ITS)

GETTYSB

AND FIRST AND SECO1 INAUGURAL ADD

ICO I 10 I

!LO I

ICO I

I

10 I

i

Presented to the LIBRARY of the

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

by

Dr. S. A. Saunders

LINCOLN'S

GETTYSBURG ORATION

AND

FIRST AND SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESSES

NEW YORK

DUFFIELD & COMPANY 1907

Copyright, 1907, by DUFFIELD & COMPANY

LINCOLN'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

DELIVERED ON THE 4TH OF MARCH, 1861

Fellow- Citizens

of the United States:

In compliance with a cus- tom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitu- tion of the United States to be taken by the President "be- fore he enters on the execution of his office."

I do not consider it neces- sary at present for me to dis- cuss those matters of adminis- tration about which there is no i

special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to ex- ist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Ad- ministration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any rea- sonable cause for such appre- hension. Indeed, the most am- ple evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with

it

the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I be- lieve I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclina- tion to do so." Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my accep- tance, and as a law to them- selves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

"Resolved, that the mainte- nance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic

institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we de- nounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes."

I now reiterate these senti- ments ; and, in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administra- tion. I add, too, that all the

4

-

protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demand- ed, for whatever cause — as cheerfully to one section, as to another.

There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Consti- tution as any other of its pro- visions:

"No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation there- in, be discharged from such

1

service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due."

It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the re- claiming of what we call fugi- tive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution — to this provi- sion as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves, whose cases come with- in the terms of this clause, "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they

m

!S\r 1

not, with nearly equal unanim- ity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him, or to others, by which authority it is done. And should any one, in any case, be content that his oath shall go unkept, on a merely unsub- stantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safe-

guards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurispru- dence to be introduced so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Con- stitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"? I take the official oath to- day with no mental reserva- tions and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify particu-

lar acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to vio- late any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.

It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, admin- istered the Executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally

with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only men- aced, is now formidably at- tempted.

I hold that, in contempla- tion of universal law, and of the Constitution, the union of these States is perpetual. Per- petuity is implied, if not ex- pressed, in the fundamental law of all national govern- ments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. 10

Continue to execute all the express provisions of our Na- tional Constitution, and the Union will endure forever — it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not pro- vided for in the instrument it- self.

Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peace- ably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak, but does it not require all to law- fully rescind it?

Descending from these gen- eral principles, we find the 11

proposition that, in legal con- templation, the Union is per- petual, confirmed by the his- tory of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of As- sociation in 1774. It was ma- tured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further ma- tured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was, "to form a more perfect Union!9 12

But if destruction of the Union by one, or by a part only, of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less per- fect than before the Constitu- tion, having lost the vital ele- ment of perpetuity.

It follows from these views, that no State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any State or States, against the author- ity of the United States, are insurrectionary or revolution- ary, according to circum- stances.

I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and

13

the laws, the Union is unbrok- en; and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully exe- cuted in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a sim- ple duty on my part; and I shall perform it, so far as prac- ticable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authorita- tive manner direct the con- trary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitution- ally defend and maintain it- self.

14

In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power con- fided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belong- ing to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts ; but beyond what may be ne- cessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hos- tility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Fed- eral offices, there will be no

15

attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the at- tempt to do so would be so ir- ritating, and so nearly imprac- ticable withal, that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events

16

-

and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised according to circumstances actually exist- ing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sym- pathies and affections.

That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak?

17

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruc- tion of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its mem- ories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain pre- cisely why we do it ? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real exist- ence? Will you, while the cer- tain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from — will you risk the com- mission of so fearful a mis- take?

All profess to be content in the Union, if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right,

18

Wrf(,

plainly written in the Consti- tution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the hu- man mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written pro- vision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere force of numbers, a ma- jority should deprive a minor- ity of any clearly written con- stitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution — certainly would, if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plain- ly assured to them by affirma-

19

tions and negations, guaran- tees and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that controver- sies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provi- sion specifically applicable to every question which may oc- cur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reason- able length contain, express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by na- tional or by State authority? The Constitution does not ex- pressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Terri- tories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Con-

20

gress protect slavery in the Territories ? The Constitution does not expressly say.

From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the major- ity must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative ; for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to

21

be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as por- tions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion senti- ments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.

Is there such perfect identi- ty of interests among the States to compose a new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed se- cession?

Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of an- archy. A majority held in re- straint by constitutional checks

22

and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does, of ne- cessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is im- possible; the rule of a minor- ity, as a permanent arrange- ment, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despot- ism in some form is all that is left.

I do not forget the position, assumed by some, that consti- tutional questions are to be de- cided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that such de- cisions must be binding, in any

23

case, upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and con- sideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limit- ed to that particular case, with the chance that it-may be over- ruled, and never become a pre- cedent for other cases, can bet- ter be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government, upon vital questions affecting

24

the whole people, is to be ir- revocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the in- stant they are made in ordi- nary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that ex- tent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their de- cisions to political purposes.

One section of our country believes Slavery is right, and

25

I

ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfect- ly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured ; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sec- tions, than before. The for-

I

j

eign slave-trade, now imper- fectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without re- striction in one section; while fugitive slaves, now only par- tially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the

Physically speaking, we can- not separate. We cannot re- move our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them, A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other ; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must

27

continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that in- tercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after sep- aration than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully en- forced between aliens than laws can among friends? Sup- pose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of inter- course are again upon you.

This country, with its insti- tutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the

existing Government they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dismem- ber or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amend- ments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the peo- ple over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instru- ment itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will

29

1

venture to add, that to me the convention mode seems prefer- able, in that it allows amend- ments to originate witt the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions origi- nated by others, not especial- ly chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I un- derstand a proposed amend- ment to the Constitution— which amendment, however, I have not seen — has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the do- mestic institutions of the States, including that of per-

80

il

sons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my pur- pose, not to speak of particu- lar amendments, so far as to say that, holding such a provi- sion to now be implied consti- tutional law, I have no objec- tions to its being made express and irrevocable.

The Chief Magistrate de- rives all his authority from the people, and they have con- ferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people them- selves can do this also if they choose; but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government, as il

31

came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor.

Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ulti- mate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences is either party without faith of being in the right ? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely pre- vail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the Ameri- can people.

By the frame of the Govern- ment under which we live, this

same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigi- lance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years.

My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would never take deliberately* that

object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good ob- ject can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissat- isfied, still have the old Consti- tution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelli- gence, patriotism, Christian- ity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the

34

.

best way, all our present dif- ficulty.

In your hands, my dissatis- fied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Gov- ernment will not assail you. You can have no conflict, with- out being yourselves the ag- gressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to de- stroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and de- fend it."

I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords

35

of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearth-stone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.

36

LINCOLN'S

GETTYSBURG

ORATION

AT THE DEDICATION OF THE NATIONAL CEMETERY, GET- TYSBURG, PA., NOV., 19, 1863

Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on this continent a new na- tion, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing wheth- er that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedi-

37

cate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfin- ished work which they who fought here have thus far so

38

nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining be- fore us — that from these hon- ored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that govern- ment of the people, by the peo- ple, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

39

LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

DELIVERED ON THE 4TH OF MARCH, 1865

Fellow-Country men :

At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presiden- tial office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then, a statement, somewhat in de- tail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been con- stantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the

40

attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly de- pends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfac- tory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

On the occasion correspond- ing to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously di- rected to an impending civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avert it. While the inau- gural address was being de- livered from this place, devot- ed altogether to saving the

41

Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war- seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotia- tion. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.

One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war.

1

To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insur- gents would rend the Union, even by war; while the Gov- ernment claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even be- fore, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astound- ing. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes His

43

:

aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces: but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own pur- poses. "Woe unto the world because of offenses ! for it must needs be that offenses come; but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose American Slav- ery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued

44

through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we dis- cern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourage of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another

45

drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, "The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firm- ness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in ; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan; to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a last- ing peace among ourselves and with all nations.

46

i.

\ JUL

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY

E

457

.92

1907

C.I

ROBA