MY DEAR LA TOUCHE, — I am indeed glad to know that
your Medical man has been able to pronounce so favorable

1 Huxley had written (Dec. 30) : * Now, my dear old friend, take care of
yourself in the coming year '94. I'll stand by you as long as the fates will let
me, and you must be equally " Johnnie." '

352 MISCELLANEOUS LETTEES, 1886-1897

an opinion of your ' other ' eye. You may now rest satisfied,
and relegate any fancied obscurities of its sight to their
psychical origin. As to the use of the microscope, the very
low powers I use do not strain the sight. My use of it consists
in making what are, with my half century's experience, really
(for me) rough dissections under low powers. When one
•wonders what Malpighi 1 and the older microscopists dis-
covered with the miserable instruments that they possessed,
one forgets how far practice and foreknowledge of the results
to be sought obviate the need of high powers. As to the
stooping, that affects my vertebrae, not my eyesight. A
fortnight ago, at Kew, I most foolishly spent two consecutive
hours dissecting grasses under the microscope, sitting on
a low stool, at a low table ; on rising I was as stiff as a board,
and I could not straighten my back for three days ! nor then
without pain. My eyes were unaffected.

April 9, 1894.

I do indeed most sincerely sympathise with you in your
great affliction, and can only implore you not to let it prey
on your mind, and to hold fast to the stores of information
you have laid up to refresh your mind with in evil times.
It is easy to say all this and more, but it cannot be easy
to fall back upon such considerations at first — that will
come, and you may rest assured that the anticipation of a
failure of sight is far less endurable than the failure itself.
If the empty headed blind are notoriously at peace, how
much more should those blind be who have useful lives to
look back upon, and well-stored minds to draw consolation
from. No doubt in your case the money matters are a
seriously disturbing element, but you may depend upon
that being removed in some shape or other. So, my dear
friend, do not be down-hearted.

Among his Wedgwood collection, Hooker possessed com-
plete breakfast and dessert services in the rare Water-lily
pattern. William Darwin, who was lending specimens for a
Wedgwood exhibition, wished to learn the origin of these.

1 Marcello Malpighi (1628-94). Besides his anatomical researches he pub-
lished two volumes of botanical works in 1686, and his Anatomes plantamm
Idea appeared in 1675-79. A statue was put up in his honour in 1897 at
Bologna.

A EAEE WEDGWOOD SET 353

To W . E. Darwin

April 2, 1894.

I have hunted through Jewitt * and Meteyard for any
notice of the Nelumbium pattern — in vain — which is curious,
as it is certainly noteworthy from its direct reference to the
' Botanic Garden,' and to one of the most striking passages
of that work (if I remember aright).

I cannot guess who designed it, but I see no reason to
doubt the current view, that it was in compliment to old
Erasmus, and had reference to some marriage in the family.
Curiously enough Mrs. Horace was here on Friday, and seeing
a plate on the wall, at once recognised it, as having been made
in reference to some family wedding. I did not take much
notice of what she said, as I had not then received your note.

The pattern includes all three kinds of the Water-lily
mentioned in the ' Botanic Garden,' with their several leaves,
flowers and fruit. It might be worth while to accompany
the exhibited piece with a copy of the passage in the ' Bot.
Garden ' that has reference to the pattern.

I commiserate with you on your having to lend, for I do
not see how you can safeguard against accidents. The three
superb cases of Antarctic Birds that I lent to the Naval
Exhibition were returned not only smashed — all of them —
but some of the birds had to be reset up ! They paid for
the damage — a goodly sum to the man in Piccadilly.

Shall I send you a copy of the passage in the ' Bot.
Garden ' ? No doubt ' Erasmus ' was consulted if he did
not originate the pattern. I know that Josiah consulted
Erasmus as to his Etruscan and Egyptian patterns.

P.S. I find in Chambers' Biographical Dictionary that
Erasmus married his second wife in 1781, and that the
' Bot. Garden ' was published in' the same year. So it is
very possible that the service was a wedding present, and if
so a very appropriate one.

This, if tenable, hypothesis fixes its date of manufacture.

1 Llewellynn F. W. Jewitt (1816-86), antiquarian. He learnt wood-
engraving before he was twenty-one, and executed nearly all the drawings for
London Interiors, and also contributed with pen and pencil to the Pictorial
Times and the Illustrated London News. He had for a time the management of
the illustrations for Punch. He was chief librarian at the Plymouth Public
Library 1849-63, and the editor of the Derby Telegraph 1853-68. He estab-
lished the Reliquary, and was the author of many books, including The Life
of Eliza Meteyard, The Wedgwoods, Ceramic Art of Great Britain, and several
handbooks on coins, antiquities, &c.

354 MISCELLANEOUS LETTEES, 1886-1897

A request for the reference in Erasmus Darwin's ' Botanic
Garden ' found him away from home at Norwich, but he pro-
mised to look it up on his return. ' If I am not dreaming,
my father used to quote it in his lecture when treating on
Nymphaeaceae.'

Sunningdale : May 1894.

MY DEAR DARWIN, — I have found the passage. It
refers to the Nelumbium alone, which is the central figure
in the plates. It is in the ' Loves of the Plants,' Canto iv,
line 345, — but is so pompous and vapid that I doubt your
using it. My father used to interest his students vastly
by quoting passages applicable to the plants he lectured
on from the Poets, and I well remember the first few lines
of that on the Nelumbium. I thought that Darwin had
also portrayed the common Waterlily, but I cannot find the
passage. Ever affectionately yours,

J. D. HOOKER.

Next year this china appropriately returned to the pos-
session of the Darwin family.

AprU 18, 1895.

MY DEAR DARWIN, — I have met with a disaster in a
4 terrible fire on the Common having got into my grounds,
and done a deal of damage, including the destruction of
my fine holly hedge, several hundreds of yards long. To
meet the expense of renewing this and repairs of all sorts,
I am going to sell some of my Wedgwoods, and should
you care to have your grandfather's breakfast and dessert
services, you might find it worth while to take Eathbone's
valuation, or make an offer yourself.

. . . 22nd. I should not like them to go anywhere but
back to the family. I am very fond of them, but I have
no room to display them, and the Dessert service is too
gorgeous to be quite shut up as it is now.

The purchase made, 'it is quite a relief to me,' he tells
his friend, ' to feel that the crockery is going back to where
it should have gone by rights.' It went, but some of it soon

HIGHLAND MEMORIES 355

returned, for Mrs. Darwin made Lady Hooker a graceful
present of several pieces as a souvenir.

In 1894 he was again in the West Highlands, where Mr.
La Touche wrote to him about the ' parallel roads ' of Glen
Roy.

Glenfinart House, Ardentinny,
via Greenock, N.B. : August 2, 1894.

MY DEAR LA TOUCHE, — I visited the Parallel Roads
some 20 years ago, with Smith of Jordan Hill, since which
much light has been thrown on their history, principally
by Tyndall's observation that the great Ice Dam must have
been exactly opposite what is now the Invereck side of
Ben Nevis ; and then by Prof. Dickie * of Aberdeen, who
examining the diatoms, still to be found under the stones,
showed them to be fresh water species ! so I think that
their sub-aerial formation must be admitted, and the marine
be dismissed. You do not say what your friend's theory
was. I do not see how he could escape the marine or the
sub-aerial (i.e. glacial).

We are on a visit to a neighbour of ours at The Camp
[Mr. Pige Leschallas], who has bought a good many thousand
acres on the banks of Loch Long, on the Clyde, with a
first rate house thereon — otherwise a valueless property of
mountain and moor, not grassy enough for sheep, or heathy
enough for grouse. The scenery is however lovely of its
kind, something like the upper end of Loch Lomond. It
is all very familiar to me, for it borders on a few acres (2,
I think) of property called Invereck that my father bought
some 60 years ago, with a pretty cottage on it, to which
we used to resort in summer from Glasgow. The site of
that cottage is now occupied by a fine house, built by
some wealthy Glasgow merchant, but the lovely scenery
remains, and is of melancholy interest to me, as there I
spent so many happy days with relatives all but one now
gone. There I fished, sketched, and practised rough survey-
ing, preparatory to my ardent aspirations for a traveller's
life in unknown regions. Unluckily the climate is typical

1 George Dickie (1812-82), botanist ; M.A. Marischal College, Aberdeen,
1830; Professor of Natural History at Belfast 1849-60; M.D., Professor of
Botany at Aberdeen, 1860-77. He specialised on Algae and published works
on the Flora of the East of Scotland and Ulster.

856 MISCELLANEOUS LETTEKS, 1886-1897

of the N.W. Highlands, and I have had three days of an
abominable cold. Nevertheless it is all very enjoyable,
for our host and hostess are all hospitality and with horses
and carriages enable us to see the country with ease and
more than comfort.

I am very much interested in the changes I see around
me pervading everything : miles of villages along the coast
where all was uninhabited in my young days ; the Clyde
cumbered with huge steam vessels and clouds of smoke ;
Kailways for miles where I had to trudge ; Glasgow a
splendid city in contrast to its former squalor, and the
Clyde for miles below it, when I left nothing but grass
and trees, now occupied by literally hundreds of building
yards, all full of iron steam-ships building, many of stupend-
ous size. The great strike of ship-craftsmen on the Thames
some 20 years ago drove all the ship building there to the
already prosperous Clyde, where the proximity to coal and
iron mines furthered the industry marvellously.

But what strikes me most ib the change in the Kirk ;
the minister last Sunday read his sermon ! a thing that
would have been the means of hooting him from the pulpit
50 years ago. The hideous, barn-like Kirk itself, now a
neat and not unadorned building ; the long earnest prayers
are cut short, and the sermon reduced to half an hour —
the time made up with a double allowance of Psalms, Hymns,
and the old sung Scotch ' Paraphrases ' ; the congregation
all with shoes and stockings ! and no dogs admitted ! Gaelic
is a thing of the past.

Of curious coincidences I may mention two : My host's
bailiff at Highams (his place near The Camp) tells him that
my father bought the little place he had near this (Invereck)
from his family, who still have the papers. Now my host
picked up this man in London !

The other is, that coming down here in the steamer
from Glasgow, I fell into conversation with a Glasgow
gentleman, who in course of conversation told me that he
had a summer residence at Helensburgh, and that the place
was formerly held by Dr. Hooker, who planted it. I asked
him the name of it, and he said Burnside at Helensburgh,
which is a place which my father rented for several years
before he had Invereck and did lay out ! Of course he had

LAST LETTEK TO HUXLEY 357

not a conception who I was till I told him, and then he
knew nothing of me.

The year 1895 was marked by another heavy loss. His
old friend Huxley had been attacked by influenza in the
last week of February. This was followed by pleurisy and
other complications. When he rallied early in the summer,
Hooker ventured to write to him, a cheery letter, on June 7,
but his reply on the 26th, though still buoyed up by the strong
will that kept his very senses alert, left no hope in his friend's
mind.

To T. H. Huxley

June 7, 1895.

MY DEAR OLD FELLOW, — I have been wearying to write
to you for weeks, but dared not till now that I hear from
Foster that you are really better ; and have indeed been
out in the garden.

Foster tells me that he will go and see you shortly. He
will tell you all the E.S. news.

We have a scare, my youngest having found diphtheria
somewhere — at Dawlish or on the way home. There was
plenty of the white film and pain of deglutition, but no
complication. We have a sharp young doctor here, but
I think he funked Antitoxin. However he got the little
chap round all right, and the infant prodigy congratulates
himself on knowing diphtheria by experience ! He is quite
ready to undertake a case.

I have been all right all winter — I am stone-ware you
know, and shall have to be buried alive if at all, I suppose.

I was at Torquay the other day, seeing my invalid
sister, and went on to Plymouth and over a huge iron-clad,
the Endymion. It nearly turned my brain. For com-
plexity of structure and function in a given space there
is nothing to compare with it in the inorganic world, and
Man only in the organic. The discomfort at sea must be
extreme, you cannot walk straight for ten yards anywhere —
nor can two walk anywhere abreast that I could see. You
are ever knocking yourself about and breaking your shins
or toes against brass, wood or iron.

The officers' quarters are good, but for the rest, rather

358 MISCELLANEOUS LETTEES, 1886-1897

give me wooden walls, with wooden beef, weevilly biscuits,
and bilge water.

But I vowed when I began this that I would not yarn
to you till you are right well.

With love from us both to you both, and bottom hopes
for your speedy recoveries.

Ever, dear Huxley, your devoted J. D. H.

I am sending you the ugliest and most insignificant
rock plant in my garden. I sent it home from Hermite
Island, off Cape Horn, in 1842 ! It is a Composite, Cotula
reptans, with a puny head of flowers, like a daisy without
the ray. It is a capital rock plant, growing on dry or damp
earth — between, not on stones, and forms a lively carpet
even on very arid rockery, green all the winter, and very
aromatic. It likes water of course, but gets none here.
| Along of my blessing it has lived 52 years at Kew.

To Ayerst Hooker

June 23, 1895.

It was indeed a relief to hear that you had reassuring
news of Ayerst [his son], for I need not say that we both felt
deeply anxious. As one gets older one thinks more of young
lives than of old in the way of Hope ; for as to us old ones,
it is no use the expecting fortune to take our side against
nature. Huxley's state distresses me much. I had a very
brief note of affectionate regard from him the other day ; the
last I suppose he will ever write, for outside the cover his
wife has written, saying, that the effort had brought on
sea-sickness, and she begged me not to let any of his friends
know that he had written to me. Poor Mrs. Huxley is I
believe as ill as can well be ; happily their children are all
that one could wish, and so with you my dear friend I am
solaced to know.

Yes, Huxley's attitude to the Atom is — well ! just like
himself. It was not given out as an axiom of his belief,
but as a smart rejoinder. At one of our little monthly
coteries (of Huxley, Tyndall, Lubbock, Busk, Hirst, Spencer,
Frankland, Spottiswoode and self), who dined together once
a month for twenty years, and admitted nobody but an
occasional foreigner ; the discussion about Atoms waxed

THE ATOM 859

hot between Frankland and Tyndall, Huxley quietly giving
occasional dagger thrusts to both, and especially to Tyndall,
who held that he saw atoms visually in his mind's eye, and
who on his inability to describe to Huxley what he saw, was
met by H. with the rejoinder, * Ah, now I see myself ; in
the beginning was the Atom, and the atom is without form
and void, and darkness sits on the face of the Atom ! ' No
doubt if Huxley had been asked for his view of the Atom,
this would have been the substance of his answer, if not the
wording.1

To the Same

June 30, 1895.

This has been a chequered birthday for me, as the day
of a great sorrow and a great joy.

Huxley died yesterday ; we had been fast friends for
42 years, and our brotherly love was shared by none in its
depth and strength. I heard from him on the 27th ! no
doubt the last letter he ever wrote, in a sad hand, still
clinging to hope, but giving an account of himself that
precluded my accepting it. We began life as Assistant
Surgeons, E.N., he a few years after me, and we forgathered
like steel and magnet on his and my return to England in
1851.

Per contra, — Reggie has come out at the top of the
candidates for the post of Assistant to the Director of the
Intelligence Department of the Board of Agriculture.

The same letter to Ayerst Hooker tells of other interests
during the preceding days.

We have just returned from three days in Staffordshire,
to an old friend Godfrey Wedgwood, who has retired from
business, and built himself a very pretty house at 700 ft.
above the sea, some 8 miles from the potteries, out of the
smoke, and quite in the country. We went over Etruria
and saw all the processes, and much to be admired. The
Americans have developed a taste for the ornamental ware
which the Wedgwoods have vastly improved.

The chief motive of our visit was, to be present at the
opening of the Exhibition of old Wedgwood ware, in the

1 Cp. p. 112 and i. 643.

360 MISCELLANEOUS LETTEES, 1886-1897

Wedgwood Institute, at Burslem ; which was opened by
Mundella,1 with an oration, in which he missed what I think
the great merit of Wedgwood ware — the ' Adaptation to
purpose.' I added a few words on this point — as that
Wedgwood plates always had a sunk border for salt and
mustard ; whereas in ordinary plates, these condiments
shoot into the gravy. And a better example may be drawn
from the modern earthenware teapot ; in lifting this, the
first thing is that you scald your knuckles against the body
of the pot ; secondly, the lid shoots off — example, you scald
the finger of your other hand, by pressing on it ; thirdly,
the tea shoots out and spurts out and splashes over the
teacup ; fourthly, the spout dribbles when you set the pot
down. Now in a Wedgwood teapot, first there is room in
the handle so as not to scald the knuckles ; secondly, the lid
won't fall off till the pot is held actually vertically ; thirdly,
the handle is so placed, that by a turn of the wrist, the tea
leaves the spout gently, and without your having to lift
your elbow at all ; fourthly, there is no after dribble from the
spout. I have tested these points in scores of the Wedgwood
pots, and the same care in adapting to purpose is displayed
in every pot, jug, plate, or other article that he made. You
may pile plate upon plate of old Wedgwood from floor to
ceiling, and the whole forms a rigid column ; and you never
ean spin one of his plates in another.

Then too, Mundella made no allusion to the Medallions
of eminent contemporaries, of which Wedgwood executed
hundreds from the best medals, and sold them cheap. Nor
to his pyrometer and crucibles, the fountain inkstand, his
glazes, colors, and use of barytes, and lots of other ingre-
dients which he introduced into the art of pottery. In fact
•Mundella confined his laudation to the ornamental feature
of Wedgwood wares, which are admirable adaptations of
classical ornamentation to his wares ; these are perfect in
their way, but at best only clever adaptations especially
of Greek models, and rather proofs of the skill and genius
of the Italian workmen whom he employed, than of his own
taste ; still this utilisation of his workmen amounted to

1 Anthony John Mundella (1825-97), the social and educational reformer,
was Vice-President of the Council 1880-5, and President of the Board of Trade
1886-7 and 1892-5.

ANTAECTIC EECONNAISSANCE 361

genius, on his part. To conclude, Wedgwood's life has yet
to be written, but it must be with the aid of a competent
potter, as well as an artist.

The Holloway College, near Egham, was but a few miles
from the Camp, and for many years Hooker used to come
over in the summer time and deliver to the students a peri-
patetic lecture on the trees in the spacious College grounds.
On Commemoration days also he was a frequent visitor,
that of 1895 in particular being now chronicled.

Some big-wig minister was to have spoken, but was
prevented by the resignation ; and Lady Frederick Cavendish,
almost on the spur of the moment, undertook the duty, and
in all my life I never heard anything so apropos, and so
charmingly delivered — it was the perfection of unstudied
eloquence, with feeling galore. The words dropped from
her mouth like pearls from a crystal goblet, every one to
the purpose, of friendly advice and encouragement to the
girls.

Through these years interest in the unsolved problems
of the Antarctic was slowly growing, both in Australia and,
thanks especially to Sir Clements Markham, at home. Prom
time to time an appeal was made to Hooker's experience.
Thus he writes :

To Asa Gray

November 15, 1887.

I am kept busy about the Australian Antarctic Expedi-
tion, for which the Colonials have asked our Government
to subscribe £5000. The Government has applied to the
R.S. to know its opinion as to the scientific results to be ob-
tained, and I have at its request drawn up a Memo, embody-
ing my views, which are, that before any attempt is made
to explore beyond the pack, a pioneer ship should circum-
navigate the globe between 60° and 70° South and determine
the position of the ice in every longitude, for that, in my view,
the pack moves in enormous masses, leaving open sea here
and there for uncertain periods. I am convinced that if
Wilkes had pushed on a few miles to the East he would have

VOL. II 2 A

362 MISCELLANEOUS LETTEES, 1886-1897

got down to where we did — and that if we had tried a little
to the West of where we did we might have got South with-
out entering the pack at all. Again in the longitude where
Weddell sailed South to 74° 30' and returned (owing to late-
ness of season) from a clear open sea without seeing even the
pack, Ross in that same longitude met in 63° 15' a pack of
old ice so heavy that he could not even enter it. So my
advice is to subscribe to the Colonists sending a ship to
look out for the soft places, previous to sending properly
equipped exploring vessels to do battle with the ice. The
whole circumnavigation could easily be accomplished in one
season, and one Naturalist to use the tow-net and to dredge
at moderate depths would be able to bottle up a splendid
harvest of pelagic life. But I do not envy the voyagers. A
more desolate, boisterous, dangerous sea does not exist,
harassed throughout summer by gales, fogs, and snowstorms.
I find that we were once six weeks without getting an obser-
vation of the sun ! I suggest that our Government should
subscribe the £5000 in aid of scientific objects and make it
clearly understood that it accepts no responsibility.

To Ayerst Hooker

Oct. 4, 1895.

We went to the Brit. Assoc. Meeting at Ipswich for three
days, the first I had been at since 1882, the occasion being
the inauguration of a special section for Botany, of which
Dyer was President.

The only other thing that interested me was the further-
ance of another Antarctic Expedition, upon which I had to
speak, as the only surviving officer of that of 1839-43 !
I was in fact the ' Ancient Mariner,' and as such introduced
myself, reminding the audience that, like my prototype,
I was ' an old croak.' I quite expect that we shall get an
Expedition out of Lord Salisbury's Govt;

I was introduced to Flinders Petrie, an interesting man,'
who read a queer paper on the undesirability of interference
by civilisation (missionaries, &c.) with many of the habits
of natives. It was difficult to see where, and at what, he
would draw the line.

Some one also read a paper on the cannibal tribes of the
Congo region, who habitually feed on human flesh, and sell

THE CAUCASUS AND THE HIMALAYA 363

it openly in markets. No one remembered that is a very
old story, and that Huxley somewhere (in ' Man's Place in
Nature,' I think) gives a copy of a woodcut out of some old
book, of the shambles with joints for sale on the table. The
result of the practice was the finest race of people in the
world, with ne'er an old, halt, blind or sick member of the
community ! I shall wait for verification.

In 1896, when he received Mr. Douglas Freshfield's
1 Caucasus ' (see p. 382 note), he had just entered his eightieth
year ; but his old love of the mountains and mountain botany
broke out as unquenchably %s ever.

The Camp, Sunningdale : July 31, 1896.

DEAR MR. FRESHFIELD, — Now that I have made progress
with your ' Caucasus ' I must express my admiration of the
work, both as to matter and style. What I knew before I
owe to you, but time had blunted my memory, and to what
of it remains these noble volumes add a hundredfold in
instruction and pleasure.

The lushness of the vegetation bordering on the Forest
zones reminds me of the Himalayas, but I think that the
special types such as Umbelliferae and Compositae that
abound in both mountain systems attain a greater stature
in the Caucasus. On the other hand the Alpine flora of the
Himalaya in variety of type- 1 think beats both the Caucasus
and the European Alps. I should like to institute the
comparison by a visit to the scenes of your ' head and heels '
labors ; but what can an Octogenarian do ? You may yet
set foot in the Himalayas, and I hope you will. With your
powers of grouping big features of rock and forestry a brief
sojourn would not fail to bring out points of difference and
likeness that would be of high interest and value.

Again thanking you for your truly magnificent gift,
Believe me, sincerely yours,

J. D. HOOKER:

Lord Kelvin's jubilee in June 1896 as Professor at Glasgow
was one of the exceptional occasions which he felt in duty
bound to attend, whatever its fatigues, for he remarked to
Mr. La Touche :

364 MISCELLANEOUS LETTEES, 1886-1897

I am a Glasgow M.D., my father and Thomson's father
were fellow Professors, and I sat in Thomson's father's class
(Mathematics) with himself some sixty-five years ago ! 1 He
was the youngest and cleverest in the class ; and [we] have
been friends ever since.

On June 25, he continues :

(We were) invited to stay with Dr. Story, Professor of
Church History, at the College, where we greatly enjoyed
our thirty-six hours' visit. Kelvin's speech was admirable,
but amusing in respect of his description of his delightful
conference with his Students ; for he is a very bad teacher,
and the Students are only puzzled by applying to him after
Lecture. Nevertheless they are devoted to him as a man —
he puzzles them with so much kindness, believing that he is
making night day to them ! The Exhibition of his inventions
was marvellous.

His eightieth birthday was an anniversary happily kept.
It was not forgotten by Mrs. Lyell, who had just celebrated
hers, and to whom he replied :

July 2, 1897.

MY DEAR MRS. LYELL, — I thank you most sincerely for
your kind thoughts of me, your congratulations, and the
useful birthday present which you so kindly sent, and which
is already installed on my writing table for insertion of notes
and observations on my daily work.

I quite enjoy the description of your birthday's jubilee,
and am truly glad that you could have so many around you.
Indeed mine was a very happy day, too happy I fear to
expect a repetition of it. For I had Willy, Charlie and
his wife, Grace, Reggie, Joe, Dick, and Charlie's little boy
arrived.

Hyacinth has I think told you of what we saw of the
jubilee sights ; of them the illuminated Fleet far surpassed
all others in striking character, in fact I never saw but two
that beat it for over-powering effects. One was the view of
the glacier-clothed and Berg-imprisoned mountain chain of

1 As he told Mrs. Paisley, December 18, 1907, 'he at the top of prizemen,
I at the bottom.'

THEEE GEEAT SCENES 365

South Victoria Land, with Mount Erebus blazing in front.
The other the first view of the Himalaya, as seen from
Darjeeling, covering perhaps 100° of one of the horizons with
perpetual snow, with Kinchinjunga, 28,000 feet, towering
over all.

Thanks too for your kind words on my G.C.S.I., which
took me quite by surprise, and all the more from my not
knowing a single member of the India Council (except a
bowing acquaintance with Lord G. Hamilton) even by sight !
and indeed I only now know it by the Times ! I had a few
weeks previously received the rare honour of an official letter
from the Governor- General and Council of India, reinforced
by the Secretary of State for India, thanking me for my
services to India. This I thought a superabundant reward
for anything I had done. As it is, had I ever thought it
within reach, there is no honour of [that] kind that I would
have coveted more than that so unexpectedly bestowed
upon me.

To Mrs. Lyell

September 9, 1897.

We have been very quiet all the summer, making very
short visits, to F. Darwin at Cambridge ; to the unveiling
of the capital Darwin statue at Shrewsbury ; to the Farrers
for a couple of days ; to my sister at Torquay for a week,
and to Osborne to receive my decorations from the Queen.
They are gorgeous, star and badge ablaze with diamonds,
with the consequence that I do not like keeping such property
in the house for fear of burglars ! We have still a few more
visits to pay, and then I hope to be quiet for the winter.

CHAPTEE XLV

THE ' LION ' LETTERS

HOOKER, it has already been shown, was a notable instance
of inherited faculties, both general and specialised. Heredity,
so signally illustrated in both sides of his family, was always
a subject of vivid interest to him. It tinged his literary
criticism, as when returning ' Mary Barton ' and ' North and
South ' to Darwin, he writes (August 17, 1867) :

The whole of the vraisemblable of the latter falls before
the Darwinian Gospel — how could such imbecile parents
have such a child as Margaret ?

Long afterwards, when Sir Francis Galton was collecting
statistics on the subject, Hooker noted an important omission
in his scheme. He writes to W. E. Darwin, July 19, 1904 :

I have just filled up Galton's table, and am puzzled by
his omission of the wife's father. In my case both Henslow
and Symonds are worth mention, and had a notable influence
on my children's minds. My Eeginald got his mathematical
ability from the former.

By a curious freak of heredity, however, none of Hooker's
children inherited in their turn his strong bent towards natural
science and especially botany, although of scientific and in-
deed botanical pedigree on both sides. Their talents found
scope in many directions ; in business work leading to the
Civil Service ; in doctoring, engineering, statistics ; in soldier-
ing and colonial administration, but not in pure science.
What his father had been to him, that he wished to be

366

FATHEB AND SONS 367

to his own sons, here teaching, there supervising their
school-work ; now turning discussion on scientific and
serious subjects, now trying to evoke the scientific spirit by
encouraging collections of plants or insects. But the over-
mastering impulse towards science, which alone makes the
scientific man, was not theirs. The nearest approach to the
desired consummation was in the case of the elder son of
his second marriage (b. Dec. 14, 1877), who, as a boy, grow-
ing up in close touch with the father now free from official
ties, was moved by a sympathetic ambition to follow in his foot-
steps and become a botanist. His early education was shaped
with this end in view ; however, his ambition gradually faded
as he realised that it was rooted in sympathy rather than the
inborn scientific impulse ; and at eighteen he definitely aban-
doned this in favour of the idea of electrical engineering, and
finally, after reading Science at Cambridge, the Army.

All the letters written to this son from his schooldays on
have fortunately been preserved, bound carefully into two
volumes under the title of ' The Lion Letters.' For in one
of the nursery games he used to play with the child, Hooker,
his beard representing a shaggy mane, enacted the part of a
lion, whence their pet names for one another, the Old Lion
and the Little Lion, regularly used in the letters. But the
' little ' lion speedily shot up to a most inappropriate height,
and ' Little Lion ' had to be abandoned for ' young lion '
or ' Cub,' the latter finally winning the day. Last touch,
and a charming one — when the ' young lion ' married, his
wife was adopted as ' lioness.'

The note of the letters is their sane simplicity, full of the
affection that would keep complete touch between home and
school, while guiding the boy's mental growth by dwelling
on the things which involve observation, co-ordination of
thought, and accurate, attentive concentration — that ' intend-
ing of the mind,' as Newton called his own chief faculty —
without which the quickest intelligence is ineffective.

They record the home details which enshrine boyish interests,
but steadily add something that opens a wider vista. The
dog and the pony are not forgotten ; but the historical associa-

368 THE • LION ' LETTERS

tions of places visited are recalled and linked with some reading
in Scott's novels or English history. If a journey is described,
let it be followed on the map. The capture of rare insects
for the home collection is noted ; due report is made of the
caterpillars kept in captivity and of the ants in the formicary,
with all the sad history of the accidents to its population and
the end of a queen who seemed unable to survive her subjects.
And later, when the keeping of a rain gauge had been added
to the home interests, special notes on this subject appear.

Natural history plays a large part, for a young botanist
was in the making ; he encourages careful botanical collecting,
identifies and discusses plants which the boy has found, and
is pleased when the names have already been made out.
' Always/ is his advice, ' get the names of the Natural Orders
when you can as it is the greatest point to help to knowing
plants.' Drawing also is made much of. At eleven * you should
always be trying to draw whatever comes in your way ; by
that means alone can you acquire facility and accuracy.'
And three years later : ' I am glad you are drawing plants ;
be very careful as to the setting on of the leaves and flowers.
The greatest advantage of drawing is that it teaches accuracy —
or ought to do so.'

Unceasing, too, is the desire to know how the boy's own work
is getting on ; what mark he receives ; what subjects he likes
best ; what books he is reading ; whether he is getting on with
his riding and his swimming. A characteristic remark is,
' You should be able by this time (13) to swim fairly well if
you give your mind to it.' By all this he could manage to
visualise the boy's actual life and understand where encourage-
ment could best be given, during those absences when he
1 missed him so much ' and would not willingly let a week
go by without sending a letter ' from the old den.'

As with the boy, so with the young officer serving in the
Boer War or in India. The cinema in London and photographs
sent home from South African towns help in the realisation
of his surroundings, but still,

your account of your daily life and experience interests
me more than anything else. . . . You cannot think how

SCHOOLDAY LETTEB WKITING 369

anxious we are to know of your surroundings wherever
you go — who are your friends, who you talk to, play with,
ride with, work with — all such matters even down to your
servants, dogs and cats brings you home to us, and all
about your Eegimental duties instructs and pleases me. . . .

Have you time for reading ? or educating yourself for the

higher grades of your profession ?

A secondary object of the correspondence was to train the
boy to write a good letter, with something in it. Like almost
everything else, this he believed to be in essence a matter
of attention — the questions asked broached subjects which
in any case it was well for the boy to reflect on, and might
suggest others of his own finding. A letter worth the name
must be more than the empty screed such as toot often boy-
nature is content with. One indeed is branded as ' such a very
empty one that it did not desBrve an answer,' though it did
get a long reply ; but the note of praise also is sounded, and
once, when the correspondence is enlivened with passages of
colloquial Latin, after a holiday study of Ollendorff's hand-
book, the ' Cub ' should have had no difficulty in interpreting
the ' Dilectissime Scymne — Epistola tua me delectat, quod
non jejuna est, sed notitiarum plena.'

Latin perhaps was not an alluring subject, but it must not
be neglected, for ' whatever scientific line in life you enter
upon, it comes into every examination. ... If you go in
for Botany, you must be able to write Latin easily and read
it even when difficult, and only practice will enable you to
do this.' Indeed he reminds the schoolboy that the minimum
in any subject demanded by school hours is not of much
worth when it comes to choosing a profession.

With school successes he is pleased ; with school disap-
pointments he sympathises from his own old experience. For
these his consolation is not perhaps novel, but is clear and
sensible ; they teach patience, and should brace us up never
to fall behind the place attained. At least there is the con-
sciousness of doing one's best. ' You do not forget,' he asks
once, ' the " talent de bien faire " ? ' He never pretended, as
some pretend, that after-success has no relation to a school

870 THE ' LION ' LETTEKS

career. Its foundation is laid in honest school work, though
success may be in some subject not taught in school.

A corollary to this is that his own teaching of his boys at
home was greatly in these very subjects omitted in school cur-
ricula, from Geography and Physiology onwards. In Botany
it had been chiefly by word of mouth and actual collection ;
as he remarks when regular botanical teaching is given the
boy at school :

I have not bothered you yet with any introductory
books on Botany, because I think you have plenty to do
in the holidays in collecting and making up your Herbarium ;
but without study you will make poor progress in the long
run.

This ' study ' means the voluntary intending of the mind
and the physical powers with patience and hard work.

As to exercise and its relation to study, he praises swimming,
and considers cricket better than football, as being less violent
and unfitting for other work and mental exercise — not a
mere struggle.

Work and play bring up chance references to his own
early doings. Apropos of a good walk taken at the age of
14| by Shoreham and Lancing, he writes :

I hope you will inherit my powers of walking. When
I was a youth of 20 I thought nothing of 30 miles and have
done 60 in the day. My brother (who died in Jamaica)
once did 80 !

Sending 'Lyra Heroica ' as a birthday present in 1891,
he suggests learning as much as possible by heart.

I have often found it a great pleasure when alone with
nothing to do, or when I cannot sleep at night, to recite
to myself the poetry which I learnt when I was a boy.
I dare say you do not know what sleepless nights are, but
your turn will come !

And in 1895, when the boy was preparing for Little Go with
•their old friend Mr. La Touche, a very uneven set of mathe-
matical papers, where some of the work was good, some care-

ON ' APPLYING THE MIND ' 371

less, was criticised as showing the need to go over and over
it all in his mind.

I used to do this in bed. I liked it — it was a pleasure
to me to go over a proposition in my mind. I spent hours
of sleepless nights at sea going over some of the propositions
and theorems of the 1st book. I was so fond of them —
but then I always loved Mathematics — and what I did as
a pleasure, you must do as a duty, if, as I fear, you have
no love for the subject, and yet I was no Mathematical
genius — quite the contrary. I do not think I have any
more aptitude for the study than you seem to have — if so
much.

To * apply the mind ' was his one road to learning. It
can never be done too thoroughly, especially in taking up a
subject of which a little is known already. Thus he had
lightly taught his son a good deal of geology ; but is urgent
that at Cambridge

you should take the Geology Lecture just as if you knew
nothing about the subject, for after all what you did with
me was superficial and you want the subject to be thoroughly
impressed on your mind. It is a great mistake to begin
thinking that ' you knew all this before.'

Application in acquiring knowledge, also, must be rein-
forced by practice in expressing it. As the Tripos approaches,
trial papers, especially in chemistry, must be worked through
under examination conditions.

You must yourself have found out how different it is
to know a thing, from being examined on it ; when alone
you discover firstly how little you really know, and secondly
how hard it was to put on paper what you did know —
hard practice alone can overcome this.

The hardships of the Boer War, of which the young lieuten-
ant in the Hampshires had ample share during the pursuit of
De Wet, suggest a comparison with the cruise in the Antarctic.

Your food seems excellent, much better than I had
at your age in the Erebus. We had no milk, bread, eggs,

372 THE • LION ' LETTEKS

jam, coffee or tea except what we bought for ourselves,
and, except in harbour, only salt beef and pork, both as
hard as wood, and salter than the sea — except twice a
week a very little tinned meat. We had rum and Lime
juice daily, and sometimes cranberries, made into a sort
of doughy Swiss [?] tarts which we called cram-bellies.
Yet we were always hi perfect health.

The self -education of an officer should never be done.
A reminder comes with the death of the gallant Lord Airlie.

His uncle, Lord Eedesdale, says of him, ' Poor Airlie
was one of the noblest of men, so chivalrous, brave and
simple, a real Paladin. I loved him sincerely and we all
are utterly miserable about it.'

I dare say that you have heard that Lord Airlie never
shot or fished, though he had moors and rivers for his friends,
and used to spend his leaves in reading and corresponding
with a German officer friend on military problems. As
you will soon find out, to be a good leader of men requires
far- more knowledge and thought than any education can
give you. Manoeuvres are matters not only of skill and
judgment, but of forethought, to be gained by reading and
making plans of your own, and by getting others to set
you military problems, and studying them together. Above
all I would urge you to cultivate playing chess, and not
to be the least discouraged by finding yourself perhaps an
indifferent player — for it is the practice that chess gives
that is so useful, and especially the habit of thinking what
your adversary's plans are, as well as your own. This
and Military History should employ your leisure hours,
which too many spend in cards and billiards.

During active service he writes :

I wonder whether you keep a Journal — it would be
wise to do so for your own improvement, and it would
be so interesting for you in after life as recording your
early military experiences.

At the end of the war, the young soldier, who desired
anything but inactivity, obtained a transfer to the Indian

INDIAN LIFE EECALLED 373

Army. The exchange was made easy by a word from Lord
Eoberts, who was a personal friend of Sir Joseph's. Soon
he passed his Staff examinations and entered the Pioneers.
Nothing could delight Hooker more than that his son should
serve in the country with which he was himself so closely
connected.

Your first object must be the interest of the Indian
Government which you have undertaken to serve. Keep
that always before you and you will never regret even a
failure.

He threw himself, if it were possible, even more eagerly
into his son's every interest. Hindustani must be learnt.

I well remember how helpless I found myself for the
first year in India, and how little I understood of my sur-
roundings, and especially of the Government of the country,
and the position and duties of the political and civil officials,
from Baboos up to Judges, into intercourse with whom I
was thrown when travelling up the country, and down
again, before going to Darjeeling.

But of course there was a great change since the day of
John Company.

The Hookah was then quite in use at the dinner table —
the meals were long and heavy, much wine was drunk,
and people toasted one another in tumblers of beer ! All
this is, I hear, a thing of the past, but there is too much
tippling of ' whisky and soda ' at all hours of the day.

But an abstract word of warning is not enough. Practical
wisdom must suggest some feasible way to avoid being drawn
Into a habit which is doing great mischief. This comes in
the experience of an old friend lately home from India.

He says that it requires great firmness, with a pleasant
manner, to resist the invitations to join a friend in whisky
and soda. He always did so, putting it off by having a
pipe or cigar, or the soda without the whisky. Worst of
all is the common habit of taking one before going to bed.

374 THE ' LION ' LETTERS

The enchanted land opened itself again to him through
the eyes of his son. He has seen Parasnath.

It was my first mountain climb in India, and I have
still hanging in the hall the little marble head of the Jain
idol which I found (with the Leper) hi the ruined temple
at the top.

He is yet more delighted that the lad has been to Darjiling
and has found the ' Journal ' helpful ; and would have liked,
had it been possible, to send him the pass for the railway —
' a little gold kukri that hangs to my watch chain — given by
the constructor because of some information I gave him about
10 years ago.'

India is inexhaustible. ' It makes me giddy to think
how much you have to learn of that wonderful country — its
History, Peoples and productions, not to say also its languages.'
To take an interest in all these things becomes a University man.

From old experience he can well understand the difficulty
of grappling with Hindustani for entrance to the Staff and
the ' appalling ' stiffness of the examinations, but heartens
the young officer to grind away with his malodorous Moonshi
by the reflection that unless they put stiff questions, the
examiners have no means of picking out the men of highest
ability. When one examination was passed after another,
Hooker is delighted with his ' good head for lingos ' ; and
bids him try for Persian next. To be a smart officer is not
enough — ' I do so want to see you taking the position of an
exceptionally instructed officer.'

In this connexion he asks whether any of his brother
officers are reading men.

Is it true what all the people are now saying, that young
officers never read and think it ' bad form ' to study, or
talk on professional subjects ?

One of these brother officers is described as ' a quiet young
man.'

I hope [returns Hooker] that you make up to the ' quiet
young man ' — ten to one you will find something in him.

INDIAN SOLDIEES AND SOLDIEEING 375

The months go by, but ' still I have 2000 questions to ask
you,' one of which is :

How do your men compare with the Hampshires in
conduct and bearing ? It appeared to me that the soldiers
of the Indian army were of a different type from ' Tommy
Atkins,' more proud of their service, with more self-respect
and better manners.

And later :

I shall be glad to hear how you get on with your men:-
Natives are just what Europeans make them.

Later again (1906) the point is put rather differently :

Native soldiers in India always look so dignified, as
if they were models of self-respect, though individually
they may be ' badmashes ' of a pronounced type.

Hooker's own philosophy of life comes out strongly in
discussing the ' dulness ' of a military routine career. His
son was eager for greater activity ; meantime the alternative
counsel was to make regimental life interesting.

This depends more on yourself than on your surroundings ;
an active mind by seeking finds interests and occupations
where a common mind sees nothing but boredom. Please
remember that your dullest duties can be made interesting
to me.

And he believes that in most cases the dulnesses of regi-
mental life are due to lack of intelligence or education in
English boys and officers.

To this may be added another saying apropos of the
need of frequent manoeuvres. True that generals thus learn
their duties in war ; but much more

the best of all schooling for those beneath them, down to
subalterns, is to witness their blunderings and mistakes on
the field. . . . Wellington said he had any number of
Generals who could get 10,000 men into Hyde Park, but
not half a dozen who could get them out again without

376 THE ' LION ' LETTEES

blundering and confusion ! Whatever you do, do not
encourage the feeling that nothing is to be learned from
witnessing the evolutions of troops, however badly con-
ducted. The wisest men reap their wisdom from their
experience of the foolishness of others.

CHAPTEK XL VI

FINAL BOTANICAL WORK

No sooner was the Flora of British India finished than the
Indian Government requested Hooker to undertake the com-
pletion of the Handbook to the Ceylon Flora, interrupted by
the death of H. Trimen after the issue of three volumes. It
would be, he thought, a relatively easy task coming imme-
diately after the Indian Flora. It supplied occupation for
nearly three years, Part IV appearing in 1898 and Part V
in 1900.

From the long labour of the Flora of British India sprang
two other works of substance. He was well aware of the
imperfection of the material upon which he had worked.
Some of the more difficult groups were still full of confusion,
with genera and species not accurately compared and delimited
by a careful monographer. One of the most perplexing was
the group of the Balsams (Impatiens), and to this he devoted
the chief part of his remaining years. Not only had new
Balsams been discovered in the score of years that had passed
since then, but he was not satisfied with the results he had
obtained from the Herbarium specimens upon which he had
worked for the Flora of British India. The species were very
often only to be distinguished by very delicate differences in
the shape of the flowers and the relations of their parts, which
were too often masked or crushed in the dried specimens by the
careless treatment of the native collectors. All his inexhaustible
patience was needed in the tedious work of soaking the crumpled
specimens from the paper to which they were heavily glued,
and getting them into shape for drawing and examination

TOL. n 377 2 B

878 FINAL BOTANICAL WOEK

under the microscope. Even then they were not satisfactory.
But his friends in India came to the rescue, sending whole
herbarium sets from Madras, Calcutta, and Saharunpore.
They made drawings for him from the living plants, and Mr.
Duthie in particular made fresh collections for him in the
Western Himalayas, sending over new specimens most carefully
gathered and preserved by an admirable collector, Inayat
Khan, after whom Hooker gratefully named a new species.

He began re-examining the Balsams in 1898. By October
1899 he set steadily to work after the Ceylon Flora was off
his hands. In one form or another this continued to be his
principal occupation to the end of his life. In the main it
took shape in an Epitome of the British Indian species of
Impatiens, which occupied fifty-eight pages in the ' Botanical
Survey of India, 1904-6,' vol. iv. (1906).

Subsidiary to this was the identification and naming of
the specimens sent to him, and these were many, for gradually
all collections of Impatiens gravitated towards him, as the
one man who had anything like full knowledge of the Genus.
More than that, he published in 1904 a description of those
in the Wallichian collection at the Linnean Society, and in
1908 of those in the Herbarium of the Paris Museum.

He was then ninety-one, but continued to work in this rich
and inexhaustible field. India completed, his botanical impetus
carried him on to the Balsams of all South-Eastern and Eastern
Asia. Thus in each of the three succeeding years he published
twenty-five drawings of curious Asiatic species in the Icones
Plantarum ; each year in the Kew Bulletin or the Botanical
Magazine he dealt with new species from Malaya or China or
the western Indian Peninsula, or reviewed the distribution
of the Order in particular localities such as the Philippines or
Chitral, while in the last year of his life also appeared his con-
tribution of the Balsamineae to Lecomte's ' Flore generate
de 1'Indo-Chine.'

These long and minute researches, however, did not use
up all his octogenarian energies. In the summer of 1901 , being
now eighty -four, he was requested by the Indian Government
to draw up for the Imperial Gazetteer of India a succinct

MEMOIE OF HIS FATHER 379

survey of Indian Botany, a task which meant working anew
over the exact distribution of the whole Flora and condensing
the result into the compass of fifty-five pages. For this
intricate piece of analysis and condensation he was at first
allotted a bare three months, but exacted six ; when at last
it was ready, he was told that publication must be held over :
a serious thing, he complained, at his age. But happily it
was not left for another hand to pass through the press.
Though the Gazetteer was not published till 1907, a dis-
heartening delay which made him regard his Essay ' with
its corrigenda as quite behind time and hardly worth printing,'
an advance issue of the ' Sketch of the Flora of British India'
appeared in 1904, and he was able in the interval to work in
various touches as they occurred to him.

More personal in the gratification it gave him was the
record of his father's life and work which he published in the
Annals of Botany in 1 902, occupying more than 200 pages of
the journal.

It was therefore on a very different scale from the sketch
of Bentham's life-work in the Annals of Botany (December
1898, vol. xii. No. xlviii.), where he could not add much to
what he contributed to Nature shortly after Bentham's death.

The memoir of his father was his principal occupation
from March to September, though he had hoped to finish it
for the April number. He finds it ' as laborious as it is a
grateful work,' for biographical writing did not come easily
to him. ' I wish I had your facility for writing biography ! '
he exclaims to Mrs. Lyell, mindful of her memoir of her father,
Leonard Horner ; and here he was met by the further difficulty
that his father had kept no diary or journal, and the threads
of many matters had to be laboriously unravelled from his
' vast and voluminous correspondence at Kew, about 80
volumes,' some 27,000 letters.

To Inglis Palgrave

« April 26, 1900,

I have just done glancing over my father's letters to
Dawson Turner, 1805-1851. Except in as far as they throw

&80 FINAL BOTANICAL WORK

light on one's family affairs, they are very disappointing.
He seems to have confided everything to D. T. His affairs
and difficulties with publishers, booksellers, printers, Euro-
pean and colonists, are minutely detailed and advice asked,
but there is nothing in this that could interest the public.

His Scotch expeditions would have been interesting
had he described them or kept a diary, but you cannot even
trace his routes ; of one journey as far as the Hebrides,
before 1805, there is only an incidental allusion ! He must
have kept a journal of one of the long journeys, probably
with Borrer, for he consults D. T. about publishing it. Of
his several Continental journeys there are no routes or par-
ticulars, except in one letter to your mother, and no mention
even of the Botanists he saw, or Museums or Herbaria.

On his return from Iceland, several years before his
marriage, he was put by D. T. and Mr. Paget into the Hales-
worth Brewery to have the business under Mr. James Turner,
D. T.'s brother, who went stark mad.

My father seems to have spent most or all of his time
on his own botanical works (which cost him large sums, as
did purchase of books) and in trips to London. The Brewery
went down apace, and was sold at a great loss. Meanwhile
a large portion of his fortune, originally large (he sold the
land alone for £20,000) was put into the Spanish funds, and
realised in the long run from £200 in all.

The account of Mr. J. Turner's madness is gruesome
reading. My father was persuaded to take him to sea for
a month, with Mrs. T. and several gentlemen ; they hired
a pilot boat and the conduct of the lunatic was disgusting
to a degree. The weather being stormy they abandoned
the vessel and visited all the towns in Holland and some in
Belgium, dragging the wretched creature with them ! On
their return he was put into an asylum, which he never left I
believe.

Euin was evidently staring my father in the face, when
he obtained the Glasgow Professorship ; for I should say
he had before his marriage been living on his capital. At
Glasgow he began to save, as much by his publications as
by the rapidly increasing classes, and improved Exam, fees
and Regius grants, but he was always seeking for a position
in London, and the letters are full to satiety of disappointed

SIE WILLIAM'S COEEESPONDENCE 881

struggles, hopes and castles in the air. Then came family
sorrows, with the appointment to Kew.

Latterly his untiring efforts to get me on with the
Admiralty, India Office, Treasury, Woods and Forests, and
a host of Ministers, is quite bewildering. He thought far
more of me than of himself.

These are mere hasty gleanings from 728 letters, which
to read carefully would take a good many months. To
typewrite them would cost a vast deal, and so many of
the letters have no interest, or deal with better forgotten
subjects, that they could not be intrusted out of the family.
There is nothing before 1809 or after 1851.

The devotion to D. T. is quite touching throughout,
and D. T. was very useful to him in many ways. There are
large breaks in the correspondence and I suspect he gave
many letters that he should have kept to D. T., especially
from Ministers, about Kew and Glasgow College, and myself.

The letter to your mother is being copied, it could not
be removed without breaking up the whole huge volume,
the binding of which is like iron.

I shall look over my mother's letters to her father.
Unfortunately she left orders that all my father's letters
to her, indeed all her letters, were to be burnt.

Yours ever affectionately,

J. D. HOOKER.

To Mr. Dufhie

The labour of picking the materials from his huge
correspondence is very tedious. He was three years literally
bombarding the Government Officials before he captured
the Gardens — not till after the collections had been offered
first to the Horticultural Society, then to the Eegent's Park
Gardens and been refused by both, upon which the Lord
Steward ordered the Cape and New Holland collections
to be destroyed ! and their houses to be occupied by vines.
They had a very narrow escape,

To Inglis Palgrave

September 25, 1902.

The raking up of and co-ordinating his work has been
a very heavy job. He tried to do far too much without

382 FINAL BOTANICAL WOEK

clerical aid, except of my mother. Thirty years of purely
editorial work without a Co-editor of any kind, was a hope-
less task, and his ' Journals of Botany,' 31 vols., with useless
indexes, have been the despair of botanists. The amount
of curious, novel and instructive matter that they contain
is marvellous, and I have long appendices classifying their
contents as best I could.

These appendices were specially laborious, with their
chronological catalogues of all Sir William's writings great
and small ; the classification of the more important articles
and reviews in his various Journals of Botany, arranged under
the names of the countries involved, of the authors, of special
groups of plants or general works ; lists of economic plants
described or discussed ; of obituary notices, or articles physio-
logical, morphological, and anatomical ; of Sir William's
principal botanical correspondents with the number of letters
from each. But his affectionate admiration of his father was
built deep into the very foundations of his life, and it was
for him a labour of love as well as justice to raise a worthy
monument to his memory. To the last his pleasure was
always aroused by appreciation of his father's work ; witness
his letter to Sir Edward Fry in 1910 when he adopted the
plates drawn by Sir William for his own work on British Mosses.
(See p. 473 seq.)

This was not the only point where the cycle of time swung
round and brought up old interests of his again. The
Himalayas were to come before him again through Dr. Douglas
Freshfield's x mountain ascents and geological studies ; Dr.
Arber's paper on Tasmanian fossil trees was to recall his own
first paper sent back from the Erebus ; the wonderful dis-
coveries of the Antarctic voyage to be revived by the corres-
pondence with Dr. Bruce and Captain Scott ; the Darwin
friendship to be lit up with a sunset glow by the publication
of the ' More Letters of Charles Darwin,' dedicated to himself,

1 Dr. Douglas William Freshfield, D.C.L. (6. 1845), President of the Alpine
Club 1893-5, has written on his travels and ascents in the Caucasus, the Italian
Alps, and the Himalayas. Formerly Secretary of the Royal Geographical
Society, he has been President since'1914, and received the Gold Medal of the
Society in 1903, the year in which he published Bound Kanchenjanga.

THE INDIAN BALSAMS 383

and the two celebrations, one the fiftieth anniversary of the
Darwin- Wallace communication to the Linnean Society ; the
other the centenary of Charles Darwin's birth.

Such were the main lines of his work.1 Some details may
be filled in from the unceasing stream of his correspondence.
Thus even in November 1898 he would go three or four days
a week to Kew, being busy at the Botanical Magazine ; but
by way of avoiding the journey in the winter, he would bring
home the ' portable ' and less bulky Orders to dissect and
draw.

While at work on the completion of Trimen's Ceylon Flora,
he was consulted by Mr. Duthie as to the best method of drawing
up and printing local Floras.

A letter to Mr. Duthie of May 3, 1898, contains the first
reference to the work on the Indian Balsams. The Himalayan
Impatiens had ' worried ' him of late. As has been said, a
multitude of these had been discovered since the publication
of the Flora of British India, and some species had become
garden weeds in England. One of these (presumably sulcata)
in his own garden, was not even in Kew Herbarium. It differed
subtly from the type he had himself drawn in Sikkim. Speci-
mens borrowed from Mr. Duthie's N.W. Himalayan collection
served to settle other points, but not this. As it came into
flower again in August, he resolved ' to figure it for the Bot.
Mag. whatever it be.' The usphot of long investigation, includ-
ing the raising of young plants in Lord Eedesdale's garden at
Batsford, was that sulcata as denned by Wallich was a collection
of extreme varieties of two other species. Such confusion
was an added difficulty in a genus already difficult by reason
of the extraordinary distortion of the parts of the flower.
Determination of a species was as difficult as analysing an
herbarium specimen. And most herbarium specimens were
unsatisfactory. The criticism which follows put Mr. Duthie on
his mettle and brought about a revolution in the mode of
collecting.

1 Here it may be noted in passing that in 1901 Hooker devised a very
practical form of micrometer for use in botanical dissection, which was after-
wards manufactured in Cambridge and then in Edinburgh under the name of
the Kew micrometer.

384 FINAL BOTANICAL WOEK

With regard to your herbarium specimens, the fire is
the best place for many of them, and so it is with all the
collections of the genus hitherto made ; and I would strongly
urge you to begin again, using a portfolio in collecting and
making notes on the spot, and above all getting capsules
and seeds carefully ticketed. If possible, drawings should
be made from fresh specimens.

Prain hopes to have this latter done for the Sikkim
species. He is sending me the whole Calcutta collection !
and I hope after the Ceylon Flora is finished to set to work
on revision of the Indian species of the genus.

Without better materials than exist in herbaria it will
be exceedingly difficult to unravel the Himalayan species.

By mid October, all the available Indian materials of
any importance had arrived ; and he exclaims to Mr. Duthie,
October 21, 1898 :

To tell you the truth, I quail before the task of tackling
them. ... I think it is clear that my first job will be to sort
them geographically, as the only way of matching the hosts
of specimens which are either flowerless, or have the flowers
too damaged to be recognised. That done, I must get
them into natural groups according to Fl. Brit. India, and
so on.

It was a year, however, before he had finished off the
Ceylon Handbook, down to the indexes of the five volumes,
and next day was able to begin seriously on the Balsams,

Classification was not easy. ' I must confess,' he reports
to Mr. Duthie on October 18, ' that the outlook is far from re-
assuring and I quail before it.' After being for some weeks
' deep or rather shallow in Impatiens ' he found them more
difficult than ever. The capsule offered the best primary
division, but the want of fruiting specimens was the greatest
difficulty, while many points for study could only be followed
on living plants. Some indeed very uncharacteristically ap-
peared not to burst elastically with resilient valves. But
seek as he might for a better co-ordination of the species
than that of the Flora of British India, he could, save in a few
particulars, see no material grounds for forming good groups,

PEACTICAL DIFFICULTIES 385

and foresaw with regret that he must in the main stick to the
Flora of British India for an intelligible arrangement, though
the specimens and drawings that poured in meant ' much to
correct and more to add to both species and descriptions ' in
the Flora of British India now a quarter of a century old !

In the summer of 1900 he attempted to make use of the
lip for classification — the saccate form in contradistinction
to the funnel-shaped — at the same time making great use
of the sepals and some use of the bracts. But this did not
meet the worst difficulty. ' Without the wings I am all at sea,
and the attempt to ascertain their forms is heart breaking.'
To make out their characters was simply impossible except
where each organ was dried separately, as had been done by
Mr. Gamble for a good many species. Flowers preserved in
alcohol broke at the least touch. The best help came from
drawings. After eight months' steady work on the North-
Western specimens, interrupted only by a bout of influenza
and holidays to recruit, ' the result is akin to despair.' The
re-examination of Wallich's Herbarium only proved

that it was not safe to accept the distributed specimens as
if they were the types. The specimens are in a frightful
condition ; almost impossible to dissect with any confidence,
and yet without dissection nothing can be done. The
mixture of species is incredible.

However, Mr. Duthie lent valuable aid, especially in
laying out the petals of new specimens and preserving them
carefully in spirit, and before long the wings yielded some of
their secrets to skilful method and patient handling, and by
September 13, 1900, he had come to ' some sort of an ending '
of his long work on the W. Himalayan Impatiens. On that
day he sent Mr. Duthie ' a crude sketch ' of the result, adding
the types.

His practical difficulties are eloquently described in the
following :

Since writing last, I have made the distressing discovery
that the wings afford most important characters, which it
is impossible to ascertain on dried flowers, or even guess at

386 FINAL BOTANICAL WOEK

until you moisten and dissect ; and I need not say that
this is a most laborious process and one destructive of
specimens, owing to the extreme delicacy of the tissues, the
shocking state of the specimens in so many cases ; owing too
to the grievous carelessness with which the specimens are
glued down, it often takes an hour to get out a flower from
under the leaves ! and two or even four to dissect it. ...
Of course all has to be done under water on the stage of the
microscope.

I" must now examine Brit. Mus. specimens, re-examine
Gamble's, and get specimens or notes on De Candolle's
species so as to identify them, for Wallich's individual
names apply to 3 or 4 plants — so awful is the mess in his
herb.

So, too, the Calcutta collection of Sikkim Balsams was

deficient in species, the specimens carelessly collected, very
badly dried, and literally ruined by the glue pot. . . . The
fact is, that except myself, I doubt if any collector in Sikkim
laid in the specimens [i.e. into drying paper] with his own
hands, and no one has drawn a species except a few by Cath-
cart's artist, and more by myself. [Of Roylei] though found
by me in abundance more than 50 years ago, there was not
a specimen in Herb. Calcutta !

However, he had been able to write a little earlier, ' Happily
my eyes are as good as ever, and my hand as steady ; patience
ought to be inexhaustible,' and he was not to be disappointed
in his expectations of the material that was collected under
Mr. Duthie's new instructions, though ' I should value even
more some observations, which only a botanist like yourself
could make, on the variation of species on the spot.'

When these arrived in November 1900, Hooker was
enthusiastic.

The specimens are splendid, quite enchanting, and the
floral detached organs all that could be desired. Mr. Inayat
has indeed done well.

He set to work upon this ' inestimable ' material ' with
rare pleasure,' all day and every day except one a week when
he went to Kew for the Botanical Magazine.

NEED OF SUPPLEMENTARY WORK 387

I am mounting them on slips of white paper, after floating
them in water, and taking out every fold or crumple. I add
a sketch of each organ to the specimen in all cases except the
manifest duplicates. I find the petals forming excellent
characters, and many specimens have ripe fruits which I
had not before seen.

Naturally it was good news that the same collector, Inayat
Khan, was to be sent to Kashmir, while [Sir D.] Prain at
Calcutta was sending another to Sikkim. The existing Kashmir
material was in parts very incomplete ; Hooker therefore
determined not to publish until the arrival of the new collec-
tions, which moved him to assure Mr. Duthie, ' It is indeed an
immense service that you have done for me and I cannot
thank you enough.'

As to the need of full monographs such as this to supplement
the Flora of British India, he was very emphatic. Mr. Duthie's
edition of Strachey's Kumaon Plants (1906), the result of
a single season's collecting, showed eighty plants not in the
Flora of British India. Apropos of the threatened suppression
of the Saharunpur herbarium and botanist, which seemed
specially serious since the question was mooted of giving the
Forest Officers more botanical education, he writes (January 24,
1901) :

That N. W. India should be without the means of naming
a plant by reference to a good Herbarium, would be a great
blow to Indian botany. As to the PI. Brit. Ind. providing
for this, it is absurd. That work is a hurried sweeping up
of nearly a century of undigested materials, and is in no sense
a Flora like Bentham's Australian. It had to be carried out
in a reasonable time, and except myself and Clarke none
of my coadjutors was really well up in Indian botany, or
authorities, or works, or climate, or geography. It is merely
a crude guide to the extent and variety of the native vegeta-
tion of India. To have done Impatiens as it should have
been, would have taken the time occupied by any one of the
volumes.

And as he wrote later to Gamble (March 2, 1903) asking
for the loan of a collection of Sikkim Impatiens :

388 FINAL BOTANICAL WOKK

Every collector seems to have got uniques, and the want
of better specimens of many fairly well-known species is
lamentable.

I am now writing up detailed descriptions of the E.
Nepal and Sikkim species, and still find errors of identifica-
tion in my last review of them ; and Fl. B. Ind. is past
praying for in the matter of errors in detail, from bad
identifications, bad specimens and bad examination. I
feel as if I were now only beginning to realise the difficulty
of my undertaking such a genus at all.

My great object is now to put the species into shape for
the use of Botanists in India who would take up the genus ;
for as to naming ordinary herbarium specimens by descrip-
tions it is almost impossible ; for this good drawings are
indispensable, and some species would take two or three
plates to give an idea of its variations.

This pause in the work on the Balsams until the new collec-
tions arrived was busily filled up from the summer of 1 901 by

an article on the Flora of India that I am preparing at the
request of the Governor of India for the new edition of the
Imperial Gazetteer. I am restricted to some 20 pages
and am cogitating the dealing with the subject : as to the
area of the Flora, composition, relation to climate of areas ;
relation of whole to Floras of bounding countries, and a brief
digest of the characters of each of the Nat. Ord. as regards
the genera being temperate or tropical, European, Oriental,
Malayan, S. Indian or Himalayan. Those are my ideas.
(To Mr. Duthie, July 28, 1901.)

The idea of the sketch, in short, is that the botanical
features delimiting areas are best expressed by the dominant
Natural Orders.

This ' boiling down the Indian Flora ' — ' the work of a
lifetime in 20 pages ' — he found ' desperately hard work,' for
he made out at least 16,000 known Phanerogams in India, of
which about 4000 occurred in his favourite Sikkim, ' perhaps
the richest flora in the world for its area.'

It was helpful to discuss the subject with [Sir D.] Prain,
then in England on leave, and to read the proofs of his
' admirable introduction to the Bengal Flora.'

THE GAZETTEEE SKETCH 889

Much correspondence also passed between him and Gamble ,
especially in regard to the Peninsular and Forest botany.

All through November he describes himself as being ' still
in the agonies of the little job for the Indian Gazetteer.'
It was absolutely necessary to begin by tabulating from the
Flora of British India, seven volumes of small print, as well
as from later works, the species of all the provinces under which
he purposed to discuss the Indian Flora, before he could get
a clear comprehension of any, or compare one with another.

In one case at least, when consulting a recent list showing
the distribution of the ten chief Natural Orders in India, he
suspected it to be founded on his own Flora, and therefore
could teach him nothing.

But nature resisted the concise and clear definitions de-
manded by such a survey. It was easy to recognise (October 25,
1901) the three subordinate geographic floras of the W.
Peninsula, viz. Malabar, Coromandel and the central table-
lands, ' India vera,' but ' I do not see how to draw their, geo-
graphic limits with any approach to accuracy.'

Again he rinds himself in danger of not observing due
proportion in treating provinces of which he knows much or
little. There is need for great reductions. Endless questions
arise that must be smothered on birth. (January 8, 1902.)

So too the maps and forestry data with which Gamble
supplied him were most valuable ; but again he found himself
exceeding all bounds in introducing these data.

When one considers that the smallest weed like Siylidium
has as much right to recognition in a phytogeographic
point of view as a tall Dipterocarp, the question of balance
of weeds against trees becomes delicate. (Jan. 17, 1902.)

Subsequent work in the same field he welcomed with but
one regret,

I wish [he writes to Mr. W. A. Talbot * in 1906, when

1 William Alexander Talbot, late India Forest Department, joined the
service in 1870, became Assistant Conservator 1876, and Conservator 1901,
retiring in 1906. Elected F.L.S. 1884. He published a Systematic List of
the Trees, Shrubs, and Woody Climbers of the Bombay Presidency, 1894, second
edition 1902 ; and the Forest Flora of the Bombay Presidency and Bind, 1909.

390 FINAL BOTANICAL WORK

thanking him for his paper on the distribution of the Bombay
and Sind Forest Flora] I had seen it before I wrote my
sketch. . . . All is put so clearly with the evidence through-
out of personal knowledge — whereas my sketch betrays the
hand of a mere compiler.

Similarly he was greatly exercised over the proper use
of such a term as Indo-Malayan as presenting a botanical
type. Taking the whole Flora of tropical India as Indo-
Malayan, with the Malayan element varying in extent in the
different areas,

we know what Malayan types are — but in what shape do
the Indian come in ? To what type would you refer
Impatienst Eeally I suppose it is typically Indian, for
comparatively few species are found in the Malayan area
proper, and the Indian species are almost unexceptionally
endemic. You could hardly regard I. Noli-me-tangere as
a case of an Indian type in England without being laughed
at ; and yet we unhesitatingly regard Stylidium uliginosum
as an Australian type in India. It is a case of ' first catch
your type.' (To Gamble, January 17, 1902.)

To J. S. Gamble

March 2, 1902.

I am beginning to doubt if there is any Indian type Flora
pure and simple at all ! and that Indo is a geographical,
not a botanical expression. Prain's ' India vera ' comes
nearest to a real Indian Flora, but is that not really African ?
where not Malayan. Of the genera you mention as Indian :
Tectona has its Philippine species ; Anogeissus an African ;
Chloroxylon is monotypic ; Phcenix abounds from the
Canaries to the Cape ; Borassus is all over tropical Africa ;
and Impatiens is now found to swarm in tropical Africa !
We talk glibly of Indo-European, Indo-Chinese, Indo-
Malayan, Indo-Arabian, and Indo-Oriental Floras, add
Indo-African, and where does India proper come in ? The
bottom is knocked out of the vocabulary except as a geo-
graphical expression.

I think I shall have to formulate a note to this effect
for the Gazetteer. Of course it is conceivable that India
is the mother country of all the Indos, and I rather cotton

AN INDIAN TYPE FLOKA ? 391

to the idea. ' India vera ' of Prain reappears in Burma
I believe.

On January 23, 1902, he tells Mr. Duthie :

I have finished the Gazetteer work, after a fashion that
I fear will satisfy nobody. The material I had would fill
a volume of 1000 pages — 20 allowed me ; I have extended
it to 40, which will, I expect, be met by an order to cut
down.

As to publication, When ? is the question. They gave
me three months to finish it, I took six and now they tell
me that ' some considerable time may elapse before it is
put into print.' At my age this is serious. (To F. Darwin,
February 1, 1902.)

Impressed by the scientific breadth of the scheme, his
friends urged him to enlarge, not to condense his sketch.
He objected that an enlargement would not be suitable for the
Gazetteer, which was not intended for botanists, but for the
intelligent general reader. The elaborate work they desired
would have involved labour in collating the Indian genera and
species with the Chinese, Malayan, and African, and of working
out all the habitats of Mr. Duthie's Himalayan specimens in
the herbarium.

When you see the Gazetteer article, you will be amused
with yourselves for supposing that its author was capable
of writing such an account of the Indian Flora as you would
like to see.

Moreover, even if he were able, he did not think the time
had come for it. With so many regions from Nepal to Burma,
from Orissa to Bombay, still botanically unexplored, to add
to what we know of the known provinces would not throw
more light on the broad features of Indian phyto-geography.
On the other hand, a fuller geographical treatment of the
forests, he tells Mr. Gamble, would be most fruitful and use-
ful— ' but I am not up to it. Only a man like yourself could
grapple that.'

892 FINAL BOTANICAL WORK

To J. 8. GamUe

March 24, 1902.

What is now most wanted in the way of clearing the
ground for a better dealing with the provinces of India,
is a list of the genera, and another of the species common
to all tropical and sub-tropical Indian Provinces, and to
two or more of them, and so forth. This done we should
have the characteristics of each province in high relief.
As matters stand, it appears to me that the making my
sketch fuller would consist mainly in piling on each province
the names of species common to most or all of them.

I am glad that we agree as to the use of Indo.

Your speculations on India as the alma mater of the
old world vegetation are very enticing. I have long dreamed
over the condition of India before the elevation of the
Himalaya, and always been brought up abruptly by the
question, ' What was the nature of the vegetation of the
area now occupied by the Himal., and which has been
ousted by the elevation of the latter ? ' As also by the
indisputable fact, that the Himalaya powerfully affects
the climate of all India. The older you make the Deccan,
the more dissimilar must its climate and vegetation be to
those now existing. Elevations of sea bottom may help
to the understanding of migration, but not the nature of
by-gone vegetations.

You assume that the Himalaya was under water when
the Deccan was still dry land, but the range must have
taken thousands of years to have reached its present height,
and if the European and Arctic Floras were developed
originally on the range, they must have had ancestors from
somewhere else.

Then again, what was the vegetation during the period
of the gigantic Mammals now hoisted up 12-14,000 feet
by the Himalaya ?

To the Same

AprU21,1902.

The Introductory Essay was all very well for half a
century ago, when all was darkness as far as a knowledge
of the Indian Flora as a whole was concerned, but I do not
see that subsequent collections have furnished material

SLOW PEOGBESS OF INDIAN BOTANY 393

for any very great advance on it. Had the Himalaya
East of Sikkim, or Nepal or Burma, or the N. Hindustan
been explored since that period ; or had the West Himalaya
been analysed, or had any good local Flora been brought
out in the interval, there would be more or less promiscuous
feeding for digestion ; but except by the Forest Department,
I fail to see any great light thrown on the Flora of all India,
since the said Essay was published.

Were it otherwise, how can you think it possible that
a man in his 86th year (next June), living 20 miles from
Kew Library and Herbarium, could face the task ?

I agree with all you say of the ignorance, supineness,
obstinacy, wrong-headedness, parsimony and indolence
sciencewards of the political powers that be ; but I cannot
think that in the case of India, the best use has been made
of the money and opportunities that have been granted
for botanical research, but that is a long story, better talked
over than written about.

As to an alternative issue in some Indian scientific publica-
tion should it prove too long for the Gazetteer, he desired
this to be one which would enable it to be circulated among
Forest Officers ' who could indicate its errors and supply the
hideous lacunae it shows,' a procedure which produced but
meagre results. He writes on January 28, 1903, to Gamble :

I must be an ' Old Man of the Sea ' to you. I have told
King that my sending the article to the Calcutta Annals
is out of the question. He and Prain inordinately over-
estimate it, never having seen it ! The Annals are rightly
intended for plates. The article would look ridiculous in
Imp. Quarto, thick paper, broad margin and big type. It
should appear in most modest form (I had myself thought of
the Eecords) for wide circulation in India, calling attention
to the lamentable want of material for bettering such a
lame goose. If it has some good and new points of use
and interest, that is the best that could be said for it.

In revising the Sketch during the autumn of%903, he
received much help from both King and Gamble in delimiting
and individualising the sub-provinces into which he proposed
to divide Burma.

VOL. II 2 O

394 FINAL BOTANICAL WOEK

To the latter he writes (November 11, 1903) :

I am glad of your letter for I have wanted to let you know
how grateful I am for what King tells me you have done
towards correcting the sketch. I have adopted all your
suggestions, but King tells me that I had better go over some
passages with you in respect to making them clearer to
Forest Officers. The oftener I re-read my Essay the less
I like it, but I do not see what more I can do. The fact is,
that except at Calcutta the Botanists of India have been
asleep since the days of Wight, Beddome, Law, Stocks,
Dalzell and a few others. The men of Bombay and Madras,
' Professors of Botany ' though they be, have done nothing
at all.

As he wrote on receiving Mr. Bolus's ' Sketch of the Floral
Eegions of S. Africa ' (October 15, 1905) :

Your sketch is all as clear as a bell, and I cannot help
comparing it ' longo post intervallo ' with my sketch of the
Flora of British India, much to the disadvantage of the latter.
My excuse is that we have no one area in India so well botani-
cally explored as any of your Eegions. Vast areas indeed
are actually unexplored,- though everywhere accessible, and
many oi them peopled by Forest Officers, all of whom have
had some botanical teaching.

The Kashmir collections arrived before he was quite ready
to turn to them. He had to restrain his eagerness. But he
writes to Mr. Duthie, August 20, 1902 :

At last I have got so far through my sketch of my father's
life, that I dared to look at Inayat's Kashmir Impatiens.
I make 8 species out of them, after a very careful analysis.
The specimens are splendid, and the separated organs in-
valuable. ... It is quite a pleasure to draw the sepals,
standard, wings, lip, from the detached specimens.

By the middle of February 1903 he was sufficiently free
of other work to return to the Balsams. ' I must now go to
Impatiens,' he tells Gamble (February 9, 1903), 'which really
terrifies me. I cannot get good groups, and they keep me

COMPLEXITY OF IMPATIENS SPECIES 395

awake.' If the first systematic difficulties had been overcome,
he found that to complete his descriptions he had to analyse
most of the species afresh, and even then the descriptions were
1 vague and loose,' for ' every organ is variable except such
as afford no character at all : it is like making species out of
the waves of the sea. Still the species are stable enough,
however loose on their pins ' ; and he plodded on, in his pet
phrase ' groaning over Impatiens ' at the rate of about two
species a day.

New specimens continually arrive, each with its own problem
to raise or to solve. One beautifully preserved set from Gamble
displays characters that had been destroyed in the more
roughly handled herbarium specimens, and ' clear up a great
long standing puzzle.' ' They settle I. Gardneriana definitely !
but what a queer beast it is ! the total dissimilarity of several
states is very striking.' (November 25, 1903.)

Of one curious Impatiens indeed (I. tingens), he had written
to Sir F. Darwin (June 11, 1903) that it ' differs so greatly
from all its congeners that it may be called a case of
evolution per saltum.'

Thanks to another set he makes out in the following June
that the I. scabrida of the F.B.I, should be broken up into
three species, among which he owed the determination of De
Candolle's original scabrida to a photograph of the specimen
in the De,. Candolle herbarium. ' I cannot tell you,' he ex-
claims, ' the worry these three have cost me ; due to the bad
specimens, the confusion in Herb. Wallich, and my own care-
lessness or stupidity, or both.'

Long after, Gamble sent him for identification a Balsam
which appeared to be I. scabrida. He placed it as one very
like this, which had already figured under six names, adding
(September 28, 1909) :

As to your finding that yours does not properly fit the
description of either, that is the normal condition of every
described Balsam. I am now revising my original clavis
of the Chinese species with the help (hindrance I should say)
of additional specimens and duplicated analyses, and the
operation is most disheartening.

396 FINAL BOTANICAL WORK

November 19, 1904 :

I am having an awful time over the varieties of I. Balsa-
mina, which are legion and strangely diverse — would you like
me to collate yours with Kew Herbarium? ... I have
no faith in a single character of any one form ; most of these
being taken from single specimens. As, however, I indicate
the locality of each form, future collectors may be led to
investigate them in their homes.

I have written asking Talbot for the loan of his Balsams
(of the Deccan), a suicidal proceeding, for if he has collected
I. Balsamina with care, his specimens will be sure to upset
my beloved varieties.

His prophecy as to the result of examining a whole new
collection was duly fulfilled. After dissecting every one of
the sixty and more species from the Madras Herbarium, he
writes : ' In every case I have to add to or subtract from the
previous description.'

Then arrived another little collection made by Inayat
Khan in the Himalayas, including apparently three new species .
Patient analysis showed these to be but one, which he proposed
to name after Mr. Duthie himself ; but with the usual perverse-
ness of the genus, it did not fit into his sectional divisions.

And being tripped up by what seemed to be an entirely
new species from the Peninsula, but which turned out to be
a variety he had already described, he exclaims to Gamble :
' The fact is that Balsams are " deceitful above all plants and
desperately wicked," and I am no match for them.'

I am quite in despair [he tells Mr. Duthie in January 1905]
and should like to show you my attempts. The Eastern
and Western Himal. species require a different treatment
and the Malabar ones a totally different kind.

In short, ' the attempt to name Balsams by comparison
of herbarium specimens is folly, except in a very few local
cases.' (March 24, 1905.)

The Epitome of Indian Balsams, finished in 1905, was
printed in the Records of the Botanical Survey of India in
1906. It was of only temporary finality. He continued

AN INEXHAUSTIBLE SUBJECT 897

I constantly at work on the inexhaustible Balsams of India,'
for the very thoroughness with which he had stimulated re-
search into the genus everywhere, continually brought in more
plants, and revealed the need of additions and corrections,
especially in the W. Himalayan section. Species belonging
to this, which were in no other herbarium, unexpectedly turned
up in European collections, especially in the Vienna herbarium,
and by 1909 he had detailed descriptions of some thirty British
Indian species. To complete this section was ' almost an
impossibility.' Kew did not possess half the species ; the
district was botanically unexplored, because, excepting Inayat
Khan, the collectors had been uninstructed men. Many
species, also, had been founded on single specimens, perhaps
found in one spot only by a single collector ; some in turn
were finally reduced to varieties of the most diffused species,
tbat ' terror ' to botanists, which was named after Koyle.
Were he but younger, he declares at ninety-one, he would go
and pick out species at Saharunpur.

Still, when he has to reject other workers' identifications
among the Balsams, as in Mr. Duthie's paper in the Records
on Chitral plants, he confesses :

I take to myself the blame, for you had nothing but the Fl.
Brit. Ind. to refer to, and that is utterly unsatisfactory, full
of imperfections and errors. In fact, it was not till after the
publication of Vol. I. of that work that I essayed a critical
study of the Indian species by moistening and analysing
every specimen where there could be any doubt. The con-
sequent labour has been trying, for within my experience no
genus of Phanerogams approaches Impatiens in difficulty of
analysis, description and classification of species. Except
by geographical areas it is impossible to bring the species
under control ; any attempt to bring all under one classifica-
tion as in Fl. Brit. Ind. ends in chaos. (November 10, 1909.)

Having done so much since he was eighty, his one regret
was that he could not complete everything down to the last
detail. ' If I were 10 years younger,' he adds on the 29th,

I 1 would offer to re-name the whole Impatiens Herbarium of
N. India.'

398 FINAL BOTANICAL WOEK

Moreover, the further he proceeded in this favourite field,
whether surveying Indian botany as a whole or monographing
one corner of it, the more he was disappointed by the slow
progress that seemed to have been made since the work of the
pioneer botanists and his own first effort to co-ordinate this.
Brilliant exceptions there were, and Calcutta especially had
upheld its old reputation,1 but 1907 and 1908 find him lament-
ing that botany is almost dead in India. To the fellow labourers
in his uphill task he deplored time after time the general lack
of enterprise that left large areas of India still botanically
unexplored, the futility of entrusting collection to the ' mere
haymakers whom you magnify into botanical collectors,'
the imperative need of taking a given area and working out
the varieties and distribution of important species on the
spot.

It is really too bad that the few Palms of the most popu-
lous and accessible parts of India should be botanically in
confusion. One would suppose India to be an inaccessible
country. (1901.)

The unexpected appearance of no less than five new
Balsams in a supplementary collection from the north made
in 1905 shows

how carelessly the country had been herborised, I cannot
say botanised, for really the mere collecting without notes
of any kind, even of colour of flower, is not botanising.
(February 1906.)

To Captain Gage 2 he writes on March 8, 1909 :

1 ' Beccari's Calami will be a magnificent tribute to the energy of Indian
botanists in having such diabolical plants collected in a condition for accurate
description.

' The Annals of Calcutta Garden are magnificent ; they are an imperishable
record of the energy of King in starting the series.' (To Capt. Gage, April 17,
1909.)

8 Andrew Thomas Gage (1871), M.A., M.B., B.Sc., F.L.S. ; Major I.M.S. ;
Director of the Botanical Survey of India; Superintendent of the Koyal
Botanical Gardens, Calcutta, since 1906. Educated at the Old Grammar
School and University of Aberdeen, he was Assistant Professor of Botany
there 1894-6 ; entered the Indian Medical Service 1897, and was Curator of the
Calcutta Herbarium 1898. He has published various papers on botanical
subjects.

INDIA BOTANICALLY UNEXPLOEED 399

Except perhaps Sikkim, no part of the Himalaya has been
systematically explored as far as Balsams are concerned, nor
will they be till European eyes are employed in the Survey,
as old Wight's and the Peninsular Missionaries' were nearly
a century ago.

So, too, in an earlier letter to Captain Gage (July 12, 1906) :

I do hope that this season will get us some Balsams from
unexplored territories, E. Burma especially. It is many
years since any new country in India has been botanically
opened up, and the contrast between India and China in
this respect is deplorable, especially as I am sure that many
of the new Chinese plants will be found in the E. Himal.
While India is lagging behind in exploring even accessible
regions by botanists, as the Katmandu Valley and Tenasserim,
or the Shan States, splendid collections are being made in the
Philippines — Australia is explored throughout and New
Zealand and E. and W. tropical Africa and Rhodesia, and
New Guinea beginning. India lags behind or if anything is
done at all it is by ignorant natives, who do not give precise
habitats, or dates, or even colour of flowers, still less such
characters of growth as a botanist does.

Your little exploration of Nimbo in Burma is in one sense
an exception, but was it possible to investigate a dry country
vegetation in the dry season ?

Surely some effort should be made to obtain the means
of redeeming the credit of India which is monstrous low at
present. There is no more curious field of research in the
world than the passage from the Burmese to the Malay
Peninsula Flora, but it must be done by a botanist, not by
ignorant natives.

Excuse my growl. I do love Indian Botany. I long to
see another Griffith.

' I do love Indian Botany ! ' This is the keynote alike
of his strictures and his corresponding delight in any achieve-
ment, such as that of Burkill, whose fruitful enterprise in
1907 dispelled the myth of the inaccessibility of Nepal. This
it was that made him urge the co-ordination of effort, to
organise the training of collectors, to obtain reports from the
Forest Officers as to what botany had been done in their

400 FINAL BOTANICAL WOKK

respective districts, to stir the Government to interest itself
in the work of the botanists, scientific and economic, and the
means at their disposal.

Nor was he satisfied with the botanical publications of
India. Officially published works were indifferently distributed
to botanical workers ; and the writers themselves often did
not reach his own standard of fidelity in reference and thorough-
ness of re-examination, such as provoked his regretful criticism
to Gamble (June 13, 1904) :

I am writing to about that Phoenix which he boldly

refers to P. rdbusia,, without having seen flower or fruits of
the species he has discovered, or a ghost even of P. robusta !
That is the way Botany is done in India.

And as for central organisation, he repeats to Gamble
(January 15, 1907) :

Botany seems to be dead in India ; some reform is needed.
There seems to be no organised scientific force which the
Govt. would respect and listen to, as the Home Govt.
does to the Eoyal Society — a position which the Bengal
Asiatic Society should take, and which would not allow of
the Lhassan Expedition being sent out without a Botanist,
Geologist, Zoologist and Agriculturist — without a remon-
strance which would have reached England and engaged
the E.S. in its favour.

After the Indian Balsams, the African. These he worked
at in the same way from February to May 1905, while awaiting
some of his Epitome proofs from India, * dissecting and drawing
the flowers of every species, but for which it would be impossible
to match future specimens.' Here were the same difficulties,
the same impossibility of good results from herbarium specimens
unless specially collected and preserved. ' Orchids are child's
play in comparison.'

It amuses me [he continues to Gamble on May 10, 1905] to
find that I only discovered all this at the end of my botanical
career ! The fact is that the genus will be a curse to systema-
tists for many a long year.

THE CHINESE BALSAMS 401

Then in 1907-8 he -dealt with the Chinese Balsams, from
Kew, Calcutta and Berlin, from St. Petersburg, Christiania
and Paris. They were overwhelming in number and variety.
Of the 130 species of Kew and Paris combined, only thirty
were common to both. From St. Petersburg came 350 sheets,
without counting those of N. China. While he was correcting
the proofs of his article in the Kew Bulletin on the Balsams
of Indo-China and the Malay Peninsula, two new species
came in from the Fribourg Herbarium, and as a crowning
touch, he tells Mr. Duthie (January 28, 1909) :

Only this morning I get a letter from the Paris Herb,
telling me that they regret having overlooked some 40 sheets
of Indo-Chinese specimens when sending me the lot I had
described ! This is like a stroke of paralysis to a man
approaching his 93rd year, but it is no use grumbling,
my eyes are as good as ever, and my fingers as agile as ever,
and I am indeed thankful.

In February 1909 he was ' still grovelling among Balsams/
finishing his monograph of the Indo-Chinese species for Le-
comte's ' Flore Generale de 1'Indo-Chine,' which took the longer
to complete as individual comparison was necessary with two
other collections. If the other specimens had been bard to
handle, these had the sad pre-eminence of being by far the
most troublesome he ever handled. By the end of this time his
detailed descriptions amounted to nearly three hundred species.

It is a small but characteristic point that Hooker offered
not only to defray the cost of translating his paper into French,
but to provide special drawings up to £10 if desired by the
editor of the Archives. Twelve of the new species had
been figured in the Icones. Kew also offered to lend the
drawings made from the Chinese specimens from the Paris
collection to be copied or photographed, over seventy sheets.
Hooker strongly recommended the acceptance of this^offer,

for species of Impatiens are inconceivably difficult of deter-
mination and identification from herbarium specimens ;
and considering that the great majority of the Chinese species
are described from single herbarium specimens, my deter-
mination of them must be often very faulty.

CHAPTEE XLVII

FURTHER PROBLEMS OP ECONOMIC BOTANY

INDIA, which opened out so wide a field of activity for Hooker's
old age, brought up a few problems of economic botany during
this period.

One was the question of tropical forests. The re-afforesta-
tion of parts of England was much discussed in 1909 ; in
July he sends Gamble one of the contributions to the debate,
remarking :

It recalls a notion I have long held (always laughed at
where expressed) that it is rather to tropical forestry than to
temperate that we shall have to look for a check to the timber
famine, and that this may seriously affect the hoped for
profits from British forests.

The rapid growth of tropical timber, like teak, must tell
in the long run, and scientifically arranged transport should
make cheap use of the vast waterways of the Amazon basin.
But an illuminating statement of the case in reply convinces
him that this cannot come to pass for many a long year, when
the over-population of the temperate zone will have left no
space for forests.

Another was the revival of attempts to introduce fodder
plants into the dry alkaline districts of the North- West.

To J. 8. Gambk

January 14, 1903.

I am in correspondence with Sir W. Wedderburn on the
subject of introducing drought-resisting plants on the Eeh

402

DEOUGHT-EESISTING PLANTS 403

and Usar tracts. As Director of Kew I had seeds of various
Cape and Australian plants supposed to be suitable sent to
India for experimentation in the N.W., but my impression is
that the results were disappointing. Of course I have no
intention of taking up the subject, but in thinking over it
I am tempted to ask whether there may not be other causes
for failure than the Alkalis in the soil. On the one hand
some of these Australians have taken at once to the Alkaline
soils of California. On the other, Australia seems to have
itself produced endemic drought-resisting plants by the
score on its alkaline soils. Per contra, India neither accepts
what Australia produces, and California greedily utilizes, nor
does she induce any of her own alkali-loving Chenopodiaceae to
spread over her alkaline tracts. Hence it appears to me to be
probable that other, and possibly more potent conditions than
the Alkalis may be found to obstruct the attempts to clothe
the Usar with fodder plants, whether native or introduced.

I have put the question to Duthie, suggesting that the
incidence of the rains may have something to do with it.

What was of closer interest, however, to the people at
home, was the revival of the West Indies especially due to the
wise application of botanical science. Hooker had seen the
emancipation of the slaves, the rise and fall of the sugar
industry, the growing poverty, discontent, and demoralisation.
He was deeply conscious of English responsibility towards the
Islands, lest the population in our hand should lapse into the
condition of Hayti. He had long urged the introduction of
other crops, tobacco and coffee, oranges as well as bananas, and
though progress was often deplorably slow, he was delighted
when far-sighted governors and merchants put the principles
of botanical science into practice.

The wave of depression which passed over the Colony
in 1897, just when he thought it was well on its feet, caused
him the deepest concern.

To Bev. J. D. La Touche

November 14, 1897.

I am interested greatly in this W. Indian sugar question ;
it is the most serious look out by far that ever occurred in our

404 PUETHEE PEOBLEMS OF ECONOMIC BOTANY

Colonial History. I shall be anxious to know how Chamber-
lain will deal with it. I had so much to do with the vege-
table industries of the W. Indies when I was at Kew, that I
cannot but feel deeply interested. It was very much due
to Kew that Jamaica was rescued from bankruptcy, and has
now a surplus revenue, and I see nothing for it but the
establishment of small cheap Botanical Gardens, confined to
economic plants, in the other colonies, and in the meantime
we must make both grants and loans, or we shall have bank-
ruptcy— and that means inability to return the Indian
coolies, or even pay their work ; the throwing thousands of
blacks out of employ and — civil war in some of the Islands !
I have no faith in Sir W. Norman's (the ablest of the Com-
missioners !) plan of granting bounties on our Colonial sugar,
under the idea that we shall thus compel foreign Govern-
ments to reduce or abolish theirs ; granted that it did so —
the measure would only be a temporary palliation. It is a
curious fact, that never struck me before, that sugar is the
easiest and cheapest to produce of all articles of diet (except
we include salt as such) and this by the beet, not the cane.
Curiously enough this state of things in the W. Indies is
directly brought about by our two great boasts, the abolition
of slavery, and free trade, principally the first. Had we been
wise in our method of liberation, and not at the same time
hustled the white planter out of the Islands with the mark
of Cain on him, the Islands would not have been ruined off
hand, and free trade, when it came, would not have hurt
them. As it is we must now pay for our two luxuries, and
there will be a howl in the Commons.

To W. E. Darwin

March 22, 1898.

Politics are in a muddle ; the W. Indies interest me most.
I can see my way a little there, but not elsewhere. We, by a
most iniquitous system of slave catching dumped down
a population of Blacks in our W. Indian Islands. After
netting several millions by the use of them in manufacturing
and growing coffee, sugar, &c., we suddenly give them their
liberty, paying their owners, and them nothing ! Well, the
natural consequence is, that the planters bring their ill-
gotten gains to England, thus robbing the Islands of both

IN THE WEST INDIES 405

capital and labour wages. We send out a lot of Governors,
not one in ten of whom knows anything of tropical products
or can promote old or new industries.

We have incurred a gigantic obligation in having to rule,
educate, police, and provide sanitary and medical aid for
the poor of a huge population for which there is no labour
provided !

The fact is, if we do not expend largely and soon, some of
the islands will lapse into the state of Hayti and St. Domingo.

To Rev. J. D. La Touche

March 2, 1898.

England has brought this about, and England must pay
to set the matter right — not by bounties or duties, but by
advancing money, some to clear off large standing loans, some
for promoting new industries — the latter chiefly in the way
of establishing Gardens for new profitable vegetable products
— and some loans to encourage capital.

Jamaica has prospered ever since, under the stimulus
of good Governors, she encouraged new industries. Thirty
years ago, sugar formed something like f of her wealth, it is
now I believe nearer J, and instead of a chronic debt she has
an annual surplus, and is making roads, railroads, &c., &c., &c.

Sir J. P. Grant and Sir A. Musgrave were the chief instru-
ments, and the abuse they got from the sugar planters was
scathing. That this danger of a relapse of some of the Islands
into black barbarism is a reality cannot be disputed, it is a
terror to the whites of some of them.

, Yet great progress had already been made in organising
West Indian industries.

To Dr. Fawcett 1

April 1, 1897.

It astonishes me to read of the extension of your useful
work in agriculture, botany and horticulture, since my old

1 William Fawcett (1851), B.Sc. Lond., F.L.S. to 1916. He was assist-
ant in the Botanical Department at the Natural History Museum 1880-86,
when he became Director of the Public Gardens and Plantations in Jamaica.
He held various positions in the Jamaica Institute, 1887-1907, and retired in
1908. He has contributed several papers to the Bulletin of the Botanical
Department, Jamaica, and in addition to a Guide to the Gardens, has published
on the Flora, Woods and Forests, and Economic Plants of Jamaica.

406 FUETHEB PEOBLEMS OF ECONOMIC BOTANY

friend Sir J. P. Grant started the culture of other plants
besides the coffee in the Island. He came and spent a
couple of days at my house at Kew before he went out. with
the view of getting all the information he could that might tend
to increase the value of the vegetable resources of the Island.
Except the United States, there is no country in the world
where the teaching (practical) of tropical produce is so effi-
ciently taught as in Jamaica, certainly no other British
Colony.

He was constantly on the alert to seize some point where
better organisation would mean better progress. After
reading [Sir D.] Morris's 1 account of West Indian matters in
1902, he notes (July 6) :

Under Agricultural Institutions, p. 78, I find no fewer
than five Agric. and Hortic. institutions in Jamaica alone,
besides Fawcett's Garden Bulletin, and the West Indian
Bulletin. Could not these, or some of them at any rate, be
combined ? As it is, they must entail a lot of waste of time,
material and expense of housing and administrative work.
The burden of botanical, horticultural and agricultural
literature is becoming insupportable — the costs of binding
and space occupied in shelves are hideous, for all that one
gets 99/100 of the pages are never referred to.

The history of tobacco in the Island is told in a letter to
Dr. Fawcett of October 15, 1905.

Thank you much for your letter of the 13th ult. and the
box of excellent cigars, which Mr. Arthur Farquharson has
been so good as to send me. Please thank him cordially
from me, and tell him that I believe I was the ' Deus ex
machina ' through whom the manufacturing of tobacco
into good cigars was introduced into Jamaica.

1 Sir Daniel Morris, K.C.M.G. (b. 1844). He was educated at Cheltenham,
the Royal College of Science, South Kensington, and Trinity College, Dublin.
First-class honours Natural Science, Gold Medallist ; Assistant Director of Royal
Gardens, Ceylon, 1877 ; Director of the Botanical Department, Jamaica, 1879 ;
Assistant Director of Kew Gardens, 1886-98. He went on special missions to
the West Indies, Bahamas, &c., and was instrumental in furthering trade and
agriculture in the West Indies, and published many papers on the subject.
Adviser in Tropical Agriculture to the Colonial Office, 1908-13. Resides at
Boscombe, and is President of the Bournemouth Horticultural and Natural
Science Societies.

TOBACCO CULTIVATION 407

It was in this wise : when Sir J. P. Grant was appointed
Governor, he, being an Indian friend of mine, asked me what
he could do for the introduction into the Island of useful
vegetable products, and he came and stayed with me for a
couple of nights to talk it over. I reminded him that it was
a scandal to our Government that with the East and West
Indies in our possession we had not a good cigar from either ;
that in India (excellent cigars are now made in India) nothing
but Manilla cheroots were smoked by Europeans, and in
England Havannas. I suggested my getting seeds of various
good kinds from Cuba, Manilla, &c. through our Consuls,
and histories of their manufactures ; and that he could get
some enlightened Jamaica proprietors to commence the
cultivation. This we carried out, and in the third year
Sir J. P. Grant * sent me a sample of tobacco grown in Jamaica
from their seeds, which I sent to an expert in London who
pronounced it as most promising. I also suggested to Sir
John offering prizes for the best cigars. His successor Grey,
also an old Indian, would not trouble himself to encourage
the experiment, but my old friend Musgrave 2 did, and sent
me several boxes of excellent cigars. Afterwards the quality
of the article went down, some boxes I ordered arrived full of
weevils and were carelessly packed, and I gave up smoking
the Jamaicas. Quite lately I have had good accounts, and
the box you send bears testimony to them.

It was not enough, as he insisted to Dr. Fawcett in 1897,
to be content with raising smokable tobacco and then taking
no more trouble. The best flavours must be obtained, by
scientific experiments on the various kinds raised in different
soils, and the selection of the best seedlings. Here the
difficulty lay in the time spent in reaching results after

1 Sir John Peter Grant, K.C.B. (1807-93), who bore the same name as his
father, Chief Justice of Calcutta, was Secretary to the Government of Bengal at
the time of Hooker's visit. He played a distinguished part in Indian adminis-
tration both before and during the Mutiny, and became Lieutenant- Governor
of Bengal, leaving India in 1862. In 1866 he succeeded Eyre as Governor of
Jamaica, and in the seven years of his administration effected a total reform,
both legislative and economic.

8 Sir Anthony Musgrave (1828-88) was a successful Colonial Administrator,
whose career lay in North America, South Africa, the West Indies, and South
Australia before he became Governor of Jamaica in January 1877, afterwards
proceeding to Queensland. He published Studies in Political Economy, 1875.

408 FUETHER PROBLEMS OFTECONOMIC BOTANY

innumerable failures. And later he asks whether experiments
have been tried in the way of making Navy twist in the form
Jack Tar likes, or of introducing cheap cigars into regimental
canteens.

In 1897 he asks Dr. Fawcett, l Has Jamaica as yet sent
oranges to England ? Surely it is time that an orange trade
with this country should be established.' Indeed, he finds
it most difficult to get an eatable orange in any shape. Jaffas
and Floridas are disappointing ; there was no sign of a delicious
orange, as big as two fists, which he had met with at the Cape
Verds in 1839. ' In my young days it was very different
when the St. Michael's came in shiploads.' By 1900 : ' At
last we are getting really good oranges (Californian ?) at the
Stores at a moderate price. The W. Indies must look to
their laurels if they do not soon begin to supply our markets.'
By Christmas 1901 he is glad to see that the imports of bananas
have doubled and oranges have largely increased, though none
come up to the Californians. Somehow also the Jamaica
bananas are not favourites ; and his own experience pronounces
them inferior to those from the Canaries. It is the same story
in 1902 ; the oranges are too full of pips and core ; they are
poor in appearance and not fit to be seen on the table. Some
scheme is needed for grading them according to quality. But
even then the packing sometimes was not careful. Later in
the year, after trying a most unsatisfactory chestful, Hooker,
who left no stone unturned to improve matters, wrote to one
of the chief importing firms ; their reply was that although
they had already written repeatedly, it had been to no effect —
they are afraid the West Indians never seem to learn
wisdom.

Hooker sent this answer with a sharp comment to [Sir D.]
Morris, whose wife at the time was in England, and had just
visited The Camp.

Really and truly the Jamaicans do not deserve the sacri-
fice England is making in respect of its fruit trade. They
want a rousing up — a good stinging series of articles in a
good Jamaica Newspaper or Journal — they have had too
much pity. A smart scold and a showing up of their idle-

JAMAICA OEANGES 409

ness and folly might induce other Islands to do better. On
the table to-day, there were even worse specimens than what
Mrs. Morris saw, trash in fact, as the best have 28 seeds !
I wish I could continue to patronise Jamaica oranges, but it
is impossible.

But he could not throw up a cause he had championed so
long, and whsn staying at Bexhill in the following January,
he ' kept his eye on the fruiterers in re oranges,' and learnt
that these now arrived in good condition, wrapped in papers,
but not graded. The grading was done by the fruiterers,
who declared the best grade to be usually excellent save for
their colour. A fresh supply coming in the day before he
left, Hooker sampled a dozen of the best, and ' at the risk of
being thought a bore,' reported them as larger and better
coloured than before, seedless and thin-skinned, but dis-
appointing in flavour and substance.

The pity is, that in buying a Jamaica orange, you do not
know what you will get — and the Jamaica growers should,
I think, have a governing syndicate of experts to direct their
efforts.

He paid no less attention to detail with regard to other
W. Indian products, all of which he faithfully tried in his own
household. Thus taught by experience he notes that the
public should be warned that sweet potatoes, unlike the
common potato, will not keep long.

His triumph was great, however, when success followed.

To Sir D. Morris

July 19, 1904.

It is indeed good of you to send me those splendid Bar-
bados Bananas, which are quite the finest I ever ate in
England. I am delighted to hear from my daughter in
London that W. Indians in good condition are now hawked
about at \d. each ! They are thus becoming what I have
long hoped to see, a food for poor people. For this they
are mainly indebted to you and you may well be proud
of it.
VOL. n 2 D

410 FUETHEE PEQBLEMS OF ECONOMIC BOTANY
To Sir D. Morris

The Beacon, Sidmouth : January 15, 1911.

I have occupied this forenoon in reading your admirable
paper,1 word for word, with Lady Hooker participating and
> pronouncing it to be very able.

Before commencing I was impressed with the necessity
for such a review of the labours of your Department, but
failed to grasp the vast extent and multiplicity of the aims
to be sought and the amount of almost superhuman know-
ledge, experience, energy, tact and endeavour required to
cope with the situation.

Please accept my most hearty congratulations and thanks
for your all too appreciative mention of me. How I wish that
my father could have been present. As founder of Kew in
an economic sense, he was the great originator, and you are
the most brilliant of his successors in the tropical field.

Perhaps to you your greatest reward is the confidence of
the Colonial Office.

Most sincerely yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

1 On ' The Imperial Department of Agriculture in the West Indies,' read
before the Royal Colonial Institute, January 10, 1911, and issued in March as
No. 75 of 'Colonial Reports— Miscellaneous ' (Cd. 5515). This Department
was established by Mr. Chamberlain and placed under Sir D. Morris. Nearly
twenty-eight years before (June 13, 1883) he had read a similar paper before the
same body : ' Planting Industries in the West Indies,'

CHAPTEE XL VIII

HOOKEK'S POSITION AS BOTANIST

BY PROF. F. 0. BOWER

FOR several decades before his death Sir Joseph Hooker
occupied a position unique among living botanists. A glance
at the list of distinctions awarded to him, as set out in the
official list of the Koyal Society, will show the catholicity
of his appreciation in countries other than his own. Within
the British Empire the leading position had long been his
without question. Thus contemporary science gave its verdict
in no uncertain way. But the opinion of a period is not
necessarily the opinion of posterity. There are, however,
solid reasons in the 'present case for believing that the two
will not diverge in any marked degree. In attempting to
analyse and appreciate those qualities which gave Sir Joseph
Hooker his assured position among his contemporaries, it
may be possible at the same time to recognise the permanent
features in his work. For it is these which will secure for him
a prominent place in the History of the Science, as it may be
reviewed from some vantage point in the remote future.

What first strikes the observer is the mere superficial
fact of an unusnally long life, zealously used. In the year
1837, while still a student, he described three new species of
mosses. In 1911 he established several new species of the
genus Impatiens. Thus his published record covers a period
of three-quarters of a century. Doubtless this was a factor,
but only a minor one. What is more important is that to
the very end he never grew really old. He never outlived

411

412 HOOKER'S POSITION AS BOTANIST

his freshness of interest in a new discovery, whether his own
or that of his younger contemporaries. Doubtless the extra-
ordinary length of his productive period made the great volume
of his work possible. But it is not upon the mere quantity
of the output that his title to fame is to be based. It is the
critical quality, the originality, and the diversity of the work
that are its outstanding features. Throughout it all runs the
golden thread of acute observation. He knew his plants
personally. As a boy he absorbed specific knowledge almost
unconsciously in his father's house in Glasgow, and in the
Botanic Garden there, which, as a source of novelties, was
at that tune without its equal in this country or probably
in any other. As a young man he travelled the world over,
to see plants in their native surroundings. As a veteran he
lived among them in the great Garden at Kew. Few, if indeed
any, have ever known plants as he did. Such knowledge comes
only from growing up with them from earliest childhood.

But he was not only a botanist. His interest extended
into kindred spheres. He shared with Darwin that wider
outlook upon the field of Science that gave a special value to
the writings of both. The best sample of his work as a
geographer is embodied in his 'Himalayan Journals,' a book
which ranks with Darwin's ' Voyage of the Beagle,' and
Wallace's ' Malay Archipelago.' These form a veritable
trilogy of the Golden Age of travel in pursuit of Science. The
data collected on his journey in Sikkim and Nepal formed the
basis of a map published by the Indian Topographical Survey.
By its aid the operations of various campaigns and political
missions have since been carried to a successful issue. If
Hooker were not known as a botanist he would still have an
assured place as a geographer.

Similarly in the Science of Geology he made solid con-
tributions to knowledge. He was early in the field in the
microscopic examination of plant-tissues preserved in coal-
balls. These were studied by sections, a method then newly
introduced by Witham, and since greatly developed in this
country. He may be said to have himself originated another
line of study, since largely pursued by geologists. For he

BEEADTH OF OUTLOOK 413

examined samples of Diatomaceous Ooze from the ocean-floor
of the Antarctic, and so initiated the systematic treatment
of the organic deposits of the deep sea. These, together
with his observations on glaciers and on sub-aerial denudation,
were all carried out in his earlier years of travel. The quality
and the rapidity of the work showed his mastery in a science
not specially his own ; while the problems which he handled
were all nascent at the time when he worked upon them.

But though such excursions into the sphere of the kindred
sciences illustrate Hooker's natural power and the breadth
of the basis of observation upon which he worked, his fame
rests upon his purely botanical writings. The most important
of them fall into three groups, though these naturally over-
lap : viz. the works of Systematic, of Morphological, and of
Philosophical character. His greatest Systematic Works were
the ' Antarctic Flora,' the ' Flora of British India,' the ' Genera
Plantarum,' and the ' Kew Index.' As all of these four differ
in scope and character, each demands separate notice and
analysis.

On the Antarctic Voyage Hooker had the opportunity
of collecting on all the great circum-polar areas of the Southern
Hemisphere. His 'Antarctic Flora ' was based on the collections
and observations then made, supplemented by those of other
travellers. It was published in six large quarto volumes.
They describe about three thousand species, of which over
one thousand are depicted, usually with detailed analytical
drawings. But there is more in them than reports of ex-
plorations or descriptions of new species. All the known
facts that could be gathered were incorporated, so that they
became systematically elaborated and complete Floras of
the several countries. Moreover, in the last of them, the
' Flora Tasmaniae,' there is an Introductory Essay, which in
itself would have made Hooker famous, for it contains a dis-
cussion of the permanence of species, to which we shall return
later. It contained also his first enunciation of broad theory
of Geographical Distribution of Plants. While it was still
in preparation Darwin wrote to him in terms of prophetic
enthusiasm : ' I know I shall live to see you the first authority

414 HOOKER'S POSITION^ BOTANIST

in Europe on that grand subject, that almost keystone of the
laws of Creation, Geographical Distribution.' Never was a
forecast more fully justified. Hooker the traveller had pre-
pared the way for Hooker the philosopher.

What he did for the Antarctic in his youth he continued
in mature life for British India. While the publication of
the ' Antarctic Flora ' was still in progress, he made his Indian
journeys. The vast collections amassed by himself and Dr.
Thomson were consigned by agreement with Government
to Kew. Thither had also been brought the herbaria of
Falconer and Griffith. Such materials, with other large
additions made from tune to time, formed the foundation upon
which Sir Joseph Hooker was to base his 'Magnum Opus,' the
'Flora of British India.' Though conceived, he says with
regret, upon a restricted plan, it ran to seven volumes, relating
to 16,000 species. It is, he says in the Preface, a pioneer
work, and necessarily incomplete. But he hopes it may ' help
the phytographer to discuss problems of distribution of
plants from the point of view of what is perhaps the richest,
and is certainly the most varied botanical area on the surface
of the globe.' This great floristic work was fitly rounded
off by his completion of the ' Ceylon Flora,' left unfinished on
the death of Dr. Trimen. His last contribution to the Flora
of the Indian Peninsula was in the form of a Sketch of the
Vegetation of the Indian Empire, including Ceylon, Burma,
and the Malay Peninsula. It was written for the Imperial
Gazetteer, at the request of the Government of India. No one
could have been so well qualified for this as the veteran who
had spent more than half a century in preparation for it. It
was published in 1904, and forms the natural close to the
most remarkable study of a vast and varied Flora that has evei
been carried through by one ruling mind.

The third of Hooker's great Systematic Works is the ' Genera
Plantarum,' produced in collaboration with Mr. Bentham.
Its three massive volumes contain a codification of the Latin
diagnoses of all the genera of Flowering Plants known at the
date of publication. It is essentially a work for the technical
botanist, but for him it is indispensable. The only real

THE ' GENEEA PLANTAKUM ' 415

predecessors of this monumental work were the ' Genera Plan-
tarum ' of Linnaeus (1737-1764), and that of Jussieu (1789),
to which may be added that of Endlicher (1836-1840). Both
Bentham and Hooker had felt the inconvenience of the want
of a Genera Plantarum founded on actual observation, to
replace the already antiquated ones of Endlicher and Meissner,
both of which, especially the latter, had been in great measure
mere compilations. In view of the gigantic nature of the
task they joined forces. But the authors specially wished
that the whole should be considered as the joint production
of them both. The characters embodied in the diagnoses
were drawn from the actual examination of specimens. Such
data could only be derived from a reliable and rich herbarium
such as Kew had then become. Thus the book is not in any
sense a compilation from the work of earlier writers, but it
contains a redrafting of the diagnoses on the basis of personal
observation. Probably into no work on Botany is there con-
densed so wide a field of personally recorded fact, expressed
in such precise terms. The authors were both mature ob-
servers. But while Hooker was at home in the forest and the
jungle, Bentham was rather a denizen of the herbarium. His
education as a conveyancing barrister gave point to his naturally
acute mind in the exact wording of diagnoses. The difficulty
of the task of Bentham and Hooker was greater than that
of their predecessors by reason of their wider knowledge and
the great increase in the number of recognised genera, conse-
quent upon the activity of collectors the world over. But their
' Genera Plantarum ' was on that account a nearer approach
to finality. Hitherto its supremacy has not been challenged.
On the other hand it has formed the source from which diagnoses
have been liberally borrowed.

In the arrangement of the contents the * Genera Plantarum '
followed the prevalent custom of the time. This may puzzle
generations that come after. For they may say it is true that
Hooker took the first step towards a phyletic classification, by
adopting the view of mutability of species. He was the first
Systematic Botanist who did this. They may ask ' Why, after
making this important advance on the older methods, did he

416 HOOKEE'S POSITION AS BOTANIST

maintain so nearly the grouping of orders and genera prevalent
before ? Should it not have been a logical necessity to attempt
some grouping more nearly in accordance with the probable lines
of evolution than that retained in the " Genera Plantarum " ? '
Those who would urge these grounds for criticism long after
the event of publication should remember two essential facts.
The first is that the work was, as its name conveys, a work on
genera, not on the grouping of genera. Its value does not lie
in the order of the arrangement of the diagnoses, but in the
strictness of their definition. It deals with the cutting of the
gems, as apart from the plan of their setting. Gems these
diagnoses certainly are, and it is probable that they will not
be improved in the cutting for long enough to come, the
second essential point to be remembered by critics is the im-
mensity of the task of arriving at any phyletic grouping of
Angiosperms, and the uncertainty of the methods to be used.
Moreover the time was not ripe. For this work was planned in
1858, and the first part was published in 1862, within three
years of the production of the ' Origin of Species.' Even if the
authors had attempted a grouping according to some theory
of descent, they would have courted disaster. They knew
as well as any men of their time the complexity of the inter-
relations of Seed-Bearing Plants : the nicety of the distinc-
tions, and the vastness of the number of closely related forms.
To those who appreciate this, the wisdom of retaining the old
groupings is manifest. A quarter of a century later an attempt
was made by Engler and Prantl to attain a more satisfactory
arrangement (Die Natiirlichen Pflanzenfamilien. II. Embryo-
phyta Siphonogama, 1889). They altered the sequence of orders
and genera, with results which are no doubt beneficial in the
main, though certainly not final. But the relatively brief
diagnoses there given are in no sense a substitute for those of
the ' Genera Plantarum,' which remains, and will probably long
remain, the ultimate court of appeal.

The ' Kew Index ' was produced under the personal supervision
of Sir Joseph Hooker. The expense of it was borne by Charles
Darwin, and by his family after his death. The scheme origin-
ated in the difficulty Darwin had found in the accurate naming

THE KEW INDEX 417

of plants. For ' synonyms ' have frequently been given by
different writers to the same species, and this had led to endless
confusion. The object of the Index was to provide an authori-
tative list of all the names that have been used, with reference
to the author of each, and to its place of publication. The
correct name in use according to certain well-known rules of
nomenclature was to be indicated by type different from that
of the synonyms superseded by it. The only predecessor of
such an Index was. Steudel's ' Nomenclator Botanicus,' a book
greatly prized by Darwin, though long out of date. Hooker
was asked by Darwin to take into consideration the extent and
scope of the proposed work, and to suggest the best means to
have it executed. He undertook the task, and it was carried
out by Dr. Daydon Jackson and a staff of clerks. The plan of
Dr. Jackson was that it should be based on the ' Genera Plan-
tarum ' : that it should be carried out at Kew : and that refer-
ence to the source of origin should be given for each species.
The work was started in 1882, and took almost ten years. It
extended to four large quarto volumes, with 2500 pages, bearing
about 375,000 specific names. Hooker read and narrowly
criticised the proofs, supplying himself the statements on
geographical distribution. Surely no greater technical benefit
was ever conferred upon future generations of botanists by a
veteran of the science than this Index. It smooths the way
for every systematist who comes after by sweeping aside the
superfluous weight of effete names, and guiding those who
consult it directly to the proper designation of the species
referred to. The Index stands as a monument to an intimate
friendship. It bears witness to the munificence of Darwin, and
the ungrudging personal care of Hooker.

While such purely scientific activities as these of Sir Joseph
naturally claim attention first, his effective administration
should not be lost sight of. Its most tangible result is the great
botanical establishment at Kew. Three generations of the
Hooker dynasty — Sir William, Sir Joseph, and his son-in-law
Sir William Thiselton-Dyer — made Kew what it is. In 1840,
when taken over from the Crown by the Department of Woods
and Forests, the Garden at Kew left much to be desired. It was

41S HOOKEE'S POSITION AS BOTANIST

small in extent, and without adequate library, museum, or
herbarium. During the rule of the Hookers it became a great
scientific establishment. The living collections, which neces-
sarily fluctuate in quality with the skill of the gardening staff,
attained the highest degree of success. But the more per-
manent parts of the establishment, the herbarium, library,
and museums, form the basis upon which finally the systematic
study of plants must be pursued. Their framework consisted
of the Hookerian collections themselves : first those of Sir
William, acquired by the State after his death ; and afterwards
those gathered by Sir Joseph in the Antarctic, and in India.
These were largely added to by gift, by purchase, and by
exchange, so that for the botany of the world, and for that of
the British Empire in particular, Kew became the centre for
reference and study. It grew into a great co-ordinating
machine for systematic comparison. It was the source from
which a series of Floras of the British Dominions and Colonies
has been officially issued, many of them planned by Sir Joseph
himself.

While this is what Kew means to the Systematic Botanist,
it is to the general public a place of the purest delight. The
living collections, and especially the Arboretum, on the per-
fecting of which both of the Hookers spent their best efforts,
give pleasure and instruction to the serious student and the
artist, as well as to the masses. This the public owes in
great measure to the administrative capacities of the first
directors.

There is only one other family record in European Botany
which can compare with this of the Hookers at Kew. It is
that of the De Candolles at Geneva. For three generations
they also were in the forefront of Systematic Botany. The
greatest of them was A. P. De Candolle. He was a most versa-
tile writer on physiology, and on geographical distribution. But
his greatest work was the ' Prodromus Systematis Naturalis,'
in which all known plants were to be arranged according to
his natural system, and described at length. He initiated
this stupendous work, but did not live to complete it. It
was based chiefly upon his own collections, still preserved in

THE DIVIDING YEAE, 1841 419

the family house in the Place St. Pierre, ai Geneva. We
visit it with interest and pious respect. But it is evident
that the active science of the present day has drifted elsewhere.
The dynasty of De Candolle, brilliant and effective as it was,
has left behind no co-ordinating machine like that of the
establishment at Kew.

The year 1841 was notable in the History of Botany.
It witnessed the death of A. P. De Candolle, and the move of
Sir William Hooker to Kew. It may be held as the year of
birth of the new establishment there. We may then pause
and consider the position of Botanical Science in Europe at
this date. The glamour of the Linnaean period had faded,
and the Natural System of Classification of Plants initiated
by De Jussieu had fully established its position, taking its
most elaborate form in the ' Prodromus ' of A. P. De Candolle,
the continuation of the unfinished work being left in the
hands of his son Alphonse. In England, Eobert Brown was
in the full plenitude of his powers, and, in possession of the
Banksian Herbarium, was evolving out of its rich materials
new principles of classification, and fresh morphological
comparisons. In fact Morphology was at this tima being
differentiated from mere Systematic as a separate discipline.
Nothing contributed more effectively to this than the publica-
tion of ' Die Botanik als inductive Wissenschaft,' by Schleiden,
the first edition of which appeared in 1842 ; for in it develop-
ment and embryology were indicated as the foundation of
all insight into Morphology. But notwithstanding the great
advances of this period in tracing natural affinities, and in the
pursuit of morphological comparison, branches which would
seem to provide the true basis for some theory of descent, the
Dogma of Constancy of Species still reigned. It was to continue
yet for twenty years to dominate botanical thought.

Meanwhile great advances had been made also in the
knowledge of the mature framework of cell-membranes in
plants. Anatomy, initiated in Great Britain by Hooke, Grew,
and Malpighi, had developed in the hands of many ' phyto-
tomists,' the series culminating in the work of Von Mohl.
But it was chiefly the mere skeleton which was the subject

420 HOOKEK'S POSITION AS BOTANIST

of their interest. Eight years previously, it is true (in 1838),
Kobert Brown had described and figured the nucleus of the
cell, and had approached even the focal point of its interest,
viz. its relation to reproduction. But the demonstration of
the cytoplasm in which it is embedded was yet to come. In
fact, the knowledge of structure omitted as yet any details
of that body which we now hold to be the ' physical basis of
life.'

The period immediately succeeding 1841 was, however,
a time pregnant with new developments. The study of
protoplasm soon engaged the attention of Von Mohl. Apical
growth was investigated by Naegeli and Leitgeb. The dis-
covery of the sexuality of ferns, and the completion of their
life-story by Bischoff, Naegeli, and Suminski, led up to
the great morphological generalisation of Hofmeister. Thus
Morphology in its modern development was initiated. On
the other hand, Lyell's ' Principles of Geology ' had appeared,
and obtained wide acceptance. Darwin himself was freshly
back from the voyage of the Beagle, while Sir Joseph Hooker
was at that very time away with Boss on his Antarctic Voyage,
and shortly afterwards started on his Journey to the Himalaya.
These three great figures — the forerunner of Evolution, the
author of the ' Origin of Species,' and Darwin's first adherent
among biologists — were thus in their various ways working
towards that generalisation which was so soon to revolutionise
the science of which Kew was becoming the official centre.
Well may we then regard this date as a nodal point in the
History of Botany not only in this country, but also in the
world at large.

It was into such an atmosphere of development and change
that Sir Joseph Hooker entered on his return from the Hima-
layan Journey in 1851. His first care was to work out his
results systematically. Two volumes of the ' Antarctic Flora '
were already out, and the ' Flora of British India ' soon took
form. These works show how fully he was imbued with
the old systematic methods : how he advanced, improved,
and extended them, and was in his time their chief exponent.
Not only did he add greatly to the genera and species recorded,

CONTEAST BETWEEN THE TWO HOOKEES 421

but he co-ordinated previous results and denned the limits
of distribution of species : thus giving more coherent treat-
ment to the vegetation of vast areas of the earth's surface.
It is interesting to compare his systematic method with that
of his father. The elder Hooker, true to his generation,
treated his species as fixed and immutable. He did not
readily generalise from them. His end was attained by their
accurate recognition, delineation, description, and classifica-
tion. His attitude towards microscopic detail is noteworthy.
He remarks in his ' Genera Filicum ' that Presl ' has laid too
much stress on the number and other circumstances con-
nected with the bundles of vessels in the stipes which in the
herbarium are difficult of investigation.' Occasionally he
gave his reasons for this opinion, as in a notable passage in
his ' Species Filicum ' (vol. iii. p. 3), where he explains that a
grouping based on the microscopic details of the annulus
in Ferns ' would be inconvenient to retain in a work whose
main object is to assist the tyro in the verification of genera
and species : and natural habit is often a safer guide than
minute microscopic characters.' Thus we see that for the
elder Hooker convenience of diagnosis was more important
than details of structural similarity.

But the younger Hooker, while he was not a whit behind

the best of his predecessors in the recording and tabulation

of detail, saw farther than they. He was not satisfied with

the mere record of species as they are. He sought to penetrate

* the mystery of the origin of species. To the elder Hooker

species were units. The younger contemplated the summing

of those units into progressions, which would thus in a sense

make visible the changes in descent. To the elder Hooker

the study of plants was static. In the hands of the younger

it became' dynamic. Development and microscopic detail,

used according to the methods of Schleiden and Hofmeister,'

became then of the first importance. Such enquiry we see

illustrated in those of Sir Joseph's writings which may be

i styled Morphological. The great outburst of systematic work

j,in Britain in the middle of the nineteenth century had had a

J deleterious effect on those of lesser breadth of view than he.

422 HOOKER'S POSITION AS BOTANIST

Anatomy and Physiology were in danger of being atrophied
in the very land of their birth. Hooker himself formed a link
between the herbarium and the laboratory. In his own work
he held the balance between the two by a series of Memoirs
which were ' morphological ' in the modern sense. Already he
had pursued the microscopic study of the fossils Lepidoden-
dron and Pachytheca in a fashion in advance of his time ; later
he made similar investigations on living plants. Examples
of such work are found in his Memoir on the Balanophoraceae,
and" in his study of the development and structure of the
pitchers of Nepenthes. The physiological significance of these
and other organs of carnivorous plants formed the sub-
ject of his Address before the British Association in 1874.
It was in 1863 that the great Monograph appeared on that
most remarkable of all Gymnospermic plants, Welwitschia.
This may be held as the best example of his morphological
work, and compares favourably with any similar Monographs
of the period. The material came from a very limited area
of dry country inland from Walfisch Bay, on the South- West
Coast of Africa. It was supplied by Dr. Welwitsch and
others. The plant differs from any other known type, but
after a full examination of the structure of its vegetative and
reproductive organs, it was referred by Sir Joseph to the
Gnetaceae. The analyses of the propagative organs were
carried out by him with minute care. The whole plant is of
BO unusual a character that it was a real triumph to trace
the comparisons leading to the systematic position which he
assigned. Much modern work, by the aid of refined methods
of fixation and the use of the microtome, has only served to
confirm his classification of one of the most bizarre plants in
the Vegetable Kingdom.

Such works bore the character of a time later than when
they were produced. They tided over the period when in
Britain investigation in the laboratory by means of the micro-
scopic analysis of tissues was almost throttled by the over-
whelming success of systematic and descriptive work. The
revival dated from about 1875. But we see in Hooker one of
the few who, prior to that date, pursued microscopic enquiry

BIOLOGICAL PHILOSOPHY 428

side by side with systematic and floristic work. It is another
indication of the breadth of his scientific outlook. This re-
vealed itself later in the lively sympathy which he showed
in the anatomical and physiological enquiries of younger
men.

But above and beyond all this systematic and morpho-
logical work lies Hooker's pursuit of Biological Philosophy.
In his hands the former necessarily led onwards to the latter.
It is indeed his use of facts rather than the acquisition of them
that constitutes his highest title to rank among botanists. He
fully grasped that ' the battle of the evidences will have to be
fought out on the field of Physical Science, and not on that of
the Metaphysical.' This was the difficult lesson of the period
when Evolution was born, and Hooker learned it early. He
cleared his mental outlook from all preconceptions, and worked
down to the bed-rock of objective fact. Thus he was able to
use his vast and detailed knowledge in advancing along the
lines of induction alone towards sound generalisations. These
had their very close relation to questions of the mutability of
species. That subject was approached by him through the
study of Geographical Distribution, in which as we have seen
he had at an early age become a leading authority.

The fame of Sir Joseph Hooker as a Philosophical Biologist
rests upon a masterly series of Essays and Addresses. The
chief of these were the Introductory Essay to the 'Flora
Tasmaniae,' dealing with the Antarctic Flora as a whole ;
the Essay on the Distribution of Arctic Plants, published in
1862 ; the Discourse on Insular Floras in 1866 ; the Presi-
dential Address to the British Association at Norwich in 1868 ;
his Address at York, in 1881, on Geographical Distribution ;
and finally, the Essay on the Vegetation of India, published
in 1904. None of these were mere inspirations of the moment.
They were the outcome of arduous journeys to observe and to
collect, and subsequently of careful analysis of the specimens
and of the facts. The dates of publication bear this out.
The Essay on the Antarctic Flora appeared about twenty
years after the completion of the voyage. The Essay on the
Vegetation of India was not published till more than half a

424 HOOKEE'S POSITION AS BOTANIST

century after Hooker first set foot in India. It is upon such
foundations that Hooker's reputation as a great constructive
thinker is securely based.

The first named of these Essays will probably be estimated
as the most notable of them all in the History of Science. It
was completed in November 1859, barely a year after the
joint communications of Darwin and Wallace to the Linnean
Society, and before the ' Origin of Species ' had appeared. It
was to this Essay that Darwin referred when he wrote that
' Hooker has come round, and will publish his belief soon.'
But this publication of his belief was not merely an echo of
assent to Darwin's own opinions. It was a reasoned statement
advanced upon the basis of his ' own self -thought,' and his
own wide systematic and geographical experience. From these
sources he drew for himself support for the ' hypothesis that
species are derivative, and mutable.' He points out how the
natural history of Australia seemed specially suited to test
such a theory, on account of the comparative uniformity of the
physical features being accompanied by a great variety in its
Flora, and the peculiarity of both its Fauna and Flora as
compared with other countries. After the test had been made,
on the basis of study of some 8000 species, their characters,
their spread, and their relations to those of other lands, he
concludes decisively in favour of mutability and a doctrine
of progression.

How highly this Essay was esteemed by his contemporaries
is shown by the expressions of Lyell and of Darwin. The former
writes:

I have just finished the reading of your splendid Essay
on the Origin of Species, as illustrated by your wide botanical
experience, and think it goes far to raise the variety-making
hypothesis to the rank of a theory, as accounting for the
manner in which new species enter the world.

Darwin wrote :

I have finished your Essay. To my judgment it is by
far the grandest and most interesting essay on subjects of
the nature discussed I have ever read.

THE ANTAKCTIC ESSAY 425

But besides its historical interest in relation to the Species
Question, the Essay contained what was up to its time the most
scientific treatment of a large area from the point of view of the
Plant- Geographer. He found that the Antarctic, like the Arctic
Flora, is very uniform round the globe. The same species in
many cases occur on every island, though thousands of miles
of ocean may intervene. Many of these species reappear on
the mountains of Southern Chili, Australia, Tasmania, and
New Zealand. The Southern Temperate Floras, on the other
hand, of South America, South Africa, , Australia, and New
Zealand differ more among themselves than do the Floras of
Europe, Northern Asia, and North America. To explain these
facts he suggested the probable former existence, during a
warmer period than the present, of a centre of creation of new
species in the Southern Ocean, in the form of either a continent
or an archipelago, from winch the Antarctic Flora radiated.
This hypothesis has since been held open to doubt. But the
fact that it was suggested shows the broad view which he was
prepared to take of the problem before him. His method was
essentially that which is now styled ' Ecological.' Many hold
this to be a new phase of botanical enquiry, introduced by
Professor Warming in 1895. No one will deny the value of
the increased precision which he then brought into such
studies. But in point of fact it was Ecology on the grand scale
that Sir Joseph Hooker practised in the Antarctic in 1840.
Moreover it was pursued, not in regions of old civilisation, but
in lands where Nature held her sway untouched by the hand
of man.

This Essay on the Flora of the Antarctic was the prototype
of the great series. Sir Joseph examined the Arctic Flora from
similar points of view. He explained the circumpolar uni-
formity which it shows, and the prevalence of Scandinavian
types, together with the peculiarly limited nature of the Flora
of the southward peninsula of Greenland. He extended his
enquiries to oceanic islands. He pointed out that the condi-
tions which dictated circumpolar distribution are absent from
them ; but that other conditions exist in them which account
for the strange features which their vegetation shows. He

VOL. n 2 B .

426 HOOKER'S POSITION AS BOTANIST

extended the application of such methods to the Himalaya
and to Central Asia. He joined with Asa Gray in like enquiries
in North America. The latter had already given a scientific
explanation of the surprising fact that the plants of the Eastern
States resemble more nearly those of China than do those of the
Pacific Slope. In resolving these and other problems it was
not only the vegetation itself that was studied. The changes
of climate in geological time, and of the earth's crust as demon-
strated by geologists, formed part of the basis on which he
worked. For it is facts such as these which have determined
the migration of Floras. And migration, as well as mutability
of species, entered into most of his speculations. The Essays
of this magnificent series are like pictures painted with a full
brush. The boldness and mastery which they show sprang
from long discipline and wide experience.

Finally, the chief results of the Phyto- Geographical work
of himself and of others were summed up in the great Address
at York. As President of the Geographical Section he chose
as his subject ' The Geographical Distribution of Organic
Beings.' To him it illustrated ' the interdependence of those
Sciences which the Geographer should study.' It is not enough
merely to observe the topography of organisms, but their
hypsometrical distribution must also be noted. Further, the
changes of area and of altitude in exposed land-surfaces of
which geology gives evidence, are essential features in the
problem, together with the changes of climate, such as have
determined the advance and retrocession of glacial conditions.
Having noted these factors, he continued thus :

With the establishment of the doctrine of orderly evolu-
tion of species under known laws I close this list of those
recognised principles of the science of geographical distribu-
tion, which must guide all who enter upon its pursuit. As
Humboldt was its founder, and Forbes its reformer, so we
must regard Darwin as its latest and greatest law-giver.

Now, after thirty years, may we not add to these words of his,
that Hooker was himself its greatest exponent ?

But before all else it was the part which Hooker played in

A PEOTAGONIST OF EVOLUTION 427

the drama of the birth of Evolutionary Theory which gives him
a permanent place in the History of Human Thought. He was
an almost life-long friend of Charles Darwin. He was the first
confidant to whom the Species Theory was entrusted. Except-
ing Wallace, he was its first whole-hearted adherent. He
was also Darwin's constant and welcome adviser and critic,
drawing upon his unrivalled knowledge of botanical detail
as evidence for, or check upon, the advancing theoretical
position. The published letters of Darwin reveal in a way
that none of the completed works of Darwin or of Hooker could
have done, the steps in the growth of the great generalisation,
and the part in it which Hooker himself took. We read of
the doubt of one or the other : the gradual accumulation of
material facts : the criticisms and amendments in face of new
evidence : and the slow progress from tentative hypothesis
to assured belief. We ourselves have grown up since the clash
of opinion for and against the mutability of species died down.
It is hard for us to understand the strength of the feelings
aroused : the bitterness of the attack by the opponents of
the theory, and the fortitude demanded from its adherents.
It is best to obtain evidence on such matters at first hand ;
and this is what is supplied by the correspondence between
Darwin and Hooker. From the letters it is clear that his
friendship, advice, and alliance were of incalculable benefit
to Darwin himself, who summed this up in the words : ' You
have represented for many years the whole great public to
me.' But while this in itself gives Hooker his natural place
in history, it must never be forgotten that he himself .upheld
in the ' Flora Tasmaniae ' the mutability of species, and based
his opinion, as Darwin stated, on ' his own self-thought.'
Among botanists Hooker was in fact the Protagonist of
Evolution. His influence during that stirring period, though
quiet, was far-reaching and deep. His work was both critical
and constructive. His wide knowledge, his keen insight, his
fearless judgment were invaluable in advancing that intellectual
revolution which found its pivot in the mutability of species.
The share he took in it was second only to that of his life-long
friend, Charles Darwin,

428 HOOKEB'S POSITION AS BOTANIST

When we review these varied activities, extending through-
out the long life of Sir Joseph Hooker, it is not difficult to
account for the pre-eminent position which he held among
his contemporaries. This estimate will be an enduring one.
For the quality and extent of the systematic work is such
that its effect must be felt wherever Flowering Plants are
denned and classified. On the other hand, the originality
of the generalisations on Geographical Distribution, and on
the Species Question, has lifted current opinion into new
channels, and so altered it that his place in the History of
Human Thought is for ever assured.1

1 Foreign opinion has been aptly called a court of contemporary posterity.
Recalling this, it is interesting to record that soon after Hooker's death he was
selected by the Japanese as ' one of the twenty-nine Heroes of the World that
Modern Time has produced.' — L. H.

CHAPTEE XLIX
PEBSONALIA: i898-i906

IN 1898 the completion of ' a monumental work in botany,
the " Flora of British India," ' was chosen by the Linnean
Society as a fit occasion for commemorating Hooker's eminent
services to biological science. A gold medal was specially
struck, and presented to him on May 24 at the Anniversary
Meeting of the Society, with which he and his father and his
grandfather before him had been so closely connected.

In his reply, Hooker recalled the fact that the Linnean was
the first scientific society in which he was enrolled* fifty-six years
before. It was perhaps due to his family record that he was
elected as the youngest Fellow on the list with no more solid
scientific claims than that he was serving as naturalist in the
Antarctic under Captain Eoss, who was himself a Fellow, and
had a copy of the Transactions in his cabin, which proved
a godsend to the young naturalist. The ships were at the
Falkland Islands when the election took place, and nearly a
year and a half elapsed before Captain and Naturalist knew that
they were fellow-Linneans. Now he was the only Fellow who
personally knew four of the 169 naturalists who, 110 years
before, formed the nucleus of the Society.1 He concluded
with these words :

1 ' Of these four, I knew two in my later teens ; they were the Rev. W.
Kirby, the author, with Spence, of the immortal Introduction to Entomology ;
and Dr. Heysham, of Carlisle, an excellent entomologist and ornithologist.
The others were Aylmer Bourke Lambert, a former President, and the last, as
I have been informed, who wore in the chair the presidential three-cornered
hat*; and Archibald Menzies, who as naturalist accompanied Vancouver in his
voyage in the Pacific, and who introduced the Araucar ia imbricata into England.
These all died very near the year of my election.'
429

480 PERSONALIA : 1898-1906

It remains, sir, to thank you cordially for coupling my
father's name with my own in this award, but for which,
indeed, I could not have accepted it without a protest. I
inherited from him my love of knowledge for its own sake,
but this would have availed me little were it not for the
guiding hand of one who had himself attained scientific
eminence ; who by example, precept, and encouragement
kept me to the paths which I should follow, launched me
in the fields of exploration and research, liberally aided me
during his lifetime, and paved for me the way to the position
he so long held at Kew with so great credit to himself, and
benefit especially to our Indian and Colonial possessions.

At home the summer brought Hooker its share of
trouble. His son William had just pulled through a serious
illness, and he was looking forward to spending a happy week
at Batsford, when he was called to the death-bed of his sister,
Mrs. Lombe,1 who had long been an invalid. The tie of affec-
tion between them was very close, and maintained by regular
correspondence. ' We had been fast friends for well-nigh 80
years,' he exclaims to Lord Eedesdale, and now that the
last of his own generation was gone, he felt deeply the loss
of a lifelong love and friendship.

Other memories of the past, however, were kept warmly
alive. [Sir] Francis Darwin, with the collaboration of Pro-
fessor A. C. Seward, was preparing to bring out a collection
of ' More Letters of Charles Darwin.' Hooker responded with
delight.

To F. Darwin

February 1, 1899.

MY DEAR FRANK, — I will gladly help you all I can ; so
have no scruples. By all means send me any of my letters
you think I can throw light upon.

You are right to make the book uncompromisingly
scientific. It will be greatly valued. I am getting so old
and oblivious that I fear I may not be of much use.
Ever affectionately yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

The exchange of unpublished letters brought some surprises.

1 Her husband, Dr. Evans, had taken the name of Lombe.

THE DAEWIN COEEESPONDENCE 481

To the Same

February 24, 1899.

I had no idea that your father had kept my letters. Your
account of 742 pp. of them is a revelation. I do enjoy re-
reading your father's ; as to my own, I regard it as a punish-
ment for my various sins of blindness, perversity, and in-
attention to his thousand and one facts and hints that I
did not profit by as I should have, all as revealed by my
letters. I do not think I gave my mind as I ought to have
— but I had always my head and hands full of all sorts of
duties, and my correspondence with your father was the
sweet, amongst many bitters.

Yes, I will gladly go down at some future time and confab
with you.

To the Same

March 21, 1899.

I enclose copies of your father's letters to mine. The
first refers to his testimonial towards my candidature for
the Botany Chair of Edinburgh University. If you care
for a copy of this I will send it, though it savours of vanity
to offer it.

Ever affectionately yours,
Jos. D. HOOKER.

P.S. — You are most welcome to the originals of my letters
to your father. If I had them I should be tempted to burn
them!

For he was, as ever, very critical of his bygone letters, as
he dipped again and again into the four red portfolios of them
now at his elbow : ' From what I read of them, I thought
they were very poor stuff ' (February 1, 1901). He preferred
his present rdle of throwing light where it was needed on
Darwin's current interests, and again insisted, ' Do not hesitate
to ask me for any information I can give you.' Going over
the slip proofs in May 1902 was no burden; but a pleasure :
' To me the letters are most refreshing — they bring all Down
home to me.'

The crowning pleasure came as the book neared completion,'
and the authors proposed to dedicate it to Darwin's closest
friend.

482 PEESONALIA : 1898-1906

To F. Darwin

July 18, 1902.

I can imagine nothing that would greet my declining
years with anything approaching the pleasure of having the
letters dedicated to me, and I do heartily thank you and
Mr. Seward for thinking of me. I do feel as if it would add
years to my life.

The first page of the book bears these words :

DEDICATED, WITH AFFECTION AND EESPECT, TO

SIE JOSEPH HOOKEK

IN REMEMBRANCE OF HIS LIFELONG FRIENDSHIP WITH
CHARLES DARWIN

' You will never know how much I owe to you for your constant kindness
and encouragement.' — Charles Darwin to Sir Joseph Hooker, Sept. 14, 1862.

The revival of the Darwin interest was intensified by the
inauguration of a Darwin statue in the Oxford Museum on
June 14, 1899. This, the work of Mr. Hope Pinker, was the
gift of Professor Poulton to the University. Hooker attended
the ceremony, and spoke, being asked

to give some little account of that long and intimate friend-
ship with which he affectionately honoured me. Of course
I can do little more than repeat what I said at Shrewsbury,
except you can give me a hint as to any other topic. (To
F. Darwin, June 7, 1899.)

This speech (a report of which appears in The Times of
the following day) he prefaced with an apology for possible
distortions of memory, for ' Narrators of an advanced age
are proverbially oblivious and too often victims of self-deception
in respect of what they think they remember.' Beginning
with the parallelism of their early careers and their common
friendship with Lyell, he told in much fulness the history of
the origin and growth of their friendship, especially in the
1 inaccessible house ' at Down ; his first sight of the sketch
of Darwin's theory ; and his retort to the friends of a later
day who asked why he had not shaped all his own researches
upon the lines of that illuminating sketch : It was confidential.

INTEKEST IN BUDDHISM 433

Of his character and peculiar power of work he repeated
the impressions given in preceding letters, but added that when
Darwin claimed for himself only a fair share of ' invention,'
he meant the quality that Hooker would define as originality,
the exercise of imagination in critical experiments. And
referring to the reception of Darwin's Primula paper at the
Linnean, he told the story of how an ardent supporter of
Darwin's compared previous students of the flower to Peter
Bell with his view of ' A primrose by the river's brim.' On
being told of this, Darwin exclaimed : ' I would rather
have been the man who thought of that on the spur of the
moment than have written the paper that suggested it.'

A sketch of his reading in these days shows among other
things the unending interest in Indian religions.

To Lord Eedesdale

January 25, 1899.

I am glad that you have taken up Buddhism, a favourite
subject with Huxley and myself. I have a few good books
on the subject ; shall I send you a list of them ? You can
then have what you please of them. I regard the Essenes
as a branch of Buddhists, tinctured some with Greek, others
with Jewish ideas (Philosophy so called), and that Christ's
teaching was one outcome of the movement. I shall be glad
to know if you come across in your reading any rational
explanation of the identity in ritual ceremonies, offices,
vestments, &c., &c., &c., of the Buddhist and Eoman
Churches. I have proposed this question to many a learned
churchman on one hand, and Buddhist scholar on the other,
without obtaining the smallest satisfaction. That it was all
accidental is the answer I generally get, at which I scoff.
I have my own ideas on the subject, but do not suppose
they would be accepted without more evidence than I can
offer. My friend, Brian Hodgson, was an arch Buddhist
scholar, and we spent many a long evening in the Himalaya
over Buddhism ; but his knowledge was too profound to be
communicated intelligently to a novice. I have his works.
I fancy he did more by the collection of materials than by
his dissertations, to advance the study.

My reading of late has been all but demoralising, for its

484 PERSONALIA : 1898-1906

variety and, to a great extent, vacuity. Novels of sorts,
intersected between fits of Spencer's last ponderous volume,
wherein the old matter interests me more than the new.
Travels I devour and only partially digest. Metaphysics I
cannot abide. I was disappointed with Tennyson's Life,
made up of snippets in too great proportion. I have read
Prescott's Cortes, Pizarro and Philip II. with renewed
pleasure. Also Motley's Ferdinand and Isabella, all stale
viands, but the two former still appetizing.

The Illustrated Edition of Green's History is just come.
I ordered it for Dick, with whom I am reading Huxley's
Physiography and Pope's Odyssey.

It is high time I ended this fatuous gossip.

On April 16 he sends his friend a batch of his own books
on Buddhism, adding with perhaps unnecessary emphasis :

My memory is now so bad that the whole subject is
a blur in my brain — a confusion of Thibetan, Japanese,
Singhalese and Burmese developments of the creed.

Follows a reminiscence of Dartmouth, where he had just
spent a fortnight :

We went over the Britannia, very interesting as you
know. I was astounded at the multiplicity and variety of
subjects crammed into the 15 months' course. It is a
grand education. I was amazed at the size of the lads'
sea-chests, quite thrice the size allowed in my time ! Dart-
mouth Harbour is charming, but the town beastly, swarming
with dirty children and an undersized population of loutish
men and distressingly plain women. The predominance of
dirty little lolly-pop shops is the feature of the place.

On May 7, enclosing a page from a book circular with
two Buddhist works which Lord Eedesdale might care to
get secondhand, he relates his own fondness for such
advertisements .

I get book catalogues almost every day and run my eye
through every one, not with the idea of purchasing, but
because it keeps up my memory of my father's and grand-
father's fine libraries.

PICTURES 435

The love of pictures, also,' was common ground between him
and Lord Kedesdale.

The Camp, Sunningdale : March 28, 1900.

MY DEAR OLD FRIEND, — Our last letters crossed: I was
delighted to have news from yourself and especially to know
that you had congenial work with the Wallace trust. The
collection must be a glorious one. I saw a portion of the
pictures at Bethnal Green, when exhibited there many
years ago, and believe that I recognised a few pictures there
from my Grandfather's collection, which was sold during
the Crimean War. If I mistake not, one was a small Titian,
Europa and the Bull, and there were one or two old Cromes,
small pictures. I have a privately printed volume of outline
lithographs of my Grandfather's small collection, with full
accounts of each picture. Of these I have two, a very slight
Crucifixion by Van Dyck, of no value ; and a magnificent
enamel on copper, by Bone, of L. da Vinci's Christ blessing
the world, 12 by 9 in., taken from the (then) Leigh Court
collection.

Also I have a very interesting picture by Beechey, which
passes as a Eubens, the history of which is that my Grand-
father accompanied Beechey to see the Eubenses in White-
hall, and the latter, on returning home, painted the subject
of one of the panels from memory, which so pleased my G.F.
that he purchased it from him on the spot.

My only other painting of any value is a small Vincent,
whose works are very rare ; but for knowing its history it
might be a Stark, Nasmyth or Stannard.

I am very busy trying to get my huge heterogeneous
correspondence into some order. I have nearly completed
the Benthamian, which is extraordinarily rich. B. was in
the full swing of Society in France as a young man ; and his
diaries are full of interesting matter, from 1810 onwards.
I let the Brit. Mus. have (some years ago) all his uncle
Jeremy's MSS., an enormous bulk, that will I fancy never
be consulted. Maunde Thompson has had them all arranged
and catalogued.

It is time I put my house in order, and so good night.
Ever, dear Mitford, Affectionately yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

436 PEKSONALIA : 1898-1906

Among his other interests, that in Wedgwood ware con-
tinued undiminished in his later years. It was the interest
of the connoisseur rather than the collector pure and simple.
As he tells W. E. Darwin (July 6, 1900) :

We now make all our marriage presents in Wedgwood
plaques, chiefly ' the Hours ' or ' the Muses ' — framed and
glazed, and you would hardly believe how much they are
prized, and how distinguished they look amongst the fish-
slices, paper-knives, salt-cellars and egg-spoons of the bridal

More than this, the beautiful plaques included many
portraits of great men of the past. These cameos, with their
historic significance, their memorial to genius as well as their
artistic perfection, appealed to him beyond all. He would
record the discovery of any which he had not seen before, and
if given a photograph of the rarity, offer a copy to W. E.
Darwin or Lord Eedesdale, his fellow enthusiasts, or send his
duplicates. The absence of such portraits he found a blemish
in an otherwise magnificent show of Wedgwood ware in 1905.

It was a show 6f Jasper Ware and copyists' skill in
reproducing and adapting classical figures, &c., but a score
or two of Wedgwood's common cups and saucers, teapots,
and such articles would have better shown the genius of
the man in adapting these to their uses and as being faultless
in modelling, ornamentation, and all the best attributes of
manufacture and material. So would a collection of medal-
lions and busts have shown his appreciation of learning and
genius and great services rendered to the country. (To
W. E. Darwin, August 24, 1905.)

A private collection offered for sale in 1907 which ' swarms
with cameos and portraits I never saw before ' fills him with
proportionate enthusiasm and regrets that he must not commit
the extravagance of buying it.

When these memorials had slipped out of memory, his
rare knowledge found happy use in reviving them. Thus in
1900 he corresponded with Etruria about the Herschel cameo.
Having found by chance that neither Miss Herschel nor her

HISTOKIC WEDGWOOD MEDALLIONS 437

brothers had ever heard of it and were all most anxious to
obtain it, search was made for the mould, and a rubbing sent
' of an old gentleman as like Herschel as me.' The mould
was identified finally from Hooker's own medallion, which
had been made for the 1851 Exhibition, and turned out to be
a fine piece of Flaxman's work.

Similarly he suggested that the Wedgwoods should supply
the Linnsean Jubilee at Upsala in 1907 with the Linnseus
medallion, with the result that ' the firm joyfully respond,
and will also send Capt. Cook, Banks, Solander, Bergman,
Queen Christina, Charles XII, and Gustavus III.' To complete
the matter, he wrote to his correspondent, the Professor of
Botany at Stockholm (Professor Wittrock),

asking him if he could introduce at the Jubilee the subject
of the Linnaeus Medallion portrait being the work of the
famous Swedish sculptor Inlander ; and that Dr. Solander,
a pupil of Linnaeus (afterwards Banks's Librarian), declared
it by far the best likeness of his old master. Also if he could
recommend for the Etruria Firm a good agent for the disposal
of the medallions, the firm having no correspondent in
Sweden. (To W. E. D., January 1, 1907.)

The memories of old times, often curiously re-echoed in
the present, are often warmly renewed in the letters to his
remaining contemporaries, Mrs. Lyell, whom he had early
known as Katherine Horner, and Mrs. Paisley, who, as Sabina
Smith of Jordan Hill, had been his playmate in childhood.

To Mrs. Paisley

February 4, 1899.

MY DEAR SABINA, — Your kind letter of the 15th gave
me very great pleasure. You are now the oldest of all my
friends ! the only one antedating 1830} so that when my
mind wanders back and back, ever so far, your name comes
as the first and last in the long list of old companions, and
always with unclouded associations.

Do you remember our ' black-bide ' [i.e. blackberry]
hunts in the hills above Helensburgh, our games in the con-
servatory at the Baths where Bell's steam-engine lay ? the
Amethyst ? the dogs, Copper and Combie ? and the wonderful

438 PEESONALIA : 1898-1906

apparatus for kindling a match by a stream of gas upon
platinum (I think), which your mother used to show us ?
That reminds me that none of the great scientific discoveries
of the century have been more utilised than the progressive
ones from the tinder-box flint and steel of our earliest days,
to the ' strike a lights ' of the present.

The season here has been quite exceptional — as every
season is according to my experience in every part of the
world that I have visited ; in this year doubly exceptional,
in not being for the worse ! We have had frost at last
for two days, but it is passing over and threatens to snow.

I should indeed like to visit you at Helensburgh. The
last time I was there was on a visit to Mr. Buchanan at
the Baths, some 80 years ago ! The time before that at
Ardincaple, when your mother was still alive, and Archie
and I paddled about in his skin canoe.

Mrs. Paisley had an hereditary interest in Polar explora-
tion. Her second name was in honour of Douglas Clavering,
who commanded the Griper which took Sabine to Greenland
and Spitzbergen on magnetic work in 1823. Surveying an
unexplored part of the coast, he bestowed many Scottish
names on his discoveries. One of these was the familiar
Jordan^Hill !

To the Same

December 12, 1899.

You will be interested to hear that the measures for
another Antarctic Expedition 1 are progressing favourably.
It will not be on the scale of the last, not being undertaken
by Government, which however grants some £45,000 towards
it. The contract for building the ship is all but signed, and
it will absorb the Government Grant. I am on two Com-
mittees concerning it, the general and biological, so I shall
end my active life as I began it, in the interest of Antarctic
discovery ! Mr. Kiicker,2 one of the Secretaries of the

1 Under Captain Scott, in the Discovery.

• Sir Arthur William Riicker, M.A., LL.D., D.Sc., F.R.S. (1848-1915) ;
Fellow of Brasenose Coll., Oxford, of London University ; Prof, of Physics,
Yorkshire Coll., Leeds, 1874-85; R. Coll. of Science, London, 1886-1901;
Royal Medal, 1891 ; Secretary to the Royal Society, 1896-1901 ; Principal of
London University, 1901-8 ; knighted 1902. Sir Joseph's eon Reginald married
the only daughter of Sir A. W. Riicker, in 1911.

SCOTT'S FIEST EXPEDITION 439

Eoyal Society, a very able mathematician, is taking the
part that Archie did in devising the arrangements for mag-
netic work, which, as in the former voyage, is one of the chief
objects of the expedition. What with steam and a better
sailing ship, the coming Expedition ought to do far more
work than did the Erebus and Terror.

Do you remember my father and me breakfasting at
Jordan Hill, when your father kindly invited us that I might
be presented to Captain Boss, as an applicant for a berth
with him ? I well remember that Boss took his place in a
separate table with you and your sisters and amused you
all, and I longed to be there too ! The expedition is not to
sail till 1901, so I cannot expect to see it return and perhaps
not even see it sail !

Answering further questions in 1910, he tells Mrs. Paisley
how little of a ship's doctor he was.

To the Same

September 13, 1910.

The Erebus was my ship when I met Eoss at Jordan Hill
in 1838, and he promised me (or my father) the appointment
of naturalist to his expedition. I had no idea of going as a
medical man, but Eoss would not take me in any other official
capacity, and I had to gallop through a medical degree at
the last hour : happily for the crew we had no sickness
and hardly an accident to either ship throughout the voyage
and we had three other Medical Officers, hence my time was
devoted throughout to my natural history studies, in some
of which Eoss took a keen interest.

To the Same

March 29, 1901.

Yes ! this Antarctic Expedition occupies much of my
time and mind. As I am (for now a good many years past)
,the only surviving officer of Eoss's Expedition, I am con-
sulted a good deal, and with the Hydrographer and Sir A.
Geikie,1 had the final revision of the orders to the Captain
and the head of the Scientific Staff. I am looking forward
with the greatest interest to see the ship when in the Thames.

* The geologist, President of the Royal Society.

440 PEESONALIA : 1898-1906

The Captain and head of the Scientific Staff [Dr. E. A.
Wilson] both came here and looked over my Antarctic
sketches. I liked much what I saw of both.

In a discussion at the Koyal Society on an Antarctic
Expedition (February 24, 1898), speaking of the unknown
origin of the Great Barrier, where no landing seemed possible
on its precipitous ice cliffs, he said :

It probably abuts upon land, possibly upon an Antarctic
Continent ; but to prove this was impossible on the occasion
of Eoss's visit, for the height of the crow's nest above the
surface of the sea was not sufficient to enable him to over-
look the upper surface of the ice, nor do I see any other way
of settling this important point except by the use of a captive
balloon — an implement with which I hope any future expedi-
tion to the Antarctic regions will be supplied.

Add to this its possible use in recovering a lost party, and
finding open water. There were several occasions when Eoss
could have used it when coasting along the Barrier, and more
when it would have helped navigation in the Pack. Hence
in sending a subscription for the purpose to Captain Scott,
Hooker put it neatly :

May 19, 1901.

DEAR CAPTAIN SCOTT, — As I was the first to suggest the
use of a captive Balloon in Antarctic discovery, so I ought
to be one of the first to respond to your appeal, which will,
I do hope, prove successful.

Very sincerely yours,

J. D. HOOKER.
Enclosed cheque £10 10s.

The fact that the German Expedition under Dr. Drygalski
in the Gauss had at once taken up the idea no doubt aided its
adoption here ; but when he had finally seen the ' cumbrous
gasometer ' on the Discovery, he was fain to confess that if
he had known the space the apparatus would occupy on board
he might not have been so insistent. For after his first visit
to look at the Discovery in July 1901, he strongly urged the
utility of a balloon upon Sir C. Markham, and advised him to

EECOMMENDS A CAPTIVE BALLOON 441

appeal to the public — using Hooker's name if need be in stating
that without this instrument the Expedition might lose half
its means of accomplishing its end.

With the fund thus raised, two small captive balloons and
their equipment were provided, which were duly used on the
Barrier. (See the ' Voyage of the Discovery,' i. 197 seq.)
Thanks 'to the sympathy of the War Office, two officers and
three men of the Expedition had been trained for the work in
advance.

The other point on which he specially dwelt in his remarks
at the Eoyal Society was that the Antarctic offered endless
investigations to the naturalist, for the South Polar Ocean
swarms with animal and vegetable life. The large collections
made under Boss, i.e. chiefly by Hooker himself, had never
been examined, except the Diatoms.

A better fate, I trust, awaits the treasures that the hoped-
for expedition will bring back, for so prolific is the ocean
that the naturalist need never be idle, no, not even for
one of the 24 hours of daylight during a whole Antarctic
summer, and I look to the results of a comparison of the
oceanic life of the Arctic and Antarctic regions as the herald-
ing of an epoch in the history of biology.

His regrets over this stifling of scientific results were most
strongly expressed in a letter of January 10, 1901, to Dr. Bruce,
of the Scotia expedition, already quoted (see i. 56).

Captain Scott set sail on the last day of July 1901. Sir
Joseph, accompanied by Lady Hooker and his youngest son
and their friend Dr. Smallpiece, had paid a farewell visit to
the Discovery on the previous day. When Scott returned
three years later, no one gave him warmer welcome than the
veteran explorer, to whom was brought a renewal and enlarge-
ment of the vision of the South which till but three years
before no living eye but his had seen. The photographs, so
much more adequate than the drawings he himself had brought
back, stirred his memories ; across the gap of sixty years he
recognised and named every point in the scenes shown to him,
and pronounced the most interesting fact for science to be the

VOL. n 2 F

442 PEESONALIA : 1898-1906

retrocession of the Barrier, in some places as much as twenty
or thirty miles since Eoss's visit. He remembered the ice
reaching the slopes of Mt. Terror, where now stood bare dark
cliffs, while the remains of Barrier ice on the shores of the
continent go to show that in a recent geological epoch it must
have covered the whole of the Boss Sea. He found in Scott's
book ' an indescribable charm ' ; ' his observations on the
great ice sheet are pregnant with new and sound views.'

To an appreciative letter raising these and other points of
critical detail, Captain Scott replied (November 5, 1905) :

66 Oakley Street, Chelsea Embankment :
November 5, 1905.

MY DEAR SIR JOSEPH HOOKER, — No criticism of my book,
public or private, has pleased me so much as your letter.
My reviewers have been kind and in some cases discrimina-
ting, but nothing they have said can reward my literary
labours so fully as the thought that I have really brought
vividly before you those scenes of ice and snow which you
once knew so well.

I can see how carefully you have read, and that you
should have done so with appreciation more than repays me
for the difficulties and trouble of writing.

It is very interesting for me to have a written confirma-
tion of the verbal account you gave me of the condition of
C. Crozier at your visit. I have thought a good deal on this
matter, and cannot bring myself to believe that any great
thickness of ice can have disappeared in so comparatively
short a time. It is possible that during your visit a heavy
summer snowfall may have temporarily covered the bare
land shown on the photograph, page 164, and thus the appear-
ance of a complete ice-cap may have been given. You will
see from the photograph what a large tract of uncovered
land there is at present.

As to the retrocession of the Barrier, he wrote :

It is ridiculous of course to suppose that Eoss's latitudes
can have been in fault. One of the most satisfactory points
in connection with the proof of the retrocession of the
Barrier edge is that the evidence rests on Sights for latitude.
Had there been a question of longitude one might reasonably

A LETTEE FEOM CAPTAIN SCOTT 443

doubt. I suppose it is rather too much to expect the
ordinary reviewer to understand what a lot of difference
this makes.

For a sailor it is easy to understand what Eoss's posi-
tion was when sailing along the Barrier. One knows well
how careful he was obliged to be and one never ceases to
wonder that he accomplished so much in his unhandy ships.

Two other points may be quoted :

The whole question of scurvy is bewildering — the history
of the disease seems full of contradictions. The account you
give of your provisions is extremely interesting and shows
that there were certainly no very elaborate precautions
taken in your case. It would almost seem well that your
supplies did not undergo the test of a polar winter.

I remember that it was quite news to me to hear from you
that Eoss was coldly received on his return. At first it
seems inexplicable when one considers how highly his work
is now appreciated. From the point of view of the general
public however I have always thought that Eoss was neg-
lected, and as you once said he is very far from doing himself
justice in his book. I did not know that Barrow was the
bete noire who did so much to discount Eoss's results. It is
an interesting side light on such a venture.

I find however that Eoss did put Barrow's name on his
Chart. You will find C. Barrow on the Chart in vol. i. of
my work ; it is just North of Cape Adare.

Other appreciations of the work of the Expedition will
appear later.

To return to the sequence of events, a wave of influenza
devastated England in the opening months of 1900.

To Lord Redesdale

January 3, 1900.

The column of deaths in the Times is appalling, day after
day ! Not a few of my old friends appear in it, chief amongst
them Paget, which depresses me much. We had botanised
together in our teens. I shall go to the Abbey to-morrow.

Paget and myself were two out of the first Board (of 4)
that was appointed by Government to examine on the com-

444 PEESONALIA : 1898-1906

petitive system. It was for the E.I.C. Army and Navy
Medical Department. I took all comers in Science for
12 years — during the first few not 50 per cent, knew the
freezing and boiling points of water ! This was nearly half
a century ago !

All at The Camp fell victims to the epidemic. Hooker
in particular was badly hit, and with Lady Hooker went to
recruit at Bournemouth. ' I have neither taste nor smell,'
he wrote, ' per contra my hearing is improved.' But other
sequelae followed, and at midsummer they took the waters
at Harrogate.

My Ehododendrons pie tells Lord Eedesdale on June 14]
have just burst into full bloom, and I was meditating the
proposal that you should come and see them when a bad
attack of eczema determined me to lose no time in starting
for this place. I shall thus lose the sight of my place in its
glory : but on the other hand be spared the horrid sight of
seeing the Ehododendrons go into widows' weeds, or rather
commence wearing the green willow for eleven consecutive
months on end.

Meantime [he tells Mrs. Lyell, on April 22] Kew still claims
about one day of the week, devoted to the Botanical Magazine,
and I occupy my days here chiefly in dissecting plants for the
good of Kew Herbarium, and drawing the analyses on the
sheets for the use of those coming after me. This work,
dissecting flowers, fruits and seeds, has been a lifelong passion
with me. I often think of my dear father working on his
Ferns with unabated energy up to the very week of his death.

Then in October and November they were at Weston.
He had had bronchitis, his youngest son whooping cough.
Having thrown off the effects of the influenza, he was able
to winter at home, escaping with no more than a touch of
bronchitis in February, which temporarily kept him from going
to London to attend the Antarctic Committee. Till summer
returned, he had to be cautious about visiting far afield,
but in June attended the Jubilee of Glasgow University, and
renewed his old memories of the Clyde and Edinburgh, now
so different.

THE JUBILEE OP GLASGOW UNIVEESITY 445

June 29, 1901.

MY DEAR MBS. LYELL, — It is indeed kind of you to
remember my birthday, and to send me the beautiful slippers,
worked by your own hand too. I do not deserve them —
having let your natal day pass over in ignorance of its
date.

The Jubilee of Glasgow University was well carried out,
and I enjoyed it very much, though I could not undergo
all the festivities. Of the city itself I have no great loving
memory. My happy days in Scotland were spent in the
Highlands, and especially at Helensburgh on the Clyde ;
and these were delightfully recalled by a visit of a sweeter
character to Mrs. Paisley, nee Sabina Smith, one of the 7
daughters of Mr. S. of Jordan Hill ; and the only remaining
one. We were playmates as children in Helensburgh, where
Mr. Smith kept a yacht, and the revisiting the scenes of my
youth there was most pleasurable. The quondam village had
grown into a town, but the neighbourhood is little changed,
and is as beautiful as before, though the Firth of Clyde is
rendered hideous by the black smoke of steamers, of which
there are myriads, plying in every direction, and all vomiting
clouds that literally stretch right across the Firth from shore
to shore !

Edinburgh 1 is as attractive as ever, though enormously
extended on every side. What struck me as even more
remarkable than the dilatation of the city is the number
of magnificent buildings springing up everywhere in the very
heart of the old town. The Botanical Gardens are now in
the centre of a magnificent Arboretum commanding beautiful
views of the city, and adjoining an equally beautiful public
park. The collection of plants in the Gardens is enormously
increased and is kept in perfect order — all are well and legibly
named. The walks in the Arboretum are most skilfully
laid out, and beautifully kept, and the number of rare and
attractive herbarium plants in the Students' department
is really astonishing. There is a good Herbarium, Library
and Museum for instructional purposes and a class of 300 to
400 pupils annually ! who work in a Laboratory, supplied
with microscopes, and all that is needful for research in

1 ' We had four very pleasant days in Edinburgh with Professor and Mrs.
Balfour, at the lovely Botanical Gardens.' (To Mrs. Paisley, July 11.)

446 PEBSONALIA : 1898-1906

Botany, besides attending the lectures of the Professor — a
son of the late Professor Balfour.

To Mrs. Paisley

July 11, 1901.

I cannot express to you the pleasure which my visit to
you gave me, chastened though it was by memories — not
regrets. Then, too, the many familiar scenes of Helensburgh
and the Gareloch were more welcome to me than I could have
believed possible. The fact is that, beyond my own family,
your family and Helensburgh are the dearest of my memories
of Scotland, kept up as they were at Kew by my intimacy
with Archie, in his home, his office, and at our fortnightly
meetings at the Philosophical Club of the Eoyal Society.

I should indeed like to have seen the fleet of yachts.
I once saw them assembled at Eothesay, and they reminded
me of a flight of white butterflies in a lake in a tropical forest,
dancing and dipping on the surface of the water.

It was on this occasion that he was taken round the Glasgow
Botanic Gardens by the curator, Mr. Christopher Sheney, who,
writing in 1912, thus describes the visit :

I need scarcely say that he took a remarkably keen
interest in the various collections of flowering plants in the
greenhouses. It was, however, on his reaching the Moss
House that he expressed his keenest delight, as he evidently
never before saw such a large group, nearly four hundred
living species of mosses, together, and he was anxious to
know what induced me to cultivate them.

I explained that being successful in securing the prize
offered by Professor Bayley Balfour for a collection of
British Musci and Hepaticae, I thought of trying the experi-
ment of growing them, in which I was more or less successful.
I was previously aware of Sir Joseph's vast knowledge of
flowering plants of all kinds, but was scarcely prepared to
find that his knowledge of these comparatively insignifi-
cant members of the vegetable kingdom was, if possible;
more vast. Nothing came amiss to him. The water moss,
Fontinalis antipyretica, Hookeria lucens (named in honour
of his father), the various species of the apple moss (Bar-
tramia), Splachnum sphaericum, and that other Alpine species

LEGACIES TO SCIENCE 447

Andraea ? Alpina), Lygodon Mongeoltii and Leptoibryum
pyriforme, seemed to be all quite familiar to him, and he
recognised them at once. He seemed particularly anxious
to know what species or genus adapted themselves per-
manently to confinement. The genus Fissidens, all species ;
Bartramia, all species ; Minum, many species ; Dicranum,
many species ; and Hypnum, many species.

His wonderful knowledge of these plants seemed nothing
short of amazing, and came to me as a great surprise.

Looking back upon the benefits he had received from the
great scientific societies during his long career, Hooker was
anxious to make some substantial recognition of this. Thus,
having compounded for his subscription to the Linnean Society
in 1842, he had had all the privileges of membership and had
received the volumes of Transactions for nearly sixty years
in return for what had turned out to be in comparison a
ridiculously small sum. Then the Society had given him its
Gold Medal ; it had also struck in his honour a special gold
medal bearing his likeness, the work of Mr. Frank Bowcher ;
had had his portrait painted by Herkomer, and published
papers by him at considerable cost for expensive illustrations.
Sentiment added an hereditary tie with the Linnean : both
his father and grandfather had been Fellows.

Furthermore he wished to leave a sum to the Royal Society
fund for the relief and support of distinguished scientific men
and their families, for which, when President, he had officially
received large sums. Accordingly in 1901, by a codicil in
his will, he bequeathed £100 each to the Eoyal and Linnean,
free of legacy duty, declaring to his cousin, Sir Inglis Palgrave,1
the constant friend and business adviser, with whom he kept
up an unbroken correspondence mainly on family and business
matters, that neither he nor his wife would feel comfortable
for the rest of their days if he did anything less.

1 Sir Robert Harry Inglis Palgrave, F.R.S., third son of the late Sir Francis
Palgrave, K.H., Deputy Keeper of the Rolls, and of Elizabeth, second daughter
of Dawson Turner, and sister of Maria, Lady Hooker, was born 1827, and
educated at Charterhouse ; is a J.P. for Suffolk, a Director of the banking firm
of Barclay & Co., a Knight of the Order of Wasa of Sweden, a Freeman of
Yarmouth, and Lord of the manor and patron of the living of Henstead ; author
of several works relating to banking ; edited the Dictionary of Political Economy.

448 PEESONALIA : 1898-1906

In 1902 his eighty -fifth birthday was celebrated in diverse
ways. By a happy coincidence, as has been recorded, it was
closely followed by the dedication to him of the ' More Letters
of Charles Darwin.' The German Emperor, a little before-
hand, sent him the highest Prussian decoration, the order
' Pour le Merite,' to the huge excitement of the German
governess at The Camp, who sentimentally kissed the ribbon
of the order.

1 It makes me a Bitter,' he tells his son, ' and if ever I go
again to Germany, the soldiers will present arms to me ! '

Of this he writes to [Sir] F. Darwin, June 15, 1902 :

Thanks for your congratulations. I well remember the
pleasure which the recognition gave to your father. I have
refused all foreign orders, and only accepted this on the
assurance that the King permitted its being given and worn
— being a Civil Servant I am bound by rules of ' Orders
in Council.'

You will think me a sad growler when I tell you that I
have two faults to find with the thing — the French title —
and that the badge is a reminder of a school medal with
' Virtue's Eeward,' or ' For Good Conduct ' on it. This
between ourselves.

' The badge,' he tells Lord Eedesdale, ' is rather insignifi-
cant, but the collar ribbon is that of the Black Eagle ! '

On the day itself, June 30, arrived a sundial for the garden,
presented by a number of his friends. Of this he writes to
Mrs. Lyell, July 2, 1902.

I do indeed deeply appreciate your affectionate regards
so long granted me, and now so touchingly expressed. I do
indeed thank you heartily. The Sundial was a great surprise
and no tribute ever paid me has given me such pleasure,
and your name at the top of the list of the 42 ! I did not
want a reminder of you here, for I never pass the Linnaea
without thinking of you.

The year 1902 saw the Coronation of King Edward VII.
As a G.C.S.I. and distinguished Civil Servant Hooker found
it necessary to break in upon his usual quietude and attend

THE COEONATION CEKEMONY 449

this and other functions. Thus on July 1 there was the
Astronomer Eoyal's garden party. ' Having, as P.E.S., been
chairman of the Board of Visitors for 5 years, I felt bound
to go, and met only two persons known to me ! '
Then he continues to Mrs. Lyell :

On Thursday (the 7th) we go to the grand Indian affair.
I shall think of you and wish you could renew your sight of
the grand Indian Chiefs. As I was at the Waterloo station
yesterday, 4 Indian regiments filed past me — they sent the
blood tingling to my finger tips, such grand fellows, and such
gentlemen, such proud yet pleasant faces, such an air of
dignity and self-respect.

On the 27th, for the Coronation was still a fortnight ahead,
he teUs Mr. Gamble :

What with the * Nature Study ' exhibition and the
' Chelsea Garden Jubilee ' and the dinners given to the ' Most
Meritorious ' [i.e. in honour of the members of the newly
created English Order of Merit] I have been in a whirl last
week, and greatly obstructed in dragging the lengthening
chain of my father's life and works.

His solace lay in being transported to his beloved India as
he read the proof sheets of Gamble's Malayan Botany, while

economising the time spent in toasting my toes, which even
in July I cannot keep .warm without a fire. . . . Your
sheets have been Godsends, for the moment after I get them
I fling myself into my easy-chair and thoroughly enjoy the
memories they stir up of collecting, preserving and working
up such a lot of old friends in the shape of specimens, and
localities of India, and above all old friends of botanists,
there and at Kew.

The Coronation took place on August 9.

I have to wear a voluminous blue silk mantle with a huge
gold star worked on it, and shall feel the ' lean and slippered
pantaloon ' that I am, in doll's clothes. (To Mrs. Paisley,
July 20.)

His impressions of the ceremony, taken from letters to

450 PEESONALIA : 1898-1906

.

Mrs. Lyell (August 12) and Mrs. Paisley (August 20), are
worth recording.

You may like to hear our experiences of the Coronation,
which we managed with much less time and trouble than I
had anticipated. We had to sleep in town, of course, and be
up by 5 A.M. to get the dressing and breakfast over by 7f
when we started, and after many stoppages reached the
Abbey at 9.30 to a minute. The crowds of orderly people
in the streets were really imposing, and the troops of soldiers
of all countries and of sailors, drawn up along the whole
length of Whitehall, with dashing officers of all ranks capering
about, were a wonderful spectacle for colour. On being set
down we were at once conducted to seats in the nave, almost
within hand-shake of the procession. The Ceremony itself
we could not see, as the central area of the Abbey was
crammed with officials and Peers and Peeresses, &c. The
Procession was most imposing, stately and dignified — every-
thing in perfect order. (L.) We were deeply impressed with
the solemnity and stateliness of the whole proceedings,
broken only once, and then by the volley of cheers for the
Crowned King, the effect of which in the Abbey was a spasm
of wonder, love and awe. The multifarious, many-coloured
garments of the officials were striking, but their gorgeousness
almost suffocating, and the width of gold lace tawdry —
especially on the clericals ! (P.) Bishops, Deans, Canons,
who, as it appeared to me, could hardly stagger under their
resplendent mantles ; had they been all in pure white robes
the effect would have been far more to my liking and more
effective too. (L.) The darkness of the Nave was a great
drawback — the sky was all but black, and the windows
were blocked by the tiers of woodwork for the accommoda-
tion of those invited. It was difficult to recognise the most
familiar faces. (P.) In the theatre, as the central area is
irreverently called, electric light was turned on. As it was,
in the nave the jewels did not sparkle, not even in the King's
crown. The Archbishop and Dean were both evidently
very frail, the latter literally tottering along, and the D. of
Cambridge was rather dragged than walking. The King
and Queen bore themselves with quiet dignity. (L.) I had
no idea that the coronets of peers were so hideous when on

IN WESTMINSTEE ABBEY 451

their heads (as the procession left the Abbey), and the ' Cap
of Maintenance ' was little better. The crowns of King and
Queen were particularly elegant, and fitted well, but from
want of light their ' unspeakable ' gems did not sparkle ;
which was a disappointment to me, who love jewels (but not
for myself) and fancy I am a connoisseur, mineralogically
at least. (P.) The music was of the best, and most admir-
ably selected (L.) but did not gratify me though for ' time-
keeping ' it was marvellous. The voices drowned the organ,
and to my ears were harsh — but the Abbey is notoriously a
bad building for music. (P.) We could not hear the words
of the ceremony, but could time them with our books, so
that nothing was really lost. (L.) The voices of the Heralds'
silver trumpets were lovely, at least I thought so. Curiously
enough I had from childhood wished to hear them, no doubt
from some dim recollection of the Coronation of William
IV — so I was prepared to greet them and be gratified.
(P.) Lastly as to finding your carriage, every one of them
was numbered and the drivers came up one after another in
rotation calling out each his number ; if you were not ready
he passed on and came round again in his turn to pick
you up.

The solemnity of the whole ceremony was most impressive,
and I am glad I went, though I was bothered by my gorgeous,
voluminous sky-blue satin mantle of a G.C.S.I. with a gold
star on it as big as a soup plate, and a heavy gold collar on
my shoulders.

Part of December, and nearly all January 1903, were spent
at Bexhill. In the spring he was crippled by a return of his
old enemy eczema, and in the middle of May went again to
Harrogate. By the end of June, ' though the demon was not
yet exorcised completely,' he was able to walk about, and
spent his birthday in taking his youngest son and a grand-
daughter from Cirencester over York Minster, where * a most
civil official showed us many things not usually seen,' from the
Archbishop's crozier, a magnificent affair 6 feet high, to a
sketch of poor Martin, who conflagrated the Minster in 1829.

By the autumn some trouble was still to be felt in ankles
and instep, which hindered his walking or standing about over
his botanical specimens.

452 PEESONALIA : 1898-1906

Two books read this autumn carried him back, one to the
progress of Victorian science, the other to his own explorations
round Kinchinjunga.

To Mrs. Paisky

October 7, 1903.

I have just finished reading Sidney Lee's ' Life of Queen
Victoria.' It is most interesting, but depressing. She was
indeed a good woman though with many imperfections.
From a political point of view it is very difficult to judge her
on Sidney Lee's showing, one sways backwards and forwards
in estimation or the contrary. Her indifference to all the
great discoveries in Science during her reign, and especially
the Medical and Surgical, strikes me as abnormal. This is
not pointed out, and must go with her neglect of Ireland,
as being under my view the great drawbacks to a warm
appreciation of her reign.

To D. Freshfield

December 3, 1903.

You have indeed sent me a crowning present, of your
really monumental work [' Eound Kangchenjanga '] with its
dedication, which I regard as the greatest honour by far that
my Himalayan Journals have received.

I have arrived at a time of life when my contributions
to Sikkim Geography might well have been forgotten, and
to find them fresh in the memory of those most capable of
appreciating them is a greater satisfaction by far than I can
express in words. I shall read with keen interest your
admirably got up work. The reproductions of the photo-
graphs are perfect, which contrasts to my impotent attempt
to represent similar objects. The two Lepchas opposite
page 36 almost upset me when I remember how kindly helpful
the poor fellows were to me.

December 16, 1903.

MY DEAR FRESHFIELD, — I have just concluded my reading
' Eound Kangchen ' with absorption, with pleasure that I
cannot express in words. Never since reading, as a boy,
Franklin and Eichardson's journey to the Polar Sea, have I
been so fascinated. You have brought to me visions of my

APPKECIATION OF SIKKIM EXPLOEATION 458

happiest early days that I never hoped to see : for your
descriptions are as happy as they are truthful ; so much so
that they have set me dreaming by night of the Teesta,
Zemu, Jongri, and above all Jannu. In your mention of
my work you have gone far beyond justice, and I thank you
heartily for this.

The sum of work done and light thrown on the structure
of Sikkim by your journey is indeed great, and remembering
the terrible snowfall is indeed surprising. I was not prepared
for your being able to hug the great massif so closely, i.e. at
such heights, nor for so complete a chart of the origin and
course of the glaciers. This is really a fine piece of work.
The photographs giving the sculpturing and structure of
both snow and rocks are of the greatest beauty, and remind
me of every detail impressed on my mind when studying the
realities. Appendix A. has almost upset me. I had no idea
that my geological work had any value ; no one hitherto
had paid any attention to it, and I had myself forgotten it —
I may say utterly. Mr. Garwood's resurrection of it, and his
most liberal appreciation of it, is I need not say an extra-
ordinary gratification. He has turned it to great purpose
in his original views of the origin and building up and sculp-
turing of Sikkim, and his speculations are of very great
interest and promise for the future.

As regards my blundering between the Zemu and Thlonok
I make no doubt but that I was intentionally misinformed by
the Eaja's people, who leading me to believe that the Zemu
led into Tibet hoped that its jungles and snows would
sicken me.

As to the spectacular effects of Jannu versus Mont Cervin,
you are right. Though I have seen the latter often since, it
has not the hold on my memory and imagination that Jannu
keeps and which you have greatly emphasized I am glad to
say. The view of Mont Cervin I alluded to was taken from
a shoulder of Monte Eosa on my way to the old Weiss-thor
pass of grim memory by which I descended to Macugnaga
just 50 years ago.

Again thanking you heartily for your book and for my
rejuvenescence, believe me,

Sincerely yours,

Jos. D. HOOKEB,

454 PEESONALIA: 1898-1906

To Inglis Palgrave

December 23, 1903.

[In reply to some remarks on Herbert Spencer's works.]

I am not surprised at what you say regarding Spencer
and his work. I attribute much of your dislike to the effect
of his style and diction, which Huxley and I often discussed
and regretted ; but more I think may possibly be put down
to the stern face set against scientific thought, method and
teaching in the educational system of your early years. You
somehow acquired an appreciation of scientific methods by
the light of nature, and showed it in those of your early
writings, which in the opinion of your more scientifically
minded friends, induced them to urge your claims on these
very grounds, for election into the Eoyal Society, but this
appreciation went no further than your own professional
work and habits of thought, as far as you were concerned.
Then too, may there not be a little of the odium theologicum
in your dislike of Spencer's system of philosophy ?

As it is, I do not think that any one, except a deeply
read man, can appreciate the immensity of Spencer's converse
with all that man has done in the spread of knowledge, and
of its influence in the development of every phase of his
advancement from the savage to the highest civilisation.

I am wholly unable to draw the line between Bacon and
Spencer ; I feel that I do not know enough of the work of
either, though I have everything that Spencer wrote, up to
his last volume, all gifts from himself.

My mother read his little work on education, and was
much taken with it, though thinking it was too highly pitched
for practical purposes. She told me it was the best book
ever written for bachelor's children.

Did you happen to read Eiicker's address to the ' Modern
Languages Association ' in to-day's Times, p. 5 ? It is very
good ; but there is one matter affecting early education that
I have never seen discussed, it is the adverse effect of the
modern boy being in point of self education so enormously
in advance of what boys were 50 years ago. By self educa-
tion I mean all that he gets by contact with his surroundings,
social, political, commercial, and everything else, especially
penny papers. It was comparatively easy for an empty-

THE TASMANIAN FOSSIL TEEE 455

headed boy 100 years ago to get up his classics and mathe-
matics. Now a boy's head at 12 and 14 is already loaded
with knowledge of sorts, that had for his grandfather's
boyhood no existence.

But I am maudling, so no more from

Yours ever affectionately,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

In March 1903 another revival of early interests was heralded
by a note to Professor D. H. Scott : ' I was much amused the
other day on finding my infant attempt upon a fossil plant
christened in the Geological Journal as a new (genus ?) of
plants.'

The sequel appears from the following note by Professor
E. A. Newell Arber :

In January 1904 I published in the Geological Magazine
(decade v. vol. i., p. 7) a short description of a fossil tree
trunk from Tasmania, which had been described by Sir
Joseph in 1842, in what I believe to be his first scientific
paper. The tree was brought to England for the Great
Exhibition of 1851, and was afterwards presented to the
British Museum. It remained in the cellars of that Institu-
tion until the removal of the Natural History Museum to
South Kensington and eventually, in the early 90 's I think,
was mounted and exhibited in the fossil plant gallery of the
Geological Department, where it remains to this day. On
the publication of my paper (a copy of which is enclosed) I
naturally sent a copy to Sir Joseph, and his reply is appended.

To Prof. E. A. Newell Arber

Bath : January 30, 1904.

MY DEAR SIR, — I am really very much obliged to you
for the copy of your paper on the Tasmanian Fossil Tree.
I had seen it in the Geolog. Magazine, which Mr. Winwood
here kindly sent me, and it came to me like ' Bread cast upon
the waters — found after many years ! ' I am indeed gratified
by your generous treatment of my virgin attempt at fossil
botany. My paper has a history, it having been read in
Lady Franklin's drawing room after dinner, quite privately
in 1840, the occasion being the embryo meeting of her

456 PEESONALIA : 1898-1906

endeavour to found a scientific society in Tasmania, which
subsequently blossomed into the Tasmanian Journal of
Natural Science, now I think the Royal Society of Tasmania.
Sir John Franklin was Governor of Tasmania at the time,
and my only audience was the Governor and his Lady, the
private Secretary, Captain Boss, and the Surgeon of the
Erebus.

It is good news that you will undertake the study and
arrangement of the fossil woods in the B.M. When next I
can get to London I shall visit the Geological Gallery and
hope to make your acquaintance.

Believe me, Yours faithfully,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

A much appreciated gift was one from Charles Eliot Norton,
President of Harvard, in the shape of a little book he had
written on ' The Poet Gray as a Naturalist, with Selections
from his Notes on the Systema Naturae of Linnaeus and
facsimiles of some of his drawings.' This was brought over
by W. E. Darwin on his return from a visit to the States.

To W. E. Darwin.

December 3, 1904.

Many thanks for bringing me C. Norton's present ; I
am gratified exceedingly by his recollection of me. His
Memoir of Gray is charming. How beautifully he writes,
and how accurately he sets forth the poet's power as a
Naturalist. I wish that your father could have seen the
little book. How like and unlike Gray was to the Selborne
Naturalist.

To Mrs. Lyell he adds :

It is a revelation to me. Gray seems to have devoted his
life to Natural History, all for himself, for he had not even a
correspondent ! Shall I send it to you ?

This year, 1904, there was an accession to the household
of the young life in which Hooker so much delighted. Of the
sons of his second marriage, one was in the Army, had served
in the Boer War, and was now in an Indian regiment ; the
other had started his schooldays in 1899, and was to enter

BETUEN OF THE DISCOVERY 457

Emmanuel College, Cambridge, in the autumn of 1905, to
study medicine,1 a choice on which Sir Joseph remarks :

I cannot understand it. I never cared for it, and took it
up solely in the view of travelling. My brother Willy was
passionately devoted to it. (To Mrs. Paisley, August 8, 1905.)

The newcomer was a grandchild from Australia, his son
Brian's daughter. ' She is, as you suppose,' he tells Mrs.
Paisley, ' a great interest to me. I give her half an hour of
Geography every morning before breakfast, and find her a
very apt pupil ; she is further of a happy temperament.' And
when at Christmas in this year he also had with him three
of his sons and his unmarried daughter, he called himself
4 especially joyful.'

The end of the year brought him fresh echoes of his
earliest travels. Captain Scott returned in the Discovery, and
the letter of December 3 to W. E. Darwin, already quoted,
continues :

I have been but once in London since you left for America
— to see the sketches of the Antarctic Expedition, exhibited
in Braton Street. The Doctor of the Expedition (Wilson) is
a first-rate water-colourist, and his drawings, of the birds
especially, are I think unrivalled. His landscapes, sea-
scapes and ice-scapes are most interesting, including extra-
ordinary sunsets.

To Mrs. Lyell, on the same day, he is even more emphatic :
' Above all his drawings of birds are superb : all alive oh ! '

Dr. and Mrs. Wilson were soon among his guests. Of
others he writes to Mrs. Paisley, December 29, 1904 :

Two days ago I had a call from Col. Younghusband
of the late Tibetan Expedition. He was staying for 2 days
at Ascot and most kindly, knowing my interest in Tibet,
came over to see me. He was much amused at seeing, framed
and hung up, a telegram which he and his Expedition sent
to me on its first arrival in Tibet ; 2 it was prompted by the
fact that they had followed my footsteps of 1849, since which

1 He afterwards abandoned Medicine for the Law. •

2 See i. 275.

VOL. n 2 a-

458 PEESONALIA : 1898-1906

year no other Englishman had crossed the frontier ! Nor
in fact had any Englishman for 50 years preceding my
doing so.

To-day I am expecting Capt. Scott of the Antarctic
Expedition, with Admiral Wharton, the late Hydrographer
of the Admiralty.

To F. Darwin

January 4, 1905.

[Answering an enquiry as to what plants are represented
on the Darwin Medal.]

MY DEAR FRANK, — I have botanised over the reverse of
the medal and make out :

1. At the bottom Dionaea, followed on each side by

2. Primula,

8. A confused group of leaves and flowers of some tropical
Orchid — I cannot remember its name, though I recognise
the flower. It is not figured in your Father's two works,
i.e. Forms of Flowers and Orchids. I will run it down.
Neither Nepenthes nor Drosera are thus.

4. Ampekpsis.

January 6, 1905.

The Orchid on the medal is Phalaenopsis Schilleriana.
To W. E. Darwin

February 19, 1905.

[The ' Letters of Emma Darwin,' edited by her daughter,
which have since been published, were privately printed in
1905.]

I have read every word of Henrietta's interesting volume
with great pleasure ; and with emotion in respect of what
relates to your parents. I often recall with deep feeling your
Mother's winning reception of me on my first visit to Down in
1843. It was followed by your father, who was earnest in
acquiring botanical information, inviting me to come and
stay for a week at a stretch, bringing my own work ; his
reason being that he could not (owing to his head symptoms)
discuss scientific matters for more than one half hour a day ;
and that my shorter stays would involve endless corres-

EARLIEST VISITS TO DOWN 459

pondence. On these visits your Mother did everything to
make me feel at home. Often I worked in the dining room,
(latterly in the billiard room) through which your mother
often passed on her way to the store closet in the end, when
she would take a pear, or some good thing, and lay it by my
side with a charming smile as she passed out. Then in the
evening she always played to me, and sometimes asked me
to whistle to her accompaniment of some simple air ! Those
were happy days to me. Your father and I never discussed
scientific questions except for the half hour after breakfast
and even that always fatigued him. At other times we had
long chats by which I profited enormously, especially during
the forenoon and afternoon sand walks,1 for which he invari-
ably summoned me.

I cannot express the pleasure that your sister's work has
given me.

To Mrs. Paisley

August 8, 1905.

I have kept very well indeed throughout the spring and
summer — always at home — I have only occasional attacks
of my trouble and these are always bearable. I read a great
deal, especially the Lives of eminent men. I have just
finished the Letters of Sir Walter Scott to Mrs. Matheson 2 [?]
with deep interest. They would, if anything could, raise
my admiration for Scott. I wonder whether your father
knew him. I remember his son when with his regiment in
Glasgow. I cannot comprehend the positive distaste that
the present generation of young folk show for the Waverley
Novels, and stranger still for the Minstrelsy, which latter
especially, as having been in a measure learnt by heart, are
as fresh and charming to me as they were when in my youth.

To A. E. Wallace

The Camp, Sunningdale : November 12, 1905.

MY DEAR WALLACE, — My return from a short holiday
at Sidmouth last Thursday was greeted by your kind and

1 A dry sand-walk had been made round a certain coppice in the grounds
at Down, and on this Darwin used to take hie appointed measure of daily exer-
cise— so many times round.

2 Query : — Mrs. Hughes' Letters and Recollections of Sir Walter Scott, edited
by Horace Hutchinson, 1904.

460 PEESONALIA : 1898-1906

welcome letter and copy of your ' Life.' The latter was, I
assure you, never expected, knowing as I do the demand for
free copies that such a work inflicts on the author. In fact
I had put it down as one of the annual Xmas gifts of
books that I receive from my own family. Coming as it
thus did quite unexpectedly, it is doubly welcome and I do
heartily thank you for this proof of your greatly valued warm
friendship. It will prove to be one of four works of greater
interest to me than any published since Darwin's ' Origin ' ;
the others being Waddell's ' Lhassa,' Scott's ' Antarctic
Voyage,' and Mill's ' Siege of the South Pole.'

I have not seen Clodd's Edition of Bates's ' Amazon, '
which I have put down as to be got, and I had no idea that
I should have appeared in it.1 Your citations of my letters
and their contents are like dreams to me ; for to tell the
truth, I am getting dull of memory as well as of hearing, and
what is worse, in reading, what goes in at one eye goes out at
the other. So I am getting to realise Darwin's consolation
of Old Age, that it absolves me from being expected to know,
remember, or reason upon new facts and discoveries. And
this must apply to your query as to any one having as yet
answered De Vries. I cannot remember having seen any
answer, only criticisms of a discontinuous sort. I cannot for
a moment entertain the idea that Darwin ever assented to the
proposition that new species have always been produced from
*" mutation and never through normal variability. Possibly
there is some quibble as to the definition of mutation or of
variation. The Americans are prone to believe any new
things, witness their swallowing the thornless Cactus pro-
duced by that man in California, I forget his name (Harland ?)2
which Kew exposed by asking for specimens to exhibit in
the Cactus House.

I have been for years working at the Indian species of
Impatiens, the distribution of which is unparalleled amongst
Indian phanerogams. One species alone, the indigenous
Garden Balsam, is found in most parts of India. Of the rest,
some 200 species, most by far are strictly limited to geogra-

1 It had escaped his memory that he had furnished Mr. Clodd with this
material.

1 New Creations in Plant Life : an Authoritative Account of the Life and Work
of Luther Burbank, by W. S. Harwood, 1905. Among these ' new Creations '
waa a thornless Opuntia.

LETTEK TO WALLACE 461

phical areas. The species are wonderfully constant though
insect fertilised and are most demonstrably (to appearances)
dependent for their creation, variation, &c. on Insect action.
I am sending you the published part of an epitome of the
species, the object of which is to draw collectors' attention in
India to the necessity of observing as well as collecting.

To W. E. Darwin

January 7, 1906.

I knew Lady Dorothy Nevill very well, and had many
invitations to her hospitable house. Her narrative does not
do justice to herself. She was not the frivolous character
she paints. She was thoroughly interested in the rare
plants of her noble garden. Her exertions in the hopeless
endeavour to establish a silk culture in England were earnest
and long continued — and her efforts to improve Donkey-
breeding and other industries of a like nature were as intelli-
gent as useful. I ought to go and see her, as she made me
welcome in London too, but have not for years.

To Mrs. Paisley

July 20, 1906.

[After his eighty-ninth birthday.]

MY DEAR SABINA, — I cry shame on myself for so long
delaying to acknowledge and send grateful thanks for the
welcome congratulations of one who is by many years my
earliest friend. Of the pile of tokens of affection that lies
on my table, yours is surely the only one that carries me back
to childhood's years and to memories that have cheered many
an hour of sad and serious as well as happy thoughts. The
' Baths ' and ' Jordan Hill ' — your father and mother and all
your sisters and above all Archie and yourself are no mere
dreams to me, but vivid realities. Louisa comes next after
you. Of the few companions I had in Glasgow all have gone
years ago, and I really think that you are by good 20 years or
more the earliest living friend, as you are the most prized,
on many accounts.

It is good news that you are so well and above all free
from pain. No doubt much vigour cannot be hoped for at
our ages, and I do get a little stiff ; but except for flying fits
of eczema which render walking troublesome, I have nothing
but ' hardness of hearing ' to complain of.

462 PERSONALIA : 1898-1906

My boys are all in statu quo, which a witty aunt of mine
used to say should be translated ' always worse and worse.'
Happily this does not apply to my children. Willy, the
eldest, is a merchant, deeply engaged in East African affairs.
He made me a birthday present of a most beautiful walking
stick of one piece of ivory nearly a yard long, with a heavy
gold handle. I am at my wits' end to know what to do with
it. I cannot buy a safe for it as I had to do for my diamond
mounted star and collar of the G.C.S.I. Such honours are
real burdens.

I have not yet read the Duke of Argyll's ' Life,' having
quite an incubus of books to get through before taking it up.
I am glad to see it is so highly spoken of. I well remember
the Duke's sending to my father the cone of a Scotch pine
which he saw dropped from the mouth of a corbie or raven,
and which curiously enough was infected by a fungus never
previously found in Britain ! It is still I suppose exhibited
in the Kew Museum of Economic Botany.

I am ashamed to ask you to accept my tardy congratula-
tions on our birthday.1 I can truly say that I have never
ceased to love the memory of you, and can still feel your little
arms round my neck as I carried you ' pick-a-back ' up the
deep road at Helensburgh, and I rejoice in the memory.
Hyacinth who shares my joys sends best love.

1 Mrs. Paisley's birthday was really on the same day, June 30 (though not
the same year; she was the younger).

CHAPTEE L

THE LAST YEARS

IN 1907 Hooker completed his ninetieth year. The even
tenor of his way was only chequered by minor ill health ;
his unabated work was little interrupted from outside.

The fact is [he tells Mrs. Paisley, January 2, 1907]
that I live almost a hermit's life, occupied with books and
plants as of yore. Kind friends come to see me, but I rarely
leave the house. I read a great deal, but the number of
books worth reading is now so great that I cannot keep
pace with the authors. India always occupies much of my
thoughts, and the Durbar about to be held for the meeting
of the Governor General and the Ameer of Afghanistan
especially interests me.

It interested him none the less because his son Joseph with his
Indian Sappers was engaged in preparing the ground at Agra.

In the spring of this year, as in 1906, he went to Bath,
where the change of air and scene gave the refreshment desired,
without either baths or waters, for the ' former experience
of the efficacy of these vaunted cures was not encouraging.'

The ninetieth birthday itself was marked by several honours,
described in the following letters.

To Lord Redesdale
(who had sent his congratulations a little prematurely).

The Camp, Sunningdale : June 30, 1907.

MY DEAR OLD FRIEND, — You are the first whom I thank
for your welcome and affectionate congratulations, written

463

464 THE LAST YEAES

when approaching my 10th decade ; as to which I assure
you that their foreshadowing the event added to the great
pleasure they gave ; bis dat qui cito, I inconsequently ex-
claimed. They left me an interval in which to enjoy them,
undisturbed by the advent of the floods that have arrived
within the last two days, leaving me not an interval to dis-
criminate amongst them.

It was good of you to recall the close intimacy of our lives
and work at Kew. Your appointment to the Board of Works
heralded the termination of a long period of official indiffer-
ence to the real objects of the establishment over which you
watched and in which you played so great a part with zeal
and success. But for you I should never have had an
assistant-director.

Now I have your kind postscript written from Nuneham,
where I was for a good many years an annual guest.

This month has brought me a cupful of honour. The
unique broad gold medal struck by the Swedish Academy in
commemoration of the bicentenary of Linnaeus, has been
awarded to me as first of living Botanists, with the acclama-
tion of the host of scientific men there assembled ; and
presented by the Crown Prince to our Ambassador.

To-day I have been waited on by Col. Douglas Dawson
bringing the insignia of the Order of Merit, with a letter from
Lord Knollys informing me that he is commanded by His
Majesty to tell me that it is conferred in recognition of my
eminent services to science, adding the King's hopes that,
notwithstanding my advanced age, I mil live long to enjoy
the honour.1

Excuse this volcano of vanity and believe me ever, dear
sympathetic Bedesdale,

Your truly affectionate,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

The cumbrous addresses I have received in Latin and
German are terrors to translate and stupefaction to answer.

To celebrate Hooker's ninetieth birthday and sixtieth year
of Fellowship, an address was presented to him by a deputation
from the Boyal Society.

1 ' Is it not curious that Lord Kelvin and I, who sat in the same class in
Glasgow College as boys, should both be recipients of this rare honour ? ' (To
Mra. Paisley, July 16, 1907.)

THE DAEWIN-WALLACE JUBILEE 465

At [Sir] F. Darwin's request he promptly put together his
remembrances of what he said to the deputation, though he
would have liked to have a week to shape it. As he sent the
draft on July 3, he added :

To F. Darwin

It was indeed a gleeful thing to me having your father's
son as a member of the deputation.

I am overwhelmed with addresses, British, French,
Swedish, Norsk, German, Dutch, Italian, Finnish ! Austrian,
and Eussian, all too elaborate to answer cursorily.

What really is wanted are portable phonographs that we
could send by post, charged with our worded answers to such
co mmunic ations .

I hope I am right in saying I was the oldest living Fellow
E.S.

The chief event of 1908 was the jubilee of the communi-
cation of the Darwin-Wallace paper to the Linnean Society
in 1858. Hooker was the sole survivor of those immediately
concerned, and though now ninety-one, accepted the Society's
invitation to speak on the subject. He it was to whom Darwin,
then in great distress over the illness and death of one of his
children, had first confided Wallace's unexpected letter ; he
had first suggested the joint publication and the obtaining of
Lyell's judgment, and had offered to write to Wallace ex-
plaining matters. But one or two of the letters that then
passed were missing ; and he wrote anxiously to [Sir] F.
Darwin, who had gone over all the existing material in
the ' More Letters,' for documentary confirmation of his
recollections. But even when satisfied that his memory
had not deceived him, his hatred of reclame raised other
doubts, and he begged not only [Sir] F. Darwin, but his
brothers William and George, to say if they ' entertain the
smallest doubt of the expediency or propriety of telling the
public of the part I took.'

The address was delivered at the afternoon meeting of
the Linnean on July 1. Hooker had intended not to go to
the evening meeting, ' remembering that the soirees of the

466 THE LAST YEAES

Eoyal Society were followed by an attack of ' phalangitis,' but
on the day felt strong enough to venture it.

To Mrs. Paisley

July 12, 1908.

For this occasion Lady Hooker took me up to London
(where I had not been a day for many months) on the previous
day, in great dread of my knocking up ! I was overwhelmed
with visitors and letters of congratulation on my age no less
than upon my apparently robust health, which continue to
pour in. All this seems to be very vainglorious, but respect
and consideration for old age is very pleasing — whether
shown by the very few old friends that are spared to me or the
comparative strangers who compete with their kind feeling.

As for me, I am in rude health as far as appearance goes ;
can take little walks, read small print and use the microscope
as well as ever I did, but there is a skeleton in the closet ;
I am troubled with eczema, which, with the stiffening of age,
obliges me to have a nurse always hard by. Of course I
am taken far more care of than I am worth — am not allowed
to go out if there is a drop of rain, or too much wind, &c.,
&c. This damps all hope of ever getting to Scotland again,
dearly as I should like to see you and the Clyde again. It
takes long to think out the fact that we shall not in human
probability meet again on this earth, and can only look
hopefully to a future existence.

I fear you will have trouble in your kind anxiety to read
this scrawl ; the first two pages were written by lamplight.
I have tried to be larger handed in the following. All I can
say is what the porters at Broomielaw used to say as you
staggered up the gangway from the steamers : ' Tak your
time.'

I must exhaust my vanity. I have just received a photo-
graph of a drawing of my head made by command of the
King by the Countess Feodora Gleichen for his collection of
portraits of members of the Order of Merit at Windsor. It
is a charming drawing but ' reproduction is prohibited by
command,' so I cannot have it repeated and send you a copy.

The great event of 1909 was the centenary of Darwin's
birth. Of all the galaxy of notable men who saw the light

THE DARWIN CENTENARY 467

in the anrtus mirdbilis 1809, Darwin, least in the public eye,
came to have the profoundest influence in the world, trans-
cending, beyond all others, the limits of his own country and
his own lifetime. It was fitting that this honour should be
paid to his memory and his enduring inspiration by Cambridge,
his old University, where, if Darwin himself had profited
little save by Henslow's direction of his bent towards science,
science had since sprung up lustily under the Darwinian im-
pulse, and a strong personal link with his name was kept up
by the active work in the University of his distinguished sons.

The proceedings extended over three days, the 22nd, 23rd,
and 24th of June ; 1500 invitations were sent out. The first
evening there was a reception by the Chancellor, Lord Rayleigh,
in the Fitzwilliam Museum. Next morning, a presentation
of addresses by delegates of Universities, Colleges, Academies,
and Learned Societies, in the Senate House ; in the afternoon,
a garden party at Christ's College ; in the evening, a banquet
in the New Examination Hall, followed by a reception at
Pembroke. On the Thursday, honorary degrees were conferred
in the Senate House ; the Rede Lecture delivered by Sir
Archibald Geikie, P.R.S., and in the afternoon a garden party
given by the members of the Darwin family in Trinity College.
There was an exhibition also of portraits, books, and other
objects of interest in connexion with Darwin, in the Old
Library of Christ's, his own College.

It was a brilliant function, resplendent with the bright
and many coloured academic robes of various distinctions from
a hundred seats of learning in every quarter of the civilised
world. Of the guests who represented science at large or
some personal link with the Darwin tradition, over five hundred
sat down to the great banquet, a polyglot assembly keyed to
the highest appreciation, where the admirable interest of
Mr. Balfour's historic speech was only eclipsed by the sense
of personal charm in Mr. W. E. Darwin's reminiscences of his
father. Simple, direct, instinct with the same rich, unassuming
humanity that they affectionately depicted, his words seemed
to reveal from a still living source the very qualities of his
father. ' Now,' one who had met Darwin wfrspered to his

468 THE LAST YEAES

neighbour, ' those who never saw him will be able to under-
stand why Darwin was so much beloved by his friends.'

Writing to Mrs. Paisley on August 11, Hooker describes
his share in the celebrations.

At Cambridge we stayed with one of the Darwin family,
Horace, the youngest of Mr. Darwin's sons, a scientific
instrument maker in Cambridge and F.B.S. (as are two
other of Mr. Darwin's sons, George, Prof, of Astronomy,
Frank of Botany). The celebration was most successful,
and nothing could exceed the delight of the Delegate
foreigners, some of whom were invited to bring their wives
and daughters. The number of lady guests was remarkable,
and added brilliance to all the functions, besides amazing
the foreigners, who are not accustomed to see ladies at
their Jubilees. The hospitality was boundless, and what
struck me most was Mr. Balfour's address at the Banquet
(at which I was not present) ; he grasped every salient
point in Darwin's character, works, and their results on the
progress of science and civilisation in a truly magic manner.

Of course H. took care that I took only corners and
snatches of the intellectual food that was spread over every
day and part of every night ; and living as I was in the heart
of the Darwin family as a brother, I did indeed feel grateful
and happy with what I had.

He tells also of their meeting with the famous Dr. Metch-
nikoff of the Pasteur Institute,1 whose wonderful sour milk
cure Lady Hooker had been trying, and of his amusement
when Hooker introduced her as a patient who had benefited
by his nostrum.

Of the public functions, he attended the presentation of
addresses by the delegates, where the German orator, not yet
by Imperial decree cursing where he had blessed, was among
the most brilliant of the speakers ; he attended the garden
parties and even the late reception at the Fitzwilliam, where
the inward eye can still see him, robed in his LL.D gown,
as he rested in a sheltered alcove, receiving the affectionate

1 Dr. Elias Metchnikoff (d. 1916), F.L.S. 1880, was elected a Foreign Mem-
ber of the Eoyal Society, 1905, and awarded the Copley Medal in 1906.

[From a Photograph by Mr. W G. Collins.

AT THE DARWIN CENTENARY.
Sir Joseph and Lady Hooker. Mrs. T. H. Huxley and Ursula Darwin.

i. 468]

OLDEST AND YOUNGEST KEPBESENTATIVES 469

homage of his friends and admirers. The marks of a hale,
serene, and dignified old age were upon him in the softly
heightened colour of his face, encircled by a complete halo
of silver hair and fringing beard ; in the enhanced prominence
and luminous quality of his eyes, which shone very blue from
under the veritable penthouse of his eyebrows. As he sat
there, still firm and upright, it was hard to believe that he
was ninety-two years old. Indeed the two figures which
most strongly caught the general imagination as living links
with all that those days commemorated, members of Darwin's
generation and his close friends in the great days of the past,
were such as might move men to love and admire the best
gifts of old age. One was Hooker, the other Mrs. T. H. Huxley,
then eighty-four. She also was staying in one of the Darwin
households, and an historic memento of the reunion of the
three families is the photograph here reproduced of the youngest
and the oldest representatives of the living tradition : Sir
Joseph and Lady Hooker, Mrs. Huxley, and, in her arms,
Darwin's great-grandchild, Ursula Darwin.

The flood of congratulations which poured in upon him
a few days later on his birthday prompts the reflection :

It is a curious episode in old age when a man gets letters
of congratulation from all but strangers — the tribute being
not to the individual but to the age he has attained ! Such
old age. (To Dr. Bruce, July 13, 1909.)

During July he paid three other visits before settling down
again at The Camp : to Cirencester for the marriage of his
son Charles's eldest daughter ; to his daughter, Lady Thiselton-
Dyer, ' in her pretty house and garden on the Cotswold Hills '
near Witcombe ; and thence for a few days to Pendock, a
Worcestershire village where Lady Hooker owned * a very
out of the way property.'

To Mrs. Paisley

August 11, 1909.

My late father-in-law was Eector of Pendock, and the
charm of our visit was the delight of the old peasants who

470 THE LAST YEAES

had known my wife as a girl. We inhabited there a cottage,
charmingly furnished, and rented by my son, the Captain in
India, who is devoted to the place and dreams of retiring
there 20 years hence ! I tell him that he reminds me of
the many Indian friends I knew, who dreamt of retiring
to their old homes in the Highlands and Lowlands, and
whom I found spending their last years in Bayswater and
S. Kensington !

I rejoice that you can feel free from any chronic pain.
I hope you may yet walk a little with a stick. It may amuse
you to hear that my cousin, Mr. Inglis Palgrave, who was
knighted the other day, wrote me previously in dismay, say-
ing that if he had to kneel to receive the accolade he could
never get up again ! I told him to take a walking-stick,
and lent him a nice ebony one that he used, and the good-
natured King seeing his difficulty had him helped by some of
the attendants. He is over 80.

Old interests were again revived by a letter from Mr.
T. D. La Touche, son of his old friend, with descriptions of
Sikkim and recent changes in the country.

To T. D. La Touche

July 8, 1909.

MY DEAR MR. LA TOUCHE, — I thank you very much for
your long and interesting letter of the 4th inst. from Jongri.
The contents have intensely interested me, recalling so many
scenes once familiar to me. The Oscillations of the Glaciers
must be very difficult to determine, for in most cases they
debouche in narrow valleys, not as in Switzerland in open
meadows or flats. I think that the Lachen and Lachung
Glaciers would serve your purpose better than the Western
ones.

What you tell me of the destruction of forests, the spread
of cultivation, export of maize, the dying out of the Lepcha
and his replacement by the Nepalese, and the rarity of
Murwa beer, are all shocks to me.

The improvement of the roads alone gratifies me, and I
could certainly put up with the bridges, and the diminution
of the leech attacks. I hope too that the ticks which I most
especially abominated, are less accessible to the traveller.

SIKKIM AGAIN 471

I enjoy your account of the Ehododendrons and fancy I
can smell the bruised leaf of the little E. anthopogon, which
you allude to, and which is the only species of the Himalayan
that stretches away north into the Altai.

I am sorry that my likeness is no longer in the Changa-
chelling portrait gallery.1

Your investigation of the little Sikkim lakes will be
very interesting. They are entirely different from those of
Eastern Nepal which I visited. That of Catsuperri is especi-
ally anomalous. I shall never forget the weirdness of itself
and its surroundings. You are I expect right in attributing
its existence to silt and landslips. It would be worth while
to have it surveyed and the depth of the soil all round
ascertained, as well as that of the water at various points.
I quite forget at what distance behind it the land rises.
I think it is too thickly clothed with forest to the water's
edge to see what is behind it.

Have you met the Eajah yet ? I had him here for a
day [when Kumar], and was charmed with his appearance,
manners and conversation. An excellent photograph of
him, which he gave me, hangs in Lady Hooker's boudoir.

Do you know Mr. Charles E. Simmonds ? a gentleman who
called on me last year with magnificent specimens of copper
ore and plumbago from spots which I indicated in my Journal,
and where he has opened mines, under a concession from the
Eajah, as he now writes to me.2

P.S. Should you be in Sikkim in the seeding time of the
Ehododendrons and could send me seeds of any, I should
be much obliged. They should be shaken out of the pods,
enclosed in paper capsules (I enclose a sample) — half full
is enough — and despatched without delay by post to my
address.

In the earlier part of 1910 Hooker was at Sidmouth escap-
ing the cold winds of spring, a place whose only drawback in
Hooker's eyes was the absence of ships, their course up and
down Channel being far out of sight. In his unfailing birthday
letter to Mrs. Paisley, he tells her how from here one day some

See i. 280.
Besic
of Hooker

* oee i. zou.

2 Besides this rediscovery, Mr. Simmonds found in Sikkim a living memory

Hooker's visit fifty -nine years before. (See the illustration, i. 272.)

472 THE LAST YEAES

friends took him by motor the sixteen miles into Exeter to
see the statue of his ' Uncle by ancestry,' Eichard Hooker,
presented to the city by a very distant relative,1 and set up
on the grass of the cathedral enclosure, which struck him as
' really a very fine thing.'

Fortified by the good effects of Sidmouth, Hooker was
able to continue working at the Balsams, though he did not
feel equal to the more intense fatigue of journeying to London
to join in the ' send off ' to Scott's last expedition. Instead
Scott paid a farewell visit to The Camp. Moreover, in Sep-
tember he repeated the round of family visits to Cirencester,
for his son's silver wedding, to Lady Thiselton-Dyer, and to
Pendock. The following December he renewed his successful
experiment, and wintered at Sidmouth, his last absence from
home.

One of the greatest pleasures of this stay was seeing his
friend Colonel Cunningham,2 who with his brother paid them
a visit of which he gives some impressions in the following
letter :

Col. Cunningham to Lady Hooker

Tor Mount, Torquay : January 26, 1911. ';

I must write a line to say how greatly we enjoyed our
visit of yesterday, and how grateful we feel to you and Sir
Joseph for having allowed us to make it ! My brother, in a
note which I had from him to-day, says * Seeing Sir Joseph
made me feel quite youthful again ' ; and, though I don't
know that it produced exactly that psychic effect on me, I
came away from Sidmouth with very much the feeling that
I suppose many of my Indian friends experienced when they
returned from a successful * Tirath ' or pilgrimage to a shrine
containing one of their special objects of adoration !

The following to Professor Oliver, who had barely escaped
from an accident at a railway station, may be quoted as reveal-
ing his warm affection for his old friend and fellow worker.

1 Robert H. Hooker, of Amalfi, Weston-super-Mare.

1 Colonel David Douglas Cunningham, C.I.E., F.R.S., I.M.S. ; sometime
Professor of Physiology in Calcutta Medical College, and Hon. Surgeon to
the Viceroy of India and Hon. Physician to the King ; retired 1898.

TEIBUTES TO HIS FATHER 473

August 10, 1910.

MY DEAR OLIVER, — I have just been informed by a note
from Mr. Gepp of the horrible danger you have encountered
and the narrowness of your escape. It is enough to make an
old friend's blood freeze. I and Lady Hooker offer to Mrs.
Oliver and your family our heartfelt thanks for your provi-
dential preservation.

Ever affectionately yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

Two letters to Sir Edward Fry, and two to Professor Judd,1
display his earliest loves and interests maintained to the last.
Sir Edward Fry, a botanist in his leisure moments, was writing
on the Liverworts, and wished to illustrate his book with
plates drawn by Sir William Hooker.

To Sir E. Fry

July 29, 1910.

MY DEAR SIR EDWARD, — Nothing would have more
pleased my father, or does me, than your intention of
utilizing the plates of the ' British Jungermanniae.'

The work was a labour of love to its author, and I am
very proud of him, and so with the Musci Exotici.

The plates of both works are etchings, nothing can exceed
their truth and beauty.

Most truly yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

The Beacon, Sidmouth : January 30, 1911.

MY DEAR SIR EDWARD, — I cannot express to you the
profit and pleasure that the perusal of your kind gift of ' The
Liverworts ' has given to me. Absorbed as I have been for
so many years in the study of Phanerogams, I have really lost
all count of my ignorance of the higher Cryptogams and am

1 John Wesley Judd (1840-1916), C.B. 1895; LL.D., F.R.S., F.G.S.
He was educated at Camberwell and the Royal School of Mines. He was on
the Geological Survey of England and Wales 1867-70 ; Inspector of Schools
1871; President of the Geological Society 1887-8; Professor of Geology
1876-1905; Dean of Royal College of Science 1895-1905, and Emeritus Pro-
fessor of Geology in the Imperial College of Science and Technology 1913.
He contributed many scientific memoirs to the Transactions of the Royal and
other societies, and published various scientific books, on geology, &c., including
Volcanoes, 1878 ; The Student's Lyell, 1896 and 1911 ; The Coming of Evolution,
1910.

VOL. n 2 H

474 THE LAST YEAES

consequently ' brought up all standing ' by the revelations of
your admirable digest of the structure, classification and
relationships of a group of plants known to me hitherto only
as generic names, or little more.

The many allusions you make to my father's British
Jungermanniae touch me deeply. What has always struck
me as most remarkable in all his drawings of Mosses and
Liverworts is, that they look alive. He had the gift of seeing
nature as she is, and transferring her to paper.

I hope that Miss Fry will let me include her name with
yours in my appreciation of the excellence of her analyses
and her representation of these.

Ever; dear Sir Edward, sincerely yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

Of the two books by Professor Judd mentioned below,
' The Coming of Evolution ' is a succinct account of the lines
of thought that expanded through Lyell and Darwin into
a well-founded theory. It was suggested by the Darwin
centenary.

' The Student's Lyell ' is a handbook to Geology adapted
from Lyell's great work.

October 29, 1910.

MY DEAR JUDD, — I have twice read * The Coming of
Evolution,' and twice rejoiced that its authorship devolved
on you.

I am impressed with the remarkable fulness and com-
pleteness of the narrative, and even more by the sense of
proportion that is displayed in the treatment of its main
features, their inter-dependence and strictly logical sequences.
I like also the swing of your style ; you trip only in saying so
much of me.

Lady Hooker shares my view, and intends making
Xmas gifts of copies to her friends.

I am very glad to see prominence given to Scrope's
labours and early views. I travelled over the scenes of his
labour with Huxley and a copy of his book,1 when I dis-
covered the remains of ancient glaciers in Central France
(see Nature, xiii. 1876, p. 31), the source of which he angrily

1 See p. 185 seq.

' THE STUDENT'S LYELL ' 475

disputed. These remains had, I believe, been actually recog-
nised by a young French Geologist, only a few days before
my visit. Having no good map, I gave a wrong name to
the valley in which the remains occurred.
With Lady Hooker's kind regards,

Ever sincerely yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

July 9, 1911.

MY DEAR JUDD, — The Student's Lyell arrived as a most
welcome congratulatory birthday gift, for which I cordially
thank you, together with congratulations on the new edition.
I have only just commenced reading it, my time having been
fully occupied with the Life of Sir Joseph Banks, which
preceded it on date of arrival. The historical introduction
is of course not new to me ; but at my age, memory plays
sad pranks, and I have re-read it with all the interest and
pleasure of novelty. It is a rare tribute to the memory of a
man, the scientific importance of whose labour cannot be
exaggerated.

I well remember first seeing him, when as a boy I was
staying at Kinnordy [probably in 1836], and looking out of
the window saw him wheeling a barrow of marl up to the
house from the pit [to search through for shells].

My earliest knowledge of The Principles was of the fifth
(1837) edition, in two volumes, which I took to sea with me,
and still have, and of which there is a copy in the Kew
Herbarium.

I have heard my mother talk of his visit to my grand-
father, Mr. Dawson Turner, who published a memoir of
Dr. Arnold * in 1819.

Very sincerely yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

Many years before, when Governor of the Cape, Sir Henry
Barkly had described in a letter to Hooker a giant Mesem-
bryanthemum discovered in Namaqualand, the specimens of
which unfortunately rotted away during the return journey.
Time after time since 1904 Hooker had inquired of Professor

1 Joseph Arnold, M.D., of Beccles (1782-1818), Surgeon R.N. ; traveller
and botanist, a friend of Dawson Turner. He died in the E. Indies when serving
as Naturalist under Sir Stamford Raffles.

476 THE LAST YEARS

Pearson, now at the Cape, whether he had come across this
lost plant, and his final wish as Pearson started for a most
interesting bit of botanical exploration in 1910, was that he
might at last find General Barkly's huge Mesembryanthemum,
and plenty of plants throwing light on the present or past
distribution of the Flora. The result was of the happiest.

To Professor Pearson

Sidmouth: March 11, 1911.

Your most interesting letter of February 12 reached me
here two days ago, and gave me a shock of pleasure. Your
Namaqua third journey has been indeed a success, and I
heartily congratulate you, as I do myself for having lived
to read of the rediscovery of the giant Mesembryanthemum.
So important an event cannot be hidden from scientific
purview, and I felt compelled to communicate it to Colonel
Prain for the Kew Bulletin, hoping that you will approve
of my action.

Constant to the last in his claims for the scientific extension
of practical botany, he enclosed a formal message of support
to Professor Pearson's efforts in this direction.

Sidmouth : March 12, 1911.

MY DEAR PROFESSOR PEARSON, — I have read with deep
interest your excellent pamphlet advocating the establish-
ment of a Botanical Garden at Cape Town.

My long official connection with the Eoyal Gardens, Kew,
the originator of so many Colonial Gardens and the active
correspondent of so many more, leads me to hope that my
voice may be heard in support of your appeal.

That our Colonies both temperate and tropical have
profited exceedingly by their Botanic Gardens in economic
and aesthetic points of view needs no demonstration by me,
and there is not one of them known to me that its Govern-
ment or people would dream of abandoning.

The South- Western African Flora is the richest and per-
haps the most beautiful of any temperate one in the world,
and must contain a great number of plants of a great
economic value that can only be tested under continual
cultivation : that none of these should be rubber yielding is

COLONIAL BOTANIC GAEDENS 477

inconceivable ! To test these a small laboratory should be
attached to the Gardens, where duly qualified amateurs
might work, as at Kew, Ceylon, Java, &c., &c.

Australia possesses five liberally supported Botanical
Gardens — all I think with laboratories and libraries attached.

The Cape is now rivalling Australia in glorious fruit
Gardens, and it is earnestly to be hoped that it will not
remain long without a Botanical Garden.

Sincerely yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

As the Antarctic had been the first great interest of his
life, so, after the lapse of seventy-two years, it occupied his
last correspondence. This was with his ' brother Antarctic,'
Dr. Bruce, with whom he had formed a warm personal as well
as scientific friendship, after his return from the South ; backing
his first application, in 1909, for a Treasury grant towards
the working out of his valuable scientific results, and when he
set forth on a new expedition to Spitsbergen, speeding him
with wishes for all success and safe return.

Then, in 1911, Dr. Brace wrote his ' Polar Exploration,'
and ultimately dedicated the book to Hooker, for the latter,
having consented to look over the account of Eoss's voyage,
not only suggested various points from his unique knowledge
of the circumstances, but offered to do the same for the rest
of the proofs. The official account of the voyage hardly made
clear, for example, that Eoss and Hooker were the only
collectors of marine invertebrate organisms throughout the
Expedition. •

Hooker also arranged to send a number of illustrations
and mementoes of the Eoss Voyage to a Polar exhibition
which Dr. Bruce was getting up in Edinburgh, including a
plaster medallion of Eoss, ' an excellent likeness by a young
artist, brother of one of the officers (Smith) of the Erebus,
who died young in Australia, I think ' ; a medallion of Sir
John Eichardson, and portraits of Eoss and Franklin, of
Davis, the second master, and Lyall, the assistant surgeon,
of the Terror, besides pictures of the perilous collision of the
two ships, and scenes in the Eoss Sea and off the Barrier, some

478 THE LAST YEABS

of these framed in wood from the smashed rudder of the
Erebus.

The following, taken from this correspondence, show his
vigour still undimmed.

The Beacon, Sidmouth : February 20, 1911.

MY DEAR DR. BRUCE, — I return herewith the proof
sheets which I have perused with extraordinary interest and
an amount of instruction and information that I never
expected to receive at my age.

The extent and amplitude of your personal experience
amazes me, as does the use you make of it in clear exposition
of the phenomena of Polar conditions, physical and biological.

I return also the 64 pages set up, and Mr. Ferris' letter
to you of 17th February.

As to the introductory note by me he wants by the
beginning of this week, I cannot supply it. With me composi-
tion is a very protracted affair, I rewrite over and over again.
Mr. Ferris does not know, and you, I think, forget, that I am
in my 94th year, far advanced, and that writing this note is
no slight labour — nor is any such appeal to the public really
wanted. ' Let every herring hang by its own head ' must be
a familiar proverb to you. On the other hand, I should be
proud of having your work dedicated to me. To tell you the
truth, I habitually distrust such introductory notes by other
than the author, they are really publishers' toutings.

My position under Eoss was exceptional, my father's
friendship with Franklin, Parry, Eichardson, Irvine and
others, had to be considered.

It does not, I think, appear in the narrative of the Voyage
that I was the sole worker o! the tow net, bringing the cap-
tures daily to Eoss and helping him with their preservation,
as well as drawing a great number of them for him.

Except some drying paper for plants I had not a single
instrument or book supplied to me as a Naturalist, all were
given to me by my father. I had, however, the use of Eoss's
library, and you may hardly credit it, but it is a fact, that not
a single glass bottle was supplied for collecting purposes,
empty pickle bottles were all we had, and rum, as a preserva-
tive, from the ship's stores.

Throughout the voyage I took hygrometer observations

•DB. BRUCE'S ANTARCTIC WORK 479

twice or thrice daily, by Daniel's hygrometers, till these were
all broken, then by wet and dry bulb.

The Camp, Sunningdale : March 19, 1911.

MY DEAR DB. BRUCE, — Referring to the publication of
the results of your two perilous Antarctic Explorations and
of the unpublished material, I regard them as of the highest
scientific interest and importance in respect of Meteorology,
Magnetism, Geography, Hydrography, Geology, Zoology
and Botany.

I cannot therefore but expect a favourable answer from
the Prime Minister to the application to the Treasury grant
for £6,800 to enable you to complete the publication of the
Scientific Results, and to repay the sums advanced by your
friends who so liberally came forward in your aid.

It is now going on for 70 years since Sir Robert Peel,
then Prime Minister, procured me a grant of £1,000 towards
the publication of the ' Botanical Results ' of the first Antarc-
tic Expedition (1839-43) in which I had the honour of serving.

Very sincerely yours,

Jos. D. HOOKER.

The Camp, Sunningdale : May 6, 1911.

MY DEAR DR. BRUCE, — ' Polar Exploration ' has reached
me and I have read it through with great interest and pleasure,
greatly heightened by its kindly and flattering dedication to
myself, for which I cordially thank you. It is an excellent
digest to our knowledge of the Polar region, and was much
wanted. As the precursor to your forthcoming ' History of
Polar Exploration,' it will be widely welcomed. 1 have
noted a few misprints of which you may be glad of knowing
in the event of a new edition. . . .

The freedom from scurvy of the Erebus and Terror
deserved mention. One case alone occurred in the Terror,
who had it before embarking.

The only serious omission that I notice (if I have not
carelessly overlooked it) is that of the marvellous retrocession
of the Barrier since Ross mapped it. To me this appears
the most momentous change known to be brought about in
the Antarctic in little more than half a century. I have
seen doubts thrown upon Ross's demarcation of the sea
front of the Barrier — but that is ridiculous, he was a first-

480 THE LAST YEAES

rate naval surveyor, he visited it in two successive years,
and there is the Terror's log to confirm it and my sketches
showing the East base of Mt. Terror at the junction with the
Barrier clothed with white, where now black cliffs appear.

I hope that you can report a good attendance at the
Exhibition.

Though he kept at work till but a little before the end,
his physical strength began to fail in August. Yet his mental
powers remained clear and strong ; till the last he was keenly
interested in current topics and the latest contributions to
natural science. On December 10 he passed away in his
sleep, peacefully and without pain. The last honour of burial
in the Abbey was offered by the Dean of Westminster, where
his ashes would lie beside those of Lyell and Darwin, in death
not divided from the beloved friend and inspirer, whom in
turn he had strengthened by his affection and his knowledge.
But Hooker's own wish had been to be laid to rest in the
family grave at Kew, beside his father and close to the life-
work of them both, which will ever be linked with their names.
Here, in the churchyard at Kew Green, he was buried on
December 17. In the church is a tablet to his memory, bearing
his portrait medallion from a model by Mr. Frank Bowcher,
reproduced in Wedgwood ware, and the inscription :

1817-1911

JOSEPH DALTON HOOKER,
O.M., G.C.S.I., C.B., M.D., D.C.L., LL.D.

ASSOCIE ETRANGER OF THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE, KNIGHT OF THE

PRUSSIAN ORDER ' POUR LE MERITE,' SOMETIME PRESIDENT

OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY.

FOR XX YEARS DIRECTOR OF THE ROYAL
BOTANIC GARDENS, KEW.

BORN AT HALESWORTH, SOra JUNE, 1817.
DIED AT WINDLESHAM, lOra DEC., 1911.

' THE WORKS OF THE LORD ARE GREAT, SOUGHT OUT OF ALL THEM
THAT HAVE PLEASURE THEREIN.'

MEMOEIALS AT KEW AND WESTMINSTEB 481

On the tablet also five plants are portrayed in Wedgwood,
representative of some of Hooker's chief interests : Aristolochia
Mannii (Africa), Nepenthes albomarginata (Malay Peninsula),
Cinchona Calisaya (America), Bhododendron Thomsoni (Asia),
Celmisia vernicosa (New Zealand).1

Kew has his personal memory, but Westminster Abbey
enshrines another memorial for the nation. This also is from
the hand of Mr. Bowcher. It is of marble, a profile medallion
in high relief, slightly over life-size, set within an oblong
frame — a presentment of him in old age, at once strongly
conceived and delicately executed ; in form and expression
admirably lifelike, save in the small point that the exigencies
of sculpture demand a greater fulness of beard than he
habitually wore.

It is placed in the north aisle of the nave, where the Abbey
honours modern science. Here is the Darwin memorial,
erected some thirty years before ; then a group of men famous
beyond their own generation ; last the memorial of Hooker
himself. But though this group includes other contempor-
aries and friends of his, the understanding eye overleaps them,
and sees closest in commemoration, as closest in affection,
those lifelong fellow-workers.

1 These were designed by Miss Matilda Smith, already mentioned as suc-
cessor to Walter Fitch, the Kew draughtsman.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

IN Van Diemen's Land Jorgensen is seen ; is sinking very low,
for he is constantly drunk. He died in 1844 in the Hobart hos-
pital, a sordid and unpicturesque ending for a wildly picturesque
character — a modern Benvenuto Cellini in his mingling of genius,
high spirits, and madly irresponsible audacity. Like Benvenuto
Cellini he left an Autobiography, but on a smaller scale.

The son of a mathematical instrument and watch maker, he
was born at Copenhagen in 1770. Love of adventure took him
to sea first as apprentice on an English collier, then to the Cape,
where he entered the Naval service, and as midshipman under
the famous Captain Flinders, shared in the exploration of Bass'
Straits and the north-west of Australia, and in the foundation of
Hobarton ; not to mention a fantastic march into the interior, when
he pretended to take a French traveller beyond the track of any
other white man.

Flinders was accompanied by Robert Brown, the botanist,
the friend of the Hookers, and by other naturalists and artists
sent out by Sir Joseph Banks, the great botanist and traveller,
who had sailed with Cook, and was now President of the Koyal
Society. This then was the means of Jorgensen's introduction
to Banks and Hooker ; and when later he reached England after
a long whaling voyage, he gratified Banks's philanthropic zeal by
leaving in his care two Tahitians and two Maoris he had brought
back with him.

Thereafter returning to his native land, he came in for the
bombardment of Copenhagen in 1807. In accordance with the
decree calling on all able-bodied Danes to fight, he was placed in
command of a privateer, and early next spring ingeniously cut
through the ice a month before any could expect it, and captured
several English ships, but was himself captured off Flamborough
Head by Captain Langford (not Longford, as his chronicler has it).
483

484 APPENDICES

But he was never without friends, and besides Sir Joseph Banks,
he was welcomed and aided by an official whom he had met near
the British lines at Copenhagen.

Then came his great exploit. As a result of the war, Danish
supplies were cut off from Iceland, and the Icelanders were starving.
With the permission of the British Government a merchant named
Phelps sent a ship from Liverpool with stores and provisions.
For commander a man was needed who knew the Danish language
and Danish ways. Jorgensen, a prisoner of war, volunteered
apparently without official sanction, and took out the ship in
mid-winter, a ' desperate enterprise ' signalised by a high rate of
insurance.

The Danish governor at first refused permission to land any of
the provisions, but he was overruled by the insistence of the hungry
people. Trade was profitable ; on Jorgensen's return Mr. Phelps
resolved to come in person on a second expedition, taking a larger
ship, armed with ten guns. He was joined by Dr. William Jackson
Hooker, then twenty-four years of age, who has left a full account
of the affair in his ' Tour in Iceland.'

This time the Danish governor was still more stiff-necked ;
finally Jorgensen landed with some sailors — on a Sunday — carried
off the governor, who was quietly at home while the rest of the
folk were at church, and proclaimed himself Protector without the
shadow of resistance. The Icelanders welcomed the relief from an
oppressive administration, and Jorgensen in his Autobiography,
written in 1835 and 1838, records his ' satisfaction in knowing that
the laws and regulations which I then made remain for the most
part in force and undisturbed to this day.'

But after a brief nine weeks his protectorate was cut short
by the arrival of a British cruiser, whose captain thought the honour
of England involved by this unauthorised attack on a friendly
government. Phelps and Jorgensen were warned off. The govern-
ment itself was left in the hands of ' some of the most respectable
of the inhabitants,' namely the Chief Justice and Sheriff of the
Western County. The ex-governor in Phelps's ship, Jorgensen in
another which he had commandeered, set sail to lay their respective
cases before the British Government. It was early on this voyage
that Phelps's ship caught fire, and crew and passengers were rescued
by Jorgensen's personal energy and courage.

The upshot was disastrous to the nine weeks' king of Iceland.
He was arrested a few weeks later on the charge of having broken
his parole, ' although,' he asserts, ' I had never given one.' A
year of prison and the hulks was the ruin of him. His prison com-
panions, the vilest of gaol-birds, drew him into habits of drunken-
ness, and, more persistently ruinous, of gambling. After his release

APPENDIX A 485

neither interest in London, where he had political information to
sell, nor the quiet of a visit to Dr. Hooker at Halesworth, availed
to cure him. Time after time he gambled away his all. His debts
brought him back to prison in the Fleet ; and when the Foreign
Office paid these off, and supplied him with funds for a secret mission
on the Continent, he gambled away these also. Boldness, how-
ever, never failed him. By a piece of bluff he secured a free passage
to Ostend, and once on the Continent his letters of credit became
available.

His adventures in Germany, Poland, and France were kaleido-
scopic. As occasion demanded, he employed the methods of Borrow
or of the hero of Koepenick. He witnessed Waterloo and entered
Paris after the Allies. At one time he ruffled it in the capital with
the best ; at another he was stripped by the gamblers, and sneaked
away on foot for new adventures. He was rehabilitated by a Scotch
watchmaker in whose shop he had noted a chronometer by Jorgensen
the elder. He was introduced to Grand Dukes and to a greater
than these, Goethe. But although he did not fulfil his mission as
planned out, he brought back enough information to earn reward
from the Foreign Office on his return.

Again he broke his excellent resolve to make good use of his
money and emigrate to South America. Three years, from 1817
to 1820, he spent in gambling and dissipation. At the end of
this a third spell of prison awaited him. He was charged with
' converting ' his landlord's furniture, and sentenced to seven years'
transportation. But thanks to his influential friends, he was tem-
porarily detained in England and was employed as an assistant in
the hospital of Newgate prison, obtaining medical knowledge that
was to stand him in good stead afterwards. Nor did he only attend
to the bodies of the convicts ; he used to preach Sunday sermons
to his fellow prisoners. At the end of twenty months, however, it
was found that the offence for which he had been condemned had
been committed by his fellow-lodger, and he was set free on condition
of leaving the country within a month.

It was a fatal delay, for he was within reach of temptation.
He succumbed, gambled away all he possessed, outstayed his allotted
month, and on his belated way to the docks, was betrayed by an
old Newgate acquaintance for the sake of the reward, and for his
default was formally condemned to death, a sentence commuted
to transportation for life.

He managed to be reappointed to his old post in Newgate hospital,
and stayed there three years before the sentence was carried out in
1825. On board the convict ship he was made dispenser of the
hospital, and on the death of the surgeon — a stalwart of the calomel
school — took entire charge of the sick as far as Capetown, with the

486 APPENDICES

greatest success. On May 4, 1826, he saw once more the fair city
of Hobarton, the site for which he had helped to clear in the wilder-
ness twenty-four years before.

Here he had wild adventures in the service of the Van Diemen's
Land Company among blacks and bushrangers. Back in Hobart
in 1827 with a ticket of leave, he turned his versatile talents to
editing a paper ; then was appointed to the constabulary and did
service in the pursuit of bushrangers and blacks for two more years,
till granted a free pardon. By this time he was, he tells us, entirely
cured of his gambling propensities. Still he was unable to make
good use of such moneys as came into his hands ; he married a
termagant wife, and, as we have seen, sank lower and lower till
his death.1

At one time or another he published four books, on travel,
religion, and the state of Van Diemen's Land ; three more unpub-
lished MSS. are no longer extant, though one, the History of the
Black War in Van Diemen's Land, was used by James Bonwick
in ' The Lost Tasmanian Kace ' ; several other MSS., including
romance and drama, are to be found in the British Museum, in
addition to his many letters to W. J. Hooker, Dawson Turner, and
Henry Jermyn.8

APPENDIX B

LIST OF WORKS BY THE LATE SIR JOSEPH HOOKER
Taken, with slight additions, from the Kew Bulletin, No. 1, 1912.

1837

Polytrichum semilamellatum, Grimmia laxifolia, GlypJiocarpa Roylei,
nn. spp. (Hook. Ic. PI. 1837, vol. ii. t. 194.)

1840

Musci Indici ; or list of Mosses collected in the East Indies by
Dr. Wallich (by W. H. Harvey) ; to which are added those

1 For a capital account of this romantic figure see The Convict King, by
J. F. Hogan (Ward & Downey, 1891), to which I am much indebted.

z Henry Jermyn (1767-1820) was a Suffolk antiquary of Halesworth
(J. D. Hooker's birthplace), who collected materials for a history of Suffolk
in connexion with his friend D. E. Davy. Neither published, and their
MSS. are in the British Museum.

APPENDIX B 487

collected by Dr. Royle in the northern part of India (by
J. D. H.). (Hook. Journ. Bot. 1840, vol. ii. pp. 1-21.)

Contributions towards a Flora of Van Diemen's Land, chiefly
from the collections of Ronald Gunn, Esq., and the late Mr.
Lawrence. (Hook. Journ. Bot. 1840, vol. ii. pp. 399-421.)

Entosthodon obtusifolius, E. Mathewsii, E. latifolius, nn. spp.
(Hook. Ic. PL 1840, vol. iii. t. 245) ; Tridontium tasmannicum,
n. sp. (t. 248) ; Stackhousia flava, n. sp. (t. 269) ; Boronia nana,
n. sp. (t. 270) ; Stenopetalum incisifolium, n. sp. (t. 276) ;
Baeckia thymifolia, B. prostrata, B. affinis, nn. spp. (t. 284) ;
MynophyUum variaefolium, n. sp. (t. 289) ; Goniocarpus ser-
pyllifolius, n. sp. (t. 290) ; Claytonia australasica, n. sp. (t. 293) ;
Calandrinia calyptrata, n. sp. (t. 296) ; Epilobium macranihum,
n. sp. (t. 297) ; Baeckia leptocaulis, n. sp. (t. 298) ; Milligania
cordifolia, n. sp. (t. 299) ; Caldasia argentea, n. sp. (t. 300).

1841

Xanthosia dissecta, n. sp. (Hook. Ic. PL 1841, vol. iv. t. 302) ;
Hydrocotyle cordifolia, n. sp. (t. 303) ; Didiscus humilis, n. sp.
(t. 304) ; Meionectes Brownii, n. sp. (t. 306) ; Didiscus pilosus
(t. 307) ; Leptospermum rupestre, n. sp. (t. 308) ; Baeckia
micrantha (t. 309) ; Tillaea macrantJia, n. sp. (t. 310) ; Gonio-
carpus vernicosus, n. sp. (t. 311) ; Hydrocotyle tripartita (t. 312).

1842

On the examination of some fossil wood from Macquarie Plains,
Tasmania. (Tasmanian Journ. Nat. Sci. 1842, vol. i. p. 24.)

1843

Notes on the Botany of H.M. discovery ships ' Erebus ' and' Terror,'
in the Antarctic Voyage ; with some account of the Tussac
Grass of the Falkland Islands. (By W. J. Hooker, from
letters of J. D. H.) (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1843, vol. ii.
pp. 247-329.) Reprint. London, 1843.

1844

The Botany of the Antarctic Voyage of H.M. discovery ships
' Erebus ' and ' Terror ' in the years 1839-1843, under the
command of Captain Sir James Clark Ross —

Part I. Flora antarctica. London, 1844-1847. 2 vols.,
xii + 574 pp., 198 pi. 4to.

(Pp. 289-302 translated in Ann. Sci. Nat. ser. 3, Bot. 1846,
vol. v, pp. 193-225, pi. 5-9.)

488 APPENDICES

Part II. Flora Novae-Zelandiae. Vol. i., Flowering Plants.
London, 1853-1855. xxxix + 312 pp., pi. 1-70.— Vol. ii.,
Flowerless Plants. 1855. 378 pp., pi. 71-130. 4to.

Introductory Essay, pp. i-xxxix reprinted, London, 1853.
(Analysis of the Introductory Essay, pp. ii-xxxvi by A. Gray
in Amer. Journ. Sci. Arts, 1854, ser. 2, vol. xvii. pp. 241-252,
334-350.)

Part III. Flora Tasmaniae. Vol.i.,Dicotyledones. London,
1855-1860. cxxviii + 18 + 359 pp., pi. 1-100.— Vol. ii.,
Monocotyledones and Acotyledones. 1860. 422 pp., pi. 101-
200. 4to.

Introductory Essay, pp. i-cxxviii reprinted, London,
1859. (Pp. i-xxix, c-cv reprinted in Amer. Journ. Sci.
Arts, 1860, vol. xxix. pp. 1-25, 305-326 ; pp. i-xxvi translated
in Oesterr. Bot. Zeitschr. 1861, vol. xi. pp. 65-81, 118-128,
155-167.)

Some account of a new Elaeodendron from New Zealand. (Hook.
Lond. Journ. Bot. 1844, vol. iii. pp. 228-230, pi. 8.)

Catalogue of the names of a Collection of Plants made by Mr. Win.
Stephenson, in New Zealand. (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1844,
vol. iii. pp. 411-418.)

Hepaticae Aixtarcticae ; being characters and brief descriptions of
the Hepaticae discovered in the southern circumpolar regions
during the voyage of H.M. discovery ships ' Erebus ' and
' Terror.' (By J. D. H. and T. Taylor.) (Hook. Lond. Journ.
Bot. 1844, vol. iii. pp. 454-480.)

Notes on the Cider Tree (Eucalyptus Gunnii}. (Hook. Lond. Journ.
Bot. 1844, vol. iii. pp. 496-501.)

Musci Antarctic! ; being characters, with brief descriptions, of the
new species of Mosses discovered during the voyage of H.M.
discovery ships ' Erebus ' and ' Terror ' in the southern cir-
cumpolar regions, together with those of Tasmania and New
Zealand. (By J. D. H. and W. Wilson.) (Hook. Lond. Journ.
Bot. 1844, vol. iii. pp. 533-556.)

Hepaticae Novae Zelandiae et Tasmaniae ; being characters and
brief descriptions of the Hepaticae discovered in the Islands
of New Zealand and Van Diemen's Land, during the voyage
of H.M. discovery ships ' Erebus ' and ' Terror,' together
with those collected by E. C. Gunn and W. Colenso. (By
J. D. H. and T. Taylor.) (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1844,
vol. iii. pp. 556-582.)

Lichenes Antarctic! ; being characters and brief descriptions of the
new Lichens discovered in the southern circumpolar regions,
Van Diemen's Land, and New Zealand, during the voyage of
H.M. discovery ships ' Erebus ' and ' Terror.' (By J. D. H.

APPENDIX B 489

and T. Taylor.) (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1844, vol. iii.
pp. 634-658.)

Lomaria Colensoi, n. sp. (Hook. Ic. PL 1844, vol. vii. t. 628) ; Myrtus
pedunculate, n. sp. (t. 629) ; Fagus fusca, n. sp. tt. 630, 631) ;
Callixene parvifiora, n. sp. (t. 632) ; Loranthus Colensoi, n. sp.
(t. 633) ; Ranunculus macropus, n. sp. (t. 634) ; Gentiana
bellidifolia, n. sp. (t. 635) ; G. Grisebachii, n. sp. (t. 636) ; Fagus
Solandri, n. sp. (t. 639) ; Veronica nivea, n. sp. (t. 640) ; F.
diffusa, n. sp. (t. 645) ; Fagus Menziesii, n. sp. (t. 652) ; F.
cliff ortioides, n. sp. (t. 673) ; Stellaria decipiens, n. sp. (t. 680) ;
Epilobium confertifolium (t. 685) ; Cardamine corymbosa
(t. 686).

1845

Hepaticae Antarcticae, supplementum ; or specific characters, with
brief descriptions, of some additional species of the Hepaticae
of the Antarctic regions, New Zealand, and Tasmania, together
with a few from the Atlantic Islands and New Holland. (By
J. D. H. and T. Taylor.) (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1845,
vol. iv. pp. 79-97.)

On the Huon Pine, and on Microcachrys, & new genus of
Coniferae from Tasmania ; together with remarks upon the
geographical distribution of that order in the Southern Hemi-
sphere. (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1845, vol. iv. pp. 137-157,
pi. 6.)

Algae Antarcticae, being characters and descriptions of the hitherto
unpublished species of Algae, discovered in Lord Auckland's
Group, Campbell's Island, Kerguelen's Land, Falkland Islands,
Cape Horn, and other circumpolar regions, during the voyage
of H.M. discovery ships, ' Erebus ' and ' Terror.' (By J. D. H.
and W. H. Harvey.) (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1845, vol. iv.
pp. 249-276, 293-298.)

Algae Novae Zelandiae ; being a catalogue of all the species of
Algae yet recorded as inhabiting the shores of New Zealand,
with characters and brief descriptions of the new species dis-
covered during the voyage of H.M. discovery ships ' Erebus '
and ' Terror ' ; and of others communicated to Sir W. Hooker
by Dr. Sinclair, the Kev. W. Colenso, and M. KaouL (By
J. D. H. and W. H. Harvey.) (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot.
1845, vol. iv. pp. 521-551 ; vol. vii. pp. 443-445.)

On Fitchia, a new genus of arborescent Compositae (Trib. Cichora-
ceae), from Elizabeth Island (lat. 26°, long. 125° W.), in the
South Pacific. (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1845, vol. iv. pp.
640-643, pi. 23, 24.)

Note on some marine animals, brought up by deep-sea dredging,

490 APPENDICES

during the Antarctic Voyage of Captain Sir James C. Boss.
(Ann. Nat. Hist. 1845, vol. xvi. pp. 238-239.)
Aralia polaris. (Hook. Ic. PL 1845, vol. viii. t. 747.)

1846

Note on a fossil plant from the Fish River, South Africa. (Trans.
Geol. Soc. 1846, vol. vii. p. 227.)

Description of Pleuropetalum, a new genus of Portulaceae, from the
Galapagos Islands. (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1846, vol. v.
pp. 108-109, pi. 2.)

Description of a new genus of Compositae [Scleroleima], and a new
species of Plantago [P. Gunnii], from the mountains of Tas-
mania. (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1846, vol. v. pp. 444-447,
pi. 13, 14.)

1847

J. C. Ross, A voyage of discovery and research in the Southern
and Antarctic Regions, during the years 1839—43, vol. i. pp.
83-87, 144-149, 158-163 (cp. Appendix v. pp. 341-346);
vol. ii. pp. 5-8, 245-253, 261-277, 288-302. London, 1847.

Florae Tasmaniae Spicilegium ; or Contributions towards a Flora
of Van Diemen's Land. (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1847,
vol. vi. pp. 106-125, 265-286, 461 [bisH79 [bis].)

Botany of the Niger Expedition ; notes on Madeira plants. (By
W. J. Hooker and J. D. H.). (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1847,
vol. vi. pp. 125-139.)

Description of a new species of Lysipoma, from the Andes of
Columbia. (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1847, vol. vi. pp. 286-
287, pi. 9a.)

Algae Tasmanicae ; being a catalogue of the species of Algae col-
lected on the shores of Tasmania, with characters of the new
species. (By J. D. H. and W. H. Harvey.) (Hook. Lond.
Journ. Bot. 1847, vol. vi. pp. 397-417.)

1848

On the diatomaceous vegetation of the Antarctic Ocean. (Brit.

Assoc. Rep. 1847 [1848], pt. 2, pp. 83-85.)
On the vegetation of the Carboniferous period, as compared with

that of the present day (Mem. Geol. Survey, 1848, vol. ii.

pp. 387-430; Edinburgh New Phil. Journ. 1848, vol. xlv.

pp. 362-369 ; vol. xlvi. pp. 73-78 ; pp. 398-400 reprinted in

Amer. Journ. Sci. Arts, 1849, vol. viii. pp. 131-133.)
On some peculiarities in the structure of Stigmaria. (Mem. Geol.

Survey, 1848, vol. ii. pp. 431-439.)

APPENDIX B 491

Remarks on the structure and affinities of some Lepidostrobi. (Mem.

Geol. Survey, 1848, vol. ii. pp. 440-456.)
Observations made when following the Grand Trunk Road across

the hills of Upper Bengal, Paras-Nath, &c. in the Soane Valley ;

and on the Kymaor branch of the Vindhya hills. (Journ.

As. Soc. Bengal, 1848, vol. xvii. pt. 2, pp. 355-411 ; translated

in Berghaus, Zeitschr. fur Erdk. 1849, vol. ix. pp. 230-242.)

Reprint. Calcutta, 1849.
Botanical mission to India. (Hook. Lond. Journ. Bot. 1848,

vol. vii. pp. 237-268, 297-321 ; Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1849,

vol. i. pp. 1-14, 41-56, 81-89, 113-120, 129-136, 161-175,

226-233, 274-282, 301-308, 331-336, 337-344, 361-370 ; 1850,

vol. ii. pp. 11-23, 52-59, 88-91, 112-118, 145-151, 161-173,

213-218, 244-249.)
Letters to A. von Humboldt, 1848-1849. (Translated in Berghaus,

Zeitschr. fur Erdk. vol. ix. p. 230 ; Berghaus, Geogr. Jahrb.

vol. i.)

1849

The Rhododendrons of Sikkim-Himalaya. (Edited by W. J.

Hooker.) London, 1849-1851. 14 + 7 pp., 30 pi. with

descriptive text. fol.
Notes, chiefly botanical, made during an excursion from Darjiling

to Tonglo. (Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1849, vol. xviii. pt. 1,

pp. 419-446; Journ. Hort. Soc. 1852, vol. vii. pp. 1-23.)

Reprint. Calcutta, 1849.
Flora nigritiana. (By J. D. H. and G. Bentham.) (W. J. Hooker,

Niger Flora, pp. 199-577, pi. 17-50. London, 1849. 8vo.)
Enumeration of the Plants of the Galapagos Islands, with descrip-
tions of the new species. (Proc. Linn. Soc. 1849, vol. i.

pp. 276-279 ; Trans. Linn. Soc. 1851, vol. xx. pp. 163-234.)
Extract from a letter to Professor Wheatstone [on the temperature

of the soil in Egypt, &c.]. (Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1848 [1849],

pt. 2, pp. 17-19.)

1850

Letter from Churra Poonji, Khasiah Hills. (Gard. Chron. 1850,

pp. 694, 710.)
Webb and Berthelot, Histoire Naturelle des lies Canaries, vol. iii.

pt. 3, 1836-1850, pp. 430-432.— BalanopJioreae.

1851

A fourth excursion to the passes into Tibet by the Donkiah Lah,
(Journ. Geogr. Soc. 1851, vol. xx. pp. 49-52, with map.)

492 APPENDICES

On the physical character of Sikkim-Himalaya ; a letter to A. von
Humboldt, 1850. (Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1851, vol. iii.
pp. 21-31.) Reprint, with sketch-map.

On the vegetation of the Galapagos Archipelago, as compared with
that of some other tropical islands and of the continent of
America. (Proc. Linn. Soc. 1849, vol. i. pp. 313-314 ; Trans.
Linn. Soc. 1851, vol. xx. pp. 235-262.)

Report on substances as used as Food. (Report of Juries, Class III.,
Great Exhibition, London, 1851, pp. 123-162.)

1852

Description of a new species of Amomum, from tropical West Africa.
(Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1852, vol. iv. pp. 129-130, pi. 5 ;
Pharm. Journ. vol. xii. pp. 192-194.

On the climate and vegetation of the temperate and cold regions
of East Nepal and the Sikkim-Himalaya Mountains. (Journ.
Hort. Soc. 1852, vol. vii. pp. 69-131 ; Journ. Agric. Soc. India,
1854, vol. viii. pp. 35-65, 73-95.) Reprint. London, 1852.

Report of enquiry into the best mode of detecting vegetable sub-
stances mixed with Coffee for the purposes of Adulteration,
&c. (By J. Lindley and J. D. H.) London, 1852. 8 + 13 pp.,
3 + 4 col. pi. fol. Lithographed.

Luminous plants. (Gard. Chron. 1852, p. 86.)

Fagus Gunnii, n. sp. (Hook. Ic. PI. 1852, vol. ix. t. 881) ; Carda-
mine radicata, n. sp. (t. 882) ; Rhododendron Lowii, n. sp.
(t. 883) ; R. verticillatum (t. 884) ; R. rugosum, n. sp. (t. 885) ;
R. acuminatum, n. sp. (t. 886) ; R. ericoides, n. sp. (t. 887) ;
Nepenthes villosa, n. sp. (t. 888) ; Phyllocladus hypophylla, n. sp.
(t. 889) ; Rhododendron buxifolium, n. sp. (t. 890) ; Vaccinium
buxifolium, n. sp. (t. 891) ; V. coriaceum, n. sp. (t. 892) ; Lepto-
spermum recurvum, n. sp. (t. 893) ; Diplycosia ciliolata, n. sp.
(t. 894) ; Drapetes ericoides, n. sp. (t. 895) ; Drimys piperita,
n. sp. (t. 896) ; Agalmyla tuberculata, n. sp. (t. 897) ; Leuco-
pogon lancifolius, n. sp. (t. 898).

1853

On the distribution and organic contents of the ' Ludlow Bone
Bed,' in the districts of Woolhope and May Hill. With a
note on the seed-like bodies found in it. (By J. D. H. and
H. E. Strickland.) (Journ. Geol. Soc. 1853, vol. ix. pp. 8-12.)

On a new genus [MUligania] and some new species of Tasmanian
plants. (Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1853, vol. v. pp. 296-300,
pi. 7-9.)

Note on the occurrence of an eatable Nostoc in the Arctic Regions and

APPENDIX B 493

in the mountains of Central Asia. (Phytologist, 1853, vol. iv.

pp. 856-859 ; Proc. Linn. Soc. 1855, vol. ii. pp. 166-169.)
Lindley, The Vegetable Kingdom, ed. 3, 1853, pp. 88-90, 94.—

BalanopJioraceae, Mystropetalinae.
Botanical Expedition to Oregon ; a review. (Hook. Kew Journ.

Bot., 1853, vol. v. pp. 315-317.)

1854

Himalayan Journals ; or notes of a naturalist in Bengal, the Sikkim
and Nepal Himalayas, the Khasia mountains, &c. London,
1854. Vol. i. xviii + 408 pp., 5 col. pi., 2 maps. Vol. ii.
xii + 487 pp., 7 col. pi.— Ed. 2. London, 1855. Vol. i.
xviii + 348 pp. Vol. ii. xii + 345 pp. — Another ed.
Minerva Library, London, 1891, 1 vol., y-rxii + 574 pp., 13 pi.,
2 maps. — Ee-issue. London, 1905. 606 pp. 8vo.

Notes on the fossil plants from Reading. (Journ. Geol. Soc. 1854,
vol. x. pp. 163-166.)

On a new species of Volkmannia (V. Morrisii). (Journ. Geol. Soc.

1854, vol. x. pp. 199-202.)

On the structure and affinities of Trigonocarpon (a fossil fruit
of the coal-measures). - (Proc. Roy. Soc. 1854-55, vol. vii.
pp. 28-31 ; Ann. Nat. Hist. 1854, vol. xiv. pp. 209-212.)

On the funcbions and structure of the rostellum of Listera ovata.
(Phil. Trans. 1854, pp. 259-264 ; translated in Ann. Sci. Nat.

1855, ser. 4, Bot., vol. iii. pp. 85-90.)

On some species of Amomum, collected in Western Tropical Africa
by Dr. Daniell, Stafi Surgeon. (Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1854,
vol. vi. pp. 289-297.) Reprint. London, 1854.

On Maddenia and Diplarche, new genera of Himalayan plants.
(By J. D. H. and T. Thomson.) (Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1854,
vol. vi. pp. 380-384, pi. 11-12.) Reprint. London, 1854.

Rhododendron anthopogon. (Gard. Chron. 1854, p. 182.)

On the possibility of impregnating ovules after the removal of the
stigma. (Gard. Chron. 1854, p. 629.)

Lomaria nigra (Hook. Ic. PI. 1854, vol. x. t. 960) ; Lycopodium
scariosum, var. decurrens (t. 966) ; Lomaria vulcanica (t. 969) ;
Asplenium adiantoides, var. Richardi (t. 977) ; A. adiantoides,
var. minus (t. 983) ; A. adiantoides, var. Colensoi (t. 984) ;
Cyathea Cunninghami, n. sp. (t. 985).

1855

Flora indica : being a systematic account of the plants of British
India, together with observations on the structure and affinities
of their natural orders and genera. (By J. D. H. and T.

494 APPENDICES

Thomson.) Vol. i. [all published] xvi -f 280 + 285 pp.,

2 maps. London, 1855. 8vo.
Illustrations of Himalayan Plants, chiefly . . . made for the

late J. F. Cathcart ... the plates . . . by W. H. Fitch.

London, 1855. iv pp., 24 pi. with descriptive text. fol.
On the structure of certain Limestone nodules enclosed in seams of

Bituminous Coal, with a description of some Trigonocarpons

contained in them. (By J. D. H. and E. W. Binney.) (Phil.

Trans. 1855, pp. 149-156.)
On some minute seed vessels (CarpolitJies ovulum, Brongniart) from

the Eocene beds of Lewisham. (Journ. Geol. Soc. 1855, vol.

xi. pp. 562-565.)
On some small seed-vessels (Folliculites minutulus, Bronn) from

the Bovey Tracey Coal. (Journ. Geol. Soc. 1855, vol. xi.

pp. 566-570.)
On Hodgsonia, Hook. fil. et Thorns., a new and remarkable genus

of Cucurbitaceae. (Proc. Linn. Soc. 1855, vol. ii. pp. 257-259.)
On some remarkable spherical exostoses developed on the roots of

various species of Coniferae. (Proc. Linn. Soc. 1855, vol. ii.

pp. 335*-336*.)
On Decaisnea, a remarkable new genus of the tribe Lardizdbaleae.

(By J. D. H. and T. Thomson.) (Proc. Linn. Soc. 1855,

vol. ii. pp. 349-351.)
On Enkyanthus himalaicus and Cassiope selaginoides, two new

species of Himalayan Ericaceae. (By J. D. H. and T. Thomson.)

(Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1855, vol. vii. pp. 124-126, pi. 3, 4.)
On Chortodes, a subgenus of Flagellaria, from the Isle of Pines

(New Caledonia). (Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1855, vol. vii.

pp. 198-200, pi. 6.)
Longevity of seeds. (Gard. Chron. 1855, pp. 805-806.)

1856

On the structure and affinities of Balanophoreae. (Trans. Linn.

Soc. 1856, vol. xxii. pp. 1-68, pi. 1-16.)
On three new species of Acrotrema, from Ceylon. (Hook. Kew

Journ. Bot. 1856, vol. viii. pp. 241-243.)
Geographic Botanique Raisonnee . . . par M. Alph. de Candolle ;

a review (Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1856, vol. viii. pp. 54-64,

82-88, 112-121, 151-157, 181-191, 214-219, 248-256). Reprint.

London, 1866.

1857

On some Collections of Arctic Plants, chiefly made by Dr. Lyall,
Dr. Anderson, Herr Miertsching, and Mr. Rae, during the
Expeditions in search of Sir John Franklin, under Sir John

APPENDIX B 495

Richardson, Sir Edward Belcher, and Sir Robert M'Clure.

(Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1857, vol. i. pp. 114-124.)
On the botany of Raoul Island, one of the Kermadec group in

the South Pacific Ocean. (Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1857, vol. i.

pp. 125-129.)
On the growth and composition of the ovarium of Siphonodon

celastrineus, Griffith, especially with reference to the subject

of its placentation. (Trans. Linn. Soc. 1857, vol. xxii. pp.

133-141, pi. 26.)
Descriptions of two new Dilleniaceous plants from New Caledonia

and Tropical Australia. (Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1857, vol. ix.

pp. 47-49, pi. 1, 2.)
On Notospartium, a new genus of Leguminosae from New Zealand.

(Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1857, vol. ix. pp. 176-177, pi. 3.)
On Bryocarpum, a new genus of Himalayan Primulaceae. (By

J. D. H. and T. Thomson.) (Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1857,

vol. ix. pp. 199-200, pi. 5.)
On Loxodiscus, a new genus of Sapindaceae, from New Caledonia.

(Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1857, vol. ix. pp. 200-201, pi. 6.)
On three new Indian Scrophularineae, with description of Lancea,

gen. no v. (By J.D.H. and T.Thomson.) (Hook. Kew Journ.

Bot. 1857, vol. ix. pp. 243-246, pi. 7, 8.)
On a new species of D'iapensia, from the Eastern Himalaya. (Hook.

Kew Journ. Bot. 1857, vol. ix. pp. 372-373, pi. 12.)
British North American Exploring Expedition [Additional Instruc-
tions]. (Hook. Kew Journ. Bot. 1857, vol. ix. pp. 216-219.)

1858

Enumeratio plantarum Zeylaniae : an enumeration of Ceylon plants
with descriptions of the new and little-known genera and
species, observations on their habitats, uses, native names, &c.
(By G. H. K. Thwaites, assisted by J. D. H.) London, 1858-
1864. viii -f 483 pp. 8vo.

Praecursores ad Floram Indicam : being sketches of the natural
families of Indian plants, with remarks on their distribution,
structure, and affinities. (By J. D. H. and T. Thomson.)
(Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1858, vol. ii. pp. 1-29, 54-103,
163-180, pi. 2 ; 1860, vol. iv. pp. 106-157 ; 1861, vol. v.
pp. 128-181.)

Cynoglossum nobile, n. sp. (Gard. Chron. 1858, p. 240.)

1859

On the origin and development of the pitchers of Nepenthes, with
an account of some new Bornean plants of that genus. (Trans.

496 APPENDICES

Linn. Soc. 1859, vol. xxii. pp. 415-424, pi. 69-74 ; translated
in Ann. Sci. Nat., ser. 4, Bot., 1859, vol. xii. pp. 222-231.)
On a new genus of Balanophoreae (Dactylanthus Taylori) from
New Zealand, and two new species of Balanophora (B. Har-
landi and B. Lowii). (Trans. Linn. Soc. 1859, vol. xxii. pp.
425-427, pi. 75.)

1860

The monstrous Begonia frigida at Kew, in relation to Mr. Darwin's
'Theory of Natural Selection.' (Ann. Nat. Hist. 1860,
vol. v. pp. 350-352.)

Vaccinium rugosum, n. sp. (By J. D. H. and T. Thomson.) (Gard.
Chron. 1860, p. 384.)

On the species of Cordyline now in cultivation from New Zealand
and Australia. (Gard. Chron. 1860, pp. 791-792 ; translated
in Belgique Horticole 1861, vol. xi. pp. 66-70.)

1861

On Fropiera, a new Mauritian genus of calycifloral exogens, of
doubtful affinity. (Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1861, vol. v.
pp. 1-2, pi. 1.)

On Barteria, a new genus of Passifloreae, from the Niger River.
(Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1861, vol. v. pp. 14-15, pi. 2.)

An account of the Plants collected by Dr. Walker in Greenland
and Arctic America during the Expedition of Sir Francis
M'Clintock, R.N., in the Yacht ' Fox.' (Journ. Linn. Soc.,
Bot., 1861, vol. v. pp. 79-88.)

Colonial Floras. (Nat. Hist. Review, 1861, pp. 255-266.)

1862

Genera Plantarum ad exemplaria imprimis in herbariis kewensibus
servata definita. (By G. Bentham and J. D. H.) London,
1862-1883. 3 vols, 8vo. [For the joint and separate work
of the authors, see Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1883, vol. xx.
pp. 304-308.]

Illustrations of the Floras of the Malayan Archipelago and of
Tropical Africa. (Trans. Linn. Soc. 1862, vol. xxiii. pp. 155-
172, pi. 20-28.)

Outlines of the distribution of Arctic plants. (Read June 21, 1860 ;
Trans. Linn. Soc. 1862, vol. xxiii. pp. 251-348, with map;
pp. 251-276 and 281-309 reprinted in an abridged form in
Admiralty Arctic Manual, London, 1875, pp. 197-238.)

On three Oaks of Palestine. (Trans. Linn. Soc. 1862, vol. xxiii.
pp. 381-387, pi. 36-38.)

APPENDIX B 497

On the vegetation of Clarence Peak, Fernando Po ; with Descrip-
tions of the Plants collected by Mr. Gustav Mann on the higher
parts of that mountain. (Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1862,
vol. vi. pp. 1-23.)

On the Cedars of Lebanon, Taurus, Algeria, and India. (Nat.
Hist. Review, 1862, pp. 11-18, pi. 1-3.)

1863

On Welwitschia, a new genus of Gnetaceae. (Trans. Linn. Soc.

1863, vol. xxiv. pp. 1-48, pi. 1-14 ; translated in Flora, 1863,

pp. 459-464, 473-479, 489-496, 506-510, 513-520; and in

Diario de Lisboa, Jun. 2, 1S63.)
On a new Heliconia with the habits of a Musa, sent from New

Grenada by Dr. A. Anthoine to the Royal Gardens, Kew.

(Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1863, vol. vii. pp. 68-69.)
Note on t the embryo of Ancistrocladus. (By J. D. H. and

G. Bentham.) (Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1863, vol. vii. p. 111.)
The Botany of Syria and Palestine. (W. Smith's Diet. Bible,

vol. ii., London, 1863.)
Enumeration of the Mountain Flowering Plants and Ferns . . .

of the Cameroons Mountains, of Clarence Peak, Fernando Po,

and of the Peak of San Thome. (Burton : Abeokuta and the

Cameroons Mountains, vol. ii. pp. 270-277. London, 1863.)
A. F. Henslow, Cotton and the want of it. London, 1863. 19 pp.,

2 pi. 16mo. (Botanical description by J. D. H.)

1864

Handbook of the New Zealand Flora, &c. London, 1864-67.
15* + Ixviii + 798 pp. 8vo.

On the Plants of the Temperate Regions of the Cameroons
Mountains and Islands in the Bight of Benin ; collected by
Mr. Gustav Mann, Government Botanist. (Journ. Linn. Soc.,
Bot., 1864, vol. vii. pp. 171-240, pi. 1 ; pp. 171-181 translated
in Petermann, Mitteilungen, 1865, pp. 22-26.)

On the Genus Euptelea, Sieb. & Zucc. (By J. D. H. and
T. Thomson.) (Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1864, vol. vii.
pp. 240-243, pi. 2.)

Note on the replacement of species in the Colonies and elsewhere.
(Nat. Hist. Review, 1864, pp. 123-127.)

Epistephium Williamsii, n. sp. (Curtis's Bot. Mag. 1864, t. 5485.)

1865

Curtis's Botanical Magazine, comprising the Plants of the Royal
Gardens of Kew and of other botanical establishments in

498 APPENDICES

Great Britain ; with suitable descriptions. Vols. xci.-cxxx.

London, 1865-1904, pi. 5486-7991. 8vo. (Vols. cxxix.-cxxx.

assisted by W. B. Hemsley.)
Catalogue of the plants distributed at the Eoyal Gardens, Kew

. . . from the Herbaria of Griffith, Falconer, and Heifer.

London, 1865, 37 pp. 8vo.
Description of a new genus (Brandisia) of ScrophularinecLe from

Martaban. (By J. D. H. and T. Thomson). (Journ. Linn.

Soc., Bot., 1865, vol. viii. pp. 11-12, pi. 4.)
On the identity of Pinus Pence, Griseb., of Macedonia, with the

P. excelsa of the Himalaya Mountains. (Journ. Linn. Soc.,

Bot., 1865, vol. viii. pp. 145-147.)
Discovery of Asplenium viride, in New Brunswick. (Nat. Hist.

Review, 1865, p. 150.)

1866

Reports on the progress and condition of the Royal gardens at

Kew during the years 1865-1882. London, 1866-1884. 8vo.
Description of some new and remarkable species of Aristolochia

from Western Tropical Africa : Aristolochia Goldieana, A.

triactina, A. Mannii. (Trans. Linn. Soc. 1866, vol. xxv.

pp. 185-188, pi. 14.)
Lecture on Insular Floras, delivered before the British Association

for the Advancement of Science at Nottingham, Aug. 27, 1866.

(Gard. Chron. 1867, pp. 6-7, 27, 50-51, 75-76 ; Journ. Bot.

1867, vol. v. pp. 23-31 ; translated in Ann. Sci. Nat. 1866,

ser. 5, Bot., vol. vi. pp. 267-299.) Reprint. London, 1867.

1867

Hooker's Icones Plantarum ; or figures, with descriptive characters
and remarks, of new and rare plants, selected from the
Kew herbarium. Vols. xi.-xx., pt. 1. London, 1867-1890.
tt. 1001-1925. 8vo. (Editor and part author.)

Boott, Illustrations of the genus Carex. Part iv. London, 1867.
Pp. 127-233, pi. 412-600. fol. (Edited by J. D. H.)

Martius, Flora Brasiliensis, vol. xiv. pt. ii., 1867, pp. 1-76, pi. 1-22.
— Rosaceae.

On the struggle for existence amongst plants. (Popular Sci. Review,
1867, vol. vi. pp. 131-139.)

Begonia Veitchii, n. sp. (Gard. Chron. 1867, p. 734.)

1868

W. H. Harvey, The genera of South African plants. Ed. 2.
London, 1868. lii + 483 pp. (Edited by J. D. H.)

APPENDIX B 499

Oliver, Flora of Tropical Africa : —

Vol. i., 1868, pp. 298-303.— Impatiens.
Vol. ii., 1871, pp. 439-464, 521-580.— Melastomaceae,
Cucurbitaceae, Begoniaceae.

On seeds and saplings of forest trees. (Canadian Naturalist, 1886,
vol. iii. pp. 453-457.)

1869

Presidential Address to the British Association, Norwich, 1868.

(Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1868 [1869], pp. 58-75.)
On the true Fuchsia coccinea, Aiton. (Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot.,

1869, vol. x. pp. 458-461.)

1870

The Students' Flora of the British Islands. London, 1870. xx +
504 pp. Ed. 2. Ib., 1878. xx + 539 pp. Ed. 3. Ib., 1884.
xxiii + 563 pp. 8vo.

Nepenthes. (Nature, 1870, vol. iii. pp. 147-148 ; Journ. Bot.
1871, vol. ix. pp. 49-50.)

1871

The ascent of the Great Atlas. (Proc. Roy. Geogr. Soc. 1871,

vol. xv. pp. 212-221 ; Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1871 [1872], sect, rep.,

pp. 179-180.) Reprint. London, 1871.
The Admiralty Manual of Scientific Enquiry, ed. 4, article xv.

Botany, pp. 377-384. (By W. J. Hooker, revised by J. D. H.)

London, 1871.
Plants of the peninsula of Sinai (determined by D. Oliver). (E. H.

Palmer's Desert of the Exodus. London, 1871.)

1872

The Flora of British India. (By J. D. H., assisted by various
botanists.) London, 1872-1897. 7 vols. 8vo. Editor
throughout ; author of the following Orders : —

Vol. I., 1872-1875. xl + 740 pp.— Ranunculaceae, Dilleni-
aceae, Magnoliaceae, Anonaceae, Menispermaceae, Berberideae,
Nymphaeaceae, Papaveraceae, Fumariaceae (with T. Thomson) ;
Cruciferae (with T. Anderson) ; Capparideae, Resedaceae, Viol-
aceae, Bixineae, Pittosporeae (with T. Thomson) ; Caryophylleae
(with M. P. Edgeworth) ; Lineae, Malpighiaceae ; Zygophylleae,
Geraniaceae (excl. Balsamineae) (with M. P. Edgeworth) ;
Balsamineae, Rutaceae, Chailletiaceae, Ilicineae.

Vol. II., 1876-1880. 792 + 1 pp.— Sabiaceae, Anacardi-
aceae, Coriarieae, Moringeae, Connaraceae, Rosaceae.

500 APPENDICES

Vol. HI., 1880-1882. 712 pp.— Rubiaceae, Compositae,
Primulaceae, Apocynaceae.

Vol. IV., 1883-1885. 780 pp. — Asdepiadaceae, Scrophulari-
aceae, Orobanchaceae, Selagineae, Labiatae, Plantagineae, Nycta-
gineae, Illecebraceae, Amarantaceae.

Vol. V., 1886-1890. 910 y*p.—Chenopodiaceae, Phytolacc-
aceae, Polygonaceae, Podostemonaceae, Nepenthaceae, Cytinaceae,
Aristolochiaceae, Piperaceae, Chloranthaceae, Myristiceae. Moni-
miaceae, Laurineae, Proteaceae, Thymelaeaceae, Elaeagnaceae,
Loranthaceae, Santalaceae, Balanophoreae, Euphorbiaceae, Urtic-
aceae (excl. Ficits et Artocarpus), Juglandeae, Myricaceae,
Casuarineae, Cupuliferae, Salicineae, Ceratophylleae, Gnetaceae,
G&niferae, Hydrocharideae, Burmanniaceae, Orchideae.

Vol. VI., 1890-1894. 748 pp. — Orchideae, Haemodoraceae,
Irideae, Amaryllideae, Taccaceae, Dioscoreaceae, Roxburghiaceae,
LUiaceae, Pontederiaceae, Philydraceae, Xyridaceae, Commelin-
aceae, Flagellarieae, Juncaceae ; Palmeae (with 0. Beccari) ;
Pandaneae, Typhaceae, Aroideae, Lemnaceae, Triurideae, Alis-
maceae, Naiadaceae, Eriocauleae.

Vol. VII., 1896-1897. 842 pp.— Gramineae (with 0. Stapf
and J. S. Gamble).

Kew Gardens and the National Herbarium. (Nature, 1872, vol. vii.
pp. 45-46, 103.)

1873

Le Maout and Decaisne, A General System of Botany, descriptive
and analytical ; translated by Mrs. Hooker, with additions,
appendix and synopsis of Orders by J. D. H. London, 1873.
xii + 1066 pp. 4to.

De Candolle, Prodromus systematis naturalis, regni.vegetabilis,
vol. xvii. 1873, pp. 90-116. — Nepenthaceae, Cytinaceae.

Hololachne Shawana, n. sp., Apocynum Hendersonii, n. sp. Deyeuxia
anthoxanthoides, n. sp. (Henderson and Hume, Lahore to
Yarkand, pp. 313, 327, 339, with plates. London, 1873.)

On Melianthus Trimenianus, Hk. f., and the affinities of Grreyia
Sutherland.*. (Journ. Bot. 1873, vol. xi. pp. 353-358, pi. 138.)

The production of Honeydew. (Entomologist, 1873, vol. vi. pp.
463-464.)

Potato Disease. Answers to Circular addressed to Cultivators of
Potatoes in the counties of Ross, Inverness, Nairn and Moray.
(By Col. J. A. Grant, with remarks by Prof. Church and
J. D. H.) Inverness, 1873. 8vo.

1874

Address to the Depart, of Bot. and Zool. of the Brit. Assoc. at
Belfast, Aug. 1874. — The carnivorous habits of plants. (Brit.

APPENDIX B 501

Assoc. Rep. 1874 [1875], pp. 102-116 ; Nature, 1874, vol. x.
pp. 366-372 ; translated in Revue Scientif. 1874, vol. vii.
pp. 481-489.) Reprint. London, 1874.

Notes on some plants from Smith Sound collected by Dr. Bessels.
(A. H. Markham, A Whaling Cruise to Baffin's Bay and the
Gulf of Boothia, p. 296. London, 1874. Reprinted in
Admiralty Arctic Manual, 1875, p. 321.)

1875

On the subalpine vegetation of Kilima Njaro, E. Africa. (Journ.
Linn. Soc., Bot., 1875, vol. xiv. pp. 141-146.)

On Hydnora americana, R. Br. (Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1875,
vol. xiv. pp. 182-188.)

On the discovery of Phylica arborea, Thouars, a tree of Tristan
d'Acunha, in Amsterdam Island in the S. Indian Ocean ; with
an enumeration of the phanerogams and vascular cryptogams
of that island and of St. Paul. (Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1875,
vol. xiv. pp. 474-480.)

Observations on some Indian species of Garcinia. (Journ. Linn.
Soc., Bot., 1875, vol. xiv. pp. 484-486.)

Presidential address to the Royal Society, Nov. 1875. — The scientific
work of the year, &c. London, 1875. 25 pp. (Proc. Roy.
Soc. 1875 [1876], vol. xxiv. pp. 72-94.)

Instructions in Botany. (Admiralty Arctic Manual, 1875, Instruc-
tions, pp. 62-67.)

1876

Botany. (Macmillan & Co.'s Science Primers.) Ed. 1. London,
Feb. 1876; reprinted Nov. 1876. Ed. 2. 1877; reprinted
1878, 1879, 1880, 1881, June 1883, Oct. 1883, May 1884,
Oct. 1884, 1885. Ed. 3. 1886 ; reprinted 1887, 1888, 1890,
1892, 1894, 1897, 1900, 1904, 1909. 16mo. Portuguese trans-
lation from the second English edition. (By J. A. Henriques.)
Porto e Braga, 1877.

Evidences of ancient glaciers in central France. (Nature, 1876,
vol. xiii. pp. 31-32.)

Presidential address to the Royal Society, Nov. 1876. — The scientific
work of the year, &c. London, 1876. 27 pp. (Proc. Roy.
Soc. 1876 [1877], vol. xxv. pp. 339-362.

1877

Notes on the botany of the Rocky Mountains. (Nature, 1877,
vol. xvi. pp. 539-540 ; Amer. Journ. Sci. 1877, vol. xiv. pp.
505-509 ; Archives Sci. Phys. Nat. 1878, vol. Ixiii. pp. 240-247.)

502 APPENDICES

Presidential address to the Royal Society, Nov. 1877. — The scientific
work of the year, &c. London, 1877. 26 pp. (Proc. Eoy.
Soc. 1877 [1878], vol. xxvi. pp. 427-446.)

1878

Journal of a tour in Marocco and the Great Atlas. (By J. D. H.
and John Ball.) London, 1878. xvi + 499 pp., 8 pi., 1 map.
8vo. [Includes the following appendices by J. D. H. : —

D. On some of the economic plants of Marocco, pp. 386-404 ;

E. On the Canarian Flora as compared with the Maroccan,
pp. 404-421 ; F. Comparison of the Maroccan Flora with that
of the Mountains of Tropical Africa, pp. 421-423.]

G. S. Nares, Narrative of a Voyage to the Polar Sea during 1875-76
in H.M. ships ' Alert ' and ' Discovery,' vol. ii. appendix
xiv., Botany, pp. 301-310. London, 1878. 8vo.

The distribution of the North American Flora. (Proc. Roy. Instit.
1879, vol. viii. pp. 568-580; Gard. Chron. 1878, vol. x.
pp. 140-142, 216-217; translated in Ann. Sci. Nat. 1878,
ser. 6, Bot., vol. vi. pp. 318-339.) Reprint. London, 1879.
13 pp. 8vo.

Presidential address to the Royal Society, Nov. 1878. — The scientific
work of the year, &c. London, 1878. 28 pp. (Proc. Roy.
Soc. 1878 [1879], vol. xxviii. pp. 43-63 ; Nature, 1878, vol.
xix. pp. 109-113, 132-135.)

1879

Observations on the botany of Kerguelen Island. (Phil. Trans.

1879, vol. clxviii. pp. 9-23, pi. 1-2.)
Epipactis helkborine. (Bot. Gaz. 1879, vol. iv. p. 225.)

1880

On the discovery of a variety of cedar of Lebanon on the mountains
of Cyprus ; with letter thereupon by Sir Samuel Baker, F.R.S.
(Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1880, vol. xvii. pp. 517-519.)

W. Smith, A Dictionary of the Bible, ed. 5. London, 1880. 8vo.
(Botanical articles by J. D. H.)

1881

Presidential address to the Geogr. Sect, of the Brit. Assoc. at York,
Sept. 1, 1881. — On geographical distribution. (Brit. Assoc.
Rep. 1881 [1882], pp. 727-738; Nature, 1881, vol. xxiv.
pp. 443-448.)

APPENDIX B 503

Notes on arctic plants. (A. H. Markham, A Polar Keconnaissance,

App. A. London, 1881.)

Drosera spatulata. (Gard. Chron. 1881, vol. xvi. p. 852.)
Begonia socotrana, Jasminum gracillimum, Nepenthes Northiana, nn.

spp. (Gard. Chron. 1881, vol. xv. pp. 8-9 ; vol. xvi. p. 717.)
The Compass Plant. (Gard. Chron. 1881, vol. xv. p. 74. Re-

printed from Bot. Mag. t. 6534.)

1882

The vegetation of the Rocky Mountain region and a comparison
with that of other parts of the world. (By J. D. H. and Asa
Gray.) (Bull. U.S. Survey 1882, vol. vi. pp. 1-62.)

On Dyera, a new genus of rubber-producing plants belonging to the
natural order Apocynaceae, from the Malayan Archipelago.
(Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1882, vol. xix. pp. 291-293.)

On some undescribed and imperfectly known Indian Species of
Primula and Androsace. (By George Watt, revised by J. H. D.)
(Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1882, vol. xx. pp. 1-18, pi. 1-18.)

1884

Royal Gardens, Kew. Official Guide to the Museums of Economic
Botany. No. 1. Dicotyledon and Gymnosperms. London,
1883 [1884]. 153 pp. 8vo.

Tropical African Mountain Flora. (Nature, 1884, vol. xxx. p. 635.)
Notes on the Flora of Parasnath. (By C. B. Clarke, with an intro-
ductory note by J. D. H.) (Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1884,
vol. xxi. pp. 252-255.)

1885

Royal Gardens, Kew. Official Guide to the Royal Botanic Gardens
and Arboretum. Ed. ' 29 ' [i.e. 30]. London, 1885. 184 pp.
8vo.

1886

The Admiralty Manual of Scientific Enquiry, ed. 5, Article xiv.
Botany, pp. 418-432. London, 1886.

On the Castilloa elastica of Cervantes, and some allied Rubber-
yielding Plants. (Trans. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1886, ser. 2, vol. ii.
pp. 209-215, pi. 27-28.)

The Himalayan Larch. (Gard. Chron. 1886, vol. xxv. p. 718,
fig. 157.)

The Himalayan Silver Fir (Abies WebUana). (Gard. Chron. 1886,
vol. xxv. p. 788, figs. 174, 175.)

504 • APPENDICES

The Himalayan Hemlock Spruce (Tsuga brunoniana). (Gard.

Chron. 1886, vol. xxvi. p. 72.)
The Botany of the Rocky Mountain Region ; a review. (Nature,

1886, vol. xxxiii. pp. 433-435.)
A Sketch of the Flora of South Africa ; a review. (Nature, 1886,

vol. xxxiv. pp. 77-79.)

1887

Bentham, Handbook of the British Flora. Editions 5-8. London,

1887-1908. 8vo. (Revised by J. D. H.)
On Hydrothrix, a new genus of Pontederiaceae. (Ann. Bot. 1887,

vol. i. pp. 89-94, pi. 7.)
Anniversary dinner of the Royal Society, 1887. Reply to the

Toast . . . ' The Medallists,' Gloucester, 1887. 14 pp. 8vo.

1888

The Royal Horticultural Society. (Gard. Chron. 1888, vol. iii.
p. 171.)

1889
Pachytheca. (Ann. Bot. 1889, vol. iii. pp. 135-140, pi. 8.)

1890

Indian Orchideae. (Hook. Ic. PL 1890, vol. xxi. tt. 2001-2050 ;

1891, tt. 2051-2075; 1892, tt. 2076-2100; 1892, vol. xxii.

tt. 2101-2125; 1893, tt. 2126-2175; 1894, tt. 2176-2200;

1894, vol. xxiv. tt. 2317-2322, 2334, 2335.)
Eulogium on Robert Brown, delivered 1888 (Proc. Linn. Soc. 1890,

pp. 54-67.)

1892

Juncus nematocaulon, n. sp. (Hook. Ic. PI. 1892, vol. xxiii.
t. 2234) ; J. sikkimensis, n. sp. (t. 2235).

1893

Index kewensis plantarum phanerogamarum ... ad annum
1885 . . . sumptibus beati C. R. Darwin, ductu et consilio
J. D. Hooker, confecit B. D. Jackson. Oxford, 1893-1895.
2 vols. 4to.

1895

A Century of Indian Orchids. (Ann. Bot. Gard. Calcutta, 1895,
vol. v. pt. 1, pp. 1-68, pi. 1-101.)

APPENDIX B 505

David Lyall, M.D. ; an obituary notice. (Journ. Bot. 1895,
vol. xxxiii. pp. 209-211.)

1896

Journal of the Eight Hon. Sir Joseph Banks during Captain Cook's
first voyage. (Edited by J. D. H.) London. 1896. lii. +
466 pp., 2 portraits, 4 maps. 8vo.

Ischnochloa Fakoneri, n. gen. et sp. (Hook. Ic. PI. 1896, vol. xxv.
t. 2466.)

1898

A handbook to the Flora of Ceylon, containing descriptions of all
the species of flowering plants indigenous to the island, and
notes on their history, distribution, and uses. (By H. Trimen,
continued by J.D.H.) Partiv. London, 1898. iii. + 384 pp.
Partv. 1900. 477 pp., 2 maps. 8vo. Plates 76-100. 1898.
4fco.

1901

[Speech at] the opening of the new Botanical Department at

the Glasgow University. (Ann. Bot. 1901, vol. xv. pp.

551-555.)
Rev. William Colenso. 1811-1899 ; obituary notice. (Year-book

Eoy. Soc. Lond. 1901, pp. 191-194 ; Proc. Boy. Soc. Lond.

1904, vol. Ixxv. pp. 57-60.)

1902

A sketch of the life and labours of Sir William Jackson Hooker,
with portrait [and bibliography]. (Ann. Bot. 1902, vol. xvi.
pp. ix-ccxxi.)

1904

The Imperial Gazetteer of India, ed. 3, vol. i. chap. 4, Botany,

pp. 157-212. Oxford, 1907. — Advance issue, entitled 'A

sketch of the flora of British India.' London, 1904. 55 pp.

8vo. Introduction etc. reprinted in Journ. Bot. 1904, vol. xlii.

pp. 221-227, with portrait of author.— Keprint. Oxford, 1906.

60 pp. 8vo.
An epitome of the British Indian species of Impatiens. (Kec. Bot.

Surv. India, 1904-1906, vol. iv. pp. 1-58, and index.)
On the species of Impatiens in the Wallichian herbarium of the

Linnean Society. (Journ. Linn. Soc., Bot., 1904, vol. xxxvii.

pp. 22-32.)

VOL. n 2 K

506 APPENDICES

1 1906

Premature shedding of leaves of Scots pine. (Gard. Chron. 1906,

vol. ad. p. 278.)
George Bentham ; a review. (Kew Bull. 1906, pp. 187-188.)

1908

Les especes du genre Impatiens dans 1'herbier du Museum de Paris.

(Nouv. Arch. Mus. Hist. Nat. Paris, 1908, ser. 4, vol. x.

pp. 233-272, pi. 2-6.)
Asiatic species of Impatiens. (Hook. Ic. PI. 1908, vol. xxix. tt.

2851-2875 ; 1910, vol. xxx. tt. 2301-2325 ; 1911, tt. 2951-

2975.)

1909

On some species of Impatiens from Indo-China and the Malayan

Peninsula. (Kew Bull. 1909, pp. 1-12.)
A review of the known Philippine Islands species of Impatiens.

(Kew Bull. 1909, pp. 282-289.)
Impatiens Hawlceri. (Curtis's Bot. Mag. 1909, t. 8247.)

1910

New Impatiens from China. (Kew Bull. 1910, pp. 269-275.)
Indian species of Impatiens. Generis Impatiens species indicae

novae et minus rite cognitae a cl. A. Meebold detectae. (Kew

Bull. 1910, pp. 291-300.)
Impatiens Hubertii, I. ortJiosepala, I. Winkleri, nn. spp. (Kew. Bull.

1910, pp. 74-76.)

1911

Lecomte, Flore generale de 1'Indo-Chine, 1911, vol. i. pp. 611-

629 . — Balsaminaceae .
On the Balsaminaceae of the State of Chitral. (Kew Bull. 1911,

pp. 209-211.)
On some species of Impatiens from the Malayan Peninsula : II.

(Kew Bull. 1911, pp. 249-250, with plate.)
Indian species of Impatiens. On some Western Peninsular Indian

Balsamineae collected by Mr. A. Meebold. (Kew Bull. 1911,

pp. 353-356.)
Impatiens Herzogii. (Curtis's Bot. Mag. 1911, t. 8396.)

APPENDIX C

507

APPENDIX C

LIST OF DEGREES, APPOINTMENTS, SOCIETIES, AND HONOURS

1839 Glasgow
1839 Edinburgh

1839 Chatham

1842 London
1843-45 Edinburgh

1844 Woolwich

1845 Breslau

1846 London

1847 London

1847 London

1848 Calcutta

1850 Florence

1851 London
1851 London

1851 Paris

1852 Paris

1852 Haarlem

M.D

Collegium Regium Chirur-

gorum Civitatis Edinensis

Assistant-Surgeon of H.M.S.

The Linnean Society .
Assistant to Professor

Graham, Professor of

Botany
Assistant- Surgeon of H.M.

Yacht William and

Mary
Caesareae Leopoldino-

Carolinae Academiae

Naturae Curiosorum

Universitatis Vratis-

laviensis sub Cognomine

Graham
Geological Survey of the

United Kingdom
The Royal Society . . .
Botanical Exploring Ex-
pedition to East India
The Asiatic Society of

Bengal
Imperiale e Reale Museo di

Fisica e Storia Naturale

di Firenze
The Athenseum Club

(under Rule 2)
The Exhibition of the

Works of Industry of

All Nations
Societe Nationale et Cen-

trale d' Agriculture
Societe de Geographie . .

Societe Royale Hollandaise
des Sciences

Degree
Diploma

Appointment

FeUow
Appointment

Appointment
Member

Botanist

Fellow
Appointment

Honorary
Member
Silver Medal

Member

Juror and
Medal

Foreign Cor-
respondent

Diploma of
Honourable
Mention

Member

508

APPENDICES

1852 Munich

1853 St. Petersburg
1853 Diirkheim

1853 Cherbourg

1854 London

1854 Berlin

1855 London
1857 Ratisbon

1857 Vienna

1858 Dublin

1859 St. Petersburg
1859 St. Petersburg

1859 Erlangen

1860 London

1861 Edinburgh

1862 Stockholm

1862 Konigsberg

1863 Dublin
1863 New Zealand

Academia Literarum et
Scientiarum Regia Boica,
Monachii

La Comite Scientifique du
Ministere des Domains
de 1'Etat

Die Pollichia, ein Natur-
wissenschaftlicher Verein
der Bayerischen Pfalz
Societe des Sciences
Naturelles de Cherbourg
The Royal Society . .
Regia Scientiarum Aca-
demia Borussica
Assistant Director of the

Royal Gardens, Kew
Regia Societas Botanica

Ratisbonensis
Kaiserliche Konigliche
' Geographische Gesell-

schaft, Wien

Dublin University Zoo-
logical and Botanical
Association
Societe Russe d'Horti-

culture

Imperialis Academia Scien-
tiarum Petropolitana
Societas Physico - Medica

Erlangensis
Scientific Expedition to

Syria and Palestine
Societas Medica Edinbur-

gena

Regia Scientiarum Aca-
demia Svecica
Die Ostpreussische Phy-
sikalisch - Okonomische
Gesellschaft zu Konigs-
berg
Natural History Society

of Dublin

Philosophical Institute of
Canterbury, New Zea-
land

Corresponding
Member

Corresponding
Member

Honorary
Member

Corresponding

Member
Royal Medal
Member

Appointment
Member

Corresponding
Member

Corresponding
Member

Member

Corresponding

Member
Corresponding

Member
Botanist

Honorary

Member
Foreign

Member
Foreign

Member

Corresponding

Member
Honorary

Member

APPENDIX 0

609

1864 Newcastle

1865 Munich

1865 London

1865 Vienna

1865 Upsala

1865 Gottingen

1865 New Zealand

1865 London

1866 Edinburgh
1866 Boston

1866 London

1866 Georgetown

Natural History Society of

Northumberland, Dur-
ham, and Newcastle-on-

Tyne
Academia Literarum et

Scientiarum Regia Boica,

Monachii
Societas Londinensis pro

Scientia Horticulturale
K. K. Gartenbaugesell-

schaft in Wien
Regia Scientiarum Societas

Upsaliensis
Die Konigliche Gesellschaft

der Wissenschaften zu

Gottingen
New Zealand Industrial

Exhibition, Dunedin
Director of the Royal

Gardens, Kew
Societas Botanica Edinen-

sis
American Academy of Arts

and Sciences

Royal Geographical Society
Royal Agricultural and

Commercial Society of

British Guiana

Honorary
Member

Foreign
Member

Honorary
Member
Member

Member

Foreign
Member

Silver Medal
Appointment

Honorary

Fellow
Foreign Hon.

Member
Fellow
Honorary

Member

1866

Cambridge

Philosophical Society of

Member

Cambridge

1866

Cambridge

LL.D

Honorary

*

Degree

1866

Oxford

DCL

Honorary

Degree

1866

Paris

Institut Imperial de France

Corresponding

Academic des Sciences

Member

1866

Lancashire

Todmorden Botanical

Member

Society

1867

Paris

Exposition Universelle a

Juror and

Paris

Medal

1867

Antwerp

La Societe d'Horticulture

Honorary

d'Anvers

Member

1867

Copenhagen

Det Kongelige Danske

Foreign

Videnskabernes Selskab,

Member

Kjobenhavn

610

APPENDICES

1867 Helsingfors

1868 Vienna
1868 Norwich
1868 London
1868 Natal

1868 London

1869 Philadelphia

1869 Caracas

1869 Dublin

1869 St. Petersburg

1869 London

1870 San Francisco
1870 Paris

1870 Florence

1870 Lancashire and

Cheshire

1870 Liverpool

1870 Dublin

1871 New Zealand
1871 Montpellier

1872 Moscow
1872 Frankfurt

1872 Brussels

Societas Pro Fauna et
Flora Fennica

K. K. Landwirthschafts
Gesellschaft in Wien

British Association for the
Advancement of Science

Societas Regia Medico -
Chirurgica Londinensis

Natural History Associa-
tion of Natal

The Ethnological Society

The American Philo-
sophical Society of
Philadelphia

La Sociedad de Ciencias
Fisicas y Naturales de
Caracas

Royal Irish Academy .

Two Jasper Cups from the

Russian Emperor
The Most Honourable

Order of the Bath
The Academy of Sciences

Societe Imperiale Zoolo-
gique d'Acclimatation

Societa Geografica Italiana

Historic Society of Lanca-
shire and Cheshire

The Literary and Philo-
sophical Society

The Royal Dublin Society

The New Zealand Institute

Societe d'Horticulture et
d'Histoire Naturelle de
L'Herault

Imperial Society of Botany

Die Senkenbergische Natur-
forschende Gesellschaft

Academic Royale des Sci-
ences, des Lettres et des
Beaux Arts de Belgique

Honorary

Member
Corresponding

Member
President

Honorary

Fellow
Honorary

Member
Fellow
Member

Honorary
Member

Honorary
Member
Gift

Companion

(Civil)
Honorary

Member
Honorary

Member
Hon. Member
Honorary

Member
Honorary

Member
Honorary

Member
Honorary

Member
Corresponding

Member

Member (?)
Corresponding

Member
Associate

APPENDIX C

511

1873 Rio de Janeiro

1873 London

1873 Munich

1873 London

1873 Brazil

1873 Philadelphia

1873 Bologna

1873 Stockholm

1873 Nimegue

1874 London
1874 Norwich
1874 Glasgow

1874 Yokohama

1875 Florence
1875 Watford
1875 London
1875 Paris
1875 London
1875 Russia

1875 Rome

1876 Palermo

1876 Boston

Sociedad Vellosiana do

Rio de Janeiro
The Royal Society . . .
K. B. Academic der Wissen-

schaften

University College
The Imperial Order of

the Roze
The Academy of Natural

Sciences
Academia Scientiarum In-

stituti Bononiensis
The Royal Swedish Order

of the Polar Star

(Riddar Nordstjerne

Orden)
La Societe Botanique Neer-

landaise a Leyde
Royal Botanic Society,

Regent's Park
The Norfolk and Norwich

Naturalists' Society
The Philosophical Society

of Glasgow
The Asiatic Society of

Japan
Societa Toscana d'Orti-

cultura
The Natural History Club,

Watford
The Royal Institution of

Great Britain
L' Academic de Medecine

The University of London

The Society of Naturalists
of the Imperial Kazan
University

Reale Accademia dei Lincei

Academia Panormitana
Scientiarum ac Litter-
arum

The Massachusetts Horti-
cultural Society

Corresponding

Member
President
Foreign

Member
Life Governor
Commander

Corresponding

Member
Corresponding

Member
Knighthood
(Riddar)

Corresponding

Member
Honorary :

Member
Honorary

Member
Honorary

Member
Honorary

Member
Honorary

Member
Honorary
Member
Member

Foreign
Associate

Member of the
Senate

Honorary
Member

Member
Honorary
Member

Corresponding
Member

512

1876 London

1876 London'

1876 Home

1876 Norwich

1876 Lisbon

1877 Iowa

1877 Boston

1878 London
1878 Toulouse

1878 London

1878 Hamburg

1878 Dublin

1878 Breslau

1878 Brussels

1879 London
1879 Paris

1879 New York

1879 Sydney

1879 Berlin

APPENDICES
The Royal Institution

Science and Art Depart-
ment of the Committee
of Council of Education.
S. Kensington Museum

Regia Lynceorum Aca-
demia

The Medico - Chirurgical
Society of Norwich

L'Academie Royale des
Sciences

The Davenport Academy
of Natural Sciences

The Society of Natural
History

The Most Exalted Order
of the Star of India

Academic des Sciences,
Inscriptions et Belles
Lettres de Toulouse

The Pharmaceutical So-
ciety of Great Britain

Der Gartenbau-Verein fur
Hamburg, Altona und
Umgegend

Trinity College, Dublin
(Doctor Utriusque Juris),
J.U.D.

Die Schlesische Gesellschaft
fur Vaterlandische Cultur

Societe Royale de Bota-
nique de Belgique

The Club

Universal Exhibition .

The New York Academy

of Sciences
The Sydney International

Exhibition

Der Verein fur Bef orderung
des Gartenbaues

Manager and
Vice-
President

Vice-
President

Hon. Foreign

Member
Honorary

Member
Corresponding

Foreign

Member
Honorary

Member
Honorary

Member
Knight Com-
mander
Foreign

Associate

Honorary

Member
Honorary

Member

Degree

Honorary
Member
Associate

Member
Member of

Commission
Honorary

Member
Member of

Commission

and Medal
Honorary

Member

APPENDIX C

518

1879 France

1880 London
1880 Sydney

1880 Lausanne

1881 Melbourne

1881 York

1881 New York

1881 London

1881 Vienna

1882 Edinburgh
1882 Milan

1882 Bath

1883 London

1883 Rome

1883 Washington

1883 London

1883 London

1883 London

1883 Berlin

1883 London

Societe d'Horticulture
d'Angers

The Royal Society . .
The Royal Society for

New South Wales
La Societe des Sciences

Naturelles du Canton de

Vaud
Melbourne International

Exhibition
The British Association for

the Advancement of

Science
The Syracuse Botanical

Club
The International Medical

Congress
K.K. Geographische Gesell-

schaft in Wien
Societas Regia Edinensis
Societa Crittogamologica

Italiana

Royal Literary and Scien-
tific Institution
The Association for the

Advancement of Medi-
cine by Research
Reale Accademia deiLincei

National Academy of
Sciences of the United
States of America

Royal Geographical Society

Linnean Society (on com-
pletion of ' Genera Plan-
tarum ')

Society for the Encourage-
ment of Arts, Manu-
factures, and Commerce

Die Deutsche Botanische
Gesellschaft

The Worshipful Company
of Salters

Honorary and
Correspond-
ing Member

Portrait

Honorary
Member

Honorary
Member

Silver Medal

President of
Geographical
Section

Honorary
Member

Vice-
President

Honorary
Member

Hon. Fellow

Honorary
Member

Vice-
President

Member

Foreign
Member

Foreign
Associate

Founder's
Medal

Congratula-
tions

Albert Medal

Honorary
Member

Honorary
Freedom

514

1884 Edinburgh

1884 Shrewsbury

1884 London

1884 London

1884 Edinburgh

1884 London

1884 Sydney

1885 Turin
1885 Amsterdam
1885 Calcutta

1885 London

1886 France

1886 Boston

1886 Boston

1886 Shettleston,
N.B.

1886 Modena

1887 London
1887 Paris

1887 Texas

1887 Ghent

1887 Glasgow

APPENDICES

International Forestry Ex-
hibition

Caradoc Field Club . .

Royal Institution of Great
Britain

British Association for the
Advancement of Science
(Canada Meeting)

The University of Edin-
burgh LL.D.

International Health Ex-
hibition

The Royal Society of New
South Wales

Regia Taurinensis Aca-
dernia

Regia Academia Disci-
plinarum Nederlandica

Agricultural and Horti-
cultural Society of
India

Colonial and Indian Ex-
hibition

La Comite de I'Association
pour la Protection des
Plantes

The Appalachian Mountain
Club

Massachusetts Horticul-
tural Society

Scottish Society of Litera-
ture and Art

Societa dei Naturalisti in
Modena

The Royal Society . . .

La Societe de Geographic

Trinity Historical Society,

Dallas, Texas
Societe Royale d'Agricul-

ture et de Botanique de

Gand
Natural History Society of

Glasgow

Special

Diploma
Hon. Member

Vice-
President

Honorary
Degree
Bronze Medal

Clarke Memo-
rial Medal

Corresponding
Member

Member

Honorary
Member

Medal
Member

Corresponding

Member
Diploma

Honorary
Member

Honorary
Member

Copley Medal

Foreign Cor-
responding
Member

Non-Resident
Member

Honorary
Member

Honorary
Member

APPENDIX C

515

1888

London

The Linnean Society . .

Portrait

1888

London

The Linnean Society . .

Centenary

Medal

1888

London

The Italian Exhibition .

Honorary

Member of

Committee

1888

Woking

Gordon Boys' Home .

Member of

Council

1888

Surrey

Surrey Archaeological So-

Member

1888

Bologna

ciety
The University of Bologna

Honorary

Doctor

1889

Adelaide

Jubilee International Ex-

Medal

hibition, Adelaide

1889

New York

Torrey Botanical Club,

Honorary

Columbia College, New

Member

York

1889

London

The Alpine Club . . .

Hon. Member

1890

Antwerp

Exposition Internationale

Honorary

de Geographic Botanique

Member

commerciale et indus-

trielle, Anvers

1891

Copenhagen

La Societe Botanique de

Honorary

Copenhagen

Member

1891

Budapest

Magyar Tudomanyos Aka-

Foreign

demia (the Hungarian

Member

Academy of Sciences)

1891

London

The Royal Statistical

Fellow

Society

1891

London

Royal Naval Exhibition .

Diploma

1892

London

The Royal Society .

Darwin Medal

1892

Manchester

The Manchester Literary

Honorary

1893

Konigsberg

and Philosophical Society
Physikalisch -Okonomische

Member
Foreign

Gesellschaft

Member

1893

Berlin

Gesellschaft fur Erd-

Honorary

kunde zu Berlin

Member

1893

Paris

Academic Internationale de

Free Member

Geographic Botanique

, and Medal

1894

Geneva

Societe de Physique et

Honorary

d'Histoire Naturelle

Member

1894

Boston

The Appalachian Mountain

Honorary

Club

Member

1895

Moscow

Societas Caesarea Naturae

Honorary

Curiosorum Mosquensis

Member

516

1895 Edinburgh

1896 Rome

1897 Amsterdam

1897 London

1897 London

1897 Manchester

1897 London

1897 London

1898 Manchester
1900 Halle

1900 Paris

1900 Dominica

1902 Berlin

1904 Berlin

1905 London
1907 Munich

APPENDICES

The Scottish Natural
History Society

Societa Italiana Delle
Scienze

Nederlandsche Maat-

schappij Tuinbouw en
Plantkunde

Royal Horticultural So-
ciety

The Most Exalted Order
of the Star of India

The Manchester Literary
and Philosophical So-
ciety

The Salters' Company . .

The Linnean Society (com-
pletion of Flora of
British India)

The Manchester Literary
and Philosophical So-
ciety

Die Kaiserliche Leopol-
dinisch - Carolinische
Deutsche Akademie der
Naturforscher

Institut de France, Aca-
demic des Sciences

Agricultural Society of
Dominica

Der Konigliche Preussische
Orden ' Pour Le Merite '
fur Wissenschaften und
Kiinste

Academia Scientiarum
Borussica

British Science Guild .

Regia Scientiarum Aca-
demia Bavarica

1907 New York Academy of Sciences . .

Honorary

Fellow
Foreign

Member
Honorary

Member

Victoria Medal

of Honour
Knight Grand
Commander
Wilde Medal

Gift (on his
80th birth-
day)

Commemora-
tive Medal

Wilde Gold
Medal

Cothenius
Medal

Foreign

Member
Honorary

Member
Order

Foreign
Member

Vice-
President

Address on his
90th birth-
day

Honorary
Member

APPENDIX C 517

1907 Upsala Regia Academia Scien- Commemora-

tiarum Suecica (the tive Gold

Linnean Bicentenary) Medal

1908 London The Linnean Society (50th Darwin - Wai-

Anniversary of joint lace Medal

papers by Darwin and (Silver)
Wallace)

INDEX

ABBAHAM'S Oak, i. 533

Abyssinia, no link with Cape and

Australian temperate floras, i. 462
Aconite, ii. 282
Acquired characters, ii. 123
Acropera, ii. 105
Adams, J. 0., on Norwich Address,

ii. 120 and note
Adamson, early friend of J. D. H.,

i. 156

Adenanthera pavonina, ii. 107
Agassiz, A., x Club guest, i. 544
Agassiz, L., quoted, ii. 117 ; and

species-mongering, 473, 474, 475
Airlie, Lord, character and military

study, ii. 372
Airy, Sir G., as P.R.S., i. 543, ii. 132,

133 ; order of Polar Star, 186 sq.
Aiton, W., house in Kew Gardens,

i. 341, 345, 348
Albani, Mme., ii. 156
Albatross' eggs, a practical joke, i. 104
Algae, Antarctic, i. 173, 175, 183, 189,

190, Darwin's disputed specimen,

176 ; how replaced on British

coast, 212

Allman, G. J., i. 197 and note
Almond, Rev. Mr., i. 88
America, the future of botany in,

i. 475; democracy and politics,

ii. 39-45 ; visit to, 205-17, cp. 261 ;

N. Amer. botany, 216, 220 sq.,

232, 426 ; a universal peacemaker,

325

Amnothea communis, i. 57
Amsterdam Island, i. 83
Amundsen, i. 55
Anatomy, botanical, advance of,

ii. 419 sq.
Anderson, Dr. Thomas, i. 406 n.,

ii. 1 n.

Letters to:1 'Lionising,' i. 406;

W. J. H. and recognition of Kew

Herbarium, 419; reviews of the
' Origin,' 515 ; the Quarterly article,
520; over- work and society, 536,
537; Henslow's death: Senate
animam cequam, 537

Papyrus, ii. 1; Cinchona, 2; at
Darjiling, ib. ; rival sites, ib., and
theories, ib. ; frosts, ib. ; alleged
species of, ib. ; a German cultivator,
3 ; nomenclature, 3 ; John Scott, 3 ;
orchids : seeds from Sikkim, 8 ;
Indian duplicates, 9; Calcutta
Botanical Garden, 9, 10 ; Colonial
Floras and Flora Indica, 13 ; ar-
rangements for, 13 ; Latin or Eng-
lish, 13 ; delay about Flora Indica,
13 sq. ; further delay, 14 ; initia-
tive desired from Calcutta, 14;
comes from India Council, 15;
delayed by other work, 15;
pressure of general work, 16;
progress depends on his return
from India, 16 bis; microscope
work, 25 ; on Henslow, 61 bis.

Anderson, William, i. 76 and note,
100

Andraea, i. 74, 83

Andropogon, Hackel on, 284, 285

Angiopteris, i. 468

Angiosperms, primitive type of, ii.
22 sq., 25

Anogeissus, ii. 390

Anopterus glandulosus, i. 106

Antarctic, the, botanical barrenness,
i. 55, 111, 114, 163, beyond the
Arctic, 55, 82 ; plants common to,
140; zoological interest, 55-60,
67-70, 122; deep sea life, ib. ;
collections wasted, 56; diatoms
discovered, 55-6, 58-60 ; botanical
generalisations, 66, 74, 75 ; relative
proportion of plants, 76 and note,
79 sq. ; some strictly Antarctic

520

INDEX

Orders, 133 ; temperature, 111 ;
ice, barriers and bergs, 111, drawing
of, 62, nature and behaviour of,
127 sq. ; Journal, q.v. ; storms,
worse than tropical, 245; moun-
tains and Himalayan range, 305

Antarctic Exploration, Hooker pre-
pares for, i. 32, 37 sq. ; appoint-
ment, 44 sq. ; Royal Society in-
structions, 44; equipment, 46 aq.,
ii. 478 ; previous explorers, i. 51 ;
scientific furtherance, 49; Ross's
voyages, object of, 48 sq., magnetic
work, 48, 95, 99, 105 n., 110, and
results, 52, 110, 111, a matter of
poetic justice, ib., summarised, 52-
3 ; results of his own investigations
lost, i. 56, ii. 441 ; first voyage to
the South, 109 sqq. • difficulties,
especially for sailing ships, 110 and
note, 116 ; per contra, 111 ; few
hardships, 111 ; a seaman's story,
115 sq. ; second voyage to the
South, 124 sq. ; perilous adven-
tures, 125", 126 ; third voyage to
the South, 139 sq. ; success wel-
comed in England, 127 ; the For-
lorn Hope of Science, 148

ii. 273, 361 ; preliminary inspec-
tion of the pack, 362 ; the oldest
explorer, 16. ; hardships compared
with Boer War, 371 sq. ; bird speci-
mens, 353, 382 ; Scott's first expe-
dition, 438 ; use of a captive balloon,
440 sq., as by DrygalsM, ib. ; end-
less work for a naturalist, 441 ;
comparison with Arctic, ib. ; com-
mittee on, 444 ; drawings exhibited,
457 ; organisms, Ross and Hooker
sole collectors of, on the Erebus,
477 ; his position exceptional, 478 ;
lack of appliances, ib. ; Treasury
grant, 479 ; scurvy, 479

Apothecaries Co. Medal, examines
for, i. 385

Apteryx, its supposed food, i. 104

Araucaria, i. 97; fossil, 462; at
Kew, ii. 174

Arber, Dr. E. A. Newell, ii. 22 n., 382
Letters to: Primitive Angios-
perms and arrangement of the
Genera Plantanim, ii. 22 ; on the
fossil Tasmanian tree first described
by J. D. H., 455

Archer, Wm., F.L.S., dedication to,
see under Fl. Antarctica

Arctic Plants, range of, i. 437 ;
work on, 534; ii. 18, 26-31';
common to Antarctic, 140 ; Out-
lines of the Distribution of, 205
and note, 423, 425

Arenaria rupifraga, highest known
plant, i. 325 and note

Argemone, ii. 215

Argyll, eighth Duke of, i. 359 n. ;
support of Flora Indica, 359 ;
as Secretary for India, ii. 83, and
the K. C.S.I., 146 sq. ; criticism
of his Natural Theology, 83, 118,
and his ' Reign of Law,' 114 ; Man
and a pre-ordained evolution, 124 ;
support against Ayrton, 168 ; on
Darwin's theory of coral reefs,
342 ; Life of, 462 ; unique speci-
men given by, ib

Aristocracy and Natural Selection,
ii. 38, 39, 40

Aristolochia, on his memorial, ii. 481

Armstrong, Lord, liberality, 136 and
note

Arnold, Dr. Joseph, ii. 475 and note

Arnott, G. A. W., i. 31 and note,
106, 200

Arran, i. 31

Arrow, the, i. 73 n.

Art, H.'s inherited love for, i. 8, 9;
153 sq.'; ii. 193, 435 ; his grand-
father's collection, i. 4, and the
Wallace Gallery, ib., ii. 345;
pictures at Edinburgh, i. 203-4;
pictures in his own possession,
ii. 435

Artemisia, ii. 214

Arun, River, i. 304

Arundinella, i. 466

Ascension, i. 53, 217 ; flora of, ii.
101, 234

Aster -omphalos, i. 59

Atgarrobo, ii. 5.

Athrotaxis, ii. 294

Atlas, the Great, an early dream,
i. 6 ; ascent of, ii. 93, 94

Atoms, Tyndall's remark, ii. 112,
359, and Huxley's rejoinder, 359 ;
conception of, impossible to formu-
late, 113

Auckland Islands. See Lord Auck-
land Islands

Auckland, Lord, i. 217, 218, 248, 262,
272 ; death of, 329

Aurora, Dr. Mawson's ship, i. 51

Aurora Borealis, in India, i. 238 sq.

INDEX

521

Australia, economic botany in, ii. 6
Auvergne, travel in, ii. 185 sq.
Avenaceae, ii. 288
Ayrton, Acton Smee, struggle with,

ii. 131, 148, described, 159-177;

Treasury rebuke to, 173 ; curious

speech in the House, 176
Azores, a Lycopodium and the hot

springs, i. 443, cp. Ischia, 447;

flora, ii. 101

B.'s, the four, ii. 38 sq.

Baalbek, i. 529

Baber, ii. 251

Babington, C. C., i. 389 n. ; book-
work for examinations, 389 ; makes
many species, 455; on Norwich
Address, ii. 121

Baccaurea, ii. 280

Back, Sir G., i. 50

Baker, J. G., ii. 84, 215; house at
Kew, 137; services, 138; Bot.
Mag., 243 ».

Bain, Prof., x Club guest, i. 544

Balanophoreae, i. 259 and note; A.
Gray on, 480 ; ii. 422

Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J., speech at
the Darwin Centenary, ii. 467, 468

Balfour, Prof. I. Bayley, ii. 293
n. ; botanical tour and discussion
with, i. 466 ; on Pachytheca, ii. 293 ;
visit to, 445 n. ; 446

Balfour, J. Hutton, elected to Edin-
burgh chair, i. 202 and note, 205 ;
opposes Darwin, 515

Ball, John, ii. 90 n. ; companion
in Marocco, i. 6, ii. 90 sq. ; as
botaniser, 92 ; completes the book,
95, 231 sq.

Letter to : ii. 95

Balleny, i. 51, 52

Ballia Brunonii, i. 132 ; Hombroniana,
i. 175, 190

Balsams, work on the Indian, ii.
377 sq., 383-8, 394-7, 398-9 ;
few drawn save by himself, 386 ;
epitome, 378, 396 ; object in, 388 ;
African, 400 ; Chinese, 401

Special difficulties of, 377, 383-6,
' terrifying,' 394, 395 sqq., ' deceit-
ful above all plants,' 396, worse
than orchids, 400

Bambuseae, ii. 289 sqq.

Bananas, ii. 403, 409

Banks, Sir J., i. 10 and note, 47 n.,

48, 78 n. ; plans Herbarium for
Kew, 346 sq. ; his experience of
Fuegia, i. 138, 139

AtKew,ii. 229; Journal of, 275,
312-14 ; visit to Iceland, 347 n. ;
Wedgwood cameo of, 437; Life
of, 475; meets Jorgensen, under
Flinders, 483, and interest in, 346,
484

Baobab tree, i. 92

Barbarous binomials, ii. 20, 174, 175 n.
Barber, C. A., ii. 293 n. ; on Pachy-
theca, 293

Barber, Mrs., ii. 158
Barkly, Sir H., ii. 4 n., 10 sq., 475

Letters to : Cinchona at the
Cape, ii. 4 ; forests, 7 bis ;
Mauritius Herbarium, 11, 12
Barkly, Lady, ii. 10 sq.
Barnard, Mrs., Bot. Mag., ii. 243 n.
Barnes, Charles, i. 248, 257, 266
Barrier, the Great, i. 117 sq., 124 sq.,
127 ; retrocession of, ii. 442, 479 ;
picture of, 477

Barrow, Sir John, i. 39 and note ;
Ross' b&te noire, ii. 443 ; his name
on Ross' chart, ib.
Basques, a parallel to Arctic plants,

ii. 31

Bates, H. W., i. 498 n. ; new edition
of the ' Amazon,' ii. 460

Letter to : On Natural Selection,
i. 498 n.

Bauer, F., botanical draughtsman,
i. 10 n., 61 and note; H.'s model,
65, 326

Bauhinia, ii. 244

Beagle, Voyage of the, i. 66 and note,
134, 136, 188, 216 ; discussed with
Hodgson, 261, 487 sq.
Beaufort, Sir F., i. 42 and note
Beccari, ii. 398 n.
Beddome, i. 238 sq.,ii. 394
Bedford, sixth Duke of, i. 39 and note
Beechey, Rear -Admiral F. W., i. 15,

105 n., 106

Beechey, Sir W., R.A., possesses in-
teresting picture by, 435
Bees, and leguminosae, i. 452 sq. ;

Humble-, and small flowers, 453
Begonia frigida, sport and natural
selection, i. 515; phyllomaniaca,
ii. 113

Begonia leaves, ii. 153
Bell, Dr., i. 230
Bell, Dr., ii. 208

21,

INDEX

Bell, T., i. 408 n. ; as Pres. Linn. Soc.,
408; on the R. S. medal, 417;
ii. 56, 301

Bellinghausen, i. 51

Bennett, A. W., translates Sachs,
ii. 153 n. ; at the Darwin-Wallace
paper, 301

Bennett, J. J., i. 177 and note, 379

Bentham, George, i. 167 n. ; written
to from Sikkim, 316; the only
first-rate monographer, 340; aid
in Fl. Indica, 356 ; plans Gen. PI.
with, 365; unselfish love of
science, 376; his Herbarium de-
scribed, 378 7i., given to Kew, 430,
v. infra, ii. 47; popular illustr.
of botany at Brit. Mus., 381 ; Pres.
Linn. Soc., 405; botanical rank,
417 and ii. 260 ; persuaded not
to abandon botany, 430 ; settles in
Kew and London, 431 and note;
validity of species, 441 ; researches
lead him to ' lump ' species, 453,
455 ; his idiosyncrasy in ' Ex-
ceptional Orders,' 458 ; habit and
species, 475, 478 ; adopts English
botanical names, 479 ; agitated by
the 'Origin,' 511, 520; x Club
guest, 544

ii. 3 ; share in Gen. PI., 18 sq.,
21 sq., 241 ; relation to De Can-
dolle, 19, 21, 22; accepts Dar-
winism, 21, 113 sq. ; gives library
and herbarium to Kew, 47, 206;
in J. D. H.'s inner circle, 68 ; on
Norwich Address, 120 ; aid in
Ayrton affair, 171; attire, 178;
death, 260; leaves J. D. H. his
British Flora, ib., 267, 275, and
papers, 280, 435; legacy for the
Icones, i. 15, ii. 275 ; position as
botanist, 260; his work in the
Gen. PI., 277 ; early and late, on
Euphorbia, value of, 280 ; memoir,
379; Australian Flora, 387; a
variety or a species, 466

Letters to : i. 102 n. ; tropical
exploration, 167 ; Flora Antarctica,
168, and Galapagos plants, 169,
and W. J. H.'s Herbarium, 169;
Planchon, 175 n. ; Fossil and
Modern Botany for Geol. Survey,
212; his father's modesty, 349;
thinks of leaving Kew and botany,
351 ; they are both ' limed to the
twig," 352 ; appointed Assistant

Director : temporary indifference
to change, 352 ; Fl. Indica, Thom-
son agrees as to species, 357 ;
vast material, ib. ; hindrances to
Thomson's and his own work,
t'6. ; work on Indian Herbarium,
361, 362 bis; Tasmanian Flora
and overwork, 362 sq. ; the Him.
Journ. and practical philosophy,
364; treatment of, by E. I. 0.,
ib. ; juror at 1851 Exhibition, 365 ;
botany depressed, 370; Introd.
Essay to Fl. Ind., 374; lectures
at R. I. proposed, 377 ; Sunday
aft. opening of Kew, ib. ; Cam-
bridge taught the value of a Her-
barium, 384; his British Flora,
390 ; needed to reform Linn. Soc.,
408 ; R. S. medals and botany,
418 ; botanical laws, 421 ; distrust
of Schleiden, 422 ; careful exami-
nation reduces species, ib. ; on
coming to Kew, 430 ; attachment
to home, 431 ; Paris and Germany
in 1855, 434; limits of species,
466 ; Nees, his insufficiency of
specimens, 466 ; many specimens
break down characters, 467 ;
Klotzsch's and others' wholesale
species-making, 467 sq. ; reforms
in N.Z. Fl., and in Introd. Fl. Ind.,
471 ; the Tasmanian Essay, 484,
485 ; less overwork at night, 537

The Ayrton affair, ii. 165 ; Rome,
252

Bentham, Jeremy, i. 35 n., 167 n.

Berberis, i. 438 ; species of, 468

Berkeley, Rev. M. J., i. 84 and note,
131, 176, 220 7i. ; visit to, 220, 257 ;
writes to, from Sikkim, 316; the
Him. Journ., a pole-star of his
life, 363 ; as a working professor,
383 ; curious knowledge of plants,
403 n. ; Introd. to Cryptogamic
Botany, review of, 477, 479 ; his
' country parson ' style, 477 sq.

On acclimatisation, ii. 37 ; aid in
1865, 69; Magee's sermon, 119

Letters to : Civil List pensions,
i. 415 ; W. J. H. and the French
Academy, 419; on inducing
varieties, 452

Bertero, i. 437, 442

Bewicke, Mrs. Calverley, ii. 190 ;
sketch of Hooker's home life,
191-7

INDEX

Bhomsong, i. 276

Bhoteas, i. 270 sq., 280, 312

Bible, Smith's Dictionary of the, ii. 18

Bigelowia, ii. 214

Bird, Lieut., i. 89

Birds, Antarctic, i. 103 sq., and

music, 103 ; H.'s specimens, ii.

353 ; Wilson's drawings of, 457
Bischoff, ii. 420
Biscoe, i. 51
Bismarck, ii. 325
Blainville, i. 58

Blanford, H. F., ii. 125 and note
Blume, Carl Ludwig (1796-1862),

i. 186, 188
Blytt, Axel, ii. 22
Boissier, E., ii. 278 and note
Bolus, H., ii. 4 n., 10

Letters to : The Linnean, a gallant

society, i. 411 and note

Orchid cultivation at Kew, ii. 8,

S. African specimens, 10, British

subspecies and varieties, 236 n. •

progress at Kew, 246 ; S. African

flora, 249, 250 bis ; regions of, cp.

with Indian, 394
Bonaparte, L., on the Basque

language, ii. 31

Bonney, Canon, ii. 342 and note
Bonwick, J., ii. 346
Books, Napier's Penins. War, i. 223 ;

with uncut pages, ii. 181 n. ; sends

on to friends, 319, 328, 337; an

old man's reading, 327 sq.
Boott, Dr. F., i. 80 n., 159, 509;

Carices finished by H., ii. 15

Letter to, i. 60
Boott, Mrs., Letters to : Fuegia, i.

138 ; taste for Art, 153
Borassus, ii. 390
Borneo, projected visit to, i. 216,

218 and note, falls through, 329 ;

economic botany in, ii. 5
Bory de St. Vincent, i. 173 and note,

439, 445
Boswell, ii. 337
Botanical excursions, i. 13, 23, 30 ;

to Ireland, 32-4, 35
Botanical Gardens, relation to Kew,

ii. 7 sq.

Chelsea, jubilee, ii. 449
Edinburgh, i. 30, ii. 445
Glasgow, i. 3, ii. 446
Manchester, i. 30
See also Calcutta, Cape, Jamaica,
Mauritius

Botanical Gardens, Foreign, visited ,
ii. 88

Boston, the Arnold Arboretum ,
ii. 207

Brussels, i. 187

Cairo, i. 226 sq.

Florence, ii. 252

Harvard, ii. 207

Herrenhausen, ii. 89

Leyden, i. 188

Paris, i. 181, 188

Rome, ii. 252

Vallombrosa, ii. 251
Botanical Gardens, Colonial, need of
laboratories in, ii. 477

Indian, ii. 249 bis ; aid from, 378

Calcutta, 378, 398 and note, 216,
234, 235 sq.

Madras, 378

Saharunpur, 281, 378, 397

Hong Kong, 251

Australia, 477

Cape Town, ii. 476 sq.
Botanical Magazine (Curtis'), ii. 242
and note, 174, 275 ; ' jerky work,'
277 ; in danger, 370, continues,
378, 383, 386, 444
Botanical names, English, i. 394,

395 n., 479

Botany, inherited taste for, i. 3, 6,
ii. 108 ; always stands first, i. 60,
114, 161, 262; early work, 3, 5,
22, 24, 25, 32 ; first publication,
5, 22 ; practical study, by ex-
cursions, 13 ; resents slight on,
35 ; at sea, alternates with zoo-
logy, 57, 63, 68 sq., 100, 113,
114, difficulties of, 71, compared
with land, 73—4 ; interest of moun-
tains, 65 ; and a natural system,
84 ; its position and prospects in
the fifties, 366 sq. ; at Oxford
and Cambridge in 1852, 382 sq. ;
is a knowledge of plants, 390,
399, and a science of observation,
399 ; the old style of system-
atists (Heer), 402; physiological
specialisation of, 403 ; the younger
men do not know their plants, 403 ;
little recognition of by R. S. , 41 6 sq. ;
no standard of peculiar floras, 438,
species, q.v., also Subjective Species

Teaching of, ii. 279-80 (see
Science, W. J. Hooker, Henslow,
Huxley, Dyer) ; the new, a ' casual
grin at,' 279 bis, 280 ; how to learn,

524

INDEX

368, 370 ; value of Latin in, 369 ;
recent backwardness in India com-
pared with Australasia and Africa,
399 ; the nodal point in its history,
420

Botany, Fossil, i. 208; the most
unreliable of sciences, i. 214, 239,
240 ; Brown and others on, ii. 295;
Tasmanian tree, i. 172, ii. 455 sq. ;
coal plants, i. 210-13, essays on,
214, value of, ib., 222; Pachy.
theca, i. 214, ii. 294 sq., 412, 422 ;
enthusiasm over new discoveries,
i. 214; Egyptian fossil forest,
227 sq. ; coal plants in India,
239; relation between Australian
and European, 462 ; high develop-
ment in fossil plants and doctrine
of progression, 464, 507

Geographical, s.v. Distribution;
early love for, i. 5, 236 n., 263
Indian, love of, ii. 399
and the Medical Profession,
i. 13, ii. 351 ; indirect value of, i.
388 ; medical plants, 401 ; modern
development, 404

Microscopic, ii. 279, 280, 466;
effect on eyesight, 352, 466; is
ahead of his time in England, 422
Morphological, ii. 419, 421 sq.
Philosophical, a relief from pro-
fessional, i. 451

Bowcher, F., ii. 480, 481

Bower, Prof. F. 0., on Sir W. J.
Hooker, i. 11 sq. ; importance of
the Tasmanian Essay, 353 ; com-
pletion of Indian systematic work,
360; J. D. H.'s remark on know-
ing plants, 403 ; on the Gen. PI.,
ii. 23 ; on the British Flora, 85 ;
Hooker's position as botanist,
411-28

Bowman, Sir W., in Phil. Club, ii.
134 n.

Bowring, Sir John, i. 35 and note

Boys' Own Book, i. 24

Brabourne, Lord. See Knatchbull-
Hugessen.

Brahmaputra, i. 264

Brandt, ii. 87

Braun, Alexander, i. 425 n., 177;
his ' Rejuvenescence,' 425, 426 ;
the 'Individual in Plants,' 426;
empty speculation on species, 478

Brazil, Emperor of, visits Kew, ii.
195 sq.

Brewster, Sir D., i. 245

Brewster, Lady, at Oxford, I860,

i. 526

Bridge, a collector, i. 437
Brightwen, T., i. 18, 19

Letter to : i. 323
Brightwen, Mrs. (Hannah Turner), i.

18, 19

British Association, meetings :
Aberdeen, 1859, i. 429
Belfast, 1874, ii. 156-8
Dublin, 1878, ii. 232
Glasgow, 1876, ii. 203
Ipswich, 1851, ii. 350; 1895,

310, 362

Newcastle, 1838, i. 34 sq. ; 1863,
i: ii. 68
Norwich, 1868 (Pres.), ii. 108,

114, 115-21

Nottingham, 1866, ii. 98, 100-5
Oxford, 1847, i. 219; 1860, i.
521-7, ii. 50, 302-4 ; 1894, ii.
311

Toronto, 1884, ii. 261
York, 1881, ii. 221 sq.
Ladies' attendance, i. 34; and
Antarctic exploration, 49; and
Flora Indica, 355

Presidency (1868), his Address,
ii. 108, 114, 115-121, 423 ; hardly
suits a purely scientific man, 108 ;
burden of Addresses, 232 ; Vice-
Presidency 1884, 261
British Museum, a possible post at,
i. 351 ; botanical collections and
Kew, 378-82

Brodie, Sir B., i. 523 and note
Bromus, ii. 287 sq.
Brongniart, i. 181 ; fossil botany, ii.

295

Brougham, Lord, i. 174
Broun, J. A., ii. 138
Brown, Robert, i. 39 n. ; 10; approves
J. D. H., 39; supports claim as
Erebus Naturalist, 42 ; leaves him
his watch, 46 n. ; a strict botanist,
63 ; advice, 63, 64, 65 ; 82 ; com-
mends, not his first collection, 64,
but his second, 65 ; later notes
and drawings, 112 ; aid from, 142 ;
not really a hermit, 162 n. ; pre-
cedent of, 170 ; and the Fl. Ant.,
171 ; highest botanical referee,
175 ; succession to, 176 ; on A.
Braun, 177; books for Paris
botanists, i. 178 ; appreciation of,

INDEX

525

180, 186, 188, 190 ; supports H. at
Edinburgh, 193, and Kew, 330 ;
death, 378; his collections and
Brit. Mus., 379 ; not wanted at
Kew, though better there, 381 ;
resists reform of Linn. Soc., 407-8 ;
opposes Bentham, 418 ; 419 ; on
botanical geography, 439 ; validity
of species, 441 ; number of known
species, 472-3

Relation of the Orders, ii. 22 ;
placentation theory, 25 ; a difficult
plant from Kumaon, 248 ; rank
as botanist, 260 ; fossil botany,
295 ; eloge on, 276, 310 ; Life of
Banks, 312 ; interest in Jorgen-
sen, 348 ; morphology, 419 ; cell
nucleus, 420

' Brown, Jones, and Robinson,' i;
432 sq.

Bruce, Dr., in the Antarctic, ii. 382,
441 ; dedicates ' Polar Explora-
tion ' to J. D. H., 477; Polar
Exhibition, ib. ; Treasury grant
for, 477, 479

Letters to : Lack of equipment
in the Antarctic, i. 47 ; his scientific
harvest lost, i. 56, ii. 441 ; con-
gratulations on old age, ii. 469;
reads his proofs — own position on
the Erebus, 478 ; supports Govern-
ment aid for publishing his scien-
tific results, 479 ; ' Polar Explora-
tion ' — scurvy — retrocession of the
Barrier, 479

Bryan, Rev. Mr., house, i. 350

Bryum androgynum, ii. Ill ; argen-
teum, i. 5 ; triquetrum, i. 30

Buchanan, Mr., visited, ii. 438

Buckland, Dean, at Newcastle Brit.
Assoc., i. 35 ; story of, 122 ; 210 ;
his style, 478

Buckle, i. 526

Buddhism, interest in, 264, 271, 328,
333 ; relation to Christianity, 334
bis, 335 bis, 433 ; memory of, 434

Buffon, polar origin of plants, ii. 224

Buller, Sir W. L., ii. 322 and note

Burbank, Luther, a thornless Cactus,
ii. 460 and note

Burchell, W. J., 'Travels,' i. 67;
Government rebuff to, 342 and
note

Burkill, ii. 399

Burnett, Sir W., i. 39 and note, 42, 43

Burnside, i. 24

Burrows, Sir G., aid in Ayrton affair,

ii. 171
Burton, Sir R., a ' lion ' of the Geog.

Soc., i. 406 n. ; ii. 33
Busk, George, i. 369 n. ; his fellow

examiner, 387 ; in x Club, 539, 545
On Darwin's Copley Medal, ii.

75 ; aid in Ayrton affair, 171 ;

visit to, 195 ; the Darwin-Wallace

paper, 301

Busk, Mrs., death of, ii. 345 sq.
Buxbaumia aphylla, i. 9
Buxton, ii. 69
Byam, Mr., i. 261

Calamus, ii. 280 ; Beccari on, 398 n.

Calcutta, Botanical Gardens, i. 234,
235 eq.

ii. 9, 11, 17 ; the Annals, 398 n.,
and Wallich's plants, i. 361

Society in, i. 330; character
sketches, 331

Cambridge, botany at, i. 384

Cambridge, Duke of, ii. 450

Cameroons, flora of, ii. 18, 28

' Camp,' the, ii. 256 sq.

Campbell, Dr., friendship with, i.
249, 250, 278; H. godfather to
Josephine Campbell, i. 250 ; bo-
tanical aid from, 259 ; and Sikkim
politics, 254, 264 sq., 272 ; unable
to join first journey, 266 ; help
from, 274, 285, 291, delayed, 293 ;
joins on first exped., 276-8, and
at Titalya, 289; joins second
exped., 306-7 ; joy at, 309; narrow
escape, 307-8 ; realises nature of
obstruction to H., 309; attacked
and captured, 313 ; correspon-
dence with, maintained, 315, 317
sq. ; recovers, 323 ; the punitive
expedition, 322, ii. 69

Campbell, Mrs., and the children,
i. 250, 270, 272, 274, 318; Jose-
phine, 323

Campbell, Mrs. (nee Hooker), ii.

Campbell Island, i. 66, 79, 82, 109,

171, 173

Canary Islands, flora, ii. 101, 232, 233
Cape Colony, economic botany in,

ii. 4 ; forests, 7
Cape Town, magnetic observatory

at, i. 50, 53 ; enthusiasm on

approaching, 74 ; collections, 66,

INDEX

75, 99 ; first visit, 99 ; described,

147-51

Cape Horn, i. 53
Cape Verde Islands, collection at,

i. 64, 94 ; visit to, 91-5 ; flora, ii.

101

Caprivi, Count, ii. 344 and note
Cardamine hirsute, i. 437, 470 sq.
Carduus, intermediates of, i. 447
Cardwell, Lord, conversation with,

on faith, &c., ii. 66 ; in Ayrton

affair, 169 and note
Carew, Sir Peter, i. 7
Carlisle, Bishop of (Hugh Percy),

i. 35
Carnarvon, Lord, vivisection bill,

ii. 142 ; offers a K.C.M.G., 149
Carnivorous plants, research, ii. 152-8
Carpenter, Dr. W. B., i. 369 n. ;

attacked by Owen, ii. 50 ; marine

research, 139 n.

Cathcart, J. F., i. 355 ; his artist, 386
Cats and clover, ii. 36
Catsuperri, lake, ii. 471
Caucasus, flora compared with the

Himalaya, ii. 363
Cave, Mr., i. 337
Cavendish, Lady Frederick, as a

speaker, ii. 361
Cedars of Lebanon, i. 529, 534; and

Deodars, i. 472, 475-6
Cdmisia on his memorial, ii. 481
Cephalotus, ii. 157
Ceylon, econ. botany in, ii. 5 ; rubber

seeds raised, 6
Challenger Expedition, ii. 98 ; report

and collections, 139 and note, 140
Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J., and the

W. Indies, ii. 326, 404
Chambers, Robert, at Oxford, 1860,

i. 523

Chance, ii. 67
Changachelling, H.'s portrait at, i.

279 sq. ; ii. 471
Characters, induced, ii. 37
Chatham, i. 40, 42, 45 sq.
Chaucer, in schools, ii. 182 .
Chess, ii. 372
Chichester, Bp. of, ii. 296
Children, J. G., i. 42 and note, 43
China, botanical interest in, ii. 250
Chinchon, Count, and ' Cinchona,'

ii. 3

Chionis, i. 103
Chloroxylon, if. 390
Chocolate, ii. 5

Choisy, on Convolvulaceae, i. 340
Chola pass, i. 312
Cholamo Lakes, i. 306, 310
Choongtam, i. 293, 294, 300, 301,

306, 312

Chumbi, i. 302, 312, 314, 316
Cinchona, ii. 1-5, 239; on his

memorial, 481

Christianity and Buddhism, ii. 334-6
Chrysobactron Bossii, i. 171
Chumalari, i. 219, 302, 305
Clark, Sir James, i. 385 and note
Clark, Prof. W., attacks the ' Origin',

i. 513 and note, 514, 515
Clarke, 0. B., ii. 285 and note ; aid,

387

Classification, the essence of, i. 465
Cleghorn, Dr., ii. 17
Clematis, species of, i. 468
Clifford, W. K., x Club guest, i. 544
Climate, and induced characters, ii.

37 ; and huge animals, 322
Clodd, E., ii. 460 and note
Coal, in Kerguelen's Land, i. 77 and

note, 101 ; and the Egyptian fossil

forest, 227 ; in India, 239
Coal plants, work on, see Botany,

Cockburn Island, its lichen next seen
near Tibet, i. 55, 305 ; 59 ; visited,
139 ; flora of, ib., 172

Coffee, ii. 5 ; W. Indian, 403, 404, 406

Cohen, F., afterwards Palgrave, i. 19,
ii. 341

Cold, effect of, on seeds, ii. 234

Cole, Sir Henry, i. 379 n.

Colenso, Bp., x Club guest, i. 544;
ii. 51, 56 n. ; attack on, 56-8

Colenso, Rev. Wm., i. 124 and note,
159, 217; Fl. N.Z. dedicated to
him, see Flora Antarctica

Collections, botanical, advice as to,
i. 63, 64, 65 ; best method in the
tropics, 94 ; at sea, 57-60, 63, 72 ;
earliest unsatisfactory, 64, 72 ;
later, excellent, 65, 139 ; assistance
needed in, 64 ; suggest generalisa-
tions, 66, 74, 75, 76 and n., 79 sq. ;
Indian, 237, badly made, 238;
in Sikkim, 256-7-8-9, 260, 307;
astonish Thomson, 324 ; large vas-
culum and paper for, 308

Collectors, Bengali, i. 257, and
Lepcha, ib., 259 ; payment, 258

Collie, i. 106

Colombian barks, ii. 5

INDEX

Colquhoun, ii. 251

Colvile, Sir J. W., i. 238 and note ;
an old friendship, ii. 257 bis

Compilation, the art of, ii. 53

Conifers, rank of, i. 451, 460, 463 ;
habit and species, 472, 475;
Endlicher on, ib.

Continental extension, and its sup-
porters, ii. 98, 99, 101; Forbes'
theory, i. 444 and note

Continents, permanent since Silurian
period, ii. 224, 225

Cook, Capt. James, i. 47 n., 10 n., 51,
83 ; books taken on the voyage,
i. 47 ; influence on H., 6, 66 ; on
Pringlea, 77 ; accuracy of, 100 ;
the ' Voyages ' and Banks' Journal,
ii. 312 ; his own ' Journal,' ib. ;
Wedgwood cameo of, 437

Cooke, T. P., i. 269 ».

Copley Medal, for R. Brown alone
among botanists, i. 416 ; W. J. H.
passed over, 418 ; wishes it to be
awarded for general scientific
merits, ib. ; for Darwin, ii. 74, 75 ;
for Hooker, proposed, ii. 76,
awarded, 307-9 ; for Huxley, 309 ;
for Frankland, 312

Coprosma, i. 445

Cork oaks, ii. 5

Coronation of King Edward VII.,
ii. 448 sq. ; the scene in the Abbey,
450 sq.

Costerton, Dr. I., 26 n.

Cote Clairee, i. 61

Cotman, Elizabeth (Mrs. Turner), i. 9,
16, 17

Cotman, J. S., pictures by, i. 4; 8n.,
17 n., 63 ; ii. 341

Cotula reptans as a rock plant, ii. 358

Coulter, Dr., i. 176

Courtenay, F. F., i. 228 and note .

Crabbe, George, Poems, favourite
reading, i. 29

Cracroft, Miss, ii. 346

Crawfurd (probably John— 1783-1868
— orientalist ; a constant attendant
at Geographical and Ethnological
Societies), on two classes of
Scotchmen, ii. 53

Creation, by cockshy, ii. 126 n. ;
derivative, 129

Critics worth having, ii. 29, 30

Crome, John (Old Crome), i. 8.

Crome, J. B., i. 8

Crommelin, Major, i. 274

Crozet Islands, i. 83

Crozier, Capt., i. 89, 105 n. bis; a
slight on the Terror, 146 ; 189

Crump, ii. 181

Cryptogams, interest in, i. 3, 5, 75,
131 sq. (see also Mosses) ; subject
of his first work, i. 5, 22 ; too often
neglected, 79 ; proportion of, in
Antarctic region, 79, 80, 99, 101 n. ;
his few books on, 131 ; possible
novelty in the Antarctic region,

Cryptogramma crispa, i. 281
Cucurbita, keel to its seed, ii. 244
Cuming, Hugh, i. 64 and note, 437
Cunningham, D. D., and a naturalist's
voyage, ii. 80, 472 .n.

Letter from : A ' pilgrimage ' to
J. D. H., ii. 472 |

Letter to : Insects at sea, ii.

101 71.

Cunningham, Allan, 1791-1839, me-
moir and portrait in H.'s Journ.
Bot., 1842, i. 160

Curtis, W., the Bot. Mag. ii. 242 re.

Cuvier, and necessary organic corre-
lations, i. 426 ; and the Falkland
Isl. rabbit, 474; his method of
work, ii. 202

Cyanadaphne, ii. 247

Cycadeae, fossil, ii. 226 ; absence of
in St. Helena, 233 ; at Kew, 247

Cyperaceae, C. B. Clarke on, ii. 285

DACCA,, i. 332, 333 sq.

Dalhousie, Lord, i. 218; friendship,
225 sq., 228, 233 ; and science, 232 ;
report to, 242; aid from, 249,
251-4, 266 sq., 272, hindered, 290 ;
intervention when captured, 3 1 8 sq. ;
approves of H.'s action, 324, map,
327, and further expedition, 329

Dalhousie, Lady, Rhododendron
named after, i. 257

Dalton, Rev. James, i. 3

Dalzell, ii. 394

Damascus, i. 529, 530

Dana, on permanence of continents,
ii. 225 and note; obituary of
Gray, 304 sq.

Danthonia, ii. 288

Darjiling, life at, i. 248-55, 260;
rain, 259, 260, compared with
Greenock, 255, 260, and Glasgow,
ib.; as a centre, 251 ; its history,

INDEX

252 sq. ; excursions to the Teesta,
256, Tonglo, 257

D'Arley, Mr., i. 33

Darwin, G., i. 2, 25, 29, 41 note;
studies German, 29; cited by
Ross against H.'s claims, 41 ;
' Voyage of the Beagle ' read by
H., 66 and note, 82, 487 sq.;
accuracy of his notes, 136 ; sea
discipline, 161 ; sends Galapagos
plants, 169, 222 ; and Humboldt,
186 ; early appreciation of abroad,
188 (cp. ii. 80) ; and Henslow, 219 ;
first visit to, 222 ; writes to, from
Sikkim, 316; progressive relation
to, as shown by the Tasmanian
Essay, 353 ; Him. Journ. dedicated
to, 364 ; and science organisation,
369 ; unselfish love of science, 376 ;
finds Braun unintelligible, 426;
his Fuegian collections, 437; on
S.E. and S.W. Australia as formerly
islands, 462 and note ; systematists
and generalisation, 465; work
and friendship with, 486 sq. ; first
meeting with, 487 ; his model as
naturalist, 488; recognises his
powers, 489 ; sympathy in general
ideas, esp. Geog. Dist., 488, 489,
500; mutual aid and stimulus,
490 sq., 496, 502; appreciates
debt to J. D. H., 486, 488 sq., 492-7,
499-501 ; fears he may have
checked H.'s originality, 500 sq.;
systematists acquire a bigoted
idea of species, 508 n. ; catastrophe
to a MS., 495; aid to Harvey,
516 ; his meaning of efficient cause,
519 ; observations for in Palestine,
markings of asses, 530; x dub
guest, 544

On Hooker's ' barnacles,' ii. 24,
and Arctic Essay, 29 ; alone can
detect J. D. H.'s mistakes, 29, 105 ;
Hooker's estimate of his powers,
32 ; controversy, 51 sqq. ; sym-
pathy with in illness, 65 ; one of
his inner circle, 68 ; photograph,
compared to Moses, 72 ; foreign
interest in, 89 ; asks for observa-
tions in Marocco, 95 ; his ' Varia-
tion of Animals and Plants under
Domestication,' 109 ; his unique
faculty, 116 sq. ; modesty, 119 bis,
133 ; aid in Ayrton affair, 171 ;
portrait in Hooker's study, 178;

organises gift to Huxley, 183 ;
greatest lawgiver of Geographical
Distribution, 222, 426; gift to
botany, 237-9 ; death and obitu-
ary notice, 259 ; burial, 260 ; R.S.
obituary, 304-7 ; Life of, 276, 298-
307 ; his work on the Barnacles,
299 sq. ; statues to, at Shrewsbury,
318-20, 365, and Oxford, 432, dedi-
catory speech, ib. ; his originality,
433 ; coral reefs, 342 ; ' More Letters
of,' 382, 430 sq. ; centenary, 383 ;
as geographer, 412 ; his Primula
paper, and ' a primrose by the
river's brim,' 433 ; early memories
of, at Down, 458 sq. ; his ' sand-
walk,' 459 and note ; his ' consola-
tion of Old Age,' 460 ; ' mutations,'
ib.

Letters from : Fame and affec-
tion, i. 486 ; pleasure in the
correspondence, 487 ; seeds and sea-
water, a laugh over, 494 ; method of
working subjects, 496 ; Tasmanian
Essays and generalisations, 496 ;
effect of Linnean paper, 499 ;
aid from H., 499 sq. ; his one
source of sympathy, 500 ; feared
injury to H.'s originality, 501 sq. ;
' a candid honest fellow,' 503 ; H.'s
Darwinian botany book, 535 bis

Welwitschia like his Barnacles,
ii. 24 ; Owen and Oken, 51 ; pro-
posed for the Copley Medal, 74 ;
J. D. deserves the Copley, 76;
Wedgwood ware, 77-8; Notting-
ham Address, 104; experiment
with bright-coloured seed, 107 ;
enjoys long research, 246 n. ; on
the Introduction to the Tas-
manian Flora, 424

Letters to : Indian distribution,
i. 246 ; health, ib. ; Sir R. Burton
and G. Mann, 406 n. ; Galapagos
plants : range of Arctic and Ant-
arctic plants : distrust of his own
generalising power, 436 sq. ; Sand-
wich I. flora, and geog. botany, 438 ;
' variation ' : insects on islands :
cross fertilisation : effects of climate
and currents : Irish Yew : dor-
mant seeds : diffusion of water
plants, 439 sq. ; validity of species :
Gerard as botanist : Irish Yew :
labour of establishing a mundane
species, 441 sq. ; grouping of

INDEX

529

Galapagos plants : Azores plant :
Atlantis : higher and lower plants,
444 sq., 445 sq. ; N.Z. flora, 445;
grasses identified : migration and
S. Australia : Carduus inter-
mediates reduce species : local
heat and tropical plants, 446 ;
Tasmanian flora, 447 ; Atlantis
theory : Island insects wingless :
Australian distribution, 448 ;
G. D.'s MS. on Geog. Distr. :
tropical cooling : paradoxes, 449 ;
botany, professional and philoso-
phical, 451 ; embryonic develop-
ment and affinity in plants, 451 ;
Leguminosae and insects : others
follow him in reducing species, 452 ;
large genera and much variation,
453; do. and local floras, 455;
do. and general monographs, 456 ;
do. accepted, 458 ; do. large mono-
graphs and local floras, 459 ;
' highness,' and ' lowness ' : the
Tasmanian Essay, 460 ; Tasmanian
Essay : Indian and Australian
plants : trans -tropical migration,
461 ; ' highness ' of Australian
vegetation, 463 ; WaUace's dis-
claimers of priority, 499 n. ; rejects
any claim on his own behalf, 502 ;
success of the ' Origin,' 509 ; pub-
lication, the book very different
from the MS., 510; appreciation
of ' Origin,' 510 ; Natl. Selection
pressed too hard, 511 ; the Oxford
Meeting, 525; Lebanon, 533; hard
work and a new regime, 535

Microscope work, ii. 25 ; Welwit-
schia and staleness in work, 26 ;
tropical cooling, 28, 29 ter ; the
Basques, 31 ; Lyell's ' Antiquity
of Man,' 33 ; hybrids in nature,
esp. orchids, 34 ; Oceanic Islands,

35 bis; Alps and Himalayas, 35
sq. ; insects and plant migration,

36 ; plants and animals, effects of
climate, 37 ; aristocracy and
natural selection, 38, 39, 40;
democracy, 41, 42 bis ; stress at
Kew, 46 ; society, 47 ; aims as
Director at Kew, 48 sq. ; news-
paper controversies, 51 bis, 52, 53 ;
the divine art of compilation, 53 ;
Colenso, 58, and Parrott's ' Ararat,'
ib. n. ; his daughter's death, 62 bis,
63, 64, 65 bis ; death of Falconer,

63 bis ; Greg's ' Enigmas,' faith
and prayer, 66 ; science swamped
by administrative duties, 68 ; con-
valescent reading — ' Mill on the
Floss,' and ' Glacial Scotland,' 70 ;
' Clarissa Harlowe,' 70-1 ; politics
and science, 71 bis; photographs,
Richmond's portrait, suppressed
gout, story of Ary Scheffer, 72 ;
a burglary at Kew, 73 ; description
of J. E. Gray, 73 ; science and self-
support, 74 ; award of the Copley
Medal, 75 bis ; banters on his
re-reading of the ' Origin,' 75 n.,
cp. 76; Wedgwood ware, 77-9;
reorganising Kew, 81 ; burden
of correspondence : the credit
balance of life, 82 ; press of busi-
ness, 83 ; completes others' labours,
83; St. Petersburg, 87; artist
interested in his book, 89 ; return
from Marocco, 94, 95 bis; conti-
nental extension, 99 bis, 100;
Nottingham Address described,
103 ; aim and methods of, 104 ;
anomaly detected by, 105; Not-
tingham Address, and reference to
Providence, 106 ; scientific chaff,
107 ; Presidency of Brit. Assoc.,
accepted, 108 ; Pangenesis, 109
bis, 111 ; Pangenesis, Bentham
and Darwinism, Reign of Law,
Address, 113 ; Nottingham Address,
115 bis, 116, 119 bis, 120 bis, 121 ;
Nageli and morphological char-
acters, 121, 122, 123; variation
in wheat, 124; the primordial
cell, 124 ; evolution of man, and
8k pre-ordained order, 124; the
'Descent of Man,' Himalayan
journals and Huxley's work, 125 ;
Lord Kelvin on origin of life, 126 ;
Presidency of R.S., 132; R.S.
Publication Fund, 135 ; com-
mittees of R.S., 139; R.S.
Addresses, 140, 141; scientific
referee, 143 ; the C.B. and knight-
hood, 146, 147 bis; K. C.S.I., 150 ;
science primer, 151 ; sensitive
plants, 152 ; ' bloom ' and fine
hairs on leaves, 152 ; watering in
sunlight, 153 ; carnivorous plants,
153, 154 ter, 155 ter, 156, 157 ;
Huxley's lecture at Belfast, 158 ;
Ayrton affair, 167, 168; military
appreciation of Him. Journ., 183 ;

INDEX

a gift to Huxley, 184 bis ; travel
with Huxley, 185; Lady Lyell,
188 ; aid from W. T. Dyer, 189 ;
death of Mrs. Hooker, 191 ; Royal
Society, 198; public duty, 198;
Lyell's death, 199, and epitaph,
200, Life and Letters, 201 sq. ;
Glenroy, 203 ; American trip and
flora, 216; N. American flora,
220 bis, 221 ; Geographical Distri-
bution Address, 223, 225, 226;
Kew Herbarium, 228; botanical
physiology, research, 230 ; Brit.
Assoc. Addresses, 232 ; Marocco
botany : Paris : future retire-
ment, 232 ; St. Helena flora, 233 ;
seeds and cold, 234 ; private and
public benefactions to science,
235; Index Kewensis, 239 ; Move-
ments of Plants : Wallace and
Australian Flora : Paget and plant
diseases, 245; pressure of work,
245 ; ' all play,' 245 ; ' Earth-
worms' : Sunningdale, 255 ; death
of old friends, 258, of Erasmus
Darwin, 258 ; heredity, disregarded
in Mrs. Gaskell's novel, 366

Darwin, Mrs. 0., memories of,
prompted by ' The Letters of
Emma Darwin,' ii. 458

Letter to : Banks' Journal, ii. 314

Darwin, Dr. Erasmus, the ' Loves
of the Plants,' ii. 353-4; the
Nelumbium Wedgwood eet made
for him, 353

Darwin, Erasmus, ii. 258

Darwin, Sir F., author's thanks to,
i. viii, 521 n. ; cited, 486

Carnivorous plants, ii. 141 and
note ; visit to, 365 ; consults as to
telling his share in the Darwin -
Wallace episode, 465; at Cam-
bridge, 468

Letters to : Practical botany,
ii. 280 ; Life of 0. Darwin, 298 bis,
300, 302, 303 ; e"loge on R. Brown,
310 ; public dinners, 310 ; ' More
Letters of C.D.,' ii. 430 ; contrasts
with his own, 431 ; contributes
letters, ib. ; delight in them, ib. ;
dedication, 432 (cp. 448);? the
Oxford statue, ib. ; Pour le Me"rite,
448

Darwin, Sir George, i. 465, 468

Darwin, Horace, visits at Cambridge,
ii. 468

Darwin, Mrs. Horace, ii. 353

Darwin, Leonard, ii. 183 and note

Darwin, Ursula, ii. 469

Darwin, W. E., sends books to,
ii. 319, 328, 337; consulted as
to Darwin-Wallace jubilee, 465;
speech at the Darwin centenary,

Letters to : ' The Camp,' origin
of its name, ii. 256 ; Copley Medal
speech, 309; the Public Depart-
ments, 324 ; America as universal
peacemaker, 325 ; the German
Emperor and war with England,
325 sq. ; Edinburgh revisited, 344 ;
the Nelumbium Wedgwood set,
353-5 ; Galton's tables of heredity,
366 ; W. Indian sugar question,
404 ; Wedgwoods as wedding
presents, 436, a show of, ib., for
the Linnaeus jubilee, 437 ; C.
Norton and the poet Gray, 456 ;
contin. Antarctic drawings, 457 ;
' Letters of Emma Darwin,' 458

Darwin Islet, i. 139

Darwin Medal, awarded to Huxley,
ii. 311 sq. ; flowers represented on,
458

Darwin-Wallace paper at the Lin-
nean, i. 354, 499 ; disclaimers of
priority, ib. n. ; ii. 300 sq., 424 ;
jubilee of, 383 ; 465 sq.

Daubeny, Dr., i. 521 and note

Davis, J. E., his drawings, i. 62 and
note ; illust. Ross' ' Voyage,' 86 n.,
144 ; appreciates Darwin's ' Beagle,''
66 n. ; name commemorated, 189
sq. ; portrait of, ii. 477

Davy, Sir Humphry, i. 397 n. ;
relation with Faraday, 542

Dawson, Col. Douglas, ii. 464

Dawson, Sir J. W., ii. 30 and note ;
criticises J. D. H.'s geology, 31 ;
Packytheca, 292
Letter to : ii. 31

Dawsonia, i. 221

Dayman, J., i. 62 and note, 106, 120
Letter from : i. 63

Decaisne, on Fuci, i. 182 ; remark-
able botanist, 183, 184 sq., 186,
188 bis ; his Asdepiadeae, 340 ;
validity of species, 441 ; first
opposes, then adopts, H.'s drastic
reduction of species, 453

Dead Sea, i. 533

De Candolle, A. P., i. 100 and note;

INDEX

531

scale of his Prodronus for Fl. Ind.,
340 ; his system unprogressive,
366 ; on Ndumbium, 423 ; on
Senebiera, 442 ; review of, 464 ;
473 ; high and low types, 480

His system, ii. 20, 418 ; adapted
by Bentham in Gen. PL, 19 sq.,
21, 415 sq., and British Flora, 22 ;
* Laws of Botanical Nomenclature,'
English Ed., 83 ; Indian species,
247; obituary, 276; Indian Bal-
sams, 386 ; a botanical family,
compared with the Hookers, 418 ;
definition of efficient causes, 518

Deception Island, i. 83

Decorations, foreign, declined, ii. 88 ;
rules concerning, 186, 187

Deep sea life, at 400 fathoms, i. 55

de la Beche, Sir H., i. 207 and note,
208 ; promotes Indian expedition,
217 ; as reformer, ii. 134 n.

De la Rue, Warren, i. 417 and note ;
liberality, ii. 136 ; information, 141

Delessert, Baron, i. 179, 182

Democracy, ii. 39, 40, 41, 42-3-4-5 ;
American, and Thomas Hooker,
323

Dendrobium, ii. 8

Denison, Sir W., ii. 13 sq.

Deodars, and Cedar of Lebanon, i.
472, 475-6

Derby, Earl of, liberality, ii. 136

de Rougemont, lionising of i. 406

Desiccation, at Kew, ii. 7

Design, the argument from, ii. 127

de Tocqueville, on America, ii. 39,
43 sq.

Devonshire, the Hookers in, i. 7, 8
and note

Devonshire, Duke of, liberality, ii. 136

De Vries, multiplies species, i. 468 ;
on mutations, ii. 460

Diatoms, work on, 441 ; inaugurates
a new study, ii. 412 ; Freshwater,
in Glenroy, 203, 355

Dickie, G., on Glen Roy, ii. 203, 355
and note

Dillwyn, L., i. 211

Dillwyn, L. W., i. 210 and note

Dionaea, ii. 155, 156

Disraeli, diplomatic treatment of,
ii. 181

Distribution, interest in from earliest
days, i. 5, 66, 74 sq., 79-81, 85, 173 ;
alleged neglect of, 81 ; in the South,
80 ; Trinidad, 96 ; St. Helena, 97

sq. ; Himalayan, 258 ; map of,
259; 263; a wide subject, 438;
as an exact science, 439 ; first step
to knowledge of origin of species,
ib. ; a life-work to trace, 447 ;
Australian, 447; Darwin's MS.
on, 449; Indian, 471, ii. 389, 391,
394, 413 ; futile if two centres of
creation admitted, i. 474 ; early
link with Darwin's thought, 488 sq.;
discussed in Fl. Tasm., 506 sq. ;
Arctic, ii. 205 and note; N.
American, 217-21 ; Address, see
Geographical Distribution

Dixon, Ophelia (Mr. D. W. Turner),
i. 18, 19

Doctors and their prescriptions, ii.
307

Don, David, i. 174 and note, 473

Donkiah Pass, first visit, i. 303 ;
second visit, 306, 310 sq.

Drake, Sir Francis, i. 7

Draper, Dr., at Oxford, 1860, i. 522,
523, 525

Drawing, value of, ii. 368, 401

Drawing, artistic, i. 61, 63 ; an ice-
berg, 62; 'illustrations for Ross'
' Voyage,' 62, 63, 86 n., 173 ;
of Tibet, 325

Drawing, scientific, value of, i. 56,
57, 122 ; H. employs, 57, 58, 60,
63, 85, 113, in Bauer's style, 61,
under difficulties, 60, 61, 113 ;
of lichens, 84; is no hand at
colour, ib. ; botanical, ii. 8 ;
Indian Balsams, 386

' Dreepdaily,' i. 261, see Greenock

Drimys Winteri, range of, i. 437

Drosera, ii. 153-4-5-6

Dublin, an opening at, i. 176 ; Harvey
at, 189

Duckworth, Canon, ii. 196

Dumont d'Urville, i. 50 and note,
51, 52, 189 ; botanical mistake in
his ' Voyage,' 171, 190

Duthie, J. F., ii. 281 n. ; in the
Himalayas, 248 ; Mussoori Garden,
249 ; Lahore Garden, ib. ; col-
lections, 285; and Duthiea, 287
sq. ; aid from, 385, 387 ; edits
Strachey's Kumaon Flora, 387

Letters to : A unique plant,
ii. 248; botany of Central
Provinces, 281 ; observations
wanted, ib. and note, cp. 282 ;
Aconites and Iris, 282 sq. ; Grasses,

532

INDEX

282 sq. ; difficulty in Orchids, 283 ;
Grasses, and Hackel's monograph,
285; 286, 287, 288, 289 ter ;
Memoir of W. J. Hooker, 381 ;
Indian Balsams, 383, no one
classification of, 397 ; India in-
completely botanised, 398 bis;
new collections needed, 384 ; diffi-
culties, 384, 385 bis, 386 ; excellent
new specimens, 387 ; the Gazetteer
article, 388, 391 bis; Kashmir
specimen, 394; Paris specimens
overlooked, 401

Duthiea, ii. 287 sq.

Dyer, Sir W. Thiselton-, lectures
under Huxley, i. 403 ; aid, ii. 141,
153, 154 ; translates Sachs, 153 n. ;
from Secretary, 189, becomes
Assistant Director, ib. ; marries
Harriet Hooker, 204, 206; 215,
216; Northern and Southern
plants, 224; administrative work,
227, 243, 246-7; physiological
work, 230 ; Ed. Bot. Mag., 243 n.,
255 ; succeeds J. D. H., 267 ; on
Pachytheca, 292, 307, 312; first
President of Botanical Section at
Brit. Assoc., 362

EAST India Company, treatment
of scientific books, i. 340; of
H. and T.'s Flora Indica, 355, 358 ;
botanical collections made over
to Kew, 361

Eastlake, Sir Charles, P.R.A., i. 17,
18

Eastlake, Lady (Elizabeth Rigby),
i. 17, 18 ; ii. 349 and note

Ebony tree, i. 98

Ecology, instituted by J. D. H., ii.
425; cp. s.v. Warming

Economic Botany, in the Colonies
and India, ii. 1-7 ; Jamaica and
W. Indies, 326 ; tropical forestry,
402; fodder plants, drought -
resisting, 402 sq. ; West Indies-
sugar question, 403, 404, other
industries needed, 403, 405, pro-
gress made, 405-10, including
scientific teaching, 406 ; its origina-
tor, Sir W. Hooker, 410 ; Museum
of, at Kew, 462

Edgeworth, M. P., i. 468 and note, 473

Edinburgh, Botanic Garden, i. 30,
ii.445; medical degree at, i. 39, 165;

lectures for Graham, 191 sq. ; pay-
ment, 192 ; means deserting his
book, 196 ; lectures, has to write,
196-7, the first, 199 sq., successful,
201-2 ; election to chair, defeat in,
204-5, taken lightly, 219

Huxley lectures at, ii. 25 ; re-
visited, 344, 445

Education, of his sons, ii. 182, 193,
326 sq., 434; in America, 208;
Modern History the curse of, 252,
329; popular, need for, 326,
should be secular, ib. note, cp. 338 ;
limits of, 328, 329 bis; technical,
329 ; the classics, 330, 332 sq. ;
physics, 330 ; of women, 331 ;
religious instruction, 338 ; medical,
and botany, 351 ; school work as
a foundation, 369 sq. ; how supple-
mented, 370 ; the meaning of
' study,' 370, 371 ; examinations
and practice, 371 ; modern self-
education hampers school curricu-
lum, 454 sq. See Schools, Science

Efficient causes, i. 518 sq.

Elaeis guineensis, ii. 5

Edwardes (Milne Edwardes, the
French zoologist), i. 58

Edwardsia, i. 445, 452 ; experiments
with salt water, 494 and note

Ehrenberg, C. G., i. 56 and note, 59,
178

Ellacombe, Canon, letter to, on
Fossil Botany, ii. 294

Ellenborough, Lord, i. 247 and note,
262

Elliott, Mr., i. 233

Elliott, Sir H. M., i. 253 and note

Elwes, H. J., F.R.S., foUows J. D. H.
in the Himalayas, i. 271, ii. 125 ;
story of Hooker, Berkeley, and
the pickles, i. 403 n.

Embryonic development as mark of
affinity, i. 451

Emerald Island, i. 83, 111

Enderby, i. 51

Endlicher, S. L., i. 100 and note;
on Conifers, 472 ; his ' Genera
Plantarum,' ii. 415

Engler, ii. 22 ; E. and Prantl, 416

Entomology, H. takes up, i. 25, 26,
30

Ephedra, ii. 214

Erebus, H.M.S., described, i. 50, 52 ;
voyage, compared with the Beagle,
48; officers of, 45 sq., 67; medical

INDEX

duty on, 45, 67, other duties, 69 ;
shore leave, 101 ; sustains damage
in storms, 125; collision, 126;
picture of the collision, ii. 477,
framed in wood from her rudder, 478

Erebus, Mt., first sight of, i. 112, 117 ;
impressiveness of, ii. 365

Erica McKayi, i. 466

Erigone, ii. 214

' Essays and Reviews,' a memorial
concerning, ii. 54-6, 60

Etheridge, R., 292 n. ; on Pachytheca,
292 aq.

Eucalyptus, ii. 5

Euphorbiaceae, ii. 280; Bentham's
work on, ib.

Evolution, suggested by Geology,
i. 2, and Distribution, 66 ; prota-
gonist of, among botanists, ii. 427

Examinations, for Apoth. Co., i.
385, and E.I.C., 386-8, 459, ii.
443 sq. ; aim of exercising the
reasoning faculty, i. 386 ; disclose
early lack of good teaching, 387
sq., and practical knowledge, 390 ;
gives up examinership at Lond.
Univ., 537; keeps others till
appointed Director, ib.

Exeter, and the Hookers, i. 7, 8

Exhibitions, juror at, 1851, i. 364 sq. ;
1867, Paris, ii. 85, and St. Peters-
burg, unofficially, ib.

Eyesight, i. 58, 60 bis, ii. 272, 386,
466

FAITH, Principal, i. 200

Falconer, H., i. 216, 218 and note,
235, 257, 258, 259, 272; sends
collectors to Khasia Mts., 337;
receives J. D. H.'s collections, 338 ;
his collections arranged at Kew,
361 ; Cuvierian controversy, 427

Collections, ii. 9, 16; saved,
145 ; sent to Kew, 414 ; a French
controversy, 52 ; personal idiosyn-
crasy, 53 ; death and character/
63, 64 ; Memoirs, 63 sq. ; proposes
Darwin for Copley Medal, 75 ;
at cross purposes with Sabine,
ib. sq.

Falkland Islands, i. 53 ; Wright's
collections in, 65 ; stay at, 79, 127,
128-34; worse than Kerguelen's
Land, 128; Shepherd's Purse the
first botanical find, 129; Tussock

grass, 129 sq. ; botany of, 131
sq., generalisations suggested, 79 ;
supposed reason for wintering
in, 141

Fane, F., i. 228 and note

Faraday, i. 397 n. ; difference between
lectures and writings, 397 ; travel
with Davy, 542 sq.

Example of self-support, ii. 74 ;
his work can never be forgotten,
200; possible comparison for Dar-
win, 259; pure love of science, 376

Farquharson, A., ii. 406

Farrar, Canon, i. 544 n.

Farrer, Lord, visit to, ii. 365

Fawcett, Dr., ii. 405 n., 406

Letters to : Economic botany
organised in Jamaica, 405, 406 sqq.

Fergusson, Dr., F.R.S., ii. 114

Festuca, fi. 287, 288

Field Clubs, ii. 315-18

Fielding, H. B., i. 382 n. ; his Her-
barium, ib., 382 sq.

Fiji, ii. 6

Finn, Mr., i. 533

Fitch, J. N., the Bot. Mag., ii. 242 n

Fitch, Walter, i. 19, 61 n., 62 and
note, 144 ; standard of com-
parison for continental draughts-
men, 188, 206; copies Tayler's
picture, 287 and note ; his pension
and Disraeli, ii. 181; the Bot.
Mag., 242 n.

Fitz Roy, Capt., i. 41

Fleming, Mrs. (Jane Palgrave)

Letters to : i. 108 ; festivities at
Hobart, 119; Cape Town in 1840,
147

Flinders, his voyage, ii. 348, 483

Flora Antarctica, first generalisa-
tions, i. 66, 74, 79 ; plan of, 82 ;
work on, 168-176, only possible
at Kew, 192; 220; Algae, 173
sq., 189, 190; vicissitudes of, 189,
196, 199 ; in Belgium, 187 ; labour
and cost of, 217, 255 ; not injured
by Indian trip, ib., though un-
finished, 255 ; range of Arctic and
Antarctic plants, 437; discussed,
ii. 413 sq. ; dedicated ultimately,
Vol. I. to Queen Victoria, II. to
Lord Minto, III., IV. (Fl. N.Z.)
to Rev. Wm. Colenso, Andrew
Sinclair, and David Lyall, V. VI.
(Fl. Tasm.) to Ronald Gunn and
William Archer

534

INDEX

Flora, Arctic (see also Arctic Plants),
work on, i. 534

Flora, Australian, i. 446-7-8-9, 460 ;
European plants and land con-
nexion, 460 sq., 462 ; fossils, ib. ;
relation to Indian and Antarctic
types, 461 sq. ; some plants run
wild in India, 463 ; is of highest
type, 463 ; of S.E. and S.W. parts,
insular devt., 462 ; anomalies in,
Darwinian explanation, 509

Flora Boreali-Americana, see Hooker,
W. J.

Flora Braziliensis, ii. 84

Flora, British, by W. J. Hooker,
i. 15 ; Bentham's Handbook, value
of, i. 390, effect of on his own view
of species, 453, 455, 458

ii. 22; 84; edited by J. D. H.,
85; left to J. D. H., 260; new
edition, 267, 275

Flora of the British Isles, The Stu-
dent's, 84 sq., 2nd ed., 235, 236 n.,
275

Flora of British India, sanctioned,
i. 359 ; editor of, for twenty-seven
years, ib. ; scale of, 360. See also
Indian Botany

Takes shape, ii. 12 sq. ; Latin or
English, 13; delay, 15; work
on, 83, 242, 245, 247 ; 274 sq. ;
essentially incomplete, 387 sq.,
392, 395, 397; his magnum opus,
discussed, 414

Flora of Ceylon, i. 360 ; ii. 377, 378,
414. See also Trimen

Flora of Galapagos, i. 169, 214, 222 ;
ii. 232

Flora, Indian, ' Sketch of the Vege-
tation of the Indian Empire ' (in
the Imperial Gazetteer), i. 360, ii.
388, 391 bis, 393 sq.

Flora Indica, Precuraores, i. 359,
371 bis ; ii. 17

Flora Indica, first scheme of, i. 328 ;
Walh'ch's offer, 339; Govt. sup-
port needed, 339 sq. ; poor pros-
pects, 341 ; work on, 354-362 ;
H. and T.'s one volume, 355 ;
its scale, ib. ; treatment by E.I.C.,
355, 358; supported by India
Council, 359 sq. ; specialists to
help, 356, Bentham and Munro,
ib. ; hindrances to, 357, 359 ; com-
pletion of Indian work described
by Prof. Bower, 360; material

for at Kew, 361 ; distributes
86,000 duplicates, 429; Introd.
Essay, reception of, 374, in France,
ib., reversed, 453 ; aim of the
Flora, 466; sweeping reform in
nomenclature, 471 ; and fixity of
species, 481 ; reshaped as Flora
of British India, q.v., ii. 12 sq. ;
work on, 241 sq., for 27 years
editor, i. 359 sq.

Flora of New Zealand, i. 217;
advance on its views shown by Fl.
of Tasmania, 353, 481 ; published,
354 ; Introd. Essay and definition
of species, 469, 473 sq. • sweeping
reforms, 471 ; variability and
delimitation of species, 505-6;
reversion, 506 ; Essay sells only
two copies, 509

Flora, the Niger, i. 206-7, 214, 220 ;
completed, 255 ; Mungo Park's
moss, i. 6

Flora, N. Atlantic, ii. 232, 233

Flora, St. Helena ii. 233

Flora, of the Straits Settlements,
ii. 275 sq.

Flora Scotia, i. 12

Flora, Southern, derived from a S.
continent, i. 445, 462, 509

Flora of Tasmania, i. 106, 214,
217 ; advance on Fl. N.Z., and
relation to Darwin's views, 353 sq. ,
504-9 ; completes botany of Ross'
Voyage, 354 ; labour in, 362 ;
mutability of species adopted in,
481 sq., 484 ; first intended to
state facts, not draw conclusions,
496 sq. ; essay for the scientific
world only, 509; published, ib.,
510; the Introd. Essay, ii. 413,
423 sq., importance of, i. 353,
ii. 424, 427

Flora of Tropical Africa, ii. 16, 84 ;
Ayrton's interference, 164

Floras, Colonial, ii. 12-15 ; Austra-
lian, 13, 14 ; Hong-Kong, 13 ; Brit.
N. America, 14; New Zealand,
14, thrice worked over, 15 ; 18 ;
Tropical Africa, 16

Floras, Insular, ii. 98-108 ; the
problem the bite noire of botanists,
101, 423, 425

Floras, local, consulted as to, 383

Florence, Botanical Congress, ii. 189

Flower, Sir W. H., i. 380, ii. 349

Forbes, Edward, i. 200 and note,

INDEX

535

208 bis; rival claims for R.S.
Medal, 416 ; Atlantis theory, 444
and note

On Continental Extension, ii. 98,
99 bis ; on the British Flora, 222,
224 ; and future 'generations, 289 ;

reformer of Geographical Distribu-
tion, 222, 426
Ford, Mr., ii. 251
Forestry, ii. 7; Indian, 17, 387;

tropical, 402

Forster. E., i. 42 and note
Fortune, E., i. 47 n.
Foster, Henry, i. 133 and note
Foster, Sir M., i. 402 n. ; lectures

under Huxley, 402; ii. 156; on

Irises, 283
Frankland, Edward, in the x Club,

' Sketches from the Life of,' quoted,

i. 538, 541, 542 ; the Atom, 543 ;

x Club conversation, 544; Copley

Medal, ii. 312

Letter to, from Huxley, the x

Club, i. 545

Franklin, Benjamin, ii. 301
Franklin, Sir John, i. 32 n., 105 n. ;

welcome from, in Tasmania, 105 sq.,

medallion of, ii. 178, 477 ; 347 ».;

456; Jorgensen's letter to, 346,

347 n., 348
Franklin, Lady, welcomes him in

Tasmania, i. 105; 106; founds

scientific society in Tasmania, i.

106, ii. 455 sq.

Frazer (probably Fraser, Louis), i. 83
Freshfield, Douglas, ii. 382 ».

Letters to : On the Caucasus, 363;

receives ' Round Kanchenjanga ' :

reminiscences of his.'own journeys,

452 ; his own geological work,

scenery, 452 sq.
Fries, Elias, i. 84 and note, 132;

reception from, ii. 89
Fry, Sir E., uses Sir W. Hooker's

drawings, ii. 382

Letters to : Sir W. J. Hooker's

plates for his book, 473 ; his book

on the Liverworts, W. J. H.'s

drawings, ib.
Fry, Elizabeth, ii. 346
Fuel, D. Turner on, illustrated by

W. J. Hooker, i. 9 ; Decaisne on,

182, 184 ; Harvey on, 451
Fuegia, vegetation, and the Falk-

lands, i. 81, 138; Fagi, 133;

visited, 134-9; natives, 137

GAOE, Capt., ii. 398 n.

Letters to : European eyes wanted
to improve Indian Botany, 399 bis
Gaillardot, i. 530

Galapagos, flora, i. 169, 214, 222;
488 sq. ; material in a Darwinian
botany book, 535 ; flora, ii. 232
Galileo, ii. 301
Galton, Sir Douglas, ii. 161
Galton, Sir F., x Club guest, i. 544;

ii. 308 ; tables of heredity, 366
Galton, S. T., ii. 188
Gamble, J. S., ii. 290 and note;
Peninsular and Forest Botany,
389 ; aid from, 393, 395 bis

Letters to : Herbarium at
Saharunpur and Sikkim balsams,
387 sq.; forestry data, 389 ; Indian
types, 390 bis ; ought to deal with
forest botany fully, 391 ; India as
parent of old-world vegetation,
392 ; the Fl. B. I. out of date,
392 sq. ; the Gazetteer article,
over-estimated, 393 ; makes clearer,
Indian botany being backward,
394; perplexing synonymy, 395,
396 ; ' deceitful ' plants, ib. ;
botany seems dead in India, 400
bis ; discoveries at end of J. D. H.'s
botanical career, ib. ; tropical
forestry, 402 ; his Malayan Botany
a solace during coronation festivi-
ties, 449

Garden, Frank, i. 22 and note
Gardeners' Chronicle, contributor to,
i. 412 ; enquirers should read, 430 ;
supports Darwin in, 515, 517, 535 ;
ii. 105

Gardner, G., i. 114 and note
Garsten, Major, i. 233
Gartner (Gertner), i. 423
Garwood, Mr., ii. 453
Gaskell, Mrs., disregards heredity

in novel ii. 366
Gauss, J. K. F., i. 48 sq.
Gay, visit to, i. 185; Herbarium
bought by J. D. H. for Kew, ii. 48
Geikie, Sir A., ii. 439
Genera, large, vary greatly, i. 453 sq.,
458, 497 ; tabulation of local floras,
455, 459, and general monographs,
456
General knowledge, J. D. H.'s sources

of, i. 24, 36

' Genera Plantarum,' planned, i. 362 ;
work on, 535 bis

536

INDEX

ii. 15; described, 18-23, 414-
16; work at, 83, 151, 241, 247
reprinting of Part I., 277 ; pre
decessors of, 415 ; not grouped on
theory of descent, 21, 416, cp. i.
100 n.

Generalisations, suggested by col-
lections, q.v.
Gentiana, ii. 296 sq.
Geographical Distribution, Address,
ii. 107, 221 sq., 423, 426. See also
Distribution

Geographical Society, ' lionising ' at,
i. 406-7, ii. 265, 272 sq. ; Gold
Medal awarded, 273

r, work in, ii. 412
Record, imperfection of,
' ii. 32
Geological Society, helter-skelter

science, i. 407
Geological Survey, work on, i. 207-

214, 220

Geology, delight in, ii. 185 sq. ;
work in, 412 sq. ; Antarctic, and
Kerguelen fossil wood, 202 ; Hima-
layan, i. 288 sq., value of, 452,
453, recalled, 470 sq., appearance
of coast-line, 289 ; of W. Scotland,
203

Geology and evolution, i. 2 ; gives
no evidence of a progression in
plants, 464, 507
Geology, Lyell's Principles of, i. 2 ;

immortal, ii. 200
Gerard, and valid species, i. 441
German scientific men impracticable,
ii. 3 ; minuteness of, 285, specu-
lative excess, i. 425, 426; book
titles, unintelligible, 414
Germany, and war with England,

ii. 325 sq.

Gibson, Alexander, i. 216 and note
Giles, ii. 251

Gilman, Dr., x Club guest, i. 544
Glaciation, ancient, found in Central
France, ii. 185 ; of W. Scotland,
355

Gladstone, Dr. J. EL, liberality, ii. 136
Gladstone, W. E., and Wedgwood
ware, ii. 79, 133, 343 ; appoints
Ayrton, 131 ; appealed to against
Ayrton, 161, 166, 167-8-9, 170-1-2-
3 ; conversations with, 343 sq.,
344 n.

Glasgow, journey to, i. 4 ; homes in,
ib. 5, 25; W. J. Hooker at, 11

sq. ; J. D. H.:s College career,
24, 27-31; associations, 156;
professorship as alternative to
Edinburgh, 205-6; vennels and
Cairo bazaars, 228; the rainfall
of, 260; the Kelvin jubilee, ii.
310, 363 sq., 445; visit to the
Bot. Gardens, 446
Gleichen, Countess Feodora, ii. 466
Glenroy, ii. 203, 355
Glover, Stephen, i. 30 and note
Goats, destroy vegetation, i. 95
Godfrey, Thomas, i. 16
Godron, i. 441
Goppert, i. 435
Gorh, i. 292
Gosse, E., ii. 302
Gould, John, i. 107 and note ; and

species-making, 474
Governing classes, the, and science,

i. 379, ii. 329

Government help, needed for Flora
Indica, i. 339-42 ; for research, not
researchers, 343 ; given for the
botany of Ross' voyage, 347 ; ad-
ditional grant, 348, for working up
Indian collections, 348-50 ; restric-
tions on use of a Crown house, 348
How to obtain, ii. 10 ; an instance
of, 82 ; for science, 231, contrasted
with private, 235

Government, appoints as Assistant
to his father, i. 352 ; Civil Last pen-
sions, 414 sq. ; the Public Depart-
ments, 324
Graham, Sir James, i. 174 and note,

191, 204, 206

Graham, R., i. 11 n. ; Sir William's
predecessor, 11 ; tours with, 30,
32, 36; at Newcastle Brit. Assoc.,
35, leads botan. excursion, 36;
H. as substitute, 177, 191-2-3;
195_6_7_8-9, 200-1; example of
self support, ii. 74
Graham, Thomas, i. 417 and note
Graham, W. W., ascent of Kinchin-

junga, ii. 265
Grant, Dr., i. 244

Grant, Sir J. P., ii. 407 n. ; starts
economic botany in Jamaica, 405-6 ;
consults Hooker, 407
Grant Duff, Sir M. E., i. 359. and
note

Letters to : ii. 17 bis
Granville, Lord, ii. 91 and note;
in the Ayrton affair, 168

INDEX

537

Grasses, Indian (see also Munro), i.
459, ii. 283-291 ; of Ceylon, 283

Graves, Rev. J. T., i. 392 and note

Gray, Asa, i. 351 n. ; unselfish love
of science, 376 ; on Nelumbium,
423 ; a letter to Darwin, 450 ;
papilionaceous flowers and herm-
aphroditism, 452 ; criticisms on
Tasmanian Essay, 484 (see also
Letters) ; on the ' Origin,' 614 and
note, 515, 517, 520

Reviews Arctic Essay, ii. 30 ;
and the American Civil War, ii.
40 sq. ; travels with in America,
205-217, 426 ; as fellow traveller,
212, 216; joint botanical work,
ib., 217-224; visits to England,
205, 340 ; on glacial period, 224 ;
the Flor. Bor. Amer., 249; to
Italy with, 251 ; rank as botanist,
260; second visit to, not carried
out, 261 ; on Darwinism, 304 sq.

Letters to : On Anglo-American
politics, ii. 43 bis, Governments,
44 sq. ; early opening at Kew,
81; St. Petersburg, 8653. ; decora-
tions, 88 n. ; roughing it, 89 ;
Pangenesis, 112 ; reception fatigu-
ing, 142 ; work at Gen. PL, 151 ;
Lyell's death, 199; N. American
botany, 217, 219, 220; Kew
Herbarium, 228, 229; limits of
species : position of Gymnosperms,
235 sq. ; Indian collections, 240 ;
tied by work, 242 ; references,
247; hope of future visit, 261,
262; his youngest son, 266;
move from Kew, 267 ; Primer of
Botany, 275; and freedom from
interruption, 276 ; Indian botany,
277 bis, 278, 280; Bentham's
striking work, 280 ; Copley Medal,
307 ; Coral Reefs, 342 ; Antarctic
Exploration, 361 sq

Gray, Mrs. Asa, ii. 207, 209, 215,
251; gift from, 256

Gray, J. E., i. 42 n. ; characterised, ii.

Gray, Thomas, as naturalist, ii. 456

Grayia, ii. 214

Greek Church, ceremonial of, ii. 87

and note

Green, J. R., at Oxford, 1860, i. 524 n.
Greenland, plants of, i. 534 ; ii. 27

sq., 29 sq.
Greenock, compared with Cairo, i. 228;

a byword for climate, 255, 260;
' Dreepdaily,' 261

Greg, W. R., 'Enigmas,' ii. 66; a
National Church, ii. 67

Gregory, Wm., i. 202 and note

Grew, ii. 419

Griffith, W., i. 234 n. ; ability, 234
sq. ; ii. 16 ; collections saved, ii.
145 ; for Kew, 414 ; arranged by
J. D. H. and T. T.,i. 361 ; observa-
tion and collection, ii. 282, 399

Grisebach, A. H. R., ii. 286 and note

Grove, Sir George, ii. 65 and note

Grove, Sir W. R., i. 417 re. ; claims of
Geology and Botany, 417 ; Pres.
Brit. Assoc., ii. 103 ; his Address,
105 ; in Phil. Club, 134 n. ; colour
change in dead fish, 158

Guise, Sir W., ii. 186

Gundroon, i. 295 and note

Gunn, Rev. John, i. 18, 19, and Wedg-
wood ware, ii. 78

Letter to : Mr. Turner's tour
repeated, ii. 341

Gunn, Ronald C., i. 107 and note
159, 172, 214, 217; dedication to,
see under Fl. Antarctica

Gymnospenns, position of, i. 451,
460, 481 ; ii. 25

Gymnostonum, a genus to be broken
up, i. 84

Gynerium argenteum, i. 429

HABIT in plants, i. 472-475

Hackel, E., ii. 284 and note, 285 bis ;

Duthiaea, 286, 288 ; a duplication

of work, 287, 288
Halesworth, i. 3, 5
Halifax, Lord, see Sir C. Wood
Hallett, purser of Erebus, i. 92
Hallett, on variation in wheat, ii. 124
Halley, i. 48

Hamilton, Lord George, ii. 365
Hamilton, Rev. James, i. 66

Letter to : i. 135 n.
Hamilton, Mary Anne (Mrs. Gurney

Turner), i. 18, 19
Hanbury, Daniel, i. 528 and note
Hancock, Albany, ii. 298 and note
Hancock, W., letter to, to correspond

with Kew, ii. 250
Hannay, Col., ii. 327 n.; his grandsons

educated with J. S. Hooker, 327
Hanover, the King of, house at Kew,

i. 347, 431

2u

538

INDEX

Happiness, in work, i. 157 ; out-
balances unhappiness, ii. 82, 199
Harcourt, Dr. A. Vernon, at Oxford,

1860, i. 524 ».

Hardinge, Sir H., i. 253 and note
Harrogate, ii. 444
Hartung, G., ii. 99 and note
Harvey, W. H., i. 26 note; early
friendship, 26, 173 ; Cape botany,
100; 'stable work' with, 170;
does the Algae for Fl. Ant., 173,
189 sq. ; obtains the Dublin chair,
189 ; misplaced reluctance to
publish, 370, 371 sq. ; consults
J. D. H. as to examination papers,
388 : on Fucus, 451 ; squib on the
' Origin,' 515 sq. ; criticisms met,
616 sq. ; death, ii. 15 ; Genera of
Cape Plants finished by J. D. H.,
ii. 15 and note ; printed, 83

Letters from : ' Solomon Gran-
dy ' : how to lecture, 197 ; 198

Letters to : Cape entomology,
i. 26 ; quinary system, 123 n. ;
Antarctic Algae, 173 sq., 189 sq.,
Montagne appropriates, 175 ; Dar-
win's Alga, different identifica-
tions, 176 ; Dublin professorship,
176 ; Paris botanists, 182-6 ; Algae
named after officers, 190 ; Lichens :
species clogged by varieties, 190 ;
Edinburgh and the Professorship,
191 n.; difficulty about the
course, 196 ; 197 ; opening lecture,
199 sq. ; success in lecturing, 201
bis ; marine botanising in Ireland,
212 ; R.S. grant for botany, 371 ;
value of publishing preliminary
work, ib., bis, sq. ; the besetting
sin of botanists, 372 ; a duty
which no one else can do, 373 ; a
botanical career, 375 ; the Dublin
chair, double duty, 375-6 ; status
of Kew Hbm., 378 ; Brit. Mus. Col-
lections, 379 ; Oxford botany and
Maxwell Masters, 383 ; ignorance of
examinees, 387 ; methods of ex-
amination, 389 sq. ; English botani-
cal names, i. 395 n. ; scheme of
lecturing, i. 400 sq. ; Linn. Soc.
services to science, i. 409 ; charity
and sectionalism, 415; recogni-
tion of W. J. H. and his Hbm.,
420 ; holiday tours, combined
with botany, 433 ter ; Erica McKay i
only a variety, 466; his destruc-

tion of species really constructive-
469 ; Cardamine hirsute, 20 sp. or
one, 470 ; 471 ; Tasmanian Essay
and mutability of species, 481,
482, 483 ; unconsidered judgment
on the ' Origin,' 516 ; miracle, effi-
cient cause and a working hypo-
thesis, 517 sq. ; Darwin's sense of
the words, 519 ; adoption of some
transmutation theory, 519

Haslar, i. 32, 39 ; Hooker at, 40

Haughton, Dr. S., i. 512 n. ; review
of the 'Origin,' 512, 515, 517,
520

Hawkesworth, J., ii. 312 and note

Hay, Sir J. Drummond, ii. 91, 92
and note, 93

Hayden, Prof., ii. 207, 208, 215

Hayne, ii. 278

Hector, Sir James, K.C.M.G.,F.R.S.,
gives geological aid, ii. 31

Heer, O.,i. 402 n. ; his dreary lectures,
402 ; his collections, ii. 35 ; nature
of Miocene vegetation, 36 ; an
extensionist, 99

Helensburgh, Sir W. Hooker's house,
Burnside, i. 24, 27, ii. 356; re-
called by Darjiling, i. 260; Mrs.
Paisley's home, ii. 438, 445

Heifer, collection arranged, i. 361 ;
ii. 16 ; collections saved, ii. 145

Helianlkus, ii. 212

Helmholtz, x Club guest, i. 544

Helps, Sir A., x Club guest, i. 544

Hemsley, Dr. W. B., ii. 243 n.

Henfrey, Arthur, i. 369 n., 381 ;
handbook, 401 ; Nelumbrium, 423 ;
translation of Braun, 425
Letters to : medalising, i. 418

Henslow, Frances (Mrs. J. D. Hooker,
q.v.), engagement, i. 219 sq. ;
marriage and personality, 350

Letters to : Malta and St. Paul,
i. 225 ; ' the mild Hindoo,' 247 ;
with Hodgson, 261; Scottish
parallel, t'6. ; value of Nepalese
aid, 273 ; captivity, 316 sq.

Henslow, George, and a botanical
career, i. 374; research suggested
to, 452

Henslow, J.S., i. 30 n., 390 ; and Dar-
win, 219, 225 ; notes on Himalayan
agriculture for, 259; illustrations
of plant life at Brit. Mus., 381 ;
as a working professor, 383 ; the
Lemann Collection, 384; consults

INDEX

539

J. D. H. as to exam, papers, 388 ;
a dried plant examination scheme,
389 ; pioneer of practical ele-
mentary teaching, 394 ; his un-
finished book of village botany
used by Prof. Oliver, 391 ; criti-
cisms of MS., 393-8 ; his botanical
diagrams, 392 ; English botanical
names, 394 sq., 428 n., 479;
travel with, 434-5; sends Gala-
pagos plants, 436 ; and the
' Origin,' i. 511 ; resists unfair
attacks on, 512 sq. ; partial ac-
ceptance of, 520 ; at Oxford, 1860,
523, 526; death, ii. 60, i. 537;
character, ii. 60 sq., cp. 123 ;
faculties inherited from, 366

Letter from : Fair hearing for
Darwin, i. 512 sq.

Letters to : Value of a botanical
career, i. 374; botany at Oxford,
383 ; value of botany in medical
education, 388; handbooks and
examinations, 389; his botanical
diagrams, 392 ; criticises his MS.,
393 bis, 395, 396 ; aid for Linnean
Journal, 410; Nelumbiaceae, 423,
a paradox, 424 ; unnecessary ques-
tions, 429; 430; to Paris, 1855,
434 ; senseless attacks on Darwin,
514 bis; a Darwinian botany
book, 535

Henslow, L., i. 396

Heredity, as illustrated by the Hooker
family, ii. 308, 366; in literary
criticism, 366

Herkomer, Sir H., R.A., ii. 342

Hermaphroditism, perpetual, i. 452

Hermite Island, i. 53, 66; visited,
128, 133, 134-8 ; a plant from, ii.
358

Herschel, Sir J., i. 147 n. ; and
Humboldt, 186 ; ii. 56 ; unfair
quotation of, 127; Lyell's letters
to, 202 ; cameo of, 436

Heysham, Dr., ii. 429

Higher and Lower types of plants, i.
444, 445 sq., 480 ; conifers, 451, 460,
463 ; gymnosperms, 481 ; Australian
the highest, 463 ; old world plants
have competitive superiority, ib.,
note, 494 ; relation to ' progressive
development,' 507

Himalaya, early hope of exploring,
i. 167 ; objective, 251 ; difficulties,
251 sq., 264-72; first expedition,

274-84 ; second, 289-319 ; captiv-
ity, 290, 312 sq. ; obstruction, 290,
292-4, 295 sq., overcome, 297 sq. ;
the snow-line, 300 ; geography of,
revolutionised, 327 sq.

Mr. Elwes in, ii. 125 ; travellers
in, 266; glacial period in, 320
sq. ; geological rhyme, 321 ; im-

Eressiveness of view from Darjeel-
ig, 365

Himalayan Botany, a parallel with
the Antarctic, i. 258 ; general
features of, ib. 259 ; rhododendrons,
q.v. ; map to show distribution,
259 ; a lichen as at Cockburn I.,
55, 305 ; tardy advance of the
flora, 307 ; hermaphrodite heads
of maize, ib.

ii. 248, 426 ; and the Caucasus,
363 ; effect on, of elevation of
the chain, 392

Himalayan Journals, no intention of
writing Indian travels, i. 255 ; im-
pressions quoted, 281 sq. ; arrest
of Campbell, 313 ; work on, 341 ;
published, 363 sq. ; dedicated to
Darwin, 363; a pole-star of liis
life, ib. ; delight in practical
philosophy, 364 ; E. I. C. treatment
of, ib.

Military appreciation of, ii. 183 ;
useful to his son, 374, and to a
mining prospector, 471 ; position
in Geographical Science, 412 ; Dr.
Freshfield's appreciation, 452

Hinds, R. B., i. 438 and note

Hirst, T. A., i. 539 n. ; in the x Club,
i. 539, 541 ; his minute on the
Atom, 543, 546; on Magec'a
sermon, ii. 119

History, enjoys as a boy, i. 28—29;
the burden of modern education,
ii. 252, 329

Hodgson, Brian H. , i. 247 ; friendship,
248 sq. ; an evening with, 261 ;
description of, 262 ; unable to
join first expedition, 266 ; hopeless
about, 272; help from, 274, 285,
291, during captivity, 318

Visited, ii. 203; travels, 266;
authority on Buddhism, 433

Letter from : Old age and
friendship, ii. 257

Letters to : Science workers in
1862, ii. 31 ; Bishop Colenso, 57,
57-8 ; Wedgwood ware, 78 ; work

540

INDEX

at Kew, 247 ; botanical organisa-
tion, 249 ; Rome, 253 ; on his 80th
birthday, 257; Buddhism, 264;
gout and Providence, 265 ; Kinchin-
junga, ascent of, 265 ; his garden,
339; birthday, 339

Hodgson, Mrs., ii. 330

Letters to : The President's
baby, ii. 204; Rhododendrons
acclimatised, 343

Hoffman (his servant in India), i.
335

Hofmeister, ii. 420, 421

Hogan, J. F., ii. 348 n., 486 n.

Hogg.ii. 88

Holland, Sir H., aid in Ayrton
affairs, ii. 171

Holloway College, visits to, ii. 361

Hombron, i. 186

Home ties, i. 74

Honours. See Appendix.

Hooke, ii. 419

Hooker, ancestry, i. 7, 8; the Vowells,
7 ; connexion with Exeter and
Devon, 7 ; direct descent from
John Hooker, uncle of ' the
Judicious ' Richard, 7 sq. ; Puritan
trend of, 8, 19 ; offshoots, American
and Nonconformist, 8 ; J. D. H.'s
grandfather migrates to Norwich
and marries Lydia Vincent, 8 ;
the Norfolk connexion strengthened
by W. J. Hooker through Turners
and Pagets, 9, 10 ; family, 18, 20 ;
cousins, 17, 18, 19

Hooker, Ayerst, ii. 323 n.

Letters to : Thomas Hooker and
American democracy, ii. 323 ;
Prussian arrogance, 325; opening
of Kiel Canal, ib. ; Mr. Gladstone,
344 ; young lives : Huxley and
the Atom, 358 ; death of Huxley,
359; the Wedgwood Exhibition,
ib. ; is the Ancient Mariner of the
Antarctic, 362; Brit. Assoc. at
Ipswich, ib.

Hooker, Brian Harvey Hodgson, ii.
182 ; his daughter, 437

Hooker, Charles Paget, Himalayan
picture, i. 287 ; ii. 89, 182 ; visits
to, 469, 472

Hooker, Elizabeth (m. Dr. Evans,
who afterwards took the name of
Lombe, q.v.), i. 18, 20, 21, 154;
pony, 170 ; friend of Miss Henslow,
291 sq ; ii. 365, 430

Letters to: Music, i. 153 bis ;
his dog ' Skye,' 160 ; Ross" Voyage '
admired in India, 244 ; his home
with Hodgson, 248 n. ; occupation,
260 ; two kinds of rainfall, ib. ;
health, ib. ; Sunday at Darjiling,
260 aq.

Hooker, Mrs. (Frances Henslow, q.v.),
literary criticism, i. 396 ; 434

At Norwich meeting, ii. 120 ;
the gift to Huxley, 184 ; death of,
139, 189; character and attain-
ments, 190-1

Letter to : ii. 93 n.
Hooker, Harriet Anne (Lady Thisel-
ton-Dyer), ii. 195, 196 ; marriage,
204, 206; Bot. Mag., 243 n. ; visits
to, 469, 472

Hooker, Hyacinth, Lady. (See also
a.v. Symonds)

Letters to : Himalayan picture,
i. 287 n. ; ii. 6, 210, 211 ; marriage,
196, 202, 263

Hooker, Jago, alias Vowell, i. 7
Hooker, John, Chamberlain of Exeter,

i. 7

Hooker, John, M.P. for Exeter, i. 7

Hooker, Joseph, Senr., i. 3, 4;

moves to Glasgow, 5 ; a botanist,

6 ; settles in Norwich, 8 ; old age,

154, 156

Hooker, ' Fighting -Joe,' i. 8
Hooker, J. D., Darwin's confidant,
i. 2 ; a born muscologist, 3, 5,
ii. 308 (see «.t». Mosses and
Cryptogams), and puppet of Nat.
Selection, 3, ii. 308 ; autobiograph-
ical fragment and earliest re-
collections, 3 sq. ; his names, 3 ;
his first publication, 5, 22 ; early
interest in Geographical Distri-
bution, 5 ; early ambition to
travel, 6, realised, 66, 219; in-
herited love of botany, 6, and art,
9, 16 ; capacity, 16 ; on knowing
plants, 12 ; his father's teaching,
12-14 ; parallels between his own
and his father's work, 14 sq. ;
botanical excursions, 13, 23, 30, to
Ireland, 32^, 35 ; childhood and
home life, 19-22

Health, 20; heart trouble, 29,
194, 195; rheumatic fever, 91,
effects of, 246 ; eyesight, 58, 60,
night blind, 299; effect of the
voyage, 152, 168; hard work and

INDEX

541

six hours' sleep, 220 ; in India, 239,
260, 323, cp. ii. 198, 357, 461, 466

Sources of general knowledge, 24,
36 ; schooldays, 22-4 ; college, 24-9,
31, M.D. 38 sq. ; gains from Latin,
but not from Moral Philosophy, 22 ;
prizes, 28 ; early work in botany,
22, 24, 25 bis, 32, a slight on which
he resents, 35, and entomology, 24,
25 bis, 26 ; tastes and acquire-
ments, 28 sq. ; love of history,
ib. ; public speaking, hindrance to,
29 sq., 194, ii. 309; early critical
herbarium work, 30, 40 ; religious
observance, 33, 46, 106 ; first
attendance at Brit. Assoc., New-
castle, 34-6; is careful about
money, 27, 32, 33 ; unique bota-
nical training, 37 ; aided by his
father's position, ib., 40, 68, 220

Antarctic Expedition : medical
service necessary, 38, though little
required, 45, 57, and disliked by
H., ii. 439, 457; appointment,
i. 41-4 sq. ; equipment, 45-8 ;
his father's gifts, esp. a watch,
46-7 ; activity as naturalist, 55 sq.,
68 sq. ; zoological work in the
intervals of botany, 55-60, esp.
on the Diatoms, 58 sq. ; dis-
couraged by his father, 63, 161,
262; temporary only, 60, 114,
161, 262; drawing, scientific and
artistic, under difficulties at sea
(see Drawing) ; collections, early,
60, 64, 72 ; later improve, 65, 139 ;
suggest generalisations, see under
Collections ; his opportunities and
advice from his father, 64 sq. ;
his natural seriousness, 53, 106,
107, 120, 161 ; needless warnings,
53, 106; friendship with fellow
officers, 67 sq., 92 sq., and with
Ross, 68 sq. ; reads ' Voyage of
the Beagle ' in proof, 66 and note,
136 ; visualising power in making
comparisons, 67, 87, 90, 93; en-
thusiastic imagination, 74 ; home
ties, 74, 156 ; home-like friendships,
107; happiness, independent of
circumstance, 79, 94, lies in work,
157 ; no tedium for a naturalist at
sea, 73 ; modest ambitions, 72,
79, 83, 113, 114, 143, 164-6

Antarctic work, limits of, 82, 85 ;
is critical of systems, 84, 132;

ignorant of tropical plants, 85 ;
Antarctic Journal, 86, s.v. Journal ;
and letters, 87 ; contributions to
Ross' ' Voyage,' 86 re., 139, 173 ;
the Scottish Highlands, a standard
of beauty, 87, 90, 93, 94, 135;
at Madeira 87 sq., Teneriffe, 91,
Cape Verde I., 91 sq., St. Paul's I.,
95, Trinidad, 95 sq., St. Helena,
96 sq. , Cape Town, 99, Kerguelen
I., 99 sq. • interest in economic
botany, 88, and ideas on gardening,
97; return for hospitality, 93;
keenness of observation, 97 sq. ;
records a practical joke, 104;
Tasmania, 105, 120, affection for,
107 sq., festivities, 119 sq. ;
first voyage to the South, 109 sq. ;
Sydney, 120-3; New Zealand,
124; second voyage to the ice,
124 sq. ; ideas on the ice, 127
sq. ; the Falklands, 127, 128-34 ;
general reading, 131, and botanical
books, t"6. sq. • grouping of plants,
132, theory and practice, t'6. ;
delight in finding strictly Antarctic
Orders, 133 ; in Fuegia, 134 sq. ;
third voyage to the ice, 139 sq. ;
depression of, to all but Ross and
Hooker, 140, 141 ; official secrecy
about the voyage, 141, broken by
Prince Albert, 142-5 ; preliminary
botanical account, 146 ; Cape Town
visited, 147-51

Personal : Limited circle of
friends, 143, 154, 156; music and
art, 153-4 ; bereavements, 154 sq. ;
difficulties in correspondence, 154
sq., 157 sq. ; happiness in work, 157 ;
community of interest with his
father, 157, 159, 160-1, 166 ; plana
to aid Kew and W. J. H., 159-61,
206 ; prospects, afloat or ashore,
162 sq. ; ready to become a
botanical hermit, t'6. ; succession
to his father, 166; would like
further travel, 167 ; work at Kew,
169, and on Flora Antarctica, 168-
76 ; Govt. aid, 170 ; vicissitudes
of, 189, 196, 199, 206 sq., 214;
arranging the Herbarium, 'stable
occupation,' 170; affection for
animals, t'6. ; received into Linn.
Soc., 171 ; rivalry with French
Antarctic botanists, 174; good
and bad species, 174-5; openings

542

INDEX

at Dublin, 176, Brit. Mus., ib.,
Sydney, 177, and Edinburgh, 177 ;
visit to continental botanists,
178-89 ; his father's Herbarium
cannot be properly kept up on
private means, 182 ; aided by his
father's name, 183 ; is not sanguine,
but warms to his work, 189 ; Edin-
burgh, 191-205; payment and
a labour of love, 191 sq., 201 ;
dislike to lecturing, 193-6, over-
come, 199, 201, 211 ; Graham's
hopeless syllabus, 196, 197, 199;
opposite views, 200 ; election
politics, 204 sq. ; Glasgow as
alternative, 205-6; works at or-
ganic chemistry, i. 199, 202;
generosity, 206 ; appointed Ben-
tham's executor, 206 ; his father's
belief in his powers, 206; the
Geological Survey, 207-214; rooms
in town, 210 ; coal plants and
fossil botany, 210, 211, 212 sq.,
Essays on, 214 ; proposed British
Herbarium showing distribution,
212, 213 ; resents empty patron-
age, 215 ; succession at Kew
refused, 215 ; seeks new travel,
ib. sq., rather than publish Ant-
arctic Journals, 216; Fl. Ant.,
labour and cost of, 217, unharmed
by Indian trip, ib. ; Indian ex-
pedition, planned, 217 sq. ; the
desired link with Kew, 217, 219 ;
no self -pushing, 220 ; engagement,
219 ; ' no flowers,' ib. sq. ; elected
F.R.S., 221 ; successes due to his
father, 221 ; earliest friendship with
Darwin, 222

India, voyage to, 223 sq. ; impres-
sions of Portugal and its explorers,
223 sq. ; Malta, 224 ; steamships,
225; Alexandria, 225; Cairo, 226-
9; a Glasgow parallel, 228; its
plant life, 226 sq., and fossil forest,
227; Mehemet Ali, 228 ; Overland
Route, 229 sq. ; collections lost,
231; Suez, 231; Aden, ib. ; friend-
ship with Lord Dalhousie, 218, 225
sq., 228, 232, Sir L. Peel, 233 sq. ;
Calcutta Garden, 234-6; to the
Kymore Hills, 237-45 ; collections,
237-8, for Kew Museum, 241 sq. ;
coal fossils, 239 sq. ; Parasnath,
240 ; Indian pests, 241 ; reports to
Lord Dalhousie, 242 ; travel stories,

242 ; zoology and botany for
Darwin, 245

To Darjiling, Hindu bearers, 247,
life at, 247-55, 260 sq.; excursions
from Darjiling, 256 sq. ; book on
Indian travels not contemplated,
255; Rhododendron Book, 255;
political difficulties, 251 sq., 264-
72; dealings with his men, 258,
271 TO., 291; variety of scientific
interests, 261, 262 sq., including
surveying, ib., 275; his map, 275,
value to Tibet Mission of 1903,
275 and note, ii. 457

First expedition, cost, i. 274, rate
of travel, 275, route, 276 ; with
Campbell, 276 sq., interviews Rajah,
277, impressions, 281-4, familiar
plants, ib., methods and accuracy,
282^1 ; to the Terai, 286 ; picture
by Tayler, 286 »q.

Second expedition, 289-319 ; un-
willing to compromise the people,
294 ; obstruction neatly overcome,
292 sq., 296, 297 sq. ; wins over
opponents, 298, 303, with whom
Campbell quarrels, 309; Tibet
and the snowline, 300, 301 ;
passes to the east, 301-2, 312 ;
ascends over 19,000 ft., 303, 304;
first visit to Donkiah pass, 303 sq. ;
with Campbell makes a ' round
tour ' through Tibet, 306, 309 sq. ;
bluffing the guards, 310 ; cap-
tivity, 312-19, alarm as to, 316,
317, 323 ; the Lamas and people
friendly, 291, 312, 315, 317, 322;
the Dewan, his plots and character,
314, 316, old score, 290 ; release
on Christmas Eve, 319 ; good
health, 323 ; military service,
320 sqq. , 322 n. ; action approved,
324; wonders of Himalayas and
Tibet, 325 ; maps of Sikkim, 326
sq., and Khasia Mts., 327

Thomson, a close friend, 328,
already plans Fl. Indica with, ib. ;
Expedition, not to Nepaul or
Bhotan, 329, but to Khasia Hills,
329, 332-9 ; advantages of, 330 ;
Calcutta Society and character
sketches, 330 sq. ; Dacca, 333,
334 ; vast collections made, 335-9 ;
purely scientific aim, 337 ; Govt.
aid needed for shaping material
into Indian Flora, 339-42, given

INDEX

543

with restrictions, 348-50 ; a bonus
from the Admiralty, 348

Marriage, character of his wife,
350 ; difficulties of a waiting policy :
is tempted to abandon Kew, 351 ;
appointed Assistant Director, 352 ;
takes many of his father's re-
sponsibilities, 362 ; relation to
Darwin as shown by Flora of
Tasmania, 353 sq. • work on Fl.
Indioa, with Thomson, 354-362;
arranges Indian material in Her-
barium, 361 sq. ; The Him. Journal
published, 363, a pole-star in his
life, ib.; love of practical philosophy,
364 and note; the Great Exhibi-
tion of 1851, 364 sq. ; would like
any work offered except drink and
Wordsworth, 365 ; his wide know-
ledge shakes idea of fixed species,
366-8 ; science organisation and
teaching needed, 368 ; value of
publishing preliminary work, 371-
4 ; interchange of Systematic
Botany and Herbarium work, 373 ;
takes stock of ideas in Introduc-
tory Essays, 374 ; unselfish love of
science, six examples of, 376 ;
lecturing proposed at Kew and
Royal Institution, 376-7; Brit.
Mus. collections and Kew, 378-82 ;
the Science and Art Dept., 379
and note ; botany at Oxford, 382
sq., and Cambridge, 384 ; influence
as Examiner, Apoth. Co. and
E.I.C., 385-8; testing reasoning
faculty, 386, and practical know-
ledge, 390, 399 ; on clumsy ex-
pressions, 388 ; British flora, should
set people on the right way to
learn for themselves, 390 ; accurate
terminology, 393, 397 ; 398 ; to be
exactly known, 396, 400, cp. 479 ;
misuse of English names in botany,
394, 395 n., 479 ; oral and written
style, 395-7 ; observation as
against cramming, 399 ; scheme of
lecturing, 400 sq. ; old style sys-
tematists and physiologists, 402 ;
recent botany specialised, has to
be taught by physiologists, 403 ;
knowledge of plants in the older
field botanists, 403 n.

Science organisation through
learned Societies, 405, Linn. Soc.,
407 sq. ; abhors vacillation, 408 ;

work on Linnean Journal, 410 sq. ;
botanical reviewing, to be reorgan-
ised, 410-14 ; charitable funds for
science, 414 sq. ; sectionalism, 415 ;
medals and recognitions, 415-420,
disliked, 418 ; the R. S. medal,
416; the overlooking of his father's
claims, 418-20; likes botanical
laws, 421 ; distrusts Schleiden,
422, 424; Nelumbium and a
paradox, 422-4 ; paradox, 450 sq. ;
housewife philosophy and miracles,
427 ; solitude : occupations, value
of manual work, 428 and note ;
insect pests at Kew ! 429 ; un-
necessary questions, 429 ; attach-
ment to any home, 431 ; ' Brown,
Jones, and Robinson ' tours, 432 ;
love for sea and snow, 433 ; to
Germany and the Paris Exhibition,
1855, 434 sq.

Darwin correspondence, 436-464 ;
distrust of his own generalising
powers, 438, and on variation, 439 ;
geographical distribution, 438, as
an exact science, 439; peculiar
floras, no standard of, 438 ; cp.
443 ; variability of insular species,
439 ; his opposition overrated, 459
(see Australian flora, Embryonic
development, Forbes' Atlantis
theory, Variation on large genera,
Geology and progression, High
and low types, Insects in islands,
Leguminosae and bees, Migration,
Plants and Animals, Species,
validity of : reduction of, followed

SBentham and Decaisne : ideas
shaken, Southern flora and a
lost Southern Continent, Transport,
Tropical cooling, Variation under
different conditions, Variation,
experimental) ; a generaliser as
well as systematist, 465, cp. ii. 18,
26-31 ; reduction of bad species,
i. 466, 479, radicalism in, 473 ;
' swimming in synonymy," 467 ;
destructive tendencies really con-
structive, 469, 497 ; species and
intermediates, 470 ; sweeping re-
forms in Fl. N.Z., and Fl. Ind., 471 ;
play to amateurs is death to pro-
fessional botanists, 473 ; fixity of
species and an open mind, 474,
507, 508 sq. ; on the ' country
parson ' style, 477 sq. ; three

544

INDEX

national methods of description,
478 ; frankness of mutual criticism,
479, 480; is busy, hence length
of letter, 481 ; adopts mutability
of species, 481-4

Work and friendship with Darwin,
486-503 ; personal touch, 488; his
model as naturalist, 488 ; indispens-
able aid in botany, 486, 488 sq., 492-
7, 499 sq., 501 ; mutual debt, 491,
502, and frankness, 492 ; appreci-
ation of, 497-503 ; stimulus to his
own research, 490, 496 ; modest
view of his own aid, 499, 502 ;
critical caution before acceptance
of theory, 497 sqq. ; makes no
claims, 500-3 ; parallel ideas and
originality, 500 sqq. ; disappoint-
ment in not finding transitional
forms, 497 ; arguments of the
Tasmanian Essay, 504-9; dis-
similar plants not necessarily from
dissimilar parents, 508 ; the Tasm.
Essay for the scientific world only,
509 ; publication of, 509 ; effect of
the ' Origin ' in print, 510 bis,
followed it too little in MS., ib.,
512 ; senseless attacks on Darwin,
514 ; clears up Harvey's mis-
understandings, 515-20, esp. theo-
logical, 518 sq. ; friendship will
stand criticism of ideas, 517;
Nat. Selection a vera causa if not
plenary, 519 ; adopted from in-
dependent study of plants, 520;
at Oxford, 1860, 523; is the
' eye-witness ' of C. D., ib. ; de-
scription of the scene, 525, and his
own speech, 526

Palestine journey, 528-533 ; pro-
jected Darwinian botany book, 535 ;
hard work and a new regime, 535-
7 ; on taking things coolly, 536 ;
future position, 536 ; Servate ani-
mam aequam, 537; in the x Club,
539; Presidency of Brit. Assoc.,
542 ; on Davy and Faraday, 542 ;
on the Atom, 543, ii. 359; last
words on, 546

Responsible for the rubber in-
dustry, ii. 5, 6 ; relation to heads
of other Botanical Gardens, 7 sq. ;
finishes Booth's ' Carices,' 15, and
Harvey's ' Genera of Cape Plants,'
ib. and note; work of 1860-65,
18 sqq. ; a subject stales after long

work, 26 ; on duplicating laws of
nature, 37 ; politics and science,
38-45 ; works sixteen hours a
day, 46, cp. 82 ; becomes Director,
47-8, cp. 67 ; on controversies,
49 sqq. • acts as peacemaker, 53 ;
on public avowals of opinion, 54 ;
support of religious liberalism,
54-9 ; 66, 67 ; on being a god-
father, 59 ; on the death of Henslow,
60 sq., of his little daughter, 61 sq.,
64 sq., compared with that of his
father, 64; love of children, 63,
cp. 457 ; administration threatens
to swamp science, 68 ; illness
after father's death, 68 sq. ; novel-
reading, 69 sq. ; a slashing writer,
72 ; his photograph and Rich-
mond's portrait, neither character-
istic, 72 ; Darwin's photograph
like Moses, 72 : science and self-
support, 74 ; first proposal for
the Copley, 76 ; Wedgwood ware
hobby, 77-9, 353 sq., 359, 436 sq. ;
early work as Director, 80-3 ; love
of camp life, 80, 89; family ties,
82 ; burden of correspondence, 82
bis, 83 ; life has a credit balance,
82, 199 ; Sic vos non vobis, 83 ;
botanical work, esp. the Student's
Flora, 84 sq., 2nd ed., 235 ; to the
Paris Exposition, 1867, 85 ; French
conversation, 85, 310; to St.
Petersburg, 85-9 ; decorations and
the Emperor's gift, 88 and note ;
at Upsala, 89; to Brittany,
Snowdon, and the Eifel, 89; to
Marocco, 90-7; skill in dealing
with natives, 90-94 ; share in the
book, 95, botany, 232

Irsular Floras, at Nottingham,
98-108; a parable, 102 ; Pres. Brit.
Assoc. at Norwich, i. 542, ii. 108,
114, 115-121; attacked, 119 sq. ;
tribute to Lyell, 117 sq. ; anthem
and Magee's sermon, 119; modesty,
119 bis, 133; 465; physiological
characters and system, 123 ; wed-
dings and funerals, 128 ; Pre-
sident of Royal Society, 132-151 ;
the Attorney-General of Science,
137 ; Philosophical Club, 134 n. ;
Trustee of Brit. Mus., 136 ; death
of Mrs. Hooker, 139; assistant
refused, 139; R. S. Anniversary
Address, 140 sq. ; vivisection, 142 ;

INDEX

545

scientific referee, 142 sq. ; knight-
hood, 145-151, comparison with
his father, 148; acceptance by
public servants, 149 ; services to
India, long unrecognised, 145 sq. ;
sensitive and carnivorous plants,
152-8; Address at Belfast, Brit.
Assoc., 158 ; colour change in
animals, 158 ; resents attack on
his father, 174

His life at Kew, 178-81, 191-
7; orderly mind, 180, 181 n.,
and buoyant spirit, 181 ; per-
sonal interest in subordinates,
180 ; occasional diplomacy, 181 ;
love of young folk, 181 sq. ; educa-
tion of sons, 182 ; books, with
uncut pages, 181 TO. ; care of
Huxley when ill, 183-6, and their
travels, 184 sq., 474; death of
Mrs. Hooker, 189 sq. ; astronomy,
194 sq. ; labours lightened by
appointment of Asst. Director,
198, cp. 189 ; visit to Algiers, 198 ;
bad health, 198; tonic of public
duty, 198; second marriage, 196,
202 ; a second Lyell -Turner-Hooker
trip, 197, 203, cp. 341 ; death of
a young friend's wife, 203 ; the
President's baby at Burlington
House, 204 ; phases of life, 204 ;
visits America, 205-217; inde-
fatigable at sixty, 206 ; on Arctic
plants, 205 ; on N. American
Distribution, 217-21; Geographical
Distribution, 221-7 ; polar origin
of plants, 224, 226 ; International
Medical Congress, 224 ; develop-
ment at Kew, 228 sq. ; Dublin
Brit. Assoc., 232; to Paris, ib. ;
looks forward to retirement, 232 sq.,
241, 255; work at Kew, 1879-85,
237-270 ; the intellectual activity
of the age, 244 ; to Italy, 251 ;
house at Sunningdale, 255-7 ;
old friendship, 257 ; death of
old friends, the Darwins and
Bentham, 258-61 ; Bentham's
papers, 261 ; second visit to
America prevented, 261 ; friend-
ship with Huxley, 262 sq. ; Huxley
and the P. R. S., 263 sq. ; the
Meteorological Society, 264 ; Bud-
dhism, interest in, 264, 328, 333-6,
433 ; Saltere' Company, 264 sq.

Retirement and pension, 266-70,

279 ; no testimonials, 267 ; length
of service, 269; activity in old
age, 271 ; the work of his choice,
272 ; break with official work on
Societies, 273; work on Indian
Flora, 277-91 ; readiness to admit
error, 289; Pachytheca, 291-4;
Fossil Botany, 294 sq. ; Huxley's
Gentians, 296 sq. ; Darwin's Life,
298-307 ; his influence, 308 sq. ;
memory after thirty years, 304,
432; Copley Medal and speech
at R. S., 307-9 ; a born muscolo-
gist, 308 ; the puppet of evolution,
308 ; his one talent, 308 ; nervous-
ness in public speaking, i. 30, 309 ;
fatigue after public functions, 310 ;
his motto, 309; Banks' Journal,
312-14; Field Clubs, 315-18; an
old man's reading, 327 sq., cp.
434 ; wild flowers for his garden,
339 sq. ; Queen Victoria, 341 ;
to Normandy, 341 ; portrait by
Herkomer, 342 ; conversations
with Gladstone, 344 and note;
friendship and memories : Lefroy,
343, Homer, 345, G. Palgrave, ib.,
Mrs. Busk, ib., Jorgensen, 346,Hux-
ley, 349, 350 sq., 357-9, Tyndall,
349sgr., Jowett, ib., La Touche, 351 ;
historic fur coat, 351 ; microscopic
work and eyesight, 352, 466 ; on
blindness, 352 ; damage by fire
and sale of Wedgwoods, 354;
constitution like stoneware, 357 ;
ironclads and the old ships, 357 ;
hope and the young, 358 ; the
Ancient Mariner of the Antarctic,
362 ; would like to travel still, 363 ;
the Kelvin Jubilee, 363 sq. ; his
80th birthday, 364; his three
most impressive sights, 364 sq.

Father and son : the Lion Letters,
367-76 ; powers of walking, 370 ;
learning by heart, 370; love for
mathematics, 371 ; value of a
Journal, 372 ; the Him. Journal
useful to his eon, 374 ; ' a quiet
young man,' 374 ; dulness, the
secret of, 375 ; the best schooling
for subalterns, 375

Final botanical work (the Bal-
sams and Gazetteer sketch), 377-
401 ; revival of early interests,
382; invents a micrometer, 383
n. ; faculties in old age, 386,

546

INDEX

397, 401, 411 ; discoveries at
end of botanical career, 400 ;
aid to economic botany, 402-10 ;
advises West Indian governors,
406-7 ; personally tests W. Indian
fruit, 408-9 ; devotion to his
father's memory, 148, 382, 410,
430, 444, 473, 474

Position as botanist, 411-28 ; a
protagonist of evolution, 427 ; a
link between systematic and mor-
phological botany, 421-3 ; ahead
of his time, 422 ; his Biological
Philosophy, 423 sq. ; the greatest
exponent of Geographical Distri-
bution, 426 ; Japanese tribute to,
428 n. ; Linnean Gold Medal, and
speech in reply, 429 sq. ; ' More
Letters of Charles Darwin,' 382;
aids, 430 sq. ; dedicated to him,
431 sq. ; his own letters to Darwin,
431 ; delights in rereading Dar-
win's, t'6., formerly blind to their
full value, t6. ; Darwin statue at
Oxford, speech at unveiling, 432
sq. ; general reading, 434, and
book catalogues, t'6. ; Scott's first
voyage, 438 sq. ; work as doctor
on Erebus, 439, 457 ; vivid re-
collections of Antarctic scenes,
441 sq. ; influenza and visit to
Harrogate, 444, 451, and Weston,
444 ; his amazing knowledge of
the mosses, 446 ; his 85th birthday,
448 ; hie friends' gift, t'6. ; at the
Coronation, 448-51 ; his solace,
449; visits to Bexhill, 451, and
to York Minster on his 86th
birthday, t'6. ; suffers from eczema,
451 ; a curious point in education,
454 sq. ; early interests revived,
452-9 ; 461 ; a granddaughter
conies to live with him, 457 ;
health at eighty-nine, 46 ; in
statu quo, 462 ; valuables, t'6. ;
at ninety, his life, 463, and health,
466 ; receives Linnseus Medal and
O.M., 464; Addresses received,
464, 465 ; oldest living F.R.S., 465 ;
modesty about his share in the
Darwin-Wallace episode, 465 ;
O.M. portrait, 466 ; at the Darwin
centenary, 466-9 ; aspect of, 468
sq. ; Sikkim, changes in, 470 ;
his portrait gone, 471 (op. i. 280) ;
at Sidmouth : ships not in sight,

471 ; other visits, 472 ; a ' pilgrim-
age ' to him, 472 ; last days, 480 ;
memorials at Kew, 480, and West-
minster, 481 ; plants on the former,
481

Hooker, Joseph Symonds, Himalayan
picture, i. 287 n. ; letter from (on
rubber), ii. 6 ; early episode, 204 ;
education, 327, 369; the Lion
Letters, 367-76 ; on a plan for
retirement, 470

Hooker, Lady (Maria Turner), i.
3, 4 ; marriage, 10 ; influence on
her son, 15-16, 21 ; touches up
copies of his letters, 28, 65 ; 144 ; on
J. D. H.'s good sense, 166, and
capacity for warming to his work,
189 ; opposed to Sunday opening
of Kew, 377

ii. 68 ; illness, 131 ; tour in Nor-
mandy, 197

Letters from : Boyhood of her
sons, i. 22, 23, 24 ; their suc-
cesses, 27 ; 142 ; the Edinburgh
chair, 193

Letters to : General reading, i.
131 ; collecting in the Falklands,
132 ; Fuegia and Hermite Is.,
134-8 ; Cape Town, 147 sq. ;
healthy effect of the Antarctic,
152 ; Paris in 1845, 179 sq. ; work
with Hodgson, 248 ; Sikkim diffi-
culties, 251 sq. ; no danger, 265 ;
travels alone, 266 ; unwilling to
compromise the people, 294 ; mili-
tary service, 321 sq. ; release, 323 ;
a light touch, t'6. ; on standing
godfather, 323 n. ; Rhododendron
Book, 326; Calcutta Society,
330

The Greek Church, ii. 87 n. ;
Marocco, 92

Hooker, Maria (Mrs. McGilvray),
i. 18, 20; his confidante, 155

Letters to : Music, i. 153 ; their
brother's death, 156 ; Paris botan-
ists, 180 sq.

Hooker, Mary Harriette, i. 18, 20,
21, 154

Hooker, Minnie, death of, ii. 61 sq.,
63, 64 sq.

Hooker, Reginald Hawthorn, ii. 193,
196, 314 and note, 323,359; mathe-
matical faculty inherited, 366

Hooker, Richard, of Hurst Castle, i. 7

Hooker, Richard (the Judicious), i.

INDEX

547

7 ; statue at Exeter, 8 n. ; ii.
472 and note; visited, ib.

Hooker, Richard Symonds, his name
and skull, ii. 266 ; a budding doctor,
357, 457 and note ; reading with, 434

Hooker, Robert H., presents statue
of Richard Hooker to Exeter,
i. 8 ». ; ii. 472

Hooker, Thomas, Rev., founds the
American branch of the family,
i. 8 ; and American democracy,
ii. 323

Hooker, William Dawson, i. 18, 20 ;
delicacy, 20 ; boyish quickness,
21-23; tastes, 23, 25, 27; at
College, 22, 24, 25 ; his first book,
22 ; death, 154 sq.

Hooker, William Henslow, ii. 192, 196,
268 ; illness of, 430 ; sends an ivory
walking-stick, 462

Hooker, Sir W. J., position, scientific,
i. 3, and official, 37; birth, 8;
career and discoveries, 9 sq. ;
travel, 10; the Hooker-Turner-
Paget alliance, 10, 16, and with
D. Turner, 16 ; the brewery and
financial loss, 10 ; at Glasgow, 11 ;
his teaching and influence, 11-14,
136 ; botanical excursions, 13 ;
works, 14 sq., a parallel with his
son's, 15 ; personality and home
life, 20, cp. 67 ; K. H., 27 ; aid
to his son, 37, 38-40, 67, 68, 166,
176, 215, appreciated by J. D. H.,
220 ; criticises Erebus officers, 45,
67 ; botany and ' dissipation,'
zoological and other, 63 sq., 161,
262; collections, advice on, 64,
101, delight in good, 65, would like
to join in, 101 n. ; preliminary
account of Antarctic botany, 146 ;
advises shortening of Continental
trip, 178; friends in Paris, 180;
Herbarium and Library, more
useful than Brit. Mus., 192, as
gift to his son, 192, first offered to
Kew, 215; estimate of J. D. H.,
206 ; small aid from Govt., 210 ;
official residence offered, at a
price, 346, then freely, with a lien
on the Herbarium and Library,
346-7 ; modesty, though in need
of an Assistant, 349 ; unselfish
love of science, 376 ; opposed to
Sunday opening, 377 ; trustee of
Fielding Herbarium, 382; science

at Oxford, 383 ; grows careless as
editor, 411 ; claims overlooked,
418-20; identity of several species
of Juniper, 472

ii. 3, 10 sqq. ; his strenuous age,
45, character, 64; death, 47, 64,
67, account of, 68 ; his Library
and Herbarium, 47-8; portrait,
178 ; the Bot. Mag., 242 n. ;
natural inheritance from, 307 sq. ;
connexion with Jorgensen, 346-
7-S, 483, 484, 485, 486; visit
to Iceland, 347 and note; quotes
' Loves of the Plants ' in his
lectures, 354 ; Memoir of, 379-82 ;
originator of economic botany,
410; a maker of Kew, 417;
J. D. H.'s devotion to his memory,
148, 382, 410, 430, 444, 473, 474 ;
his systematic work, 421, and
its aim, ib. ; and the Linnean
Society, 430; works to the last,
444

Letters from : Botanical excur-
sion, i. 23 ; Latin : the Boy's Own
Book, 24; useful knowledge of
botany, 25; unprofitable travel,
25 ; College work, 27, 31 ; visit
to D. Turner, ib. ; Joseph's botani-
cal progress, 32 ; Antarctic, pre-
parations for, 38, 39, 40 ; officers
of the Erebus, 45 ; Fuegian collec-
tions, 139 ; prospect of succession,
166; J. D. H. strengthened by
the voyage, 168; (to D. T.) on
Joseph's engagement, 220

Letters to : Interview with
Ross, i. 41-44, with R. G. Com-
mission, 44 ; Govt. and Science,
45 ; medical duties, ib. ; work at
sea, 57, 60, 60-1 ; as naturalist de
facto, 68, 70 ; aid from Ross, 68
sq., 70; botany at sea, 71, 72;
no tedium, 73 ; St. Helena
plants, 71, unsatisfactory, 72 ;
uprooted seaweeds, 73 and note ;
Kerguelen's Land, its plants, 77,
78 ; affection for, 79 ; described,
100-4 ; the Falklands and Crypto-
gams, 79, and Geog. Distribution,
81 ; an Antarctic Flora, 82, and
local floras, ib. ; Antarctic mosses
and their grouping, 83 sq. ; Tas-
mania, 106, 107, 107 sq. ; first
Polar voyage, 109 sqq. and 110 n. ;
only marine zoology possible so

548

INDEX

far south, 113; Sydney and the
Macleays, 123 ; Antarctic ice,
127 ; botanical books, 131, 132 ;
botanical work at Falklands, 132 ;
Antarctic Cryptogams, 133 ; the
third voyage to the ice, 139 ;
chances of, ib. ; the Admiralty
rule and collections, 142, and his
drawings and letters, 142 sq.,
made known by Royal command,
144 sq. ; Boss' excess of secrecy,
145; his sister's illness, 156;
leaving Glasgow, 156 ; their com-
mon work, 157 ; forestalls possible
bad news, 157 ; hopes of Kew,
158 ; outdoor work, 160 ; mone-
tary aid, 160, 161 ; plans after
the voyage, 162 sq. ; the Naval
Service and botanical publica-
tions, 164 sq. ; botany and botan-
ists in Paris, 181 ; winter in
Holland, 187 ; Edinburgh, opening
lecture, 199 ; voyage to India,
223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 231,
232; Calcutta, 233, 234; garden
management, 236 ; Botanical
Geography, 236 n. ; collecting in
India, 237, previous bad work in,
238; an Aurora borealis, 239;
welcomed for his share in Ross'
voyage, 244 ; a laugh at himself,
245 ; Mrs. Campbell and a Rhodo-
dendron, 254; excursions from
Darjiling, 256 ; Darjiling rain, 259 ;
books sent, 260 ; botany first :
learns surveying, 262 ; plan of
exploration, 263 ; pressure on the
Rajah, 264, 265, 266 sq. ; compeUed
to travel alone, 265 sq. ; audience
with the Sikkim Vakeel, 266-73,
and prospects of success, ib. ;
interview with Rajah, 277 ; moun-
tain sickness and Rhododendrons,
279 ; portrait at Changachelling,
279 sq., ii. 471; no instruments
broken, i. 280; Rhododendron
seeds, 285 bis; Tayler and his
picture, 286; dog Kinchin, 288;
second trip : his men's confidence,
291; the Lamas friendly, ib.,
315, 317; overcomes obstruction,
292 sq., 296, by bluff, 297 sq. ;
Rhododendron shrub, 295; wins
over his opponents, ib., 298, 303 ;
Tibet and the snow-line, 300;
leeches, 300; botanical results,

301 ; scenery and open-air life,
302-3; Donkiah pass, 303 sq. ;
meets Campbell : high flora and
collections : boiling point observa-
tions in, 307 sq. ; into Tibet,
309-12; plots and character of
the Dewan, 314; the captivity,
315; Sikkim collections, 324 sq. •
more wonderful than Jorgensen,
325; loftiest known plants, 325;
Rhododendron book, 326 ; map of
Sikkim, 326, 327, and Himalayan
geography, 328 ; appreciation of
Thomson, ib. ; map of Khasia
Hills, 327 ; idea of a Flora Indica,
328 sq. ; advantages of Khasia
trip, 329, 330; the journey and
Dacca, 333 sq. ; Khasia Megaliths :
rainfall and flora, 335; comfort,
collections, and rainfall, 336 ; col-
lections, 337 ; rival collectors,
337 ; vast collections useless with-
out Govt. help : no personal pro-
fit sought, 338 sq. ; time, housing,
and salary needed, 340 sq.

Hopkins, Wm., i. 350 and note

Horn, Cape, i. 134, 135

Horner, Katharine, see Mrs. Lyell,
ii. 188 n., 200, 201 sq.

Horner, L., ii. 188 n. ; friendship
with, i. 207 ; in Phil. Club, ii. 134
n. ; ' Memoirs of,' 345

Horner, Mary, see Lady Lyell

Horner, Susan, ii. 79

Hookeria, i. 9, laetevirens, 26 n.

HorsfaU, should be Horsfield, Dr. T.,
i. 44 and note

Humboldt, Alexander, i. 48 and note,
49; influence on Darwin, 66;
on Geographical Distribution, 81,
178 ; visit to, 179, 180, 185, 197 ;
asks H. to write on Distribution
of Plants, 196 ; support of Indian
expedition, 218 ; the Obi as divid-
ing two botanical regions, 245 ;
Chimborazo climb eclipsed by
J. D. H., 303 ; and the Himalayas,
327; revisited, 435; and Geog.
Botany, 438

Underrated, ii. 127; value of his
work, 223, 225; founder of Geo-
graphical Distribution, 222, 426

Hunt, Robert, i. 208

Hutchins, Miss, i. 30

Huxley, T. H., i. 161 n. ; Darwin's
champion, 2 ; like J. D. H., at

INDEX

549

Haslar, 40 ; sea discipline, 161 (cp.
ii. 119) ; on Methods in Nat. Hist.,
393 ; similar ideas on lecturing, 401 ;
revolutionises biological teaching,
402 ; on geological evidence, 411
and note; edits Nat. Hist. Rev.,
413 ; Essay as curative after
trash, 426 ; criticises Cuvier on
necessary physiological correlations,
426 ; review of the ' Origin,' 514
and note ; at Oxford meeting, 1860,
521-7 (cp. ii. 302) ; on the Simian
brain, 521, 525 ; persuaded to stay,
523 ; retort to the Bishop, 524 and
note, 526 ; praises Hooker, 527 ; x
Club initiated by him, 538, account
of, 538 sq., 540, 541, old and new
members, 545 bis, minutes of,
538; Pres. Brit. Assoc., 541; rela-
tion to the Sunday League, 542,
543 ; on the Atom, 543 ; bacilli,
543 ; Sion House meeting, 544
and note

Edinburgh lecture, ii. 25 and
note ; on The Relations of Men to
the Lower Animals, 32 sq. ; his
style, 34 ; on Saltus, 38 ; ' Criti-
cisms on the Origin of Species,'
52; a question of frank explana-
tion, 53 ; anticlerical controversy,
66 ; among his sufficing friends,
68 ; example of self-support, 74 ;
apropos Darwin's Copley Medal,
75 ; checks Sabine, ib. ; trips with,
89; at Nottingham, 103, 105;
their seafaring life, 119 (cp. 265) ;
on Pangenesis, 109 sq. ; heavy
work, 125 ; on Kelvin's meteoric
theory of creation, 126 and note ;
metaphysics and science, 127 ;
metaphysics a relaxation to, 140 ;
' Mr. Darwin's Critics,' 128 sqq. ;
as Sec. R. S., 139 ; the ' godlike,'
141; view of knighthood, 148;
Science Primers, 151 ; lecture on
Animals as Automata, 158 ; aid
in Ayrton affair, 171 ; illness, his
friend's care, 183; travel with,
184-6, 474; visits to Kew, 194 ;
his biological course followed in
America, 208 ; close friendship
with, 262 sq., 309, 328, 348, 351
and note, 359; P.R.S., 263; a
' Salt ' and a ' Salter,' 265 ; agrees
about testimonials, 267 ; search for
the Urgentian, 296; desires his

settlement at Sunningdale, 297 ;
on Darwin's Barnacle work, 299 ;
contribution to Life of Darwin,
301 ; at the Oxford meeting,
1860, 302-4 ; R. S. obituary of
Darwin, 304-7 ;. suggested Primer
of Darwinism, 304 ; misses his
speeches at Oxford, 1894, Darwin
Medal and Nature dinners, 311,
312 ; enjoys his essays as ' pick
me ups,' 311, 328, 351 ; his ' Hume,'
319; his • Physiography,' 327, 434 ;
his mental powers, 328, 337 ; idea
of National Church and religion of
reason, 337 ; a greeting to, 340 ;
342; death, 359; on Atoms,
359 (cp. 112 and i. 543); describes
a cannibal market, 363 ; interest in
Buddhism, 433

Letters from : ' Creation by
cockshy,' 126 n. ; the Ayrton affair,
165 ; to Times in reply to Owen's
attack on Kew and J. D. H., 175
and note ; long friendship, 262 sq. •
mutual care, 351 n. ; the Nat.
Hist. Collections and Laodiceans
in science, 380; the Nat. Hist.
Review, 413 ; the x Club, 545 ;
the same, to Frankland, ib.

Letters to : A bonus from the
Admiralty, i. 348 ; science organi-
sation needed, 368 sq. ; the Nat.
Hist. Collections : Kew and Brit.
Mus., 380 sq. ; Examinations for
the Apoth. Co. Medal, 385, and for
the E.I.C., 386; Presidents for
learned Societies, 405; helter-
skelter science, 407 ; personal
success as joint-editors, 407; aid
for Linnean Journal, 411 ; the
Saturday Review, 412; the Nat.
Hist. Review, 414; the R. S.
Medal, 416 ; Braun's ' Rejuvenes-
cence,' 425; Cuvier on necessary
physiological correlations, 427 ;
housewife philosophy, 427 ; soli-
tary work : manual occupation,
428 ; insect pests from Kew ! 429 ;
cursed with a microscope, 430 ;
on taking life coolly, 536 bis

On WelmtscUa, ii. 24; on
Men and Monkeys, 33 ; on
standing godfather, 59; on Hen-
slow, 60 bis ; on Chance, Theism,
and Atheism, 67 ; on a National
Church, 67 ; instance of Govt.

550

INDEX

help to science, 82 ; the real source
of wealth, 96 ; on Mivart, 129 ;
acting as scientific referee, 144 ;
on knighthood, 149 ; boys' schools,
182 ; order of the Polar Star, 186,
187 ; death of his wife, 190 ; on
getting hipped, 198 ; Brit. Assoc.
Addresses, 232 ; Darwin's death
and obituary, 259 bis; heart
trouble, ib. ; the P.R.S., 263 sq. ;
Meteorological Soc., 264 ; pension,
268, 269-70; 'indolence,' 271;
Indian grasses, results, 284 ; the
Gentians, 296 bis, 297 ; Darwin
Obituary, 304, 305, 306 ; Copley
Medal, 307, 309 ; also awarded
to Huxley, 309 ; Oxford, 1894 : his
' pick me ups,' 311 ; Darwin
Medal and Nature banquets,
312 ; the ' Physiography ' for
each of his sons, 327 (cp. 434);
Strachey's lecture, 342 ; ' it is
dogged as does it,' 348 ; Owen's
Life : Descartes, 349 ; Tyndall's
death, 349; their first meeting
and mutual affection, 350, 351
and note ; last letter to, 357
Huxley, Mrs. T. H., at the Darwin
Centenary, ii. 469 and illustration

ICELAND, W. J. Hooker's voyage to,

i. 10; ii. 346 sq., 484
Icones Plantarum, i. 15, 22 ; aid for,

160 ; model for botanical work,

189, 255 ; publisher shirks, 370 ;

Bentham's legacy, ii. 275 ; work

on continued, 275, 280 sq., 401
Iddesleigh, Lord, ii. 268
Impatiens (see also Balsams) :

Bahamina, ii. 396

Gardneriana, ii. 395

Noli-me-tangere, type of, ii. 390

Eoylei, ii. 386, 397

scabrida, ii. 395

sulcata, ii. 383

tingens, ii. 395
Inayat Khan, as collector, ii. 387,

394, 396, 397

Incarnation, doctrine of the, ii. 337
* Index Kewensis, ii. 237-9; work on,

276, 299, 416 sq.

India, rainfall, Khasia Mts., i. 335, 337
Services to, long unrecognised,

ii. 145 sq. ; in the old days, 373 ;

inexhaustible interest of, 374 ; seen

again through his son's eyes, 374 ;
' India vera,' 390 sq. ; as parent of
old world vegetation, 392
Indian Botany, collections, i. 237 ;
in Sikkim, 256-60, 307 ; previous
bad work, 238 ; coal fossils, 239
sq. ; memorial on timber and
Materia Medica, 242 ; Khasia
collections, 335-9 ; relation to
Australian, 461 ; grasses, 459 ;
ii. 283-291

Useless collections, ii. 8, 240 ;
organisation of, 249 ; survey of,
for Imperial Gazetteer, 378 sq.,
388-94, 414, 423 ; existence of
an Indian type flora, 390 sq. ;
regions of, 394 ; slow progress
in, 398-400 ; love of, 399 ; no
scientific centre, 400 ; no repre-
sentative on Lhassa expedition,
400 ; his magnum opus, 414 ;
economic, 1 sq., 3, 4, 5, 402

Indian Government grudging aid
on voyage out, i. 218, 231

Indian officers, retired, i. 149

Indian soldiers, ii. 375, 449

Inglis, Mr. and Mrs. (of Churra), i.
336, 337

Inlander (sculptor), ii. 437

Insects, and islands, i. 439, 448, 449 ;
distribution of bees and legumi-
nosae, 452 sq. ; and plant migra-
tion, ii. 36, 233 ; and development
of phanerogams, 226

Instatu quo, a new rendering, ii. 462,
cp. i. 60

International College, ii. 182

International Medical Congress, ii.
224 and note

Invereck, i. 24, 157, ii. 355 sq.

Ionian Islands and English rule,
i. 529

Ipecacuanha, ii. 1

Ipswich, museum of types, arranged
by Henslow, i. 391

Ireland, botanical excursion of 1838,
i. 32-4, 35

Iris, Indian, ii. 282 bis, 283

Irving, Sir H., ii. 192 sq.

Ischia, volcanic warmth and tropical
plants, i. 447, cp. Azores, 443

Italy, visited, ii. 251-5

JACKSON, Dr. B. Daydon, ii. 38, 417
Jackson, William, i. 8, 9

INDEX

551

Jacobson, Rev. Wm., D.D., Bishop

of Chester, i. 18, 19
Jacobson, Mrs., see Turner, E. J.
Letter to : Elephants, i. 242
Jacquemont, ii. 16
Jamaica, tea, ii. 1 ; cinchona, 5 ;

rubber, 6 ; botanical aid to, 326,

404-10 ; governors of, and science,

405 bis, 406, 407

Jameson, Robert, ii. 200 and note
Jamieson, on the Glacial Period of

Scotland, ii. 70 and note
Jannu, view of, ii. 453
Japan, tribute to Hooker, ii. 428 n.
Jardine, Sir W., ii. 202 and note
Java, rubber in, ii. 6
Jeffreys, Prof. Gwyn, ii. 139 n.
Jenkin, Prof. H. 0. Fleeming, review

of Darwinism, ii. 83 and note
Jenkins, Colonel, i. 170, 337 and

note

Jephson, Dr., i. 21
Jermyn, Henry, ii. 486 and note
Jersey and Kerguelen's Land, i. 79
Jerusalem, i. 530 sq. ; Society for

Conversion of the Jews, 531 sq. ;

agricultural scheme, 532 sq.
Jesus, and the Buddhist tradition,

ii. 334-6, 433

Jewitt, L. F. W., ii. 353 n.
Joad, G. C., gift to Kew, ii. 246
Jodrell, T. Phillips, x Club guest,

i. 544 ; gifts to R. S., ii. 135, to

the Universities, ib., and Kew,

ib., 229, 231
Johnson, Dr., his style copied, i. 27 ;

ii. 337

Jones, H. Bence, ii. 330 and note
Jongri, i. 264, 265, 279
Jordan Hill, i. 37 ; visited, 38, ii. 203,

439 ; Arctic cape named after, 438
Jorgensen, Jorgen, i. 108 ; out-
done by Sikkim wonders', 325 ;

ii. 346, 347 and note, 348 ; history

of, 483-6

Journal, value of a, ii. 372
Journal, Antarctic, quoted, i. 53, 75,

76, 86, 87, 89-99, 121, 141, 151 ;

proposal to publish, 216
Jowett, B., ii. 349
Judd, Prof. J. W., ii. 473 n. ; in Phil.

Club, 134 n.

Letters to : His ' Coming of

Evolution,' ii. 474 ; his ' Student's

Lyell,' 475; first acquaintance

with Lyell, ib.

Jukes, J. B., i. 162 and note

Jung Bahadur, i. 254 ; meeting with,

329
Jungermanniae, i. 174 ; the British,

by W. J. Hooker, 9 ; drawings used

by Sir E. Fry, ii. 382, 473
Junipertis, ii. 214; variety of habit

in, i. 472, 475
Jussieu, Antoine and Adrien de,

i. 181 n. and 78 n. ; visit to, 186 ;

system of, 366, ii. 20, 415; on

Nelumbium, i. 423

KAISER WILHELM II., ii. 325 bis

Kanglanamo, i. 276

Kankola, i. 302

Keltie, J. Scott, ii. 259 and note

Kelvin, Lord, the meteoric origin of
life, ii. 126; personality of, 165;
jubilee of, 310, 363^4; as class-
mates, 364 and note, 464 n. ; and
his pupils, 364 ; receives the O.M.
as well as J. D. H., 464 n.

Kerguelen's Land, i. 6, 50 ; collection
at, 65 sq. ; ambition realised at,
66, 219 ; the ' Cabbage,' 74, 76-7 ;
scientific name, 78 n. ; flora of, 75,
76-9, 82, 100-3 ; underwater plant,
76 ; coal, 77 and note, 101 ; fossil
wood, ib. ; happiness at, 79 ;
latitude, comparable to Jersey,
79; visited and described, 99,

100 sq. ; gales, 100 ; Sir William
would like to join J. D. H. there,

101 n. ; Trilobite-like animal from,
122 ; compared with the Falk-
lands, 128 ; insects, 448

Flora, ii. 101 ; 138 ; fossil wood,
and Antarctic geology, 203
Kew, W. J. H. appointed to, i. 158 ;
national ideal of, and obstruction,
158-9 ; J. D. H. plans to aid, 159-
61 ; early work at, 168 sq. ;
arranges his father's Herbarium,
169, which is essential for work on
Fl. Ant., 192 ; cannot be privately
maintained, 182 ; remoteness in
1845, 209; Herbarium, gift of,
see Bentham, 377 sq. ; W. J. H.'s
first offer, with post for J. D. H.,
215; patronage, 215; link with,
through Indian trip, 217, 219;
hoped for development, 338 sq. ;
modest aid, 220 ; official residence
for the Director, 345 sq. ; and house

552

INDEX

for Herbarium and Library, on
terms, 347 ; relation to the
Hookers, 347 (cp. ii. 168 infra) ;
W. J. H.'s modesty and need of an
Assistant, 349 ; J. D. H. unable to
take a Crown house, 350 ; appointed
Assistant Director, 352 ; houses
occupied by J. D. H., 350, 352;
Herbarium, Thomson purposes in-
dexing, 356 ; Professorship and
lectures proposed, 376 sq. ; gardens
opened Sunday afternoon, 377 ;
Bentham'a Herbarium and Brit.
Mus. Collections, 377-382; status
of Kew Herbarium, 378

Desiccation at, ii. 7 ; relations
with other Botanical Gardens, 7 sq. ;
difficulties of cultivation at, 8 ;
stress during the sixties, 45 sqq. ; re-
adjustments after Sir W. Hooker's
death, 47 sqq., 81 sq. ; Hooker's
and Bentham's herbaria, &c., 47-
8; J. D. H.'s gift of the Gay
Herbarium, 48 ; early opening of,
81 ; Laboratory given by T. P.
Jodrell, 135 ; house obtained for
Assistant, 137 ; threatened by
Ayrton, 160-165; made by the
Hookers, 168, 171, 417, as botani-
cal centre, 418 ; their monument,
268; life at, described, 178-81;
a garden party, 240 sq. ; routine
of garden and correspondence,
179 ; burden of, 198 ; new Assis-
tant Director, 189, 198; the new
Herbarium and Library, 228 sq. ;
and physiological laboratory, 229 ;
gifts of George HI., 229; gifts of
Mr. Joad, 246 ; rock garden, ib. ;
Arboretum, under J. D. H., 246;
orchids, 246; Palm House, 246;
correspondent enlisted, 250 ; retire-
ment, prepares for, 232 sq., 241,
255 ; takes place, 266 sq. ; Ben-
tham's legacy, for the Icones PL,
275; aid to the Colonies, 236;
works at, after retirement, 348,
386 ; narrow escape from destruc-
tion, 381 ; lends drawings to Paris,
401. See also Economic Botany

Kew Bulletin, quoted, i. 361, ii.
378

Kew Journal of Botany, i. 131, 133,
146 ; aid for, 160 ; in Belgium,
187; 214; in danger, 370, 41 1 ; and
theLinnean, 410; 447

Khasia Mountains, i. 264 ; Thomson
joins, 291 ; ii. 285

Kinchin, the dog, i. 287 sq., 295, 301

Kinchinjunga, i. 257 ; works out
height, 263 ; 264, 265, 272, 276,
289 ; general view of group, 302,
304 ; cp. with Victoria Land, 305 ;
ascent of, ii. 265

King, Captain, i. 122

King, Rear-Admiral Philip P. (of
the Adventure, companion ship to
the Beagk), Fuegian plants, i. 437

King, Sir G., ii. 275 n.; 249, 280;
aid from, 393, 394 ; starts Annals
of Calcutta Gardens, 398 n.

Letter from : Cinchona in India,
ii.5

King Chambers, Mrs., ii. 349

Kinnordy, i. 24 ; inheritance of, ii.
202 ; 475

Kirby, William, i. 9 and note, 30 ; ii.
429 n.

Klein, Dr., x Club guest, i. 544

Klotzsch, S. J., i. 25 and note, 257 ;
species -making, 467, 468

Knatchbull-Hugessen, E. (Lord Bra-
bourne), Banks' Journal, ii. 312,
313 and note

Knighthood, ii. 132 ; the K. C.S.I,
and previous offers, 145-151 ;
an honour suggested during the
Ayrton affair, 148; the G.C.S.I.
and its insignia, 365 ; a safe re-
quired for these, 462

Koch, i. 435

Koenig, C. D. E., i. 351 and note

Kolliker, R. A. von, ii. 51 and note

Kongra Lama, i. 289, 292, 298, 303 ;
flora, 302, 304 ; second visit, 306

Kunth, C. S., ii. 284 and note, 289

LACHBN, 294, 296, 306 ; Phipun of,
294, 295 sq., 303 ; forms the
Teesta, 293, with the Lachoong,
301, 303, 306

Lacy, i. 106

Laing, ii. 13

Lamarck, ' effort ' cannot be predi-
cated in botany, i. 507

Lambert, A. B., ii. 429 n.

Lamborne, Dr., ii. 208 sq.

Laminaria, i. 73, 102

Langford, Captain, ii. 483

Langton, Mrs., and Wedgwood ware,
ii. 78 sq.

INDEX

553

Languages, i. 22, 28; French, i. 29,
ii. 85, 310, 327 ; German, i. 29, his
repartee to Darwin, ib. ; Greek, i.
22, 28 ; Hindustani, ii. 373, 374 ;
Latin, colloquial, ii. 327, 369;
value in botany, 369

Lankester, Sir E. Ray, lectures under
Huxley, i. 402 ; on Pachytheca, ii.
292

Lasaulx, A. von, ii. 186 and note

La Touche, Rev. J. D., on Pachytheca,
ii. 292 ; sends books to, 319, 328 ;
tutors his sons, 370

Letters to : Age and its burdens,
ii. 272; Index Kewensis, 276;
Indian grasses, confusion, 284 bis;
Pachytheca, 293, 294 ; avoids visit
to Paris, 310 ; local scientific
gatherings, 315; Field Clubs,
315-18 ; Darwin statue at Shrews-
bury, 318, 319, 320 ; Indian
geology, 320, 321; Sir W. L.
BuUer's pamphlet 322 ; Huxley's
powers, 328, 337 ; the School
Board and education, 328, 329 bis ;
religion in, 338 ; the classics, 330,
332 ; women's education, 331 ;
Chaldean inscriptions in London,

333 ; Buddhism and Christianity,

334 bis, 335 bis; mathematicians,
336 ; biology and religion of
reason, ib. ; Johnson and Boswell,
337 ; threatened blindness, 351,
352 ; W. Scotland, changes and
coincidences, 355 sq. ; glacial
geology, ib. ; Lord Kelvin as class-
mate, 364 and note, and his pupils,
364 ; West Indies and sugar, 403,
405

La Touche, T. D., Letter to : Sikkim

revisited, ii. 470

Laugel, Prof., x Club guest, i. 544
Laurineac, ii. 247, 267, 277 bis, 279
Lavoisier and the sansculottes, ii. 159
Law, his botanical work, ii. 394
Law of necessary correlation, ii. 123
Laws of Nature, unity in, ii. 37
Lebanon, Tibetan aspect of, i. 529;

the Cedars, ib., 534; botany of,

628, 534
Lecanora miniata, in Cockburn Is.

and highest Himalayas, i. 305. See

i. 55
Lecomte, contributions to his Flora

of Indo-China, ii. 378, 401
Lecturing, dislike of, ii. 193-4 ; over-

come, 199-201 ; at Swansea, 211 ;
proposed at Kew and Royal Insti-
tution, 376-7 ; scheme of botani-
cal, 400 sq.; freedom from, a con-
solation, 429 n.

Lee, Sir Sidney, ii. 452

Lefroy, Sir J. H., i. 93 ; ii. 343 and
note

Leguminosae, Australian, i. 446, 448 ;
of New Zealand and Chile, 445;
relation to bees, 452 sq. ; embryonic
development in, 451

Leidy, Prof., ii. 268

Leitgeb, ii. 420

Lemann, C. M., i. 384 n. ; his Her-
barium, 382, 384

Le Maout and Decaisne, translated
by Mrs. Hooker, ii. 190

Lenormand, i. 182

Lepchas, liking for, i. 256, 308, 317,
ii. 452 ; their food, i. 257 ; 258 ; de-
votion to him, 271 n., 280 ; one of
his servants survives to 1909, i.
272, illustration, ii. 471 n. ; dying
out, 470

Lepidodendron, ii. 422

Lepidostrobus, i. 214

Leschallas, Pi go", visit to, near Loch
Long, ii. 355

Lhassa, expedition, without a botan-
ist, ii. 400 ; telegram from, i. 275,
ii. 457

Liars, experts, etc., i. 541

Lichens, Portugal and Antarctica, i.
223 ; the same in Cockburn Is.
and Tibet, 55, 305 ; on Donkiah,
325

Lillie, ' Buddhism and Christianity,'
ii. 328, 334 sq.

Lindera, ii. 277

Lindley, John, i. 78 and note; on
the circular system, 84 ; hii
' Elements,' 132, and the grouping
of plants, ib. ; a ' touch ' from,
255 ; 381 ; his pamphlet on de-
scriptive botany alone a" good hand-
book, 389 ; 401 ; wanted on Linn.
Soc. Council, 408 ; edits Gardeners'
Chronicle, 412 ; botanical deserts,
417 ; on Nelumbium, 423 ; one-
sidedness, 424

Example of self-support, ii. 74 ;
portrait, 178 ; fossil botany, 295

Lindley, Nathaniel (Lord), i. 434 n.

Letter from : A trip to Germany
and the Paris Exhibition, i. 434 sq.
2 v

554

INDEX

Linnaea, a gift of, ii. 340

Linnaeus, his system, i. 78 n., ii. 20;
Lapland dress, i. 186 ; Life of, 303 ;
validity of species, 441 ; 471

Bentham compared with, ii. 260 ;
collections at Linn. Soc., 309; his
Genera Plantarum, 415 ; centenary,
Wedgwood cameos for, 437 ; unique
medal in Hooker's honour, 464

Linnean Society, should be a centre
for Nat. History, i. 369, 410;
reorganised, 407—9 ; the Journal,
409-12 ; Bentham and the Presi-
dency, 405 ; his connexion with,
407 ; rearrangement of the collec-
tion, 407, and of reports and biblio-
graphy, ib. sq. ; moves to Burlington
House, 409 ; services to science, ib. ;
' a gallant Society,' 411

Journals uncut, ii. 181 n. ;
refuses Presidency, 273 ; Darwin-
Wallace paper at the, 301 ; cen-
tenary, 309 sq. ; portrait painted
for, 341 ; the first Society he
joined, ii. 429; a gold medal
struck for Hooker, 429 ; speech on
his relation to the Society, ib.
(cp. 447) ; legacy to, 447

Lion, as nickname, ii. 6, 367

Lippold, Dr., i. 90 and note

Liriodendron, ii. 294

Litchfield, R. B., ii. 128

Litsaeacea, ii. 277

Little Campden House, i. 21

Lloyd, Colonel, i. 253

Lobb, Thomas, i. 337 and note

Lockyer, Sir Norman, ii. 311

Lombe, Mrs. (Elizabeth Hooker,
married Dr. Evans, who took the
name of Lombe), visit to, ii. 365 ;
death, 430

Loranthaceae, ii. 279

Lord Auckland Islands, i. 65, 66,
82, 109, 112, 122, 171, 173, 190

Loudon, J. C., i. 133 and note

Louis Philippe Land, i. 52, 53, 139

Lourdes, ii. 185

Lowe, Richard Thomas (?), ii. 100

Lowe, Robert (Lord Sherbrooke),
ii. 88 (see 85), 168

Lubbock, Sir J. (Lord Avebury), in
the x Club, i. 540, 541 bis ; stands
for Parliament, 542, 543

A question of priority, ii. 53 ;
is one of his sufficing friends, 68 ;
science and politics, 71, cp. 642

sq. ; apropos Darwin's Copley
Medal, 75; trip with, 89; at
Nottingham, 104 ; power to ap-
preciate Pangenesis, 110 ; lecture
at Belfast, 158 ; in Ayrton affair,
168, 169, 171, 175 ; speech in the
House, 176, 245

Letters to : ' Essays and Re-
views,' ii. 54, 55 ; Ayrton affair,
168, 169 ; Presidency of Linn.
Soc., 273

Lubbock, Lady, her judgment, ii.
104

Lubbock, Sir J. W., i. 43 and
note

Ludwig, Baron, i. 150 and note

Lushington, Mr., i. 321

Lyall, D., i. 77 and note, 164, 189 sq. ;
obituary, ii. 276 ; dedication to,
see under Fl. Antarctica ; portrait.
477

Lychnis viscaria, ii. 155

Lycopodium cernuum, and the Azores
hot springs, i. 443

Lyell, Arthur, on a second Lyell -
Turner-Hooker trip, ii. 196, 203,
cp. 341

Lyell, Chas (Senr.), i. 24 and note;
gives J. D. H. ' Voyage of the
Beagle,' 66, 136

Lyell, Mrs., gift to J. D. H., i.
24

Lyell, Sir C., Darwin's guide, i. 2,
25 ; friendship with, 207 ; his
Geology, discussed with Hodgson,
261 ; and a paradox, 450 ; views
first ridiculed, 484 ; overwork
checked by his wife, 489 ; ascribes
credit to H. for share in Darwinism,
502, 503 ; estimate of public
interest in the ' Origin,' 509 ;
delight in the ' Origin,' 510 ; some
criticisms, ib.

Gives geological aid, ii. 31 ; pub-
lishes the 'Antiquity of Man,' 31
(cp. i. 502) ; treatment and style,
33, 34; native caution, 54; a
question of priority, 52 sq. ; would
award Hooker the Copley, 76;
a social centre, 82 ; conversion to
mutability of species, 117; Phil.
Club, 134 n. ; seeks knighthood
for J. D. H., 146 sq., 148, 168;
aid in Ayrton affair, 168, 171;
death, 199 sq. ; affection for, ib. ;
inscription, 200 ; Life and Letters,

INDEX

555

201 aq. ; trip with the Dawson
Turners and W. J. Hooker
paralleled, 197, 203, cp. 341;
on distribution, 224 ; at the
reading of the Darwin-Wallace
paper, 301 ; friendship and in-
fluence, 345 ; the historic fur
coat, 351 ; 420 ; on Hooker's
Introduction to the Tasmanian
Flora, 424; the Student's Lyell,
475 ; first meeting with, 16. ;
took the 'Principles' (5th ed.) to
sea with him, t'6. ; his visit to
Dawson Turner, ib.

Letter to : E.I.C. examinations,
i. 387

Lyell, Col. Henry, ii. 188 n.

Lyell, Mrs. (see Katharine Homer),
friendship with, ii. 340 ; gift of
Linnaea, ib.

Letter to : The Turner tour, ii.
341 ; Memoirs of L. Homer, 345 ;
Jorgensen, 346 ; 348 ; his eightieth
birthday and G.C.S.I., 364 ; the
illuminated fleet, ib. ; a round of
visits : the new insignia, 365 ;
power of writing, 379 ; work at
Kew for successors, 444 ; his
birthday : Glasgow Univ. Jubilee :
Edinburgh and its Bot. Garden,
445 ; his friends' gift of a sundial,
448 ; Indian chiefs and soldiers,
449 ; the Coronation scene in the
Abbey, 450 sq. ; ' The Poet Gray
as Naturalist,' 456 ; Dr. Wilson's
Antarctic drawings, 457

Lyell, Lady (Mary Homer), ii. 188

Lyell, Miss, ii. 339

Letter to : The Queen's garden
party, ii. 340

Lyell, Rosamund, sends Alpines,
ii. 340

Letter to : The Engadine, 340

Lyellia, i. 24 ».

McCoBMiCK, R., i. 41 n. ; position,
i. 41, 42, 43 ; friendship, 44, 45 ;
is no artist, 63 ; leaves much to
H., 67-8; his claims, 70, 72,
and collections, 101 ; a mistake
and a practical joke, 104 ; at
Lady Franklin's, ii. 456

Macculloch, ii. 203

Mack, Mrs., i. 259

Macleay, Alexander, i. 9^and note,

121 aq. ; his garden at Sydney,

122 sq.

Macleay, Sir W., i. 83 n., 121 sq..

123 ; his quinary system, 83, 84,

Letters to : Burden of corre-
spondence, ii. 82 ; Address on
Insular Floras, 100 ; Mrs. Hooker's
presence, 120

McLelland, i. 234-6

MacNicholl, ii. 2

MacPherson, James, letter to, ii. 1

Macquarie Islands, i. 82

Macrae, James (fl. 1823-30), i. 169,
436

Mocrocystia, i. 73 n., 102, 122, 173

Madden, E., i. 468 and note,

Maddock, Sir H., i. 252, 272

Madeira, i. 87-91 ; rheumatic fever
at, 91 ; absence of Ophrys in, 448 ;
insects in, 448, 449

Moeander, H.M.S., i. 218

Magee, Bp., sermon at Norwich Brit.
Assoc., ii. 119

Mahogany, ii. 1

Malaxis paludosa, ii. Ill, 113

Malpighi, i. 423 ; microscopic work
of, ii. 352 and note, 419

Malthus, ii. 43

Manchester, Botanic Gardens visited,
i. 30

Manderstjerna, General, i. 17, 18 ;
ii. 86

Manigey, ii. 247

Mann, G., ii. 18, 28, 33 ; and the
' lions ' of the Geog. Soc., i. 406 n.

Markham, Sir Clements, ii. 1 n., 273 ;
Antarctic interest, 440

Marocco, expedition to, ii. 90-7,
fulfils early ambition, i. 6 ;
botany of, ii. 91, 94, results mainly
negative, 94 sq., 232 ; difficulties
and supposed objects, 93 ; expects
it to be his last expedition, 93 n. ;
book on, 95, 127, 231 aq., cost of,
96; expression of the people, 95:
economics of, 96

Marsh, Prof., x Club guest, i. 644

Martineau, J., ii. 305 n.

von Martius, i. 435, 450 and note ; ii. 84

Masson, Prof., x Club guest, i. 544 ;
fights the 'battle of the ladies.'
t'6.

Masters, M. T., i. 383 and note

Mathematicians and scientific theo-
ries, i. 425, ii. 126, 336

556

INDEX

Maule, Justice, on God addressing a,
blackbeetle, ii. 176

Maurice, F. D., ii. 305 n.

Mauritius, ii. 4 ; forests in, 7 ; Bot.
Garden, 10 sq. ; Herbarium re-
arranged, 11 sq.

Maw, George, companion in Marocco,
i. 6, ii. 90 sq. ; as botaniser, ii. 92 ;
gift from, 256

Letters to : The Ayrton regime,
ii. 177 ; America, 216, 217 ; work
at Kew, 239 ; release from official
trammels, 272

Mawson, Dr., i. 51

Maximovicz, ii. 248

Mechi River, i. 288 sq.

Medical service, i. 37, 38 ; 45, 67 ;
dislike of, ii. 439, 457 ; the Edin-
burgh diploma, 165 ; examinations,
see Examination

Medicine and botany, i. 13, s.v. Botany

Meepo (Sikkim guide), i. 290, 312

Mehemet Ali, i. 226 ; digs for coal,
227 ; visit to, 228 sq.

Meissner, ii. 278 and note, 415

Melbourne, Lord, i. 38 and note,
49

Meller, Dr., ii. 11

Melly, Mr., i. 30

Mental Parallax, ii. Ill

Menzies, A., i. 64 and note, ii. 429 n.

Mesembryanthemum, giant, ii. 475 sq.

Metaphysics and Science, ii. 117, 127 ;
the Glasgow philosophy course, i.
22 ; a relaxation to Huxley, 140 ;
J. H. D. cannot abide, 434

Metchnikoff, Dr., ii. 468 and note

Meteorological Society, ii. 264

Meyer, 0. A., i. 426, 472

Micrometer, invented by J. D. H.,
ii. 383 n.

Middlemiss, C. S., ii. 321 and note

Migration, aerial, i. 444, 447; S.
Australia, 446, 447 ; meridional
and East to West, 450 ; between
Europe and Australia, 460, 461 ;
discussed in Fl. Tasm., 507

Miller, i. 520 (probably Hugh Miller,
1802-56, geologist, a vehement
opponent of the 'Vestiges' on
theological grounds)

Mimosa albida, ii. 152

Minto, Lord, i. 170 ; dedication to,
see under Fl. Antarctica

Mirbel, C. F. B., i. 180 and note,
181

Mitchell, J., i. 156

Miquel, i. 188 bis ; validity of species,

441 ; ii. 247

Mitford, B., see Lord Redesdale
Mivart, St. George, attack on Darwin,

ii. 128 and note, 129-31
Moggridge, i. 211
Momay, i. 303, 306
Montagne, J. F. C., i. 84 n. ; the

circular system, 84; 173, 175;

appropriates drawing of Alga, 16.,

183, 184, 441

Montefiore, Sir Moses, i. 531
Monteiro, ii. 26
Monteith, Robt., i. 22
Montgomery, Rev. Mr., i. 88
Moody, Lieut., i. 129, 130 ; Colonel,

129
Morley, John (Lord), x Club guest,

i. 544

Mormons, ii. 210 sq.
Morpeth, Lord, i. 215, 218
Morphological botany, rise of, 419 ;

Hooker's share, 421 sq.
Morphological characters, ii. 121-3
Morris, Sir D., ii. 406 n. ; economic

botany in Indies, 406

Letters to : Jamaica oranges,

408, 409, bananas, 409 ; Report

of his Department, 410
Mosses, his father's work on, i. 9,

ii. 473-4; grouping of, i. 80, 83

sq. ; a discovery in Ireland, Hymen-

ostoma rutilans, 34 ; a born mus-

cologist, i. 3, 5 ; ii. 308 ; interest

in, i. 5, 15, 34, 75, 76, 83 ; in the

Falklands, 131, and Fuegia, 133,

138 ; his wide knowledge of, ii.

446
Motto, origin of Hooker's, ii. 309 ;

urged on his son, 369
Mountain plants, interest of, i. 65;

and protective hairs, 283
Mountain sickness, 279, 300, 308
Muir, Mr., at Madeira, i. 88 sq., 90
Miiller, the brothers, i. 249 and note,

263; 266, 274, 285
von Mueller, ii. 181
Mundella, A. J., speech at Wedgwood

Exhibition, ii. 360 and note
Munro, Colonel, i. 356 n., ii. 286;

sends many duplicates to, i. 466 ;

reduces species, 467 bis

Letters to : Monograph for Fl.

Ind., 356 ; Fl. Ind., first volume

completed : offer to E.I.C., 357

INDEX

557

sq. ; treatment by E.I.C., 358

Herberts, species, 468 ; on species

for Fl. N.Z. Introd., 469 ; reforms

nomenclature in Fl. Ind., 471 ;

return hoped for, ii. 16 ; action as

scientific referee, 143
Murchison, Dr. Charles, ii. 63 and

note
Murchison, Sir R. I., i. 186 and note ;

a 'lioniser,' 406

ii. 63, 68 ; seeks knighthood for

J. D. H., 146, 148 ; death, 199 ;

value of his labours, 203
Murray, Andrew, ii. 88, 100 n. ; an

extensionist, 100
Murray, John (the publisher), i. 173,

216, 535
Murray, Sir John, ii. 139 n. ; coral

reefs, 342
Museums, public galleries showing

series of types, as Ipswich, i. 391
Museums, St. Petersburg, ii. 87 ;

foreign, 88 ; Stockholm, 89 ; Copen-
hagen, 89
Musgrave, Sir A., ii. 407 n. ; economic

botany in Jamaica, 405, 407
Music, and the birds, i. 103, 107 ;

anthem at Norwich, ii. 119 ; Mozart

Festival, 156 ; at home, 192 ; in
Westminster Abbey, 451 ; silver
trumpets, ib.
Myristica, ii. 247, 279

NAGELI, on ' useful adaptations,' ii.

121 sqq. ; researches, 420
Namaqualand, ii. 250
Napoleon, tomb of, i. 98 sq.
Nares, Sir G., Polar Expedition, ii.

138 and note, 140 ; wheat seed and

cold, 234

Natural History Review, i. 413-4
Natural Theology, ii. 83, 114, 118
Nature, ii. 259 ; banquet to editor,

311 ; Huxley's speech at, 312
Navy, J. D. H.'s connexion with, i.

38-9 ; 161, 164 sq. ; ii. 119, 265,

357
Nees, C. G., i. 466 ; ii. 278 and note,

286

Nelson, Mr., i. 156
Nelson, Lord, his lost flag, i. 91
Nelumbium, ii. 152 ; Henslow'a para-
dox, i. 424-4
Nepal, aid from, i. 254, 266 sq. ;

guard, 269 sq., 273 ; offer to rescue,

329 ; project of another expedition

in, 329 ; inaccessibility of, ii. 399
Nepenthes, ii. 84; 154, 155, 156, 157,

422 ; on his memorial, 481
Neville, Lady Dorothy, 177
Newton, Sir Isaac, his chief faculty,

ii. 367, to be cultivated, ib., 370
New Zealand, i. 52, 66; botanical

opportunity, 64 ; clover and bees

in, 452 sq. • forests and a Govt.

grant, ii. 7 ; a field club, 318. See

also Floras, Colonial
Neyraudia, is a Triraphis, ii. 288
Niger expedition, i. 6, 37, 167. See

also s.v. Flora

Nimbo, the headman, i. 295, 319
Nimbo, in Burma, ii. 399
Norman, Sir W., ii. 404
Northampton, Marquis of, P.R.S., ii.

134 n.
Northcote, Sir S. See Lord Iddes-

leigh
Norton, C. E., 'The Poet Gray as a

Naturalist,' ii. 456

Norwich, personal and artistic con-
nexion with, i. 4, 5, 8 ; Museum,

i. 4. S.v. British Association
Novels, ii. 70, 71, 327 ; Mrs. Gaskell

and heredity, 366 ; Sir Walter

Scott, 459
Nuneham, ii. 191
Nyman, consulted, ii. 236

OAKELEY, i. 104, 142

Obi, as dividing botanical regions,
i. 245

Oceanic Islands, life on, noted, i. 96.
See also Floras, Insular

Oceanic transport of life, ii. 101

Oken, L., i. 207 n., 402, 426 ; ii. 50"w.

Old age, Darwin's consolation of, ii.
460 ; congratulations on, 466, 469

Oliver, Daniel, i. 391 ». ; his Ele-
mentary Lessons based on Henslow,
391 sq. ; aid for Nat. Hist. Review,
413 ; warns against overwork, 537
ii. 12 ; aid from, 26, 84 ; judgment
of, 29 ; new position, 49 ; one of
his inner circle, 68, cp. 471 sq. ;
as his lieutenant, 81 ; Flora of
Tropical Africa, 84; on Norwich
Address, 120 ; attire, 178 ; Hooker's
care for, 180 ; first meeting, 181 ;
a puzzling plant, 248 ; marvellous
knowledge, 278

INDEX

Letters to : Botanising in M&roc-
co, ii. 91 ; geology of W. Scotland,
203; American impressions, 211;
Tuscany, 252 ; botany and micro-
scopic botany, 279 ; Indian orchids,

281 ; on his narrow escape, 473
Oliver, F. W., ii. 180, 181 ; micro-
scopic botany, 279

Oncidium, ii. 123

Opinion, avowals of, ii. 54 ; cp.
Essays and Reviews ; Colenso

Oranges, ii. 403, 409 sq.

Orchids, early interest in, i. 25,
259

Cultivation of, ii. 8, 246 ; appre-
ciation of Darwin's book on, 26, 34,
36; natural hybrids, 34; must not
be beaten by, 105 ; in the Icones
PL, 281 ; observations needed, 281,

282 big, 283 ; difficulties, 283, but
child's-play compared with Balsams,
400

Order of Merit, dinner to members,
ii. 449 ; received, 464 ; as also by
Lord Kelvin, ib. n. ; his portrait
for Windsor, 466

Orders, foreign, acceptance of, ii.
88, 186 gq. ; Pour le Merite, 187 ;
given for his eighty-fifth birthday,
448 ; the title and insignia, ib.

Organ Mountains, i. 93

' Origin of Species,' L 2 ; effect of
book greater than private discus-
sion, 353 ; relation to the Tasma-
nian Essay, 353—4 ; exact know-
ledge of Geog. Distrib. first step
towards learning, 439 (cp. 474),
and theory which leaves an open
mind, 474; the making of the,
486—503 ; a crucial date in science,
486 ; is the history of a friendship,
»6. ; instant sale of, 509; effect of in
print, 510 ; not fully appreciated
in MS., ib. ; reviews of, 512-20 ;
Owen's description of, 513; effi-
cient cause and theology, 518 sq. ;
reception like that of every pro-
gression in science, 516

Banter of Darwin on his re-
reading, ii. 75 n. ; excluded from
award of Copley Medal, 75 ; J. D. H.
knows parts by heart, ii. 98;
ii. 98; meets Nageli's criticisms,
121 ; Duke of Argyll's objection,
124; as probable as that pokers
breed rabbits, 301

Ormerod, Miss Eleanor, Bot. Mag., ii
243 n.

Owen, Sir R., i. 207 n. ; acquaint-
ance with, 207 ; ' high ' and ; low '
types, 444 ; on the ' Origin,' 513 ;
in the Edinburgh Review, 514 and
note (513), 515 ; a transmutation
theory per salttu, 519 ; prompter
of Bishop Wilberforce, 520 ; at Ox-
ford, 1860, on the simian brain, 522
On Gryphosaurus, ii. 32 ; at Ox-
ford, 1860, 50 ; relation to Oken,
ii. 50 n. ; attack on Darwin through
Carpenter, ii. 50 sq. ; science and
religion, 56 ; ' law of necessary
correlation,' 123; 133; and the
Challenger collections. 139 ; inter-
vention, in Ayrton affair, 174 sq. ;
reply to, 175 n., and Wilberforce,
301, 302; Life of, Huxley's con-
tribution to, 349

Oxenham, John, i. 7

Oxford, associations with, i. 219;
botany at, 382 sq.

Oxford, Bishop of (Wilberforce),
Quarterly article, i. 520 and note ;
At Oxford, 1860, 521 ; speech, 523
tq., 526 ; ii. 302-4

Pachytheca, ii. 276, 291-4, 422

Paget family, alliance with the
Hookers, i. 10, 25 «.

Paget, Charles, i. 25 n,

Paget, Sir James, i. 25 n. ; his fellow
examiner, 386, 387

Aid against Ayrton, ii. 171 ;
visit to, 195 ; on plant diseases :
need of a vegetable pathologist for
Kew, 245 and note ; his death :
association with him, 443

Paget, Samuel, i. 10, 25 n.

Paisley, Mrs. (Sabina Smith of Jordan
Hill), i. 38, ii. 445 ; visit to, ib. ;
a childhood's friend, 461, 462 ; 471
Letters to, i. 38 ; early recollec-
tions, ii. 437 ; Scott's first expedi-
tion and the Erebus : Ross at
Jordan Hill, 438 sq., 439; con-
sulted as onlv survivor of Erebus,
439; a visit to her, 446; the
Coronation scene in the Abbey,
450 sq. ; his robes, 449 ; Lee's
Life of Queen Victoria, 452 ; Col.
Younghusband and Capt. Scott,
457 sq. ; health : Walter Scott's

INDEX

559

Letters and Novels, 459; his
eighty-ninth birthday, 461 sq.,
and her birthday, 462 n. ; his life
at ninety, 463 ; visit to London :
health : O.M. portrait, 466 ; the
Darwin Centenary, 468 ; visits
Pendock, 469 sq. ; a stick for Inglis
Palgrave, ib. ; Sikkim memories,
470; Sidmouth, 471 sq.; other
visits, 472
Palestine, botany of, i. 528, 534, ii.

18 ; journey to, i. 528-33
Paley, ii. 127

Palgrave family, i. 17, 18, 19
Palgrave, Sir F. (formerly Cohen),

i. 18, 19 ; ii. 341
Palgrave, Lady (Elizabeth Turner), i.

18, 19 ; ii. 197
Palgrave, F. T., i. 18, 19 ; story of

Ary Scheffer, ii. 72 ; poem, ' Reign

of Law,' quoted, ii. 119, 120

Letters to : Art in Edinburgh, i.

203, 204
Palgrave, Mary (married Dawson

Turner), i. 17, 18

Palgrave, Sir Reginald F. D., i. 18, 19
Palgrave, Sir R. H. Inglis, i. 18,

19 ; ii. 447 n. ; his friend and busi-
ness adviser, 447 ; the accolade and
a walking-stick, 470

Letters to : Life of W. J.
Hooker, ii. 381 ; Herbert Spencer,
454 ; modern education, ib.

Palgrave, William, i. 17

Palgrave, W. Gifford, i. 18, 19 ; ii.
345 n. ; funeral of, 346

Palms, a difficult task, ii. 245, 390,
400

Pangenesis, ii. 45, 109-113, 117 ; and
the primordial cell, 124; experi-
ment recording, 230

Panicum, i. 459 ; ii. 284, 285 ; sup-
posed blunder over, 289

Paper, for botanical use, i. 47, 71, 308

Papilionaceous flowers and herma-
phroditism, i. 452 ; N.Z. clover
and introduction of bees, ib.

Papyrus cultivation, ii. 1

Paradox, i. 424, 450 sq., cp. 479

Parallel Roads, s.v. Glenroy

Parasnath, i. 240 ; ii. 374

Paris, in 1845, i. 179 aq. ; Exhibition
of 1855, 434

Exposition of 1867, ii. 85, of
1878, 232 ; visited, 261 ; centen-
ary of Acad. dea Sciences, 310 ;

Herbarium, balsams in, 378, 401,

offer to, 401

Park, Mungo, story of, i. 6
Parker, Sir Wm., i. 45 and note
Parkes, E. A., his fellow examiner,

i. 387 and note
Parkin, ii. 22

Parlatore, F., i. 419 and note
Parrott, on Ararat, ii. 58 n.
Parry, Sir William, i. 15, 166
Parslow, i. 495
Patti, Mme., ii. 156
Payer, J. B., ii. 297 and note
Pearson, Dr. H. H. W., ii. 24 and

note

Letters to : Rediscovery of the

giant Mesembryanthemum, ii. 467 ;

proposed botanical garden at Cape

Town, ib.
Peel, Sir Laurence, i. 233 and note,

234; ii. 9
Peel, Sir Robert, and the Fl. Ant., i.

171

Pelargonium, ii. 233
Pendock, ii. 252 ; visited, 469, 472
Penny Magazine, i. 36
Pereira, Jonathan, i. 44 and note
Persecution of new opinions, ii. 301
Persia, Shah of, and Mr. Ayrton,

ii. 159 ; and plants from Kew, 19
Petrie, Flinders, on savages and

civilisation, ii. 362
Phari, i. 301

Pharmaceutical Society, ii. 282
Phelps, ii. 484

Phillipps, Mr., house at Kew, i. 352
Phillips, Prof. John, i. 514 n. ; 208,

512, 514, 515, 520
Phillips, W., on Pachytheca, ii. 292
Philosophical Club, R. S. reform

effected by, i. 407 ; ii. 134 n., 446
Phoenix, ii. 390, robusta, 400
Phosphorescence at sea, i. 57-8
Physiology and System, ii. 123
Phytogeography, the data of, ii.

389; reviewed in York Address,

426

Pinguicula, ii. 155
Pinus edulis, 215; monophylla, 214

sq. ; ponder osa, 215
Pinker, Mr. Hope, the Darwin statue

at Oxford, ii. 432
Piperaceae, ii. 247, 279
Pittonian Herbarium, ii. 48
Planchon, i. 29, 175 note, 236 n. ;

acuteness, 328, 423

560

INDEX

Plants, agree ill with their botani-
cal descriptions, i. 446 ; tropical,
survive in volcanically warmed
spots, 443, 447

Plants and animals, have they a
parallel development ? i. 464

Plants and insects, i. 12 ; ii. 36, 226 ;
a knowledge of, ii. 279, 280

Plants, local reappearance of, esp.
Stirling Castle, i. 440

Playfair, L., i. 208

Poo, ii. 286 and note, 287 ; difficulties,
288 sq.

Polar Exploration, under Nares, ii.
138 and note, 140 ; s.v. Antarctic,
ii. 273, 361 sq.

Polar Exhibition, contributes to, ii.
477, s.v. Scott, R. F.

Polar Star, Order of the, ii. 186 sq. ;

Polar origin of plants, 224, 226

Polaris, the, ii. 234

Politics, Anglo-American, ii. 39-45 ;
and Science, 71, 324 ; Hooker's
outlook, 315, 324, 338, 344 n. ; in
regard to the colonies, 326

Polygonum, ii. 247 ; Indian, 277, 279

Porto Praya, i. 92-4

Portsmouth, cost of coaching from
Newcastle, i. 32

' Potato and Point,' ii. 151

Poulton, Prof., gift of Darwin statue
to Oxford, ii. 432

Powell, Baden, i. 478 n. ; his style,
478 ; on Darwinism, 514

Prain, SirD., i. 275 n. ; telegram from
Tibet, i. 275, ii. 457; ed. Bot.
Mag., ii. 243 n. ; collects Sikkim
Balsams, 384, 387 ; discussion with,
388 ; his ' India vera,' 390 sq. ; on
the Gazetteer sketch, 393

Presl, ii. 421

Prestwich, Sir J., ii. 52

Primer, of Botany, ii. 151, 275; of
Darwinism, a suggested, 304

Prince Albert, and the Antarctic voy-
age, i. 62, 144; Ross writes to,
145; dedication to, of Fl. Ant.,
Pt. II., 171 ; might aid botany at
Oxford, 382

Prince Edward's Island, i. 83

Prince Henry of Portugal, his motto
adopted, ii. 309 and note

Princess Alice, ii. 86, 196

Princess of Wales (Alexandra), ii.
86

Pringlea antiscorbutica, i. 76 and note ;

seedlings, 77 ; development, 78 ;

origin of name, 78 n.
Priority, claims for, ii. 52 sqq. ; cp.

i. 499 7i., 501-2
Pritchard, Prof., attacks Norwich

Address, ii. 120
Progressive Development, see ' Higher

and Lower Types.'
Proteaceae (fossil), ii. 226
Protective colour changes, ii. 158
Protoplasm, vitality of, ii. 234
Providence, ii. 106, 265
Public duty, a tonic, ii. 198
Public speaking, physical repugnance

to, i. 29 sq., ii. 309
Pulmonaria angustifolia, i. 31
Pycnogon, i. 57

Quarterly Journal of Microscopical

Science, value of, i. 413
Quarterly Review, i. 520 ; ii. 128, 301,

302

Quentin, Sir G., house at Kew, i. 346
Quinary System, i. 83 and note
Quinine, ii. 5
Quetelet, L. A. J., i. 187 and note

RABAW, Mr., i. 337
Rasselas, the valley of, i. 93
Rawlinson, H. C., aid in Ayrton

affair, ii. 171

Ray, aim of a natural system, ii. 19
Ray Club, translations, i. 425
Rea, i. 128

Reade, J. MeUard, ii. 225
' Reader,' the, i. 541
Red Lion Club, i. 370 and note
Redesdale, Lord (B. Mitford), ii.

289 n., 430 ; on the Bamboos, 289
sqq. ; describes Lord Airlie, 372 ;
raises Indian Balsams, 383

Letters to : On the Bamboos :
readiness to admit error, ii. 289,

290 bis, 291 ; his sister's death,
430 ; Buddhism : general reading,
433 ; 434 ; Dartmouth and the
Britannia, 434 ; book catalogues,
434; Art: Bentham MSS., 435;
Sir J. Paget, 443 ; Rhododendrons
out of bloom, 444 ; Pour le Merite,
448; on his ninetieth birthday,
463 sq. ; old friendship : Linnaeus
Medal and O.M., 464

Reeks, T., i. 288 n.

INDEX

561

Reeve, Lovell (publisher of Fl. Ant. ,
&c.), i. 171; shirks botany, 370;
509 ; ii. 260

'Reign of Law,' by F. T. Palgrave,
ii. 119, 120 ; by the Duke of Argyll,

Reimers, i. 178

Religion, training in, i. 19 sq., 33,
46, 106 ; in State education, ii. 326
n., 338 ; of pure reason, 337 ; the
Greek Church in Russia, 87

Religious views, on standing god-
father, i. 323 n., ii. 59; liberal
and anticlerical, ii. 54-9, cp.
Henslow, 61, 66; and scien-
tific differences, 55 sq. ; the func-
tion of anthropomorphism, 113 ;
scripture chronology, 118 ; Natural
Theology, 118; 83, 114. See also
s.v. Providence

Renaissance, the new, i. 1

Reputation, scientific, how best to
attain, i. 56 ; indifference to
ordinary form of, 83

Rheumatic fever, attack of, i. 91

Reunion, ii. 11

Rhodes, 'superb,' i. 529

Rhododendron Book, i. 255, 325 n.,
326 and note ; appreciated, ib. ;
work on, 341 ; published, 355 ;
enquirers should read, 430 ; edits
Cathcart's, 355

Rhododendrons, i. 254, 256, 257 ;
seed, 285, 287 ; loftiest shrub, 325 ;
acclimatised, ii. 343 ; ' wearing the
willow,' 444; R. anthopogon, ii.
471, Campbelliae, i. 254, nivale,
described, 325 and note, Thomsoni,
on his memorials, ii. 481

Rich, Anthony, ii. 235

Richard, Achille, i. 160 and note, 423

Richardson, Sir John, i. 32 and note ;
description of, 34 ; helps J. D. H.
qualify for the Antarctic, 37, 38 ;
discriminating aid at Haslar, 39,
40 ; encourages H. 's zoological
work, 56 ; medallion of, ii. 477

Richardson, Lady, i. 32 n.

Letter from : Naval experience,
i. 152

Richmond, ' lackadaisical ' portrait
of J. D. H., ii. 72

Rigby, Edward, M.D., i. 17, 18;
family, 17, 18, 19

Rio de Janeiro, i. 53, 85, 93

Ripon, Lord, ii. 169

Roberts, Lord, ii. 373

Robertson, Archibald, i. 45 and note

Rodriguez, ii. 138

Romanes, G. J., at Kew, ii. 230 and
note, 231 ; Darwin obituary, 259

Rogers, Rev. W., i. 544 n.

Rome, ii. 252-3

Rosen, Robert and Theophile de,
marry Rigby sisters, i. 17, 18;
H. visits, ii. 86

Ross, Sir J. 0., i. 6 ; friendship with
the Hookers, 37-8, 67 ; ii. 439 bis ;
interview with, 41 sq. ; 44 ; Arctic
experience, 50 ; relations with
Wilkes and d'Urville, 51 sq. ;
Antarctic voyages, 52 ; discoveries,
54; and good fortune, ii. 362;
and his officers, i. 67 ; relations
with J. D. H., 67, 68-72, 101 bis ;
share in zoological work, 68, 69, 1 13 ;
magnetic, 99, 105 n. ; strictness,
106, relaxed, 125; view of the
collision, 126 ; his book, 85 ;
appreciated in India, 244; H.'s
contributions to, 86 n., 139, 171,
173, 245, a sort of humbug!
ib. ; impressed by the Barrier,
118 ; interest in prolonging the
expedition, 140 ; receives Geog.
Soc. Gold Medal, 141 ; keeps the
strict Admiralty rule about letters
and collections, 141 sq. ; mitiga-
tion of, 141 ; secrecy overreaches
itself, 145 ; his letter to Prince
Albert, 145 ; motto for, 146 ; H.'s
future career, 164 sq. ; dedication
to, of Fl. Ant., Pt. I., 171, q.v. ;
amends account of fossil tree, 172 ;
189

A fellow Linnean, ii. 429 ;
care as a navigator, 442 sq. ;
coldly received on his return, 443 ;
at Lady Franklin's, 456 ; portrait,
477

Letters to : Deep-sea life, i. 122
w. ; Antarctic notes, 172 ; the Geol.
Survey, and continuance of Fl.
Ant., 208 ; duties at, 209 ; India
and Fl. Ant., 216 sq.

Rosse, Earl of, i. 350, ii. 56

Roxburgh, i. 473, ii. 281, 283 and
note

Royal Companies' Islands, i. 83

Royal Society, speech at Anniversary,
1887, i. 3, 5 ; urges Antarctic ex-
ploration, i. 49; instructions to

562

INDEX

botanist, 44, 72 ; should be a
centred for *Nat.?Historians, 369 ;
grant for Harvey, 370 ; Proceed-
ings and Transactions, 407

Changes under J. D. H., ii. 133
sq., 134 n. ; fees and the Publica-
tion Fund, 135, 140; work of
the President, 136 sq. ; receptions,
141 sq. ; a ' great consolation,' 198 ;
legacy to, 447 ; deputation from,
on his ninetieth birthday, '^464 ;
the oldest living Fellow, 465

Royle, J. F., i. 44 and note, 468, 473 ;
ii. 286

Rubber cultivation, ii. 5 sq. ; Hooker
initiates, 5, 6

Rubus, i. 98, 455 ; ii. 214

Riicker, Sir A., *' Address to Modern
Languages Association, ii. 454

Russell, Lord John, i. 377

Rutherford, lectures under Huxley,
i. 402

SABINB, Sir'E., i. 15 and' note, 42;

urges Antarctic expedition, 49, 145
On Darwin's Copley Medal, ii. 75 ;

praise of, 127 ; as P.R.S., 133 ; a

K.C.B. vacant on his death, 149 sq.
Sabine, Mt., i. 116
Sachs, ii. 153 n., 229
Saharunpur, ii. 281, 397
St. Helena, i. 50, 53 ; collections at,

64, 77 ; vegetation destroyed, 95 ;

visit to, 97-9; distribution on,

97-8
Economic botany in, ii. 4 ; flora,

101, 233

St. Hilaire, A., i. 444 n.
St. Paul's Rocks, i. 83 ; visited, 95
St. Petersburg, i. 17 ; visits, ii. 85-9 ;

the Museum, 87
Salisburia, ii. 294 sq.
Salisbury, Lord, and the K.C.S.I.,

ii. 150 ; at Kew, 241 ; at Oxford,

1894, 311

Salter, Jas., ii. 234 and nole
Salters' Company, ii. 264 sq.
Saltus, i. 485, 519 ; ii. 38
Sandwich Islands, flora of, i. 438
Saporta, Count, ii. 224, 226
Sargent, Prof, (of Harvard), ii. 207,

212

Sarracenia, ii. 155, 156
Saturday Review, science in, i. 412 ;

its sobriquet, ib. note

Savage, James, i. 115
Scenery, appreciation of, in Belgium
and Stockholm, ii. 86 ; Italy, 252
sq. ; Jannu and the Matterhorn,
453

Scheffer, Ary, and his model, ii. 72
Schlagintweit, the brothers, ii. 146
Schleiden, i. 366, 402 ; distrust of,
422, 424 ; needs explanation, 426 ;
his morphological impulse, ii. 419,
421

Schmitz, Dr. Leonhard, ii. 182
Schomburgk, Sir R., i. 177 and note
Schools, science and literature, ii.
182 ; unexpectedly hampered by
modern self -education, 454-55
Science, unselfish love of, in Bentham,
W. J. Hooker, T. Thomson, as
in Faraday, Darwin, and Asa Gray,
i. 376

Science and Art Department, i. 379 n.;
and the Nat. Hist, collections, 379
Science : Organisation, need of, in
teaching and societies, i. 368 sq.;
botany failing, 370-3 ; improve-
ment, 374-6 ; in universities, 370 ;
authorities not in touch with Nat.
Hist., 379 ; through examinations,
385-390

Handbooks, i. 390-9, 401, to put
people on the right track, 390 ;
elementary teaching, 390, 392 ;
and lectures, 399 sq. ; change
effected by Huxley's Lectures to
Teachers, 402 ; progress depends
on observation, not reading, 390,
399 ; in the learned Societies,
405; suitable Presidents, 405;
lionising, 406 ; ' a seton upon
science,' 407 ; Linnean, 407 sq.

Journals, badly edited, 409,
should be concentrated, 410 ;
science in Saturday Review, 412,
and Nat. Hist. Review, 413-4;
charitable funds, 414 sq. ; medals
and recognitions, 415-20

And Politics, ii. 71 ; and self-
support, 74 ; and Society, 82 ;
and Metaphysics, 117, 127;
slighted by Government, 159-60,
324, 405; some exceptions, 406-
7 ; teaching, in schools, 182 ;
and testimonials, 184 and note ;
public and private aid to, 235;
and City Companies, 264 sq.,
and local clubs, &c., 315 sq.

INDEX

568

Sdotheimia Brownii, i. 123
Scotchmen, two classes of, ii. 53
Scotia, see Bruce, Dr.
Scotland, revisited, ii. 303, 311, 344,

355, 364, 445; no more, 466;

Highlands, a standard of the

picturesque, i. 87, 90, 94, 135 and

note, 281

Scott, Prof. D. H., letter to, ii. 455
Scott, John, ii. 3 and note
Scott, Capt. R. F., on Ross' voyage,

i. 54 ; on Cook, 55 ; starts from

Ross's discovery, 55
ii. 273, 382 ; first voyage planned,

438 and note ; visits J. D. H., 440,

458 ; sets off, 441 ; returns, ib. ;

last farewell to, 472

Letter from : J. D. H.'s com-
ments on his book, ii. 442

Letter to : The captive balloon,

ii. 440

Scrope, P., ii. 185 and note, 474
Sea-weeds, uprooted, i. 72, 73 and

note ; edible, on Kerguelen's Land,

79; abundance, 102; furthest

South, 111
Sedgwick, Adam, i. 478 n. ; his

style, i. 478 ; attacks the ' Origin,'

512 sq.., 515, 516, 520 ; retirement,

ii. 199
Seeds, dormant, i. 440 ; destruction

of and local distinct species, 460 ;

transport by sea, experiments,

493 sq. ; bright coloured : scientific

chaff, ii. 107 ; and cold, 234 ; how

to send from India, 8, 471
Seemann, i. 478
Selaginella, ii. 153
Senebiera, i. 442 sq.
Semper idem, a new rendering of,

i. 60, cp. in statu quo, ii. 462
Seward, Anna, i. 27
Seward, Prof., cited, i. 486, 521 ». ;

ii. 430, 432

Shackleton, Sir E., i. 55
Sheney, C., Letter from : A visit to

Glasgow Botanical Gardens in

1901, ii. 446
Shepherd's Purse, in the Falklands,

i. 129, and the Himalayas, 281
Shrewsbury, Darwin statue, ii. 318-

20

Shortridge, Mr., i. 88
Sidmouth, visited, ii. 471 sq., 472, 478
Sidon, H.M.S., i. 218, 223 ; described,

225

Siebold, P. F., 186 and note

Siemens, Sir W., liberality, ii. 136
and note

Sikkim, political situation, i. 251
sq., 264-72 ; the Dewan, interview
with, 276 sq. ; Rajah, interview
with, 277 ; Lamas and people
friendly, 291, 312, 315, 317, 322 ;
an atmosphere of lies, 317 ;
punishment of the Rajah, 320 ;
thrown over by Tibet, 322 ; H.'s
action approved by Lord Dal-
housie, 324

Plants from, ii. 8 ; how to send,
t'6. ; changes in, 470 sq. ; Rajah,
471 ; mines in, located from his
Journal, 471

Simmonds, C. E., mines in Sikkim,
ii. 471 and note

Simon, a collector, i. 337

Sims, Dr. John, ed. Bot. Mag., ii.
242 n.

Sinclair, Dr. Andrew, i. 452 ; dedica-
tion to, see under Flora Antarc-
tica

Letter from, i. 146

Singtam, i. 293 ; Soubah, obstructs ,
293, 296 ; bluffed, 297 ; becomes
a friend, 298; invalided, 301;
leave to return, 306 ; dismissed by
Campbell, 309 ; share in treachery,
312 sq.

Sion House Meeting, i. 544 and note

Sium, ii. 233

Skimmia, i. 258

Skye, geology of, ii. 203 ; visit to,
ib., 197

Slaves, market at Alexandria, i. 225

Smallpiece, Dr., ii. 441

Smith, Archibald, a motto for Ross,
i. 146 and note ; ii. 446, 461

Smith, A. J., of the Erebus, i. 142,
189 ; ii. 477

Smith, Isabella, i. 155 n.

Smith, James, i. 17, 18

Smith, James, of Jordan Hill, i. 38
and note ; ii. 355, 445, 461

Smith, Louisa, visited, ii. 203, 461

Smith, Sabina Clavering, see Mrs.
Paisley

Smith, John (II.), i. 468; Curator
ii. 46, 49, 81 ; in need of more aid,
82, 93 n.

Smith, Sir J. E. , i. 9 ; founder of Linn.
Soc.. ii. 309

Smith, Miss Matilda, i. 7, 18, 19;

564

INDEX

illustrates Bot. Mag., ii. 243 n.,
481 n. ; acknowledgments to, Pre-
face, vii

Smith, Kobertson, x Club guest,
i. 544

Smyrna, comfort of Europeans in-
ferior to India, i. 529

Snowdon, storm on, ii. 203

Solander, Dr., i. 10 n., 139 ; Wedg-
wood cameo of, ii. 437

' Solomon Grundy,' i. 197-8

Sender, O. W., i. 468 and note;
ii. 15

South Georgia, i. 83

South Shetlands, i. 53, 139

Spach, i. 472

Spain, botanising in, i. 433, ii. 91

SparshaU, Mr., i. 4

Species, on naming, i. 56, 83 ;
difficulties in Galapagos collections,
169, 443 ; first discoverers of, 173 ;
changes in nomenclature, 174, 190 ;
-making, 174 ; quot homines, 176 ;
and varieties, 190, 221 ; fixity of,
shaken by wide knowledge, 366-8,
abandoned in Tasmanian Essay,
353, 504-9 ; no common standard
of differentiation, 367, for peculiar
species, 438, 443, and varieties,
456; reduced by careful exami-
nation, 422 ; an argument for
reduction, 444 ; validity of, 441 ;
mundane, labour of establishing,
442 ; botanists differ as to, 443 ;
shaken to their foundations by
intermediates, 447, op. 449 ; are
very few, 447 ; Bentham begins
to ' lump,' 453 ; Decaisne also
follows H.'s lead, ib. ; objective
and subjective, 455, 478-9, 485;
personal idiosyncrasy in placing,
458, as new or varieties, ib., 467 ;
the two aims of systematists, 454 ;
a definition of, 466 ; in improving
classification H. reduces species,
466 sq. ; many specimens required
for determination, 466, but prove
many species to be varieties, 467
(cp. ii. 286) ; ' swimming in
synonymy,' ib. ; created by ex-
tinction of intermediates, 470, 505;
and habit, 472, 475; number of
known, 473; synonymy, 473;
domestic varieties ranked as, 474 ;
fixity of, and an open mind, ib.,
607, 508 «g. ; mutability of,

adopted in Tasmanian Essay, 481
sq. , 484 ; transitional forms not
found at once, 497 ; influence of
external conditions, 498 ; ' species '
the coin of science, 505 ; extent of
mutability, 506 ; centrifugal varia-
tion, ib. ; regulation of, ib. • rever-
sion, ib. ; bigoted idea of the term,
508 and note

Limits of, contrast between
Gray's and Hooker's manuals,
ii. 235, 236 n. ; merged by great
numbers of specimens, 286 (cp. i.
467) ; founded on single specimens,
397, 401 ; mutability of, 421 ; the
struggle over, 427 ; how regarded
by the two Hookers, 421 ; H.'s
view in relation to Darwin, 427

' Species Filicum,' work on, i. 169

Spence, William, i. 98 and note, 30 ;
ii. 429

Spencer, Herbert, i. 526 n. ; quoted
by Dr. Draper, 526 ; in the x
Club, 538, 539; metaphysics, 543 ;
the guardian of order, 543, 544 ;
' the battle of the ladies,' 544

Power to appreciate Pangenesis,
ii. 110; the unknowable, 119,
quoted, ib., 120 ; a forgotten
opinion, 194 ; scientific reason for
variation, 306 ; on acquired habits,
348; reads, 434; his works and
non-scientific readers, 454 ; his
educational ideas, ' for bachelors'
children,' ib.

Spottiswoode, W., i. 540 n. ; in the
* Club, i. 540, 541, 542, 545

A social centre, ii. 82, 192 ;
Magee's sermon, 119; liberality,
136; as Treas. R. S., 135, 139;
researches, 141 ; aid in Ayrton
affair, 171 ; Darwin's funeral, 259 ;
death while P.R.S., 263, i. 545

Sprengel, K., i. 131 and note

Stanley, Dean, ii. 56

Stanley, Lord, i. 174

Stapf, 0., ii. 286 and note, 287, 288
bis, 290

Steenbock, Count, ii. 188

Stephens, J. F. (1792-1852), F.L.S.,
i. 26. He published ' Illustrations
of British Entomology,' 1827-
37

Steuarts, early friends of J. D. H.,
i. 156

Steudel (cp. Index Kewensis), mul-

INDEX

565

implication of species, i. 467, 468 ;
ii. 237, 299, 417

Stewart, Balfour, ii. 330 and note

Stewart, J. L., ii. 17

Stigmaria, i. 214

Stocks, ii. 394

Stokes, Sir G. G., as Sec. R. S., ii.
139

Stone, F., Himalayan picture, i. 287
and note

Story, Dr., visit to, ii. 364

Strachey, Sir R., x Club guest, i. 544 ;
compliment to J. D. H. and Darwin,
ii. 133 ; joins American trip with
Mrs. Strachey, 206 sq., 215 ; Ku-
maon plant, 248, flora, 387 ; his
travels, 266 ; geography lecture,
342

Strickland, H. E., ii. 291 and note

Stylidium, phytogeographical im-
portance, ii. 389 ; uliginosum, an
Australian type in India, 390

Suarez, ii. 129

Suffield, Lord, quoted, ii. 159

Sugar-question in the West Indies,
403-5

Sullivan, Cornelius, i. 115 sq.

Suminski, ii. 420

Sunningdale, The Camp, ii. 256, 267

Swartz, Olaf (1760-1818), memoir
and portrait in Hk. Journ. Bot.,
1842, i. 160

Sweet potatoes, ii. 409

Switzerland, i. 431 sq.

Sydney, i. 50, 53, 66, 120-3 ; opening
at, 177

Symonds, Hyacinth, ii. 85, 196. See
Lady Hooker

Symonds, Rev. W. S., ii. 202 and
note, 203; health, 261; Pachy-
theca, 292; death, 342; historic
fur coat, 351 ; powers inherited
from, 366

Synonymy, i. 467 ; ii. 280, 299, 383,
395, 473. See also Species

Syria and Palestine, botany of, ii. 18

System, circular, 84, 122, 132 ; nat-
ural, basis of, 84, 366, hampered,
ib. ; Lindley's, 132, theory and
practice, ib. ; quinary, i. 83 and
note, 84, 123 ; in Gen. Plant., ii.
19, 419

Systematic work, finally shakes
doctrine of fixity of species, i. 367 ;
the old style, exemplified by Heer,
402 ; the two aims of, 454 ; rarely

combined with generalising power,
465 ; common effect on the mind,
508 and note

Not much helped by Physiology,
ii. 123 ; value of, as shown by
Darwin's work on the Barnacles,
299; discussed, 413 sq., 420; con-
trasted with his father's, 421

TAIT, Archbp., at Kew, ii. 241
Tait, P. G., personality of, ii. 155

and note
Talbot, W. A., ii. 389 n.

Letter to : His Bombay Flora,

Tallum, i. 296-7

Tambur, R., i. 276

Tasmania, early work on its botany,

i. 40 ; 50 ; 53 ; 65 sq. ; description

of, in 1840, 105-8 ; fossil tree, 172

(s.v. Dr. Arber)
Tayler, Frederick, i. 286 n.
Tayler, William, i. 286 and note, 287 ;

picture of J. D. H., 286
Taylor, Mrs. Walford, i. 21
Tchebu Lama, i. 292, 296; joins

second expedition together with

Campbell, 306 ; aid from, 310, 311
Tea, in Madeira, i. 88 sq. ; in India,

and Lord Dalhousie, 232
Cultivation of, ii. 1 ; book on,

dedicated to J. D. H., ib.
Tectona, ii. 390
Teed, Mrs., i. 21
Teleology in Nature, i. 77, 103
Teesta, R., i. 289 ; its branches, 293
Temple, Sir R., ii. 266
Teneriffe, visited, i. 91
Terai, visited, i. 288 sq.
Terminology, need of accurate, i.

393 sq., 397 sq., 400, 479. See

also Botanical names
Terror, H.M.S., described, i. 50, 97 ;

storm and fire, 125; 137; 'a

heavy sailer,' 146
Terror, Mt., former amount of ice

on, ii. 480
Testimonials, ii. 184 n. ; dislike of,

267

The Club, ii. 243, 343
Theories, which forbid the progress

of enquiry, i. 474, 507
Thirkettle, Elizabeth, i. 17, 18
Thompson, Sir E. Maude, ii. 333,

435

566

INDEX

Thomson, Sir C. Wyvffle, ii. 139 and
note

Thomson, Gideon, i. 233

Thomson, James, distaste for his
poetry, i. 29

Thomson, Sir J. W., see Lord
Kelvin

Thomson, Thomas, i. 31 and note,
35 ; early friendship, 156 ; his
brother, 212 ; unable to join second
Himalayan trip, 291 ; joins for
Khasia trip, 319 ; aid to, 321 ;
astonished by Sikkim collections,
324 ; helps complete them, ib. ;
similar views on Himalayan geo-
graphy, 328 ; delight in his com-
panionship, »6. ; his similar ex-
periences, ib. ; his early collections
given to India House, 338 ;
material for the Fl. Indica, 355 ;
' Travels,' t&. ; provides for one
volume of Fl. Ind., 355 ; scale of
work, ib. ; subsidiary monographs,
361 ; illness interferes with work,
357, 359 ; proposes indexing Kew
Herbarium, 356 ; return to
India, 356, 358 ; joint work on
' Praecursores ad Fl. Ind.,' 359;
reluctance to publish preliminary
work, 372 ; pure love of science,
376; at Linn. Soc., 407; Ne-
lumbium, 423; on Berberis, 469;
' shaken ' by the ' Origin,' 520

ii. 3, 9 ; and Fl. Indica, 12, 15,
275, 280 ; illness, 15, 16 ; one of
his inner circle, 68; aid in 1865,
69 ; on Norwich Address, 120 ;
descriptions, 247 ; as traveller,
266; 286

Thoresby, Major, i. 263

Thuillier, Captain, i. 263, 327

Thurber, Dr., ii. 211

Thwaites, G. H. K., i. 359 and note,
470 and note ; an^early variationist,
484J; acceptance of the ' Origin,'
619, 520

Tibet, mission of 1847, i. 216, of
1903, telegram from, 275, ii. 457 ;
Turner's 'Travels in,' i. 219;
early ambition to visit, 219 ;
hope deferred, 264 ; seen, 276 ;
303 sq. ; like Egyptian desert,
304 ; entered, 289, 298, 299, 300,
301 sq. ; lichen common to Antarc-
tica, 305 ; a ' round tour ' through,
306, 309 sq.

Tierra del Fuego, i. 53 ; contrasted
with Falklands, 81

Titalya, i. 289

Tobacco, in St. Helena, ii. 4 ; Natal,
5; Jamaica, 403, 406 sq.

Todleben, General, ii. 86

Tollemache, Mr., x Club guest, i.
544

Tonglo, excursion to, i. 257 ; height
worked out, 263, 280

Torrey, J., i. 399 and note

Tournefort, ii. 223

Townshend, Mr., translation of
Tacitus, ii. 330

Transport, aerial, i. 444, 447 ; by ice-
bergs, 450 ; seeds and sea, experi-
ments, 494

Travel, early ambitions,!. 6, realised,
66

Travel, love of camping, i. 303 ;
prefers camp or sea life, ii. 80, 89,
210 ; less enjoyed at fifty-three in
Marocco, 93 n. ; the Rocky Mts.
at sixty, 206 ; impossible at eighty,
363 ; compared with Darwin and
Wallace, 412 ; effect of, 414

Travelling, cost of, in 1838, i. 32

Trecul, i. 423, 424

Trigonocarpon, i. 214, ii. 295

Trilobite, animal like, from Ker-
guelen's Land, i. 122

Trimen, i. 360 ; ii. 288, 377, 383, 414

Trinidad (off Brazil), visited, i. 95-6 ;
vegetation destroyed, t'6.

Trinidad (W. Indies), cinchona in, ii.
3, rubber, 6

Tristan d'Acunha, i. 83 ; flora, ii. 234

Tropical cooling, i. 449 sq., 460 ; and
migration, ii. 28 sq.

Tropical climate not necessarily asso-
ciated with huge animals, 322

Tropical plants and volcanically
heated localities in Europe, i. 443,
447

Trotter, Rear-Admiral H. D., i. 37
and note (cp. 167), 189

Tumloong, i. 312

Tungu, i. 297 bis, 298, 299, 300

Tunkra-la, i. 301, 302

Turnbull, Miss, i. 5

Turner, family and connexions, i.
16, 17, 18, 19

Turner, Dawson, of Yarmouth, i. 4 ;
his pictures, 4, 17, 63 ; wide range,
7, 16 ; as botanist, 7 ; works, 9,
17 n. ; business, 10, and personal

INDEX

567

alliance with W. J.:H., 16 ; educa-
tion and career, 17 ; marries Mary
Palgrave, 17 ; visited by J. D. H. ,
who revises his herbarium, 30 sq. ;
F.L.S., 171 ; literary aid, ifc.;;
advice as to Edinburgh, 193

The Lyell-Hooker trip, repeated,
ii. 197, 203, 341 ; inheritance from,
307 sq. ; preserves Banks' Journal,
312 sq. ; W. J. Hooker's devotion
to, 381 ; efforts on behalf of his
son, ib. ; some of his pictures in
the Wallace Collection, 435 ; litho-
graphs of his collection, ib.

Letters to (from Sir W. and Lady
Hooker) : The boys' education,
i. 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 32 ; Antarctic,
38, 39, 40

(From J. D. H.): i. 38; Ant-
arctic Journal, aid in preparing,
141 ; A. Braun, 177 ; payment for
Edinburgh lectures, 192 ; lecturing,
physical drawback to, 194, 195;
prospect of a Scotch professorship,
195 sq. ; Geol. Survey work, 210,
and Swansea lecture, 211 ; patron-
age at K.ew, 215 ; H.'s engagement,
219 sq. ; successes due to his
father, 221

Turner, Dawson, Mrs. (Mary Pal-
grave), i. 18, 19

Turner, Dawson William,!. 18, 19, 24

Turner, Dawson W., Mrs., i. 18, ii.
190

Turner, Eleanor Jane (Mrs. Jacob-
eon), i. 18, 19
Letter to : i. 242

Turner, Elizabeth (Lady Palgrave),
ii. 197

Turner, Elizabeth (Cotrnan), mother
of Dawson Turner, i. 9, 16, 17

Turner, Elizabeth (daughter of Daw-
son Turner), see Palgrave, Lady

Turner, Gurney, i. 18, 19, 23, 24,
216 ; death of, 288

Turner, Hannah Sarah, see Bright-
wen, Mrs.

Turner, Harriet, Miss, see Gunn, Mrs.

Turner, Maria, see Lady Hooker

Turner, Mary Anne, i. 18

Letters to : His tastes, i. 28 ;
drawings, Antarctic, 62

Turner, Samuel, ' Travels in Tibet,' i.
219

Tussock grass, i. 129, 130 n.

Tyndall, John, i. 539 n. ; reminis-

cences of, 538 sq., 542 ; in the
x Club, 539, 540, 542, 543 bis

Example of self-support, ii. 74;
at Nottingham, advice, 104 ; ' un-
conscious merit ' of J. D. H. and
Darwin, 119 bis; on Magee's
sermon, ib. ; on atoms, 112, 359;
science primers, 151 ; Pres. Brit.
Assoc. at Belfast, 158; aid in
Ayrton affair, 171 and note ; shares
gift to Huxley, 184; Order of
Polar Star, 186 sq. ; visits to Kew,
&c., 194, 195 ; at Kew Laboratory,
230; boys and scientific experi-
ments, 330 ; death, 349 sq. ; his
character, ib. ; memorial article
on, 350; the Parallel Roads of
Glenroy, 355

Viva crispa, i. 140
Unbelief and a-belief, ii. 126
Unger, F., ii. 100 n
Umformitarianism, limits of, ii. 293
Upsala, visited, ii. 89 ; Linnean

centenary, 437
Urticeae, ii. 280

Vaccinium, esp. V. Myrtittus, ii. 214

Vancouver, G., i. 64 and note

Van Diemen's Land, see Tasmania

Van Houtte, i. 187

Variation, of the same plants in
different countries, i. 451 ; experi-
ments in inducing, 452 ; of large
and small genera, botanists' idio-
syncrasies, 454-8, 497 ; no definite
standard in treating, 456 ; how to
be illustrated in Fl. Indies, ib. ;
centrifugal, 506, regulation of, ib.

Causes of, ii. 304; Spencer on,
306

Varieties, domestic, and rank as
species, i. 474

Veitch, Mr., plants tea in Madeira,
i. 88 sq.

Venus, Transit of, ii. 138

Verney, Sir Harry, visit to, ii. 344 n.

Victoria, Queen, and the Antarctic
expedition, i. 144 ; dedication to,
see under Fl. Antarctica; investi-
ture of G.C.S.I., ii. 340 ; Sir S.
Lee's Life of, 452

Victoria regia, i. 326 and note ; ii. 181

Vienna, Herbarium, ii. 397

Vilmorin, and variation, i. 506 ; ii. 8

568

INDEX

Vincent, George, i. 8 and note; ar-
tistic heritage, 9 ; picture, ii. 341,
435

Vincent, Lydia, grandmother of
J. D. H., i. 8

Vivisection, ii. 142 and note

Von Mohl, ii. 419, 420

Vowell, original stock of the Hookers,
i. 7

WAHL, Dr. 0. G. de, i. 17, 18 ; ii.

86
Walking, feats in, i. 27, ii. 370 ; and

his father's health, 159
Wallace, A. R., i. 354 n. ; disclaims
priority, 499 n.

On proclaiming opinions, ii. 54;
an extensionist, 100 ; evolution of
man, 124, and Huxley's criticism,
130 and note ; long permanence of
present continents and oceans,
224; his spiritualism, 244; work
on Australian flora, t'6. ; the Dar-
win-Wallace paper, 300 sq. • as
geographer, 412

Letters to : His autobiography,
ii. 459 ; Bates' ' Amazon' : muta-
tions : work on the Balsams :
Darwin's consolation for old age,
ib.

Wallace Collection, includes pictures
from Dawson Turner's collection,
i. 4, ii. 435

Waflanchoon, i. 276 ; temple, 282

Wallich, N., i. 221 and note, 235,
255 ; offers help towards Indian
Flora, 339 ; collections distributed,
361, a set for Kew, t'6., and Calcutta,
t'6., and French Academy, 419;
npecies-making, 468 ; synonymy,
473

Herbarium, ii. 17, distributed,
280; 378, 383, 385, 386, 395

Letter to : Support needed for
Flora Indica, i. 339

Ward, N. B., i. 47 ». ; 212; his
botanical cases, i. 47, 338, ii. 8

Warming, Prof., and Ecology, ii.
425

Washington, Rear-Admiral, i. 348
and note, 528, 530

Watch, his father's gift, i. 46 and
note ; in Sikkim, 263 ; another, a
legacy from Brown, ib.

Waterhouse, G. B., i. 462 and note

Watson, H. C., work consulted

ii. 236 n.

Watts, W. W., i. 214 bit
Waugh, Sir A. S., i. 252 and note
Wealth, the real source of, ii. 96
Webb, P. B., i. 185 and note
Webb and Berthelot, i. 67, 87
Webster, surgeon of the Chanticleer,

i. 83, 133, and note
Weddell, Hugh A., i. 362, 458
Weddell, James, i. 47 and note, 51,

61 ; his ship, 116, 127, 140
Wedderburn, Sir W., ii. 402
Wedgwood ware, and medallions, ii.
77-9, 178, 267; and Mr. Glad-
stone, 79, 133 ; the Nelumbium
pattern and Dr. Darwin, 353 sq. ;
set purchased by W. E. Darwin,
354; Exhibitions, 359; 436;
medallions, 359 ; craftsmanship,
ib. ; genius of, how best shown,
436 ; as wedding presents, 436 ;
historical value of, ib. ; cameos of
Herschel, 436 sq., and of Linnaeus
and his circle, 437, and of Swedish
sovereigns, t'6.
Wellington, on getting 10,000 men

out of Hyde Park, 375
Welwitsch, Dr., ii. 422
Welwitschia mirabilis, ii. 18, 23-6 ;
Hooker's ' Barnacles,' 24 ; 244,
422
West, Sir Algernon, ii. 166, 168-9 ; on

Hooker and Ayrton, 177
West Indies, economic botany in,

ii. 5. See also Jamaica
Weston-super-Mare, ii. 444
Wharton, Admiral, ii. 312, 458
Whately, Archbp., review of the

' Origin,' i. 512, 515, 516
Wheatstone, Sir Charles, i. 239 and

note
Whewell, W., i. 478 n. ; hia style, i.

478

White, Gilbert, of Selborne, ii. 456
Whitworth, Sir J., liberality, ii. 136

and note
Wickham, H. A., ii. 6

Letter from, on rubber industry,
.

Wight, R., i. 367 and note; collec-
tions, ii. 9, 16; Herbarium, ii. 12,
16, 394

Wilkes, Lieut. C., i. 51 and note, 52
Williams, Geol. Survey, India, i. 237 ;
death, 288 n.

INDEX

569

Wilmot, Lieut. Eardley, i. 93 and note
Wilson, Dr. E. A., ii/440 ; as artist,

457 ; visits J. D. H., ib.
Wilson, W., i. 30 and note ; visit to,

221

Winchester, Mr., i. 261
Winter botham, ii. 248
Winter's Bark, range of, i. 437
Wise, Dr. T. A., i. 333 and note
Witham, ii. 412
Wittrock, Prof., ii. 437
Woliaston, i. 448 n. ; argument

against Atlantis theory, i. 448 ; an

extensionist, ii. 100
Womr.n, as strong as a (Darwin's

saying, quoted), ii. 120
Wood, Sir Charles (Lord Halifax), i.

386 and note, 387 ; ii. 15, 169
Work and play, ii. 245, 272
Wray, i. 128
Wright, Dr. P., ..413

Letter to : Bad botanical re-
views, i. 413
Wright, Wm., i. 65 and note

x CLUB, i. 538-546 ; origin of the
name, 538 ; x's + yv's, 539, ii. 158 ;

the members, i. 539 ; all but one
belong to Royal Society, 538 ;
their distinctions and range, 540 ;
conversation, 541-4, ii. 358 ;
guests, i. 544 ; duration, 545 ;
suggestion of new members, ib. ;
end, 546, ii. 350 ; 108, 345

YARMOUTH, home of D. Turner, i. 4
Yew, the Irish, i. 440 ; one species

or many, 475 ; varying habit of,

ib.

Youmans, Dr., x Club guest, i. 544
Young, Brigham, ii. 210
Young, General, i. 321, 326
Young of Kelly, ii. 135
Younghusband, Colonel, visit from,

ii. 457 ; sees his Tibetan telegram,

ib. (cp. i. 275)

ZANZIBAR, rubber in, ii. 6
Zemu (Samdong), i. 294 sq., 296
Zoological work, i. 55-60, 67-70, 122 ;
collections wasted, 56 ; Antarctic
diatoms, 55-6, 58-60 ; deep-sea
life, 122 and note

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