Sr La = ey es heal was : a Bear , 2s epee ey ome res =. ae “ we a orgs ain ads orn Fw a 1886 SS : AM. ‘. BOOKBINDOER, ENHA & \ ; | THE MADRAS JOURNAL OF LITERATURE AND SCIENCE. 7 ” ty 6, pu a A ta a A oa oy & So o aL A fa a A ict ion) a “— ie it Oy b mM q iss] & al [oe] i=) a zu a i] e-} Ry Che dtladras Journal of Aiterature and Setence 1888-89. e EDITED BY CAPTAIN R. H. CAMPBELL TUFNELL, M:S.C., (EDITORIAL SECRETARY). PUBLISHED BY THE MADRAS LITERARY SOCIETY AND AUXILIARY OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, OLD COLLEGE, NUNGUMBAUKUM. 1889. [All rights reserved. WURRESL TO EDITORIAL SUB-COMMITTEE. GUSTAV OPPERT, Pu.D., Proressor or Sanscrit, Presi- DENCY CoLiEecr, Mapras. C. MICHIE SMITH, B.Sc., Prorgssor or Puystcan Scrence, Mapras Cristian CoLuece. CAPTAIN R. H. CAMPBELL TUFNELL, M.8.C. (Enrrortat SECRETARY). ~O \SIH_ Wap Ny = J waasaw = Ly ONIYL SAW HS —— are CONTENTS. PAGES Proceedings of First, Second, and Third Meetings’ S +.» ‘Vil, Vili The Legend of St. Thomas, by the Rev. George Milne Rae, m.a. 1—22 Etymology of some Mythological Names, by M. Seshagiri Sastri. 23—26 Tbn Batitah in Southern India, by Mrs. L. Fletcher .. 50 37—69 Pandavala Metta, by the Rev. J. R. Hutchinson ee ‘ 60—68 Indo-Danish Coins, by T. M. Ranga Chari, s.a., and T. Desika Chari, B.A. .. 06 50 No Ob re ae He 69—82 On the Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsa or India [Continued from p. 137 of this Journal for 1887-88], by Gustav Oppert ., 83—246 PROCEEDINGS. FIRST MEETING. _ Tue first ordinary meeting of the Madras Literary Society and Auxiliary of the Royal Asiatic Society for the Session 1888-89 took place on Thursday, the 22nd November, at 5-30 p.m., in the Reading Room of the Old College, Nungumbaukum. Surgeon-General G. Bidie, M.B., 0.1.6., in the chair. The following papers were read :— 1. The Legend of St. Thomas, by the Rev. G. Milne Rae, M.A. 2. Notes on the recent Cyclone, by Mr.’O0. Michie Smith, B.Sc. 3. On Indo-Danish Coins, by Mr. T. M. Ranga Chari, B.A., and Mr. T. Desika Chari, B.a. SECOND MEETING. The second ordinary meeting of the Society took place on Thursday, the 13th December, at 5-30 p.m., in the Reading Room of the Old College, Nungumbaukum. The following paper was read :— 1. Symbolism on Indian Coins, Part I, “Punch marked,” by Mr. T. M. Scott. Vill PROCEEDINGS. THIRD MEETING. The third ordinary meeting of the Society took place on Wednesday, the 6th February, at 5-30 p.m, in the Reading Room of the Old College, Nungumbaukum. The Hon’ble Mr. Grose, C.S., in the chair. The following papers were read :— 1. On the terms Gaudian and Kolarian, by Mr. G. Oppert, Ph.D. 2. On the Coins of the Sethupatis, by Rev. J. E. Tracy, M.A. The Legend of St. Thomas. (By Tur Rev. GHORGE MILNE RAB, y.a.) In the neighbourhood of Madras there are three ‘holy’ places associated with the name of St. Thomas the Apostle. They are St. Thomas’ Mount, the Little Mount, and Mayla- pur or (as it was also called by the Portuguese) St. Thomé. At each a church was built; and for a cross, a cave, and a graye these churches are respectively remarkable. St. Thomas’ Mount (eight miles south-west of Fort St. George) is remarkable for a stone cross of the Greek type in the church at the top of the hill. It was found in connection with some excavations made by the Portuguese in 1547 at the time when the church was built and when the stone-steps up the hill-side were laid. It may now be seen above the altar. It is in bas-relief, cut on a tablet of dark granite. At the top of the upright shaft is figured a bird, like a dove, with its wings expanded “as the Holy Ghost is usually represented when descending on our Lord at his baptism or on our Lady at her annunciation.”” There is a Pahlavi inscription on it, which runs archwise over the cross, and is divided into two unequal parts by a mark like the plus sign in algebra. Of this Pahlavi inscription the Portuguese discoverers could make nothing; but certain learned brahmans, perceiving what was desired, speedily rendered the few words into a concise confession of the whole Christian faith, ending with a full and particular account of the martyrdom of St. Thomas. Certain gifted eyes, we are told, have seen on this stone stains of apostolic blood and have on occasions witnessed the miraculous phenomenon of a bloody sweat. But not to 2 THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. dwell on this, the inscription is of real importance. It helps not only towards the discovery of its date, which experts have put as early as the seventh or eighth century—proving the existence of a church there 1,200 years ago—but also towards determining the connection of the church on this coast with that in Malabar, both having been Nestorian. The inscription in fact contains, as I believe, a pet heresy peculiar to Indian Nestorianism.? The Little Mount (six miles south-west of Fort St. George) is the traditionary site of the Apostle’s martyrdom. There is a cave in the rock, where it is asserted that St. Thomas took refuge from his pursuers. A church stands over it. On one side of the cave there is an opening or window, which the uninitiated might suppose to be intended merely for the admission of air and light; but visitors must under- stand that, in the attempt to escape through this opening, the Apostle was speared and slain. Outside the church and near the top of the rock on which it is built there is a cleft, which a natural spring replenishes with water all the year round. ‘This spring was created, we are told, to supply the saint with water during the period of his concealment in the cave; and not long ago two pilgrims are said to have come hither from Edessa and filled some bottles with the sacred water to carry back to their own country. Within the precincts of the cathedral of Maylapur or St. Thomé (three miles south of Fort St. George) there is a little chapel, built over what is popularly regarded as the grave of St. Thomas. A trap-door in front of the altar gives access to the grave, and many a handful of the dust is carried off by the faithful wherewith to cure diseases. Over the altar is a quaint old scrinium with a cruciform reliquary in which are deposited some of the ashes and the 1 See my Article on ‘‘ The Syrian Christians of South India,” in the London Quarterly Review for October 1887. THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. 3 bones of the Apostle, together with fragments of the spear by which he won the crown of martyrdom. These things may be seen there to-day, and great are the annual gather- ings at the festivals observed on the drd of July and the 18th and 21st of December. The early history of Maylapur it is difficult to trace, and little help is derived from the etymology of the name. Still it is needful to note this etymology as helping to explain some of the stories that superstitious ingenuity has invented for the purpose of connecting the name of the place etymo- logically with the story of St. Thomas. The purana of the Maylapur temple, I am told, states that the place derived its name from the circumstance that Siva’s wife appeared there to her lord in the form of a (mayil =) pea-fowl. Maylapur would mean, therefore, peacock-town, and hence peacock- stories form part of the legendary lore that has gathered round the name of St. Thomas. Thus Marco Polo? in the thirteenth century and Duarte Barbosa® in the sixteenth both relate stories very different in detail, according to which St. Thomas was accidentally shot by an arrow aimed at a peacock. But the little chapel attached to the cathedral of Mayla- pur is not the only place that claims the honor of possessing relics of the Apostle. Relics of him have been preserved since the first quarter of the sixteenth century in St. Thomas’ Church at Goa. As these are known to have been carried thither in 1522 from Maylapur under the direction of the Portuguese viceroy, its claim to the original proprietorship is not thereby invalidated. But the same cannot be said regarding the claim made by another city, outside cf India, whose early appearance and prominent place in Christian 2 The Book of Ser Marco Polo, B. III, ¢. xviii. 3 “Hast Africa and Malabar in the Sixteenth Century,’’ published by the Hakluyt Society, p. 175. 4 THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. history are beyond all dispute. That city is Edessa, the capital of the province of Osrohene in Mesopotamia. Its connection with the Apostle enters into literature in the form of a very bold legend. For when, in the fifteenth year of Tiberius, Abgarus its king was sick, he sent a letter to Jesus Christ, begging Him to come and heal him, offering at the same time to share his kingdom with ‘the excellent Saviour’ and to protect him from the Jews. Abgarus, it is said, received a written reply to the effect that Jesus had work which He might not leave; but He would send one of His disciples to cure the king of his disease. Now it was Thomas, who, according to the legend, was appointed as Christ’s amanuensis to write the letter to Abgarus, and it was Thomas who ‘by a divine impulse’ sent Thaddeus (or Addeus as he is perhaps oftener called) to Hdessa. Eusebius * informs us that he himself found these letters among the records of the church of Edessa ; and, whatever may be said about their authenticity, the fact of their being so found is not to be called in question. Curiously, in our own day, the same documents re-appear. For Dr. Cureton found, arnong the MSS. acquired in 1841, 1843, and 1847 by the British Museum from the Nitrian Monastery in Lower Egypt, “‘a considerable portion of the Aramaic document which Eusebius cites as preserved in the archives of Edessa ;”’® and these MSS. are of great importance in the history of the literature that has gathered round the name of St. Thomas. The assignation of India to Thomas as the sphere of his apostolic labours has indeed been all but universal among ecclesiastical historians and other writers. But it is only when we go back to the sources of the story that anything approaching to a satisfactory conclusion on the question 4 Hecles. Hist., B. I, ¢. 13. 5 See Ante-Nicene Christian Library, vol. XX., Syriae Documents, p. 1. THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. 5 ean be reached. In what literature is the name of St. Thomas first associated with India ? It will appear, I think, that the home of that literature, the original hot-bed in which it was reared, was no other than the Church of Edessa. For there is no other place within the area occupied by _the language in which those works were written, that had any such interest in the fortunes and destiny of the Apostle. The story of Thomas’ preaching and martyrdom in India is first found in the Apocryphal Acts of Thomas; and it is curious to note that throughout that work the Apostle is generally called Judas Thomas, a name which he also receives in that group of documents which Eusebius found among the archives of Hdessa. It is a palpably gnostic work, and students of gnosticism, judging from the stage of development at which they find that heresy in the Acts, assign it to the end of the second century. It may have been written by Bardesanes (b. 155, d. 223). But whoever the real author was, I think that the details of this work are not only consistent with the belief that they were put together by a member of the Hdessene Church, but almost defy explanation on any other hypothesis. The substance of the Acts of the Holy Apostle Thomas and the Consummation of Thomas the Apostle is as follows : The apostles were all in Jerusalem and they portioned out the regions of the world among them. By lot India fell to Judas Thomas, also called Didymus. And he did not wish to go, saying that he was not able on account of the weakness of the flesh. And how can I, being an Hebrew man, go among the Indians to proclaim the truth? And while he was thus reason- ing and speaking, the Saviour appeared to him through the night and said to him: Fear not, Thomas, go away to India and proclaim the word; for my grace shall be with thee. But he ® Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople, A.D. 853, attributes it to Leu- cius Charinus. But who or what this Leucius was, whether a writer or a mere collector of Apocryphal literature, no one seems to know. Dr. George Salmon regards him (Smith’s Dic. Chr. Biog.) as ‘a fictitious personage.” 6 THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. did not obey, saying: Wherever thou wishest to send me, send me elsewhere ; for to the Indians I am not going. And as he was thus speaking and growing angry, there happened to be there a certain merchant come from India, by name Abbanes, sent from the king Gondophares, and having received an order from him to buy a carpenter. And the Lord, having seen him walking about in the market at noon, said to him : Dost thou want a carpenter? And he said to him, Yes. And the Lord said to him: I havea slave a carpenter and I wish to sell him. And having said this, he showed him Thomas at a distance and agreed with him for three pounds of uncoined silver. Next day Thomas came to the Lord and said: Thy will be done. Then Abbanes and he began to sail away. And they had a fair wind and they sailed fast until they came to Andrapolis, a royal city. And when they arrived there, the marriage feast of the king’s daughter was being celebrated, and Thomas accompanied Abbanes to the feast, and when he saw them all rechning, he reclined also in the midst. But he would neither eat nor drink, and a flute-girl, a Hebrew by race, stood and played over hinr a long time, and presently he sang a Hebrew song setting forth the praises of the bride, which no one save the Hebrew flute- girl understood. Meanwhile, a naughty cup-bearer struck the stranger and Thomas quietly replied that God would forgive him in the world to come, but the hand that had been lifted against His Apostle would be dragged along by a dog. And so it came to pass, for the cup-bearer, haying gone to the fountain to draw water, met a lion there and the lion rent him in pieces, and the dogs immediately seized his limbs, among which also one black dog, laying hold of his right hand in his mouth, brought it to the place of the banquet. And when it was proved to be the hand of the cup-bearer, who had struck the Apostle, the flute-girl broke her flutes in pieces and threw them away and went and sat down at the feet of Thomas, saying, This man is either God or God’s Apostle. And the king having heard, came and said to him: Rise up and go with me and pray for my daughter, for she is my only child and to-day I give her away- And having prayed and laid his hands on them, he said: ‘The THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. r Lord will be with you,’ and he left them in the place and went away. But when the bridegroom lifted the curtain which separated . him from his bride, he saw Thomas, as he supposed, conversing with her. Then he asked in surprise, how canst thou be found here, did I not see thee go out before all? And the Lord answered I am not Judas Thomas, but his brother. And the Lord sat down and ordered them also to sit down and called on them to remember what his brother had said to them. He taught them all the anxieties, troubles and temptations which result from the procreation of children, and promised them that, if they kept themselves chaste, they should partake of the true marriage and enter the bride chamber full of ight and immortality. The young couple obeyed this exhortation much to the grief of the king, who ordered Thomas to be apprehended ; but he and Abbanes were already on their way and so escaped his hands. And when they came into the cities of India, Abbanes brought him into the presence of the king. And Gondophares asked, wilt thou be able to build me a palace? I shall begin, said Thomas, in October and end in April. And the Apostle, haying taken a reed, measured the place and marked it out, and he set the doors towards the rising of the sun to look to the light and the windows towards its setting to look to the winds ; and he made the bake-house to be towards the south and the water-tank, for abundance, towards the north. And the king, seeing this, said to the Apostle: Thou art a craftsman indeed and it is fitting that thou shouldest serve kings. Large advances of gold and silver the Apostle received to pay the workmen withal, but these he dispensed to the poor. And when the time came, the king asked whether the palace was finished, and the Apostle said that it was. And when shall we goto see it? Now thou canst not see it, but when thou hast departed this life thou shalt see it. And the king, being angry, thrust Thomas into prison and was meditating how he should be killed; but his brother Gad was so affected by the insult thus offered to the king that he suddenly died. And in the other world he saw a palace so beautiful that he begged the 8 THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. angels to let him live in its lowest chambers; but they answered that it could not be, for this was his brother’s palace, - erected by the Christian. Gad therefore asked and obtained leave from the angels to go back to the world that he might buy the palace from his brother. Then king Gondophares and Gad became followers of the Apostle and begged for the seal of baptism and the Apostle sealed them and they heard the voice of the Lord, saying ‘‘ Peace to you, brethren!” The story would not be complete without some enumer- ation of further miracles, to which the writer attached a great deal of importance. ‘There are three notable miracles, (1) about the dragon and the young man, (2) about the demon that dwelt in the woman, (3) about the young man that killed the maiden. It would be tedious to relate these miracles. There is no beauty in them; on the contrary, they verge on indecency. The object of the writer, or at least one main object, seems to have been to advocate the practice of celibacy as a Christian institution. It is not merely the celibacy of the clergy that he enjoins, but the celibacy of every member of the church of St. Thomas. To this doctrine too he gave retrospective effect, dissolving the bonds of holy wedlock in the case of such married persons as became his disciples. The married life was treated by him as absolutely unlawful. This apostolic preacher is represented as having done a good work, when a couple about to consummate their wedding have been prevailed on to abandon their design, or when a wife has been persuaded to refuse further intercourse with her husband. That all generation is sin seems to have been his thesis, and it is as the martyr of this contemptible eause that Thomas is pictured in the Apocryphal Acts. For when he left the court of Gondophares and arrived at that of Misdeus, he converted Mygdonia,’ the wife of the chief 7 Mygdonia is the name of a province in the north-east of Macedonia, adjoining Osrohene. This sister-in-law of Misdeus may, therefore, have been cither a native of that province or otherwise connected with it by family ties. THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. g minister, who, in obedience to the Apostle’s instructions, refused to live any longer with Charisius, her husband ; and the king had hardly received Charisius’ complaint on the subject when he discovered that his own wife, Mygdonia’s sister, as well as his son, Juzanes, had both become converts to the same doctrine. Then at the command of Misdeus, King of India, the blessed Apostle Thomas was cast into prison, and he said, I glorify God, and I shall preach the word to the prisoners, so that all rejoiced at his presence. .... And Thomas went and found the jailors fighting and saying: What wrong have we done to that sorcerer that, availing himself of his magic art, he has opened the door of the prison, and wishes to set all the prisoners free? And when he came, they stripped him and girded him with a girdle, and thus they stood before the king. And how, said Misdeus, hast thou run away and come to this country ? And Thomas said: I came here that I might save many, and. that I might by thy hands depart from this body. And the king became impatient and he arose and took Thomas outside of the city, and a few soldiers accompanied him with their arms. And when they had gone forth three stadia, he delivered him to four soldiers and to one of the polemarchs and ordered them to take him into the mountain® and to spear him;° but he himself returned to the city. 8 The name of the place is usually given in early authorities as Calamina, which has been sadly tortured by etymologizers. (1) A Dravidian etymology has been boldly provided for it. First it is changed into Calurmina and then we are told that Calur =a stone or rock, and mina = upon! See White- house’s Lingerings of Light ina Dark Land, p. 12, note. (2) A Semitic deriva- tion has been provided. And in this attempt there may be hope, but not on the lines which are usually followed. Thus Mr. Logan in his Manual of Mala- bar seems to adopt a suggestion by Bp. Melius, according to which Calamina is another form of Golomath, a Syriac word, meaning hill-town, the same, it is alleged, as Maylapur; so that the name Calamina is in some sense a translation of the name Maylapur. But (a) this assumes that Maylapur is derived from malai =a hill, which is by no means to be assumed. Such a derivation had indeed the sanction of the late Dr. Burnell, but it is said by other experts to be open to linguistic objection, and, moreover, is topo- graphically inapplicable, as Maylapur im rerwm natura is not near any hill 2 10 THE LEGEND OF SI. THOMAS. But long afterwards, when one of the king’s sons became demoniac, Misdeus opened the Apostle’s tomb to find a bone, wherewith to touch and cure his son. But, behold, no bones were there, for one of the brethren had carried them away to the region of the west. Wherefore he took some dust from the place where the bones had lain, and touched his son with it and immediately the devil left him. Then Misdeus met with the brethren under the rule of Syphorus,"” ‘‘a presbyter in the mountain,” and entreated them to pray for him that he might obtain mercy through Jesus Christ. Will it be maintained by any reader of this story that it bears any marks of South India, or that it could have been from which it could take its name. (4) This assumes that Maylapur is as old as the first or second century of the Christian era, which is not to be assumed. And (c) it assumes that the writers of these early legends were familiar with the whereabouts of Maylapur, which also is not to be assumed. 9 The late Dr. Kennet, in his S. Thomas the Apostle of Indiz (Madras, Addison & Co., 1882), printed as an appendix a Latin hymn from the Moz- arabic Breviary, edited by Cardinal Lorenzana in 1775. The hymn is entitled Hymnus in Festo Sancti Thome Apostoli—ad Vesperum, and tells the story nearly as I have told it above. It will be seen from the following stanzas that the author of the hymn represents the death of St. Thomas as having been caused by an infuriated priest of a temple of the Sun, which would imply that in his opinion the kingdom of Misdeus must have lain within the area of sun worship, é.e., towards the Persian side. Templum Solis comminutum Corruit cum idolo ; Ac metallum pretiosum, Solvitur in pulverem ; Rex illius civitatis, Fugit cum Carisio. Tune sacerdos idolorum Furibundus astitit, Gladio transverberavit Sanctum Christi martyrem, Glorioso passionis Laureatum sanguine. 10 Another text adds that they were carried to Edessa. It is pertinent, however, to ask here whether a writer, who knew the localities, would have expressed himself thus? Would any man, writing from Maylapur, speak of Edessa as being in the region of the west? I trow not. Edessa, long. 38° 40’ E., lat. 87° 6’ N.; Maylapur, long. 80° 14’ E., lat. 18° 4’N. The important point to note, however, is that after all Thomas gets to Edessa. 4 Ts Syphorus or Syphor the same as the Persian name Sapor ? THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. li written by a man who professed to have any knowledge whatever of our peninsula? Is there a single name of person or place mentioned in any part of it that will bear a moment’s comparison with South Indian names? The evidence is all the other way, and the only link that connects the Acts of Thomas with history is the name of the king whose court he visited. Within the Victorian era, interesting discoveries have been made in consequence of the extension of our Indian frontier towards the north-west and the escapades of our army into Afghanistan, which tend to show that there was in the first century a king in that region of the name of Gondophares, who is most probably to be identified with the king of our story. Numerous coins bearing Greek legends—certainly not less than 30,000 in number and ranging over a period of more than three centuries—have been found in Kabul and the Punjab. The greater number belong to the series of pure Greek princes, who ruled over the Indian provinces of Alexander the Great. The remainder belong to their Scythian conquerors and to their Indo-Parthian contem- poraries. Among these Indo-Parthian princes is to be reckoned Gondophares. The inscription on the obverse side of these Gondophares coins is in Greek characters; on the reverse side in Indian Pali. The Greek form of the name is, on the horseman coins, TONAO@APOTY, on the bust coins YNAOSEPPOT ; while the Indian Pali equivalent is Gudapharasa or Gadapharasa. The important questions concerning Gondophares are where and when did he rule? Both are answered in the following extract from General Cunningham” :—“ The coins of Gondophares are common in Kabul, Kandahar, and Sistan, and in the Western and Southern Punjab. All these 12 See his paper on ‘‘ Coins of Indian Buddhist Satraps with Greek In- scriptions,” being No. 7 of 1854, Jowrnal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. XXIII, pp. 711-2. 12 THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. countries, therefore, must have owned his sway. He was besides the head and founder of his family, as no less than three members of it claim relationship with him on their coins, viz., Orthagnes, his full brother, Abdagases, his nephew, and Sasa (or Sasan), a more distant relation. The coins of Orthagnes are found in Sistan and Kandahar, those of Abdagases and Sasan in the Western Punjab. I presume, therefore, that they were the viceroys of those provinces on the part of the great king Gondophares, who himself resided at Kabul. All the names are those of Parthians, but the language of the coins is Indian Pali. Abdagases is the name of the Parthian chief, who headed the successful revolt against Artabanus in A.D. 44. The great power of Gondophares and the discovery of a coin of Artabanus, countermarked with the peculiar monogram of all the Gondopharian dynasty, make it highly probable that the Indo-Parthian Abdagases was the same as the Parthian chief, whose revolt is recorded by Tacitus (Anna/. xv. 2) and Josephus (Antigua, xx. ili. 2). This surmise is very much strengthened by the date of the revolt (A.D. 44), which would make Gondophares a contemporary of St. Thomas.” Further light regarding the period of Gondophares’ goy- ernment is derived from an inscription on the Taht-i-Bahi stone, the history of which must be briefly told. Taht-i- Bahi," situated 28 miles to the north-east of Peshawar, 13 This monogram © is thought by Prinsep to be a combination of the b, m, and of the old Sanscrit alphabet (Jowma?, As. Soc., Bengal, July 1838, p. 653). Professor H. H. Wilson quotes but does not approve this suggestion (Ariana Antiqua, p. 340), nor Coes he suggest any other explana- tion. Cunningham regards it as a pictorial representation of the compound name gandaphor = “ sugar-cane crusher,”’ from the circumstance that the outer channels for the cane juice in a sugar mill are chiselled in the very form of this peculiar monogram. 14 Besides two other reservoirs higher up, there is one at the foot of the hill, where it joins the plain, concerning which the people have a tradition that it is connected with the Indus by an underground channel. Such a reservoir is in the colloquial called Bahai, hence the name of the hill and the ruins. Taht-i-Bahi = the seat of the reservoir. THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. 13 is an isolated hill, 1,771 feet above sea-level, or about 570 feet above the plain. The ruins of a city on this hill have yielded many trophies to the archeological explorer. The stone in question, which is 174 inches long by 143 broad, was discovered by Dr. Bellew and presented by him to the Lahore Museum, though we are indebted to Dr. Leitner for bringing it into notice. Unfortunately for history, this stone was used for many years, perhaps for many centuries, for the grinding of spices, so that all the middle part of the inscription has suffered and become indistinct, and some por- tions have been obliterated altogether. The whole inscrip- tion consisted of six lines of writing. It can be inferred from the concluding part of the inscription, imperfect as it is, that the stone commemorates the building of a stupa or a vihar by some pious Buddhist “for his own religious merit and for the religious merit of his father and his mother.” The first two lines, which contain the name of the king and the date, are translated by Professor Dowson » as follows :— “In the twenty-sixth year of the great king Gondophares (and) on the third day of the month Vaisakha, (year) one hundred (100) of the Samvatsara.” 1° As the Samvatsara or era of Vikramaditya corresponds to 56 B.C., the date on the stone, according to this reading, would be 44 A.D. The result of the testimony derived from coins and from the Taht-i-Bahi stone is that an Indo-Parthian king of the name of Gondophares ruled over India in the first Christian century and that his India coincides with the Punjab and Afghanistan and does not include Peninsular India. To sum up the testimony of the Acts of Thomas: When Abbanes concluded the bargain for the slave and got a receipt 5 See Jour. Roy. As. Soc. (New Series), vol. VII, art. xviii (Triibner & Co., 1875), pp. 376, ss. 6 Itis but fair to note that archeological experts are not agreed about the inscription on the Taht-i-Bahi stone, and perhaps the above reading, though the last, is not final. 14 THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. for his money, the two together sailed, we may suppose, from some Levantine port, such as Jaffa; and, after passing through the strait or canal which has been reproduced in our own day in the form of the Suez Canal, they sailed down the Red Sea and then northward, touching at some port near the mouth of the Indus, where they halted for some time. Then they made their way into the interior and arrived at the court of Gondophares. ‘The Apostle’s next move was towards the court of another Indian king of the name of Misdeus, who was most probably a viceroy under Gondophares, or the ruler of some neighbouring state, by whom he was put to death. But the facts have been construed in ways different from this, so as to consist with the tradition that St. Thomas really visited Southern India. It has been maintained that, though St. Thomas may have gone to the royal court of Gondophares in the Punjab or Afghanistan, yet he did not tarry there for ever but went further. There was nothing, it is said, to hinder St. Thomas to return to Andrapolis and take ship and make for Malabar. The geography even of Peninsular India was known to the commercial, the political, and the learned world of the first century, and why should it be considered a strange or an impossible thing for one of the twelve apostles to have a moderate share of the knowledge of the period ? Besides, it is added, the legend itself pro- vides for this, inasmuch as the Apostle is said to have gone to the country of another king, even Misdeus, and there to have lost his life. Why may this Misdeus not have been king of Maylapur ? Now, it may at once be granted that the knowledge of the geography of Southern India in St. Thomas’ day was quite sufficient for the suggested contingency. Strabo, who 7 See Medieval Missions, by Thomas Smith, D.D., Edinburgh; T. & T. Clark, 1880, pp. 248-9. THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. 15 lived at a time contemporary with the birth of Christ, and flourished a quarter of a century thereafter, mentions that the circumnavigation of Cape Comorin from west to east was a thing not unheard of in his day, and that there was a great deal of trade between the ports of the Red Sea and the western coast of Peninsular India. Trade with India proper by way of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, at least as early as the beginning of the Christian era, is sufficiently well attested, and there is no reason on that score to doubt the possibility of an apostolic visit to Malabar. At the same time, while I frankly admit that the geography of Southern India was well-known to the com- mercial, the political, and the learned world of the first century, it is not so easy to admit that the writers of the Apocryphal Acts could boast of high accomplishments in this department of learning.'* It may be easy to admit that an Edessene author, writing at the close of the second century, could tell the name of a king who reigned at Kabul 150 years before; but difficult to acknowledge that the same author could pass a tolerable examination on the geography of Southern India. Be that, however, as it may, the allegation that St. Thomas did ever actually visit our shores is utterly unsupported by any historical evidence. We may, of course, talk about Misdeus having possibly been king of Maylapur, but there is no record of the existence of any such king of that place. Moreover, if Misdeus was king of Maylapur, shouldn’t Gondophares have been king of Malabar? But if ever the 18 One of them ventures on a definition of India and this is what he makes of it. ‘‘ Historians declare,”’ says the author of the Martyrdom of the Holy and Glorious Apostle Bartholomew, ‘‘ that India is divided into three parts ; and the first is saidto end at Ethiopia, and the second at Media, and the third completes the country, and the one portion of it ends in the dark and the other in the ocean. To this India, then,’’ adds the redoubted author, ‘‘ the __ holy Bartholomew, the Apostle of Christ, went.’” See Ante-Nicene Christian Library, vol. XVI, p. 429; T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh. 16 THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. whereabouts of this Misdeus is disclosed to us in the future by the muse of history, it is much more likely that she will point to the Persian side, to the area within which there were temples of the Sun, and kings who measured their distances by stadia and called their officers polemarchs. Tt seems not improbable that he may turn out to have been an Indo-Parthian king. But another construction of the facts, in consistency with the tradition that St. Thomas actually visited Southern India, is to be found ina Tamil manuscript, one of the Mackenzie collection. This manuscript is a translation from Latin by Nanapracasa Pillai, a Native Christian, who was probably trained by the Jesuits at Pondicherry, in whose library he most likely found the Latin manuscript. According to this story, St. Thomas first landed at the capital of the king of Malabar, which thus corresponds to Andrapolis in the Apocryphal Acts. Afterwards he crossed the country to Maylapur, which was at that time ruled by a learned, charit- able, and courageous prince, named Candapa Raja (meant to be the Tamil equivalent of Gandapharasa or Gondophares). The story, which is but a clumsy imitation of the Apocry- phal Acts of Thomas but does not lead up to the Apostle’s death, is as follows :— In the days when this prosperous king Candapa ruled, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ having ascended to heaven, St. Thomas, according to the command just before given to him, was appointed to the charge of the country of India. Accordingly, after having preached the Holy Gospel and made disciples in various places of Asia Minor, Syria, and Palestine, he landed at first in the Malayala country. Having travelled much therein, he at length came near to the palace of the Kerala Raja and halted. Immediately on arriving there, he heard the sounds of splendid music, and, from wishing to satisfy himself as to what it was, he went directly to the public hall of the palace. On doing so he was astonished at seeing dancers exerting them- selves with certain musical instruments, and vocal musicians THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. LG singing. Asa stranger and unacquainted with the customs of this country, these things were to him new and surprising. Being desirous of seeing more of the palace of the king of the country, he there remained. Soon after one of the persons belonging to the palace, having charge of the interior, came up and seeing the stranger and from his appearance and inferior kind of dress judging him to be of low or vile caste, struck him a hard blow on the cheek. The stranger, though the blow was a severe one, received it with great patience, and, retreating forthwith, went away out- side. The officer of the palace also went forth into the street, and thence aside for a particular purpose; but while there a tiger that had proceeded from a large mountain seized and killed him. Thereupon as if it had been a dog, it ran at full speed towards the palace, having first bitten off the dead man’s right hand, and, holding the same in its mouth, it carried the severed member into the midst of the king’s assembly.” The king, being astonished, eagerly made inquiry concerning the prodigy from the learned men about him. They replied that it must be the hand which had struck a servant of God. In con- sequence, the king caused an investigation to be made among the by-standers, who were looking at the exhibition. These having narrated what had occurred, the king was greatly astonished, and sending out many people, directed them to invite the stranger with all courtesy to his hall of assembly. The men haying gone out and made proclamation, he (the stranger) came tothem. The king then caused him with great civility of attention to be invited and assured him of protection. Subse- quently he instructed the king concerning the true God. The king gave instructions to the brahmans to dispute with him. Of the brahmans not one could successfully oppose him in argument. Whereupon, the king, giving assent to the truth of his doctrine, granted him permission to plant and spread 19 The author may have obtained the story of the miracle here travestied direct from the Acts or from the writings of St. Augustine, who refers to it three times. See Dr. George Salmon’s Introduction to N.7T. (London, John Murray, 1885), p. 424, note. 3 18 THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. the Christian religion throughout his country, in consequence of which permission, he converted a hundred persons to the Christian religion. One day when some brahmans were performing their evening ablutions in a river, he went near and entered into a discussion with them. At length he bade them cause the water, with which they were performing their evening ceremonies, to rise up _even to the sun. They tried what they could do, and failing they at last said to St. Thomas, ‘Is it possible to cause water to rise up to the sun?” Whereupon he, looking up to the all- powerful God, first prayed and then poured out water, which immediately rose and went to the sun. These brahmans then embraced the Christian religion, and being ordained to the sacred office by the hands of Thomas, they became spiritual instructors, termed Casanayanars (Catanars?). In this way having turned many hundreds of persons to Christianity and having placed an inspector (overseer or bishop) in charge of them, he proceeded and came as far as to Maylapur. He lodged there in a devastanam (or place of worship) belonging to Maylapur, and, working many miracles, turned a great many persons to Christianity. Such being the case, the brahmans, finding their religion to be losing its influence and authority, took counsel to effect by contrivance his being publicly hanged. To this end, when Thomas was asleep, the principal brahman of that temple killed his own son in the most sacred recess of the shrine, and then accused Thomas of the crime of doing so before Candapa Raya. The king caused Thomas to be called and inquired into the charge. Thomas said that, if he had killed the child, that child on being interrogated by the king would return no answer; but, if he had not killed the child, then on being interrogated it would. Accordingly, on the king calling out, the child rose up alive and said that Thomas had not committed the crime, but that its own father had done so. The king was greatly incensed against the brahman and, bestowing large praise on Thomas, took him under his own protection. Besides, on giving him leave to dispute with the brahmans, he always conquered in the discussion. The king THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. 19 then commanded him to disseminate the Christian religion, which command he also fulfilled.” The testimony of this Tamil manuscript in the Mackenzie collection, being but a clumsy travesty of the Acts of Thomas, adds nothing to our knowledge. The author of the former work makes it perfectly clear that he knew Malabar and Maylapur, but the author of the Acts makes it evident that he did not know whether such a place as Maylapur existed or whether even there was a Peninsular India. But, it may be asked, how do you account for the exist- ence of the tradition in India itself? Here is a fact, it may be said, that a not inconsiderable section of the Indian people, on both sides of the continent, have for centuries cherished the belief that St. Thomas preached here, founded a church, and finally died a martyr’s death. _ How do you account for this persistent belief ? It is impossible to say how old the tradition in its Indian form may be, and how far back we may yet be able to trace it. For myself I know no earlier mention of it than is to be found in the book of Marco Polo, who visited the Coromandel coast in the end of the thirteenth century. The testimony of this Italian traveller is most explicit, but of course the tradition must be much older than the date referred to, because the church of Maylapur was then in a state of dissolution and decay, and this tradition, like the church itself, was but a survival of better days. But Polo’s work casts no light on its antiquity or its origin. Other historians have developed the theory that the tra- dition in this country owes its existence not to St. Thomas the Apostle of our Lord, but to other notable men of the name of Thomas. It has been maintained that “ the first historical notice we have of a Christian mission to India is that of 0 Translated by the late Rev. W. Taylor. See the South India Christian Repository, 1837, vol. 1, pp. 263-6. 20 THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. Persians, who were Manicheans.”’?! It is hardly contended that Manes himself ever preached in India, but he wrote a Greater Epistle to the Indians, and, after his execution about 272 A.D., his numerous and influential followers were much persecuted in their native country, and it is not unreasonable, therefore, to suppose that many emigrated to India and Ceylon ; especially, as Abu Zaid (916 A.D.) says: “ There is a numerous colony of Jews in Sarandib, and people of > But, supposing that there was an influential disciple of Manes, named Thomas, who preached successfully in India at the end of the third century, it is impossible to regard him as the founder of the historical church of this country—the church found by Cosmas in the first quarter of the sixth century. It is hardly reasonable to expect a Nestorian stream to flow from a Manichean fountain, and the early heroes of Nestorianism other religions, especially Manichzeans.’ would not be likely to favour commemoration of a Mani- cheean saint in their church. But apart from that, this theory, advocated by La Croze, Tillemont, and others, does not account for the far-reaching tradition which was afloat in other parts of Asia before Manes was born and extended to regions which Manichzism never penetrated. And the same remark applies also to the supposed original connection of the tradition with Thomas Cana, an Armenian (Aramzan ?) merchant, who came with a large and influential following to the coast of Malabar about the end of the eighth century. Whatever account we give of the origin of the tradition in this country must not leave entirely unexplained the far wider ecclesiastical tradition. My own belief is that we have here an example of the migration of a tradition, that the existence of the tradition in India is as old as the foundation of the church of Malabar, and that its Persian founders brought the tradition with 1 See Indian Antiquary, vol. III, p. 309. THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. 21 them. Sir W. W. Hunter” has made the affirmation that “by the seventh century, the Persian church had adopted the name of Thomas Christians ;”’ and, though the learned author does not favour us with a reference to his authorities, the statement itself is not surprising ; for the Persian Church, previous to the foundation of the church of Malabar, was Nestorian, and one of its great schools of theology had its seat at Edessa until 489 A.D.; and the connection of the Thomas tradition with Edessa has already been discussed. It is evident, therefore, that the memory of Thomas must have been a very real thing to the ‘ Persic school’ of Kdessa. His very dust was to them the dearest of their possessions, and his story would doubtless be rehearsed and embellished, at least as often as the 2lst of December came round. Alumni of the school of Hdessa could hardly fail to be infected in those days with a certain degree of enthusiasm for the memory of St. Thomas, and would publish, in season and out of season, with undisguised pride, the fact of their having seen the very relics that (as they would imagine) had once formed part of his living frame. The tradition, presented with all the attractions wherewith enthusiasm could invest it, would take a deeper hold on the minds of members of the Persian church than even the articles of their creed, and we cannot wonder that, when successive colonies came and settled in Malabar, they should have brought this proud possession with them and should have cherished it through all the vicissitudes of their lot, with a tenacious affection, even down to the present day. But the tradition might possibly have died a natural death, had special means not been used to keep it alive. In addition to the pleasing belief that one of the twelve apostles of our Lord set foot on the land where we dwell, there has been a decided stimulus in the ecclesiastical wish to give to % The Indian Empire, second edition, p. 237. 22 THE LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS. Christianity in India an orthodox instead of a heretical origin. This and the annual festivals which bring hundreds of visitors to the St. Thomas holy places in our neighbourhood are but specimens of the devices used to keep the tradition alive. The Irish Catholics of Madras are said, indeed, to be strong in disparagement of the special sanctity of the locali- ties and of the whole story connecting St. Thomas with Maylapur; but some of their naughty critics, perhaps un- kindly, add that they would sing a different tune to-morrow if the said holy places were suddenly transferred from Goanese hands to their own. Be this as it may, it seems to me that the origin of the tradition in India is due to the founders of the church of Malabar, and that it has been kept alive by the so-called Syrians themselves, by Catholics, and by Protestants on grounds that are not historical. For, in my opinion, there is not a shred of evidence to prove that the feet of St. Thomas ever trod the soil of Peninsular India ; and such evidence of his destination as our available records supply points in another direction. 23 Etymology of some Mythological Names. (By M. SESHAGIRI SASTRL) Tue subject of this paper is the Etymology of some My- thological Names. Before treating of this subject, I shall introduce some general prefatory remarks which I consider necessary for a clear understanding of it. Mythology is the sum total of the knowledge which every nation has of the cosmogony of the world in their low and primitive condi- tion; and the absence of such a knowledge in a. people is a clear indication of the absence of any nationality. For, according to Schelling, a nation becomes a nation through community of consciousness between the individuals, and this community has its foundation in a common view of the world, and this, again, in mythology. In conformity, there- fore, to his theory there will be no nationality found in circles of men who have no mythology. We may, therefore, state that every nation has a mythology and that, at any _ rate, this is the case, as we all know, with the Aryans with whose mythology alone this paper is concerned. Mytho- logy, like every other branch of human knowledge, may _ be studied scientifically as well as historically. Different nations have different mythologies, and these, notwithstand- ing their divergences and dissimilarities, agree in many points and turn out to be identical. The historical student of myths was content merely with studying and recording | them as they were. But in course of time when the science of comparative philology was established, the study of _ mythology assumed a new aspect. The young science led to _ very important ethnological conclusions and established the alliance and consanguinity of nations separated by thousands 24 ETYMOLOGY OF SOME of miles as well as of their languages which looked very different from each other. Under the guidance of the theories established by that young science and with the aid of the principles of psychology, researches in the domain of myths produced the most useful results and brought mto existence the science of mythology. The two sciences go hand in hand, the elder assisting the younger. Like the science of language, the science of mythology has two aspects, one psychological and the other philological, and the investigator of myths must steer his course between these two poles. Having these two guiding points in view, I have laid down a method of investigation which, I may say, is almost new and has enabled me to arrive at the most useful and scientifically most important conclusions. I shall now describe what that method is. Every mytho- logical word is a common name! indicating some thing in general, a quality, an action, or any other attribute, as I have already shown in my Notes on Aryan and Dravidian Phi- lology, Vol. I. The word originally refers to one of such meanings, though this particular meaning is lost sight of in its application as a mythological name. All the mythical accounts which are given in connection with the name are the outgrowths of that nucleus. The whole superstructure is merely a psychological evolution of the simple element which we discover in the original signification of the name of the mythical personage. So long as we are ignorant of this element, we must be in the dark as to why the name is given to the being or person, and what is the source of the various functions and attributes which are ascribed to him. But the moment this meaning is ascertained with clearness and precision, a flood of new knowledge suddenly flashes on our understanding, and what was before in utter 1 Vide p. xxix, Introduction. MYTHOLOGICAL NAMES. 25 oblivion and darkness becomes as clear as if seen in broad day-light. This original meaning is discovered by collecting all the words which are similar in form to the word under discussion and convey meanings which may be easily con- nected with its meaning; and by comparing the word both in form and meaning with the words collected. The above grouping must be only provisional; for it is not a rule that every word that is similar in form and meaning to another word is allied to it. In our research we have recourse to the history of each word compared, and take what other philologists and lexicographers have said, and build up our theories partly on our own observations and partly on the historical evidence we receive. When this evidence is nega- tive, we are obliged to rest satisfied with mere conjectures ; thus, for instance, I have proposed an etymology for the Greek word acduwvOos (a bathing tub), about the deriva- tion of which the Greek lexicographers and philologists are uncertain, and I have connected the word with Sans. 374q- asmanta ‘a hearth.’ I shall here give some examples to illustrate the above method of investigation. The name of the continent Hurope is derived from Greek Evpomn which in Grecian mythology is applied first to one of the Oceanides and occurs in Hesiod. In later works Evpwrr7n is described as the daughter of Agenor, king of Phoenicia and Telephassa. Jupiter loved her and assumed the form of a bull and appeared among the herds of Agenor. Etpo7n, who was gathering flowers in a meadow near the herds, was charmed with the beauty of the bull and approached the animal to caress it. In her fondness for it she ventured to sit on the animal and was carried away by it to Crete. Jupiter assumed his original form again and expressed to her his love, which was reciprocated by her. She gave birth to Minos I, who was adopted by Asterius, king of Crete, whom she subsequently married. Minos I is said to haye been the propounder of certain laws to his subjects 4 es 26 ETYMOLOGY OF SOME in 1406 B.C., which remained in force till the time of Plato. His name and his laws remind us of the first law-giver of India and his code, the Manavasarhhita. He married Itone and became the father of Lycastus, from whom was born Minos II. This king married Pasiphaé, who fell in love with a bull and gave birth to Minotauros. In the Vedic and Puranic theogonies, we have similar personages, stories and names. In the Rig Veda and Brah- manas, Indra is said to have fallen in love with qat-Ména, the daughter of a king called gqur-qz- Vrsanagéva, and, having assumed the form of Hat, lived with her under the care of her father, and in course of time married her. Among the names of Indra occur the words 3y4-Vrsan, we A- Rbhuksin and 4yaq-Rbhuksa, the latter two of which are mere metathetical modifications of Sans. =y4-rsabha which is also applied to Indra. Himavan, the mountain Himalayas, married 4aqT- Ménaka, and became the father of the mountain farH- Mainaka, and q(aat-Parvati, the wife of the god Siva. He was changed into a calf and was suckled at the udder of the goddess Harth, who assumed a bovine form. She is called gfy4t-Prthivi, and ygeqt-Prthvi, and is considered as the daughter of yy-Prthu or gaft-Prthi, who was the son of 4q-Vena, and is called 4-q-Vainya. gy-Prthu is said to have been the first anointed sovereign of the earth and to have ruled both men and the lower animals and introduced the art of husbandry into the world. 9a4-Vena was a descendant of yq-Manu, the first law-giver of the Hindus. I shall quote here a passage from my Notes on Aryan and Dravidian Philology, Vol. I, Part I, pp. 193 and 194. “Here I have to mention the word “Apiadvn which I have explained under the suf. dvos (page 181). It answers to Sans. aygavt-arhatari and means radically ‘ very fit.’ I MYTHOLOGICAL NAMES. 27 have already referred to her parentage; and the names of her father and mother are allied to the Sans. 3y-vrsa meaning ‘ox’ and have been mentioned in the Vrsa group, her father’s name, Minos, being allied to Sans. yfeqy- mahisa (properly Hy-mésa and fHq-misa, h being a mere orthographical outgrowth), FatH-mainaka and Fat-ména, and her mother’s name, Pasiphaé, to gqy-vrsabha. Minos was the son of Zeus and Europa, and as the word Kuropa is con- nected with the Sans. syy-vrsabha, 3¢y-urabhra, and Gr. opevs, and radically means ‘a cow,’ the legend simply means that a bull was born to Zeus by Europa, and his son married Pasiphaé, a cow, in his turn, and this legendary interpreta- tion is sufficiently borne out by the continuation of the myth, that, by the curse of Ovpavés or ITocevdwv Pasiphaé fell in love with a bull and brought forth Minotauros who was partly of bovine and human forms. Minos I., the grand- father, was the wise legislator in every city of Greece and was made the supreme and absolute judge in the infernal regions. His equity and justice, the radical connection of his name with Sans. zy-vrsa, and the fact of his being the king of Creta, the Grecian original forms of which are Kpyra and Kpyrn, remind us of the Hindu Krta Yuga, the first of the four great periods of the world, in which Vrsa, the bull of virtue, stood with four legs and reigned supreme (vide the Vrsa Group). In Kpyrn I see a trace of kpitis, ‘ choice,’ or the act of chosing, that is, the human volition, or of Sans. #q-krta or Hfa-krti, ‘action ;’ and the legendary government of Kpyrtn by Minos and the standing of virtue of a bovine form on four legs must refer to the virtuous dis- position of the people in a good age. The Greek Kpyra in its secondary meaning refers to the locality of the virtuous action and the Sans. #q-krta, to the age.” Comparing the above stories and proper names, we can see that we have a series of mythical personages with bovine 28 ETYMOLOGY OF SOME names, in whom there is a mixture of bovine, human, and divine attributes and functions. We have not been able to account for the peculiarities of the above myths; and their psychological aspects remain unintelligible to us. But let us apply to the science of comparative philology for aid. We find in the above stories the following proper names :— Evporn, Tlacvpan, Mivws, Mudrtavpos, 3yq-Vrsan, Karaa-Rbhuksin, aya7-Rbhuksa, Fqr-Mena, Haqt-Menaka tara-Mainaka, qq-Manu, 4q-Vena, and 3-q-Vainya. In these the Sanskrit words are clear in their meanings. They mean radically either a great being, a man, or anox. In | support of this meaning, and in explanation of other mean- ings which are conveyed by them, compare the following words: gay-purusa, Jey-purusa, Lat. maritus, mas, Sans. ariey-marisa, Lat. homo, Sans. qyq{-puman, and yq-purms, and fqaq-vis, ZY-vrsa, 7y-vrsabha, and the Dravidian form of ay4-rsabha, basava, Gr. Bacirevs, Sy-uksa, ay-rksa, tTay-rasabha, gaq-urabhra, Gr. opevs, Exados, and Epidos, Sans. Hy-mésa, Gr. pwjxos, wHrov, Sans. Fe-ménda, Arey. mahisa, Hind. §q-bail, Eng. bull and mule and Lat. mulus, Sans, qy-pasu, and Lat, pecus and vacca, and Sans. 9eq- basta and qepqot- baskayani, Eng. ass A.S. assa, and Lat. asinus and asellus, Sans. g@-vrka, Lat. lupus, Gr. Av«os, and other allied words. By comparing them we find that Evporn and IIacipan are modifications of Sans. 73H- vrsabha and mean ‘a cow;’ that Mives and WaT-ména are allied and radically refer to a bull and a cow respectively ; and that Muyetavpos answers to Sans. gyq-Vrsanasva with a slight difference in meaning; Mwertavpos being separated into Mives and, tadpos, both words indicating a bull; and zyo-q-Vrsanasva being separated into Zyq{-vrsan and Y4 asva—IW-vrsan signifying a bull and apy-asva a horse. The meanings I have attached to the words Evpemn, MYTHOLOGICAL NAMES. 29 TIacipan and Mivas explain the most important features of the myths connected with those names. I shall introduce now three equally important names of Aryan mythology, the etymologies of which have not yet been settled. These are Indra, Roma, and Kévtavpos. Indra has the following attributes and functions. He is the lord of the sky and the celestial world (fgaeqta-Divaspati). As lord of the sky he is mounted on clouds (@yaregq-Méghavahana), and accompanied by storms (qeqq-Marutvat). He is the enemy of heat (arHarat-Pakasisana) and destroyer of mountains (atatarz-Gotrabhid). He holds an adamantine weapon called qy-Vajra and is the foe of qara-Namuci, who is a personification of darkness.? All these and other attributes of Indra are unintelligible to us and may appear arbitrary, unless we understand the original meaning of the word Indra. According to the Rev. Sir George Cox, the word means “moisture.” But this, though not very far from the right meaning which I am going to mention, does not afford a proper clue as to the above attributes and functions of Indra. Compare the following words :— Sans. afsa-salila, afrr-sarira, ‘ water,’ Gr. dds, Oddacca and Oadarra ‘sea,’ Sans. arat-sagara, ‘ sea,’ qtq-saras, and acat-sarasi, ‘lake,’ areqdt-sarasvati, originally the ‘river goddess,’ azeqq-sarasvat, ‘the ocean’ (radically having water), q¢q-taranga, ‘a wave,’ wett-lahari, ‘ a wave,’ fafart- Sisira, ‘ cold,’ Lat. sal ‘salt,’ Sans. yq-Jala, ‘ water,’ we-jada, ‘ cold,’ Lat. gelu ‘ frost,’ perhaps Gr. wayeros ‘ frost,’ Sans. gyq-prsat, Sans. afnr-sikara ‘drop of water,’ qrart-kasara, and qzjH-tataka, Lat. lacus, and Gr. Ad««os ‘a tank or lake,’ fanat-sikata, ‘sands,’ Gr. Xdta£ ‘drop of wine,’ originally’ any fluid, Lat. latex ‘a liquid fluid;’ Gr. bypos ‘ moisture,’ * Vide Notes on Aryan and Dravidian Philology, vol. I, p. 139. 30 ETYMOLOGY OF SOME Sans. qyrt-tusara, ‘dew,’ and qy-tugra, originally ‘snow’ and then personified as the Demon qy-tugra, whom Indra defeated ; Gr. dposos and Lat. ros ‘dew,’ @«eavos ‘ocean,’ Sans. 3g-udra, and Gr. téwp, ‘water,’ Sans. qqg-samudra, ay- sam, + 3g-udra, ‘ with water,’ Sans. gqq-udan, gz-uda, geq-udaka, and eq-daga, ‘ water,’ qqx-sabara, a Vedic word meaning ‘ water,’ gqq-lavana, ‘ salt,’ 341Ts-jambala, ‘ marsh,’ Gr. Xun ‘a harbour,’ A(wvy, marshy lake, Aiuvac ‘ a quarter of Athens near the Acropolis,’ fé@q-sindhu, ‘ ocean,’ aa - saindhava, ‘ watery,’ from which I derive the Gr. Xairya, the deep sea; and other words included in a group of words called Salila Group, which I have reserved for a future occa- sion. We can clearly see thus that the word Indra means water or rather rain, that is, water falling on earth from the clouds. This gives a clue to the greater part of the story of Indra. He is, also, to be worshipped for rain. Ta Gale Aare FATA | otorat TATRA Hedt sSaraea 1) ~=Kamantaka. Raja tvarthan samabrtyakuryadindramah6tsavam | Prinitd méghavahastu mahatira vrstimavahét 1 ‘The king should collect money and celebrate the great feast of Indra, and when he is propitiated, he will bring down much rain.’ Indra is called qyH-q-Parjanya, a word applied to thunder clouds also. The name yarya-Ghana- ghana, is applied to Indra as well as to raining clouds. He is, therefore, the god of rain, and as such is associated with clouds, thunder, lightning and other natural phenomena that are connected therewith. Now we have to solve a question which naturally arises concerning the conception of Indra. The question is this: How is it that Indra came into existence among the Hindu portion of the Aryans besides qaq- Varuna, the god of water and ocean, while the Greeks and other Western Aryans were contented with their MYTHOLOGICAL NAMES. 31 ’Ovpavos (San. qer-Varuna) Ilocevdav (TAaTa- Pracétas), Neptunus (Sans. qaera-Nabhasvan) and the like. The question may be solved thus. When the Aryans came to India, a country in which the climate was hotter than that of their original home, they began to appreciate the effects of rain and the rainy season; and Indra became more important than Dyauspitar, Zevswatnp and Jupiter, whom he is said to have conquered and subjugated as in the passage garqatvgd sana - Indrayadyau rasurdanamrata, “ The mighty Dyaus bowed to Indra.” I shall next speak of Roma. This was the Latin name of the capital of the ancient Roman empire, and the Grecian form of the word is Poun. The goddess of the city of Rome was called Roma and was worshipped in a temple. The city of Rome was by some said to have been built by Romus, son of Aineas and Lavinia, but the foundation of it is generally attributed to Romulus, who was a son of Mars and Ilia, and grandson of Numitor, king of Alba. His twin brother was Remus. When Amulius, the brother _ of Numitor, usurped the throne, he caused the two children _ to be thrown into the Tiber ; but they were preserved by the _ river, which stopped its course, and a she-wolf came and suckled them. In course of time they were discovered by Faustulus, one of the king’s shepherds, who brought them up _ as his own children. When they grew old, they knew their _ parentage, and, after killing Amulius, restored their grand- father to the throne. Romulus afterwards built the city of _ Rome and made it the capital of his kingdom. Some suppose _ that the story of a she-wolf having been the nurse of the _ two children of Ilia arose from the fact that the wife of Faustulus, who brought them up in their infancy, was called Lupa, a word which is the feminine form of Lupus, ‘a wolf.’ _I am, however, inclined to think that the original word Romus itself may have meant a wolf, and that Remus may _ be a corruption of Romus, and Romulus, a diminutive form ; ee ee SSS eee —_——————————————E—ee_——ESE 32 ETYMOLOGY OF SOME so that we may infer from the forms of the words that Remus, originally Romus, must have been the name of the | ! elder brother, and Romulus, that is, the little Romus, that of | 1 the younger brother. With reference to the meaning which I } « have attached to Romus, let us compare the following allied © words: Sans. %@-phéru and Fqq-phérava, ‘a jackal;’ Lat. vulpes, ‘a fox,’ Sans. gj-vrka, Gr. Av«Kos, Lat. lupus ‘a wolf,’ and the corresponding A.S. wulf, Slav. vluka and Lith. vilkas ; Gr. dAwmn£, Eng. fox, A.S. fuchs, Sans. seut-ulupi, ‘a water fox ;’ Sans. 3¢x-urabhra ‘a goat,’ Gr. érados, ‘ a deer,’ and épidos, ‘kid;’ Sans. 7y-ibha, Gr. éAedas (stem, édepayt) and Lat. elephas and elephantus, and other words which I have mentioned in the Vrsa group and to which T have already referred above. We can clearly see that the first letter q-v of zy-vrsa is changed into a, e, i, 0, and u, the second letter ¢-r, into 1 in some words, and the third letter g-s is represented by k, p, ph, and bh. By changing again the letter p, ph, or bh into m and retaining only the second consonant r, and eliding the first letter v, we can derive such a form as rma or roma with one of the above meanings or some allied meaning. In Sanskrit there is already a word as q7q-rama, which is applied to a quadruped like a deer, and which, I am quite certain, is allied to the above words and traceable to the representative word gy-vrsa. or 3H-vrka Perhaps even the English word ‘ram’ and the A.S. ram and rom, Eng. lamb and the A.S. and Ice. lamb, Dan. lam, all traced to lamba, (the root of which is not settled according to Mr. Skeat), may be traced to the same source. As for Remus, the name of the brother of Romulus, it is believed by philologists to be a corruption of Romus, as I have already remarked. I should therefore think that the word Romus originally signified a wolf and was the name of the founder of the capital of the Roman empire ; and as I have already observed with regard to Europa, it was the MYTHOLOGICAL NAMES. 33 original signification that furnished a part of the materials of the myth, and, in the story of Romulus and Remus, their nourishment by a she-wolf may be traced to the radical signification of the word Romus. T now come to the word Kévtavpos. In Grecian mytho- logy, the word Kévravpos is applied to a savage race dwelling between Pelion and Ossa, who were defeated and destroyed by their neighbours, the Lapithae. According to Pindar and later writers they were monsters, possessed of a body partly human and partly equine, and are said to have been the sons of Ixion and Nephele; but according to others they were the sons of Centaurus, son of Apollo and Stilbia. The name _ Kévtavpos is usually derived from xevtéw and tatpos, _ meaning ‘goading the bulls.’ But it has been recently connected with Sans. aqq-Gandharva. Professor Monier Williams too compares the above two words; and the Rey. Sir George Cox in his Introduction to Mythology makes the following remarks: ‘‘ The name Kentaur certainly cannot be explained by referring it to any Greek word or to any word belonging to the western Aryan dialects. But in the Rig Veda we have a class of beings called Gandharvas, who are manifestly the bright sun-lit clouds, probably cumuli with their heads illuminated, while the other parts are in shade. M. Bréal, in his analysis of the myth of Gidipus, has no doubt that the two names Kentaur and Gandharva are identical.” The conjecture is no doubt a happy one. But, unless we know the radical meaning of q4q-Gandharva which underlies the whole or part of the mythological story of the 744- Gandharva and Kévtavpos, we are in the dark as to the functions and attributes of those mythical personages. In Sanskrit the Gandharvas are celestial beings and are very fond of women. Soma is the first owner of a girl, and then _ she comes under the possession of a Gandharva, from whom _ Agni, the god of fire, takes her and gives her to the person 5 B4 ETYMOLOGY OF SOME who marries her, according to the foliowing passage of the Yajurveda :— ara: saat faraz apaat fare sar: 1 ada afasata eqttaed AAeTST: aasTeeIAT WIFSTTAA | taagaiarar sasha TATA Somah pratham6 vividé gandharvy6 vivida uttarah | Trtiy6 agnistépati sturiyasté manusyajah i Somodadadgandharvaya gandharvodadadagnayé | Rayitneaputramsécaida dagnirmahyamatho imam ‘Soma married thee first and then Gandharva married ; thy third husband is Agni, and the fourth is a person born of man. Soma gave thee to Gandharva, Gandharva to Agni, and Agni gave thee wealth and sons to me.” This relation of the Gandharvas to the fair sex is some- what like that which the Kévtavpou bore to the same sex ; for they are well known for their brutal sensualities, and are said to have offered violence to women on seyeral occasions. There are many other points of similarity in the stories of the Gandharvas and Kentaurs, which I do not mention here, as we may be quite convinced of the alliance of their names and their stories from what has already been said regarding them. We have now to ascertain the original signification of the Sans. ay4-Gandharva which may lead to a proper explanation of the functions and attributes of those beings. Tn Sanskrit the word wy4-Gandharva is applied to a horse, a kind of quadruped like the deer, or a musk deer; w74f- Gandharvi, a feminine form of the word, to a daughter of Surabhi, mother of the race of horses, and the word 4atzq- kanthirva, a modification of the word, to a lion, and #), very little mention is made: the shadow of its future greatness not having then fallen upon it. The embassy took ship for Calicut at a port called Kan- dahar (243). This may be a clerical error in the original MS., or the name of the town may have changed past recognition in succeeding times, for no such port is discover- able on modern maps. The vessels appear to have been of large size and were ’ three in number. One of them was fitted up by Sultan Jalansi for the retinue and horses of Zahir-ad-din («2ty-3) and Sunbul, two of the chief amirs of the party. The gifts intended for the emperor were shipped on one vessel, whilst Ibn Batitah himself embarked on another in which accommodation was found for 70 horses, 50 archers, and 50 Abyssinian warriors. These latter he calls the rulers of those seas, adding that the presence of even one of them on board a vessel was sufficient to guarantee immunity from IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 41 attack by pirates or others. The ships were propelled by sixty oars, and the sultan’s son set sail with the embassy as a mark of respect to the high authority they represented. Nothing specially worthy of note occurred till the town of Hinir (2) was reached. A supply of water was shipped at Bairam, a desert island, and at Kukah (% 53), Ibn Batitah with some difficulty was carried ashore to perform his devo- tions in a mosque and have a glimpse of the town then under the governorship of Sultan Dankal (J;S+), an idolater, who professed fealty to the Sultan of the Indies, but was at heart a rebel. At Hinir, where a halt was made, Ibn Batttah found much to admire in the character of the Sultan Jamal-ad-din Muhammad (wpJ! Je), who gave up his entire day, from dawn to sunset, to reading the koran in mosques, and who moreover entertained him at a banquet, of which he has left a detailed account, interesting in so far as it shows how little changed are the manners and customs of oriental people through many generations. A beautiful slave, robed in a silken garment, placed before the prince dishes containing various preparations of food, and taking a large brass ladle in her hand drew out on toa plate a quantity of rice, over which ghee was then poured, pepper corns and green ginger were added, and a pre- serve of lime and mangoes (evidently chutney), and the first course was then ready. ‘The ladle full of rice was followed by 2 second, portions of cooked fowl (pillau) being served with it. This was followed by several varieties of dressed poultry. Next came fish (always accompanied by the inevitable rice) and vegetables cooked in milk or butter. To indicate the close of the banquet each guest was presented with a portion of sour milk. The beverage on this occasion was hot water, as when cold it was considered a somewhat unwholesome drink during the period of the rains. It is curious to find history repeating itself, and a similar drink being in our 6 42 IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. days prescribed for dyspeptics, the advantages of which were appreciated in the fourteenth century. The Malabar coast was reached after a three-days’ sail. Ibn Batittah speaks of it as celebrated for its pepper, large quantities of which were exported. From Sindabar to Kalam (3,5), a two-months’ march along the coast, a fine road extended, well shaded by trees and supplied with rest-houses at distances of half a mile apart. The land was under cultivation the whole of the way, laid out chiefly in fruit gardens, and the traffic was great. Travellers, merchants and others proceeded on their way on foot or in palankeens, their luggage and merchandise being carried on men’s shoulders, the sultan alone having the privilege of using horses. Though of such extent, the road was absolutely secure throughout, a theft being punishable by death. Ibn Bata- tah quotes, as an instance of the extreme rigor of the law, the case ofaman,a Hindu, who, for stealing a nut, was impaled and so left on the highway as a caution to evil-doers, whilst, as a wholesome reminder to the public generally, impaling posts were placed conveniently at intervals along the road. Muhammadans and Hindus kept entirely apart, holding no communication, and, not unnaturally perhaps, the former are represented as having occupied higher social distinction than the latter. Malabar (;**) was governed by no less than twelve sultans, and, on the line of demarcation separating their respective territories, gates were erected. A culprit flying from one state to another to escape the consequences of a crime could not be captured once he had passed through one of these gates of refuge. This privilege was strictly respected and never infringed even by the strong against the weaker states. Ibn Batiitah mentions, as a curious custom prevalent in Malabar, that the sultan was succeeded on the throne by the ee IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 43 son of his sister to the exclusion of his own children—a eustom which, he adds, “I never saw practised save by the ‘ Massufah’ (45), wearers of the Zisdm (p\\), or veil cover- ing the lower part of the face.” The sultans of Malabar were enabled by a very simple expedient to bring trade to a standstill in their territories. A slave was commanded to suspend the leafy branch of a tree over the shops, and so long as the branch was left there neither buying nor selling was permitted to take place. Of Abusahitr ()£,:\), the first town visited on the Malabar coast, only a passing mention is made; from thence two days’ sail was Fakanir ())4), a larger settlement and ruled by Sultan Basadau (~~), who owned thirty war vessels commanded by a certain Lula (453), who appears to have been little better than a pirate. As soon as the Emperor of Delhi’s vessels anchored, the sultan sent his son on board and entertained the embassy with all due respect and considera- tion. It was one of the customs observed on that coast that all vessels nearing a port were obliged to anchor and send a gift to its ruler. Any failure in the observance of this rule sent the indignant inhabitants off in pursuit of the default- ing vessel, which was then compelled to return by force and was detained on their shores during their good pleasure. Leaving Fakanir, a three days’ sail brought the mission to Mangalore, even then a large and flourishing town governed by Ramadau. A kazi here visited the vessels and invited Ibn Batiitah and his companions to land, which, however, they declined to do (doubtless for very sufficient reasons) until such time as the sultan sent his son on board as hostage. Subsequently this request was acceded to, and during three days’ sojourn all were treated with great hospitality. 5 Hili, the next port touched at, appears to have been a place of some consequence, affording good anchorage and. 44 IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. occasionally visited by Chinese vessels ; | here also was a fine mosque—always an interesting feature to Ibn Batitah—to which was attached a college, the students being paid salaries (scholarships ?) out of the revenues of the temple. Jarfattan (y+ >) obtains only a very casual notice; its ruler, a powerful prince, was also sovereign of Dahfattan and Bud Fattan, coast towns, about which there seems to have been nothing worth recording, except the existence of a miraculous tree at the former place that shed but one leaf a year, on which was found invariably inscribed the Muham- madan formula: “ There is no God but God, and Muham- mad was the messenger of God.” Fandaraina, another coast town, possessed no objects of interest excepting fine gardens and markets. At Calicit (4,38), where the embassy was to tranship for China, the little fleet was received by the authorities with all possible pomp and circumstance and escorted to an anchorage to the sound of timbrels, trumpets, and clarions and with standards flying, all of which rejoicing was destined shortly to end in sorrow and disaster. Here the embassy waited three months for a favourable opportunity to start on the last portion of their journey. The reasons for this long delay are not, however, men- tioned, but their stay was made very agreeable, suitable accommodation was found for them in the town, and they were hospitably entertained by the sultan of the country. In the port of Calicut were thirteen Chinese vessels. These were of three kinds—the large ships or junks, the medium-sized vessels called sau, and the small ones or kakams. The junks carried as many as twelve sails, made of a species of matting, which were allowed to float loosely in 1 According to Ibn Batutah the Chinese merchants had three ports of call on the Malabar coast, viz., Hili, Calicut, and Kalam. ee as IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 45 the wind when the vessels were at anchor. Each junk was manceuvred by a thousand men (!!), six hundred sailors, and four hundred warriors, among whom were archers, cross- bow men, and naptha-throwers (?). The big ships had four decks, cabins, saloons, and holds for merchandise; the oars were worked by fifteen men to each oar, and when the vessel went to sea, it was accompanied by three of the smaller craft. The stewards of the ships were very great personages and were always escorted ashore by a guard of archers and Abyssinians, proceeding on their way to the accompaniment of horns and timbrels. Some Chinese merchants acquired great riches by trading with their numerous vessels. At length the time came for the members of the embassy to proceed on their way. Out of the thirteen junks one was fitted and armed by the sultan for their use, a cabin was allotted to Ibn Batitah, and his entire suite embarked, as also did Sunbul and Zahir-ad-din, taking on board with them the emperor’s presents. Being a Friday, Ibn Batiitah himself remained ashore in order to attend prayers at the mosque, intending to return to his retinue as soon as his devotions were concluded. Meantime one of his servants having represented to him that the accommodation reserved for him on board the junk was very insufficient, he decided to tranship all his slaves and property to the small kakam, where more space was available. In making his arrangements, however, Ibn Ba- titah had forgotten to take into calculation the difficulty of embarking after 4 p.m., probably owing to the sea breeze freshening about that time; the result was that it became impossible to leave the shore. All the junks, with the exception of two, had left the port. One of these intended wintering at Fandaraina; the other contained the valuables and presents of the embassy. Friday night was spent ashore, it being impossible to reach the vessel, and those on board were unable to render any assistance. On Saturday 46 IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. morning the first junk and the kakam were far from port ; the former, however, struck and foundered on some rocks, part of the crew being lost, others escaping with their lives. As night advanced, the second junk was also shipwrecked on some reefs and all hands perished. In the morning Ibn Batitah proceeded to the spot where the dead bodies lay. Zahir-ad-din’s skull had been broken; Sunbul lay with his brain pierced by a large nail. Having said the prescribed prayers over their corpses, their companion had them interred. The sultan meantime stood on the beach with his attendants and prevented the populace from thieving property washed ashore by the waves. Cali- cut was the only town on the Malabar coast where such jetsam did not become the property of the State, and could be reclaimed by the rightful owners; consequently it was a port much favoured by traders. When the kakam saw the misfortuue that had befallen the junk, it very ungenerously set sail, taking with it all Ibn Batitah’s slaves and property and leaving him with but a few pieces of gold, asmall carpet, and a slave he had liberated and who immediately deserted him. He does not however appear to have wasted time in vain regrets, but, with the philosophy of his race, resigned himself to the inevitable. He ascertained that the kakam would be compelled to put in at the port of Kalam and resolved at once to push on thither in the hope of meeting it there. The distance was a ten-days’ journey by either road or river; he chose the latter, halting each night at some village on the banks; he recounts how much he was exer- cised in spirit on the way by the Musalman servant he had engaged who turned out a drunkard and a cause of much trouble. In ten days Kulam was reached in safety, a large and handsome town, much frequented by Chinese merchants, the port being most conveniently situated for them. Muhammadans were much respected. The Sultan IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 47 Altiravari (cs;-5\) was himself an idolater, and more- over a rigid martinet, witness a story recounted by Ibn Batitah. The sultan on one occasion, when riding out accompanied by his daughter’s husband, observed the latter appropriate a mango that had fallen from an overhanging branch and lay on the ground. Upon this his wrath being kindled, he had both his son-in-law and the fruit he had taken cut in half and fixed on to a couple of posts by way of caution to passers-by, who no doubt became sufficiently circumspect in their conduct to avoid similar penalties. At Kalam, Ibn Batitah came across the Chinese en- voys who had travelled down from Delhi with the embassy. It appears that their ships also had been wrecked, but they : obtained a supply of clothing from their fellow country- | men and returned to their own land where he subsequently met them. Ibn Batitah had some thought of returning to the _ Emperor of Delhi; but fearing that monarch’s reproaches, relinquished the idea, more especially as he was strongly | advised not on any account to go back thither by an agent of the emperor, whom he found on his return to Calicut employed in enlisting as many Arab recruits as he could find for the king’s army. He accompanied this man by sea to Hinaur, where he became the guest of the sultan, and _ here it was his religious exercises assumed such formidable _ proportions. At that ruler’s request he recited prayers in his company and spent the entire day in a mosque, sometimes reading the koran twice through between sunrise and sunset. A proposed expedition to attack and capture the island of Sindabiar offered an agreeable escape from this some- _ what monotonous existence, and it is not surprising to learn that Ibn Batitah proposed to accompany the invading force ; and after duly consulting the koran and obtaining a favourable reply, he not only went himself but persuaded the sultan to go also and to command the troops in person. 48 IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. The island was attacked and conquered, but the sultan showed himself lenient towards the inhabitants who had resisted his invasion, sparing their lives and permitting them to reside in the suburbs of the chief town. Ibn Batitah, to whom he presented a robe of honour on this occasion, remained some time longer with the sultan, but then obtained permission to leave, promising to return, and retraced his way to Calicit. At this port discouraging tidings awaited him. Two of his slaves who had been obliged to sail with the kakam con- trived to return to India and informed him of the death of one of his female slaves and of the capture of the remain- der by the king of Java. All his property, they added, had fallen into alien hands, and his comrades were dispersed over Java, China, and Bengal. On hearing this depressing report, Ibn Batttah, faithful to his promise, returned to Sindabar, but troubles and disturbances breaking out, he again lett the sultan, and, reaching Calicit once more, resolved to visit the Maldive Islands, of which many enticing descriptions had been given him and where amid novel sur- roundings he no doubt hoped to forget past misfortunes. He appears to have sojourned for some time in the Maldives and found them an attractive residence. Honours were conferred on him, and when finally he wished to return — to India for various cogent reasons, he had some difficulty in obtaining permission to depart. Instead of returning at once to the west coast, [bn Batitah visited Ceylon and gives long and detailed accounts of the many wonders of the island, its fauna and flora, the great size of the gems found there, and the wealth of its sultan. He also gives a graphic description of his visit to Adam’s Peak. At length he embarked to return to Malabar, but nearly lost his life on the journey by shipwreck. A gale arose. The vessel in which he sailed was almost swamped and narrowly escaped being dashed to pieces on the rocks; finally she stranded in shallow breakers, and Ibn Batitah was able to send his IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 49 companions ashore on a raft, he himself remaining on board till two more rafts could be constructed by the sailors. How- ever darkness overtook them before the task was complete and a very unpleasant night was spent on board the wreck. In the morning some natives came off in a boat from the shore and rescued him from his perilous position. Ibn Batatah thus found himself on the coast of Malabar and hastened to explain to the inhabitants that he was a friend of their sultan. On hearing this they wrote to apprize their ruler of what had occurred. Ibn Batitah himself sent a letter at the same time describing his misfortunes. The sultan was engaged fighting certain infidels at two days’ journey from the scene of the wreck, and three days aiter the message had been despatched to him an amir arrived accompanied by a detachment of cavalry and infantry, a palankeen, and horses, to greet Ibn Batitah and escort him to the camp. He at once set out on horseback accompanied by his few companions, halted for the night at the fort of Harkata (\,2), and arrived at the sultan’s camp on the second day. Ghiyas-ad-din Addamaghani, Sultan of Malabar, had at one time served as a cavalry soldier under Malik Mujir, one of Sultan” Muhammed’s officers ; finally he was invested with royalty. Previous to his accession he had been known as Siraj-ad-din, but from the time of his elevation to the throne he assumed the name of Ghiyas-ad-din. Formerly Malabar had acknowledged the authority of Sultan Muhanad, King of Delhi. Ibn Batitah’s father-in- law, Jelal-ad-din Ahsan Shah (dls ges} yp Jl Je), having incited a successful rebellion, assumed the reins of govern- ment. He reigned for five years and was then assassinated by one of his amirs Ala-ad-din adaiji (sel ~nwe), who seized the throne and ruled in his stead one year. This sultan ? Muhammad Ibn Tughluk of Delhi. 50 IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. made two expeditions against the infidels in which he was entirely successful, carrying off much spoil and killing the enemy in vast numbers. After his second victory, however, on the very day of his triumph, having removed his helmet from his head to quench his thirst, he was hit by an arrow shot by an unknown hand and died on the spot. His son- in-law, Kutb-ad-din, was elected to succeed him, but his conduct so irritated his subjects that he was put to death at the end of forty days. Sultan Ghiyas-ad-din was proclaimed king and married the daughter of Jelal-ad-din, one of whose daughters Ibn Batiitah had married at Delhi. On approaching the sultan’s camp, a chamberlain was found awaiting the travellers to conduct them to his royal master, who received them kindly and presented Ibn Bata- tah with food and presents. In a subsequent interview he laid before the sultan a scheme he had entertained for the conquest (annexation ?) of the Maldive Islands with which the sovereign was much pleased. He wished the enterprise to be promptly under- taken and had certain vessels fitted out for the purpose. Robes of honour and gifts for the amirs were set aside, especially for the sultana, with whose sister he wished to form a matrimonial alliance, and Ibn Batitah was authorized to draw up the marriage contract. An order was also deliv- ered to freight three vessels with alms to be distributed to the poor of those islands, and Ibn Batitah was told to depart and to return within five days. Admiral Khojah Sarlak insisted that it would be impossible to start for the Maldives before the expiration of three full months. The expedition had consequently to be postponed and Ibn Bati- tah spent the following months in the sultan’s camp. The ground which the army had to traverse was dense, impenetrable jungle. As soon as the camp was struck, the sultan advanced at the head of his troops towards the IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 61 forest ; every one, great and small, was provided with an axe to cut down obstacles, and the work of clearing a road continued from sunrise to sunset with a halt at midday for food and rest. All the idolaters caught in the woods were made prisoners, and, accompanied by their wives and children, made to carry pointed stakes on their shoulders to the camp. These camps were constructed as follows: In the centre was the sultan’s quarters, surrounding which was a palisade furnished with four doorways and called a katkar ; outside this enclosure was a second ‘“katkar.’’ An estrade was raised round the principal palisade, and here fires were kept burning and slaves and sentries were posted, each carry- ing a little bundle of twigs. As soon as an alarm of night attack was given, these torches were ignited, giving a bright light, by the help of which the cavalry were enabled to make a sortie and repulse the enemy. As soon as morning came, the Hindu prisoners, who had been taken the previous day, were divided into four batches and each led up to one of the four entrances of the “katkar.” Here the posts they had carried were made secure in the ground and the unfortunates impaled thereon. Their wives and children had their throats cut and were left fastened to the posts. The camp was then struck and the troops busied them- selves in clearing the jungle as before. Ibn Batatah stigmatises this barbarous cruelty as shame- ful conduct on the sultan’s part and adds: “It was for this that God hastened the death of Ghiyads-ad-din.”” He also gives an account of some executions of which he was an eye-witness, which it is best to transcribe in his own words: “One day,” he writes, “the kazi was on the right hand of this prince and I found myself on his left; as he took his repast with us, I saw that an idolater had been brought in, together with his wife and his son aged seven years. The sultan made a sign with his hand to the executioners to decapi- 52 IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. tate the man, then he said to them (in Persian) ‘va-zan-7-d-va- pusar-i-a,’ which signifies in Arabic ‘also his son and his wife.’ The sentence was carried out and I averted my gaze from the spectacle. When I arose, I saw their heads lying on the ground. ‘7 was on another occasion in the presence of the sultan, Ghiyas-ad-din, before whom a Hindu had been brought. He pronounced some words, I did not understand, and immediately several of his satellites drew their daggers. I arose hurriedly, and he asked me, ‘ where goest thou?’ I replied, ‘I go to perform the afternoon prayer.’ He understood the motive of my conduct, smiled, and ordered the hands and feet of the idolater to be cut off. On my return I found the unfortunate bathed in his own blood.” There appears to have been a ceaseless petty warfare carried on between the different rulers of the western coast. Ibn Batttah specially mentions one great victory gained by Ghiyas-ad-din over a powerful Hindu prince, Balal Dia (yo J&), one of his neighbours. This prince, it appears, aimed at the conquest of the Coromandel Coast and could put 100,000 armed men in the field, not reckoning some 20,000 Muhammadans, some of whom were escaped slaves and the rest adventurers and desperate characters. The Muhammadan army on the other hand consisted only of 6,000 men, half of whom were excellent troops and the remainder worthless. The eonflict began near the town of Kabban (oS), and the Hindus routed their enemies, who retreated to Mutrah (3+), their capital? Balal Dia encamped close to Kabban, which is one of the chief strong- holds possessed by the Muhammadans, and there besieged them for six months, at the end of which time the garrison found they had only sufficient provisions left for another fortnight. The Hindu prince then proposed a surrender. He desired the town to be abandoned and the besieged to retire under a safe conduct. They replied they could 3 Described by Ibn Batttah as the capital of the country (Madura ?). IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 53 not accede to such conditions without the sanction of their sultan. A truce was granted of fourteen days and a letter despatched to Ghiyas-ad-din, explaining to what extremities the garrison was reduced. This letter the sultan read to the people on the following Friday. The faithful on hearing it wept, exclaiming that they were ready to surrender their lives to God; for if the idolater took Kabban, he would next advance to besiege them and death by the sword was preferable to such a fate. They, therefore, vowed to give their lives in the good cause and marched to meet the enemy with bare heads and their turbans laid round their horses’ necks, signifying that they courted death. The troops were disposed to the best advantage under skilled commanders, the sultan riding in the centre, and towards the hour of the siesta the advance was made on the Hindu camp. They found their enemies quite unprepared ; believing themselves attacked by robbers, they rushed out in disorder to fight. _ Thereupon, Ghiyas-ad-din advanced with reinforcements and _ the Hindus were totally dispersed and put to flight. Their old sovereign, although eighty years of age, endeavoured to _ mount a horse and escape, when the sultan’s nephew, Nasir- | ad-din (y2S\y4), who succeeded him, attacked and would _ have killed the old man, not recognising him, had not one of his slaves said: “It is the king,” whereupon he was made | prisoner and treated with apparent consideration, whilst _ under promise of eventual release, all his riches were extorted from him. He was then murdered and his skin stuffed with _ straw and hung from the wall of Mutrah where Ibn Batitah says he saw it suspended. He records this great victory of his co-religionists over overwhelming numbers of idolaters with pardonable pride and complacency. Eventually he found his way to Fattan (y*), where shortly afterwards Ghiyas-ad-dim arrived stricken by an ill- ness that subsequently caused his death. He was met by Ibn Battitah, who offered him a present, the value of which the 54 IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. sultan wished to return to him; this he declined to accept, adding naively that he afterwards much regretted having done so, as the sultan died shortly after, and thus he obtained no sort of return. Ghiyds-ad-din remained about a fortnight at Fattan, expressing a wish that preparations for the expedi- tion to the Maldives should be pushed forward. He then proceeded to Mutrah, which Jelal-ad-din had formerly made his capital and much embellished. He was shortly after followed by Ibn Batitah and found a terrible infectious malady raging that killed its victims in three or four days from the time they were first attacked by it. So that, he writes, all around him he saw only the dead and dying. When Ghiyas-ad-din entered Mutrah he found his mother, wife, and son had been seized by the illness. At the end of three days he moved out of the town to the river bank and encamped there, tents being also pitched close at hand for Ibn Batitah. On that same day the sultan’s only son died, his mother on the following Thursday, and within a week of her burial Ghiyads-ad-din himself was dead. Fearing a tumult, Ibn Batitah hurriedly re-entered the town. Nasir-ad-din, who had been sent for to the camp, tried to persuade him to return thither in his company. This he refused to do, greatly to the mortification of that prince. Nasir-ad-din had at one time been a domestic servant at Delhi before his uncle obtained the crown. When Ghiyas- ad-din became king, his nephew fled to him disguised as a fakir and was destined to succeed him on the throne. He received the oaths of loyalty of the nobles, poets recited his praises and obtained magnificent presents, which were lavished with a princely hand to all retainers according to their rank, Ibn Batiatah receiving 300 gold pieces * and a robe of honour. For forty days the funeral obsequies of Ghiyas-ad-din were ‘Unfortunately no gold coin of either Ghiyas Addin or his nephew have yet been found. ee = eee — ee ae ee ee —~" es — se ee — IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 55 celebrated with great pomp, and largesses were freely distri- buted among the poor. One of Nasir-ad-din’s first acts was to kill the son of his paternal aunt, who was the husband of Ghiyds-ad-din’s _ daughter. He himself then married this princess. He also condemned to death a few other political offenders. The ships that had been fitted out for an expedition to the Maldives were to be made over at once to Ibn Batitah, but he was seized by the malignant fever of the country and believed himself to be dying; however, he recovered, and ascribes his restoration to health to the remedy he used, _ which was a decoction of tamarinds. In three days he had shaken off the fever, but having taken an aversion to _ Mautrah, he asked and obtained permission from the sultan to return to Fattan. A restless desire for travel seems to have then seized him, and after a second short visit to the | Maldives, he set sail for Bengal, thence to Java and Sumatra, and so at length to China, meeting with many vicissitudes both by sea and land, but ever ready to receive the gifts of fate, good or bad, as they chanced to come, with impertur- | pable serenity. NOTES Coins of most of the rulers mentioned by Ibn Batitah occur, those of Ahsan Shah and ’Ala-ad-din Adaji being _ fairly common still in Madura and Malabar, while others, _ notably the billon issues of Ghiyas-ad-din Aldamghani (of _ which only two specimens have yet been found), of Nasir-ad- _ din, his son-in-law, and the copper ones of Kutb-ad-din, are _ very rare. Issues of Muhammad bin Taghlak, struck prior _ to the revolt of Ahsan Shah, are still frequently found, and _ differ somewhat from those figured by Thomas or recorded _ In the Catalogue of the British Museum. Ahsan Shah, on °Tam indebted to Mr. L. White King, B.C.S., and Captain R. H. O. Tufnell, M.S.C., for this preliminary note on the Coins of the Muhammadan Viceroys in Southern India. 56 IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. raising the standard of revolt against his suzerain in Delhi, struck coins both in silver and copper. The latter of these are fairly common and are shown as fig. 1 in the accom- panying plate. On the obverse they bear the name of the ruler g\tJ\ sls y—=!, and on the reverse pée 3) yt}, No date occurs on any copper issues yet found, but on the only two silver pieces known, the date 738 and 749 appear in conjunction with his full name ts y=! yew. On his death he was succeeded by one of his emirs, whom Ibn Batitah wrongly calls ’Alai-ad-din adaiji, his real name evidently being Adaji, a copper coin of his, figured as No. 8, bearing this name most distinctly: obverse gt sls sol, reverse Leslie Gly Of his successor Kutb-ad-din as yet only two coins have been found, owing doubtless to the fact that his reign extended only to forty days. This is figured as No. 4 and is mest important as supplying a date: obverse sits cest,, reverse VP1 sls jy.5 (Firaz Shah, 746). On his mur- der by his subjects, Ghyas-ad-din, surnamed first Siraj-ad- ain (a name which however occurs on none of his coins), and subsequently, according to Ibn Batitah, Aldamghani (3 N31) succeeded, and his coins in copper (No. 5) occur : obverse grist, Lislols, reverse pked\yltSl. A billon coin of this ruler is also known, and is figured as No. 6, but here again we have further proof of Ibn Batitah’s careless ortho- graphy. In the centre of the obverse the name plainly reads dls gleels see (Muhammad Ddmghdn Shah) and on the reverse Gel, Wwlele pked! Git}, Had we no further evi- dence we might, I think, fairly attribute this coin to the so-called Aldamghani. Further proof, however, is at hand in a billon issue No. 7. In the centre of the obverse of this we find the name (pt, Wal tb (Nasir-ad-din) and on the reverse gibJ\ sls gleels sx (Muhammad Damghan Shah, the Sultan) and from Ibn Batitah we know that Nasir-ad-din was his successor’s name. Unfortunately the margin is, in both these coins, too much cut off to be iegible, IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 57 but on the top of the reverse of the last coin appears what looks like Je » (~) (Ibn ’Adil). This may of course merely mean ‘the son of the just Sultan Muhammad Dam- ghan Shah’; but it may also, it appears to me, read ‘the son of Muhammad Damghin Shah (who was) the son of Adil (Shah).’ A somewhat far-fetched argument on which to base the existence of a new king, if not indeed unwarran- table, were it not for the fact that about this time a king of the name of ’Adil Shah (s\& Jole) did without doubt reign in these parts, and his coins are found in conjunction with those of Ahsan and Aduaji. Three of his coins are figured as Nos. 8, 9, 10, all of which bear his name and titles plainly enough. Unfortunately on the accession of Nasir-ad-din, Ibn Batitah left the southern provinces and with him all historical assistance deserts the numismatist. If, however, my theory regarding ’Adil Shah be accepted, we have thus far fixed the following list :— Ahsan Shah, A.H. 738 (?)6 | ‘ (Rebels) * Adil Shah, A.H. ? Ala-ad-diu Aduji, A.H. 745. Kutb-ad-din Firuz, A.H. 746 (son-in-law), Ghiyds-ad-din Damgh4n, + Daughter. A.H. 746 | Daughter + Nasir-ad-din. Ibn Batiitah’s unfortunate departure towards other coun- tries just at this time it must be confessed leaves the numis- matist rather in the lurch. We have nothing in history to help us. Our guide so far, warned doubtless by Nasir-ad- din’s method of treating his predecessor’s relations and friends, has deserted us, and there remain but two or three small copper coins to lend us their assistance. 'T'wo of these, however, are of primary importance, the one bearing the name _ ® Thomas (Chronicles of the Pathan Kings, p. 253) places the date of Ahsan Shah’s rebellion in 742 A.H., but the date on his coin proves beyond doubt that it occurred at least four years earlier than that. 8 58 IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA, of Muhammad Mustafa, and the other that of Mubarak Shah. As good luck will have it, each of these two coins, which I figure as Nos. 11 and 13, respectively, bears a date, while the latter helps us in fixing the names of the king’s relations. The former bears on the obverse +<» 44» and on the reverse cthoe sls (?) (765) ; another otherwise identical coin bearing date 764, while another with the same name but with a date, the last numeral of which is unfortunately gone, has on the reverse an inscription which I read tentatively 5 gb o» (son of the Sultan Keridah ?). Next in order on this side we find a coin No. 12 with on the obverse the name eee (Mustafa) again, but here preceded by the word pol (slave, Ar.) instead of «= (Muhammad) and bearing the date 769 distinctly, but whether this is the name of a new king, or merely one of those titles they were wont to rejoice in, it is of course impossible to say. Whichever it may be, he certainly was the son of the same father as Muhammad Mustafa, the reverse of his coins proving this, and I certainly think it more probable that he was brother of, than identical with, Muhammad. Turning now to No. 18, the other coin to which I alluded above, we find on one specimen the date 763, and on all what looks like quite a little genealogy of kings. Unfortunately most of the coins available are much worn, but tentatively they appear to me to read as follows: obverse sS,<« dle gle eG (Mubarak Shah, the son of Shah Jehan (?) Shah) and reverse 3-+3)5 (y dle 3 ~ (the son of Fakhr Shah, the son of Keridah). Iam as doubtful, however, about the reading of the last name in these as in the last, and im not one of a dozen specimens I have is the name clear. Certain however it is that it is identical in both. MHence’ then, following up the successors of Nasir-ad-din, we have, if these readings are correct, the following :— 7Since this was written I have sent electrotypes of these coins to Mr. C. J. Rodgers, of Amritzar, and he agrees with the readings here given. AF es = IBN BATUTAH IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 59 Keridah | | | | Fakhr-ad-din Muhammad Mustafa; Khadam Mustafa, AH. 764-5. AVE 69. | Shah Jehan (?) Shah fibers Shah, A.H, 763. Between the accession of Ghiyas-ad-din Damghan in 746 and this issue of Mubarak in 763, we have therefore a gap of some seventeen years with, however, four kings to fill it up. Of these, no coins have yet been found of Keridah or of Shah Jehan(?) Shah. Those of Nasir-ad-din I have already alluded to and one of Fakhr-ad-din’s I figure as No. 14: obverse (ast, Wst;<3, reverse pJzel yt. One other coin, evidently of the same series, perhaps deserves brief notice. I allude to that of Sikandar Shah (No. 15). This bears on one side g\e\ dle +S (the Sultan | Sikandar Shah) and on the other ql) We (’Ala-ad-din), but whether he was one of those who helped to fill up the _ interval between Nasir-ad-din and Keridah (?) if there were any intermediate kings or was subsequent to Khadum Mus- _ tafa, it is at present impossible to say. That there is in the above a great deal that is hypo- thetical must, I fear, be allowed; but at the same time it must be remembered that we are here dealing with a line _ of kings, of whom history, but for the casual remarks of a casual traveller, is silent, and that these small copper pieces are pages of an unwritten story, the very names on which have never been rec8rded as far as we know elsewhere. As _ time goes on doubtless more will be unearthed and more _ information thus gained about them, and it is chiefly with a view to calling attention to their historical importance and in the hope that coin-collectors will not pass them by unheeded that this note appears. 60 Pandavula Metta. (By tur Rey. J. R. HUTCHINSON.) ‘What we most want is to have an intelligent and accurate account of the various objects of antiquarian interest scattered over our territory. Their name is Legion, but many of them still keep the secret of their history.’’ Sir MU. E. Grant Duffin his Review Minute. Tuar noble range of forest-clad and picturesque hills, which, beginning at Battili on the extreme north-western corner of the Parla Kimedy zemindari, separates for some forty miles the districts of Vizagapatam and Ganjam, reaches an abrupt termination at a point twenty miles north of Chicacole. From this point on to the sea at Calingapatam, however, the rugged backbone of the ridge shows itself at frequent intervals in the Sailada, Singapiiram, and Salihandam hills, and in scattered tumuli of black or grey granitic rocks. These are most numerous at a point some twelve miles north of Chicacole, where they are composed of schistose gneiss disposed for the most part in horizontal lamin. Many of the more regular of these hills have, in the course of ages, been denuded of their surface rock. The action of sun and rain, expansion and contraction, causes the surface rock to separate from that beneath in huge layers, often many yards in length and breadth. These have been broken up and removed by generation after generation of Hindus for the construction of temples, images, village pia/s, &e., and, in more recent times, by D.P.W. employés for the construe- tion of various public works. Frequently, the same agency which separated these rocky layers from their ancient bed has broken them up, in the direction of natural transverse flaws, into huge oblong masses, to which, in some places, the PANDAVULA METTA. 61 natives apply the term manchalu or “beds.” The continued separation and removal of these slabs leaves the surface of the rocky hill comparatively flat and often smooth as a floor. On one hill, called the Dhanya-rasi or ‘‘ paddy-heap,” because of a circular mound of earth upon its summit, the surface thus formed comprises an area of fully a quarter of an acre. The name which stands at the head of this article is borne by one of the most unprepossessing of these hills. It is also called Pancha-Pédndavula-nivesasthana or the “ Habitat of the Five Pandavas”—a name which explains the legend connected with the spot more fully and intelligently than any of the best informed natives in that vicinity. Viewed from its base, the hill which is probably thirty feet higher than the surrounding plain, presents absolutely no features of interest ; but on mounting it, the unassuming rock is at once trans- formed into a monument of the skill and patience of a people who have left no other record of their existence. ‘The first object that attracts the visitor’s attention is a cromlech of gigantic proportions on the western slope of the hill. This eromlech is formed of a single slab of native rock, raised bodily from its bed to a height of about four feet. This slab, which lies east and west, is 11 yards in length and d3 yards in breadth in its widest part. It has unfortunately been broken in two at a distance of about four yards from its western extremity. The thickness of the fractured part is about two feet. A piece of considerable size has been broken off the south-eastern corner at, apparently, a more recent date than that of the construction of the cromlech itself. The whole slopes slightly towards the west parallel with the slope of that part of the hill upon which it stands. Viewed from its eastern or higher end, the slab in its general outlines bears a striking resemblance to the form of a fish. There is however, no evidence whatever that any attempt | has at any time been made to change the natural form of the slab, and I am inclined to think that its curious resem- 62 PANDAVULA METTA. blance to the device of the Pandyan kings is purely acci- dental. It is possible, however, that the slab may have been selected originally because of its shape. The upright sup- ports of the horizontal slab are uncut oblong stones, selected from among the numerous smaller slabs which cover the hill-side. To the south is an entrance, over which, along the upper edge of the horizontal slab, a channel of some depth has been cut in the stone for the purpose of carrying off the water that would otherwise drip down into the door- way. Along the higher side of the floor of the cromlech, within the line of upright slabs, are similar channels. There is no soil in the immediate vicinity of the cromlech, and it has evidently never been covered with earth. The entire structure is, however, encircled by a row of holes cut into the surface rock of the hill at distances of a yard or two from one another. ‘These holes are circular, and, with the exception of the water-channels already described, are the only rock-cuttings about the cromlech. I am of opinion that this cromlech was constructed for and used as a human dwelling. The channel above the doorway to carry off the roof water, that along the higher side of the floor to keep the cromlech dry within, and the surrounding row of holes or sockets for pillars upon which thatch or other covering could be laid to protect the inmates from the fierce storms that sweep this valley in the months of April and May, seem to indicate indubitably the purpose and use of the structure. On four other hills in the vicinity are similar cromlechs of smaller size, with similar rock-cuttings, and evidently constructed for a like purpose. In one instance, on the high hill near Sailada, where three huge rocks have fallen upon one another in such a manner as to form a triangular central cavity with three side-outlets and an opening above, a flat slab has been placed upon the latter to shut out the rain, while around the whole runs a circle of holes in the rocky PANDAVULA METTA. 63 surface of the hill for the erection of the usual panchapdli. Here and there on the Pdndaviila Metta and several other of the hills in the vicinity, stone slabs of smaller size have been tilted up at an angle of 30° or 40° upon the sloping hill-side and held in position by upright stones placed under their outer edge—intended evidently as a protection from rain _and sun. These constructions are numerous in the vicinity of the larger cromlech. The whole level surface of the Pdndavitla Metta is covered with circular holes cut into the solid rock to a depth of ten inches or less. These holes are of three sizes, the largest being about 12, the second 8, and the third and smallest 6 inches in diameter. Many of them are fine specimens of workmanship, being cut out with remarkable regularity and | precision ; but the most curious features of these cuttings are _ their arrangement in every case in either oblong, circular, or : elliptical figures, and the fact that these face either east or south. In the margin is given a | diagram of an oblong arrangement of O O these holes. The length fromatogis © M..O... 2 O 18 feet 2inches. The length from d to ioe! b Mee BS _ hand from c to 7 is exactly the same. H The width from a toc, d to e, and gto O © iis 10 feet 4 inches. In front (east) o ° uo O is a semi-circular row of holes, m, n, 0, @ _ of which the central hole n is situated 9 ay oy o at a distance of 4 feet 7 inches from b. © 7-o-F O _ At the back (west) is a similar row of O fe ee. holes, giving the same distance from i toh. These holes are all of one diameter (about 8 inches). _ Around all again is shown another row of holes, elliptical in outline, of the third or smaller size, Within and near the western end is a larger hole, 12 inches in diameter. The holes p, , 6, f, h, k, and r are all exactly in line, and _ this line runs east and west. 64 PANDAVULA METTA. In other places the holes are arranged O 0 in circles as below, with one hole of the largest size in the centre, a circle of holes of the Zsecond size about this, a semi- ¢ circular row of holes of the same size in $ front (east or south), and around all 6 again an outer row of smaller ones (not ‘%, o shown in the diagram). jo The elliptical arrangements of holes are most common and elaborate. They are, moreover, on a much more exten- sive scale than either the oblongs or circles. The largest measures 164 yards in length and 13 yards in breadth. Down the middle line (north and south) runs a straight row of five 12-inch holes ; around this stretches the inner ellipse of 8-inch holes, while outside of all extends a third row of the smaller holes. In front, facing south, runs the usual O POG FOx2 ’ semi-circular line. Although the largest, the above is by no means the most elaborate of the ellipses. Some 50 yards O to the north of the Pdn- = O davila Metta is a smaller of # me NC hill, upon the surface of i which is an ellipse of O Oo curious conformation. H On its major axis, run- QO ning east and west, are O three holes a, 6, and e, of } the largest size. About O% ro the hole a, as a centre, ‘, : the rock has been cut le) © e) down in circular form as O Oo indicated by the dotted line as though by the revolution of a stone slab PANDAVULA METTA. 65 or grinder about a. The ellipse, instead of being composed of a single row of holes as in other instances, is composed of a double line of holes bored apparently on radii drawn from a. These double holes are of the second size. In front (east) is a semi-circular row of holes of the same size, and about the whole is another row of the smallest holes. The slope of the rock is from south-west to north-east ; and to carry off the water, channels have been cut into the sur- face on the more elevated side, several inches in depth and width. At the eastern extremity of the hill is a cave of triangular outlme, approached by a low entrance from the north. This cave is formed by the overlapping of strata and the partial closing in of the cavity thus formed by the super- position of a huge mass of rock. The cavity is about 15 feet long and 10 broad, terminating in a curious little grotto at the western end. Owing to the manner in which the rocks forming it are thrown together, the cave is more or less open overhead throughout its whole length. At sunset the rays of ruddy light stream in through the western extremity of this cleft and illumine the grotto in a singularly pleasing manner. The cave has obviously been used as a human habitation. Without, along the shelving edge of the rock, which terminates in one irregular overhead opening, chan- nels of considerable depth have been cut in the stone in such a manner as to collect all water flowing down the face of the rock and to convey it into other and larger channels below. The floor of the cave slopes from west to east; and border- ing the western or higher side, under the overhanging ledge of rock, is cut a double channel running from the extreme inner end of the cave out to the entrance. The upper of these channels is the larger, the second and lower one being apparently intended for the overflow from the first. At the western end of the cave, and especially in the grotto, the natural slope of the floor has been altered by cutting ) 66 PANDAVULA METTA. away the rock at the higher side to a depth of some six or eight inches. The cutting has been done very smoothly and — accurately. At the extreme upper end of the cave is a stone pial some six inches higher than the rock-hewn floor below. When first the writer visited the cave, its whole floor was covered to the depth of fully a foot with stones and kankar washed in by the rains. Po OT Fe ae OP ee ee 9 Oe an Oe ee CR eee cen te a een ont Gero INDO-DANISH COINS. CHRISTIAN VI. 1. SirvEr.—Single and double FANOS of 1731. 2. Coprprr.—KASH. Obverse.—The monogram C;, crowned. Reverse.— B (Tranquebar). 8. Do. Coin similar to the aboye with date 1732. 4. Do. 1 KAS. Obverse.—Crowned monogram ©, date 1730. Reverse.— The Norwegian lion surrounded by a ring of dots. 5. Do. 2 KAS similar to the 4 KAS of this period with the numeral 2 instead of 4. FREDERICK V. . SILvER.—Double and single Royalins of 1755 and 1756. Do. Single Royalin of 1762, 1765 and 1766. 3. Do. Double and single Ducats of 1746 and Piaster of 1749. or CHRISTIAN VII. . Gorp.—Pagoda. Obverse.—C, on a granulated surface. Reverse.—The figure of a diety. 2. Sitver.—Single Royalins of 1773, 1775, 1776, 1780, 1781, 1786, 1788 and 1792. 3. Do. Double Royalins of 1775, 1776, 1781, 1787, 1796, and 1807. 4. Corprr.—Earlier X KAS of 1768, 1770, 1772 and 1777. Do. Later X KAS of 1782, 1786, 1788 and 1790. Do. 2 KAS of 1770 and 1780. Do. 1 KAS of 1777 and 1780. —_ FREDERICK VI. 1. Sinver.—Single FANO of 1816 and 1818. 2. Coprer.—1 KAS of 1819 similar to iv KAS. On the Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsa or India. [ Continued from p. 137 of this Journal for 1887-88. | (By GUSTAV OPPERT.) CONTENTS OF PART II. THE GAUDIANS. Cuartger VII .. 66 ate ot a6 ne Philological Remarks Application of the term Gaudian’ a6 Explanation of the use of Gauda as a tribal name On the name Kolarian ae 0 an Cuarter VIII do 6 a6 56 On the Kolis (Kulis), Kolas a0 On the Gaulis Se 00 ao on 9 On the Kulindas, Kulatas, ke. .. ee Cuarter IX... ae we oe On the Kois, Rondat Kands, Gonds 5 On the Candalas oe se On the names Khandoba, TeRaniah, Gondala, Ri On Gondophares .. O6 ae oe Oo Cuarrer X oo 00 90 se is ° On the Kodagas ee oe wie oo On the Koragas te an 50 do On Hubasika and Huviska .. 90 60 On the Todas ae aie OO a On the Kotas bc ie 66 Cuarter XI... 00 aye 00 6 ete On the Kuravas (Kuruvas, Kurumas), renee On the Kurus (Yerakulas) and Kuars_ ., On the Kunnuvas and Kunavaris .. nell eae PAGE 856—109 85—88 88—90 90—97 97—109 109—119 109—117 117—118 118—119 119—137 119—131 131—132 132—136 1386—137 138—172 138—143 144—156 147—154 156—169 169—172 173—191 173—177 177—186 186—191 ———— ae —— ; i SAn CONTENTS OF PART II. Cuarter XII... 60 ee oe se a0 On the Kurubas or Kurumbas oe oe oe Remarks about the name Kurumba G6 oe On the sub-divisions among the Kurumbas es On their religion, manners and customs .- ae On our historical knowledge about the Kurumbas On Adonda Cola 50 ary metas ae aie On Tondamandalam .. oe ote a6 aie On the Kallas under the Tondaman of Pudukota On the Kurmis, Kumbis or Kunbis Sa Br On the origin of the term Kadamba 50 oe Ciostnc REMARKS 50 ie an ate 40 PAGE 191—256 191—236 191—196 196—210 211—218 218—236 222—229 229—233 233—236 237—240 240—245 245—246 PART Il. THE GAUDIANS. CHAPTER VII. PuitonocicaL REMARKS. Havine in the first part of my work treated of the Dravi- dians, I have now to deal with the other aboriginal tribes of India, whom I have classed together under the name of Gaudian. As already intimated, I derive the term Gaudian from the root ko, mountain. This word ko or ku is of the old Turanian stock. It is still extant in the Tamil G27, kd, mountain, and can be easily recognized in many expressions found in Telugu, Gondi, and other kindred dialects. Among words which perhaps are related to it is the Persian 2,5 (koh, hith,) or 4S (koh, kuh) mountain; for Persian, I would remark, contains a con- siderable number of Turanian words which have their re- presentatives in the Gauda-Dravidian dialects of India. The Sanskrit word go has many different meanings, most of which are also expressed by its Tamil tatsamam 0; but go in Sanskrit does not, so far as my knowledge goes, signify mountain, while, as already indicated, k6 occurs in Tamil in the sense of mountain. As the root 46 can be traced in other Gauda-Dravidian dialects as synonymous with mountain, it is pretty clear that the Tamil 4¢, mountain, is a separate word not identical with the term 46, denoting cow, &c.; and that it is not of Sanskrit but of Gauda-Dravidian origin.! 1 About the derivation of Gaudian from ko, see p. 41 in the previous number. Tatsamam is a word introduced from Sanskrit into an Indian vernacular with little or no change. The word ko is found in Koi, Koya, Koyi and Kédu, &c., which mean in Telugu and Gondi a mountaineer or Gond ; also in Kona, mountain-glen, or 12 86 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS The Gauda-Dravidian numerical roots o(r) one, and mi, three, are found in Tamil as onru (oru and onnu) and minru, in Malayalam as onnu and miénunu, in Telugu as ondu and mudu, in Kanarese as ondu and miru, in Tulu as oni and miji, in Madi as wndi (wandi) and mundu, in Gondi as undi and minu (mund), in Kurgi as ondu and mundu. In a similar manner the root ko (kw), mountain, has developed in Tamil into kunru, kunram, and kandam, in Malayalam into kunnu, kunnam, and kuru, in Telugu into honda, gundu and gutta, in Kanarese into gudda, in other dialects into kundu, &e. The tribal names Koracarw and Koravaru, mountaineers, permit the assumption of a root /ora.? The fact that lingual and dental letters are promiscuously used in these formations, is rather peculiar. Lingual and dental affixes must have been indiscriminately employed in Dravidian languages for the construction of words; thus ondw signifies one (and ont?, single) dale. The term kw is preferred by the Khonds, for Colonel John Campbell states on p. 13 in his Persona? Narrative of Service among the Wild Tribes of Khondistan: ‘‘The hill districts of Orissa . . are peopled generally by Khonds, or Kui, as they call themselves.’,—The name of the Hoyand, one of the seven rivers which flow from the Manhabalésvara mountain, is ‘‘ derived either from Kuvena,or from Koh, a primitive term signifying a mountain.” See Bombay Asiatic Journal, vol. IX, p. 258. With respect to the New- Persian and Parsi ‘ok, mountain, I should mention that saufa, mountain, occurs in the cuneiform inscriptions of the Persian ing Darius at the Behisttn. In Huzvaresh mountain is Avph. Yet it is not impossible that in spite of this fact, the word xo (4) may also in this case be originally Non-Aryan. Only where Tamil letters actually occur, they are transcribed according to the principle contained in note 1 on p. 31 of Part I. 2 Rev. Dr. Gundert in his Malayalam and English Dictionary presupposes & root o. Bishop Caldwell while advocating in his Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian languages on pp. 217-223, the assumption of a basis or, writes on p. 220: ‘Dr. Gundert considers ondrw an euphonised form of on, with the addition of du, the neuter formative, and that on and or are equivalents, being both verbal nouns from 0, to be one. It is quite true that such a verb as o exists, that 2 or av, alternating with am, is used as a formative by many nouns, and that x sometimes changes into or alternates with yor 7.’’ And on p. 222: ‘* There is a verbal root in Tamil o, which has been supposed to mean, to be one. Ox and or (ondru and oru) are supposed by Dr. Gundert to bo verbal nouns from this 0. An undoubted derivative of o in Tamil and falayalam is ok’a, which in Malayalam and the Tamil of the extreme south means ‘altogether,’ ‘all’ (compare Mordyin wof, all); and this is supposed OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 87° in Kanarese corresponding to the Telugu ondu, and in Telugu Kodu and Gondu mean a Khond, while their equivalents in Sanskrit are Honda and Gonda, to which corresponds the Telugu Hondarudu.? The addition of these lingual and dental affixes with or without a nasal, is a peculiarity of the Gauda-Dravidian languages. The change of & into the other gutturals kh, g, and gh, or perhaps more properly the interchange between them, need hardly be mentioned, being of such frequent occurrence; nor is it necessary to draw attention to the resemblance in the pronunciation of the vowels a, u and 0, and to their being promiscuously used the oue for the other, e.g., in Kudaku and Kodaku, the name of the province Kurg, in Kuravaiyi or Koravaryi, a common expression for a female gipsy.° The names of most of the Gaudian races are formed from the above-given variations of ko, a circumstance which explains the very considerable differences occasionally by Dr. Gundert to be identical with the Telugu oka, one. Every step in this process, with one exception, is encumbered with difficulties.’’ The question is still very doubtful, and can be hardly ever settled. Bishop Caldwell himself admits on p. 220 that: ‘‘or, in its primitive, unnasalised shape, is not now found in the cultivated Dravidian dialects as the first abstract neuter noun of number for one or unity.’’ The Rev. F. Kittel seems to agrec with the Bishop as he writes in his ‘‘ Notes concerning the Numerals of the Ancient Dravidians’’ in the Indian Antiquary, vol. II, p. 24: ‘1, ondu, onru (pro- nounce : ondu), ofiji, or, or, om, on, ondu, ottu, to be undivided, to be one. A unit without a branch.” * * ‘* When the affix dw is joined to a short monosyllabis root with final 7, the root in this case being or, this liquid is sometimes changed into the Bindu. Observe dw has become /2 (in Tulu).’’ 3 Kodu, steep, kodu, peak, and similar words belong to this group. Ku and go denote in Sanskrit earth, hence kukila, mountain (a peg or pin of the earth). Whether any connection exists between the Sanskrit ‘uta, mountain, fort; kuttda and kuttira, mountain; kita, mountainpeak; kéta, fort; and #éti, end, &c., and some Gauda-Dravidian words of similar sound and same meaning, is now very difficult to decide. Except kata, which occurs already in the Rgvéda, none of these Sanskrit terms are found in very ancient works. t ‘Tt is thus conspicuous in the formation of some irregular plurals in Telugu. ® See p. 112 of last number. 88 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS noticeable in their outward appearance. People resort in private life to a variety of names in order to facilitate distinction between kindred individuals, families and clans. The same name is often borne by various tribes who, though originally akin to one another, dwell separately in distant places of the large Indian continent. Some tribal terms originally unobjectionable have had attributed to them in course of time a disparaging meaning,—such terms, for instance, as Pariah and Candila. Yet, neither individuals nor races should be despised simply for the name they bear, particularly, if it is uncertain whether any stigma can be attached to them on that account. This caution should be strictly observed, especially as identical terms have often different significations in the various districts and separate communities of so vast a country as India. APPLICATION OF THE TERM GAUDIAN. I am aware that it is impossible to be too cautious in drawing up such lists as the following, the more so if they are the first of their kind; but one must guard as much against mistakes of omission as of commission. It is preferable, I believe, in a research like this, to make at first comprehensive statements, and to leave to the competent critic the task of pruning them. I regard under these circumstances the following tribes and races as belonging to the Gaudian division :—the Kai (Kui, Ku, Koital, Koya, Koyi), Kodu and Gdndu or Konda (Khonda, Kunda, Kavunda, Gauda, Gonda, and Gaunda) or Kanda (Khanda, Kandara, Canda, and Candala), Toda, Kota, Kodaga, Koraga, Kola (Cola), Koli, Kulu, Koracaru (Korearu, Korsaru, Kuruciyar, Gureari), Korava (Korama), Kuruva (Kuru, Yerakala, Kuruma, Kurumba, Kurmi), Kunnuva, &e. The following Sanskrit names can, I believe, be con- nected with the Gaudians, though it may be difficult actually OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 89 to prove such a connection always. Tribal names such as :—Gauda, Gaudaka, Gonda, Kanddla, Khanda, Candala, Kontala, Kundala, Kuntala, Kunthaka, Kunti, Kuntika, Kurata, Konvasira, Kola, Kdlvagiréya, Cola (Coda), &c. The following names of men: Kunda, Kundika, Kundina, Kola, Cola, &e.; of women: Kundala, Kunti, &e.; of countries : Gauda, Khandava, Kunti, &c.; of mountains: Kunda, Kundéda, Kuranga, Kénva, Kélagiri (Kollagiri), Kolahala, &e.; of streams: Kundala, &c.; of forests: Gondavana (Gondavara), Khandava, &c.; of plants: Kunda (or Malli, jasmine), Kundali (mountain ebony) ; and of towns: Gauda (Gonda), Gaura, Khandavaprastha, Kundaprastha, Kun- dagni, Kundina(pura), &c.° Ptolemy mentions among Indian tribes the Gonds as Kan- daloi (VII, 1,66).7 Strabo speaks of the country Gandaris or Gandaritis® in the north-west of India, while Ptolemy distinguishes (VI, 12, 4) between the Kandaroi in Sogdiana ® Koi-jati is a term generally given to the Kéitribe. Inthe July number, 1837, of the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, the Rev. William Taylor remarks as follows on page 17: ‘‘ In the title to Mr. Stevenson’s _ paper on their customs, they (the Khoonds) are styled §* eo Codulw and in Dr. Maxwell’s list Khoi-jati.”’ It is perhaps not quite out of place to mention among the tribal names also the Gandhira, Gandhdra or Gandhdri, who appear in the Behistan inscription among the subjects of Darius Hystaspes as Gandara. If this is the case, the name of the Queen Gdéxdhdri would find a place among the female names connected with the Gaudians. Some connect the name of Kandahar with the Gandharas, while others derive the name of the town Kandahar from Alexander the Great. I omit to include above in the text the names of the other sons of Dhrtarastra: Kundabhédin, Kundadhara, Kundaka, Kundasayin and Kundodara. 7 See P.I, p. 110, note 70. Christian Lassen used the edition of E. G. Will- berg and wrote in vol. I, p. 113 (88), No. 2: ‘‘ Ich lese mit Willberg Gondalot statt Kondaloi.”’ I used C. F. A. Nobbe’s edition, which contains on p. 155 Kavdaador. ® See Strabinos Geégraphika recensuit G. Kramer, Berolini, 1852, lib. XV, 1, 26 (Casaubonus, p. 697): The Choaspes (Attock) runs into the K6phes (Cabul) near the town Plemyrion, after passing by Gorys, another city and going through Bandobéné and Gandaritis ; and XV, 1, 30 (Casau- bonus, p. 699): Some call Gandaris the country subject to him (the nephew of Porus). sag ayn ae Peeper are canes ne = eg 90 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS (VI, 12, 4) and the Gandarai (VII, 1, 44) between the Suastos and Indos.? The same geographer names also the Korankaloi (VII, 2, 15), who lived probably near the river Gandaki, which Plinius calls Condochates in his Natural History. Omitting a number of places, which may perhaps refer to the Gaudian population and ure mentioned in the work of Ptolemy, I only draw attention to Kandipatna (VII, 1, 92), Kondota (VII, 1, 14), Konta (VII, 1, 51), Kontakossyla emporion (VII, 1, 15), Korear (VII, 1, 86), Korindiur (VII, 1, 89), Korunkala (VII, 1, 93), and Korygaza (VII, 2, 14).!° EXPLANATION OF THE USE OF GauDA (GaAuDIAN) as A TripaL Name. The term Ganda (Gaudian) is now generally regarded as appropriate to North India, while Dravida is connected with South India. Neither term is used in its widest sense, for this division, though right in a general way, ignores the fact that many Gaudian elements are found in the south, while the north contains numerous Dravidian constituents. In fact both branches of the kindred stock exist side by side through- out the land. With this restriction, the use of both terms may be admitted. Nhe word Gauda is a derivative of the root 46, mountain, and its equivalents are Goda and Gonda."' The substitution of x and / for @d gives Gaura and Gaula, which five forms 9 Ptol. VI, 12, 4. ‘‘Efra rapa 7a Soydia Spy Okvdpayxat kal ApuBdxrat, Kal KedvSapor,”’ and VIT, 1, 44: Meratd dt Tov Souderov kal Tod “IvSod TPavddpai.” 10 See C. Plinii Secundi Naturalis historic, lib. VI, 22: ‘‘ Ex iis naviga- biles, praeter iam dictos, Condochatem, Eranoboam, Cosoagum, Sonum.”’ [I have not included the Gandaki among the rivers, as its name is generally derived from gandaka, rhinoceros, which are said to be found in it. I regard this etymology as doubtful. 11 See General Sir Alexander Cunningham's Archeological Survey of India, vol. I, pp. 327, 328: ‘In Uttara Kosala they (the districts) are Gauda (vulgarly Gonda) to the south of the Rapti, and Kosala to the north of the Rapti... These apparent discrepancies are satisfactorily explained when we learn that Gauda is only a sub-division of Uttara Kosala, and that the ruins OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 91 occur simultaneously. There is no reason for supposing that Gauda is an antiquated Sanskrit formation; it was origi- nally not Sanskrit at all, though it was received in course | of time into the Sanskrit vocabulary. So far from being antiquated, it is still used in popular language. The modern _ Gaudas have formed themselves into a separate clan, the greater part of which dwells at present in Southern India. The chief of a village, even when the principal villagers do not belong to the Gauda caste, is in Mysore and its neigh- bouring districts now generally called the Gaudan. It must not, however, be overlooked that in spite of this fact the term Gauda has a tribal meaning and was probably given to the headman of a village community in consequence of the honorable position the Gaudas occupied in the estimation of the population. According to the last Census report 259,110 Gaudas live in Mysore alone, and 4,387 in the ' of Sravasti have actually been discovered in the district of Gauda, which is _ the Gonda of the maps. The extent of Gauda is also proved by the old name of Balrampur on the Rapti, which was formerly Ramgarh Gauda.” | Compare also vol. XXI, p. 13: ‘‘ Gonda (or Goda) isa large flourishing _ village .. 13 miles from Karwi...To the east of the village, . there is a pair | of old temples.. known as Chandeli Mandar, or the ‘ Chandeli temples,’ as all the old buildings are designated throughout Bundelkhand.” See further, _ vol. IX, p. 151: ‘‘The name of Gond is simply a corruption of Gauda. In the northern Gauda, or Uttara Kosala, the chief town is still named | Gauda,which the Muhammadans before wus corrupted to Gonda. On the finger posts leading to the place, the Nagari me Gauda and the English Gonda are placed side by side. I spent several months in the Central Provinces, and I never once heard the aborigines called Gond, but always Gor. Now, as | Gaudais a pure Sanskrit word, it would seem that this was not their true name, and that it must have been derived from the country in which they | dwelt. This appears the more probable when we learn that they do not call | themselves cither Gond or Gor, but Koitwr. It isalso strongly confirmed by | the fact thatthere are no Gonds inthe northern Gauda, or Uttara Kosala, and none in the eastern Gauda or western Bengal .. My explanation of Gauda as a geographical term, which gave its name to the Gond people, instead of | having received it from them, is still confirmed by the fact that numerous temples which are said to have been built by the Gonds, were certainly not erected by them.’’ Sir A. Cunningham overlooks that Koitur, the name which the Gonds give to themselves, isin reality identical with Gond, see p. 121. et eee wg Pe RT te ee he a ——— ——— SSS S800 ee eS SSS 359595 5° ——eeEa—yy——===~~™™- 92 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS Bombay Presidency. Iam well aware of the fact that the term Gauda has often been derived from the Sanskrit gé, cow; but this I take to be a wrong derivation.” The name is found in fact all over India. That the terms Gauda and Gonda are synonymous is proved by the fact that the well-known district and its capital in Oudh are known both as Gonda and Gauda. True, the term Gond signifies now only a section of the Gaudian population, but this affects neither its etymology nor the point at issue. On the contrary the common origin of both terms explains why one can be used for the other, or both for one and the same place or individual. It is a curious coincidence that the national division of the Indian population into Gaudians and Dravidians was 12 There are altogether 263,497 Gaudas and 161,853 Gaudes in India. About the Gaudas see Dr. Francis Buchanan’s Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar, second edition, vol. I, pp. 187, 207, 208, 274, 338, 340, 367, 395 and 896. On p. 187 he remarks: ‘‘ The Gauda, called corruptly Gaur, and in the Mussulman language the Potail, is the chief Ryut, or farmer, in the village, and receives the whole dues of government. . The office of Gauda was originally hereditary ; but now these persons are appointed by the Amildar, and continue in place so long as they keep up the collections to their supposed value, or until some other man un- dertakes, by bringing a greater number of farmers, to make the revenue more productive. The Gauda settles all disputes, in the same manner as here- ditary chiefs of casts do.’’? On pp. 207, 208, stands: ‘‘ The Gaudas here (in Colar) rent the villages, and every year make a new settlement with the Amildar ; while they receive authority to take from the cultivators as much as they legally can. Some Gaudas rent two or three Gramas, or villages ; but to each there is an hereditary Gawda, who receives the title.’’ See p. 338: “© In all this part (Belluru) of the country it has been customary, when a new village was founded, for the person appointed to be hereditary Gauda, or chief, to place a large stone in or near the village. This stone is called the Curuvu Callu, or calf-stone, and is considered as representing the Grama Devaru, or god of the village. The hereditary Gauda always officiates as Pijari or priest ; and at the annual village feast, after having rubbed it with oil, offers a sacrifice, with which he feasts his relations and the chief men of the place.” On p. 274 we read: ‘The proper Curwbas have hereditary chiefs, who are called Gauwdas, whether they be head-men of villages or not, and possess the usual jurisdiction.’ See also p. 880. The title Gaudan is esteemed in Mysore. About the namie Kaundar, see p. 127 in Part I. As Gauda so has Gauli beon derived from gd, cow, compare p. 117. About Gaula see Mysore Inscriptions of L. Rice, pp. 20, 45, &e. OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 93 adopted by the Aryan Brahmans after they had settled in Bharatavarsa, and like the Gaudians and Dravidians, the Gauda-Brahmans are mainly settled in the north, while the Dravida-Brahmans preponderate in the suuth. I have already alluded to this classification in the first Part on pp. 49 and 50. The five divisions of the Gauda-Brahmans are, as pre- viously mentioned, named respectively after the Sarasvati- river, Kanyakubja (the modern Kanauj), Gauda, Utkala now known as Orissa, and Mithila. When applied to Brahmans, many explain the term _Gauda as describing those who lived near the celebrated ancient town of Gauda or Gaura, the ruins of which still excite the admiration of those who visit them. Others _ take Gauda as the kingdom of which Gaur was the capital. It appears somewhat improbable that the Brahinans, who _ came originally from the West, should have chosen for them- selves a name from a locality so far remote in the Kast. This supposition becomes even less likely if one considers 13 Instead of Karnata Kasmira is mentioned in the Jatimald. See H. T. Colebrooke’s Znumeration of Indian Classes in his miscellaneous Essays, vol. II (1873), p.169: ‘‘In Jambu-dwipa, bréhmanas are reckoned | tenfold; Saraswata, Kanyakubja, Gauda, Maithila, Utkala, Dravida, Mah4- _ rashtra, Gujjara, and Kasmira, residing in the several countries whence they are named.”’ Read Archeological Survey of India, vol. XV, p. 39: ‘The great city of Gauda or Gaur, the capital of Balal Sen and his descendants.. is not mentioned at all by Hwen Thsang.. (p. 40) The name of the province in which Lakhnauti or Gaur was situated was Barbanda or Baranda. At the same time we know that the Gawdas were a tribe, and that the Pala Rajas took the title of. Gauresvara. It seems certain therefore that the western part of the province at least must have been called Gauda or Gaur . (p. 41) The name of Gauga or Gaur is, I believe, derived from Guda or Gur, the common name of molasses, or raw sugar, for which this province has always been famous. In former days when the Ganges flowed past the city, Gaur was the great mart where all the sugar of the northern districts was collected for exportation.” This derivation of Gaur is also mentioned and recommended by others, but it is still doubtful. Gaur or Lakhnauti lies in lat. 24° 52’ N., long. 88° 10° E., in the Maldah district of Bengal. 13 94 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS that some of the principal Gaudian sub-divisions are named after such western districts, as Kanyakubja, or the country watered by the sacred Sarasvati which loses itself in the deserts north of Rajputana.!* Some scholars even state that the Brahmans known as Gauda-Brahmans are not Bengalis, but inhabitants of Hindustan proper, who according to their own legends left Kanyakubja and emigrated to the Hast in the time of the Pandavas.}5 According to this tradition, the Kanyakubja Brahmans migrated to the Hastern Gauda at an early period, but the question when the division into Gauda and Dravida Brahmans took place, remains unanswered. Nor are we better able to decide the reason of this peculiar separation. The most probable explanation may be that the Brahmans simply adopted the division which they found existing among the original inhabitants in the midst of whom they settled. In that case we have no means of assigning an historical © date to this event. If, as I suppose, the Gauda-Dravidian population existed in this dual state already in prehistoric times, it will be very difficult indeed to ascertain when — the Brahmans adopted this classification in their community. 14 Compare H. H. Wilson’s Vishnwpurdna, vol. II, p. 195, and Dr. John Wilson’s Indian Caste, vol. II, pp. 124-139: ‘‘The Sarasvata Brahmans form the only class of natives of India now distinctly recognized as connected with the Sarasvata nation. They are found, not only inthe Panjab and Sindh, where they abound, but in Rajputana, Gujarat, the North-West Pro- vinces, and even, as we have seen, throughout the southern provinces of India’’ (pp. 125, 126). H.T.Colebrooke states in his MisceWaneous Essays, London, 1878, vol. II, p. 21: ‘* The Saraswata was a nation which occupied the banks of the river Saraswati. Brahmanas, who are still distinguished by the name of their nation, inhabit chiefly the Panjab or Panchanada, west of the river from which they take their appellation.’’ % See H. T. Colebrooke, ididem, vol. IT, p. 25, note 1: ‘It is necessary to remark, that though Gaura (Gauda) be the name of Bengal, yet the Brahmanas, who bear that appellation, are not inhabitants of Bengal, but of Hindustan proper. They reside chiefly in the Suba of Delhi, while the Brahmanas of Bengal are avowed colonists from Kanoj. It is difficult to account for this contradiction. The Gaura Brahmanas allege a tradition, that their ancestors migrated in the days of the Pandavas, at the commencement of the present Kali Yuga. Though no plausible conjecture can be formed on -— -—— OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 99 Yet, considering that the Dravidians gravitated in the course of time towards the south, while the Gaudians preponderated in the north, and that the Brahmanic divi- sion corresponds with this fact, we may not err in assuming that the Brahmans introduced this arrangement among themselves after the Gauda-Dravidians had thus settled down in their respective places. However, even this sup- position will not supply us with accurate dates, especially as Southern India was already known as Dravida at a com- paratively early period. It seems thus very improbable that the Gauda-Brahmans were originally called after the celebrated town Gauda, or alter the kingdom of which it was the capital, especially if the true derivation of this word is from gauda, mTte, molasses (from guda), and if Gaudadééa is an equivalent of Sugarland, an explanation which also appears to be doubtful. The name Gauda applies to most Brahmans in the North, but it is also used as specifying a particular sub-division; in the same manner as Dravida has also a general and a special sig- this tradition, yet [am induced to retract a conjecture formerly hazarded by me, that the Gar of our maps was the original country of the Gaura priests.” Sir Henry] M. Elliot supports in his Supplementary Glossary of Indian Terms, London, 1869, vol. I, p. 102, the Pandava legend: ‘‘ They (the Gaur Brahmans) all state that they came from Gaur in Bengal, but there is much improbability in the story. There can be little doubt of Kanaujias emigrat- ing on the invitation of Adiswara from Kanauj to Bengal ; how then can we account for the whole tribe of Gaurs not only leaving their native seats, but crossing through the country of the Kanaujias, and dwelling on the other side oftthem? If they emigrated in or about the time of the Pandavas, as universal local tradition would induce us to suppose, it would lead to the inference that Kanaujias are a more modern race. Gaur, moreover, was only made the Bengal capital shortly before the Mahomedan conquest, and that is too late to admit of its giving a name to one of the ten tribes.”’— Compare also ibidem the remarks made on the Gawr tagd on pp. 106-115. Dr. Francis Buchanan mentions the legend of a westward Brahmanic emigration from Gaur, but disapproves of it also finally. He alludes to it twice in the third volume of his History, Antiquities, Topography, and Statistics of Eastern India ; thus on p. 42 he writes : ‘‘ One (tradition) is that | ' 96 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS nification. From what has been already stated, the origin of this expression is to be looked for in the West, though no doubt the subsequent preponderance of the Hastern Gauda kings made this fact fall into oblivion. Kusdmba, a grand- son of Balakasva and son of Kuéa, is the reputed founder of the well-known town Kausgambi, south of Ayodhya and north-west of the modern Allahabad. The Hitdpadésa places it in the Gauda country.’® Similarly is the city Sravasti described as situated in Gauda, while it belongs to Kosala, likewise a part of Oudh.” These and many more examples can be quoted to show that the term Gauda does not apply only to the distant Kast. Moreover, the tradition which Colebrooke has preserved assigns to the Gauda-Brah- mans a western home and connects their origin with the wars of the Pandavas. I am inclined to attach to this legend some value, though I quite admit that we possess no records to prove its authenticity. If deserving notice, we ought to ascribe to this division a comparatively early date, while Janmeyaj, son of Parikshit, son of Abhemanyu, son of Arjun, brother of Yudhishthir, and the third king of India of the family of Pandu, removed all the Brahmans from Gaur and settled them to the west of the Ganges beyond Hastinapoor, where their descendants still remain.’? On pp. 154- 155, however, he remarks: “‘ The few Brahmans of the Gaur nation, that are now in Bengal, have avowedly come very recently from the west of India, and the same is the case with almost all the tribes of Sudras, who claim to be of the Gaur nation, none of whom, the Vaishnavs excepted, are now to be found in Gaur. I therefore concluded, that some place called Gaur in the vicinity of Agra or Delhi, was the original country of this nation. I have, however, since met with some well-informed Brahmans of this nation who allege, that the Gaur of Bengal is their original place of settlement, but that the whole of them were removed from thence by Janmeyaj, and placed near Hastinapoor... The Sudras, however, of Gaur, having as well as the Brahmans come from the west of India, renders this emigration in the time of Janmeyaj rather doubtful.” I have proved above the existence of a western Gauda (Gaur.) Read about Gav, also ididem, vol. II], pp. 68-80. 18 Compare Ramdyana, I, 34, 6; Panini, IV, 2, 68; Hitépadesa in Mitralabha :- Asti Gaudavisayé (Gaudadesé, Gaudiyé) Kausambi nama nagari. Compare Vishpupurdpa, vol. ITI, p. 263, and above p. 91 n. 11. OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 97 if the city of Gauda was not in existence when Ptolemy lived, it is evident that no Brahmans could have been called after it before his time. I merely call attention to this fact, though I object to the proposed derivation of the name Gauda-Brahman from the city of Gauda, whatever may have been the origin of the name of that town. On THE NAME Ko.nariAn. Before entering into any further particulars about the Gaudian group, it is necessary to make a few remarks on the name ffolarian. It has of late been repeatedly and authoritatively stated that India was in ancient times called Colaria, and that the Kols in Central India represent the real aborigines of India, to whom it is indebted for this name. To both these statements I demur, and though I admit the antiquity of the tribes which are now styled Kolarian, I would at once observe that the (dla and Kol, who are mentioned in the Epic and Pauranic Sanskrit literature, should not be confounded with the modern Kols.'8 The Kolarian theory, if I may so call it, derives its main support from the writings of three eminent men, Colonel - Wilford, Colonel Dalton, and Sir George Campbell, for whom I must needs have the greatest respect; but while recog- nizing their merit, I trust to be able to show that in this matter they have erred in their conclusions and built up a theory on very slender foundations. The view they main- tain will be found presented in the following extracts. According to Colonel Dalton the word Kol “is one of “the epithets of abuse applied by the Bramanical races to “the aborigines of the country who opposed their early “settlement, and it has adhered to the primitive inhabi- 18 Koli, as it occurs, Coff-y in Kolisarpah. 98 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS “tants of Chota-Nagpore for ages. It includes many “tribes; the people of this province to whom it is generally “applied are, either Moondah or Oraon; and though these ‘“‘ races are now found in many parts of the country occupying ‘‘the same villages, cultivating the same fields, celebrating “together the same festivals, and enjoying the same amuse- “ ments, they are of totally distinct origin and cannot inter- “marry without loss of caste.’’! Sir George Campbell is the inventor of the term Kolarian, and I shall now quote his arguments in favor of it: “* The “generic name usually applied to the Aborigines of the “hill country of Chota-Nagpore, Mirzapore, and Rewah ‘ig ‘Coles’ or ‘Koles.’ Europeans apply the term to the ‘Dravidian Oraons as well as to the others, but perhaps ‘“‘erroneously. It is difficult to say to which tribes the ‘‘name is properly applied, for most of them have other “distinctive names. But in the south of the Chota-Nagpore “country, about Singbhoom, &c., it is certainly applied to “the ‘ Lurka Coles,’ and I can myself testify that on the “‘ Mirzapore-Jubbulpore road, the Aborigines are called by ‘the natives Coles or Kolees, which they volunteered to “explain to me to be the same word ‘which you call ““Coolee.’ On the Bombay side again a very numerous class “‘ of Aborigines are styled Kolees. In the Simla hills also, “the inferior people are known as Kolees. Altogether I “have myself little doubt that the ordinary word Coolee, as ‘‘ applied to a bearer of burdens or labourer, is the same word, “and that in short it is the word generally applied by the “ Northern Indians to the Aboriginal tribes, most of whom “they reduced to the condition of Helots. There seems to “be good reason to suppose that the original form of the 19 See Colonel Dalton’s article “‘The Kols of Chota-Nagpore,’’ in the Supplement to the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. XXXY, 1887, Part II, p. 154. . OF BHARATAVARSA OB INDIA. 99 word was ‘Kola’ or‘ Kolar.’ In fact, India seems to have “been known to the ancients (who approached it coastwise “from the West) as Colara or Coolee-land (Asiatic Re- “© searches, vol. IX) and the people as Colaurians. If Kolar “be the original form of Kolee, it would seem not im- “ probable that, as in the mouths of some tribes by dropping “the ‘r’ it becomes Kola or Kolee, so in the mouths of “others by dropping the ‘1’ it would become Koar, Kaur, “‘Koor, Khar, or Khor, a form which would embrace a “large number of those tribes as now designated. I propose “then to call the northern tribes Kolarian or Coolee “ Aborigines. “One may see frequent allusion to Kolaries or Colleries “in the south of India. It appears that the word there “used is properly ‘ Kallar.’ In the Canarese language, the “word ‘ Kallar,’ it seems, simply means a thief or robber, “and hence some of the predatory Aborigines of the hills, “are designated Kallars or robbers, just as the thieves of “ Central Asia are called ‘ Kazaks’ or ‘ Cossacks.” The word “is applied so differently from that of Coolee, that there “may fairly be doubt of its being the same. But the subject “is worthy of further inquiry, and if it prove that in fact “the two words are identical, the term Coolee or Kolarian ““must be applied to the Aboriginal tribes generally, not to “one division of them. Meanwhile, however, I apply it to “the Northern tribes only, but I confess I have misgivings “whether the more general sense may not prove to be the “ true one.’’? 20 See The Ethnology of India, by Mr. Justice Campbell, in the Supplement to Part II, pp. 27, 28 of vol. XXXV of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Compare A Comparative Dictionary of the Languages of India and High Asia by W. W. Hunter ; Dissertation, pp. 25-27. ‘‘ Sanskrit literature refers to other sections of the Kol race under such names as Chol-as, Kul-indas, &c.... In the Asiatic Society’s Journal the ancient name for India is stated to have been Kolaria, and turning to the modern map of India, we find indications of 100 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS Sir George Campbell appears thus to be rather diffident as to the propriety of his selecting the term Kolarian and his doubts are not without good cause. A perusal of the arguments of Colonel Wilford will confirm them. In the twentieth volume of the Asvatie Journal of Bengal was published “ A comparative Essay on the Ancient Geography of India” by Colonel Wilford, in which we read on pp. 227 and 228 the following remarks: “The oldest name of “India, that we know of, is Colar, which prevailed till the “arrival of the followers of Brahma, and is still preserved “by the numerous tribes of Aborigines, living among “‘ woods, and mountains. These Aborigines are called in the the race in every province from Burmah to Malabar: in the Kols of Central India; Kolas of Katwar; the Kolis, inferior husbandmen and a landless clan of Gujarat; the Kolis, obscurely mentioned as helot cultivators on the Simla range; the Kolitas of Northern Bengal and Assam; the Kolami of Central India, classed with the Naikude, &c., in my vocabularies; the Kalars, a robber caste in the Tamil country; the Kalars of Tinnevelly : in the Kolis of Bombay ; in the names of the Kolarun river in Southern India, of the Koel river, from the Chota Nagpore watershed, of the Culinga and Koladyn rivers, and of many other streams; in Kulna, a district in Bengal; Kulpac, in the Nizam’s dominions; Kulalpur, in the Panjab; Kulan and Kola Fort, in the distant north-west ; in Kulbunga, town «nd district, near the Bombay Presidency, within, I believe, the territory of the Nizam; and to be brief in such names as the following, scattered over the whole length and breadth of India,—names which the reader may identify in a moment by referring to Dr. Keith Johnston’s index to his Map from the Royal Atlas. Kuldah, Kulkeri, Kulianpur in three different districts, Kullavakurti, Kul- lean, Kuller-kaher, Kulu district, Kullum, Kullung River, Kullunji, several Kullurs, Kulpani, Kulpi, Kulra, Kulsi, Kolachi, Kolapur town and stute, the three Kolars, Kolaspur, Kolbarea, Koli, Kolikod (Calicut), Cola Bira, Colair, Colgong, Collum (Kayan-kulam), Colur, and Colombo in Ceylon. I would go further, and, if time permitted, could philologically prove the connection of the above with hundreds of other names and places in regular series.” I am afraid that something more than time would have been required by Sir William Hunter for proving the philological connection of the Kols with the Gaudian Holami, with the Tamil Kallar, with Kolixed the modern Calicut or Koli-kodu, with Hudianpur or Kalyanapura, not to mention many others of the above-quoted names. The Royal Atlas of Dr. Keith Johnston can hardly be regarded as an authority with respect to the spelling of Indian places. OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA, 101 “peninsula to this day, Coldris and Colairs, and in the “north of India Coles, Coils and Coolies; thus it seems, “that the radical name is Cola. This appellation of “ Colar was not unknown to the ancients; for the younger “Plutarch says, that a certain person called Ganges, was “the son of the Indus and of Dio-Pithusa, a Calaurian “damsel, who through grief, threw himself into the river “ Chliarus, which after him was called Ganges; and Ohliarus “is probably a mistake for Calaurius, or the Colarian “river. I believe, that Dvro-Pithus is the name of the “father and Sindhu of the mother: for Deva-Pithu, or “ Deo-Pithu, is worshipped to this day on the banks of the “Sindhi, a female deity. The etymology of Colar is pro- _ “bably out of our reach : but it is asserted by some that Cola, _ © Coil, or Cail, signify a woodlander, exactly like Chael, Gal, “in Great Britain ; and the etymological progress is the same. ‘*‘ Tn several dialects of the peninsula Cadu, is a forest, and “its derivative is Cadil; from which striking off the d “remains Cail.” 7! I come now to the passage in Plutarch’s work “On Rivers,” which has originated all these statements about India’s ancient name Co/aria. Plutarch gives in his work some legendary accounts of twenty-five rivers. Three among 21 The article to which Sir George Campbell refers when quoting vol. IX | of the Asiatic Researches is the suggestive ‘‘ Essay on the Magadha Kings,”’ by Captain F. Wilford, where on p. 92 we read: ‘‘ The offspring of Turvasu, so | far from settling in the west, is declared, in the Harivansa, to have settled in the southern parts of India; and in the tenth generation, including their | Sire, four brothers divided the peninsula among themselves. Their names | were Pandya, Cérala, Cola, and Chéla : and this division obtains, even to this day. Cola lived in the northern parts of the peninsula, and his descendants | are called Coles, and Collers to this day : and they conceive themselves, with | much probability, to be the aborigines of India, to which they give the name of Ooller or Colara. Hence, we read in Plutarch, that the Ganges was called formerly the Calaurian river, and the same author mentions a Calaurian, } or Hindu, anda handsome damsel, called Diopithusa, who was also a Calaue rian, or native of India, or country bordering upon the Calaurian river.”’ 14 102 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS these are Indian streams: the Hydaspes, Ganges and Tndos.” The Hydaspes is the first river described. Plutarch relates that a certain king Hydaspes had a daughter Chry- sippe, whom Aphrodite out of spite caused to fall in love with her own father. She was for this offence crucified by the order of her father. But, these calamities so upset Hydaspes that he threw himself into the river Indos, which was henceforward called Hydaspes. In ancient times there lived a youth called Indos, who had raped Damasalkida, a daughter of the king Oxyalkos, while she was celebrating the feast of Bakchos. The king, her father, pursued him, and when Indos saw all escape im- possible, he plunged into the river Mausolos rather than expose himself to the king’s vengeance. This river had been so called after Mausolos,a son of the Sun, but from that time it was named Jndos which is a river in India in the country of the Ichthyophages or Fish-eaters. The story of the Ganges resembles these two.”? It is as follows :—“ The Ganges is a river of India, called so for the following reason. The nymph Kalauria bore Indos a son of 22 See Plutarch Mep) rorauay or de fluminibus. The twenty-five rivers are the Hydaspes, Ismenos, Hebros, Ganges, Phasis, Arar, Paktolos, Lykormas, Maiandros, Marsyas, Strymon, Sagaris, Skamandros, Tanais, Thermodon, Nilos, Eurotas, Inachos, Alpheios, Euphrates, Kaikos, Acheloos, Araxes, Tigris, and Indos. 23 See Plutarchi Chaeronensis omnium quae extant operum (Tomi duo), Gulielmo Xylandro interprete, Lutetiae Parisiorum, 1624. At the end of the second volume is printed: ‘* MAouvtapxou wept TOTaUM@Y Kat OpwY ET@VUMIAS Kak TwY ev avTols evpickoueywy.—Plutarchi de Fluviorum et Montium nominibus, et de iis quae in illis inveniuntur, interprete Philippo Jacobo Maussaco.’’ There we read in vol. IT, pp. 1151, 1152: Tayyns totauds eort Tis IvSlas, thy mposnyoplay AaBdy SV aitlay ro.adTHy. "Ivd@ Ts Kadaupla vdugy eyyévenoev viby KdAXE TeplBAemTOY, Td dvoua Tdyyny- Odros kapnBaphoas TH pnt Kar’ &yvoiay cuveyyéveto TH AtomiBovon, 5 St wel Hmepas Tapa THS Tpopod uabay Thy GANGeiav, Sid AVays SrepBoArhy EauTdy Eppiwev els moTaudy XAtapby Karovmevoy, ds ax adTod Tdyyns ueTavoudcéy. Maussacus translates this passage as follows: “Ganges ftuvius est Indiae, ita vocatus hac de causa: Ex Indo Calauria quaedam virgo genuit filium pulchritudine conspicuum nomine Gangem : qui somno yinoque sepulius cum matre Diopi- OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 103 conspicuous beauty, by name Ganges, who, when inebriated, had once in ignorance connection with his mother. But when he had learnt on a subsequent day the truth from his nurse, he threw himself through excess of remorse into the river Chliaros, which was called after him Ganges.’? The ancient. edition of Plutarch, which was published by Xylander at Paris in 1624, contains in an Appendix at the end, the treatise On Rivers. It was edited, translated and annotated by Phil. Jacob. Maussacus. In its text occurs instead of the correct reading 6 émrvotcn the false expres- sion AvoriGovcn which Maussacus mistook for a name, though his predecessors the learned Natalis a Comitibus and Turnebus had already doubted the accuracy of the text, as Maussacus himself mentioned in a note which is quoted below. Colonel Wilford unfortunately accepted the wrong reading and built on it anew theory. According to Plutarch, so says the Colonel, Diopithuse was a Calaurian damsel, but Wilford himself further changes Diopithuse into a man Dio-Pithus (for Deva-Pithu or Deo-Pithu), and declares thuse concubuit per inscitiam, sed interdiu cum a nutrice rei veritatem didi- cisset, ob dolorem extremum seipsum coniecit in fluvium Chliarum, qui ab eo Gangis nomen assumpsit.”’ However, in the 5th volume of MAovtapyou ’Amoomacuata kat Vevdervypapa edited by Fr. Dibner, Paris, 1855, and in the edition of Plutarchi Libellus de fluwiis, rec. et notis instr. Rud. Hercher, Lipsiae, 1857, we read: Tdyyns wotapuds éort THs “Ivdias. . . Obros kapnBaphoas tH pntp) Kar’ &yvo.ay ouveyyeveto. TH Sémiovan TOY Huepav Tapa TIS Tpopod uabayv THy GAhVeay . éautoy eppubey cis rorapdy XAapov... We read already on p. 72 in the Appendix to the edition of Maussacus entitled: Plutarchi librorum Mept rotauev Philippi Jac. Maussaci emenda- tiones et notae: ‘‘ Mirum est hoc nomen proprium Diopithusae nostros in- terpretes exercitos habuisse. Natalis a Comitibus sicco pede haec transivit, quae tamen fida interpretatione opus habebant. Magnus Turnebus tanta est usus circumlocutione in vero hoc nomine explicando, ut plane eum ab scopo aberasse nemo bonus negare audeat ; gui per ebrietatem (inquit). inscienter matrem, divorum quempiam esse existimantem, cognovit. Ut concedamus Atori0ovon hic non esse nomen proprium tamen Graecis non convenit haec interpretatione Latina, vertendum enim esset simpliciter, Jovem eum esse eredentem, sed hoc est nugari. A.om:@ovcn nomen verum est Diopithusae.’’ Se rte Or ae a a egw 104 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS Colar as the oldest name of India we know of. That theory, however, must now be abandoned, and with the disappearance ot Diopithuse from the pages of Plutarch, the whole edifice of conj ecture so ingeniously raised on the supposed occurrence of this name, must fall to the ground; there being absolutely nothing to support the assumption that India was known in the earliest times as the Kolarian Empire. Sir George Campbell supported Colonel Wilford by stating that India “‘seems to have been known to the ancients as Colara or Coolee Land and the people as Colaurians” and by eventually advocating the name Colee or Kolarian for the aboriginal tribes of India. I need not specially mention that the dictionary of Greek proper names, compiled by Dr. W. Pape, does not contain Diopithuse as a name, though it refers to the nymph Kalauria and the river Chliaros.** I had here in Madras at my disposal only the antiquated edition of Xylander printed by Antonius Stephanus, in which the reading Diopithuse occurs. Though doubting its accu- racy from the first, I was not prepared to emendate the text, for besides my own conviction and the note of Maussacus, I had no evidence to go upon. Later on, however, ] consulted Dr. Pape’s excellent Dictionary of Greek names and the fact that it makes no mention of Diopithuse confirmed my suspicions. ‘To ascertain the truth, I eventually wrote to *%The Worterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen von Dr. W. Pape gives Kalauria as the name of a nymph, e.g. on p. 235 (third edition) “* @anges,—*) S.-des Indos u.-der Kalauria, welcher sich in den Chliaros stlrzte, wovon dieser den Namen Ganges erhielt, Plwt. flv. 4, 1; and on p. 596 under Kalauria: ‘“*3 Nymphe, Gem. des Indos, M. des Ganges, Plut. flu. 4,1.” Kalauria or Kalaureia is the well-known island with the famous temple of Poseidon, which opened a safe asylum to all pursued. Demosthenes when hunted down by the Macedonians, poisoned himselfinit. The island was called after Aalawros, a son of Poseidon, Kalauria belonged originally to Apollo who had exchanged it with Poseidon for Delos. Poseidon is therefore also called Aadaureates, Kalauria in contradistinction to Kalabria is some- times explained as ‘‘ land of peace’? and Kalauros as ‘‘ peaceful ’’ (Frederic). OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDTA. 105 friends in Europe who kindly supplied me with the right reading Sézvoven instead of Avorifovon. It may also be added that, according to Plutarch, all the rivers on which he comments have changed their original names in order to bear the one by which they were afterwards generally known. Plutarch refers occasionally to previous authors to verify his accounts, e.g., to Kallisthenes, Kai- maron, Kleitophén, Aristoteles, and others, but even if most of the works he quotes had not been lost, it is doubtful whether he could have substantiated his statements. The stories about the Hydaspes and Indos are so un-Indian and so mythical that it is hardly necessary to try to explain the report concerning the Ganges. Even if the term Kalauria were an adjective derived from a proper name, and Chliaros were a mistake for IKalaurios, there is nothing to prove that Kalauria should be identical with Indian, not to speak of the boldness of deriving from it Colar or Colara as a term designating India in ancient times; a term and a signification which occur nowhere in the whole classical literature. I am quite convinced that Kalauria has nothing to do with the Kols of Chota-Nagpore, though I am not pre- pared to venture a decided conjecture as to the origin of the word Kalauria used by Plutarch.”® It is perhaps a mere accident that the Vamund which joins the Ganga or Ganges at Prayaga (Pratisthana, the modern Allahabad) is called Kalindi, the daughter of Ka- linda, for she springs from the mountain Kalinda, or is accord- 25 Herodotos mentions III, 38 and 97, the Indian Kalatiai or Kalantiai who ate their parents. The Brahman Kalanos (Kalyana) who accompanied Alexander the Great is well known for burning himselfalive. I only mention these names as they resemble somewhat Kalawria. I need hardly add that the Greek word kdAapis, which is commonly pronounced xéAapis, a kind of screech-owl, has nothing in common with this subject. To declare Colara as a name of India, though such never existed, and to derive it from the nymph Kalauria on the authority of the younger Plutarch’s mythical account of the river Ganges appears like a pun, or like what a Berliner would call a Kalauer. Fa -S eee ee ee Pe taps Ra See Er ee ! y ‘ t i 106 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS ing to others a daughter of the Sun-god Kalinda who is in consequence known as Kalindisi, the father of Yamuna, while the god Yama is called Kalindissdara, the brother of Yamuna. I mention this circumstance as Plutarch gives to Indos the name of Mausolos after Mausolos, the son of the Sun. Another peculiar coincidence is that the Kali or Black Ganga, which is also known as Wandakini, has in its upper course some famous warm springs and that Chliaros in Greek means lukewarm. A second Mandakini rises on the Kalaj- jara mountain, on whose top the lake of the gods is situated. It is somewhat astonishing that Colonel Wilford without giving any reasons explained Chliaros as a mistake for Calaurius. He could as well have conjectured Chliara for Kalauria, All editions, however, of Plutarch, the modern emendated as well as the old antiquated, read Kalauria and Chliaros as proper-names.”° The ancient inhabitants of the country round Mathura in North India are also called Kalars, but this name has not yet been explained and has presumably no connection with the Kalauria nymphe of Plutarch. Modern writers have often identified the Kolis and the Kolarees or Colleries of South India with the Kols. It is a peculiar circumstance that, except by the Hos or Larka- Kols, the term Kol is not used by the so-called Kolarians, who include the Mundas, Santals, Korwas, Juangs, and a few other tribes.” The Kolis are, according to my opinion, Gaudians, and must be distinguished from those races now % For Kalindi occurs a'so Kalindi, a wrong formation. Balarama is also called Kalindi-Kursana, or Kalindi-bhédana for diverting the Yamuna by his ploughshare into a new bed in the Vrndayana-forest. Mandahini is also the name of the Ganga of the heavens. About this river see Chr. Lassen’s Indische Alterth., vol. I, pp. 64-66, where this question is fully discussed. 27 See Colonel Dalton’s Ethnology of Bengal, p. 178: ‘*The Hos are the only branch of the Kols that has preserved a national appellation.” Zarke means fighter. About the Holurians consult Mr. J. F. Hewitt’s ‘‘ Notes on the early History of Northern India,’’ in the Jownal of the R. A. Society, vol. XX, pp. 321-363. OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 107 generally described as Kols. Besides, our knowledge of this people is still very limited, and it would be venturesome to make decided statements as to their origin. Though differing from the Gauda-Dravidians in language, which must be regarded as a very important test, they nevertheless inter- marry occasionally with them, a circumstance which on the other hand tends to indicate some intimate connection between them. The word Aéli is a common Gauda-Dravidian term which signifies Hive, and is eventually also applied to the _ person who is hired. A hireling or servant is thus called a Kuli. The name Kol is a totally distinct word. The now common term Kali started from the Hastern coast of _ India, where the principal English factories such as Madras were situated, and whence in course of time the English commenced to lay the foundation of their Indian Empire in the days of Clive.”® The Kolarees or Colleries represent the well-known | Kallas, the dreaded thief tribe, who are mostly dependents of 28 Compare Wilson’s Glossary, p. 301: ‘‘ Kuli, Coolee, (Tam. go, Mal. wel\., Kan. t#®, Tel. &, Beng. Hel, Hind. 3), Daily hire or wages: a day labourer, a Cooly: (the word is originally Tamil, whence it spread into the other languages : in Upper India it bears only its second and apparently | subsidiary meaning : it appears as Culialu, as the term for hired labourers, ‘in Tulava—Buchanan.)” Kuliyalu is one of the Kanarese terms for hireling | like the Telugu Kaligadu. In Colonel Yule’s and Dr. Burnell’s Glossary of Anglo-Indian Colloquial _ Words and Phrases, p. 192, an attempt is made to derive the term Kali from | Koli, but it is notwithstanding admitted: ‘‘ Though this explanation of | the general use of the term Cooly (from Koli) is the most probable, the matter is perplexed by other facts which it is difficult to trace to the same origin. Thus in S. India, there is a Tamil word ‘ali in common use, | signifying ‘hire’ or ‘ wages,’ which Wilson indeed regards as the true origin }ot Cooly. Also in both Oriental and Osmanli Turkish Kol is a word for a slave, whilst in the latter also Kaleh means ‘a male slave, a bondsman’ (Redhouse). Khol is in Tibetan also a word for servant or slave (Note from A. Schiefner). The familiar use of Cooly has extended to the Straits Settle- ments, Java and China, as well as to all tropical and sub-tropical colonies, whether English or foreign.’’ =e FSi See Soe RES Ee 108 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS the Raja of Pudukota. A single individual of this clan is called a Kajlan, of which word Kadlar is the plural.” Enough has been already adduced to prove that the Kalauria nymphe of Plutarch does not refer to an ancient name of India, that the so-called Colaria isa purely imag- inary appellation, based in part on a badly pronounced and distorted plural formation of the name of the Kallar, or on Kolarees, and that, though the term Kolarian may be still applied to the Kol race, it must be clearly understood that all the wild philological vagaries concerning the origin and antiquity of this expression ought to be abandoned. Yet, the history of the fictitious. term Co/aria provides us on the other hand with an instructive example how by a concatenation of conjectures and conclusions a new theory can be successtully started and find acceptance among scholars of reputation. It has thus now become a fashion to ascribe all ancient monuments with which the Kolis, Kolas and other kindred tribes can be connected with the so-called Kolarians, whose original home and early history are shrouded in mysterious darkness, who, if we can trust reliable information, do not even use the term /fo/ as a tribal name, and who, so far as it is known, do not claim as their own the scattered remains in Northern India, which modern writers are so fond of ascribing to them. I now proceed to discuss in detail the principal tribes whom I regard as representatives of the Gaudian race. The linguistic and ethnological connection of these clans has in most instances been generally admitted by competent scholars, yet, their close relationship has, so far as I am aware, not hitherto been so distinctly stated. T shall begin with the Kolis, Kolas, and tribes kindred, pass on to the Gonds and their clansmen, then notice the 29 Tt is doubtful whether Ae/Zen meant originally a thief, or simply a man of the Katlan tribe who, excelling in thieving accomplishments, imparted to his tribal name the meaning of thief. I recur to this subject on pp. 283-36. Salen | | | f | ( { . | OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 109 _ Kodagas, Koragas, afterwards consider the position of the ' Todas and Kotas, and end with a survey of the Kurubas or Kurumbas in their various ramifications. CHAPTER VIII. On tHe Kotts (Kunts), Konas. The Kolis and Kolas have already been mentioned in the previous chapter. Sanskrit works contain their name in connection generally with Pandya, Kerala and Cola, the sons of Akrida and descendants of Dusyanta. The term | Holi occurs in Kolisarpah, instead of which the manuscript used by M. Langlois contained probably Kolah Sarpah or | Kolasarpah, as he translates the passage by : ‘“ les Colas, les Sarpas.” The Kolis appear likewise in Sanskrit inscriptions. The name of the Kolas can be traced in that of the country _Kolaiiea, which has, according to the Sabdaratnavali, Kanya- _kubja as its capital, or which, according to Horace Hayman Wilson, is identical with Kalinga. The word Kola forms also part of Sanskrit names of various peoples, plants, countries and mountains, as of ‘Kolagiri, Kollagiri, Kolahala, Kollaka and Kolvagiri, &e. We meet it even in South-Indian names of places, e.g., in Kodlam, Kolanadu, Kolattanadu and others. I regard the name Co/a or Coda (in Telugu and Kanarese Cola, and in Tamil and Malayalam Cola) as a modification of the word (la. It is a remarkable historical fact that the Colas and Pandyas were as a rule rival kings who fought continually against each other. With the various formations of the terms Kola, Cola, and Céda may be com- pared those of Kera, Céra and Céda. The expressions Céra and Kongu are occasionally used identically. The first syllable fo in Kola and Koli indicates the mountain home, while the second syllable /a or i intimates ‘ 16 | | 110 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS the particular tribal distinction. The interchange between Zand 7 produces Kori (Kohri) as a variation of Koli.* The Kolis and Kolas, as has already been pointed out, should be distinguished from the so-called Kolarian Kols. In consequence of the near relation of the Kolis to the Bhils and Gonds, hardly any doubt can be entertained about their belonging to the Gaudian branch of the Gauda-Dra- vidians. ‘The establishment of this ancient kinship is an important fact. It severs the connection between the Kolis 30 Kélanea means originally a country adjoining Aéla. The late Mr. C. P. Brown explained Koladésamu, s*. 8%, aS the long country, which interpretation is obviously erroneous when applied to the Sanskrit word Kola. Kolagiri is a mountain in Southern India. The commentator Malli- — nitha is surnamed Kolagiri. The Sabhdparva says in §loka 1171: ‘‘ Krtsnam Kolagirim caiva Surabhipattanam tatha.’’? The Kollagiri occurs in Varaha- mihira’s Brhatsamhita, XIV, 13: Karnata-Mahatavi-Citraktta-Nasikya-Kollagiri-Colah Krauificadvipa-Jatadhara-Kaveryo-Risyamukasca. The Kaullagireyas fought according to the ASvamédha with Arjuna: Arcitah prayayau bhimau daksinam salilarnavam Tatrapi Dravidair Andhrair Audrair Mahisakair api. Tatha Kaullagiréyaisca yuddham asit Kiritinah. About Kéldhala compare General Sir A. Cunningham’s Archeological — Survey of India, vol. VIII, pp. 123, 125. Compare what is said about the town Kollagira in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XIV; p. 23, note 22: ‘‘it appears that Nollagira was another name of Kollapura or Kolhapur.’”? See ibidem, vol. III, pp. 209, 210 in the article ‘‘The Geography of Ibn Batuta’s Indian Trayels,*’ by Col. H. — Yule: ‘The Koil prince must be the Kola-firi or Cherakal Raja, whose kingdom was called Kola-ndda.’ About Kolatta-nddu, the district about Tellicherry, see Indian Antiguary, vol. VIII, pp. 115, 146. Compare also Dr. Gundert’s Malayalam and English Dictionary, p. 318, under Aolam: 4. — North Malabar, subject to Kolattiri or Kolaswartapam.”’ About the Céra or Kongu kings confer among others the Indian Anti- quary, vol. LI, pp. 155, 271; vol. V, pp. 183-140; vol. VI, pp. 99-103. About the change of the 7 into » in words like Ko/i compare General Sir A. Cunningham’s Archeological Survey of India, vol. XI, p. 101: “TI paid a visit to the old site of Horon, or Kordwa-dih, because the people agreed in — stating that the old name of the place was Kolpur, which I thought might perhaps be connected with the old city of Holi, the birth-place of Mayadevi. But .. the position of Korondih . . . is much too distant to be identified with that of oli’? Compare also the late Mr. John A. C. Boswell’s Manual of the Nellore District, p. 157: ‘*The Yerukalas in this district state that their tribe name in their own language is Aurru, also Kola.” : OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 111 and Kols, which is still occasionally asserted to exist and to which I have repeatedly alluded. The Kolis appear originally as mountaineers, but after- wards descending to the plains, some settled down as agri- culturists, while many others selecting the seashore became fishermen and sailors.*} The Koli mountaineers were not long ago the guardians of the hill-passes, especially of those in the Ajanta range and in the Western Ghats. Their ancient position as lords of the mountains is to this day certified by the fact that the 31 See C. Lassen’s Indische Alterthumskunde, vol. I, p. 137 (or 108): ‘* Bhilla sitzen hier noch in dem Granzgebirge nach Malva, Rajputana und stidlicher ; ein grosser Theil der Bevélkerung besteht aus einem andern urspriinglich ahnlichen Volke, den Kuli (Héla), welches aber Brahmanische Sitten dem gréssern Theile nach angenommen hat.’’ Compare further Rey. M. A. Sherring’s Hindu Tribes and Castes, vol. II, pp. 307-316. Sir George Campbell remarks in his Ethnology of India about the Koolees on pp. 42-45 as follows: ‘‘I find, however, that the opinion of those quali- fied to judge seems to tend to the belief that there is no essential difference between the two tribes (the Koolees and Bheels). Forbes in his Ras Mala says. “ Koolees or Bheels, for though the former would resent the classification, the distinctions between them need not be here noticed.’ Captain Probyn says : ‘T think there is no actual difference between Koolees and Bheels. Their religion is the same.’ Mr. Ashburner: ‘ There is no real difference between Bheels and Koolees; their habits, physiognomy and mode of life are the same, modified by local circumstances.’ And the Rey. Mr. Dunlop Moore says: ‘ Koolees frequently marry Bheel wives.” Other authorities, however, say that they do not intermarry. They both seem to claim a northern and not a southern origin, pointing to the hills of Rajpootana and the north of Goozerat. The Bheels say that they were originally called Kaiyos; Sir John Malcolm says that they are related to the Meenas of Rajpootana, and once ruled in the Jeypore country. Forbes again tells us that the Koolees were originally called Mairs, while in Rajpootana, Col. Tod speaks of Mairs or Meenas as one race . . . Though probably in the main of the same class and similar origin, the Koolees and Bheels are now quite distinct tribes, and there is this considerable difference that the Koolees have come much more into contact with Aryan blood civilization ... The Koolees are the Abori- gines of Goozerat (where they now live in considerable number), and of the hills adjoining that Province. The hills east of Goozerat are called ‘Kolwan’ and seem to be the property of Koolee tribes .. . The Bheels are the proper possessors of the hills farther in the interior and east cf the Koolees ... The Koolees seem to be scattered down the Coast country nearly as far as Goa, and north again into the ‘ Thurr’ and the neighbour- hood of Scinde. While the wilder Koolees of the hills are like the Bheels, 112 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS famous sanctuary at Mahabalésvara is under the hereditary wardenship of Kolis. Many shrines throughout India are associated with the lowest classes of the population, as we have seen, when speaking of the temples at Mélkota, Puri and Trevandrum. The sanctuary at Mahabalésvara over a spring which is sup- posed to be the source of the Krishna, though said to have been founded by a Sattara Brahman, named Anagada, is under the hereditary superintendence of a Koli family, and the chief official in charge is a Koli. Such a Koli is called Gangaputra, and whatever offerings a worshipper makes after bathing form the perquisite of the Kolis and are taken by them. “At the temple of Mahabalésvara also,” thus writes the Hon. Visvanath Narayan Mandlick, “ the Kolis ‘hold a hereditary position, and the Gurayvas, who worship “the Linga in that temple, appear more closely allied to the “hill tribes than to the inhabitants of the plains; they (i.e., “the Guravas) have, however, no connection with the shrine “of the Krishné, where the Kolis alone are the principal the mass of more civilised Koolees are said to be not only fairer and more Caucasian in feature, but also more sly and cunning and less truthful. . The wilder tribes of the race are still predatory, and Forbes mentions the Koolees as by far the most numerous of the arm-bearing castes who in former days, living in the hills between Goozerat and Rajpootana, disturbed the country. He describes them as of diminutive stature, with eyes which bore an expression of liveliness and cunning, clothes few, arms bows and arrows, habits swift and active, bold in assault, but rapid in flying to the jungles, independent in spirit, robbers, averse to industry, addicted to drunkenness, and quarrelsome when intoxicated ; formidable in anarchy, but incapable of uniting among themselves. This description seems exceed- ingly well to apply to the wild Bheels of modern days, whom indeed Forbes classes with the Koolees .. . Lassen in his map places Koolees (Kolas he calls them) in the centre of Kattywar... The Kolees of the Simla hills and Domes of Kumaon are merely inferior castes living among the general population.”’ Compare the Gazetteer of Aurangabad, Bombay 1884, p. 280: ‘The Kolis belong to the aborigines, and are of low but respectable caste. They are divided into the Kolis of the hilly countries, and the Kolis of the plains. They are also arranged in separate tribes, and were formerly very trouble- some. Several tribes of Kolis guarded the passes of the Ajanta range under their own Naiks, while others attached themselyes to the Bhils ; but the majo- rity have long settled down to peaceful callings, and the land-holding Kolis OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 113 “ officers in charge.’”’*? The origin of the famous Mahaba- lésvara temple is ascribed to the Paulastya Ravana. He compelled Siva, so runs the tradition, by his severe penance on the mountain Kailasa, to surrender to him his Prana Linga. The terrified gods tried every means to regain it, but their attempts were fruitless. At last Visnu raised his Cakra to prevent the sun-rays from descending to the earth, and Ravana, who was then at Gokarna, believing that the sun was setting prepared to perform his Sandhyavandanam. But the Prana Linga, which he carried in his hand, prevented him from performing properly his worship. He, therefore, requested Ganapati to take temporary charge of the Linga. The god assented, but pretending that the Linga was too heavy placed it on the ground. Once there, it remained fixed in spite of all the attempts of the Raksasa to remove it. When trying for the fifth time he cried as his strength was failing: ‘“O Muhdbala,” O great power! which expression is said to have given the name to the place.*® deny all affinity with those of the hills. In the village establishment, the Koli is most generally associated with the occupation of a water-carrier, and the Kunbi drinks water from his hands. He is known by his chumli, or twisted cloth which he wears on his head in order to rest the waterpot ; but he is often a good farmer, or is engaged as a musician, handicraftsman, weaver, palanquin bearer, fisher, labourer... They ure meat, drink spirits, bury their dead, worship Khandobé, Bairob&é, and Bhavani, and employ Brahmans for religious ceremonies, but have also priests of their own.’’ See Historical and Descriptwe Sketch of H. H. the Nizam’s Dominions, compiled by Syed Hossain Bilgrami, 8.a., and C. Willmott, Bombay, 1883, vol. I, p. 310: “At one time they (the Kolis) acted as guards in the hill passes on the northern frontier and in the Ajanta hills; there isa tribe of Kolis who had charge of the Ghaut passes.’”” The Kambali Kurumbas make and wear chamlis (kambalis) in the same manner; see p. 205, n. 107. Lagree with Sir George Campbell so far as their relationship with the Bhils is concerned, the latter I have proved to be Dravidians, see Part I, pp. 47, 107-113. %* See ‘‘ The Shrine of the Kiver Krishna at the Village of Mahdbalés- vara,’’ by Rao Saheb Vishvan4th Ndrayan Mandlick in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatie Society, vol. IX, pp. 250-261. 33 See ibidem, pp. 257, 258. Compare also Archeological Survey of India, vol. VIII, pp. 143, 144, about Ravyana’s connection with the linga of ‘‘Mahadeo Rayanesyarw.”’ 114 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS The connection of the ancient hill tribes with many cele- brated Indian shrines is also admitted by the Hon. Visvanath Narayan Mandlick. ‘The above tradition of Gokarna,” he says, ‘‘ points out to the origin of these places of Linga worship “by the influence of, if not amongst, the wild tribes of the “mountains of whom Ravana is a fair representative. The “actual position of the Kolis at the temples of the Krishna “and also at Mahabalesvara, appears to confirm the above “conclusion. The serpent is connected with both these “temples, and from the Liga temples he seems to be quite ‘inseparable. In the latter he is represented as being coiled “ round the Linga, while in the temple of the Krishna, a living “ one is supposed to be guarding its sources.” *4 The most accurate description of the Kolis has been written by Captain A. Macintosh, to whose account we owe, in fact, the greater part of our information about these people. Yet, he is compelled to admit: “ We cannot “ expect to glean much authentic information of an historical “ description from an ignorant and unlettered people like the ‘«Kolis. The few traditions they possess relative to their first “settlement in their present locations and of subsequent Read also Dr. Fr. Buchanan’s Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar, second edition, vol. II, p.316. ‘‘ Gaukarna, or the cow’s horn (?), is a place of great note among the Brahmans, owing to a celebrated image of Siva called Mahabaleswara. The image is said to have been brought from the mountain Coila by Ravana, king of Lanca. He wished to carry it to his capital; but having put it down here, the idol pecame fixed in the place, where it stands to this day.” 34 The Kanara people regard Gékarna as holier than Benares; for they say: Gokarnam ca mahakasi visvanatho mahabalah Kotitirtham ca Gangayah samudram adhikam phalam ; ” according to the Journal of the Bombay Royal Asiatic, vol. IX, p. 258. Compare in the Indian Antiquary, vol. ILI, pp. 247, 248, Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha’s account of the legend concerning the linga of Walukesvara, the present Malabar Hill, with which litga the Kolis seem also to be con- nected: ‘The Kolis, who, as will be shown hereafter, were the original inhabitants of Bombay, pay special devotion to this Jivga .... (their) principal quarter in the whole Koikan, I suppose, is Kulaba.”’ OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 115 “events until within the last century appear to be involved in “much obscurity and confusion.’ The late Mr. Alexander Kinloch Forbes mentions in his Ras Mala the legendary des- cent of the Kolis from Yuvanasva, the father of Mandhatr.*® Captain Macintosh repeatedly mentions in his Account the great veneration in which the Kolis hold the well-known 35 See ‘‘ An Account of the Tribe of the Mhadeo Kolies,’’ by Captain A. Macintosh, in the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, vol. V., pp. 71-112, 238-279 ; compare also Indian Antiquary, vol. II, p. 154; vol. III, pp. 76, 77, 126, 127, 186-196, 222, 224, 227, 228, 248; vol. V, p. 8, and Sir G. Campbell’s Ethnology of India in the Appendix to vol. XXXV, of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, pp. 16, 53, 123, 125. In the Ras Mala, London, 1878, pp. 78-79, we read: ‘‘ A similar fabulous descent is given to the Koolees from Youwanashwa, the father of Mandhata Raja. Their ancestor, Koolee, was brought up by a sage in the forest, and always led a jungle life, whence it happened, as the bard says, that his descen- dants, though in the towns they are of little importance, are lions in the jungle. The Koolees lived for a long time on the sea-shore, in the neighbourhood of the Indus, but they were removed to the country about the Null by the god- dess Hinglaz, and brought with them the earth-nut called ‘ beerd,’ which even in famine does not fail. They were called at this time Mairs, as well as Koolees, and Sonung Mair was their leader. He left twelve sons, each of whom became the head ofaclan... In these times, says the bard, there was not so greata population in Goozerat, but there was much forest, and the Bheels and Koolees lived in security. They were doubtless then, as now, hereditary and professional plunderers, ‘soldiers of the night,’ as they describe themselves. Raja Kurun Solunkee is the first ruler of Goozerat on record who devoted his attention to putting a curb upon these wild tribes.’’ Captain Macintosh derived the term Kuli from the Koli tribe. He writes in a note on p.71: ‘‘ On a former occasion, I ventured to derive the term Cooly, applied by us to porters, labourers or persons who work for hire, in the following manner—as the fishermen, boatmen, and many of the common labourers, at Bombay, and along the coast, are Kolies, the term Cooly may have originated among the English at Bombay. A passenger coming ashore, whena ship arrived from Europe, might have wished to give a box or package in charge to a native (probably a person of rank or caste); he would say, or a servant in attendance might say, that he would fetch a Koly, ora certain number of Kolies, to take ‘ master’s baggage’ to the shore. Thus the term would have become familiar, and, in the course of time, would be indiscriminately applied to all porters or labourers, and soon have spread among the few English settled in India in those days.” In the above-mentioned Glossary of Anglo-Indian Colloquial Words end Phrases is on p. 192 the expression Cooly also connected with the Kolis: ‘‘The origin of the word appears to have been a nomen gentile, the name (Holz) of a race or caste in Western India, who have long performed such offices as have been mentioned... According to Dr. H. V. Carter, the Kolis 116 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS Khandoba, whom I consider as a national deity of the Gau- dian Khands.*° The Kolis have among them a tradition, according to which they are the descendants of the famous Valmiki, the poet of the Ramayana. It may be that the similarity of the profession embraced by Valmiki—previously to his becoming a poet—and by the Kolis, has something to do with this belief. Both are celebrated as robbers.*” According to the last census report, the Kolis number 2,488,372 souls: 1,669,302 live in Bombay, 429,688 in Baroda, 213,966 in Hyderabad, and 123,171 in the Punjab, &e.® The Mohlis in Bhandara and Chanda, who are agricul- turists, have a distinct Gond type, and have retained many Gond customs.*? proper are a true hill-people whose especial locality lies in the Western Ghats, and in the northern extension of that range, between 18° and 24° N. latitude.” I have referred on p. 107, n. 28, to another passage ot this article in the Glossary. I have already on p. 107 declared myself against this explanation. Though it is a matter cf minorimportance, I may observe as an additional proof that the tribal name is always pronounced Avli, and not Auli. 36 See ibidem, p. 106: ‘* The Kolies pay their adorations to all the Hindoo deities, but their chief object of worship is Khundy-row, commonly called Khundobah.”’ 37 See ibidem, p. 82: ‘‘ One of the descendants of Neeshad and a female shoodur, were the parents of the Poolkuss; and a male of the Neeshad lineage and a female of the Poolkuss family, were the parents of the Koly. He was to subsist, by killing whatever animals he encountered in the jungles and forests. It may further be stated, that the Kolies say that they are the descendants of Valmik, the distinguished author of the Ramayan, who, although of Brahman parentage, and born at Veer Walla, twenty-four miles south-east of Poona, it is svid, followed the lite of a Koly.”’ About the Kooleos or Bheels see Sir G. Campbell’s Bthnology of India, p. 46. 338 According to the Indian Antiguary, vol. VI, p. 233, the late Rev. Dr. John Wilson derived the name of the Kolis from the Sanskrit word /ula, a clan. I nced not dilate on the groundlessness of this etymology. Compare p- 109. 39 See Rev. M. A. Sherring’s Hindu Tribes and Castes, vol. II, p. 109: “‘Thoy bave a remarkable faculty for selecting the best sites for irrigation reservoirs; and to possess a large tank is their highest ambition. On the lands watered by these tanks they cultivate sugar-cane and rice.” OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 117 I believe that the Koris (Kohris) are of the same extrac- tion as the Kolis. The former are said to have emigrated from Benares, in the train of a Bhonsla prince of the Chandah branch.*® I am also inclined to connect the Kocris of Bengal with both these tribes.*! Whether there exists any connection between the Kolis and the Gaulis is doubtful. As was the case with Gauda, so also is the term Gauli differently interpreted. Some derive the name Gauli from the Sanskrit word go, cow, and explain G'ax/i to signify cowherd, others connect it with Holi. It is even pos- sible that both derivations are right, and that the term Gawli represents originally two different, but equal-sounding words ; one being derived from Ao/i and the other from gd. In the first case it has an ethnological and in the other a professional meaning. To those Gaulis who are cowmen both terms are 40 See ibidem, pp. 107,108: ‘‘ They produce sugar-cane in large quan- tities, the production of which is chiefly in their hands. The tribe has distinguished itself for its great enterprise and energy in the excavation of | noble tanks and in the formation of numerous embankments.’’ According | to the census of 1881, the Koris amount to 946,851, 843,422 of whom are found in the North-Western Provinces, 48,826 in the Central Provinces, and | 43,565 in Bengal. Compare Mr. Charles Grant's Gazetteer of the Central Provinces, pp. 61, 137, 181, 194 and 438 on the Koris (Kohris). 41 Compare Colonel Dalton’s Ethnology of India, pp. 320, 321: ‘In some districts the Koiris appear to be more numerous than the Kurmis. The distinction between them is, that the former are generally market gardeners ' as well as agriculturists. Buchanan estimated that there were 30,000 families of Koiris in the Shahabad District, and 45,000 families in Bihar. .... Alearned pandit informs me that the derivation of the name is ku, earth, and ari,enemy. They are so called from their constant attacks on the soil. Koiris, men and women, are always troubling it... very three years they make offerings on a hill known as the Marang Baru of the Kols, the god that is invoked by the aborigines, especially when rain does not fall in due season.’’? Seealso Rev. M. A. Sherring’s Hindu Tribes and Castes, vol. I, pp- 325, 326: “These (the Koeris) and the Kumbhis are the great agri- ) cultural classes of these provinces... The Koeris and Kumbhis are agriculturists by profession... The Koeris are the principal growers of poppy, and producers of opium, both in Benares and Behar... ‘he Koeris are numerous in the district of Jhansi, where they pursue the occupation of weaving. Their tradition is, that they came from Benares about seven hundred years ago.” The census report of 1881 mentions 3,067 Koeris in Assam and 1,204,884 Koeris in Bengal. Rev. Sir G. Campbell’s Ethnology of India, p. 107. 16 118 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS applicable. The Mahadeo Kolis assert that their ancestors subdued the Gaulis, and to these are also ascribed most of the earlier graves. The Gauli chiefs, according to tradi- tion, ruled in the Central Provinces long before the Gond Rajas. I believe that future enquiry will prove that the Gauli Rajas were not Aryans, but that they, like other tribes similarly named, belonged to the Gaudian race.* I must not omit to mention here the ancient tribes of the Kulinda, Kulita, (Kolata, Kolaka) and Kaulita (Kaulubha), who inhabited the high mountain ranges of the Himalaya in North India. Their names occur in one form or other in the Mahabharata, Ramayana, Visnu Purana, Brhatsarmhita, Mudraraksasa and elsewhere in Sanskrit literature, while Ptolemy’s Kudwédpwy (Kylindrine, VII. 1, 42) coincides in position with the country which some of these tribes formerly 42 Refer to pp. 90 and 92, n. 12, where the Gaudas are mentioned. See Mr. Charles Grant’s Gazetteer of the Central Provinees, p. 301: «“ Among the people (of Nagpur) tradition, widespread though vague, is not wanting, pointing to atime far anterior to the Gonds, when throughout Deogarh Gauli chiefs held sway. The exploits and renown of these ancient chiefs are often referred to in the songs of the villagers. There are forts too, and tanks and temples, or remnants of such structures, evidently the handiwork of races preceding the Gonds... ‘It was a Gauli, not a Gond king so our father told us,’ this is the common answer to all questions respecting such relics.”” The same legend is told about the fortifications of Ramtek, ibidem, p. 428. Compare in the Indian Antiguary, vol. I, pp. 204, 205, Mr. W. F. Sinclair’s article on the ‘‘ Gauli Raj’’ in Khandesh and the Central Provinces: ‘‘I think, therefore, that the most probable explanation of the Gault Ra is this,—that Gauli was the surname, or nickname, of a family of princes (and not ofa nation) of Aryan race who established them- selves in the valleys of the Tapti and Narmada during the great migration southward which ended in the colonization of the Dekhan by the Aryan Marathas.’’ Mr. Sinclair’s remarks were criticized by Mr. W. Ramsay on p. 258 ; notice also Mr, Sinclair’s query : ‘‘ Hemad Pant and the Gauli Rajas ” in the Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, pp. 277, 278. Captain A. Macintosh remarks in his ‘‘ Account of the Mhadeo Kolies”’ in the Madras Journal of Literature and Sciexce, vol. V (1837), pp. 251-252: ‘“‘There is a popular tradition among the people in this part of the country, that the Gursees were the original inhabitants of the Dukhan, and that they were displaced from the hilly tracts of the country by the race of Goullies or cowherds. These Goullies, it is said, subsequently rebelled against their law- ful prince, who detached an army that continued unceasing in their exer- OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 119 occupied. The similarity of their name with that of the Kolis and of the Kulu district is therefore not accidental. CHAPTER IX. On tHE Kos, Konps, Kanps, Gonns, &c. Much as the several tribes, whose names head this chapter, differ from one another in their manners, dialects and appearance, still there exists such a general resemblance between them, that, as has been pointed out by one of the greatest geographers of our century, the late Karl Ritter, all these various races, however considerable may be the distances at which they live apart from one another, must be tions until they exterminated the entire race of Goullies.. It is a common practice with such of the inhabitants of the plains as bury their dead, as well as the hill tribes to erect thurgahs (tombs commonly of a single stone), near the graves of their parents. In the vicinity of some of the Koly villages and near the site of deserted ones, several of these thurgahs are occasionally to be seen, especially near the source of the Bhaum river. The people say they belonged to Gursees and Goullies of former times. The stones with many figures in relief roughly carved upon them, and one of these holding a drum in his hand, and in the act of beating time on it, are considered to have belonged to the Gursees who are musicians by profession. The other thurgahs with a Saloonka (one of the emblems of Mhadeo) and a band of women forming a circle round it, with large pots on their heads, are said to be Goully monuments. This may be reckoned partly confirmatory of the tradition.”’ Consult about the Gaulis also the Gazetteer of Aurangabad, pp. 136, 226, 278, 279. 43 About references concerning Kulinda, Kulita, Kolika, Yolaita and Kaulita consult Bothlingk and Roth’s Sanskrit Waorterbuch. About Kaulubha see Lassen’s Indische Altherthumskunde, vol. I, p. 57 (p. 75 second edition), and vol. II, pp. 206, 207. Lassen desires to substitute for Kaulita in Mudraraksasa Kaulibha especially on the authority of Plinius who in his Historia Naturalis, lib. VI, cap. 22, mentions that: ‘‘ Ultra (Gangem) siti sunt Modubae, Molindae. . . . Colwbae, Orxulae, etc.”? In vol. I, p. 547 (661), Lassen speaks of the Kulindas: ‘‘ Die Kudinda wohnten nach dem Epos im héchsten Himalaya und zwar ostwarts bis zu den Ganges- Quellen.”’ Ptolemy assigns the sources of the Vipaéa, Satadru, Yamuna and Ganga - to the country Kylindrine: ‘‘‘Ymd 5¢ tas BiBdouwos kal Tod Zapadpov Kat tov Atamodva Kal tod Téyyou 7 KuAwvdpwh. ’’ The inhabitants of this district were the Kulindas. About Kylindrine compare also Sir A. Cunningham’s Ancient Geography of India, pp. 1386-138, where it is identified with Jalandhara, whose ‘‘antiquity is undoubted, as it is mentioned by Ptolemy as 120 ON THE. ORIGINAL INHABITANTS regarded as representatives of one and the same nation. They are still in occupation of nearly the whole area of that portion of the Indian continent which stretches from Khan- desh on the west to Ganjam on the east. koi, Kui (contracted into Ku), Godu, Gauda, Gondu, Goandu, Gand, Koand, Kond (Kondh, Khond) or Kand (Khand) are all derivatives, as has already been shown, from the root Ho or Ku, mountain, so that their very name indicates a mountaineer. I have previously alluded to the peculiarity that both Linguals and Dentals are used in the formation of the derivatives of Ho. We need not, Kulindrine or Ktulindrine, which should probably be corrected to Sulindrine, as the K and & are frequently interchanged in Greek manuscripts.”’ Read also in H. H. Wilson’s Vishnu-purdna edited by F. Hall the notes on the Kulitas (Kolakas), vol. II, p. 174, and Kulindas, p. 180. According to H. H. Wilson the Kulindas were mountaineers, see Fr. Johnson’s Selections from the Mahabharata, p. 65). Varahamihira mentions the Kuldtas in his Brhatsathhita, Chapter XIV. sl. 22 and 29: Disi pascimottarasyam Mandavya-Tukhara-Talahala-Madrah, Asmaka-Kulata-Lahada-Strirajya-Nrsimha-Vanakhasthah. 22. Aisanyam Mérukanastarajya-Pasupala-Kira-Kasmirah. Abhisara-Darada-Tangana- Aulitta-Sairindha-Vanarastrah. 29. Sir Alexander Cunningham considers the question of these hill tribes at length in the Archeological Survey of India, vol. XIV, pp. 125-135, 137-139: “The origin of the Kunets, who form the bulk of the population in the valleys of the Bias, the Satlej] and the Tons Rivers, has long engaged my attention ; and I believe that I have now solved the puzzle by identifying them with the Kwnindas or Kulindas of early Hindu history. Under both of these forms their name is still preserved in the districts of Aww on the Bias and Kundwar on the Satlej. The Vishnu Purana gives the name of Aulinda, which is supported by Ptolemy’s Awlindrine, a district occupying the whole of the upper tract between the Bibasis or Bias River and the Ganges. It corresponds therefore most exactly with the Kunet District of the present day. Varaha Mihira places the AKunindas along with the Kashmiras, Abhi- saras, Kulttas, and Sairindhas, and makes their country one of his nine divi- sions of India. In another place he marks their position still more definitely as being to the east of Madras. (Jadreso anyaseha Kauninda.) He also speaks of the King of the Kunindas. This was about A.D. 560, but we have coins of the King of Kuninda (Rajnya Aunindasa), which date before the Christian era. For Kavninda the Markandeya Purana reads Han- linda, which agrees with the Aulinda of the Vishnu Purana. It would seom therefore that these are only two readings of the same name. This conjecture is strongly supported by the fact that much more than half of OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 121 therefore, be surprised to see that the Telugu Kodu, e.g., corresponds to the Sanskrit Aoyda (in Kondabhatta) and Gonda, though konda in Telugu signifies only mountain and not mountaineer, which meaning is expressed by Hondarudu.# The principal Gond tribes call themselves Kovtor. Telugu people regard the last syllable tor of this term as identical with the word dora, master, which is not improbable, as the Kois affix this term to names, e.g., Bhima is called by them Bhimadur. ‘The Kois of the Bhadracala and Rékapalli taluks in the Upper Godavari district are called Doralu (masters) only by their Mala and Madiga servants, for this title is otherwise generally conceded only to the Velama land-owners. It is a well-known fact that a word often loses its original meaning when it is used as aproper name. /f0i designates the population of Kulu is Kunet.... Ihave now traced the Kaunindas up to the third century B.C., when they were a rich and powerful people. But there is still earlier mention of the people in the Mahabharata, where the Kulindas are said to have been conquered by Arjuna. From the context Wilson rightly concluded that they were mountaineers and neighbours of the Traigarttas or people of Kangra. In the Vishnu Purana I find not only the Kulindas but also Kulindopatyakas or ‘ Kulindas dwelling along the foot of the hills,’ which describes exactly the tract of plain country bordering the hills in which Srughna, the capital of the Kaunindas, was situated.’’ About Kulu or Kullu see Sir W. W. Hunter’s Imperial Gazetteer of India, vol. V, pp- 465-469: ‘‘‘The character of the hill-men resembles that of most other mountaineers in its mixture of simplicity, independence, and superstition. Polyandry still prevails in Seoraj, but has almost died out elsewhere. It consists simply of a community of wives amongst brothers, who hold all their other goods in common, and regard their women as | labourers on the farm. The temples usually oceupy picturesque sites, and ar3 dedicated rather to local deities than to the greater gods of the Hindu Pantheon.”’ Compare also Mr. J. W. McCrindle’s Ancient India as described by Ptolemy, pp. 105, 109, 110. 44 The Telugu people call the Gonds, Konds or Kands, Koya, Koyavadu (pl. Koyavandlu), Kédu (pl. Kodulu), Gondu, Kondarudu, &c. We read in Lieutenant Macpherson’s Report wpon the Khonds of the Districts of Ganjam and Cuttack, Calcutta, 1842, p. 20, § 42, the following account: ‘‘ The Hindu name for this people which we have adopted, Khond, in the plural Khondooloo, means mountaineer, from the Teloogoo word signifying a hiil. Their sole native appellatior south of the Mahanuddee is Koinga or Kwinga, which may be a corruption of Kwlinga, which, by the exchange of convertible ; letters may be Pwlinda, meaning in Sanskrit and thence in Tamil a dar- 122 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS thus a mountaineer, but this radical meaning of the term was forgotten by that tribe when some of them had settled permanently in the plains. The Malvah or Gutta-Kois (Hill-Kois) are in consequence distinguished from the Sassi- Kois (Plain-Kois). The Khonds, on the other hand, call their own country Kui Dina or Kwi Pruti, and that of the Uriyas Sassi Dina. The Kois worship as deities Katiradu, Adamaraju, Kor- raraju (who governs the tigers), Kommalamma, Sarlamma, and others. The five Pandava brothers, especially Arjuna and Bhima, are highly revered. They have imitated the step of Bhima in their dance. The Kois or Koyas in the Nizam’s Dominions preserve a legend according to which they are descended from Bhima and a wild superhuman woman whom he met in the woods.*® barian, a savage mountaineer . . . They employ as distinctive epithets of their race, the terms—Swbboro and Mudllaro, the latter signifying Ail? people, from a root common to Tamul and Teloogoo, the Khonds designate the alpine portions of Orissa solely by its Hindu name (from the root) ‘ Malwa,’ meaning highlands. The Hindu people they call Sassi, a word whose signification is not ascertained. The Khonds, who inhabit the mountains are styled Maliah Koinga, those of the low country Sassi Koinga.” The fifth volume of the Caleutta Review (January—June 1846) contains on p. 26 the following note: ‘‘ Respecting the name of Khonds, Lieutenant Hill remarks, that, in their own language, ‘they call themselves Knee. A single Khond is called Kwinga. By Uriyas, they are called Hhonds and by the Telingas, Kodalu and often Kodawanulu or hill people.’’ According to Sir W. W. Hunter in his Orissa, vol. II, p. 71: ‘The word Kandh, like Mali and the tribal names of other hill tribes, means in the aboriginal languages ‘ mountaineer.’ ”’ About the Gands or Gandas consult Mr. Charles Grant’s Gazetteer of the Central Provinces of India, pp. 100, 103, 247, 251, 412, 413, and 457. They cultivate some land in Raigarh, Laira and Sambalpur, but they seem not to be regarded as good cultivators. The population of Laira is chiefly agri- cultural and consists of Gonds, Khonds and Gandas. On the other hand the Gandas are generally classified as weavers. Their number in the Central Provinces amounts to 250,133. Koinga is the plural of Koi, »ga being the plural termination in the Kond language. A similar termination exists in the Koi language on the Godavari, e.g., mda, tree, pl. marangu ; goggddi, cock, goggddingu ; dandi, carriage, bandingu ; goddélt, axe, goddelingy. 45 See the Rev. John Cain’s articles on ** The Bhadrachallam and Réka- palli Talukas, Godavari District,’* in the Indian dAatiquary, vol. V, pp. 301- OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 123 The four tribes to whom the title éitor is applied are the Raj Gond, Raghuwal, Padal and Dholi, and occasionally 303, 357-359 ; vol. VIII, pp. 33-36, 219-221; and vol. X, pp. 259-264. Read ibidem, vol. V, pp. 358, 359: ‘‘ Formerly on a certain day in the year the Koi men of each village were driven into the jungle by the women to hunt, and were not allowed to return unless they brought home some game,—a small bird, or evena rat, being enough to give them the right to be welcomed back. This practice is still carried on jby the Kois in the Bastar country, and also by many in the Nizam’s territory. Mr. Van- stavern, whilst boring for coal at Beddadanolu, was visited on that day by all the Koi women of the village, dressed up in their lords’ clothes, and they told him that they had that morning driven their husbands to the forest to bring home game of some kind or other. Mr. Vanstavern also states that the Kois round Beddadanolu do not eat the goat annually offered for a prosperous harvest, but leave it to itself in the jungle tied up to a tree. “&), The designation of a wild migratory tribe who subsist on game and all sorts of flesh; they make and sell baskets and mats, and are considered as outcastes: both men and women pretend to be fortune-tellers and conjurors: they are also said to be called Koorshe-wanlu, Yerkel-wanloo (waniu, or more correctly vandlu, being only the plural of vddu), Yera-kedi, and Yerakelloo, but to be known amongst themselves as Kurru ; they are possibly the same who appear 178 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS like manner under tents fixed by bamboo poles and covered with mats made of reed grass. They are also continually roaming about, avoiding villages and towns and preferring to pitch their tents in some open ground a few miles distant from inhabited places, only to strike them again after a few days’ stay. They thus wander over Hyderabad, the Ceded Districts, and other adjacent provinces. Their tents of which every family possesses a separate one, with a few among the predial slaves in Kurg under the name of Yerrwanroo, i.e., Erra-vandlu, ? red men, or Yevaru q.v. or Yerlun, or Erehlen, (?) also specified amongst, the servile races of Kurg.”’ Further see ‘‘ The Migratory Races of India,’’ by Assistant Surgeon Edward Balfour, Madras Army, in the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, vol. XVII (1857), pp. 4-9: ‘* The Coorroo, This seems to be a branch of the Korawa people, two divisions of whom . . were described by me in an article on the Migratory Tribes of India.. ‘This wandering race occupy the Ceded Districts and are called by Mahomedans ‘ Koorshe Wanloo;’ Telings give them the names of ‘ Yerkel wanloo,’ ‘ Yera keedi,’ and ‘ Yera kelloo,’ and the Aravas know them as Coortee ; but their designa- tion among themselves is Coorroo, the rv being pronounced by them with a loud thrilling sound. I believe them to be a branch of the Korawa people from the similarity of their customs, and from their using similar articles of diet, but the term sorawa was quite new to this community, who, although familiar with the appellations of the Mahomedans and Hindoos, told me that Coorroo was the only name they ever designated themselves by .. They live in huts constructed of mats, very neatly woven froma long grass, named in Telagoo ‘‘ zamboo,’’ which grows in the beds of tanks, and which they spread over a bamboo frame work. ‘They are inces- santly on the move, wandering about the country, and they never reside inside of towns, but pitch their little camps on open plains three or four miles from some inhabited place. They rarely remain above two or three days in one spot and their journeys are of considerable length. The value of one of their huts would hardly amount to half a rupee (one shilling), asses, goats and pigs constitute their wealth ; the two last of these they use as food and sell for money in towns. They, likewise, earn a little by selling grass mats and baskets made of canes and bamboos, the handy-work of the men, but which are sold by the women... Hach family in their communities lives apart in its own hut, constructed, as above-mentioned, by the mats woven by themselves., The men informed me that they usually marry about the time that their mustaches appear (18 years of age ?) with women who have attained maturity, and a bride is never taken to her husband's hut before two months after this period of her life. They marry one wife only, but they can keep as many of their women as they choose. The greatest number, however, that any of my informants remembered to have seen in one man’s hut, was one wife and three kept women ; this latter class being in general widows... OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 179 asses, goats, and pigs represent their property. They earn besides a precarious living by selling grass-mats and cane or bamboo-baskets, which are made by the men, but hawked about and sold by the women. In their wanderings they sométimes commit all sorts of robberies and often are trouble- some dacoits and highway robbers. Accounts vary about their marriage customs. Accord- ing to some, the ¢ai or marriage string is bound round the The marriage ceremony consists in sprinkling rice and turmeric over the bride and bridegroom’s head; and after it is over the bride returns to her parents and remains with them for five days... The Coorroo attaches much importance to the purity of their unmarried females, bat they regard a want of integrity in their married women as a trivial matter.... They drink all sorts of intoxicating drinks, but never use opium or any of the pre- parations from hemp.. They never use the flesh of the horse, jackall, tiger, cheetah, or crow; but they eat the hog, mouse, rat, wild rat, and fowls.. It is difficult to say what their religion is. They do not bind on the tali in marriage, or use any of the Hindu sectarian marks on their foreheads, neither do they revere the Brahmans or any religious superior, nor perform any religious ceremony at any Hindu or Budhist temple, but they told me that, when they pray, they construct a small pyramid of clay which they term Mariammah and worship it. But though they seem thus almost with- out a form of religion, the women had small gold and silver ornaments suspended from cords round their necks and which they said had been supplied to them by a goldsmith from whom they had ordered figures of Mariamma. The form represented is that of the goddess Kali, the wife of Siva. They mentioned that they had been told by their forefathers that, when a good man dies, his spirit enters the body of some of the better animals as that of a horse or cow, and thata bad man’s spirit gives life to the form of a dog or jackall ; but though they told me this they did not seem to believe it. They believe firmly, however, in the existence and constant presence of a principle of evil, who, they say, frequently appears... When they die the married people are burned, but the unmarried are buried quite naked without a shroud or kufn, or other clothing, a custom which some other castes in India likewise follow. . . The Coorroo people are naturally of a bamboo-color, though tanned by the sun into a darker hue. Their faces are oval with prominent bones, their features having something of the Tartar expression of countenance... The dialect spoken by the ‘ Coorroo’ as their lingua franca, in their intercourse with the people of the country, is the Teloogoo, and I was surprised to find them entirely ignorant of the Canarese language although living exclusively among the Canarese nation.’’ Compare also Mr. H. E. Stokes’ account of these people in the Manual of the Nellore District, compiled and edited by Mr. John A. C. Boswell, m.c.s., pp. 154-157: ‘‘These people (the Yerukalas) wander from place to place, as they find it easy to gain a living, pitching their huts generally in open places near villages. Their property consists principally of cattle and asses, 180 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS neck of the woman; according to others this is not the case. This discrepancy may be explained by some having adopted the usual Hindu customs, while others still keep aloof from them. With respect to their religious worship the same observation may hold good. There is no doubt that originally they did not wership any Hindu deities, nor did they in consequence perform any religious ceremonies at any Hindu shrine, nor revere the Brahmans as their religious superiors. In fact the and they act as carriers of salt and grain; they cut firewood in the jungles and sell it in the villages ; they also gather and sell a leaf called karepaku (the black margosa); they eat game, flesh of all sorts, and jungle roots. They all, both women and men, pretend to tell fortunes; these people, like all the wandering tribes of the district, are basket-makers... They are stout men and very hardy in constitution. Like the Yanadies they tie their hair in a knot over the forehead. Lieutenant Balmer, in his letter to the Collector, dated 22nd May 1864, No. 317, writes the following as to the Yerukalas: ‘The crimes they are addicted to are dacoity, highway robbery, and robbery ; they are the most troublesome of our wanderers.’.. The gods whom they chiefly worship are Mahalakshmi and Venkatesvara (to whom the Trippati temple is sacred), and they also sacrifice to the pitris, or manes of their ancestors. They state generally that all gods worshipped by Hindus are worshipped by them. The old men of the tribe are priests. Each tribe or family has a god, which is carried about with the encampment. One, which I have seen, was a piece of wicker-work, about five inch square, cased in black canvas, one side being covered with white sea-shells imbedded in ared paste. It was called Polaperamma. Polygamy is practised among the Yerukalas, and the number of wives is only limited by the means of the . husband. There is no polyandria, nor is there any trace of the custom, which sometimes is found among rude tribes, of the brothers of a family having their wives in common. The marriage string is always tied round the neck of the wife. The females are said not to marry till they are full grown. The ceremony usually takes place on a Sunday, puja having been made on the Saturday. Rice mixed with turmeric is poured on the heads of the married couple; the marriage string is tied on, and the ceremony is complete. During the lifetime of her husband a wife may not marry another man, but after his death she may if she wishes... A man supports all his children by all his wives. If he has a great number, the brothers will take some of them; but when they are grown up they return to their father’sfamily. Sons so reared will, through gratitude, support their uncles in old age... I have collected a number of words and phrases of the Yerukalas among themselves—a language which is unintelligible to the Telugu people. The most cursory glance at these is sufficient to produce the conviction that it isa Tamil dialect. It has been considerably mixed, as is to be expected, with Telugu and Canarese, but in its structure it is plainly Tamil. The Yerukalas understand Tamil when spoken, and it is superfluous to state analogies between their dialect and Tamil, inasmuch as OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 181 old men of the tribe are to this day their priests. They mainly worship Mariamma or Poléramma, an image of whom generally accompanies each tribe in its wanderings. The god Vénkatésvara of Tripati is also held in respect by a great many. They generally keep a lamp burning night and day in their encampments before which they offer up prayers. the former is nothing but a patois of the latter, in which Telugu and Canarese words are freely used. There can be no doubt as to the fact that the Yerukalas are a Tamil tribe, but there are some points connected with the name and language which seem to throw further light on the question. The name has two forms in Telugu, one Yerukuvandlu, said by Brown and Campbell to be derived from ‘ Erugu’ to know, and to have reference to their fortune-telling powers, and one Yerukulavandlu ; the first of this word is evidently not a plural of ‘ Yeruku,’ but a distinct word. This seems to be recognized by Brown and Wilson, who conjecture that ‘ Yeru’ is a prefix to be connected by the word ‘erra’ red... The Yerukulas in this district state that their tribe name in their own language is ‘ Kurru,’ also, Kola; and I think there can be no doubt that the ‘ Yer’ or ‘ Yeru’ is a mere prefix and that ‘ Kala,’ Wilson’s ‘ Kullevar ’ represents the real name of the tribe. To connect ‘Yer’ or ‘ Yeru’ with the Telugu ‘erra,’ red, seems quite meaningless ; it might perhaps be compared with ‘ Yervaru’ mentioned by Wilson, or which seerns more plausible to suppose it to be the word ‘ Yeruku’ (which, as has been said, is one designation of the tribe in Telugu, com- pounded with the real tribe name ‘ Kurruvandlu,’ or Kolavandlu, when, according to a common euphonic law in Telugu, the two ‘ k’s’ would coalesce and the word becomes Yerukkalavandlu. The second ‘k’ would easily be dropped, and the word assume its common form Yerukalavandlu. I have been unable to find that there are any traditions among these people as to the country from which they came ; one of them indignantly repudiated the notion of a Tamil origin. The language, however, and the tribe name ‘Kurru’ seems to me unmistakeably to point to the identity of this tribe with the well-known Kuravar or Koravar of the Tamil districts.”’ The Historical and Descriptive Sketch of H. H. the Nizam’s Dominions contains in vol. I, pp. 326-28, an account of the Yerakulavandlu: ‘‘ The Yarkalwars are a nomad tribe living in huts made of palmyra leaves or reeds. They are found in some of the eastern districts of the Dominions. They live on the flesh of swine, game and carrion, and a little grain they may get in barter for the mats and baskets they construct. They snare birds with bird-lime, and they have a small breed of dogs with which they kill hares. They kill most of the dogs when young, but retain the bitches, to which, when they are intended for hunting, they give a certain root that renders them barren.. Brahmans will not approach the Yarkalwars but the Jangam of the Lingayets is more pliant, and on the occasion of a death, for a present of some grain, he attends and blows his conch. Their marriage ceremonies consist in a headman whom they elect for the occasion, and place on a 24 182 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS The explanation of their by-name Verukulavandlu (Yeru- kalavandlu, Yerakalavandlu or Yerikalavyandlu) offers some difficulties. Scholars like C. P. Brown and H. H. Wilson are inclined to take yeru in the meaning of evra, red; but there does not seem sufficient ground for this derivation. It is true, and I have elsewhere alluded to the fact, that Scythian tribes use occasionally terms signifying color, in order to represent political positions; black, e.g., imdicating, under these circumstances, dependence and servitude, and white liberty and sovereignty. I have not observed, however, this throne of turf, putting rice on the heads of the young people, and uttering some mystic words; a pig is then killed, the flesh is cooked and eaten, and ample as their experience must be of the qualities of every kind of flesh, they are unanimous in declaring that pork is superior to all. They then jump about, beat their bellmetal vessels, and the whcle concludes by the whole party, male and female, getting drunk. One of their customs is very peculiar. On the occasion of a birth the husband is looked on as the subject — of compassion, and is carefully tended by the neighbours, as if he and not the wife had been the sufferer. Like all vagabonds they are regarded with suspicion, and with some reason, as they aftect to possess a divining rod in the shape of the frond of the wild date, by which they may discover on the outside of the house where property is placed within. . . Although despised as a carrion-eating caste, the ryots do not hesitate in cases of sickness to consult them. Then the divining rod is produced, a Yarkalwar woman holding one end while the other is given to the person seeking advice, a long string of words is rattled over, the result of the disease foretold, and the particular shrine is indicated where an offering is to be placed, or the offended Sakti named, whose wrath is to be appeased by sacrifice. . . They speak a corrupt Tamil.’’ Compare also a “ Brief Sketch of the Yerukala Language as spoken in Rajahmandry ”’ in the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, 1879, pp. 93-102. Messrs. A. G. Subrahmanyam Iyer, n.a., and P. Srinivasa Rao Pantulu, B.A., asked, under the direction of Rev. Mr. J. Cain, a Yeruka a series of questions and drew up the paper. Mr. Cain published afterwards a similar but shorter paper in the Indian Antiquary, vol. IX (1880), pp. 210-212. The brief sketch contains, among others, the following statements: ‘©The Yerukulas do not seem to haye any distinctive tribal or national name. In conversation with cach other they call themselves ‘ Kuluvaru, evidently from the Sanskrit ‘kula,’ merely signifying ‘our people ’ while to strangers they speak of themselvesas Yerukalavaru, a name most probably given them by their Telugu neighbours (Telugu jay) in allusion to their supposed skill in palmistry, which they practise as a means of livelihood. The Yerukula in question was not able to say when his people settled in Rajah- mandry. He only knew that a long time ago they came from the west... Their customs are generally of 4 very simple character. They burn their OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 183 custom among the Gauda- Dravidian tribes of India, though the term erra, red, is occasionally used in names, e.g., in that of the Erra Gollalu.® There is also no reason for connecting the two initial syllables Yera of Yerakalavandlu with the Yeravas of Kurg. These are a distinct tribe and do not belong to the Kuravas, of whom the Kurus or Yerukulavandlu are a branch. The name Yerava is in reality only another form of Parava.* A similar remark must be made as to the propriety of deriving the name of the Kurus from the Telugu words dead with little ceremony... There appears to be little doubt that the language belongs to the Dravidian family. The following collection of words and phrases seems to show conclusively that of these languages it bears the closest affinity to Tamil although possessing words, allied to Telugu and Canarese.’’ 93 See my monograph Der Preshyter Johannes in Sage and Geschichte, p. 121, note 1: ‘‘ Die mongolischen Volkerschaften pflegen namlich, wie bekannt, dem eigenthumlichen Stammesnamen eine Farbe, wie schwarz, weiss, etc., voranzusetzen,und hierdurch die politische Lage der Horde, ob sie unabhan- gig der abhangig sei, anzudeuten.”’ %4 See “ Ethnographical Compendium on the Castes and Tribes in the Province of Coorg,” by the Rev. G. Richter, pp. 9, 10: ‘* Of the hill-tribes the Yeravas stand lowest and seem to have been in remote ages in a servile relation to the Betta Kurwmbas . . They are immigrants from Wynad, where the same class of Yeravas is said to be found. Their language is related to that of the Betta Kurumbas and understood by the Coorgs.. . The Yeravas bury their dead with their clothes on lying flat the head eastward ; but according to the statement of an intelligent Yerava maistry, who was also the headman of his gang, the women are buried in a sitting posture in a hole scooped out sideways from what would have been an ordinary grave, so that the earth over head does not touch her.”’ Read also Mysore and Coorg, by Lewis Rice, in vol. I, p. 351 : “ Verava. These are only found in Mysore District, in the taluks forming the southern frontier ; they are said to have originally belonged to Wainad, where they were held in slavery by the Nairs. They resemble the African in features having thick lips and compressed noses. They speak a language of their, own.”’ Invol. IL, p. 94: ‘‘ Yerra Ganga and Challava Ganga, two men of the Yerralu tribe,’’ to this the note is added : ‘‘ A wandering tribe identi- cal with or closely related to the Korachars. They are known in Coorg as Yeravas.’’? And in vol. TII, on pp. 214, 215: ‘“ Yeravas, also known as Panjara Yeravas, 5,608 males, and 4,908 females. . . From the description given of the Yeravas, it is probable they would have been more correctly classed with Holeyas among the outcastes. They are said to be originally from Wainad, where, like the Holeyas in Coorg, they were held in slavery by the Nairs. They are met with almost entirely in Kiggatnad and Yedenalkad ‘ 184 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS erike, eruka or eruku. The Telugu terms ertke or eruka knowledge, in the sense of astrology or of palmistry, and eruku, hunter, do not offer an explanation of the tribal name Kuru. Jt is highly probable that the name and the occu- pation of the fortune-telling Kurnvandlu or Kulavandlu induced the Telugu people to call this tribe Yerukulavandlu, Yerakalavandlu or Yerikelavandlu, including in these terms both their tribal name and their profession, and that this nickname, once substituted for the real tribal surname, supplanted the latter in course of time. I prefer this expla- nation to the conjecture suggested by Mr. H. E. Stokes in his interesting account of these people. Taking Zruku as a Telugu designation of this race, he adds to it their tribal name by dropping the last vowel of the first part of the compound, so that the word becomes YVerukkalavandlu. Peculiarily enough the term Hrukukula occurs in reality as quoted in the note below, but apparently in the meaning of hunter. No race takes, as a rule, its name from a foreign language, and Telugu is a strange dialect to the Kurus, whose real idiom is rather akin to Tamil. In this language the expression Yerukalavas is ignored, and this tribe is called simply by the term Koravar.% taluks. They speak a language of their own, a dialect of Malayalam, and live with the Coorgs, but always in separate huts in or near jungle. They are much sought after as labourers.” It is evident from the above that Mr. Rice’s statements contradict each other. If Yerra Ganga and Challava Ganga were Kuruvandlu or Yerukulavandlu, they could, according to my opinion, not have been Yeravar.—Moreover Mr. Rice calls them ‘‘ men of the Yerralu tribe,’’ and the Yeravar are not, as I believe, known as Yerralu. Mr. Rice was induced tothis identification by Mr. Stokes’ remarks, to which he refers. In this case itappears very doubtful whether yerva in Yerra Ganga is a tribal distine- tion at all, it seems rather to be a personal proper name. % See the Telugu and English Dictionary by Charles Philip Brown, p. 126: “Jax or J&¥ knowledge, acquaintance, fortune-telling. J8s0& OF Jdxexd a female gypsey, a witch. J8Soo a fortune-teller: JoFe- arom gypsies. See J&Xo. JS mountaineer, a savage. J&Smsyd to tell fortunes. JOS adj. Belonging to gypsies, orto hillpeople. J&S- OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 185 It is hardly necessary after this to contradict two other statements, namely that the term Aulavdru is derived from the Sanskrit word kuda and that the original tribal name of this race was Kala. The falseness of the first is obvious, while the real tribal designation, as has been proved, is Kulu, Kola, or Kuru. Ko (ku), mountain, is, indeed, the root to which the name of the Kuruvas, Koravas, Koramas, Kuruvandlu or Kolavandlu must be traced. According to the last census 48,882 Yerukulavandlu live in the Madras Presidency, 9,892 in Hyderabad, and 380 in the Central Provinces, or altogether 58,804 in India. These Kurus must not be confounded with the Kolarian Ktirs, who live on the Mahadeva hills and in the forests watered by the Tapti and Narbada. The Kars are better known as Muasis.% On the other hand, it is by no means improbable that the Kaurs of the Central Provinces stand in some relationship to the Kuravas, as they appear to belong to the Gonds. ta highland chief. J&%Somre& a gypsey, J&¥o6 a gypsey wench, This tribe of fortune-tellers speak a peculiar jargon or cant : and when they pitch their camps near towns, they herd swine. Jc&¥%os2 a woman of this tribe: a witch.’? Compare also Sabda Ratnakaram, a dictionary of the Telugu Language, compiled by B. Sitaramacaryulu, Madras, 1885, pp. 150- 151. “Jeoy . 3. 9. 1. dd. ..5 Shem .. . Jes. 3.0. 1. Suet 2. arpticem. 5. .JewKvomsiot sdonovidin SR HsvIMwr, BScRH.” 96 See the Rev. Stephen Hislop’s Papers relating to the Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, pp. 25-27: ‘‘ We come now toa race in language at least quite distinct from any that have engaged our attention—a race in that respect not allied to the Dravidian stock, but to the family which numbers among its members the Kol nation. With the name of this last-mentioned nation, the word Kir, or Kul, as it ought properly to be pronounced, is evidently identical. .. The Kurs were found on the Mahadeva Hills, and westward in the forests on the Taptiand Narbadda, until they came into contact with the Bhils. On the Mahadeva Hills, where they have been much influenced by the Hindus, they prefer the name of Muasi, the origin of which I have not been able to ascertain. ’’ Compare also Rev. M. A. Sherring’s Hindu Tribes and Caste, vol. II, p. 126, and Colonel Dalton’s Ethnology of India, pp. 151, 221, 230. 186 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS They resemble in their customs the aboriginal tribes of the jungles, revere Gond deities, and avoid all intercourse with Brahmans. With the Kurumbas they have in common the peculiar habit that all males are clean-shaved when a death takes place among their connections. Their features have a thorough Turanian aspect, their color is darkish, their noses are broad, and their lips rather thick. They assert, and their neighbours all round support them in their claim, that they are the survivors of the Kauravas who, after the battle of Kuruksétra, fled to the south and took refuge in the ‘hill tracts of Central India.” ' On THE Kunnuvas anp KunavARIS. Dr. Shortt mentions; on p. 85 in the fifth part of his ‘** Hill Ranges of Southern India,” the “ Wanadies, Coonoovars 97 Read Colcnel Dalton’s Ethnology of India, pp. 136-138: ‘‘ Ina paper entitled ‘ Notes of a Tour in the Tributary Mahals,’ published in the Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, I introduced them as a dark, coarse-featured, broad- nosed, wide-mouthed, and thick-lipped race, and it was natural to conclude from this that they were one of the aboriginal tribes. . .They are decidedly ugly, but are taller and better set up than most of the people described in this chapter. The Kaurs form a considerable proportion of the population of Jashpur, Udaipur, Sirguja, Korea, Chand Bhakar, and Korba of Chattisgarh, and though they are much scattered, and the various divisions of the tribe hold little communication with each other, they all tenaciously cling to one tradition of their origin, that they are the descendants of the survivors of the sons of Kuru, called Kauravas in Purans, who, when defeated by the Pandavas at the great battle of Kurukshetrya, and driven from Hastinapur, took refuge in the hill country of Central India. They not only relate this of themselves, but it is firmly believed by the people of all castes of Hindus, their neighbours, who, notwithstanding their dark complexions and general resemblance to the offspring of Nishada and some anti-Hindu practices, do not scruple to regard them as brethren... I was informed that the Kaurs were divided into four tribes—(1)-the Dadh Kaurs, (2) Paikera, (3) Rettiah Kaurs. The Kaurs of Udaipur described by me in the paper above queted belong to this class. They rear and eat fowls, and have no veneration for Brahmans. Tho village barber is their priest, and officiates as such at marriages and other ceremonies. At births, marriages and deaths, the males affected by the casualty and all connected with them of the same sex are clean-shaven all round. Some villages maintain, besides, a Byga priest, or exorcist for the Dryads, Naiads, and witches. The Paikera Kaurs therefore, who are, I think, the most numerous, cannot be regarded as Hindu in faith . . (4) the Cherwa Kaurs ... The Dudh Kaurs alone preserve the true blood of the Kuru race... They have none of them in the tracts mentioned, attained eee OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 187 (Mountaineers), or Korarwrs”’ among the tribes of the Palani Mountains. He contends that ‘‘ the Manadies or Coonoovars were the chief landed proprietors, possessing large herds of cattle, and, when compared with the other tribes, seem to be in easy circumstances.” According to Mr. Nelson (Part II, p. 34): “The MKunnuvans, or as they are also called “ Kunnuva Vellalans, perhaps from the word Kunru a “ hillock, are supposed tobe a caste of lowland cultivators who “came up from the Coimbatore plains some three or four “centuries ago and settled upon the Palani mountains as “has been shown.” Whether the Aunnuvas were originally Dravidian Vellalas who adopted the surname Kunnuva as a distinguishing clan-title, or whether the name Vel- to the dignity of landlord either as zamindar, or jagirdar. I am told, how- ever, that the Zamindar of Korba in Chattisgarh is a Kaur. All this makes me inclined to separate them froin the aboriginal tribes of Central India, and to think that there is some fouudation for their tradition ; but, as I cannot efface their Turanian traits, and from all I have seen of them must regard those traits as the pred: minating and original characteristics of the tribe, I find myself in the dilemma ot having to come forward as the propounder of a new theory, and, in opposition to the Mahabharat, to suggest that the war of the Pandavas and Kauravas was not a family quarrel but struggle for supremacy between an Aryanand ‘Turanian nation!’’ Compare also the Rev. M. A. Sherring’s Hindu Tribes and Castes, vol. II, p. 155: ‘‘ The Kaurs are usually regarded as aborigines, although claiming to have been originally connected with the Tuar tribe of Rajpoots in the North-Western Provinces.. Nevertheless, their customs are not like those of Rajpoots, but like the aboriginal tribes of jungles. They worship Doolar Deo and Boorha Deo, Gond deities, and, as a class, avoid intercourse with Brahmans. Their mar- riage ceremonies are performed in the presence of the elders of the village, and they bury theirdead. The Kaurs are good and industrious cultivators.’’ The Kaurs are also mentioned in Mr. N. Ball’s Jungle Life in India, pp- 296, 300, 322. Compare with the above Justice Campbell’s Ethnology of India, p.40: “In this region of India, it only remains to mention one more Aboriginal tribe, called Kaurs, found in the extreme west of the Chota-Nagpore Agency about Korea, Oodeypore, and the adjoining parts of the territory of Nagpore proper, the Pergunnah of Korbah of Chatteesgurh. They are described as a very in- dustrious, thriving people, considerably advanced in civilisation. They now affect Hindu traditions, pretend to be descended from the defeated remnants of the Kooroos who fought the Pandavas, worship Siva and speak Hindee, but in appearance they are ultra-aboriginal, very black, with broad noses, and thick lips, and eat fowls, &c., bury most of their dead, and contemn Bramins ; so that their Hindooism is scarcely skin-deep.”’ 188 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS lala was given them as landed proprietors, because the land-owners of the plains were so called, it is impossible to decide now. It is, however, an interesting coincidence that-the Kunnuvas who inhabit the Palani hills are called and call themselves Mannadi. This compound is formed ot oer, man, a contraction of malai, mountain, and nddu, coun- try. Muannddu signifies thus mountain-country, and mannddi, mountaineer, as Mulaiya/am denotes the country, and Walai- yali, the inhabitant of Malabar.°%* Besides ma/ai another word man occurs in the sense of mountain. Man in Tamil signifies not only earth, but also mountain.*® In the former sense it is identical with the Telugu mannu, and in the latter with mannemu or manyamu. Mannedora and manyadu denote a highland chief- tain, and manyadu is a title of some Velama Rajas, while the hill-people are called Mannecaru. If the Mons of Pegu are called by the Burmese Talaings, who according to Sir Alex- “must have emigrated from Telin- gana,” the conjecture of connecting this term Jon with the Telugu Mannemu and the Tamil Man appears permissible. Considering that Mankulattar, Gangakulattar and Indra- ander Cunningham seems now doubtful whether the term man in Mankulettar should be explained as meaning earth or mountain.!° 98 See Dr. John Shortt’s Hill Ranges, Part V, pp. 85-89. On p. 85 we read: ‘‘ When a Manady marries, the whole tribe is represented on the occasion and to avoid unnecessary expense, marriages are generally put off until two, three or more can be celebrated at once ... (On p. 86) The young man advances and ties the marriage string with the Thalee or symbol around the bride’s neck; to complete the ceremony, a Poliar is called upon to an- nounce a blessing on the new married couple.’’ Read also ididem, Part VI, pp. 42-46; on pp. 42-48: ‘* The inhabitants of these High Ranges are Mudavars and . . . the mixed population of the villages in Unjenaad known as Kunuvers, Munnadies, and others may be considered inhabitants.’* Compare Mr. J. H. Nelson’s Manual of the Madura Country, Part II, pp. 33-36. 9 See Dr. Winslow’s Zamil and English Dictionary, p. 841: war, & The earth .. . 8. Hill, mountain. 100 See Part I, p. 62, No. 29, on the term Mannepuvandiu, highlanders, being used to designate the Telugu Pariahs or M@lalu, and ididem, p. 134, No. 100, on the terms Vel/d/a and Velana. The Muhammedan rulers in OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 189 These remarks have been made with a view to introduce here the inhabitants of the Kunawar district, which is situated in the Himalayan mountain range. The people of this country are generally known as Kunets or Kanets, but call themselves Mon. Sir Alexander Cunningham remarks: * With respect to the name of Mon, which is given to the “ Kunets or Khasas by the Tibetans, it does not appear to be “‘a Tibetan word, as it is used by the Kunets themselves to “designate the ancient possessors of the hills, whom they ‘acknowledge to have been their own ancestors.” On very slight, and, as I think, on very suspicious linguistic evidence does General Sir Alexander Cunningham connect the Mons of Kunawar with the Kolarian Mundas, and thus with the Kolarian population of India. I, on the other hand, regard these Kunawari Mons together with the Kulindas as a branch of the Gaudian tribe of the Gauda-Dravidian race, and even Sir Alexander Cunningham cannot deny the possibility of “a Gondish affinity for the Kunets.” I have a very high respect for the earnest, indefatigable, and ingenious researches of the late chief of the Archeological Survey of India, but no single individual, however gifted, can write so much without occasionally committing errors, and if I disagree at times with General Sir Alexander Cunningham’s statements and conclusions, I must acknowledge at the same time the great obligations I owe to bim in common with all who consult his excellent writings. !”! India conferred occasionally the title Manya Sultan on Velama chiefs and other princes. Munya in this sense stands for Manyadora, and has nothing in common with the Sanskrit word Manya trom man, to consider. 1 See Sir Alexander Cunningham’s Da-San, . . Altogether I think the evidence of language, so far as it goes, points decidedly to a Kolish rather than toa Gondish affinity for the OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 191 No doubt these two tribes of the North and the South resemble each other strangely in their names and in their customs, but I am far from trying to force on them for these reasons any closer relationship than that which has from the first existed between them, namely that both of them formed part of the large Gauda-Dravidian race. Both are here mentioned together, as they afford an interesting example of similar sounding and nearly identical names being borne by two distinct, distant, and yet originally kindred tribes.!” CHAPTER XII. On rHe Kuruspas or Kurumsas. Remarks about the name Kurumba. The Kurubas or Kurumbas who form the subject of this enquiry represent the most important of all those tribes that have been already mentioned in this chapter, owing to the influential part they have played in the History of India, and the position they still occupy among the people of this country. However separated from each other and scattered Kunets and other mixed races of North-West India.” The linguistic evidence so far as the Kunets are concerned is very weak, in fact nihit. Nothing proves that the ¢: of Rdvati, the Sanskrit Airavati denotes river; and that a word like da, water, should in one and the same language be used in the same connection both at the beginning and the end of compounds as in Bahu-da, Narma-da, Daé-Muda, and Da-San, is against linguistic rules. About the Kolarian terms for water, dd, doi, di, dat, ti and tui compare Hislop’s Papers, p. 27. 102 Read Mr. J. H. Nelson’s Manual of Madura, Part II, pp. 34-35: ‘In this way a woman may legally marry any number of men in succession, though she may not have two husbands at one and the same time. She may however bestow favors on paramours without hindrance, provided they be of equal caste with her. On the other hand a man may indulge in polygamy to any extent he pleases, and the wealthier Kunnuvans keep several wives as servants particularly for agricultural purposes. Among the Western Kun- nuvans a very curious custom is said to prevail. When an estate is likely to descend to a female on default of male issue, she is forbidden to marry an adult, but goes through the ceremony of marriage with some young male child, or in some cases with a portion of her father’s dwelling-house, on the understanding that she shall be at liberty to amuse herself with any man of 192 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS among the Dravidian clans with whom they have dwelt, and however distant from one another they still live, there is hardly a province in the whole of Bharatavarsa which cannot produce, if not some living remnants of this race, at least some remains of past times which prove their presence. Indeed, the Kurumbas must be regarded as very old in- habitants of this land, who can contest with their Dravidian kinsmen the priority of occupation of the Indian soil. The two rival tribes have in reality become so intermixed with each other, that according to the temporary superiority of the one or the other, the same district is at different times known as Vala(va)jnadu and Kurumbanadu, while in some instances, when both tribes live more apart from each other, we find a Vallavanadu bordering on a Kurumbanadu. In some parts of this country the Kurumbas are even now considered as the oldest existing remnant of the earliest stratum of the population. Some tracts and places of the Indian realm still bear their name, while some localities had their names changed after the collapse of the Kurumba supremacy. The well-known Tondamandalam, of which Kaficipuram was once the capital, is said to have been pre- viously called Kurumbabhimi or Kurumbanadu. Kurum- baranadu forms still an integral portion of Malabar, and the forest-clad mountainous district of the Nilagiri has preserved in many localities the ancient neme of the Kurumbas. It may not be inappropriate to mention here that Valanadu her caste, to whom she may take a fancy: and her issue, so begotten, inherits the property, which is thus retained in the woman's family. Numerous disputes originate in this singular custom ; and Madura Collectors have some- times been puzzled not a little by evidence adduced to show that a child of three or four years was the son or daughter of a child of ten or twelve. The religion of the Kunnuvans appear to be the Siva, but they worship their mountain god Valapan with far more devotedness than any other.” Compare also Sir W. W. Hunter’s Dnperia? Gazetteer of India, vol. V, pp- 482-483: “In physique, the Kunawaris are tall, athletic, well-made, and dark-skinned ; while their character stands high for hospitality, truthfulness and honesty . . Polyandry everywhere exists in its fullest form.” —— OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 193 is now known as the name of a district round Kaficipuram, and that Valluvanadu is bordering on Kurumbaranadu.*® Before entering further on the discussion concerning the ethnology and history of the Kurumbas, I feel it incumbent on me to make a few linguistic remarks, which apply to the whole chapter. I have already derived their name from kuru, an enlarged form of ko (ku), mountain. A Kuruba or Kurumba signifies thus a mountaineer. The terms Kuruba and Kurumba are originally identical, though the one form is in different places employed for the other, and has thus occasionally assumed a special local meaning. I have previously proved that even the wandering Koravas are direct offshoots from the same stem, in spite of their being now distinguished from the bulk of the Kurubas or Kurumbas by occupation and caste. Mr. H. B. Grigg appears to contradict himself when, while speaking of the Kurumbas, he says that “in the low country they are * called Kurubas or Cirubdru, and are divided into numerous “families, such as the ‘Ané’ or Elephant, Naya or Dog, “ M4lé or Hill Kurumbas.” Such a distinction between Mountain-Kurumbas and Plain-Kurubas cannot be estab- lished. The Rev. G. Richter will find it difficult to prove that the Kwrubas of Mysore are only called so as shepherds, and that no connection exists between these Kurubas and the Kurumbas. Mr. Lewis Rice calls the wild tribes as well as the shepherds Aurubas, but seems to overlook the fact that both terms are identical and refer only to the ethnological distinction. Instead of Kuruba he uses also occasionally Kurumba. In the Tamil language all the Kurumbas are 103 Or Velanadu. Near Chingleput in Valanadu lies Vallam with an ancient temple on the top of the hill and Valam in Tanjore is also situated ona heignt. I am not ignorant of the fact that the term Valanddu is generally explained as the extensive or excellent district. (See F. M. Ellis’ Mirdsi Article, p. 229, and Mr. Nelson’s Manual, Part II, p. 49.) In Mr. Nelson’s Manual of Madura the Vallama Nadu in Tanjore is mentioned in Part II, on pp. 28 and 57 and ‘“‘ the Vella( Vala) Nadu, near Kajichipuram (Conjeveram),’’ on p. 44, the Vala Nadu or excellent district of Madura on p. 49. 194 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS ealled Kwrumbar, and, as we shall see hereafter, they are divided into Anda or Andai-Kurumbar, Kambali-Kurumbar, Kurumba-Idaiyar, Cunnambu-Kurumbar, §¢. The ethnological origin of Kuruba, shepherd, is proved by the occurrence of such terms as Auri-Kuruba, Sheep-Kuruba, Handi-Kuruba, Pig-Kuruba. The Kurubas or Kurumbas embraced the occupation of herdsmen to such an extent, that the tribal designation became in course of time a professional one. In English the term shepherd is on the other hand used in such a general sense, that the original meaning of shepherd, as a herd of sheep, the German Schafhirt, is quite forgotten. The expression Auri-Kuruba would mean sheep-shepherd, if the original signification of Kuruba were really shepherd. Now it happens that one of the principal occupations of the Kurubas or Kurumbas is that of tending sheep, and by a peculiar coincidence kuri or kori is a common Gauda-Dravi- dian term for sheep, from which can also be derived the word Kuruban, in the sense of shepherd. In fact the term Awruba in Kanarese, kurwban in Malayalam and Tulu, and golladu or gollavadu in Telugu denote a shepherd, but the Tamil kurumban in the sense of shepherd refers only to the Kurumba shepherd, and the sheep peculiar to the Kurumbas is called Kwrumbddu, in '‘amil Gu7@, So far as the Telugu golladu is concerned, I must at once remark that I think it incorrect to connect this word with the Sanskrit term go, cow. Golladu or Gollavadu is derived from god/a the Casus Constructus (fetfamu) in the plural of gorre, sheep, plural gorredu or gor/u changed into go//u. I have been since informed by reliable authority that in the Telugu-speaking districts the term gollavddu is particularly applied to herds- men of sheep or shepherds. The Kurumba herdsmen are styled in Tamil Mwrwnba Idaiyar, and in Telugu Kurwmba Gollalu.* 10 Compare Mr. Grige’s Manual of the Nilagiri District, p. 208, Rev. G. Richtor’s Béhnographical Compendium, p. 11 (see note-108 on p. 206), and Mr. Lewis Rice’s Mysore and Coorg, vol. III, pp. 20, 49, 57, 207, 208, 214, 216. a OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 195 But we have also to deal with another word which resembles kurw mountain ; this is the term kuru short, which oceurs in Tamil, Malayalam, Tulu, Kanarese and Telugu. Peculiarly enough a large percentage of the Kurumbas, more especially those who inhabit the hill-ranges have a short almost dwarfish figure, so that the etymology may appear appropriate in their case. A similar derivation from the Malayalam ceru, small, in Tamil and Telugu ciru, is actually suggested to explain the name of the praedial slaves of Mala- bar, the ill treated Ceramas or Cerumas. This tribe is in reality called after their native country Céra, of which they were, so far as we know, the original rulers, until they were suppressed and finally reduced to abject slavery by their present masters, the Nairs. The Kurumbas have shared a similar fate in many places. The Ceramas can therefore be compared with their fellow sufferers, the Hudamas. The stunted growth of animals and plants in cold, wet and high elevations is a well-known natural law, to which the human species has alsoto submit. In consequence of their loneliness and comparative physical weakness, the small In the late Mr. C. P. Brown’s Telugu-Englhsh Dictionary we find gollata, *°2%, given as signifying a woman of the cowkeeper caste, and gollatamu, 28m, as the cowherd class. Thisis, 1 think, not quite correct. Later Telugu Lexicographers have adopted and perpetuated the mistake of Mr. Brown. ‘The same meaning is contained in Kanarese dictionaries, as Kanarese also possesses the word golla, as a caste of herdsmen. The Kana- rese term is most likely taken from Telugu. Mr. W. Logan speaks in his Malabar Manual, vol. I, p. 114, of the Koruba Golla as herdsmen. Compare Dr. Buchanan’s Zravels, vol. II. pp. 483, 434: ‘Sheep are an object of great importance, and are of the kind called Curi in the language of Karnata. They are kept by two castes, the Curubaru and Goalaru. A man of either caste, who possesses a flock of sheep, is by the Mussulmans called a Donigar. The Curubaru are of two kinds; those properly so called, and those named Handy or Cumly Curubaru, The Curubaru proper, and the Goalaru, are some- times cultivators, and possess the largest flocks; but they never make blankets... ‘The flocks contained by the former two castes contain from 30 to 300 breeding-lives.”’ f The Gollas of Aurangabad appear to be identical with the wandering Kuruvas; for according to the Gazetteer of that district (p. 309) : ‘‘ The Gol- lars move about with droves of asses, or are employed as goatherds. They 196 ON THE ORIGINAL: INHABITANTS mountaineers, when they meet their taller but less clever neighbours of the plains, display often a spiteful distrust, use poisonous arrows and frighten them by their mysterious proceedings into abject superstition. This is the reason why the Kurumbas of the Nilagiri Hills are so shunned ; and why dwarfs in general are treated with suspicion, as is shown by the well-known native proverb: ‘One may trust a thief, but not a dwarf.” When pointing out the different meanings of the word palli, I specially drew attention to the fact that it signified originally a Dravidian village or town, andremarkably enough the Gaudian Kurumbas also possess similar terms, which must have been at first applied to their villages. I speak of kuricci, a village in mountainous regions, and kurumbu, a village situated in desert tracts. Moreover to the Dravidian Pallavan, as chief of the Palla people, corresponds the Gaudian Kuruppu, the Kurumba headman in the Kurumbaranadu of Malabar. ON THE SUB-DIVISIONS AMONG THE KuRuMBAS. The Kurumbas represent a very numerous community, who are subdivided into many classes. Most of these sub- divisions indicate either the place of their habitation, or the pursuit and profession they follow to gain their livelihood. In some cases these professional terms have become tribal names. In the various provinces of the Indian Empire and in the different vernaculars of this country distinct names are given to the several subdivisions, so that the same class is called differently in sundry districts; the Tamil and Kana- reso descriptions differ thus in their nomenclature. rear dogs,hunt jackals, iguanas, and wild animals, and live in the neighbour- hood of towns and villages. The women beg, and are said to be great thieves.” In the last Census Report the Gollas are divided into Erra, Gauda, Kadu, Kannadi, Karna, Kuruba, Mushti, Puja, Puri, Peddeti and Uru Gollas, Kurumbas and Yadavulu. They are classed as Dravidians, and number 1,258,786 souls. OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 197 The Kurumbas are as jealous about their social position as the other Hindus. °° They have fought and are still fighting when the opportunity occurs with great pertinacity against any real or imaginary encroachments on their rights of precedence. Very serious disturbances used to take place at the great annual festival held about February in the Siva shrine at Mudukuturai in the Kollegal Talak, where about 50,000 people assemble on the banks of the Kavéri, and 105 About the ensigns compare Part I, pp. 91, 92, note 59. See Mackenzie Collection, No.9, C.M.763, XII; No. 11, C.M. 765; No. 14, C.M. 768, VIII; No. 20, C.M. 774, X, and Dr. Francis Buchanan’s Journey from Madras through the Countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar, vol. I, pp. 274-276, 312, 379-381, 389; vol. II, pp. 3, 40, 155, 156, 433-436. In vol. I, pp. 274-276 he says: ‘‘The Curubarw are an original caste of Karndia, and, wherever they are settled, retain their language. They are divided into two tribes, that have no communion, and which are called Handy Curubaru, and Curubaru proper. The last again are divided into a number of families; such as the Any, or elephant Curubaru; the Hal, or Milk Curu- baru; the Colli, or fire C.; the Nelly C.; the Samanta C.; the Coti C.; the Asil C.; and the Murhindina Curubaru. These families are like the Gotrams of the Brahmans ; it being considered as incestuous for two persons of the same family to intermarry. The proper Curubas have hereditary chiefs, who are called Gaudas, whether they be headmen of villages or not, and possess the usual jurisdiction. Some of them can read accompts, but they have no book. The proper duty of the caste is that of shepherds, and of blanket- weavers; and in general they have no other dress than a blanket. A few of those who are rich have betaken themselves to the luxury of wearing cotton cloth next their skin ; for all castes and ranks in this country wear the blanket as an outer garment. The dress of the women resembles that of the females of the kingdom of Ava. The blanket is put behind the back, and the two upper corners, being brought forward under the arms, are crossed over the bosom, and secured by the one being tucked under the other. As their blanket is larger than the cloth used by the women of Ava, the dress is more decent. The Curubaru were, besides, Candachara, or militia; cultivators, as farmers, as servants, and as gardeners; Attavana, or the armed men who serve the Amildars ; Anchay, or post-messengers, and porters. They are allowed to eat animal food, but in most places are not permitted to drink spirituous liquors. In other places this strictness is not required, and almost everywhere they intoxicate themselves with palm-wine. The women are very industrious, and perform every kind of work except digging and ploughing. Even after the age of puberty they continue marriageable, and can only be divorced for adultery. In this caste the custom of Cutiga, or concubinage, prevails ; that is, all adulteresses who are turned away by their husbands, and have not gone astray with a strange man, and all girls and widows, to whom a life of celibacy is disagreeable, may live with any man of the caste who chooses to keep them. They are looked down upon by their more virtuous sisters ; but 26 198 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS Government had to interfere and to arrange that the Ku- rumbas and the Gangadikaras should attend the fair on different days, so as to prevent their meeting each other. On another occasion the Kurumbas collected and spent about 10,000 rupees to obtain from the records in Kaficipuram documentary evidence in confirmation of their claims. One of the disputes between the Kurumbas and the Gangadikaras concerns the question who are the Indrasidras and who the still they are admitted into company, and are not out-casts. Among the Curubaru, the children of concubines do not forma separate caste, but are allowed to marry with those of a pure breed. By aconnection with any man, except a Curuba, a woman becomes an entire out-cast. The men take several wives ; and, if they be good workers, do not always divorce them for adultery ; but as they thus incur some disgrace, they must appease the anger of their kindred by giving them an entertainment, and the Guru generally interposes his authority to prevent a separation. The Curubas believe, that those men who die without having been married become Virikas, to whose images, ata great annual feast, which is celebrated on purpose, offerings of red cloth, jagory rice, &c., are made. If this feast be omitted, the Virikas become enraged, occasion sickness, kill the sheep, alarm the people by horrid dreams, and, when they walk out at night, strike them on the back. They are only to be appeased by the celebration of the proper feast. The peculiar god of the caste is Bir’ -uppa, ov father Biray, one of the names of Siva ; and the image is in shape of the Zinga ; but no other person prays to Siva under his name, nor offers sacrifices to that god, which is the mode by which the Curubas worship Bir’ - uppa. The priests who officiate in the temples of this deity are Curubas. Their office is hereditary, and they do not intermarry with the daughters of laymen, Tn some districts, the Cw'xdas worship another god, peculiar, I believe, to them- selves. He is called Battay Devaru, and isa destructive spirit. They offer sacrifices to him in woods, by the sides of rivulets, or ponds. The carcasses of the animals killed before the image are given to the barber and washerman, who eat them. Besides these, the Curubaru offer sacrifices to the Sektis, and pray to every object of superstition (except Dharma Raja) that comes in their way. They are considered too impure to be allowed to wear the Zinga, as their Guru does. This person is called a Wodear, or Jangama; but he is married, and his office is hereditary. His title is Ravana Sidhéswara, and he originally lived at Sarwr, which is near Kalydnapatiana. At his visits he bestows consecrated ashes, and receives charity. He has a fixed due on marriages, and sends his agents to collect it. At some of their ceremonies the Panchdnga attends, and acts as Purohita.’’ On page 312 Buchanan says: “‘ The Curubas here (in Tumkar) say, that at a temple of Biairawa at Hervay Samudra, which is near Mercasera, to the north of this place, and where one of their caste acts as Piyari, the image represents a man sitting on horseback with the Zinga round his neck, and a drawn sword in his hand, they offer sacrifices to this image and eat the flesh. The family of Ravana have now spread all over the country ; but Saw is still considered as the proper family OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 199 Sukragidras ; the Kurumbas claiming to be Indrasidras and calling the Gangadikaras Sukrasadras, and vice vers@. The former expression indicates the issue of married, and the latter that of unmarried women. They carry an enormous white umbrella and a flag with the figure of a bull, and of this umbrella they proudly say that it covers the world. It is therefore known as Jagajam- pina sattige. seat. Their Guru has the power of restoring any out-cast to the enjoyment of full communion. They have a book peculiar to the caste called Jiraga Cha- pagodu. Itis written in the language of Aarndia, and gives an account of the tribe. The Curubaru buy their wives, a girl of a good family costs from 30 to 40 fanams ; a girl of the bastard or Cutiga breed costs 15 fanams, or 10s.’’ On pp. 379-81 he describes the Kadu and Betta Kurumbas: ‘‘ The Cad’ Curubaru axe a rude tribe of Karndta, who are exceedingly poor and wretched. In the fields near villages they build miserable low huts, have a few rags only for covering, and the hair of both sexes stands out matted like a mop, and swarms with vermin. Their persons and features are weak and unseemly, and their complexion is very dark. Some of them hire themselves as labour- ing servants to the farmers, and, like those of other castes, receive monthly wages. Others, in crop season, watch the fields at night, to keep off the elephants and wild hogs . . Their manner of driving away the elephant is by running against him with a burning torch made of bamboos. . . The Curubaru have no means of killing so large an animal. . The wild hogs are driven out of the fields by slings. . These poor people frequently suffer from tigers, against which their wretched huts are a poor defence; and, when this wild beast is urged by hunger, he is regardless of their burning torches. The Curw- baru have dogs, with which they catch deer, antelopes and hares; and they have the art of taking in snares peacocks, and other esculent birds. They have no hereditary chiefs, but assemble occasionally to settle the business of their caste. They confine their marriages to their own tribe. The Gauda, or chief man of the village, presides at this ceremony, which consists of a feast. During this the bridegroom espouses his mistress, by tying a string of beads around her neck. Themen are allowed to take several wives, and both girls after the age of puberty, and widows are permitted to marry. In case of adultery, the husband flog his wife severely, and if he be able, beats her paramour. If he be not able, he applies to the Gauda, who does it for him. The adulteress has then her choice of following either of the men as her husband. They can eat everything except beef; and have no objection to the animal having died a natural death. . . They do not drink spiritous liquors. None of them take the vow of Daséri nor attempt to read. Some of them burn, and others bury the dead. They believe that good men, after death, will become benevolent Dévas, and bad men destructive Dévas.. . The spirits of the dead are believed to appear in dreams to their old people, and to direct them to make offerings of fruits to a female deity, named Bettada Chicama ; that is, the little mother of the hill. Unless these offerings are made, this goddess occasions sickness; 200 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS I have been informed that there exist as many as 23 Kurumba subdivisions. The Mackenzie Manuscripts contain in this respect valu- able information about the Tamil Kurumbas, while Dr. Francis Buchanan supplies interesting accounts of the Kanarese Kurumbas. Among such distinctions may be mentioned the Malai or Betta Kurumbas, who are confined to the mountains, and the Kadu Kurumbas, who dwell in forests. It is probable that the Mullw Kurumbas, who are but she is never supposed to do her votaries any good. She is not, however, appeased by bloody sacrifices. There is a temple dedicated to her near Nunjinagodu ; but there is no occasion for the offering being made at that place. There is also in this neighbourhood (of Hegodu Devana Cotay) an- other rude tribe of Curubaru, called Betta, or Malaya, both words signifying mountain, the one in the Karndia, and the other in the Tamil language. . . They are not so wretched nor ill-looking as the Cad’ Curubaru, but are of diminutive stature. They live in poor huts near the villages, and the chief employment of the men is the cutting of timber, and making of baskets ....The Betta Curubaru have an hereditary chief called Zjyamana, who lives at Priya-pattana. . .In this tribe, the concubines, or Cutigas, are women that prefer another man to their husband, or widows who do not wish to relinquish carnal enjoyment. Their children are not considered as illegitimate. <¢ Girls are not considered as marriageable until after the age of puberty, custom that by the higher orders is considered as a beastly depravity. The men may take several wives, but never marry a woman of the same family with themselves in the male line. The Betta Curubarw never intoxicate themselves ; but are permitted to eat every kind of animal food except beef, and they have no objection to carrion. They never take the vow of Daséri, and none of them can read. Some of them burn, and others bury their dead. They understand nothing of a future state. The god of the caste is Ejuruppa, who seems to be the same with Hanwmanta, the servant of Rama, but they never pray to this last-mentioned deity although they sometimes address Siva. To the god of their caste they offer fruit, and a little money ; they never sacrifice to the Saktis. Their Guru, they say, is of the caste Woti- meru, and from their description would appear to be of those people called Satananas.” On p. 389: ‘* Bhairawa Dévaru is the god of the Curwbas, and isa malevolent male spirit .... The Pujari, or priest, is a Hal Curudaru, who can neither read nor write.’? Compare further vol. IT, pp. 3, 42, 433- 436: ‘*The Curubaru are of two kinds; those properly so called, and those named Handy or Cumly Curubaru. The Curudaru proper, and the Goalaru, aro sometimes cultivators, and possess the largest flocks; but they never make blankets. The Handy Curubdas abstain entirely from cultivation, and employ themselves in tending their flocks, and manufacturing the wool. . . The Handy Curubaru . . . are a caste living in the Harapunya-hully and Chatrakal OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 201 found in the Nilagiri Mountains, are so called from mujlu, thorn, as they live among the jungle; if so, the term is to some extent synonymous with Kadu Kurumbas. Some think that the word mujjs may apply to their arrows, as these sturdy, well-made mountaineers are never seen without their bows and arrows. As regards their neighbours whom the Rev. F. Metz, otherwise a great authority on this subject, calls Naya Kurumbas, and Mr. Grigg Naya or Dog Kurumbas, T have ascertained on reliable authority that their name is in reality not Naya but Nayaka Kurwmbas, and that they are held in respect by the neighbouring tribes. The MuJ/u districts, and are of Karnata descent. . . All those who have settled in that (Marattah) country being horsemen, they are called Handay Ravalar, a name pronounced Rawut by the Mussulmans, and by them frequently applied to every kind of Curubas... The deities, whom this caste consider as their peculiar objects of worship, are Bira Deva, and his sister Mayava. Bira is, they say, the same with Iswara, and resides in Kailasa . . There is only one temple of Bira, which is situated on Cwri Betta, or the sheep hill, on the banks of the Krishna, near the Poonah. There is also only one temple dedicated to Mayava. It is near the Krishna, at a place named Chinsuli. Once in ten years, every man of the caste ought to go to these two temples; but a great many do not find leisure for the performance of this duty. These deities do not receive bloody sacrifices, but are worship- ped by offerings of fruit and flowers. The priests (Pwjaris) at both these temples are Curubaru, and, as the office is hereditary, they of course marry. . Besides the worship of the deities proper to the caste, the Curubas offer sacrifices to some of the destructive spirits, such as Durgawa, Jacani, and Barama Deva. . . The Curubaru have no trouble from Pysachi ; and ordinary Butas, or devils, they believe, are expelled by prayer addressed to the deities of the caste. At Hwiny, in the Harapunya-hully district, resides Ravana Siddheswara, the Guru of this caste.’ In kis description of Malabar, Buchanan speaks in vol. II., pp. 156-158 of the Curumbalum or Catalun in Kurumbaranadu: ‘‘ Another caste of Malayala, condémned to slavery, is called in the singular Catal or Curwmbal, and in the plural Catalam or Curumbalun. They reckon themselves higher than the Churman, Polian, or Parian. The deity is worshipped by this caste under tne name of Malayadévan, or the god of the hill, and is represented by a stone placed on a heap of pebbles. This place of worship is on a hill, named Turuta Malay, near Sivapurata, in Curumbara Nada. To this place the Catalun annually go, and offer their prayers, coco-nuts, spirituous liquors, and such like, but make no sacrifices, nor have they any kind of priest. They pray chiefly for their own worldly happiness, and for that of their relations. The spirits of good men after death are supposed to have the power of inflicting disease, and are appeased by offerings of distilled and fermented liquors, which the votary drinks after he has called upon the spirit to take such part of them 202 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS Kurumbas live particularly on the eastern side of the hills in their middle belts, while the Naya or Nayaka Kurumbas inhabit generally the lower slopes of this range as well as of the Wynaad. It appears that the latter are identical with those who are elsewhere called Jénu Kurumbas, or Honey Kurumbas, because they gather honey for their own use as well as for sale. These Jénu Kurumbas are also found in Kurg. About the Kurumbas of the Nilagiri-Mountain-range, we are favoured with various pretty accurate accounts. Among these deserve special mention the writings of the late Rev. Ferdinand Metz !° of the Basel Lutheran Mission, who as will pacify his resentment. The dead bodies of good men are burned, but those of bad men, in order to confine their spirits, are buried ; for, if they escape, they are supposed to occasion great trouble. It is not customary, however, to make any offerings to these evil spirits. This caste has no hereditary chiefs ; but disputes are settled by the elders who never inflict a severer punishment than a mulct of some Betel-leaf. . . The tradition here is, that Cherwman Permal divided the whole of Malayala among four families, who were called Rajds, but whose dominions were afterwards subdivided amongst innumerable petty chiefs, and younger branches of the original families. These four families, however, always maintained a superiority of rank, which they at this day retain. They are, the Coluta-nada Raja, commonly called Cherical; the Venatra, or Raja of Travancore ; the Perum- burupa, or Cochi Raja, and the Ernada, or Tamuri. The dominions of the latter were originally very small. The same story concerning them is told here (Pyur or Eivurmalay) that was related at Calicut. In process of time the Curumbara family, who seem to have been a branch descended from the Cochi Rajds, seized ona part of Coluta-nada, which included all the northern parts of Malayalz. Among other usurpations, this family seized on Livurmalay, of which they were afterwards stript by the ancestors of the three W7au- namar. Another Kshatriya family called Cotayhutty (Cotiote), who seem to have been descended from a younger sister of the Cwrumbara Rajds, seized on another portion of Coluta-nada lying between Tellicherry and the Ghats. Tho Curumbara Nada Rajds became extinet in the Malabar year 954 (1778- 1779), five years after Hyder invaded the country.” About the Kurumbas of Southern India consult also Abbé Dubois’ De- scription of the People of India, second edition, p. 342, and the Manual of Madura by Mr. J. H. Nelson, Part Lf, pp. 64, 65. 106 Compare Rev. F. Metz Zhe Tribes inhabiting the Neilgherry Hiils, pp. 115-126: ‘The Todas divide the Kurumbas into three classes—The Mullu Kurumbas, the Naya Kurumbas, and the Panias. The two latter live in the Wynaad. The Panias are not looked upon as sorcerers, as are the other two classes, and are chiefly employed as the laborers of the Badagas who | j OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 205 spent the best part of his life in intimate intercourse with the hill-tribes, among whom he commanded the highest respect for the genuine kindness he showed to them and the utter unselfishness he displayed towards the amelioration of their position. Very valuable information is also contained in the writings of the late Colonel Ouchterlony, in the Account of the late Mr. J. Wilkinson Breeks, Commissioner of have settled in the Wynaad. Hach Badaga district has its own Kurumba priest, who comes up at the ploughing season, and sows the first handful of grain ; and at harvest time also before the sickle is put to the crop. And if a standing crop should at any time be attacked by insects, he is sent for, and has to go through the ceremony of lowing like a calf, which the Badagas believe has the effectof killing the insect.. The Mullu and Naya Kurumbas are believed to possess the power of Iilling men by sorcery, and so greatly are they feared that, if a Badaga meet a Kurumba in a jungle alone, death from sheer terror is not unfrequently the consequence. . . The cairns and cromlechs found in various parts of the hills, . . were, I think, pro- bably the work of the ancestors of the Kurumbas. . . During the 13 years that I have labored amongst and mixed with the hill-tribes, 1 have never found the Todas inany way interested in the cairns, whilst the fact of their making no objections to their being opened, taken in connection with the circumstance of the contents frequently consisting of parts of plough-shares, sickles, and other implements of husbandry, showing that the cairns were constructed by an agricultural race which the Todas never were, are to me convincing proofs that they are not the work of the Todas of a past generation. The Badagas and Kotas, on the other hand, are to a certain degree afraid to approach them . . Iwas once on a preaching excursion ina district near the southern boundary of the hills, and not very far from the principal Kurumba village, called Mulli, and after the labors of the day felt a curiosity to open a cairn which happened to be in the neighbourhood. Much to my surprise however the Badaga headmen present would not permit me to do so, not on account of any objections they had themselves to make, but because, as they said, it was the residence of the god of the Kurumbas, who came up frequently from Mulli in order to worship the god of their forefathers. This is the only occasion on which I have ever known any of the hill tribes venerate a cairn, as the depository of the ashes of a deceased ancestor ; but, viewed in connec- tion with what I have already stated, I think it is sufficient to justify the supposition that the Kurumbas of old, when masters of the tableland may have constructed these remarkable cemeteries ; and this consideration is fur- ther borne out by the fact that the common tradition among Todas, Badagas, and Kotas, is that they are the graves of a very wicked race of people, who, though diminutive in stature, were at the same time powerful enough to raise the large blocks of granite of which the walls of Hoolicaldroog are built ; and that God drove them from the hills on account of their wickedness—a description which would well apply to the case of the Kurumbas, who, in addition to being feared and detested, are as a race much stunted in their 204 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS the Nilagiris, in the reports of Deputy-Surgeon-General Dr. John Shortt, and in the exhaustive and valuable Manual of the Nilagiri District compiled by Mr. H. B. Grigg, late Assistant Commissioner of the Nilagiris.!°” growth. The cromlechs were doubtless the work of the same people as the cairns.. The Kurumbas call their deity Kuribattaraya, meaning, Lord or possessor of sheep and to him they now and then sacrifice a goat or a fowl.”’ 107 Compare Dr. Shortt’s Article on the Kurumbas in the Hil] Ranges of Southern India, Part I, pp. 47-53 : ‘* Kurumbas—From @ MDL (Kurumboo) mischief, the characteristic of a class of savages who are supposed to be the aborigines of Southern India, from which the term Kurumba is derived. A tribe, who call themselves, and are recognized as Kurumbas, having three sub-divisions among them, viz. :—1. Mullu Kurumba. 2. Naya Kurumba. 3. Panias Kuramba...The Wullu Kurumbas chiefly occupy the middle belts of these hills, while the other two divisions are confined to the lower slopes, or are inhabitants of the Wynaad jungles, but the tribe generally is recognized as mountaineers.. The Kurumba tribe are small in stature, and have a squalid and somewhat uncouth appearance from their peculiar physiognomy, wild matted hair, and almost nude bodies.. They are asa body sickly-looking, pot-bellied, large-mouthed, prognathous, with prominent out-standing teeth and thick lips—frequently saliva dribbles away from their mouths. .. The men show great agility in climbing and descending hills, trees, &e. The women have much the same features as the men, only somewhat sottened in expression, and slightly modified in feature, with a small pug nose, and surly aspect... Their villages are termed Motta... They have no furniture. . They have no marriage ceremony.. Those Kurumbas who live on the Hills officiate as priests to the Badagas. . The Badaga will do nothing without the presence of a Kurumba, so that each district has its own Kurumba priest.. He is supposed to be well versed in the use of herbs, and prescribes for all ailments; implicit confidence is placed in his skill, and he is remunerated either in money or grain, and sometimes both. The Kurumbas also officiate as priests at their marriages and deaths. ..The Kurumbas, asa body, keep the other tribes in great dread of witchcraft, not even excepting the Todas, who look upon the Kurumbas as great adepts in the power and skill of bewitching or destroying men, animals, or other property... The Kurumbas are also employed as musicians by the Toda and Badaga tribes on all 2eremonial and festive occasions ; they play on the flute and tom-tom very dexterously to the admiration of the Todas and Badagas.. They withstand the endemic diseases of the locality pretty well, and are not subject tofever.. They hold some crude notions of a superior being, whom they designate under a variety of names, with no distinct idea as to who or what he is. . The Kurumbas are superstitious, and while they keep all the other tribes on these Hills in awe, they themselves fear the Todas, believing that they possess supernatural powers over them. . They are said to hold in respect, and make offerings at, the different cairns and cromlechs met with on these Hills, and from which itis believed that these cairns and cromlechs are the work of their ancestors. Against this, their weak and dwarfed stature is brought —) \ ‘ . j j OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 205 So far as the Kurumbas of Kurg are concerned, we are mainly indebted to the Rev. G. Richter who wrote an Ethno- forward as an objection, as most of these cairns and cromlechs are built of huge stones, such as it is believed the Kurumba tribe could not move in the absence of suitable appliances... Some of the Todas do attribute the cairns and cromlechs to the Kurumbas.”’ Consult further the late Mr. James Wilkinson Breeks’ Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilagiris, pp. 48-66: ‘‘ In the Tabu- lated Census Returns they are entered under the following castes or divi- sions :—Eda Kurumban, Karmadiya Kurumban, Kurumban, KurumbanOkki- liyan, Male Kurumban, Pal Kurumban.. They generally, however, say they have no caste, but are divided iato dzgas or families, which do not intermarry. It is difficult to get a complete account of the tribal divisions recognised by them. One man will name you one (his own); another two divisions ; another three, and soon. The headman of the village enumerated four :— 1. Betta Kurwmbas who live on the slopes, and near the Mysore ditch. 2. Kambale Kurumbas, who make blankets (cambly), and live in the low country, in the Konguru (Coimbatore). 3. Mullu Kurwmbas (he did not know where they lived). 4. Anda Kurumbas, who, like himself, live on the eastern slopes. Pal Kurumbas are also vaguely mentioned sometimes. . Some Kurum- bas whom I have met with, profess, in answer to inquiries, to worship Siva, and occasionally women mark their forehead with the Saiva spot. Others, living near Barliar, worship Kuribattraya (lord of many sheep), and the wife of Siva under the name of Musni. They worship also a rough round stone under the name of Hiriadéva, setting it up either in a cave or ina circle of stones like the so-called ‘ Kurumba Kovil’ of the Badagas, which the latter seem to have borrowed from the Kurumbas.. They do not consider the stone as a lingam, although they profess to be Saivites.. Each Badaga Grama, with its group of villages, keeps a Kurumba priest called Kani Kurwmba. .. The: office is hereditary. In April and May, before sowing time, a goat or young male buffalo is supplied by the cultivators, and the Kani Kurumba is sum- moned to make the sacrifice. Surrounded by the villagers, the officiating- priest cuts off the head of the animal, and sprinkles the blood in three direc-. tions, east, west, and south, and also ona water-worn stone, which is con- sidered as a ‘‘ hutu (natural) lingam.” No words are spoken, but after- the sprinkling, the Kurumba clasps his hands behind his head, shouting Do, Do, Do, three times and bows the head to ‘ Mother Earth.’ The priest gets. | the head, and the Badagas the body, of the goat, which is taken home and. eaten. In the Jakaneri Grama this ceremony is performed at the cromlech;. in Tenad, at a rude circle of stone surrounding a water-worn stone for a lingam. They call the place the ‘ Kurumba Kovil” (Kurumba Church)... The Kurumbas near Rangaswami’s Peak told me that some Kurumbas buried. ' their dead, but that they themselves burned theirs, and that the nearest rela- tives next day took some boiled rice in a cloth and a small round stone, and , perhaps a bone from the funeral pile, and deposited them for the dead in the Savumane (death-house) belonging to the Motta. At Barliar they do the same. | These Savwmanes are small cromlechs of three upright stones and a covering slab ; they said they did not now make them, but that they used those made | by their forefathers.. They knew of no god peculiar to the Kurumbas, nor av 206 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS graphical Compendium . . of Coorg ; but the Gazetteer of Mysore and Coorg by Mr. Lewis Rice should also be consulted.! had they any temple, but at a certain season they took offerings of plantains to the Pwjdri (a Tamil man) who attended on Maleswara (lord of the moun- tain), the god who lived on a hill known by that name.”—TI take the Eda to be the Idaiya Kurumba. Compare with these extracts Colonel Ouchterlony’s Geographical and Statistical Memoir . . of the Meilgherry Mountains, pp. 62, 63 in Dr. Shortt’s Hill Ranges, Part I, and Mr. H. B. Grigg’s Chapter on the Kurumbas in his Manual of the Nilagiri District, pp. 208-217. 108 About the Kurumbas of Kurg consult Rev. G. Richter’s Ethnographical Compendium ...of Coorg, pp. 11-15. ‘* The Kurumbas of Coorg are closely connected with those of the jungles of South-Mysore and with the Kurumbas of the Nilgiries, .. but there is now no intercourse between them, nor have they any connexion with the shepherd caste of Mysore, the Kurubas who live in the open country in mixed villages and tend cattle, sheep and swine and also weave cumblies, whence they are called Halu-, Kuri, Handi- and Cambli Kurubas. The Kurumbas in Coorg are divided into two distinct sections, the Jénu and the Betta Kurwnbas. The Jénu Kurumbas are found in the north and south-east of Coorg scattered in the jungles. They haye no fixed abode but wander about from place to place in search of honey, hence their name, Jénu meaning honey in Kanarese.. Inappearance the Jénu Kurumbas are not unlike the Betta Kurwmbas ; but the men do not tie their hair ina knot, and from carelessness it often gets matted. . The women who dress like the Canarese Vokkaligas tie their rather curly hair into a knot at the back of the head. Those I saw had regular features and might have been taken for Vokkaligas. . Also in their wedding ceremonies they conform to those of the Vokkaligas, but worship Kari Kali at Kutta like the Coorgs... The name Betta or Kadu Kurumbas is derived from their abode. . A short flat nose, which in the women is turned up with deep indentation at the root, prominent lips, small dark deep-set eyes do not enhance the personal attractiveness of the Betta Kurumba, yet he isa harmless good-humoured fellow and industrious at his work as long as it pleases him. He loves above all things personal freedom und independence and is quite in is native element when roaming about on a hunting expedition as tracker of large game. . . In their religious practices they are devoted to demon worship ‘and once within three years they bring the usual offering (Kanike) of money, fowl, cocoanut and plantains to Kuttadamma or Karinkali (Black Kali) at Kurchi near the south-east frontier of Coorg. The eatables are shared between the pujari who is a Vokkaliga, and the devotee. At the Auttadamma Jat (March-April) the Betta Aurum- bas perform a dance accompanied by drum and gong; they also wear small round bells (gejje) below the knee and in a stooping posture with outstretched arms and clenched fists they vigorously move round. They do not venerate snakes, but kill them, nor do they apply JidAuti or sacred ashes. The Betta Kurumbas are divided into two sections or gotras, the Mwndpadi, literally families belonging to three hamlets, and the Yelpadi or families belonging to seven hamlets, and as among the higher castes of Hindus, members of the same gota, do not intermarry ... Their principal BAutas are Ajja and Kuda... In case of sickness what remedies are known to the elders are applied and yows made to the demon, Auttadamma, and fulfilled on recovery. ) ; OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 207 According to their rank the first to be considered are the Anda Kurumbas who superintend the administration. Next follow the Kurumba Okkalkgas or agricultural Kurum- bas whom we find mentioned in the Nilagiri Census Report. Though the number assigned to them is very insignificant, the circumstance of their being reported at all is highly interesting, for it supplies a link to connect them with a respectable and influential class of people in Mysore, the well-known Okkaligaru. Okkalu, pronounced Vokkalu, signi- fies in Kanarese ‘tenancy,’ okkalatana, husbandry, and okkaliga, a farmer or cultivator. Dr. Buchanan calls this caste, which is very numerous in Mysore, also Cunabdis. These I shall eventually identify with the Kunbis, Kumbis (Kurmis) or Kudumbis, the agricultural class to which Sivaji, the great Maratha chieftain belonged who with his Kudumbis of Kudumba or Kurumba extraction effected such a change in the political aspect of India, some two hundred years ago. ‘The sentence in the text of Buchanan leaves it doubtful, whether he referred to the Cunabis as an ethno- logical or professional distinction. Not all, perhaps not even the majority of the Okkaligas of Mysore are of Kurumba origin. With the exception of the abovementioned Ganga- dikaras and the Nonaba Okkaligas, the others appear to have been later settlers in Mysore. Their name implies only an occupation, but it is a remarkable fact that many Okkaligas, who do not cultivate the soil are engaged in similar pursuits such as the Kurumbas embrace. Both tribes for instance have a predilection for a military life, and, what is more sug- gestive still, both communities are under the same Gurus, or spiritual superiors, the chief of whom resides at Kangundi in Their dead are buried, the corpse being placed sideways with the head to the west. A widow may be remarried to a relative of the deceased husband, but not to astranger . . Of the Mysore and Nilgiri Kwrwmbas it is said that they eat the flesh of the cow, but those in Coorg abhor it.”’ The Rey. G. Richter is, according to my opinion (see p. 193), mistaken in his tribal distinction between the Kurumbas and the Kurubas. 208 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS Bara-mahal. The Pijari of the Betta Kurumbas in Kurg is also an Okkaliga. The last Census Report fixes their number at 711,622 souls. The Mysore Okkaligas have some peculiar customs, not the least extraordinary among them being that which prevails among the women of the Morasa Okkaligas, who cut off the ring and little fingers of their right hand, before they celebrate the marriage of their eldest daughter. The shepherds are known as Kurumba Idaiyas, Kurumba Gollas, occasionally also as Kuri Kurumbas and even as Hande Kurumbas. Others keep pigs, this do the widely- spread Handi-Kurumbas, who must not be confounded with the Hande Kurumbas; the Pa/ or Hal Kurumbas sell milk; the Kambali Kurumbas weave and sell woollen blankets, which they themselves wear in a peculiar fashion ; and the Cunndmbu Kurumbas prepare and sell lime. The Kurumba Védas or hunting Kurumbas are well known in the Tamil country,!!° while the Ane Kurwmbas seem to have obtained their name from their cleverness in way-laying and hunting elephants. The Kalla-Kurumbas lived not so long ago an easy life as thieves and robbers. Most likely they formed part of the warrior class and took to marauding in times of peace for want of other occupation, and in order to support them- 109 See Dr. Buchanan’s Travels, vol. I, pp. 180, 181: ‘‘ The Ruddi are one of the tribes of Sadra caste, which being much employed in agriculture are called Woculigaru in the language of Karnata, and Cunadi in that of the Decany Mussulmans... They are divided into two sects by a difference of religion; one party worshipping Vishne, and the other Siva ; but this does not prevent intermarriages. Those who worship Siva are followers of a kind of Jangamas ; but do not wear the Linga. The people with whom I con- versed seemed to consider them as the same with the Jangamas of the Pancham Banijigas, but this caste informed me, that they were distinct, and that the Gurus of the Ruddi were the same with those of the Curudaru, whose chief resides at Cangundy in the Bara-mahal.’? Compare Mr. L. Rice’s Mysore and Coorg, vol. I, pp. 337, 338, 340, vol. ITT, pp. 208, 209, also the Ethnological Compendium ot the Rey. G. Richter, p. 18, and pp. 236-240. 110 See Mackenzie Collection, No. 11, C.M. 765, Sect., new copy, vol. ITI, p. 298, where the Anda, Idaiya, Kambali, Cunnambu and Véda-Kurumbas are mentioned, and also No. 14, C.M. 768, Section VII. OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 209 selves. The circumstances, however, are now changed, and the Kallas in Pudukota are no longer the dread of their neighbours. Among the Kurumbas of the Mandayam Taluk are found the following nine divisions: the Pal, Hande, Mullu, Kambali, Sada, Javidu, Sémavara, Bestvara and Adityavara Kurumbas. These last three designations appear like nick-names, for they are peculiarly enough names of days of the week. Besides these there are mentioned the Kurwmbas, whose name Buchanan connects with kolli, fire, but whom others call KalieKurubas or Kalle-Kurubas after the Goddess Kali. The Nelli Kurumbas (?); the Asi? Kurumbas (? from asal, pure); the Koti Kwrumbas (? perhaps from kéti, monkey) ; the Samanta Kurumbas (? connected with the Sanskrit word samanta in the meaning of chief) ; the Mirhindina Kurumbas (? of three groups), whose name reminds one of the Wund- padi and Yelpadi sections of the Betta Kurumbas in Kurg, who belong to three or to seven hamlets, according to Rev. G. Richter’s Compendium, p. 18. it is very doubtful whether the Pania Kurumbas, who inhabit the Nilagiri mountains and whom Rev. F. Metz counts among the Kurumbas, should be regarded as Kurumbas. The other Kurumbas do not treat them at all like relations; nor do they, and this is a point of importance, inspire the other native tribes with that superstitious fear, which renders the Mudju and Nayaka Kurumbas so terrible. They also do not resemble the other Kurumbas in their outward appearance. Their abject state of servitude (hence their name pania, from pani, work) would not absolutely militate against their being Kurumbas, though these people have generally contrived to maintain a certain amount of freedom, for the Curumbalun or Catalun of the Kurumbaranadu in Malabar were, according to Dr. Buchanan’s description, held in slavery. The Kurumbas are said to belong to the Havyaka Gotra, MI See note 105 on pp. 201, 202, 210 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS and to the Rénuka or Révana Sitra. According to legendary report the Kurumbas form the offspring of the family of Unne, this being a tadbhavam of Urnd, sheep-wool. Their connection with the sheep is traced to a curse of the celestial buffoon Bhragi, who, being dissatisfied with the Pra- mathas, the attendants of Siva, is said to have cursed and turned them into sheep ; saying : Pramatha Bhrnagisapéna kavayo’pyavays bhavan. This curse was eventually removed by Rénukaradhya or Révanasiddha, an incarnation of a servant of Siva, and the high-priest of the Lingayats. Some of the Kurumba hill-tribes have been reduced by the hard life they lead to a dwarfish and monkey-like ap- pearance, but that this exterior is to a great degree due to these unfavorable circumstances and that it improves under better conditions is exemplified by the following statement of Dr. Shortt: ‘‘ Whilst the appearance of this tribe is so “uncouth and forbidding in their own forest glens, they are “open to wonderful improvement by regular work, exercise, ‘and food; of this ample evidence is to be seen at the Gov- “ernment Chinchona Plantations at Neddiwuttum, where a “ gang of Kurumbas, comprising some twenty individuals, “are employed as laborers, receiving their wages in grain “ for the most part. They appear to give satisfaction to their “employers, and in their general appearance they cannot “‘be recognized from other natives, except perhaps by that “peculiar physiognomy characteristic to the tribe and their “somewhat slight conformation and dwarfed stature. They “have not the pot-belly, do not gape, nor is the dribbling “saliva or blood-shot eyes, common to their brethren of the “jungles to be found among them.” !” 112 Read Dr. Shortt’s The Hill Ranges of Southern India, Part I, pp. 52, 58. Compare also Mr. W. F. Sinclair’s ‘ Remark’ in the Jndian Antiguery (1877), vol. VI, p. 280: “In the Kaladgi district the Shepherd caste are called Kurubhars.... What is the meaning and derivation of Kurudiar, and is it OF BHARATAVARSA OR INDIA. 211 ON THEIR RELIGION, MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. According to the most trustworthy native authorities, the Kirumbas had originally no special god, nor idols, nor any peculiar religious belief of their own. This state of things was eventually changed with the rise of proselytizing reli- gions, such as Buddhism, Jainism, and with the desire of the majority to conform to Hindu or Brahmanic customs. Their earliest objects of religious worship, however, appear to have been rough rounded stones, which somehow inspired them with a belief as representing the great superhuman powers. The weird aspect of the imposing immovable stone- hills, which braved the strongest storms amidst torrents of rain and flashes of lightning impressed most probably these children of nature to such an extent, that mountains, rocks and even smaller pieces of stones appeared to them tke most appropriate representation of the deity. It may be perhaps added, that such kind of material is most easily set up and does not require any art to adjust it. This stone-worship has survived among the Kurumbas to the present day. A stone to which worship is paid stands often in caves or in the middle of circles, likewise formed of stone, but it must not be regarded as a Linga. The stone circle with its centre-piece is known among natives as a Kurumba Kovil or temple of the Kurumbas. This stone is in the Nilagiri district remembered as the Hiriadéva or Great God. The Kurumbas of the Nilagiris offer presents of plantains to the Pajari of the Malésvara idol on a high cliff which overlooks the Bhavani valley, while those of Malabar worship simi- larly their hill god Malayadéva.'* Occasionally we meet with a stone-block under a tree, which is revered as Gurunatha. the same word as Kurambd, the name of Nilgiri hill-tribe? The latter, I believe, is a race of dwarfs; the shepherds here are a fine breed of men; yet the difference can hardly be greater than that which exists among the Bhills.” 3 See pp. 201 n. 105, 205 n.116, Breeks’ Zribes, pp. 52 and 55, and Dr. Buchanan’s Travels, vol. II, p. 168. 212 ON THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS The meaning of the name of this village god has hitherto defied identification, but is, I believe, now pretty clear. I think that Guru stands for Kuru, the original form of Kuruva or Kurumba, and that Gurunatha in Telugu Guru- naithudu is in reality identical with the god of the Kurus or Kurumbas. As the bulk of the Kurumbas are shepherds or Kuri- kurumbas and as their property is represented by the flocks of sheep they possess, their god is often called the Lord or King of the Sheep Hill or Kuri-betta-raya. ™ Like other nations the Kurumbas also have repeatedly changed their religion, and very many different beliefs are prevalent among them. At an early age a considerable fraction of the Kurumbas adopted the Jaina faith and became eventually bigoted adherents of this sect. It seems in fact that their fanatical efforts to spread and to ensure the general adoption of this religion have been among the chief causes of the collapse of their power in the central districts of the Madras Presidency, 7.e., in the country round Kaficipuram. The campaign of Adonda Cola was specially undertaken to crush the threatening supremacy of Jainism, and the religious element played in it as important a part as the political. The ascendancy of Saivism was the most important result of the war, but Jainism is by no means extinct among the Kurumbas. The Lingayats claim also a considerable number of adherents, and Rénukaradhya or Révana Siddhésvara is their high priest in certain parts of Mysore."° Reéenukaradhya is said to have chosen in Srigaila the Kurumba leader Padmarasa (from Padma and