IBWHWWWBWaWMUIWWUM tf^v MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES Volume XXI WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1926 ADDITIONAL COPIES OF THIS PUBLICATION MAT BE PROCURED FROM THE SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON, D. C. AT $2.25 PER COPY (CLOTH) i / NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES Volume XXI BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS 1. JOEL ASAPH ALLEN - - By 2. GEORGE F. BECKER By 3. J. C. BRANNER ------------ By 4. WILLIAM GILSON FARLOW By 5. GROVE KARL GILBERT --------- By 6. GEORGE LINCOLN GOODALE ------ By 7. HENRY MARION HOWE By 8. ALFRED GOLDSBOROUGH MAYOR - - - - By 9. SAMUEL JAMES MELTZER ------- By 10. EDWARD WILLIAMS MORLEY ------ By 11. HARMON NORTHROP MORSE ------ By 12. ALEXANDER SMITH ---------- By 13. WALLACE CLEMENT WARE SABINE - - - By 14. EDWIN EMERSON BARNARD ------ By F. M. Chapman G. P. Merrill R. A. F. Penrose, Jr. W. A. Setcheli. W. M. Davis B. L. Robinson George K. Burgess C. B. Davenport W. H. Howell F. W. Clarke Ira Remsen W. A. Notes Edwin H. Hall E. B. Frost hi NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES Volume XXI FIRST MEMOIR BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR JOEL ASAPH ALLEN 1838-1921 BY FRANK M. CHAPMAN Presented to the Academy at the Annual Meeting, 1922 CONTENTS Page. Ancestry and boyhood 1 Edu cation 2 Field explorations 3 Association with the Museum of Comparative Zoology 4 Association with the American Museum of Natural History - 5 Association with the American Ornithologists' Union 5 Personal characteristics 6 Home life 6 Contributions to science 7 Honors 13 Bibliography 14 VII 29!?? JOEL ASAPH ALLEN1 By Frank M. Chapman ANCESTRY AND BOYHOOD There is nothing in the immediate ancestry, the early environment, or associations of Joel Asaph Allen to account for his obviously instinctive characteristics as a student of nature. One can only say that he was born a naturalist and that the definite, pronounced interest which at an early age he evinced in natural phenomena and in plant and animal life developed spon- taneously. Doctor Allen was born at Springfield, Mass., July 19, 1838, and died at Cornwall-on- Hudson, N. Y., on August 29, 1921. He came of good New England stock. On his father's side he was a descendant in the eighth generation of Samuel Allen, who settled at Windsor, Conn., in 1640, and who came to this country from England, it is believed, in 1630 with the Dorchester Company io the ship Mary and John. On the maternal side, Doctor Allen was descended from John Trumbull, great-grandfather of Gov. Jonathan Trumbull (said to have been the original "Brother Jonathan" and familiar friend of Washington), who was born in Newcastle-on-Tyne, England, and settled in Roxbury, Mass., in 1639. Doctor Allen's immediate progenitors were farmers. His father, however, was a carpenter in his earlier days, but later bought a farm on which he passed the greater part of his life. A man of excellent judgment and sterling integrity whose advice was often sought by his neigh- bors, he had, however, little appreciation of his son's desire to study nature, and evidently expected him to succeed him in the care of the farm. Doctor Allen's mother, on the other hand, had much sympathy with his yearnings for a knowledge of flora and fauna, and often used her influence to secure for him opportunities to study. Possibly tastes latent in her may have found expression in her son. They were not, however, possessed by Doctor Allen's two brothers, one of whom became a molder, while the other remained on the parental farm. Doctor Allen's early training was rigidly puritanical. Both of his parents were members of the Congregational Church and strict in their religious observances. His home was half a mile from that of the nearest neighbor; but in thus being removed from external influences, he evinced while still a toddling youngster so marked an interest in wild flowers that he was dubbed " Doctor Sykes," in allusion to an herb doctor of local reputation. With no training or contact with the outside world, other than that to be gained by attendance during the winter session at the conventional little red schoolhouse, distant a mile from his home, the young farmer developed a desire to know more of the soil and rocks, the animal and plant life, the ever-changing phenomena of sky and air which formed his environ- ment. At the age of 13, after much pleading, his father presented him with a gun. At first used for sport, it soon became a means of acquiring specimens. No books were available ; there was no one to turn to for advice; and without instruction of any kind the tastes, not merely of the "nature lover," common in varying' degrees to most men, but the deeper, rarer instincts of the student naturalist, were manifested. The birds shot were measured, weighed, described, and named. Attempts were even made to make colored drawings of them. A new world was opening to the boy, and so far as he knew he was the only naturalist in it. His joy may be imagined, when, a little later, he made the acquaintance of one Bradford Horsford, a teacher of drawing, who was also an amateur taxidermist and ornithologist. From 1 The biographical and bibliographical portions of this memoir are based on "Autobiographical Notes and a Bibliography of the Scientific Publi- cations," prepared by Doctor Allen, and published by the American Museum of Natural History in 1916. The more strictly historical portion is taken from the memorial address on Doctor Allen presented by the writer before the American Ornithologists' Union, at its Thirty-ninth Congress, held in Philadelphia, November 9, 1921, and subsequently published in "The Auk" for January, 1922. 2 JOEL ASAPH ALLEN— CHAPMAN [MEMOmS[voL.Txt him young Allen borrowed, and afterward bought, a copy of the' Brewer edition of Wilson's American Ornithology. Subsequently Nuttall's and Audubon's works on North American birds were discovered in the Springfield Public Library, and the boy naturalist was launched upon the career which, with never-ceasing pleasure to himself and increasing profit to science, he followed for the succeeding 70 years. EDUCATION When one considers his comparative isolation and the general lack of interest in natural phenomena of the period, Doctor Allen was singularly fortunate in finding men who could give him the assistance he so eagerly sought. Shortly after meeting Horsford, a teacher took charge of the district school who possessed a broader education than anyone with whom young Allen had come in contact. A nature lover himself, he could appreciate his pupil's aspirations, and he not only assisted him in his studies, but gave him a copy of Blythe's Cuvier's Animal Kingdom. This work greatly enlarged the boy's horizon and showed his potential broadness as a naturalist. His interest in nature did not, as often happens, begin and end with birds, but plants, mammals, reptiles, fishes, insects — in short, the living world — equally appealed to him, and for years he kept a detailed record of meteorological phenomena. His first publication, indeed, was a summary from his journal of weather conditions, which appeared in the New England Farmer for 1858. Prof. Oliver Marcy followed the donor of " Cuvier" as the boy naturalist's friend and teacher. Later he became dean of the faculty of Northwestern University, but at that time he was the teacher of natural sciences at Wilbraham Academy, which Allen attended during the winter from 1858 to 1862. This was a productive period in his development. Under the sympathetic guidance of Professor Marcy he selected his own studies, including physiology, astronomy, chemistry, Latin, French, and German. His summers were still spent on the farm, but with Humboldt's Cosmos, Lyell's Principles of Geology, and Dana's Mineralogy for companions, it is clear that his horizon was not restricted to the hayfields. To demonstrate, however, his value as a farm hand, the far from strong boy unduly exerted himself and this, with demands made by a desire to gratify his passion for collection and study, told heavily on his health. To these long periods of overwork, Doctor Allen attributed much of the semi-invalidism from which he suffered in after years. Much of his spare time was now devoted to the study of botany, with the aid of Gray's Manual, and to the making of a collection of plants. These, however, formed only a part of the future curator's "museum." During the years 1859-1861 he collected and mounted some 300 birds, representing nearly 100 species, numerous mammals, reptiles, fishes, amphibians, some mol- lusks, and several hundred insects. Local minerals and rocks also found a place on the shelves of the room which did duty for a museum. These specimens indicated not a boyish desire to acquire; they were named and catalogued as part of a naturalist's equipment. "The whole," Doctor Allen writes, "was amateurish in the extreme, and represented merely a superficial acquaintance with a wide range of subjects, but enough to add immensely to the pleasure of living, giving, as it did, the sense of being in touch with the plant and animal life and the geological features of my immediate environment. " Few local collections have done better service than the one which inaugurated Doctor Allen's career in museum work. It not only directly increased its owner's knowledge, but by its sale to Wilbraham Academy he was enabled to pay his tuition in that institution, where future students could profit by his industry. The balance of the fund received for his beloved specimens enabled Doctor Allen to take the most important step in his fife as a naturalist. While at Wilbraham Academy he found a congenial spirit in a fellow pupil, William Harmon Niles, a nephew of Professor Marcy, and who subsequently became professor of geology and physical geography in the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Niles planned to enter the Lawrence Scientific School as a pupil of Agassiz, and Allen decided to join him. The necessary preliminaries having been arranged, they arrived in Cam- Academy of Sciences] BIOGRAPHY Q No. 1 ] O bridge early in February, 1862. They were cordially greeted by Agassiz, and plans were at once made for laboratory work and for courses of lectures in the Lawrence Scientific School under Agassiz, Jeffries Wyman, Joseph Lovering, Josiah P. Cook, and Asa Gray. Thus, as by the workings of a special Providence, the young naturalist's eager inquiries for directions on the road he was destined to follow were answered by the village taxidermist, the public schoolmaster, and the academy professor, each of whom assisted him on his way to the greatest teacher of his time. How fortunate it was for the future of science in America that Agassiz should have attracted to him students of the caliber of Allen, Alpheus Hyatt, Edward S. Morse, A. S. Packard, and A. E. Verrill, and others whose subsequent labors have exerted an incalculable influence on the development of zoological research in this country! Allen expected to specialize in ornithology and was somewhat disappointed to be given, with Niles, a collection of corals and told to find their methods of growth and laws of develop- ment. Neither books nor instructions were given them, and equipped only with a hand lens* they were instructed to use their powers of observation and report the result. Weeks were devoted to this task, but eventually the problems were solved and the young students given other work. With interruptions occasioned by ill health, when he devoted himself to fieldwork, Doctor Allen continued to work at Cambridge until the spring of 1865. FIELD EXPLORATIONS In March, 1865, Allen was invited by Agassiz to accompany him on an expedition to Brazil. The party contained seven official members, including Charles Frederick Hartt, and six volun- teers, among whom was William James, later to become eminent as a psychologist. They sailed from New York on March 26 and arrived at Rio Janeiro April 22. After collecting in the vicinity of that city for some weeks Doctor Allen was detailed to join a smaller party which left June 9 for the northern Provinces of Brazil. A difficult journey of somewhat over six months brought him to Bahia. Although so far from well during this period that he was obliged to abandon the plan to reach the coast at Ceara, Doctor Allen's collections included several cases of birds, mammals, mollusks, and zoological specimens, besides six or eight barrels of fishes, reptiles, and other vertebrates in alcohol; and his note- books contained many pages of detailed observations on the country through which he had passed, its flora and fauna. On December 15 Doctor Allen sailed from Bahia on a 300-ton brigantine, and, after a trying voyage, during which they were blown from Cape Hatteras back to St. Thomas, they dropped anchor off Woods Hole, Mass., 90 days out from Bahia. Chronic indigestion now forced Doctor Allen to abandon museum work and return to the farm; but he had experienced the joy of exploration and, as soon as his health permitted, he took the field again, collecting in June, 1867, on Sodus Bay, Lake Ontario, and during the summer in Illinois, Indiana, and southern Michigan. At the end of this time he was physically so greatly improved that in October, 1867, he returned to the Museum of Comparative Zoology to act as curator of birds and mammals in that institution. After a year in the study, the winter of 1868-69 was devoted to zoological exploration on the headwaters of the St. John's River, then a primeval part of Florida. The results of the Florida expedition having been reported, Doctor Allen started in April, 1871, on a nine months' collecting trip to the Great Plains and Rocky Mountains in the interests of the Cambridge Museum. General collections were made at intervals from the Missouri River to the Great Salt Lake, the selection of locality being largely dependent upon the move- ments of hostile Indians. At Fort Hays, Kans., the arrival of a military escort being delayed, Doctor Allen and his two assistants went buffalo hunting, accompanied by only a single hunter, securing and preparing in 8 days, of which 36 hours were occupied in traveling, 14 complete skeletons and 5 young calves. This collection was supplemented the following January by the skins of 8 buffalo in winter pelage. July and part of August were passed in Colorado, where Leucosticte australis was discovered on the summit of Mount Lincoln, and after 10 days at Cheyenne Doctor Allen went to Ogden, 4 JOEL ASAPH ALLEN— CHAPMAN lMEM0™ vft?xxiL, Utah, which became his base for the ensuing 7 weeks. In October he worked at Green River and Fort Fred Steele, and from October 20 to December 18 at Percy. Here he secured the assistance of two native hunters, and the collections, chiefly of big game, shipped from this point nearly filled a freight car. December 19 he started eastward and, after a short stop in Kansas to secure buffalo, reached Cambridge on January 22, 1872. The collection made on this expedition included 200 skins, 60 skeletons, and 240 additional skulls of mammals (mostly large species), 1,500 birds' skins, over 100 birds in alcohol, a large number of birds' nests and eggs, recent and fossil fishes, mollusks, insects, and crustaceans. The following year Doctor Allen, representing both the Cambridge Museum and the Smithsonian Institution, again went to our western frontier, on this occasion as chief of the scientific staff attached to the survey of the Northern Pacific Railroad. Railhead on this road was then at Fargo, N. Dak., beyond which construction trains ran as far as Bismarck. The work of the expedition lay in the country between Bismarck and a point on the Mussellshell River, about 50 miles northwest of Pompey's Pillar on the Yellowstone, a distance of about 550 miles. The journey occupied some three months from June 20. The region was infested by actively hostile Indians who had so interfered with the survey for the railroad route that an escort of 1,400 troops under General Custer accompanied the expedition. It was only three years later that this officer and his entire command were killed some 60 miles south of the most western point reached by Doctor Allen. After passing the mouth of the Powder River the expedition was in daily contact with Indians and twice was attacked in force; orders were given forbidding the naturalists to use firearms or to leave the line of march, and, Doctor Allen writes, " The opportunities for natural- history collecting and field research on this expedition were far from ideal," but some specimens and much valuable data were secured which later formed the basis of a report of some 60 pages. With the exception of a visit to Colorado with William Brewster, in 1882, made chiefly to regain his greatly impaired health, Doctor Allen did not again enter the field. His collecting days, therefore, were ended before those of most of his colleagues were well under way, and few who knew him only in the study realized the extent of his travels, the dangers on sea and land to which he had been exposed, and the amount of material he had secured. The present- day naturalist, who travels in palatial steamers or follows well-worn trails, has but faint con- ception of the discomforts of a 90-day voyage in a small sailing vessel and has perhaps never experienced the risk of being himself collected. From 1876 to 1882 Doctor Allen gave his time wholly to research, producing his mono- graphs on the American Bison, Living and Extinct, and North American Pinnipeds, the latter a volume of 800 pages. The intensity with which he applied himself to these and other tasks during this period overtaxed his always limited reserve powers and for long periods he waa able to do little or no work. ASSOCIATION WITH THE MUSEUM OF COMPARATIVE ZOOLOGY Doctor Allen's association with the Museum of Comparative Zoology began when as a student under Agassiz, he acted as an assistant in routine work, and received a monthly allow- ance sufficient for his living expenses, together with a furnished room in the museum dormitory. He was not, however, made a member of the museum's scientific staff until 1871, when he became "assistant in ornithology." He continued to act as curator of birds and mammals until 1885, when he resigned to accept a similar position in the American Museum of Natural History. Practically all Doctor Allen's field work after boyhood was done for or under the auspices of the Museum of Comparative Zoology, and he thus laid the foundation for the valuable col- lections of birds and mammals contained in that institution. The care of this material for- tunately did not prevent Doctor Allen from making the philosophical researches which soon distinguished him, and some of his most important contributions to science were produced while he was associated with the Museum of Comparative Zoology. Chiefly through his influence and that of William Brewster, Cambridge became the center of ornithological activity ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] BIOGRAPHY 5 in this country. In 1876 this interest in the study of birds found expression in the formation of the Nuttall Ornithological Club, which, after giving birth to the American Ornithologists' Union, in 1883, has continued its career as a prosperous local organization. For eight years Doctor Allen served as corresponding secretary of the Nuttall Club, and as editor of its Bulletin, the latter position leading naturally to his editorship of The Auk, which, with the founding of the American Ornithologists' Union, logically succeeded the Bulletin. While in Cambridge, in addition to his curatorial duties, Doctor Allen served as lecturer on ornithology at Harvard College (1871-1873), as curator of reptiles at the Boston Society of Natural History (1868-1871), and as curator of birds and mammals in the same institution (1870-1880). ASSOCIATION WITH THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY When the trustees of the American Museum, under the presidency of Morris K. Jesup, decided to make research as well as exhibition the function of that institution, their choice fell upon Doctor Allen as the head of the department of birds and mammals, a post] which Doctor Allen entered on May 1, 1885. This was the beginning of a new period in his life as well as that of the museum. Although the museum's exhibition halls had a fair representation of the leading types of birds and mam- mals, there was no study collection of the latter, and only about 3,000 study specimens of the former. The 50,000 skins and skulls of mammals at present in the museum were all, therefore, acquired during the period of Doctor Allen's curatorship, and to him in large measure is due the size and importance of the study collection of buds. Two years after Doctor Allen came to the museum, the Lawrence collection of 12,000 specimens was purchased, and this was fol- lowed by the Herbert Smith collection of 4,000 birds from southwestern Brazil, the Scott col- lection from Arizona, and the collections of Arizona birds presented by Dr. E. A. Mearns, and of humming birds by D. G. Elliot. At this time also the invaluable ornithological library of Doctor Elliot was acquired. The first three years of his connection with the museum Doctor Allen worked alone, but on March 1, 1888, the writer was appointed his assistant, and to-day the combined staffs of the now separate departments of birds and mammals number 17. Relieved now of the actual care of the growing collections, Doctor Allen devoted himself to their study, and the publications of the museum during the succeeding third of a century bear testimony to his industry and productiveness. During this period he published 37 papers on birds and 150 on mammals, based wholly or largely on museum material. To his duties as curator were soon added those of editor, a post which his natural qualifications and experience especially fitted him to occupy. For 32 years all the zoological publications of the museum, including 37 volumes of the Bulletin and 22 of the Memoirs, passed through his hands, and a large part of his time was consumed by the preparation of copy lor the press and the reading of proof. Doctor Allen was eagerly welcomed to New York by the resident naturalists of the city. He was at once placed on the council of the Academy of Sciences, and later was made president of the Linnaean Society, but he soon found that the duties of each day demanded all his strength and he was able to take only a small part in the scientific activities of the city. He, however, was one of the organizers of the original Audubon Society, and to the end was an active director of this society and its virtual successor in New York, the National Association of Audubon Societies. ASSOCIATION WITH THE AMERICAN ORNITHOLOGISTS' UNION But by far the greater part of the time Doctor Allen could spare from his curatorial labors was given to the American Ornithologists' Union, in the welfare of which he was as much concerned as a father in the well-being of his first born. Indeed, to Doctor Allen might well be applied the title "Father of the American Ornithologists' Union." He played a leading part in its organization, served as its president during the first eight years of its existence, and was a member of its council until the day of his death. He edited 3 volumes of the Union's Check-List of North American Birds and for 28 years was editor of its official organ, The Auk, during which period he contributed 643 papers, reviews, and obituary notices to that publication. 6 JOEL ASAPH ALLEN— CHAPMAN "■"""""nSSKaS: Only one in daily contact with Doctor Allen can realize the extent of the demands upon his time and strength made by his duties for the Union and the loving attention he gave to its affairs. It occupied a place in his affections second only to that held by members of his family, and he never spared himself in advancing its aims. Doctor Allen was chiefly responsible for the formulation of the Union's Code of Nomen- clature, a subject in which he took a deep interest and on which he was an authority. For years he served as chairman of the Union's committee on classification and nomenclature, and for the last 10 years of his life he was a member of the International Commission on Zoological Nomenclature. PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS Doctor Allen's distinguishing characteristics as a man were modesty, sincerity, unselfish- ness, gentleness, consideration for others, and a purity of mind and purpose which made it difficult for him to bebeve that anyone was not actuated by the same direct, guileless motives which ever animated him. I do not recall ever hearing him speak ill of another, but he was unsparing in his condemnation of careless work, and particularly of generalizations based on insufficient data. But so impersonal was his attitude, so impossible was it for him to cherish resentment, that whffe for an author he would show only helpful consideration, for his work honesty would compel him to be merciless. I have seen him treat with fatherly kindness a man whose theories he had subjected to fatally destructive criticism. As a student Doctor Allen was inspired by love of truth for truth's sake and by an intense absorbing interest in his work. "All I aspired to," he wrote (Autobiographical Notes, p. 42), "was opportunity for scientific research, believing that diligence, singleness of purpose, and honest work would bring its own reward. I was content to follow my own lines of dominating interest to such limit as the circumstances of earning a living would permit. I have never had any desire for money as such, nor any interest whatever in financial projects, nor any longing for honors beyond those my colleagues in science saw fit to impose." His powers of application and concentration were phenomenal ; his enthusiasm for research so unlimited that he constantly overtaxed his physical resources and the end of the day often found him on the verge of complete exhaustion. But so vitalizing was his love for his profession that, in spite of a frail physique and the fact that he never rested from his labors when it was a possible thing to pursue them, he was actively engaged in research to within a few weeks of his death. But he was never too absorbed in his work to be interested in that of others; an appeal to him for advice or assistance received his whole-hearted attention and he made your problem his. The writer owes him a debt which accumulated during 34 years of almost daily association. Coming to the museum in March, 1888, as an inexperienced assistant, he found in Doctor Allen not only a friend but a teacher to whom he might turn for instruction in even the most trivial matters with the assurance that he would meet with a sympathetic response. Doctor Allen's counsel was always based on a logical consideration of the facts at issue; for, as far as was humanly possible, he eliminated the personal equation in reaching conclusions. The inestimable privilege of securing Doctor Allen's advice was sought, therefore, not only by members of his staff but by workers in other departments of the museum and in other institutions. HOME LIFE In 1879, after five years of wedded life, Doctor Allen's first wife, Mary Manning Cleveland, of Cambridge, died, leaving him his only child, Cleveland Allen, now in business in New York City. Seven years later, and a year after coming to the American Museum, Doctor Allen married Susan Augusta Taft, of Cornwall-on-Hudson, who survived him. " I owe to her deep love and sympathy," Doctor Allen writes, "to her supreme optimism and constant watchfulness over my health, and to her inspiration, the greater part of the little I may have achieved in these last thirty years, and doubtless many years of activity beyond those I otherwise would have attained." ACADEMY OF SCONCES] BIOGRAPHY No. 1] CONTRIBUTIONS TO SCIENCE Doctor Allen's first publication of major importance appeared in 1871, when he was 32 years of age. It was issued, unfortunately, under the superheading " On the Mammals and Winter Birds of East Florida" (an excellent faunal paper based chiefly on a winter's work in that State), but that portion of the paper which at once brought Doctor Allen to the attention of philosophic naturalists is contained under the subheading "With an examination of certain assumed specific characters in birds and a sketch of the bird-faunae of eastern North America." The subject of individual and geographic or climatic variation in the size and colors of birds was here given more serious consideration, based on detailed studies, than it had previously received. Trinomials had not then been adopted as tools of the taxonomist, and Doctor Allen, con- servative by nature, protested against the recognition as species of intergrading forms, a proce- dure which is now unquestioned. He argued that " whenever two forms which have both received names are found to intergrade, the more recent name shall become a synonym of the. other. Some, however, still urge that every recognizable form, closely allied to others, and even inter- grading, should be recognized by a binominal epithet, and that whether we call them species, or varieties, or races, or simply forms, that such names are none the less convenient expressions of facts." Doctor Allen did not indorse this view, and although subspecific "splitting" was then in its infancy, he added with a prophetic foresight which indicated the thought he had given to the subject: "... Only experts can distinguish the forms, and frequently they only by actual comparison of specimens. . . . The names alone give us no clue to their real character, and are hence in a great measure meaningless when separated from the most explicit diagnoses, and whose affinities can frequently only be settled by the arbitrary criterion of locality." It is a tribute to Doctor Allen's open-mindedness to follow his gradually changing point of view as with increasing experience, gained through the study of constantly growing collections and a characteristically unprejudiced estimate of the labors of his colleagues, he finally became convinced of the importance of recognizing the slightest constant geographic variation by name. In 1883 and 1884 he published several articles or reviews advocating the use of trinomials as a convenient means of recognizing geographic forms in our systems of nomenclature. "Instead of doing violence to the ' Stricklandian Code,' " he wrote, "the trinomial system is a device, as we have stated on other occasions, to meet simply and completely a condition of things unknown and unexpected when that, in most respects, admirable system of nomenclatural rides was conceived, and is in accordance with the spirit if not the letter of that ' Code.' It is in no sense a lapse toward polynomialism." (Auk I, 1884, p. 103.) Six years later, under the title "To what extent is it profitable to recognize geographical forms among North American birds?" he wrote: " Conscious of my own changed tendencies, it has seemed to me well to raise the above question for brief consideration, since it can do no harm to survey the field calmly and take note of the present drift in respect to a very important subject. "Recent investigations have taken me over fields I worked, with some care, ten to fifteen years ago. In the meantime material has greatly increased; series of specimens have been obtained from localities then unknown ; thus I find myself looking at things in a new light, but from, I trust, a more advanced position. My former tendencies, in common with those of others at that time, were in the direction of reducing doubtful forms to synonyms and closely related species to geographical forms. Now, with much additional experience, some increase of knowledge in respect to particular points at issue, and much more abundant material, some of my former conclusions seem open to revision, as I now realize that the resources then at command were far less adequate for the settlement of questions at issue than I then supposed them to be." He stdl, however, urged caution in the use of trinomials "in order to guard against drawing too fine distinctions"; and added, "very little is to be gained by naming races distinguishable only by experts . . ." (1. c, p. 7). But a dozen years later we find him wholly committed to the recognition by name of geographic variations which are appreciable only to the experienced 8 JOEL ASAPH ALLEN— CHAPMAN mEMOISS[$o?xxi, systematise Replying to an article in Science by Mr. Hubert Lyman Clark on the advisa- bility of naming these slightly differentiated forms, he said: "We submit that the 'layman' who is naturally so troubled and confused by the modern ways of finding out how and to what extent animals are modified by their environment, is not the proper arbiter to determine the value and bearing of expert knowledge. If in other fields of scientific research it is not demanded that the investigator stop his work at the point where his results are within the comprehension of the lay mind, why should the student of birds and mammals be expected to refrain from extending his researches beyond the point of convenience for the layman ? " As an indication of this gradually changing estimate of the nature and importance of geo- graphic variations, as well as of the increasingly great amount of material that passed through his hands, it is interesting to observe that while from the beginning of his systematic studies in 1870 to 1890 Doctor Allen described only 16 species and subspecies of mammals, during the 20 years following 1890 he described 415. After treating at length of individual and climatic variations and illustrating Ms remarks with many specific instances 2 which up to that time had escaped the attention of systematic ornithologists, Doctor Allen presented an exposition of the "Causes of climatic variation," to which, after 50 years, we can add but little. After calling attention to the fact that increase in color is coincident with increase in humidity, and that the darker representatives of a species occur "where the annual rainfall is greatest, and the palest where it is least," he added: " This coincidence is clearly illustrated in the birds of the United States, when the darkest representa- tives of a species, as a general rule (indeed without exception so far as known to me), come from regions of maximum annual rainfall, and the palest from those of minimum annual rainfall." Part V of this classic work, "On the geographical distribution of the birds of eastern North America, with special reference to the number and circumscription of the ornithological faunae," has in reality a wider scope than the title implies, since it includes also a general discussion of the laws governing the distribution of life, an outline of the primary natural history divisions of the globe, and of the provinces of the North American temperate region. When we consider the comparatively limited, and often inaccurate, data which were available 50 years ago, the soundness of the conclusions reached by Doctor Allen in his study of these problems is a tribute to the breadth of his vision, the thoroughness of his methods, and the excellence of his judgment. "I am aware," he writes, "of the diversity of opinions still prevalent among naturalists in regard to the influence climate exerts on determining the geographical distribution of species and that many writers on this subject attribute to it only a slight importance, or altogether ignore it." That he, himself, did not share this view is evident when he adds: " That tempera- ture is a powerful limiting influence affecting the range of species, especially in respect to their northward and southward extension, is so easily demonstrable that I am surprised to see it still questioned. I have myself subjected this principle to a rigid examination in studying the distribution of the animals and plants of eastern North America, and have been surprised at the exact coincidence I have almost constantly met with between their northern and southern limits of distribution and isothermal lines, they following them in all their numerous undula- tions, sweeping northward in the valleys and southward along the sides of mountain ranges. The occurrence on isolated alpine summits of species existing at a lower level only far to the northward, is of itself suggestive of the powerful influence temperature has on the distribution of animals and plants. In the Northern Hemisphere a northern fauna and flora everywhere extends along the mountains hundreds of miles to the southward of their respective limits in the adjoining plains and valleys. Various other causes have, of course, a greater or less influence in determining the range of species, but none other, on the land areas, humidity perhaps alone excepted, is nearly so potent. The want of conformity of isothermal lines with parallels of latitude has doubtless led to confusion in regard to this subject, since vain attempts have often been made to circumscribe the botanical and zoological zones by the latter The iso- 1 E. g., birds which subsequently were described as Pipilo erythrophthalmus alleni Coues, Ortyx virginianus floridanus Coues, Buteo lineatus alleni Ridgw., Sturntlla magna argutula Bangs, etc. ACADEMY OP SCIENCES] BIOGRAPHY 9 therms of the continents are widely deflected by the irregularities of the surface of the land, running nearly straight and parallel across level areas; but in mountainous districts they bend abruptly northward or southward, following along the sides of mountains instead of crossing them. In the same manner are species, and faunae and florae, limited — a coincidence clearly indicative of the strong influence climates exert in determining their geographical limits." In defining the boundaries of faunal areas and in the nomenclature adopted for them Doctor Allen exhibited characteristic common sense and independence of thought: " The boundaries of realms and provinces," he wrote, "have often been arbitrarily fixed, inasmuch as they have been frequently limited and named in conformity to the continental areas, regardless of the funda- mental law of the distribution of life in circumpolar zones." He protested against " the arbi- trary partitioning of an almost homogeneous Arctic Realm between two implied totally distinct life regions, and also a similar division of the two slightly differentiated regions of the North Temperate Realm. For nearly all the species, and hence of course the genera and families, of the Arctic Realm, and a considerable percentage of the species, a large proportion of the genera, and nearly all the families of the Temperate Realm, occur in the northern parts of both the so-called 'Neogean' and 'Palaeogean Creations.' " These terms, he added in a footnote, together with "Palaearctic," "Nearctic," etc., "like those of 'Old World' and 'New World,' have been given with reference solely to the length of time the different land areas of the earth's surface have been known to the dominant race of mankind, and hence regardless of the zoological history of these different land areas. Modern science has taught us that the latest discovered continent (Australia) is peopled with the most ancient types of animals and plants now in existence, and that it is, zoologically considered, the ancient continent. Also that North and South America are behind Europe, Asia, and Africa in their zoological and geological development, while they are far in advance of Australia. To apply the term ' ancient ' to what is really the most recent and 'modern' to what is mediaeval, is evidently too great a misuse of language to be allowable in scientific nomenclature. The sciences of geographical zoology and geographical botany concern not merely the geographical distribution of the animals and plants now living, but also those of the past. If such descriptive terms as the above are to be employed, it is evidently important that they should be used in their legitimate sense. In the present paper it has hence been considered advisable to altogether discard these terms, since to use them properly would necessitate their adoption in a manner directly opposite to their original and generally accepted application." " Neotropical," as applied to southern Mexico, Central and South Americans also shown to be misleading, since it includes also the South American Temperate Realm. The terms employed by Doctor Allen for the eight major faunal areas, or "realms," call for no explanation and are, therefore, far more preferable than those which disguise an old fact under a new name. They are: I, an Arctic Realm; II, a North Temperate Realm; III, an American Tropical Realm; IV, an Lido-African Tropical Realm; V, a South American Temperate Realm; VI, an African Temperate Realm; VII, an Ant- arctic Realm; VIII, an Australian Realm. Doctor Allen followed Baird in recognizing two provinces, an eastern and a western, within the limits of the American portion of the North Temperate Realm, andhe then treated of thefaunas, or minor divisions of his eastern province, in so adequate a manner that the lines he laid down have not been essentially changed, and this treatise remains to-day an authoritative exposition on the causes governing the distribution of life in eastern North America. This publication won for its author the Humboldt scholarship of the Lawrence Scientific School and at once placed him in the first rank of American naturalists. It was characterized by Coues (Bibliography of North American Ornithology, p. 686) as "a highly important philo- sophic treatise upon the general subject, which is discussed at length with force and logical consistency; the author's broad views upon this subject had at once a marked influence upon ornithological thought." 20154°— 26 2 10 JOEL ASAPH ALLEN— CHAPMAN IMemoiM[vouxxi: The subject of geographic variation continued actively to hold Doctor Allen's attention and, five years after the appearance of the Museum of Comparative Zoology essay, he published a paper on " Geographical variation among North American mammals, especially in respect to size," in which the following laws in regard to fissiped carnivora were enunciated: (1) The maximum physical development of the individual is attained where the conditions of environment are most favorable to the life of the species. Species being primarily limited in their distribution by climatic condi- tions, their representatives living at or near either of their respective latitudinal boundaries are more or less unfavorably affected by the influences that finally limit the range of the species. . . . (2) The largest species of a group (genus, subfamily, or family, as the case may be) are found where the group in which they severally belong reaches its highest development, or where it has what may be termed its center of dis- tribution. In other words, species of a given group attain their maximum size where the conditions of existence for the group in question are the most favorable, just as the largest representatives of a species are found where the conditions are most favorable for the existence of the species. (3) The most 'typical' or most generalized representatives of a group are found also near Us center of distribu- tion, outlying forms being generally more or less 'aberrant' or specialized. Thus the Cervida?, though nearly cosmopolitan in their distribution, attain their greatest development, both as respects the size and the number of the species, in the temperate portions of the northern hemisphere. The tropical species of this group are the smallest of its representatives. Those of the temperate and cold temperate regions are the largest, where, too, the species are the most numerous. . . . The possession of large, branching, deciduous antlers forms one of the marked features of the family. These appendages attain their greatest development in the northern species, the tropical forms having them reduced almost to mere spikes, which in some species never pass beyond a rudimentary state. A year later he contributed to the Radical Review (May, 1877, pp. 108-140) an article on "The influence of physical conditions in the genesis of species," which is fundamentally so sound and logical that 29 years later the Smithsonian Institution requested permission to republish it (Ann. Rep. for 1905, pp. 375-402). Doctor Allen here contended that the direct modifying influences of environment are more potent factors in evolution than natural selection, taken in the narrow sense of the "survival of the fittest." Climate is shown to be the most active agent in promoting variations in size and in color, but habits and food and the geological character of the country are considered to play their part. Of the action of climatic influences he wrote: That varieties may and do arise by the action of climatic influences, and pass on to become species, and that species become, in like manner, differentiated into genera, is abundantly indicated by the facts of geographical distribution and the obvious relation of local forms to the conditions of environment. The present more or less unstable condition of the circumstances surrounding organic beings, together with the known mutations of climate our planet has undergone in past geological ages, points clearly to the agency of physical conditions as one of the chief factors in the evolution of new forms of life. So long as the environing conditions remain stable, just so long will permanency of character be maintained; but let changes occur, however gradual or minute, and differentiation begins. If too sudden or too great, extinction of many forms may result, giving rise to breaks in the chain of genetically connected organisms. Due allowance, however, he states must be made for relative plasticity or susceptibility to the influences of environment shown by closely allied species. He also considers the possibility of species arising through what has since become known as mutation ; -writing : But it is supposed, again, that new forms are not always thus gradually evolved from minute beginnings, but sometimes — perhaps not infrequently — arise by a saltus; that individuals may be born widely different from their parents, differing so widely and persistently as not to be so readily absorbed by the parental stock. In proof of this, instances are cited of new species apparently appearing suddenly, and of varieties thus originating under artificial conditions resulting from domestication. Granting that new forms may thus arise, although as yet few facts have been adduced in its support, they are necessarily at first local, and in no way accord with the observed geographical differences that characterize particular regions, and which affect similarly many species belonging to widely different groups. Meanwhile, Doctor Allen was pursuing on a larger scale the studies in distribution, of which the earlier results were announced in the fifth part of the Mammals and Winter Birds of East Florida, and in 1878 there appeared his paper on " The geographical distribution of mammals, considered in relation to the principal ontological regions of the earth and the laws that govern the distribution of animal life." (Bull. U. S. Geol. Surv. IV, No. 2, pp. 313-377.) ACADEMY OF SCENES] BIOGRAPHY 11 The fact that Wallace in his classic, Geographical Distribution of Animals (1876), adopted the faunal regions proposed by Sclater, gave Doctor Allen an additional incentive to prove the incorrectness of faunal boundaries which are not based primarily on climatic zones. " One of the reasons given by Mr. Wallace for adopting Doctor Sclater's regions," he writes, "is that 'it is a positive, and by no means unimportant advantage to have our regions approximately equal in size and with easily defined, and therefore easily remembered boundaries, ' " to which Doctor Allen adds: "These arguments can be scarcely characterized as otherwise than trivial, since they imply that truth, at least to a certain degree, should be regarded as secondary to convenience." Wallace, commenting on the criticism of Sclater's faunal regions made by Doctor Allen in 1871, said: " The author continually refers to the 'law of the distribution of life in circumsolar zones,' as if it were one generally accepted and that admits of no dispute. But this supposed 'law' only applies to the smallest details of distribution — to the range and increasing or decreasing numbers of species as we pass from north to south, or the reverse; while it has little bearing on the great features of zoological geography — the limitation of groups of genera and families to certain areas. It is analogous to the ' law of adaptation ' in the organization of animals, by which members of various groups are suited for an aerial, an aquatic, a desert, or an arboreal life; are herbivorous, carnivorous, or insectivorous; are fitted to live underground, or in fresh waters, or on polar ice. It was once thought that these adaptive peculiarities were suitable foundations for a classification, — that whales were fishes, and bats birds; and even to this day there are naturalists who cannot recognize the essential diversity of structure in such groups as swifts and swallows, sun-birds and hummingbirds, under the superficial disguise caused by adaptation to a similar mode of life." Doctor Allen was not slow to accept this challenge of the correctness of his fundamental principles, replying: I unblushingly claim, in answer to the main point, that the geographical distribution of life is by necessity in accordance with a "law of adaptation," namely, of climatic adaptation; that such a law is legitimate in this connection, and that the reference to the "superficial disguise" adapting essentially widely different organisms to similar modes of life is wholly irrelevant to the point at issue — a comparison of things that are in any true sense incomparable; furthermore, that the "law of distribution of life in circumpolar zones" does apply as well in a general sense as to details — "to groups of genera and families" as well as to species. He then advances the theory of dispersal of life southward from the arctic which has since been so ably developed by Matthew, writing: In this connection it may be well to recall certain general facts previously referred to respecting the geo- graphical relations of the lands of the northern hemisphere and their past history. Of first importance is their present close connection about the northern pole and their former still closer union at a comparatively recent date in their geological history; furthermore, that at this time of former, more intimate relationship, the cli- matic conditions of the globe were far more uniform than at present, a mild or warm-temperate climate prevailing where now are regions of perpetual ice, and that many groups of animals whose existing representatives are found now only in tropical or semitropical regions lived formerly along our present Arctic coast. We have, hence, an easy explanation of the present distribution of such groups as Tapirs, Manatees, many genera of Bats, etc., in the tropics of the two hemispheres, on the wholly tenable assumption of a southward migration from a common wide-spread northern habitat, to say nothing of the numerous existing arctopolitan and semi- cosmopolitan genera. . . . The succeeding epochs of cold caused extensive migrations of some groups and the extinction of others; with the diverse climatic conditions subsequently characterizing high and low altitudes came the more pronounced differentiation of faunae, and the development, doubtless, of many new types adapted to the changed conditions of life — the development of boreal types from a warm-temperate or semi-tropical stock. The accepted theories respecting the modification of type with change in conditions of environment — changes necessarily due mainly to climatic influences — render it certain that if animals are so far under the control of circumstances dependent upon climate, and emphatically upon temperature, as to be either exter- minated or greatly modified by them, the same influences must govern their geographical distribution. Further study induced Doctor Allen to modify somewhat the views advanced in his Museum of Comparative Zoology essay of 1871, "especially in relation to the divisions of the Australian Realm, and to unite the South African Temperate with the Indo-African, as a division of the latter, and also to recognize Madagascar and the Mascarene Islands as forming together an independent primary region, in accordance with the view of Sclater, Wallace, and others." 12 JOEL ASAPH ALLEN— CHAPMAN tMM0™ vouxxf. He then presents in detail the evidence on which his conclusions are based, including a treatment of the regions and provinces contained in his realms, and after a general summary of the data supporting the behef that temperature is the most potent factor governing the dis- tribution of hfe adds: Hence, given: 1. Arctic and cold-temperate conditions of climate, and we have a fauna only slightly or moderately diversified; 2. A moderate increase of temperature, giving warm-temperate conditions of climate, and we have the addition of many new types of life; 3. A high increase of temperature, giving tropical condi- tions of climate, and we have a rapid multiplication of new forms and a maximum of differentiation. Again, given: 1. A long-continued continuity of land surface, and we have an essential identity of fauna; 2. A diver- gence and partial isolation of land-areas, and we find a moderate but decided differentiation of faunae; 3. A total isolation of land-areas, and we have a thorough and radical differentiation of faunae, proportioned to the length of time the isolation has continued. Hence, the present diversity of life is correlated with two funda- mental conditions: 1. Continuity or isolation, past as well as present, of land surface; and, 2. Climatic con- ditions, as determined mainly by temperature.3 In accordance with these principles, which rest on incontrovertible facts of distribution, it follows that the nearly united lands of the North present a continuous, almost homogeneous, arctopolitan fauna; that farther southward, in the warmer temperate latitudes, we begin to find a marked differentiation on the two continents; that this differentiation is still further developed in the tropical continuations of these same land-areas, till an almost total want of resemblance is reached, except that there is what may be termed, in contrast with the more northern regions, a "tropical fades" common to the two. The small amount of land surface belonging to these primary land regions south of the tropics have no more in common (a few marine species excepted) than have these two tropical areas, but it is hardly possible for them to have much less. The Antarctic (mainly oceanic) region has a fauna strongly recalling the marine fauna of the Arctic, but has no resemblance to that of the intervening area. The northern circumpolar lands may be looked upon as the base or centre from which have spread all the more recently developed forms of mammalian life, as it is still the bond that unites the whole. Subsequently published papers on distribution treated in detail of the mammals and birds of North America and were in the main elaborations of his earlier contributions to zoogeography. It was natural that Doctor Allen 's faunistic studies should arouse his interest in the closely allied subject of migration and, in 1880, he published a brief paper on the " Origin of the instinct of migration in birds, " in which he developed the theory that the seasonal movements of birds are, primarily, due to climatic changes occasioned by glaciation. He said: Nothing is doubtless more thoroughly established than that a warm-temperate or subtropical climate prevailed down to the close of the Tertiary epoch, nearly to the Northern Pole, and that climate was previously everywhere so far equable that the necessity of migration can hardly be supposed to have existed. With the later refrigeration of the Northern regions, bird life must have been crowded thence toward the tropics, and the struggle for life thereby greatly intensified. The less yielding forms may have become extinct; those less sensitive to climatic change would seek to extend the boundaries of their range by a slight removal northward during the milder intervals of summer, only, however, to be forced back again by the recurrence of winter. Such migration must have been at first "incipient and gradual," extending and strengthening as the cold wave receded and opened up a wider area within which existence in summer became possible. What was at first a forced migration would become habitual, and through the heredity of habit give rise to that wonderful faculty we term the instinct of migration. The explanation here offered of the origin of bird migration remains to-day an accepted theory among students of this phenomenon. While prosecuting these more philosophical researches, Doctor Allen was also devoting much time to the production of his classic memoir on The American Bisons, Living and Extinct, a quarto of some 250 pages, published in 1876, to his monographs of North American Rodentia (with Elliot Coues), and to his notable History of North American Pinnipeds, an octavo of some 800 pages which appeared in 1880. After accepting the post of curator of birds and mammals in the American Museum of Natural History, the character of Doctor Allen's work of necessity changed. Curatorial, administrative, and editorial duties now demanded all of his time and strength. His thought J In illustration of the above, it may be added that the circumpolar lands north ol the mean annual of 36° F., or, in general terms, north of the fiftieth parallel, with approximately an area of about 12,500,000 square miles, have representatives of about 54 genera of mammals; tropical America, with an approximate area of about 5,000,000 square miles, has about 90 genera; the Indo-African Realm, with an approximate area of about 15,000,000 square miles, has about 250 genera. Hence the tropical lands are four to five times richer in genera, in proportion to area, than those of the cold- temperate and Arctic regions. ACADEMY OP SCIENCES] BIOGRAPHY 13 and energy were devoted to laying the foundation of the great research collections which will forever remain monuments to his power to impress the museum authorities with the need of acquiring specimens for study as well as for exhibition. For the first few years of his curatorship he had no assistance and was himself forced to perform the clerical tasks of cataloguing and labeling specimens. But as material accumulated, he was relieved of these duties in order that he might prepare reports on the rapidly growing collections. Thus his work became largely that of a systematist and during the succeeding 35 years a constant stream of authoritative papers, at first on birds and mammals but later exclusively on mammals, poured from his pen. This included monographic as well as faunal papers to the number of 165 on mammals and 37 on birds. The nomenclatural questions involved in work of this nature had a growing attraction for Doctor Allen, and his genius for unraveling the tangles of synonymy and allied problems soon made him a recognized authority in this thankless field of labor and resulted in his election, in 1910, as a member of the Commission on Zoological Nomenclature of the International Congress of Zoology. A regrettably large part of his time was devoted to the preparation of copy for the press and the reading of proofs, and, while the high standard of museum publications, both in matter and appearance, owes much to his expert care and sound judgment, one can not but feel that this editorial supervision might have been secured at less cost to his time. The Auk made similar demands upon him, but his rare ability as a discriminating, broadly informed, fair-minded, unprejudiced critic was given opportunity for expression in the often elaborate reviews of current literature which he prepared during the 36 years of his editorship of the Nuttall Bulletin and its successor, The Auk. The wide influence exerted by these reviews is convincingly stated in a letter to Henry Fairfield Osborn, president of the American Museum of Natural History, by Dr. Joseph Grinnell, who writes: Of all the eastern ornithologists active during the past thirty-five years I believe that Dr. Allen wielded the greatest influence in the field of serious scientific ornithology out here on the Pacific Coast. It was through the columns of "The Auk, " especially in the review department of that journal, that Dr. Allen exercised this influence. I think others of the younger bird students here in the West would agree with me that our conceptions in system- atic zoology and geographical distribution were molded more importantly by reason of Dr. Allen's sane criticisms and comments in his various reviews than through what we read in other articles and in books covering the same ground. I know that this was true in my own case. HONORS Doctor Allen's retiring disposition made it difficult for him even to appear before his scientific colleagues with justice to himself or to the paper he presented. The recognition, therefore, which his work received was due to its inherent scientific value. He was awarded the Humboldt scholarship by the Lawrence Scientific School in 1871, the Walker grand prize by the Boston Society of Natural History in 1903, and the medal of the Linnaean Society of New York City in 1916, and in 1886 he was given an honorary Ph. D. by the University of Indiana. He was elected to membership in the National Academy of Sciences in 1876, was a founder of the American Ornithologists' Union in 1883, and was annually reelected to its presidency from that date until 1891; he was an honorary fellow of the London Zoological Society (1901), an honorary member of the British Ornithologists' Union (1907), an honorary member of the New York Zoological Society (1897), to mention only the more important of the societies on whose roll his name appears, and always, he wrote, these honors came to him as a "surprise." From a bibliography of over 1,400 titles covering the period from August, 1860, to August, 1916, which was issued with Doctor Allen's Autobiographical Notes,4 the more important titles have been selected for republication here. To these there have been added references to all Doctor Allen's scientific publications which have appeared since August, 1916, thus completing his bibliography. * Autobiographical Notes and a Bibliography of the Scientific Publications of Joel Asaph Allen. American Museum of Natural History, 1916. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIRDS Birds of New England. 8i BIBLIOGRAPHY 11 The relations of the state and national geological surveys to each other, and to the geologists of the country. American Geologist, Nov., 1890, Vol. VI, pp. 295-309; Science, Aug. 29, 1890, Vol. XVI, pp. 120-123; Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1891, Vol. XXXIX, pp. 219-237. The poror6ca, or bore, of the Amazon. Popular Science Monthly, Dec, 1890, Vol. XXXVIII, pp. 208-215. Solar halos. Science, 1890, Vol. XV, p. 195. 1S91 A preliminary report upon the bauxite deposits of Arkansas, with locations and analyses. Arkansas Gazette, Little Rock, Jan. 8, 1891; Arkansas Press, Jan. 12, 1891; Biennial Report of the State Commissioner of Mines, Manufactures, and Agriculture for 1893-94, pp. 119-126; Biennial Report of the same for 1895-96, pp. 105-112. Bauxite in Arkansas. American Geologist, March, 1S91, Vol. VII, pp. 181-183. Science, March 27, 1891, Vol. XVII, p. 171. Engineering and Mining Journal (N. Y.), 1S91, Vol. LI, p. 114. Introduction to "The Geology of Washington County." (Frederic W. Simonds, 154 pp.). Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 18S8, Vol. IV, pp. xi-xiv. Little Rock, 1891. (With F. V. Coville.) A list of the plants of Arkansas. Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1888, Vol. IV, pp. 155-242. Little Rock, 1891. Introduction to "Notes on the Botany of Arkansas." (F. V. Coville, 10 pp.) Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 18S8, Vol. IV, pp. 155-156. Little Rock, 1891. Preface to "The Geology of Crowley's Ridge." (R. Ellsworth Call, 283 pp.) Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1889, Vol. II, pp. xi-xix. Little Rock, 1891. This volume also contains short articles on "The Relationship of the Pleistocene to the Pre-Pleistocene Formations of Crowley's Ridge and Adjacent Areas South of the Limit of Glaciation." (R. D. Salisbury, 24 pp.); on "Description of Fossil Woods and Lignites from Arkansas." (F. H. Knowlton, 19 pp.) Preface to " Manganese: Its uses, Ores and Deposits." (R. A. F. Penrose, jr., 642 pp.) Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1890, Vol. I, pp. xxiii-xxvii. Little Rock, 1891. Preface to "The Igneous Rocks of Arkansas." (J. Francis Williams, 457 pp.) Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas, Vol. II, pp. xi-xv. Little Rock, 1891. This volume also contains an article on " Tabulation of the Dikes of Igneous Rock of Arkansas." (J. F. Kemp and J. Francis Williams, 26 pp.). Analyses of Hot Springs waters. Report of the Superintendent of the Hot Springs Reservation to the Secretary of the Interior, pp. 9-16. Washington, 1891. David Starr Jordan, LL.D. (A biographical notice.) The Delta Upsilon Quarterly, New York, May, 1891, Vol. IX, pp. 195-198. (With James Hall and F. French.) Rapport de la seance du 31 Aout, 1891, sur les gammes coloriages generates. V. Congres Geologique International, Washington, 1891, pp. 79-80. (With Joseph LeConte and F. French.) Rapport de la seance de cloture du 1" Septembre relative a nomination d'une Commission internationale de bibliographie geologique. V. Congres Geologique International, Washington, 1891, pp. 81-89. 1892 The mineral waters of Arkansas. Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1891, Vol. I, 144 pp., map. Little Rock, 1892. The cotton industry in Brazil. Popular Science Monthly, 1892, Vol. XL, pp. 666-674. The training of a geologist. Third edition, 19 pp., San Francisco, 1892. Preface to "Whetstones and the Novaculites of Arkansas." (L. S. Griswold, 443 pp.) Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1890, Vol. Ill, pp. xv-xviii. Little Rock, 1892. This volume also contains short articles on "Geological Age of the Graptolite Shales of Arkansas." (R. R. Gurley, 16 pp.); "New Species of Graptolites." (R. R. Gurley, 3 pp.); "The Geological Age of the Rocks of the Novaculite Area." (Charles S. Prosser, 5 pp.); "Notes on Lower Carboniferous Plants from the Ouachita Uplift." (Charles S. Prosser, 2 pp.) Preface to "The Iron Deposits of Arkansas." (R. A. F. Penrose, jr., 153 pp.) Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1892, Vol. I, p. xi. Little Rock, 1892. Introductions to papers in "Miscellaneous Reports." Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1891, Vol. II. Little Rock, 1892. Introduction to "Final Report on the Coal Regions of Arkansas." (Arthur Winslow.) Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas, 1892, Vol. III. (Not published.) Introduction to "The Lower Coal Measures of Arkansas." (J. H. Means and G. H. Ashley.) Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1892, Vol. IV. (Not Dublished.) 1893 The lip and ear ornaments of the Botocudus. Popular Science Monthly, Oct., 1893, Vol. XLIII, pp. 753-757, 5 figs. The supposed glaciation of Brazil. Journal of Geology, Chicago, Vol. I, pp. 753-772, illustrated. Preface to " Marbles and Other Limestones." (T. C. Hopkins, 443 pages.) Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1890, Vol. IV, pp. xvii-xxi. Little Rock, 1893. 12 JOHN CASPER BRANNER— PENROSE '"^'Voi^t Observations upon the erosion in the hydrographic basin of the Arkansas River above Little Rock. Wilder Quarter-Century Book, pp. 325-337. Ithaca, N. Y., 1893. Also separate, Ithaca, N. Y., 1893. The coal fields of Arkansas. Mineral Resources of the United States for 1892, pp. 303-306, 1 fig. Washington, 1893. Proverbs from the Portuguese. The Overland Monthly (San Francisco), May, 1893. Second series, Vol. XXI, pp. 501-503. A geologica cretacea e tcrciaria da bacia do Brazil Sergipe-Alag6as: Traducgao de Garcia Muniz, 170 pages, Aracajii, 1893. (Portuguese edition of the Cretaceous and Tertiary geology of the Sergipe-Alagoas Basin without illustrations.) 1894 Elevations in the State of Arkansas. Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1891, Vol. II, pp. 77-152, 2 figs. Little Rock, 1894. Observations upon the erosion in the hydrographic basin of the Arkansas River above Little Rock, Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1S91. Vol. II, pp. 153-166. Little Rock, 1894. Magnetic observations and meridian monuments established in Arkansas. Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1891, Vol. II, pp. 167-176, 10 figs. Little Rock, 1894. Introduction to "Preliminary List of the Mollusca of Arkansas." (F. A. Sampson, 17 pp.) Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1S91, Vol. II, pp. 179-180. Little Rock, 1894. Introduction to "Catalogue of the Fishes of Arkansas." (Seth E. Meek, 35 pp.) Annual Report of the Geo- logical Survey of Arkansas for 1891, Vol. II, pp. 216-220. Little Rock, 1894. Bibliography of the geology of Arkansas. Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1891, Vol. II, pp. 319-310. Little Rock, 1894. Introduction to and translation of the political constitutions of Brazil. The Convention Manual of the Sixth New York State Constitutional Convention, 1894. Part 2, Vol. Ill, Constitution of the Empire, pp. 57-105. Constitution of the United States of Brazil, pp. 107-138. Albany, 1894. Preface to "The Tertiary Geology of Southern Arkansas." (Gilbert D. Harris, 207 pp.) Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1S92, Vol. II, pp. xiii-xiv. Little Rock, 1894. Report on road-making materials in Arkansas. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Office of Road Inquiry, Bulletin No. 4, Washington, 1894. Fourth Biennial Report of the Bureau of Mines, Manufactures and Agriculture (of Arkansas) for 1S95-96, pp. 90-101. Little Rock, 1896. Also in Fifth Biennial Report of that Bureau for 1897-98, pp. 131-141. The geological surveys of Arkansas. Journal of Geology, Chicago, Vol. II, pp. 826-836. The education of a naturalist. Commencement address at Leland Stanford Jr. University, May, 1894. Daily Palo Alto, May 30, 1S94. Stanford University, 1894. Os gres de eolios de Fernando de Noronha. Instituto Archeologico e Geographico Pernambucano, 8 figs. "Per- nambuco, Brazil, 1894. Introduction to "Preliminary List of the Myriapoda of Arkansas." (C. H. Bollman, 11 pp.) Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 189], Vol. II, p. 202. Little Rock, 1894. Preface to "The Geology of Dallas County." (C. E. Siebenthal, 42 pp.) Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Arkansas for 1891, Vol. II, p. 278. Little Rock, 1894. "The Geology of Benton County," by Frederic W. Simonds and T. C. 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The tombador escarpment in the State of Bahia, Brazil. American Journal of Science, Nov. 1910, Vol. XXX, pp. 335-343. Outline of the geology of the black diamond region of Bahia, Brazil. Proceedings of the Australian Association for the Advancement of Science, Section C, 1910, Vol. XII, pp. 324-328. The luminosity of termites. Science, 1910, Vol. XXXI, pp. 24-25. Earthquakes in Brazil. Journal of Geology, 1910, Vol. XVIII, pp. 327-335. 18 JOHN CASPER BRANNER— PENROSE tMEi,OIBS[voALT.xxt Geologic work of ants in tropical America. Bulletin of the Geological Society of America, 1910, Vol. XXI, pp. 449-490. Same condensed. Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1911, pp. 303-333. Illustrated, 1 plate. 1911 The aggraded limestone plains of the interior of Bahia and the climatic changes suggested by them. Bulletin of the Geological Society of America, May, 1911, Vol. XXII, pp. 187-206. Comparison of the effects of the earthquakes of Mendoza, Valparaiso, Kingston, and San Francisco. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 1911, Vol. I, pp. 23-27. The minerals associated with diamonds and carbonados in the State of Bahia, Brazil. American Journal of Science, June, 1911, Vol. XXXI, pp. 480-490. Methods of geologic investigation and publication. Economic Geology, Jan.-Feb., 1911, Vol. VI, pp. 73-75. South America. Encyclopaedia Britannica, Eleventh edition, 1911. Vol. XXV, pp. 485—489. Suggested organization for seismological work on the Pacific Coast. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, March, 1911, Vol. I, pp. 5-8. (With J. F. Newsom.) Syllabus of a course of lectures on economic geology. Third edition. Stanford Uni- versity, 1911. 503 pp. Reviews of seismological literature. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 1911, Vol. I, pp. 23-27. Impressions regarding the relations of surface geology to intensity in the Mendoza, Valparaiso, Kingston, and San Francisco earthquakes. Stanford University. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 1911, Vol. I, pp. 38-43. The geography of northeastern Bahia. Geographical Journal (Royal Geographical Society), 1911, Vol. XXXVIII, pp. 139-152; 256-269. Miguel A. Lisboa and Eugene Hussak. Translated from the Portuguese by J. C. Branner. Journal do Com- mercio, Rio de Janeiro, Oct. 7, 1911. 1912 The boundaries and area of the Niles cone. The future water supply of San Francisco. Oct., 1912. pp. 257-259. An early discovery of fuller's earth in Arkansas. Transactions of the American Institute of Mining Engineers, 1912, Vol. LXVII, pp. 747-750. Earthquakes in Brazil. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, June, 1912, Vol. II, pp. 105-117. Erroneous geological conclusions on the formation of Livermore Valley. The future water supply of San Francisco. By the Spring Valley Water Company, 1912. pp. 232-232a. A hydrocarbon found in the diamond and carbonado district of Bahia, Brazil. American Journal of Science, Jan., 1912, Vol. CLXXXIII, pp. 25-26. Portuguese as well as Spanish. Springfield Republican, Oct. 3, 1912. Report on the geology of Livermore Valley. The future water supply of San Francisco. The Spring Valley Water Company, Oct., 1912. pp. 203-222. Syllabus of a course of lectures on elementary geology. Fourth edition. Stanford University, 1912. 462 pp. Eugene Hussak. Translation of an article by Miguel A. Lisboa. Journal of Geology, 1912, Vol. XX, pp. 148-157. Reviews and notes on seismology published in Bulletin of the Seismological (Society of America, 1912, Vol. II, Geologic work of ants in tropical America. Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1911. 1912. pp. 303-333. Report on the geology of the proposed Hetch Hetchy aqueduct line for the water supply of San Francisco, made to John R. Freeman, July 11, 13, 20, 1912. J. R. Freeman's Report, pp. 110-111; 124-126. 1913 Address before the Instituto Historico e Geographico Brazileiro at Rio de Janeiro. Jornal do Commercio, Rio de Janeiro, June 10, 1913. Diario Official, June 20, 1913. As areias do Rio Grande do Sul. Annuario do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul para O anno de 1913. Porto Alegre, pp. 294-296, 1913. Chancellor Jordan and President Branner. Sequoia, Sept., 1913. pp. 23-28. Casper Branner of Virginia and his descendants. Privately printed, Stanford University, July, 1913. 476 pp. An early discovery of fuller's earth in Arkansas. Transactions of the American Institute of Mining Engineers, 1913, Vol. XLIII, pp. 520-523. Earthquakes and structural engineering. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 1913, Vol. Ill, pp. 1-5. The estancia beds of Bahia, Sergipe, and Alagoas, Brazil. American Journal of Science, June, 1913. The estancia beds of Bahia, Sergipe, and Alagdas, Brazil. Papers of the Stanford expedition to Brazil in 1911, Vol. I, pp. 35-48. Reprint from American Journal of Science, June, 1913, Vol. XXXV, pp. 619-632. The fluting and pitting of granites in the tropics. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 1913, Vol. LII, pp. 163-286. Papers of the Stanford University expedition to Brazil in 1911, Vol. I, pp. 1-30. Stanford University, 1914. ACADEMY OP SCIENCES] BIBLIOGRAPHY 19 A inspectoria de obras contra as Seecas. Jornal do Cominercio, Rio de Janeiro, July 15, 1913. Os fosseis devonianos do Parana. Jornal do Coinmercio, Rio de Janeiro, June 14, 1913. Review of "The Flowing Road. By Casper Whitney." Science, June 24, 1913, Vol. XXIV, pp. 151-152. Inaugural address. Trustees series, 1913. No. XXIV. Stanford University. William Russel Dudley: An address delivered at the memorial services held in the University chapel. Dudley Memorial volume, Stanford University, 1913. pp. 7-10. The word "selva" in geographic literature. Science, 1913, Vol. XXXVIII, pp. 155-156. The influence of wind on the accumulation of oil-bearing rocks. Bulletin of the Geological Society of America, 1913, Vol. XXIV, pp. 94-95. 1914 Annual report of the president of the university for the 23d academic year ending July 31, 1914. Stanford University, 1914. A brief grammar of the Portuguese language. Second edition. 1914. pp. 216 — 223. Address to the graduating class of Stanford University, delivered May, 1914. Daily Palo Alto, May, 1914. Stanford Alumnus, May, 1914. Earthquakes and business in the West: An address before the Commonwealth Club. The California Outlook, Jan. 10, 1914, Vol. XVI, pp. 17-18. Geologia elementar preparada con referencia especial aos estudantes Brazileiros. 2a edigao. Paris, 1914. Some of the obstacles to North American trade in Brazil. Journal of Race Development, April, 1914, Vol. IV, pp. 461-470. Papers of the Stanford expedition to Brazil in 1911. Introduction. Stanford University, 1914. pp. 3-6. Review of "Across Unknown South America. By Henry Savage Landor." Science, 1914, Vol. XXXIX, pp. 5777579. Review of "The Upper Reaches of the Amazon. By Joseph F. Woodroffe." London, 1914. Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, 1914, Vol. XLVII, pp. 59-60. Review of "Geological Expedition to Brazil and Chile. By J. B. Woodworth." Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, July, 1914, Vol. LXVI, pp. 936-937. Seismological notes. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 1914, Vol. IV. 1915 Annual report of the president of Stanford University, 1914-1915.- Address to the graduating class, May, 1915. Stanford Alumnus, May, 1915. Annual report of the president of the university for the 24th academic year ending July 31, 1915. Trustees series No. 29, 1915. Brief grammar of the Portuguese language. Third edition, 1915. American Association for the Advancement of Science. Pacific Coast Committee. Nature and Science on the Pacific Coast, San Francisco, 1915. pp. 62-64. Patronizing the South American republics. Science, 1915, Vol. LXI, pp. 236-237. Seismological notes. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 1915, Vol. V. Structural engineering and earthquakes. Engineering Record, 1915, Vol. LXXII, pp. 780-781. Separate, 1916. Earthquakes. Nature and Science on the Pacific Coast, San Francisco, 1915. The untrustworthiness of personal impressions of direction of vibrations in earthquakes. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 1915, Vol. V, pp. 26-29. Review of "Brazil and the Brazilians. By G. J. Bruce." Yale Review, April, 1915, Vol. IV, pp. 640-645. Review of "Through the Brazilian Wilderness. By Theodore Roosevelt." Yale Review, April, 1915. Review of "The Naturalist's Directory. By S. E. Cassino." Science, Jan. 22, 1915, Vol. LXI, p. 135. Review of "The River Amazon from its sources to the sea. By Paul Fountain." Yale Review, April, 1915, Vol. IV, pp. 640-645. Review of "The Lower Amazon. By A. Lange." Science, March, 1915, Vol. LXI, pp. 363-364. The mistakes of professors. By a student. School and Society, 1915, Vol. I, pp. 132-135. Address to the student body. Stanford University, Sept. 7, 1915. 1916 Can we keep the canal open? The Sunset Magazine, June, 1916. pp. 13-15. The Panama slides. The Sunset Magazine, June, 1916. pp. 13-15; 70-71. Committee on Panama Canal slides, of the National Academy of Sciences. Preliminary report on the possibility of controlling the land slides adjacent to the Panama Canal. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, April 15, 1916, Vol. II, pp. 193-207. The Geological Survey of Arkansas. Manufacturers Record, July, 1916. p. 47. Orville A. Derby. Science, 1916, Vol. LXIII, p. 596. Orville A. Derby. Journal of Geology, 1916, Vol. XXIV, pp. 209-214. Memorial of Orville A. Derby. Bulletin of the Geological Society of America, March, 1916, Vol. XXVII, pp. 15-21. 20 JOHN CASPER BRANNER— PENROSE The opportunities for and obstacles to North American business in Brazil. The South American, Dec. 1916. pp. 17-19. The potash-bearing rocks of Arkansas. Arkansas Gazette, April 30, 1916. Recifes de pedra da costa nordeste do Brasil. Revista do Instituto Historico e Geographico Brasileiro, Rio de Janeiro, 1916, Vol. LXXVII, pp. 68-85. Seismological notes. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 1916-1917, Vol. VI. 1917 The genesis of asbestiform minerals. Discussion of the paper by Stephen Taber. Bulletin of the American Institute of Mining Engineers, Mar., 1917, Vol. CXXIII, pp. 397-400. One of Mrs. Stanford's ideals. Founder's Day address. Stanford Alumnus, Mar., 1917, Vol. XVIII, pp. 217-222. And separate. Seismological notes. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 1917, Vol. VI. Some of the scientific problems and duties at our doors. Presidential address before the Pacific Division of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. Science, May, 1917, Vol. LXV, pp. 417-424. Abstract with title Ignoring the Earthquake in Literary Digest, July 7, 1917, Vol. LV. One of the scientific problems at our doors. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 1917, Vol. VII. p. 45. (An abridged form of the paper just listed.) The Tejon Pass earthquake of October 22, 1916. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 1917, Vol. VII, p. 51. 1918 Address at the reunion of the descendants of Casper Branner of Virginia, held at Forestville, Virginia, Augus 30, 1918. New Market, Va., 1918. 24 pp. Review of "South America. By Nellie B. Allen." Science, 1918, Vol. LXVIII, pp. 249-250. A favor da lingua Portuguesa. O Estudante Brazileiro, 1918. Vol. I, pp. 3-4. Seismological notes. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 1918, Sept., 1918, to Sept., 1919. 1919 The importance of the study of the Portuguese language. Hispania, March, 1919, Vol. II, pp. 87-93 . One of Mrs. Stanford's ideals. Extract. Daily Palo Alto Times, Memorial number, Stanford edition, 1919. pp. 19-20. Outlines of the geology of Brazil to accompany the Geologic map of Brazil. Reprinted from Bulletin of the Geological Society of America, 1919, Vol. XXX, pp. 189-338. Incidents in the history of the Geological Survey of Arkansas, and some conclusions to be drawn therefrom. Arkansas Gazette, Nov. 20, 1919. 1920 Bauxite: Historical foreword in "Outlines of Arkansas Geology." By John G. Ferguson. Little Rock, Arkan- sas, 1920. pp. 45-46. Herbert Hoover as an educational illustration. Address delivered at the banquet offered Herbert Hoover by the Alumni of Stanford University at San Francisco, Dec. 29, 1919. Stanford Illustrated Review, Jan., 1920. Incidents in the history of the Geological Survey of Arkansas, and some conclusions to be drawn therefrom. In "Outlines of Arkansas Geology." By John G. Ferguson. Little Rock, Arkansas, 1920. pp. 14-20. Resumo da geologia do Brasil para acomphar o mappa geologico do Brasil. O Estudante Brasileiro, Vol. I, pp. 3-5, April, 1920. Resumo da geologia do Brazil. Edicao Brazileiro, 152 pp. 1920. Trouble with Loro Tatus. Nature Study Review, 1920, Vol. XVI, pp. 189-194. What some animals know about topography. Nature Study Review, 1920, Vol. XVI, pp. 143-144. Oil and gas geology (of Arkansas). In "Outlines of Arkansas Geology." By John G. Ferguson, 1920. pp. 104-105. Recent earthquakes in Brazil. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 1920, Vol. X, p. 90. In addition to the seismological publications of Doctor Branner already mentioned, he was the author of a number of notes and reviews in the bulletins of the Seismological Society of America from 1910 to 1920. Some of these were not signed. 1921 Brazil and its geology with reference to future possibilities of developing oil. California Oil World, May 26, 1921, Vol. XIII, pp. 32-33. Memorial of J. C. da Costa Sena. Bulletin of the Geological Society of America, March, 1921, Vol. XXXII, pp. 16-18. O que en faria si fosse estudante Brazileiro. El Estudiante Latino-Americano, May, 1921, Vol. Ill, pp. 4-7. Oil prospects in Arkansas. Arkansas Gazette, May 25, 1921. p. 16. How and why stories. Henry Holt & Company, 1921. 104 pp. ^-.^/ <%6^6tz^-^ NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES Volume XXI FOURTH MEMOIR BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR WILLIAM GILSON FARLOW 1844-1919 BY WILLIAM ALBERT SETCHELL Presented to the Academy at the Annual Meeting, 1924 WILLIAM GILSON FARLOW 1844-1919 By William Albert Setchell William Gilson Farlow was born in Boston, Mass., on December 17, 1844. He was the son of John Smith Farlow and Nancy Wight (Blanchard) Farlow. He received his early education in the public schools, both of the grammar and high school grades. He entered Harvard University in 1862 and received the degree of B. A. in 1866. He entered the Harvard Medical School in November, 1867, and received the degree of M. D. in May, 1870. He was appointed assistant to Asa Gray, Fisher professor of natural history in Harvard University, in July of 1870, continuing in this position for two years. In June, 1872, he sailed for Europe, where he traveled and studied for somewhat over two years, returning to America in the summer of 1874. In the same year he received the appointment of assistant professor of botany at Harvard, with the particular field of cryptogamic botany, giving instruction both at Cambridge and in the newly established Bussey Institution at Jamaica Plain. In 1879 he was appointed professor of cryptogamic botany in Harvard University, with teaching entirely at Cambridge. He continued to teach until 1896, at which time he withdrew from all work along this line except as to advising and assisting certain graduate students. He married Miss Lilian Horsford, daughter of Eben Horsford, in 1900. He died June 3, 1919, having served in the faculty of Harvard University as assistant professor and as professor for 45 years and having advanced to the position of senior member. As a boy and undergraduate student, William Gilson Farlow seems to have had strong inclinations toward music and botany. In these respects he resembled his father, John Smith Farlow, born in Boston in 1817 and educated there, who, besides being a successful man of business, member of the Legislature of the State of Massachusetts, president of the Massa- chusetts Reform Club, for many years president of the Newton Public Library, etc., was also for a time president of the Handel and Haydn Society of Boston ; and, although with no critical knowledge of botany, was very fond of plants, was a member of the Massachusetts Horticul- tural Society as well as that of Newton and was awarded many prizes at their exhibitions. During his boyhood and youth, William Gilson Farlow followed his father's likings for science and the humanities and gave many evidences of the same alert and active mind as well as capabilities for comprehensive grasp of fundamentals which characterized his later Life. He was twice awarded the Franklin medals for scholarship in the Boston schools. In college he was a member, and secretary for one year, of the Pierian Sodality, acting as pianist and several times soloist at its public concerts. His unusual musical ability attracted the attention of his instructors in music and J. K. Paine, professor of music at Harvard, urged him to take up music as his chosen profession. He was an inimitable story-teller, even in his younger days, and Likewise took part in amateur theatrical performances. He was also secretary and treas- urer of the O. K. Society in his junior year. He was a member of the Harvard Natural History Society and curator of its herbarium, and his scientific attainments were held in high esteem by his classmates and fellow collegians as well as by his instructors. He was elected secretary of his class at senior class election. He was accustomed to explain his habit of casting quick glances from side to side and slightly upward by saying most humorously that when he was a freshman he was much smaller than he was later on in life and that the sophomores used to throw water out of the second-story windows on the freshmen as they passed the dormitories. Consequently, in watching out for the sophomores at their windows he acquired a Lifelong habit. At graduation, filing answers to questions asked by the class, he stated that he had "no definite plans for life." 1 2 WILLIAM GILSON FARLOW— SET CHELL [MBMOIEStvo"xxt During the year following his graduation he continued his botanical interests and, taking the advice of Gray and following in the footsteps of most of his botanical predecessors in this country, resolved to proceed to the doctorate in medicine as a preliminary and possibly also as an alternative to entering the field of botany. He spent a portion of this year in studying anatomy under Dr. Jeffries Wyman, in Cambridge, himself an enthusiastic naturalist, and entered the Harvard Medical School in Boston in November, 1867. He entered upon and carried through his medical studies with the zeal and thoroughness characteristic of him, and at the end of his third year he won a coveted appointment as surgical interne at the Massa- chusetts General Hospital in Boston under the distinguished surgeon Dr. H. J. Bigelow. He obtained his medical degree in May, 1870, and his duty done, his anchor cast to windward, he relinquished the favorable opportunity of advancing in medicine as he had earlier that of entering upon a career in music. His medical education finished and with no intention of practicing, he returned again to Cambridge, studying with Asa Gray and even helping Gray with his classes. He was formally appointed to an assistantship with Gray in July, 1870, in which position he continued for two years. He succeeded Horace Mann, who had died during Gray's absence in Europe, and at Gray's request attempted to give more instruction in cryptogamic botany than had hitherto been given. With such an inspiring and enthusiastic principal as Gray, he undoubtedly absorbed and otherwise gained an extensive knowledge of the flowering plants and vascular cryptogams, but his chief attention seems to have been directed toward the marine algae, of which Gray had obtained a considerable collection for an American botanist through his friendship and connection with William Henry Harvey, who had written the Nereis Boreali-Americana, the first account of our American marine algas, and who with J. Whitman Bailey had worked over and reported on the algae of the United States exploring expedition, from Charles Wright, from J. G. Agardh, of Lund, and others. He used to tell, with some amusement and for the instruction of those who later were studying in this same field, of his lack of the sense of the importance of certain numbers noted on some of the specimens and how he nearly lost for future generations the valuable specimens distributed by Harvey from Ceylon, from the Friendly Islands, and from Australia. At the same time, another of Gray's pupils, Daniel C. Eaton, of Yale University, was occupying himself with marine algae and both cooperated with the United States Fish Com- mission under Spencer F. Baird in work on the southern coast of New England. Farlow spent the summer of 1871 at Woods Hole, on the southern shore of Massachusetts, with the wonderful corps of naturalists which Baird had assembled there. Eaton afterwards joined with Farlow and Dr. C. L. Anderson, of Santa Cruz, Calif., in issuing a series of dried specimens in fascicle form of the marine algae of North America, but soon relinquished the algse into Farlow's exclusive charge. During this period of his life, Farlow came into correspondence with J. G. Agardh, of Lund, in Sweden, sending him many rare specimens and receiving determinations, criticisms, and specimens in return. He began during this period of Iris assistantship to prepare and publish his earlier papers on the marine algae. During his assistantship he introduced the study of the lower cryptogams into the Harvard curriculum, a novelty in American educational practice. It will be of interest as well as instructive to glance for a moment at the botanical situation in the United States at the period of Farlow's assistantship to Gray (1870-1872). Gray himself, at 60, was meditating retirement from teaching and administrative duties and was negotiating with Charles Wright as to the work in the herbarium. He was also preparing for the addition of a lecture room and laboratories (completed late in 1871). Sereno Watson was with Gray at that time, whither he had proceeded (1870) to complete his account of the plants of King's expedition. George Lincoln Goodale, who joined Gray as assistant, was destined (1873) to take over the subject of "Vegetable physiology." The corporation of Harvard University had started (1870) the organization of the Bussey Institution, a school of agriculture and horticulture, for which plans had been made by the founder as early as 1835 in a will proven in 1842 and funds turned over to Harvard University by the trustees of the founder in 1861. John Torrey was still alive and professor of botany in Columbia University, although in the last ACADEMY OP SCIENCES.] BIOGRAPHY 3 years of his life (fl873). Daniel C. Eaton, pupil of Gray and grandson of Amos Eaton, was professor of botany in Yale University, with his specialty in ferns, but publishing, at this period, his few papers on marine algas. Sullivant was still alive but was not publishing. Lesquereux and James had taken over the mosses and C. F. Austin the hepatics. Edward Tuckerman was professor of botany at Amherst College and was writing his classical papers on American Lichenology. Charles H. Peck, at Albany, was acting as State botanist and beginning to publish on fleshy fungi. T. F. Allen was beginning to publish on American Characeaa. In Europe, Hofmeister, although still active, had passed on his mantle and task of preparing a comprehensive Handbuch der Botanik to Sachs and to De Bary, and the oncoming generation was deeply immersed in what has been designated the " vegetations-punkt " type of investiga- tion. J. G. Agardh, at Lund, was veteran in phycology, as Elias Fries was in fungi, while Muller, at Geneva, was working on the Flora Brasiliensis, with lichens as his hobby. Schwende- ner (1860-1868) was publishing the series of papers on the algal types of lichen-gonidia and was bringing about the fundamental and spirited discussion as to the possible dual nature of the lichen-thallus, which was to be prominent for so many succeeding years. Bornet and Thuret were the foremost exponents of algal morphology and reproduction. Of great importance to Farlow were all of these, but possibly foremost in influence for his chosen profession was the fact that Sachs had produced the second edition of his epoch-making Lehrbuch der Botanik, which had not yet been translated into English and which had not, at the time, made the profound impression outside of Germany which it later created. It seems worth while to mention the situation outlined above, since it, as limited, had a direct influence on Farlow and his work. Even the oldest of our prominent American workers of the present day and even those of Europe were, at this time, not advanced beyond the grades below the university. There was no strictly botanical periodical in America except the Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club (1870- ), botanical articles being few in production and published in the American Journal of Science or the American Naturalist, but mostly in the proceedings of the few learned societies of that era, such as the American Academy of Arts and Sciences of Boston, the Boston Society of Natural History, the American Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, the Philadelphia Academy of Sciences, the St. Louis Academy of Sciences, and the California Academy of Sciences. The National Academy of Sciences was not founded until 1863. From the point of view of the condition of botanical science and teaching in America, where the "college" point of view still held the most considerable place in higher education and where "research" was not, as yet, spelled with a capital "R," it is little to be wondered at that Farlow, having followed the botanical tradition of preparing himself in medicine, having associated himself with teaching in Harvard University, following his own natural bent, and in accordance with Gray's sympathetic advice and desire for extending the bounds of botanical instruction and specialization at Harvard, should have been attracted toward the lower crypto- gams and have turned his attention to northern and central Europe for the assistance he needed for his further training and orientation in this field as well as in general. As Farlow himself says later on in his life (1896) : "It certainly now seems ridiculous that one who had only just finished his medical studies and knew nothing about cryptogams beyond what he had read in leisure moments or had picked up in the field should attempt to teach the subject. But the young are courageous, not to say audacious, if they are not learned, and, it must also be admitted, the demands of students for information on the subject were easily satisfied at that time." Consequently we find him leaving Cambridge and Gray at the end of the second year of his assistantship and setting sail for Europe in June, 1872, where he spent the next two years in study and travel. He burdened himself with specimens, particularly with algse, many of them from the Oregon and California coasts, collected by E. E. Hall, and C. L. Anderson. Landing in England, he proceeded at once, via Copenhagen, to Lund, in Sweden, to consult and absorb wisdom from J. G. Agardh, the founder of phycological taxonomy. He has left us a glimpse of his visit and experiences at Lund in the charming and characteristic letters to Gray, of which only too little was published in the American Naturalist in 1874. Among the west American marine algse submitted to Agardh at that time were the specimens upon which he founded the 4 WILLIAM GILSON FARLOW— SETCHELL [^prES£v£xxi; genus Farlowia. From J. G. Agardh, during this visit and by his correspondence, Farlow was assisted in fixing determinations of his later lists (1875 and 1876) of the algse of the United States, as well as many which he never published but passed on to his own disciples. From Lund he went to Stockholm and on to Upsala, where he met Elias Fries and his son Th. Fries, authorities in taxonomic lichen ology and fungology. Farlow tells in his biographical notice of Edward Tuckerman how the elder Fries recalled the visit of the American lichenologist whose sharp eyes detected, as they strolled on the famous avenue near the University of Upsala, a species of lichen which the elder and most famous lichenologist had never seen there. It is to be recalled also, in connection with the visit to Upsala, that the younger Fries was bringing out his comprehensive work on Scandinavian lichens (1S71-1874). From Sweden, Farlow went to Norway for alga? and then on to Petrograd (St. Petersburg) to examine the collections at the Imperial Academy of Sciences collected by the Liitke expedi- tion (1823-1827), and those collected later by Wosnessenski for the Imperial Academy, on the northwestern coasts of America. These had been studied and reported upon by F. J. Ruprecht and were apparently in the same condition and arrangement as when left by him. From Petrograd, he went to Moscow, thence on to Berlin and Cologne, and finally to Strassburg, to the laboratories of Anton de Bary, in the newly established German university in the terri- tories recently wrested from France. Anton de Bary was at that period easdy the first and foremost plant morphologist in the world, and his students were drawn from all countries. In his laboratories Farlow met many of the future leading botanists of central and northern Europe. Two of these, both Poles, J. Rostafinski and E. Janczewski, became his especial intimates, and after their work at Strass- burg was over they journeyed on into France together, or at least met again at the Villa Thuret. De Bary and Sachs were both associated with Hofmeister in his plan for issuing a compre- hensive Handbuch der Botanik. De Bary had already published his remarkable work on the morphology and physiology of the fungi, lichens, and myxomycetes (1866), in which it is noticeable that the bacteria were not included as they were in the revised edition (1884), and was at work on his comparative anatomy of the vegetative organs of the flowering plants and ferns (published 1877). Farlow found at Strassburg a master and his disciples deep in the work of testing and advancing botanical knowledge in extensive fields. Of the three asso- ciated more closely, Rostafinski gave the world a monograph of the Mycetozoa (1873 and 1875), Janczewski elucidated the development of the ascogonium in Ascobolus (1871), and Farlow investigated and described the first known case of apogamy in ferns (1874) . In De Bary's laboratory Farlow learned and practiced the microtechnique of that day and learned much as to methods of instruction, literature, and the work of his contemporaries. Since De Bary paid much attention to the parasitism and saprophytism of fungi and the reactions of host plants to their parasitic forms, we may readily infer that Farlow received much inspiration for the work he instituted on his return to America on phytopathology. It was at this time, as he related later, that he became acquainted with Sachs's textbook (second German edition, 1870), for which his admiration never ceased. Farlow fully occupied his stay of two years abroad. Besides his work in De Bary's laboratory, he visited Switzerland, becoming acquainted with its Alpine flora, both as to flowering plants and cryptogams, especially the lichens. He settled down for a while at Geneva, where Johann M tiller- Argoviensis assisted him in his study of the rich lichen flora of that locality. From his notes as to this part of his stay, we learn that he did not neglect the fungi in his collections and studies. During the stay abroad, Farlow found opportunity of spending some time at the Villa Thuret at Antibes, with G. Thuret and E. Bornet, in phycological studies. Rostafinski and Janczewski were also there. The two French phy- cologists were foremost in the study of the morphology and development of the algse. Thuret's masterly series of papers on the zoospores and antheridia of plants, with their superb illustrations (1850-1853), his researches on the fertilization of the Fucaceae (1855-1857) and, in connection with Bornet, the solution of the cystocarpic development in the red algaB (1867) had marked a new epoch in such study, and his taxonomic work, although he published little in this line, was ACADEMY OF SCIENCES.] BIOGRAPHY 5 based on a tnorough knowledge of both the morphology and development of the living plant as well as on the work of his predecessors. Bornet, his coadjutor, was fully his equal and was destined to become Farlow's most beloved and revered friend and correspondent for the rest of his life. Farlow used to say that Bornet was the only botanist he knew who made no real mistakes. Bornet was at the time making the famous study of the algal nature of lichen- gonidia, soon after published (1873). The Bornet and Thuret publications, Notes Algologiques (1876 and 1880) and Etudes Phycologiques (1878) are the most outstanding in the realm of phycology. As a result of their work at Antibes, Janczewski published most important papers on the propagula of the Sphacelariac'eae (1872) and on the methods of growth of the thallus of the brown algae (1875), as well as papers on the structure of Porphyra (1872) and the development of the cystocarp in certain red algae (1877). Rostafinski also published several papers on algal structure (1875-1877) and was inspired to begin a revision of the Laminariaceae, which never came to other than preliminary publication, but which nevertheless had its influence. Farlow, while publishing nothing as an immediate result, was influenced most profoundly in his later work on the algae, particularly in the studies leading up to his Marine Algae of New England. It is impossible to follow all the wanderings of Farlow during his two years abroad, but it is sufficient perhaps to say that he visited Paris and various places in Germany, Italy, England, and Ireland, to examine type specimens, to visit and consult with various botanists, and to familiarize himself with their floras, both phamogamic and cryptogamic. He returned to Cambridge late in the summer of 1874, well equipped in every way to take up the work in his chosen field. He brought with him many authentic specimens, much in the way of literature and notes, and had annexed a host of sympathetic correspondents to assist in developing exact knowledge of our lower cryptogamic orders. From 1874 to 1879, Farlow was attached particularly to the Bussey Institution, although he gave a certain portion of his time to cryptogamic instruction at the Botanical Garden in Cambridge. I have previously mentioned the Bussey "Institution, the idea of which was in the mind of its founder, Benjamin Bussey, of Roxbury, as early as 1835, but which, because of the conditions of the bequest, did not come into active existence until 1870. The workers here were at that time F. H. Storer, dean, and in charge of agricultural chemistry; D. D. Slade, in charge of applied zoology; and C. S. Sargent, at the Arnold Arboretum (established 1872), in charge of arboriculture. It is to be borne in mind that the continent of North America possessed few agricultural colleges or agricultural courses in universities, the majority of the older of these institutions being founded in the late sixties or early seventies. Of stations for agricultural experimentation there were few in Europe, the first, that of Moeckern, near Leipzig, having been organized in 1851, the Rothamstead station, under Lawes and Gilbert, having started somewhat later, and at the time of the inauguration of work at the Bussey Institution between 30 and 40 in Europe all told. The first strictly agricultural experiment station in North America (Connecticut) came into existence in 1875. Storer, with S. W. Johnson, of Yale, and E. W. Hilgard, of Mississippi, Michigan, and finally of California, were developing agricultural chemistry in this country, Storer being particularly interested in the chemistry of fertilizers. The Bussey Institution was intended for several classes of students, both for those not intending to proceed to a degree and those who were candidates for one. We may not wonder, then, that Farlow's work in connection with the Bussey Institution was primarily directed toward the fungi of economic interest and that he laid there, firmly and efficiently, the foundations of what has come to be known as phytopathology. The papers published by Farlow in the Bulletin of the Bussey Institution and elsewhere, between the years 1876 and 1880, show by their titles and content the trend of his interest toward the taxonomic, physiological, and pathological aspects of the fungi, although he still paid very considerable attention to the algae. Plis papers on potato rot, diseases of oranges and olives, the downy and powdery mildews, particularly of the grape, the black knot, onion smut, the reddening of salted codfish, the deterio- rating effect of certain lower algae and related organisms in water supply, all are models of their 6 WILLIAM GILSON FARLOW— SETCHELL [Meuoirs[vo™xi; kind and indications of his activity in connection with the worK laid out for the Bussey Institution and the Massachusetts Society for the Promotion of Agriculture, the latter furnishing the plates for Farlow's articles. During his connection with the Bussey Institution, Farlow also gave instruction in crypto- gamic botany at Cambridge two days a week, in a primitive laboratory in Lawrence Hall, and also summer-school instruction at Cambridge and in the marine alga? at Woods Hole, Mass., in what he calls an "improvised laboratory." He had certain advanced students, the first of whom, Byron D. Halsted, later professor of botany at Rutgers College and botanist of the New Jersey Experiment Station, took for his thesis subject: "A classification and description of the American species of Characese" (Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Proc, vol. 20, pp. 169-190, March, 1879). In 1879, as he tells us (1896, p. 2), the diminished income from the Bussey funds caused a suspension of his instruction at the institution and he was transferred to Cambridge, with the appointment to a professorship of cryptogamic botany, the first recognition of the equal standing of the lower plants with the higher, "cryptogamic" being adopted as a portion of his title, "in order," to quote his own words (1896, p. 9), "to point out the existence of this branch of botany as a proper field for study in this country." Farlow was now 35 years old and had established firmly cryptogamic botany as a worthy branch of university instruction and at- tention. He was free to devote himself to the building up of his own branch of botany as Asa Gray had in his time, and from even less beginnings, built up his wonderful structure and equip- ment of phsenogamic botany. A room was assigned for laboratory and herbarium in the build- ing of the Lawrence Scientific School, whence it was removed to the attic of Boylston Hall, later to the lower floor of the east wing of the Museum of Comparative Zoology, then to the third floor of the Agassiz addition to that building, and finally to the upper floor of the central or botanical section of the museum building, where it met other divisions of botanical in- struction. The botanical establishments at Harvard University have always been scattered and are scattered even at the present day, but during the last years of Farlow's life, economic botany, histology, and physiology were housed in the same building with cryptogamic botany, while the Gray Herbarium and the Arnold Arboretum were more or less distant from them. The period in Farlow's life extending from 1879 to 1896 represents the time of his active teaching of larger as well as of smaller classes and of graduate students. Among his earlier advanced students and assistants of this time was William Trelease, and somewhat later Roland Thaxter, the former soon becoming immersed in work on the morphology and taxonomy of the higher plants, particularly after becoming the first director of the Missouri Botanical Garden, and the latter continuing on with the fungi and becoming Farlow's successor, to carry on the work of placing the great Farlow Herbarium and Library on a permanent basis for growth and influence. About the year 1885 there came into Farlow's laboratories George Howard Parker, Benja- min Lincoln Robinson, Robert Paine Bigelow, William McMichael Woodworth, and James Ellis Humphreys, who brought with them a true biological spirit and introduced some in- novations in botanical methods. Some of this group brought with them from the zoological laboratories the method of embedding in paraffin, and used this technique in their cryptogamic research, probably the first application of this method in any botanical laboratory. About 1887, A. B. Seymour was appointed assistant to Farlow and began his long association with the cryptogamic herbarium and preparation of indices of species and host plants of North American fungi. In the fall of 1887, began my own four years of connection with the crypto- gamic laboratories, first as Morgan fellow and later as assistant in biology, and with me, in the laboratory, besides Seymour as assistant, were Kingo Miyabe and W. C. Sturgis. From this time on the cryptogamic laboratories became the shrine toward which the pilgrimages of the cryptogamic students of the United States and Canada were directed. There may be mentioned H. M. Richards, G. J. Peirce, C. L. Mix, T. W. Galloway, L. M. Underwood, E. A. Burt, R. A. Harper, B. M. Duggar, Hermann Schrenck, George T. Moore, and others, most of whom finished up one or more short papers with Farlow or began research work to be reported on later. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES.] BIOGRAPHY 7 In 1883, Farlow began to issue the important series of papers entitled "Contributions from the Cryptogamic Laboratory of Harvard University." In 1891, intending to relieve himself of routine teaching and to take a trip to Europe, he gave over the teaching of cryptogamic botany to Roland Thaxter, who was called from his position as botanist of the Connecticut Agricultural Experiment Station at New Haven, Conn., for the time being, resuming only graduate instruction in 1S92. This, also, he finally relin- quished in 1896, in his fifty-second year, although he remained helpful in matters of advice and reference to the end of his life. After 1896, however, the younger generation did not come into intimate contact with him or share to any considerable degree the benefits arising from his direct suggestion and criticism. After 1896, Farlow devoted himself largely to furthering the projects which had been in his mind, in building up the material basis for his subject, devoting his time to clearing up undetermined and current specimens, preparing material for a future distribution, pushing forward the work on the bibliographical index of North American fungi, and to answering the multitudinous letters asking for advice or assistance on critical points in cryptogamic taxonomy and literature. He was compelled also at this period to assume certain large responsibilities in the business affairs of his family, which made serious inroads on his time and energy. He carried through all these matters with his usual energy and thoroughness, shaping his affairs so as to leave all in orderly fashion when his end might come. Fortunately, he continued able to go on with his work of all kinds until a few weeks before he passed away quietly, conscious and calm until his last moments. There passed away at the close of this last and by no means least active period of his life the dean of American botanists, one who had created more than one subdivision of botany, pure and applied, in North America, who had led, generally directly, but at least indirectly, to the highest goal of attainment practically all of the surviving bot- anists of his country. He left behind him a sorrowing wife, a host of ardent pupils and fol- lowers, and, as a further heritage, collections of books, specimens, notes, drawings, and indices unequaled for work along the lines of cryptogamic botany. His memory remains green and will continue to live with us, his pupils and associates, and his example will continue for the inspiration of generations to come. The character of William Gilson Farlow was too many-sided for any one person to appraise, record, and attempt to make plain, especially to those who have not had the privilege of pro- longed personal contact. To those of us who knew him well little need be said as to his per- sonality and accomplishments. To those who knew him only from his writings or from the treasures of specimens and books which he brought together there is some fair indication of his energy, wisdom, and farsightedness. For the coming generations there is desirable some expression, feeble and inadequate though it must necessarily be, as to his lovableness, his kindliness of spirit, his regard for truth, and straightforwardness. I am thoroughly conscious of how far short any attempts of mine may be in attempting to summarize the qualities and accomplishments of such an outstanding personality as that of William Gilson Farlow; but, having passed in review the main periods of his life, it seems best to undertake some general exposition of certain of numerous manifestations of his personality and his pursuits. In stature, Farlow was decidedly below the average, a matter concerning which he was somewhat sensitive, especially when -associated with one who was tall. He seldom, however, made reference to it except through some witticism. In referring, as he did on rare occasions, to his college days, he used to remark that at that time he was even smaller than at maturity. In the one room on the third floor of the Alexander Agassiz section of the Museum of Compara- tive Zoology, which served for cryptogamic laboratory and herbarium in my own first years at Cambridge — a lofty room piled high with materials — he was accustomed to ask me, the tallest of the workers, to get something from the top of one of the cases, with the usual after remark, " Now, please touch the ceiling." His own worktables and desks were made so low and his chairs so high that no one else could work at them comfortably. His figure — erect when younger and slightly bowed in his latest years — passing from his house on Quincy Street up through Divinity Avenue to the museum with short, rapid steps, 20154°— 26 6 8 WILLIAM GILSON FARLOW— SETCHELL [MEMOIBS[vo™ always with books or manuscript under his arm, was distinctive and could easily be recognized as far as it could be seen. His downward, sidewise glance, seemingly furtive but really diffi- dent when one came to realize its significance, was keen, and there was little that escaped it. The beginning of his conversation was often abrupt, but passed on into a monologue when discussing a problem or recent occurrences in the botanical world, which ended usually with some interrogation, often disconcerting as to whether an answer was demanded or not. Often some query on the part of others was greeted with a laugh or chuckle, which frequently placed his listeners more or less hors de combat and demanded further explanation or discussion. His ejaculations of surprise or incredulity were characteristic. Very commonly he would say: "Mercy! Bless my soul! I wonder where we are coming to when so-and-so puts forth such a view." Occasionally when he had some puzzling plant before him he would come over to our laboratory table and, laying down the specimen, say: "I will give any one of you 5 cents if you will tell me what this is." Many such a problem was placed before us, and we wrestled with it mightily, but seldom were we able to win the munificent reward, although at times we were given what we were much the more anxious to obtain, viz, his recognition of merit in our suggestions. This recognition was difficult of complete affirmation, since his critical mind interposed every possible objection, and the attainment of even partial approval was the result of a strenuous elimination of all that could not be sturdily and properly maintained. This method begot caution about accepting evidence unless of the most definite and pertinent variety. The alternative views he presented during such discussions, the keenness with which he detected flaws in the arguments presented, or the merciless fashion in which he carried some point raised to its logical and usually absurd or irrelevant conclusion, all these character- ized the workings of his mind and made a profound and, if viewed properly, a most profitable impression on his associates. Many there were who misunderstood his extremely critical atti- tude, his witticisms, and his lack of acceptance of any pronounced opinion, even of his own, but those who came in daily contact with him soon learned to estimate them at their true worth and to welcome them as leading to the truth as nearly as it might be possible to approximate to it. To his students Farlow, while critical of their endeavor, was always sympathetic, even to those who least appreciated his efforts. Many a student received material aid, either directly or indirectly, and found him most embarrassed, seeming even cynical, when he attempted to express his appreciation. I remember the case of one assistant who married during vacation time and chose for his wife a young woman as poor as himself. Farlow was much excited and said to me: "Mercy! Bless my soul! What do you think has happened? I have just been informed that X has been married. He only receives $500 for the next year and no prospect of any more for I don't know how many years. What are we coming to?" This was accompanied by a look which showed his concern and despair. X, however, seemed to manage and soon passed on from Harvard to a position yielding at least more than $500, but Farlow gave no sign of having intervened. This case is typical. In spite of differences of opinion as to the value of certain methods of work and the kind of results obtained, Farlow was always willing to look up points in literature and material for others and spent much of his time and energy in doing so, although often ill repaid in the final outcome. He was earnest rather than outwardly enthusiastic, but the attention he gave to details and larger points for those who desired to do good work was more significant than any amount of outward approval or compliment. He was a kind friend and counselor, although he seldom gave direct advice and his assistance, other than in direct line of his subject, was indirect and unobtrusive. As a host he was perfect, and at the gatherings at his rooms, or later in his own home, he knew how to draw out even the most diffident to join in the conversation and to feel at ease. He made the treasures of his library and his collections available, but always with circumspect reserve, to his students and visiting specialists, ever with due respect to their care and preservation. On the treasures of his mind, which were enormous, one could always draw and no one ever came away from a visit to him without added profit and comfort. His retentive memory and the breadth of his reading and acquisitive instinct made his knowledge encyclopedic in extent and his mastery of detail, without loss of coordination, was simply marvelous. At no ACADEMY OF SCIENCES.] BIOGRAPHY 9 time did he show greater control of his mental balance and wisdom in meeting a particular situation than in the last weeks of his life, when, knowing as a physician that his end was certainly approaching, with calmness and deliberation he arranged his various and very considerable affairs and consulted with those who were to carry on his work and those for whom he desired to provide. During the bast several years of his life, in fact, he had devoted himself to preparing for this end, which came peacefully to him, still in possession of his mental faculties. A word as to Farlow's health may not be amiss in this account. It may be said that, although never robust in the commonly accepted sense of the term, and although subject through much of his life to distressing and nerve-racking headaches, he lost little time from his work through illness and spent more than the ordinary working hours of the day in his pursuits. In later years he was less subject to these interruptions of his work and was amazingly cheerful as well as industrious. As a field naturalist, Farlow was keen and untiring, although few of his later students had the opportunity of observing him in this capacity. As to his earlier trips and methods I know little except from casual remarks. He was wont, at times, to compare the condition of the neighborhood of the time with what it was earlier, when, judging from his reminiscences over some specimens, he lamented the intrusion of asphalt pavements and garbage heaps in select localities and called to mind that Rev. Prof. A. P. Peabody, then an elderly man and college pastor, could remember back to the time when Arethusa bulbosa grew in one corner of the college yard. Even in my own day (1887-1891) at Cambridge there remained some traces of good collecting places, such as " Norton's Woods," a small patch of woodland to the north of the museum, " Glaciahs," near Fresh Pond, etc., but the tracks of progress were already blotting them out, although it was still possible to obtain a considerable number of both algae and fungi from them. Our few excursions with Farlow, especially those to the seashore, opened our eyes to the possibilities of keen-eyed and experienced collecting. Every form of plant life had its point, or points, of interest, and we returned home from such a trip laden down with specimens and our minds stored with information concerning them. His- first collecting was undoubtedly in the vicinity of Boston, Cambridge, and Newton. He early visited the seashore of the north coast of New England and the White Mountains of New Hampshire. These remained his principal collecting places, but in his early years of teaching he collected on the south shore of New England and proceeded on the north shore as far as Eastport. During his two years abroad he collected, probably extensively, in some favored localities. He mentions Switzerland particularly for the lichens and flowering plants. He was zealous also in his search for fungi, since he realized, as he intimated again and again in his writings, that little was to be obtained from American sources as to type or even reasonably authentic specimens of any kind, and an acquaintance with the traditions of mycology was one of the first points to be gained for future progress. His collections of marine algae at Woods Hole and Gloucester, Mass., and at Eastport, Me., supplemented by his considerable collections at other places along the northeastern coast of the United States, were the foundation of his Marine Algae of New England, and supplemented by his experiences along the Florida coast in 1875 and the California coast in 1885, both trips in company with Asa Gray, formed the personal experience basis of bis broader work on the marine algae of the United States. Farlow made trips to the Bermuda Islands in 1881 and 1900, collecting all sorts of cryptogams, but especially algae, fungi, and lichens. He detected during these visits several species not noticed by any of the other botanists visiting the islands. While Farlow's trips to Florida and to Mexico, California, and the Bermudas were general as to interest, yet marine algae were the principal feature. His mycological collecting was largely done nearer home and almost exclusively in New England. Owing to his attraction and more or less of propulsion toward phytopathology, the parasitic fungi are more prominent in his published writings, yet it must be emphasized that he was a great collector and student of the fleshy fungi and that he left unpublished a considerable series of magnificent colored plates (already printed) of our American species. His studies on the Gymnosporangia or Cedar- Apples of the United States (misprinted " The Gymnosporangia or Cider- Apples of the United States" in first proof) is classic and was the forerunner of such monographic work on our fungi. 10 WILLIAM G1LSON FARLOW— SETCHELL [M™01R\vo?xxt His other published work on the Rusts or Uredineae shows his interests and insight into this difficult group of plant parasites. He went so far as to have prepared and even lithographed figures of the spores (telia) of the species of some of the more critical genera, but the text was never prepared. In regard to the perplexing synonymy, he used to remark that it was very likely that Adam may have named all the flowering plants, but that Eve must have named the Uredineae. Eastern Massachusetts and New Hampshire, particularly the White Mountain region, were his field for fungi, as well as other cryptogams, nor did he pass unnoticed the flower- ing plants. His friendship with such inveterate collectors and students as the Faxon brothers, led him even into other New England territory. In later life his summers were usually spent in New Hampshire, either at Shelburne, where he found so many rarities, or, after his marriage, in his summer residence at Chocorua, overlooking the lake, where the field for fungi of all kinds was of the richest. He himself has told the very interesting story of how, while resting on a couch on the veranda of his place at Chocorua, he heard a pattering noise and, looking, saw a squirrel with some object in his mouth. A movement alarmed the squirrel, who dropped what it was carrying and fled. On examining the object, Farlow found it to be one of the hypogaeous fungi which are so seldom collected and which, without this contribution from the friendly animal, he might never have seen. It brought also to his mind the larger suggestion of the dispersal agency we are now realizing so well in California, concerned in connection with hypogaeous fungi in general. In his honor, one of the shoulders of Mount Chocorua, running from the peak along the ledges to the "Brook Trail," where he did much of the collecting of his last years, has been named Farlow Ridge. The last years of his life, Farlow spent much of his time putting the various specimens he had collected into condition, and since his death some of them have been sent out under the title of "Reliquiae Farlowianae." While realizing that the "closet-botanist" was a very important and helpful member of the profession, his various expressions as to fear of his being classed strictly in that ilk gave evidence of the importance he attached to field studies. As a collector in the field, Farlow was very keen and successful, and his herbarium is full of results of his activity in this line. The influence of the great collections accumulated by Asa Gray, the foundation of the Gray Herbarium of to-day, rich in variety and in type material of the flowering plants and the vascular cryptogams, and poor, but not entirely lacking, in rep- resentatives, and very valuable ones, of the lower cryptogams, as well as the influence of Asa Gray himself, by example and by practice, led Farlow very early to the task of bringing together a similar authoritative and working collection of cryptogamous plants, particularly of lichens, algae, and fungi. Farlow's earlier experiences in attempting to put into order and availability the cryptogamic portions of Gray's herbarium and to arrange and classify his own collections were augmented by his many and extremely valuable purchases and exchanges. The first considerable collection to be purchased was the fungus herbarium of Rev. M. A. Curtis, of Asheville, N. C. This was acquired for Farlow by Asa Gray while the former was studying in Europe. The Curtis collection is rich in specimens from Schweinitz, in those collected by the various exploring expeditions, and in duplicate specimens retained by Curtis from sendings abroad for identification and publication by such European authorities as Elias Fries, Berkeley, De Notaris, Desmazieres, Duby, and others. This collection was purchased in 1872. Through "friends" of Harvard University, there was purchased in 1898 the collections of Prof. Edward Tuckennan, of Amherst College, the founder of American lichenology. These collections were rich in types and other authentic specimens of Tuckerman and all the lichen- ologists of his day. The Tuckerman collections contain most of the older and rarer lichen Exsiccati as well as the unrivaled series of North American specimens collected by the founder and his correspondents. It has also a representation of the lichens of the various exploring expeditions undertaken by the United States. To these collections of fungi and lichens, Farlow added enormously through his own collecting and by those received through his pupils and correspondents. The marine algae are due to his own efforts and those of his correspondents, the only collection of any size acquired by purchase being the small De Alton Saunders collec- tion. In the collection of marine algae, however, are specimens from every then living phy- cologist of note as well as from those who preceded them. I am not in possession of any exact ACADEMY OF SCIENCES.] BIOGRAPHY 11 numerical estimate of these various collections which Farlow brought together, but figures give only a very inadequate idea of the value of the assembled material. In J.896, however, Farlow made the statement that the cryptogamic collections (in largest degree due to his own efforts) must number several hundred thousand. Farlow early appreciated the value of published sets of specimens ("Exsiccati" or "Exsic- catae") and diligently sought out such as might be purchased. His success in this direction was most extraordinary, so that in his Sketch of Cryptogamic Botany in Harvard University, he states that between 1872 and 1896 there were brought together (and kept together as sets), not including those complete or partial sets whose numbers were scattered through the general herbarium, 75 different series, including 64,000 specimens representing about 23,000 distinct species. From 1896 to 1919 he continued to add to this series, both of older and of current issues. It is to be remembered that each of these specimens is a datum of reference, and it is doubtful whether any such considerable collection of fundamental specimens exists anywhere else. In connection with this unique collection of published specimens of the lower cryptogams, it seems very desirable to note Farlow's attitude toward their preservation and arrangement. He kept each series of specimens with their printed labels, title pages of the fascicles, etc., together and intact, while the more usual method is to separate them from one another and distribute them through the general collection. By the latter method, the relation of the series, date of issue, etc., is lost. The specimens cease to be integral parts of a " published " series and are often difficult of location in the general collection because of shifting views as to synonymy, etc. Under Farlow's method the specimen, usually quoted by number, is readily located and all data as to details of publication may be readily ascertained. To facilitate access, Farlow indexed all these specimens and even made the proper cross references, so that the existing status of a specimen might readily be ascertained, or all published specimens relating to a certain species might readily be found and comparison made. Farlow left these collections, both general and published, to Harvard University under certain conditions. It is to the credit of those concerned in carrying out the trust that the conditions have been fulfilled and that the Farlow Herbarium is now lodged in a fireproof building, arranged and cared for as a basal unit, for the benefit of cryptogamic botanists of the present generation as well as of those to come. Under the present disposition of the Farlow Herbarium, the Farlow Library is housed in the same building and in convenient juxtaposition to the specimens. During his lifetime, Farlow used to lament the impossibility, in his estimation, of bringing the two together, the herbarium having been located in the museum building, while the library, in the later years of his life, occupied a fireproofed addition to his own residence. The necessary books had to be carried back and forth between the two locations or else consulted separately. As in the case of the series of published specimens, Farlow sought out and purchased rare publications relating to his specialties, bought current periodicals and books, acquired separates, and all that were of in- terest or importance. His eye was keen over book catalogues, and his library was as complete as an expert with means at his disposal could make it. Farlow was extremely careful of his books and rarely could be induced to loan one, and consultation was chiefly in his study and under his own eye. In this way he kept his collection intact and uninjured. He was an omnivorous reader through the whole field of botany, keeping track, largely through the original articles, of progress in special fields— others as well as his own. His memory was exceedingly retentive, and he provided a fund of information to his students, his botanical visitors, and his correspondents. Associated with the work of accumulating two such fundamental adjuncts to accurate work on the lower cryptogams as a satisfactory herbarium and an adequate library, came the matter of making both and the results of coordinated labor in the two available. That was accomplished by a series of indices. References and cross references were made, both in connection with the literature and the published specimens. The species were carefully attended to and their host plants (or animals) in case of the parasitic species. The synonymy, not only from the published data but from critical research, was carefully worked out. The result was not only indices to facilitate the work of Farlow himself, his students, and his correspondents, but for publication. 12 WILLIAM GILSON FARLOW— SET CHELL [MEMOms[voIIxxiI; Several of these did come to the point of publication, such as a list, followed by a supplementary list, of works on North American fungi (1887 and 1888), a host index of the fungi of the United States (1888 and 1891), and finally the first part of the magnum opus, the Bibliographical Index of North American Fungi (1905), which included the fungi only as far as Badhamia, the rest remaining stdl in card form (approximating 350,000 references) awaiting funds to make it avail- able to the many to whom it would be of the greatest benefit. These indices have been of inestimable influence in the work on North American fungi, both as to those published and those unpublished. Information and criticism founded on the data contained in them has been freely given, especially in correspondence, and has tended to keep down errors, unnecessary publication, and constructively to keep accuracy up to a high level. One of the greatest boons to our current work on fungi would be conferred by the publication of this last great index and adequate provision for its continuance from Farlow's farseeing and most admirable inception. While the number of titles of the writings of William Gilson Farlow is ample, while the variety of topics he touched is very large, and while the new facts and considerations brought forward by him are very considerable, yet his critical knowledge of the various groups upon which he worked was so enormous and so detailed that we turn from what he has left us to that which we feel that he had to give with a sense of most serious loss. His very early publi- cation on the apogamy in certain ferns was clearly a student publication, a happening in a laboratory where its importance was realized by an able instructor of wide experience. Far- low's main interest, however, did not lie in that direction and he did not follow up that lead, although he retained a deep interest in apogamy and related phenomena, as I well remember from experiences somewhat over a quarter of a century later whde a student in his laboratory and in connection with pteridophyte apospory. His earliest papers concerned themselves with the marine algae, taxonomic and critical, and these led up to what many of us, and it seems to me justly, consider his most characteristic and outstanding publication: viz, his account, really manual, of the marine algae of New England and adjacent coasts. In arrangement, in content, and especially in critical and explanatory remark, this small volume is a model, refreshing, instructive, and intriguing to personal effort on the part of reader or student. Farlow's matchless humor and keen characterization show themselves again and again. For example, speaking of the common Leathesia, he notes that it is "sometimes called potatoes by the unromantic dwellers on the shore, " or again, in speaking of a nomen nudum, Calli- thamnion Tocwottoniensis of Olney's list, which he says: "fortunately for printers and the throats of American algologists has never been described. " It was one of Farlow's sincere desires that a new manual of New England algae be prepared and issued, and the task fittingly devolved on Frank Shipley Collins, who had accomplished so much in that direction, but he, too, passed away without having completed the task. Through his connection with the Bussey Institution and the turning of his attention from his favorites, the marine algae, to what later came to be called plant pathology, or phyto- pathology, Farlow gave us the results of his work on c.ertain species and groups of parasitic fungi. The potato rot and the grapevine mildew in particular led him to the Peronosporaceae and their relatives, and his papers on these organisms were for long years authoritative. Onion smut, the black knot of cherry, and many miscellaneous plant diseases caused him to write other illuminating papers, but his chief attraction along these lines seemed to be the group of rusts, or Uredineae, as they were called for so long a period. His pioneer paper on the Gymnosporangia led to a series of investigations, first, in the way of cultural studies by Thaxter and, later, by others, to determine their exact heteroecism. His critical notes on that troublesome question, synonymy, particularly vexatious in the group of the Urcdineae, and his notes on some species in the third and in the eleventh centuries of Ellis's North American Fungi (18S3) are among his important contributions. He likewise elucidated and arranged the Synchitrium species of the United States. All these— Synchitria, Peronosporaceae, Usti- agineae, and Uredineos — parasitic groups of fungi and of both biologic and economic interest, he touched but to adorn, and we feel bereft that out of his encyclopedic knowledge of these groups he did not find the opportunity to yield still more than he did in permanent form. We ACADEMY OF SCIENCES.] BIOGRAPHY 13 feel that we might have expected, and with all propriety, one or even several monumental works such as the Bibliographical Index to North American Fungi, already alluded to, some monographs and revisions, but it was not to be. His index work, published and unpublished, numerous lists and occasional notes such as most of his later publications consisted of, are most grateful, but aggravating, as promise unfulfilled. His knowledge of the fleshy fungi was second only to that of his on the parasitic fungi, but we possess little of it. Even his coUection of wonderful printed plates was not brought to publication. He is perhaps to be envied in that he leaves us in the Dosition of Oliver Twist, asking hungrily for more with never an approach toward satiety. Farlow's attitude toward general questions of a botanical or biological nature was largely expressed in conversation or in his public addresses, some of which have, fortunately for us, been printed. In conversation and formal address, he showed keenness of vision as well as great modesty, which he was inclined to cloak under pessimistic or sarcastic utterance. His classic statements, humorous or sarcastic, were generally the opening statements or used at times in the body of the address to suggest a "reductio ad absurdum." There has already been quoted in another account of Farlow an extract from his address before the American Associa- tion in 1905. In introducing his subject, which was entitled "The popular conception of the scientific man at the present day," Doctor Farlow says: What is or is not progress, depends, of course, upon the point of view. Some are so far ahead of the major- ity that they cannot see how much progress is made by those behind them. Others are so far in the rear that they cannot distinguish what is going on ahead of them. We must also admit that there are different direc- tions in which progress can be made. You have all seen the agile crab, and been surprised to find how rapidly he gets over the ground, although he never seems to go ahead, but to scramble off sidewise. The crab perhaps wonders why men are so stupid as to try to move straight forward. It is a popular belief, but, not being a zool- ogist, I caDnot vouch for its correctness, that the squid progresses backward, discharging a large amount of ink. One might perhaps ask: Is the progress of science sometimes like that of the crab, rapid, but not straight- forward; or, like the squid, may not the emission of a large amount of printer's ink really conceal a backward movement? On another occasion, but at dinner and consequently informal, Farlow alluded to conven- tions and meetings and their purpose by relating the difficulties Mrs. Farlow experienced in obtaining eggs of the proper quality. On consulting with various dealers she was instructed and had trials of various grades, from "fresh," through "strictly fresh" to "newly laid" eggs. On inquiring as to how one could tell when eggs were newly laid she was informed, "by the cackle." Farlow then said, "How are we going to tell the newly laid discoveries at our meetings? The answer is, 'by the cackle.' " His attitude toward most of the newly announced discover- ies was, as was natural to him in all things, skeptical. His address expresses this over and over again. On one occasion (Amer. Soc. Naturalists, 1886), he said: Probably a good many of my hearers have heard the remark, "I suppose you must make considerable out of your scientific papers." Unfortunately, with the exception of text-books of a lower grade, one is only too glad not to be money out of pocket. I fear that you all can bear witness that, with rare exceptions, your pub- lished papers have never paid for themselves. It is only after the results of research have reached a homoeo- pathic dilution in some text-book or popular article that they begin to pay. Of such dilutions we already have an abundance, and the more important point is to get something new which will bear dilution. Unfortunately the public do not clearly see the difference between the original work and the dilution. The former does not pay, and needs encouragement; the latter is a commercial article having a recognized money value. A characterization such as this is certainly definite and not by any means "out of order." It is matched by the graceful closing of the same address: But you will probably think that this paper is not like a ball of twine, which, however much it may be twisted and snarled, really has an end. There is much more I should like to say on the subject; as it is, I have tried to avoid particular specifications as to subjects of research, which would be interesting only to bot- anists, but to state broadly some of the difficulties in the way of botanical research, and to indicate the path which promises to be most favorable in the future. If my life proves to be as long as your patience, there will be plenty of opportunities hereafter to consider some points which I have been unable to touch upon today. Aside from his witticisms, as such, and often in connection with them, Farlow presented his general ideas in the same clean-cut and pointed fashion in which his detailed work was done. 14 WILLIAM GILSON FAKLOW— SETCHELL [Mmwim national [Vol. XXI, His clear outline of " The task of American botanists" in 1886, and his analysis of "Biological teaching in colleges," in the same year, and his humorous but searching characterization of "The popular conception of the scientific man at the present day" convey no less direct and profitable food for thought than his masterly and detailed treatment of "The conception of species as affected by recent investigations on fungi." It is from these published addresses that one may obtain some vivid and truthful ideas concerning the nature and work of the man who wrote them. If one may add, as many still living are able to, impressions from per- sonal contact, informal conversations and talks at small dinners or in company, one may dis- count certain impressions of cynicism, pessimism, and sarcasm, and realize the kindliness yet clear vision of him, whom all those of us who did know him will love and revere. As a conversationalist, Farlow was recognized as more than usually endowed with ready wit and repartee. The witticisms which characterize his public addresses were even more abundant and more pointed at times when the occasion called for them. To the bumptious or overgrateful person alike, his shafts struck directly and the conceited received short shrift at his hands. Yet he was ever gentle with the sensitive and, although really embarrassed, had extreme sympathy and desire to assist in the case of misfortune on the part of the truly deserving. He gave of his deep wells of information at times of friendly intercourse. Well do I remember being informally inducted into the history of the development of our knowledge of cryptogamic botany. This happened on the occasion of my more or less formal evening calls upon him in his rooms, then in Holyoke House. After a short call which I presumed would be agree- able to him and I rose to go, he would detain me, with my hand on the door knob, for an hour or more while he discoursed, almost in a monologue, on the personality, ancestry, botanical pedigree, and accomplishments of some distinguished botanist or botanists who had come up in our work. There was much of the unwritten history in these informal talks and food for thought as well as stimulus to further reading after I had finally been allowed to say my last adieu and depart, full of increased knowledge. At his dining club and elsewhere it was more or less a practice to bait Farlow, as it were, to bring out his ready and often biting repartee. It was a contest of some of the best wits of Harvard University, and Farlow is said usually to have borne away chief bonors. Farlow 's letters were by no means the least of his influences exerted on behalf of what was best in cryptogamic work in the United States and even abroad. His correspondents seem to have been limited to those interested in any phase of cryptogamic botany. He was in constant interchange of views, literature, and specimens with practically all of the foreign cryptogamic botanists, while those at home had mostly been students with him or later in the cryptogamic laboratories at Harvard University. All difficulties, and particularly puzzles, were submitted to him, and while, at times, somewhat slow to answer, he generally replied briefly but to the point, giving much of his valuable time to this work, solely for the sake of assisting his friends or, possibly at times, to confound those of whose methods and work he could not approve. He must have written many thousand letters, with few exceptions in his own scrawly hand, and of which he, himself, was the severest critic. He did not accustom himself to a secretary or to a typewriter. In his experience were many extraordinary requests and he himself speaks feelingly (1887) of "the impecunious ignoramus who informs you that he is going to write a book, to include all the fungi of this continent, and coolly asks you to give or lend him all your books and specimens and tell him how to begin. " While something definite is likely to have happened to this particular type of person, yet I have no doubt that if there were a grain of reasonableness to be discerned in such a character, Farlow would have recognized it and not have withheld such aid as he might be able to render. We have all fed upon the crumbs which dropped so plentifully from his well-filled larder and yet find ourselves unable to express our indebtedness and gratitude except in a few colorless words. As a critic, Farlow was thorough and at times severe, but not intruding his criticism other- wise than called for by his duty to one of his students, nor unasked for. In his many reviews of particular papers or outlines of progress he was manifestly fair. He did not assume the role of mentor as Gray did occasionally in his later years. There is one review of Gray's, a rebuke of ACADEMY OF SCIENCES.] BIOGRAPHY 15 some recent work in cryptogamic botany, in which the voice is the voice of Gray but the hand seems most likely to have been that of Farlow. He always warned us who were composing our youthful papers under his direction against too strong statements about any writer or his works. "Do not say," he often remarked, "that he is wrong or make use of any such direct expression, no matter what you think; simply quote him or his work with great respect and then show that he is thoroughly mistaken." This is a practice he always carried out in his own writings. Farlow's influence as a builder up of unrivaled facilities for work in cryptogamic botany was supplemented by his influence on the teaching of this subject as well as on the teaching of botany in general. Few of us think of him as the founder of a pedagogical system and per- haps it is not possible to advance that claim; nevertheless, his methods and his viewpoints were so distinct, so analytic, and based so firmly on the psychologic aspects of both teacher and taught that he at least emphasized in botanical pedagogy a distinct and practically novel method. Farlow has given some of his ideas in his Sketch of Cryptogamic Botany at Harvard University from 1S"4 to 1896, and those who have access to a copy of this very interesting and instructive publication will do well to consider most carefully what he says. I suspect, how- ever, that this privately printed document is not readily at hand to many, and I excuse myself for having quoted or abstracted many details from it. His other pedagogical disquisition, Biological Teaching in Colleges (1886), is readily accessible and much of his own attitude toward methodology is contained in it, with touches of his own personality which render it most illuminating. It was my own good fortune to be associated with him as assistant (1888-1891) in the first part of what was called natural history 5 (botanical instruction being given the first half and zoological the second) and that, too, at a time when his ideas were fully developed. The first four plants used by him in this course were the distinctive features, since the training toward developing power in observing, recording, and inferring the structure and activity was the point laid stress upon. We began with a yeast cake, rock candy, and water. The rock candy was dissolved in water in a tall but slender glass cylinder and the yeast cake was then pulverized and added. The jar (or several of them) was placed in a warm place, usually on the window sill, where the student could look through it, and this was done several hours, or days even before it was to be used by the class, so that each cylinder might be evidencing proper activ- ity. The details of preparation were announced to the class and they were asked to record in notes and drawings what they saw. The results, of course, are obvious, and the answers varied. The students were led by questions to distinguish their observations from their inferences. The plain facts of the rock candy being sugar and of the fermentation which most of them saw being an inference, as well as how they might, or might not, be able to demonstrate the truth of one or another inference, was brought out through questioning, objecting, and suggesting. Then the students were directed to make examinations with the compound microscope, using low power and then high powers, and to test with iodine and follow that with sulphuric acid of proper strength. Having listened to lectures on the cell and having heard that the "yeast plant" was concerned, all the students found cells, although usually their first finds were either air bubbles or starch grains. Many desired to know what they were to look for and seemed disappointed or even helpless when advised to determine, draw, and describe as many kinds of things as they might be able to distinguish in their preparations. After drawings were made, the students wanted names, but Farlow always suggested that they study each kind of object under each power of the microscope and under the influence of each reagent before coming to a conclusion. When the yeast cells were finally distinguished from the air bubbles, starch grains, and bacteria associated with them, they frequently proceeded to endow them with nuclei and even at times with chlorophyll. By the time the yeast exercise was completed most of the students had come to realize the manner of procedure and to distinguish "what they could see" from "what was purely a matter of inference." After yeast came Spirogyra, the same care being exorcised to emphasize method; and besides iodine and sulphuric acid, glycerin was applied to untreated filaments and also strong 16 WILLIAM GILSON FARLOW— SET CHELL [M"MO,E8tvouxxf, alcohol. The students thus became acquainted with a vegetable cell, its wall, chromatophores, pyrenoids, and starch inclusions, the nucleus suspended in the center of the vacuole, and the primordial utricle, being induced to reason out each part and its structure by the "Yankee" method of answering one question by asking another. As a final test, each student was required to draw a diagram of a median longitudinal section of the Spirogyra cell. Thus the student was induced to infer the details of an object with three principal dimensions and portray it graphically. Spirogyra was followed by Nitella to show cyclosis, and a diagram of a median longitudinal section was also required to represent relation of layers from cell wall to center of a joint or tip cell. The final test of power to interpret solids came with the study of pine wood. First a transverse section was cut and mounted in balsam, so as to be properly cleared. This section was contrived so as to cover several annual rings. A careful drawing of this section was required, and the student was asked concerning his idea of the shape of the cells in pine wood, the answer usually being "square." He was also led to realize that there were several varieties of cells in the section and, by comparison with the microscopic view of the piece of wood whence the section had been cut, as to the direction of the center of the original tree, and consequently to distinguish spring wood, autumnal wood, and medullary rays. Most students were brought to the point of acknowledging that the only way to be certain about the shape of the cells would be to cut a longitudinal section. Over this would ensue a discussion as to what direction the longitudinal section must be cut, whether in any longitudinal direction relative to rings or rays or parallel to one or the other. The discussion in this connection, aided by suggestions as to consequences, led to the cutting of radial and tangential sections. About this time the student was frankly and thoroughly puzzled and at his wit's end as to how to match up three such different looking sections as those cut transversely, radially, and tangentially through coniferous wood. By directing attention through questions as to direction of center, occurrence, etc., the identification of the various kinds of cells and discoid markings was accomplished in all three sections. The final exercise, that of drawing in isometric pro- jection the corner of a block of pine wood and matching the cell outlines, finally and emphati- cally completed the training in solid geometry and at least induced caution as to answering questions without careful consideration. After these several preliminary exercises the course proceeded to various selected plant types, from the simpler to the more complex, and the benefit of the preliminary training became apparent. The attack directed toward each problem was more straightforward, the reasoning more cautious and based on more actual observations, and the inferences drawn more logical. Natural history 5, especially as to the first half, became nationally famous and one heard of it in various places and with differing comment. It was said that the instructor gave his students a razor, a microscope, and a broom handle and insisted upon a complete report. Many were the wild surmises and improbable hypotheses presented by the students, some received by Farlow with his inimitable chuckle, but all treated with respect and seriously argued. The instructor had need of ready wit and resource. The son of a distinguished member of Harvard University, after having ruined his best razor, told me in all solemnity that he con- sidered that form of implement a very poor tool for cutting pine wood. The attitude of Farlow toward his students, especially beginners, but applying to all, was much more psychologically pedagogic than was usual in his time. It was something of the point of view of Louis Agassiz, but was more directive than his, so far as I may learn. He often said that if he were to live his life over again he would be a psychologist like "Willie" James because then he would not be compelled to bother to collect specimens everywhere and could dismiss them when through with studying them. His classification of students given in his naturalist address of 1886 is typical: Two classes, one of which was composed of individuals who wanted to be told what to see, and the other of those who knew so much ( ?) that they began to lecture on what they thought the specimen ought to show and who were led into extraordinary errors through their superficial training. The latter is the kind of student who, to use Farlow's own words, "called a hole in a cell wall a bioplast," and was highly pleased with his achievement untd he was asked what a bioplast was. "The suggestion that a hole might without any great violence ACADEMY OF SCIENCES.] BIOGRAPHY 17 to the English language be called a hole, was timely, if not pleasing." In quite another vein and yet to the same point, he said (The Task of American Botanists) : "It is well to have our standard high but it should not be unattainable." "We may well set before our young men such models as De Bary, Sachs, Strasburger, and others; but it is just possible that a young man who is determined to be a De Bary, a Sachs, a Strasburger, or nothing, may have to adopt the latter alternative." "The trouble is, too many young men assume that the work they are destined to do is of the highest grade and they expect to be provided with all the refined apparatus and complete equipment which the leaders abroad possess." "They will not begin the simplest thing without an array of reagents which would be the envy of a good many chemists and the number of staining fluids which they must have around them would make the rainbow blush at its own poverty." "One young man thinks that he can not do any work because he has not a Jung microtome, another has been unable to do anything during a vacation at the seashore because he had no osmic acid. The botanist who declares that he can not do physiological work because he has not a large amount of apparatus would do well to recall the case of a Mr. Charles Darwin who published something on the power of move- ment in plants." His whole philosophy as to development of power rather than sponge capacity may be considered as being summed up in the sentence: "You can not make a boy a good mountain climber by carrying him up the Mount Washington Railway, no matter at how rapid a rate; and, in ordinary life, there are many mountains to be climbed, up which there is no railway." As a lecturer, Farlow had a manner of his own. Incisive, yet coherent, with emphasis and yet not neglecting minor matters, glancing sidewards to discover the effect being made, biting the ends of his mustache when he paused to allow the effect of a rhetorical question to sink in. He usually began: " The subject of my lecture to-day is — by the way, are there any ques- tions about the last lecture"; and when there were none, continuing, "I am pleased to see that you understood it so well." He was accustomed to emphasize his points by touching the desk in front of him with the outstretched forefinger of his' right hand. He was more than success- ful in extracting the meat from a topic and laying it plainly before his hearers. He had a horror of extraneous details, although he said they often help. His classical illustration was of ergot. "Ergot," he told his class, "is a very interesting fungus. By the way, it grows about here in the flowers of the wild rye on the banks of the Charles River," going on to describe its charac- ters, etc. On examination, asking about ergot, he received the reply: "Ergot is a plant grow- ing on the banks of Charles River." With advanced students and those studying for higher degrees his methods were, of course, different, but he always used the question method, answer and rebuttal following. He could ask the most searching questions, taking the wind completely out of the sails of the over- confident and reducing superficial conclusions from a turgid condition to that of complete col- lapse. He never assumed an authoritative tone himself, but always expressed a conclusion tentatively and often interrogatively, unless it were negative, in which case he was often most decisive. I remember well his statement as to the claims of a botanist who had distributed a number of sterile specimens of a critical genus of the green algae, claiming, when remonstrated with, the ability to determine such specimens, whether other botanists could or not. "One may not be able to say definitely whether such sterile specimens are undoubtedly of a certain species," said he, "but one can say what they are not, and the specimens distributed certainly do not belong to the species whose names are on these labels." In the first work of research I attempted with Farlow it was necessary to compare the structure of an alga (Tuomeya) with which I was at work with that of the type specimen. As Farlow possessed only a wee frag- ment of the type, I could take only one slice from it, and I was compelled to make a section of my material which corresponded exactly with that slice before he would allow satisfactory identity. I finally succeeded, but it cost me nearly a week's time to obtain that identical sec- tion. Farlow could find more flaws and raise more objections than any other instructor with whom I ever came into contact, but when he finally did approve there was the satisfaction that little further destructive criticism could be directed against it. On this account, the writ- 18 WILLIAM GILSON FARLOW— SET CHELL 1MEMOras[v(>i™xi'; ing of a paper under Farlow's supervision was an experience long to be remembered, but also an experience worth while. Ever}?- sentence was discussed, both as to the truth of the statement and the way in which this truth might be conveyed. Farlow's influence on the teaching and research of botany is by no means confined to the cryptogamic side, although most of his activity belongs there. His example, in its manifold excellence, penetrated to many fields not peculiarly his own. By the time of his death he had become the Nestor of American botanists, and his appearance at the annual meetings was always hoped for and thoroughly appreciated when he could attend. His words of wisdom, his witty remarks, his rare addresses, and his after-dinner speeches were events. In Cam- bridge he received and entertained visiting botanists so that his home became a veritable Mecca to those seeking counsel and consolation. He was welcomed into all American societies to which he was eligible. He was elected a member of the National Academy of Sciences in 1879. He was elected president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science and of the Botanical Society of America. He was a corresponding member of various societies and associations of England, France, Germany, and Italy; in fact the list of his honors in this direction is long and varied, even for a distinguished member of Harvard University. Besides the degrees of B. A., M. A., and M. D., in course, Harvard University conferred the degree of LL. D. in 1896. The University of Glasgow in 1901 and that of Wisconsin in 1904 conferred upon Farlow the same degree and the University of Upsala that of Ph. D. in 1907, on the two hundredth anniversary of the birthday of Linnaeus. Many species were named in his honor and at least two genera. He died full of honors, revered and respected by his colleagues and sincerely mourned by his former students and his friends. I may be allowed, in closing, to quote the final paragraph entered on the minutes of the faculty of arts and sciences of Harvard University, on December 2, 1919, as a fitting epitaph: A pioneer, a cultivated and learned man of wide influence, a stimulating teacher and keen investigator, a loyal friend, Dr. Farlow was original, versatile, conscientious, modest, sympathetic, and generous; with him has passed from the Harvard group of scholars a unique personality. I desire to make grateful acknowledgment to Mrs. William G. Farlow, Prof. Roland Thaxter, and Mr. A. P. D. Piquet for assistance and suggestion. I have obtained material and inspira- tion from the following biographical notices and resolutions : Thaxter, Roland, Winthrop J. V. Osterhout, and Theodore W. Richards. Faculty of Arts and Sciences. Minute on the life and services of Prof. William Gilson Farlow. Harvard Univ. Gazette, 15 : 60, Dec. 13, 1919. Thaxter, Roland. William Gilson Farlow. Harvard Graduates Magazine: 269, Dec. 1919 (with portrait). William Gilson Farlow. Bot. Gazette, 69:83-87. Jan. 1920 (with portrait). Clinton, G. P. William Gilson Farlow. Phytopathology, 10 : 1, Jan. 1920 (with portrait). Blakeslee, A. F., Roland Thaxter, and William Trelease. William Gilson Farlow. Amer. Journ. Botany, 7: 173, May 1920 (with portrait and bibliography). Riddle, L. W. William Gilson Farlow. Rhodora, 22 : 1, Jan. 1920 (with portrait). PUBLICATIONS The following list of Doctor Farlow's publications was prepared from memoranda furnished by Mr. A. P. D. Piquet and is as nearly complete as it has been possible to make it except that none of his numerous reviews of books and articles have been included. This list was published by Blakeslee, Thaxter, and Trelease in connection with their notice of Doctor Farlow's life in the American Journal of Botany for May, 1920. 1871. Cuban seaweeds. Amer. Nat. 5 :201. 1872. Marine alga;. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. 14 : 64. 1S73. List of the seaweeds or marine algae of the south coast of New England. Rept. U. S. Fish Comm. 1871-2 : 281. 1874. Notes from the journal of a botanist in Europe. I. Amer. Nat. 8:1. II. Amer. Nat. 8:112. III. 1 Amer. Nat. 8: 295. An asexual growth from the prothallus of Pteris cretica. Bot. Zeit. 32 : 181. The same. Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci. II, 14 : 266. An asexual growth from the prothallus of Pteris serrulata. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sci. 9 : 68. ACADEMY OF SC.ENCES.] BIBLIOGRAPHY 19 1875. List of the marine algse of the United States, with notes of new and imperfectly known species. Proc. Amer. Acad. 10 :351. The potato rot. Bull. Bussey Inst. 1 : 319-338. 1876. Gustave Thuret. Journ. Bot. 14 :4. Fungi heaped up in pines by squirrels. Amer. Nat. 10 : 112. On a disease of olive and orange trees occurring in California in the spring of 1875. Bull. Bussey Inst. I :404. Abstr. in Journ. Bot. 14 :287. The same. Monthly Micr. Journ. 16 : 111. The same. Amer. Journ. Sei. Ill, 12 : 37. On the American grapevine mildew. Bull. Bussey Inst. I : 415. Synopsis of the Peronosporea? of the United States. Bull. Bussey Inst. I :426. List of fungi found in the vicinity of Boston. Bull. Bussey Inst. I : 430. The black knot. Bull. Bussey Inst. I : 440. University instruction in botany. Amer. Nat. 10 : 287. Spores of Blodgettia confervoides. Amer. Nat. 10 : 428. Alga? : in Contributions to the natural history of Kerguelen Island. Part II. Bull. U. S. Nat. Mus. 3 : 30 List of the marine algse of the United States. Rept. U. S. Fish Comm. 1875 : 1. Algse: in Report on a peculiar condition of the water supplied to the city of Boston 1875-76, by Professor Nichols, Dr. Farlow, and Mr. Burgess. Rept. Cochituate Water Board, Boston 1876 : 10. 1877. Remarks on some algae found in the water supplies of the city of Boston. Bull. Bussey Inst. 2, pt. 1 : 75. Botany; pp. CLXXV-CLXXX, in Annual Record of Science and Industry for 1876. Notes on some common diseases caused by fungi. Bull. Bussey Inst. 2 : 106. On some alga? new to the United States. Proc. Amer. Acad. 12 : 235. Onion smut. Rept. Mass. Board Agr. 1876, pt. 2 : 164. Report on matters connected with the Boston water supply. Rept. Water Board, Boston 1877 : 4. 1878. On the synonymy of some species of Uredinese. Proc. Amer. Acad. 13 : 251. Diseases of fruit-bearing trees. Rept. Mass. Board Agr. 1877 : 218. 1S79. Botany: in Annual Record of Science and Industry (editor S. F. Baird) 1S78. Also in other volumes. Diseases of forest trees. Trans. Mass. Hort. Soc. 1879 :44. List of alga? collected at points in Cumberland Sound during the autumn of 1877. Bull. U. S. Nat. Mus. 15:169. The sea weeds of Salt Lake. Preliminary report. Amer. Nat. 13 : 701. 1880. On the nature of the peculiar reddening of salted codfish during the summer season. Rept. U. S. Fish Comm. 1878 : 969. The Gymnosporangia or cedar apples of the United States. Anniversary Memoirs Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. pp. 1-38. On some impurities of drinking water caused by vegetable growths. Rept. Mass. Board of Health, Lunacy, and Charity, 1 :suppl. 131. 1881. Unusual habitat of a Coprinus. Bull. Torrey Club. 8 : 67. Note on Laminaria?. Bull. Torrey Club. 8 : 67. Notes on Gymnosporangia. Bull. Torrey Club. 8 : 85. In Burnett, S. M.: Otomyces purpureus (Wreden) in the human ear. Archives of Otology, 10 :324. In Remsen, I.: Report on a peculiar condition of the water of Boston in November, 1881. City of Boston, Document 143 (1881) : 15. An account of recent progress in botany (for the years 1879 and 1880). Smithsonian Rept. 1880 : 313. 1882. The marine alga? of New England and adjacent coast. Rept. U. S. Fish Comm. 1879 : 1-210. Separates publ. in 1881. American grape mildew in Europe. Bot. Gaz. 7 : 30. Grape mildew. Bot. Gaz. 7:42. Notes on New England alga?. Bull. Torrey Club. 9 : 65. Swarm spores of Closterium. Amer. Monthly Micr. Journ. 3:118. 1883. Notes on fresh-water alga?. Bot. Gaz. 8 : 224. Notes on some species in the third and eleventh centuries of Ellis 's North American Fungi. Proc. Amer. Acad. 18:65. Note on Phallus togatus, Kalchb. Bot. Gaz. 8:258. Cryptogams; in Watson, S.: List of plants from southwestern Texas and northern Mexico, collected chiefly by Dr. E. Palmer in 1879-80. Proc. Amer. Acad. 18:190. Notes on some Ustilaginea? of the United States. Bot. Gaz. 8:271. Additional note on Ustilaginea?. Bot. Gaz. 8:318. Botrytis Rileyi Farlow; in Riley, C. V.: Report of the entomologist. Rept. U. S. Dept. Agr. 1883:121. Enumeration of the Peronosporea? of the United States. Bot. Gaz. 8:305, 327. An account of progress in botany in the year 1881. Smithsonian Rept. 1881:391. 20 WILLIAM GILSON FARLOW— SETCHELL CM™0Ira[v£!!x^ 1884. Notes on the cryptogamic flora of the White Mountains. Appalachia 3:232. Additions to the Peronosporeas of the United States. Bot. Gaz. 9:37. Maladies des monies seches. Rev. Mycol. 6:197. The spread of epidemic diseases in plants. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. 32:307. An account of the progress of botany in the year 1882. Smithsonian Rept. 1882:551. Notes on a fungus parasitic on a species of Potamogeton. Trans. Ottawa Field Naturalists' Club 2:127. 1885. Notes on Fungi. Bot. Gaz. 10:219. The Synchytria of the United States. Bot. Gaz. 10:235. A new locality for Nelumbium. Bull. Torrey Club. 12:40. Notes on some injurious fungi of California. Bot. Gaz. 10:346. Also in Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. 34:300 and Proc. Soc. Prom. Agr. Sci. 1885:29. An account of the progress of botany in the year 1883. Smithsonian Rept. 1883:681. Lower Cryptogamia; in Ray, Lieut. P. H.: Report of the international polar expedition to Point Barrow, Alaska 1885:192. Notes on some species of Gymnosporangium and Chrysomyxa of the United States. Proc. Amer. Acad. 20:311. 1886. Botany at Harvard. Bot. Gaz. 11:43. Biological teaching in colleges. Pop. Sci. Monthly 28 : 577. The Brothers Tulasne. Bot. Gaz. 11:93. Nostoc group (Phycochromacea?). Bot. Gaz. 11:149. White Mountain Floras; in "The Appalachians." White Mountain Echo 9:12. Yeast (Saccharomycetes). Bot. Gaz. 11:150. Development of Roesteliae from Gymnosporangia. Bot. Gaz. 11:189. The development of the Gymnosporangia of the United States. Bot. Gaz. 11:234. Puccinia mahacearum Mont, in Massachusetts. Bot. Gaz. 11:309. On a supposed disease of roses caused by a fungus. Proc. Soc. Prom. Agr. Sci. 1886:233. Notes on Arctic algoe, based principally on collections made at Ungava Bay by Mr. L. M. Turner. Proc. Amer. Acad. 21:469. 1887. The task of American botanists. Pop. Sci. Monthly 31:305. Vegetable parasites and evolution. Bot. Gaz. 12:173. Also Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. 36:233 (1888). H. W. Ravenel. Bot. Gaz. 12: 194. (With Trelease, W.) List of works on North American fungi, with the exception of Schizomycetes, pub- lished before 1887. Harvard Univ. Libr. Bull., nos. 37-38 (Bibliographical Contributions No. 25), with Supplement: Fungi Exsiccati Am.-septentrionalis. Vegetable parasites of codfish. Bull. U. S. Fish Comm. 6:1. Aecidium on Juniperus Virginiana. Bot. Gaz. 12:205. 1888. Asa Gray. Bot. Gaz. 13:49. Apospory in Pteris aquilina. Annals of Botany 2:383. A curious vegetable growth on animals. Garden and Forest 1:99. Tubercles of leguminous roots. Garden and Forest 1 : 135. Fungus diseases of insects. Garden and Forest 1:159. The cultivation of truffles. Garden and Forest 1 : 194. Apical growth in Fucus. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. 36:271. Algae and fungi; in Enumeration of the plants collected by Dr. H. H. Rusby irT South America 1885^1886. Bull. Torrey Club 15:183. Anton de Bary. Garden and Forest 1:15. Siphoplychium casparyi, Rfski. Journ. Mycol. 4:82. Memorial of Asa Gray. Proc. Amer. Acad. 23:321. Remarks on the collections of lichens belonging to the Boston Society of Natural History. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. 23:274. Notes on fungus diseases in Massachusetts in 1888. Proc. Soc. Prom. Agr. Sci. 1888:25. A supplemental list of works on North American fungi. Harvard Univ. Library Bibliographical Contri- butions no. 31. Asa Gray. Ber. Deutsch. Bot. Gesell. 6: XXXI. (With Seymour, A. B.) A provisional host index of the fungi of the United States. Part I, Polypetalae. Cambridge, Mass. 1889. On some new and imperfectly known algae of the United States^_I^_Bull. Torrey Club 16:1. White huckleberries. Garden and Forest 2:50. Leaf spots on greenhouse plants. Garden and Forest 2:66. Appendix to the paper on the life history of Macrosporium parasiticum, Thum. by Kingo Miyabe. Ann. Bot. 3:26. Notes on fungi. Bot. Gaz. 14:187. Miles Joseph Berkeley. Garden and Forest 2:410. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES.] BIBLIOGRAPHY 21 1890. (With Seymour, A. B.) A provisional host index of the fungi of the United States. Part II. Cam- bridge, Mass., 1890. Poisonous action of Clalhrus columnatus. Bot. Gaz. 15:45. Curious case of germination in Citrus decumana. Bot. Gaz. 16:179. Leo Lesquereux. Proc. Amer. Acad. 25:320. Botany at the University of Montpellier. Garden and Forest 3 : 378. 1891. Karl Wilhelm von Naegeli. Proc. Amer. Acad. 26:376. Diseases of trees likely to follow from mechanical injuries. Trans. Mass. Hort. Soc. 1891: 140. (With Seymour, A. B.) A provisional host index of the fungi of the United States. Part III. Cam- bridge, Mass., 1891. 1892. Dr. Mayr on the parasitic fungi of North American forest trees. Garden and Forest 5:37. Notes on collections of cryptogams from the higher mountains of New England. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. 25:387. Notes on fungi; in Sargent, C. S.: The Silva of North America. Under fifty-six host genera, 1891-1898. Diseases of mushrooms. Garden and Forest 5 : 590. 1893. The rose of Jericho. Garden and Forest 6 : 23. The ginger-beer plant. Garden and Forest 6:50 (editorial). Notes on some algae in the herbarium of the Long Island Historical Society. Bull. Torrey Club 20:107. White huckleberries. Garden and Forest 6:363. Also in Agr. Sci. 7:368. Alphonse de Candolle. Proc. Amer. Acad. 28:406. 1894. Notes for mushroom-eaters. Garden and Forest I, 7:32; II, 7:43; III, 7:52; IV, 7:63; V, 7:72; VI, 7:82. 1895. Note on Agaricus amygdalinus, M. A. Curtis. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. 26:356. Mimicry of fungi in insects. Bot. Gaz. 20:547. Memoir of Edward Tuckerman. Nat. Acad. Sci. Biographical Mem. 3:17. Biographical memoir of Asa Gray. Nat. Acad. Sci. Biographical Mem. 3:161. Thallophyta and Bryophyta; in Bryant, H. G. : The Peary auxiliary expedition of 1894. Bull. Geogr. Club Philadelphia I, Append. C:208. 1896. Fungi; in Rusby, H. H.: On the collections of Mr.|Miguel Bang in Bolivia. Part III. Mem. Torrey Club 6:130. A sketch of cryptogamic botany at Harvard University, 1874-1896. Cambridge, Mass., 1896. 1897. Botany; in The Smithsonian Institution 1846-1896, the history of its first half century. G. B. Goode, editor. Washington, 1897. Poisonous mushrooms. Garden and Forest 10:467. Algae; in Trelease, W.; Botanical observations in the Azores. Rept. Mo. Bot. Garden 8:188, 195. 1898. Botany: Marine algae; in Grabau, A. W., and Woodman, J. E.: Guide to localities illustrating the geology, marine zoology, and botany of the vicinity of Boston. A. A. A. S. P. 97. Fiftieth Anni- versary Meeting. Basidiolichenes and Basidiomycetes; in Hitchcock, A. S.: List of crytogams collected in the Bahamas, Jamacia, and Grand Cayman. Rept. Mo. Bot. Gard. 9:115. Some edible and poisonous fungi. Bull. U. S. Dept. Agric, Div. Veg. Phys. and Pathol. 15: 453; also in Yearbook U. S. Dept. Agric. 1897:453. The conception of species as affected by recent investigations on fungi. Amer. Nat. 33:675; also in Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. 47:383. 1899. Three undescribed Californian algae. Erythea 8:73. Poisoning by Agaricus illudens. Rhodora 1:43. 1900. Address of the president before the American Society of Naturalists, at New Haven, Conn., 28 Dec, 1899. Science n. s. 11:11. Botanical bibliography. Bot. Gaz. 29:64. 1901. (With MacDougal, D. T., and von Schrenk, H.) Report of the committee on securing better reviews of botanical literature. Pamphlet. 1902. Fungi; in Delabarre, E. B.: Report of the Brown-Harvard expedition to Nachvak, Labrador, in the year 1900. Bull. Phila. Geogr. Soc 3: 201. Thallophytes and Musci; in Robinson, B. L.: Flora of the Galapagos Islands. Proc. Amer. Acad. 38:82, 102. Boletus betula and B. Russelli; in Lloyd, C. G.: Mycological notes, no. 11. Hypocrea alutacea; in Lloyd, C. G. : Mycological notes, no. 11. 1905. Bibliographical index of North American fungi, vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. xxxiv + 312. Carnegie Institution of Washington, Publ. 8. Myxomycetes; in Coker, W. C. : Vegetation of the Bahama Islands (Special publ. from The Bahama Islands, G. B. Shattuck, editor). Geogr. Soc. Baltimore, p. 242. 1906. The popular conception of the scientific man at the present day. Science n. s. 23:1. List of works of Job Bicknell Ellis. Issued August, 1906 (From list of works on North American fungi, revised edition). 1908. Notes on fungi I. Rhodora 10:9. 22 WILLIAM GILSON FARLOW— SETCHELL [M"M0IB8[v<£?§xE 1910. Jane Loring Gray. Rhodora 12:41. (With Atkinson, G. F.) The botanical congress at Brussels. Science n. s. 32:104; also in Bot. Gaz. 50: 220. A consideration of the Species Plantarum of Linnaeus as a basis for the starting point of the nomenclature of cryptogams. Amer. Nat. 44:385. 1912. Notes on the chestnut blight. The Pennsylvania Chestnut Blight Conference, p. 70. The fungus of the chestnut tree blight. Science n. s. 35: 717. 1913. The change from the old to the new botany in the United States. Science n. s. 37:79. 1914. The vegetation of the Sargasso Sea. Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc. 53:257. Sir Joseph Dalton Hooker. Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc. 53: Minutes, p. xv. 1916. Rhododendron maximum in New Hampshire. Rhodora 18:25. The marine algae of the Pacific. Proc. Nat. Acad. Sci. 2:424. Montia sibirica in Massachusetts. Rhodora 18:240. Jean Baptiste Edouard Bornet. Proc. Amer. Acad. 51:852. 1877-1889. (With C. L. Anderson and D. C. Eaton.) Algae Exsiccatae America? Borealis. Fascicle I. Nos. 1-50, 1877. Fascicle II. Nos. 51-100, Apr. 1878. Fascicle III. Nos. 101-130, 1879. Fascicle IV. Nos. 131-180, June, 1881. Fascicle V. Nos. 181-230, July, 1889. NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES Volume XXI FIFTH MEMOIR BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR GROVE KARL GILBERT 1843-1918 BY WILLIAM M. DAVIS Presented to the Academy at the Annual Meeting, 1922 20154°— 26 7 i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Chapter I. Gilbert's ancestry and youth 1 Foreword 1 The Gilbert family 2 Boyhood in Rochester 2 Four years at college 5 A brief experience in school-teaching 5 Apprenticeship in Cosmos Hall 6 The Cohoes mastodon 6 The Mohawk gorge at Cohoes 8 Half a century of diaries 8 Preparation of this memoir 9 Chapter II. Two years on the Ohio survey 11 First experience in field geology 11 Surface geology of the Maumee Valley 12 Chapter III. Three years on the Wheeler survey. 15 Three seasons in the West 15 Field notebooks: Personal experiences 16 Notes on scientific topics 19 A boat trip into the Colorado Canyon 21 Chapter IV. Geology in the Wheeler reports.- 25 Reports on the Great Basin and plateau provinces 25 Geological generalizations and conclusions. 26 Stratigraphy 28 Historical geology 28 The great unconformity 29 Submergence of the Archean continent 30 Volcanic rocks and structures 31 Diastrophism: Fractures and flexures 32 Upheaval of the Zufii dome 33 The upheaval of mountains 34 Hot springs and diastrophism 35 The Colorado plateau as a field for geo- logical study 35 Chapter V. Physiography in the Wheeler reports. 37 The gradual growth of physiography 37 Processes and products of stream erosion . . 39 Normal hanging valleys 40 Cataracts and rapids 40 Graded rivers 41 Cliffs and slopes in canyon walls 41 Retreating escarpments ■ 42 Topography of fractures and flexures 43 Volcanic features 45 Various minor topics 46 Subsequent valleys 47 Planation by subaerial erosion 48 Two laws of erosion 49 Examples of subaerial degradation 50 Successive periods of erosion 51 The Gila conglomerate 52 Summary 52 Page Chapter VI. The basin ranges in the Wheeler reports 53 The problem of the basin ranges 53 Physiographic principles 53 Three-fold treatment of surface forms 54 Age and structure of the ranges: First Wheeler report 55 Bearing of range form on range origin 56 The basin ranges as upheaved and warped fault blocks 57 Upheavals and eruptions 59 Erosion of the upheaved ranges 59 Basin ranges in the second Wheeler report. 60 Physiography and geology in the basin- range theory 61 Views of Powell and Dutton 62 Gilbert on the origin of the Sierra Nevada. 63 Incomplete statement of the basin-range theory 63 Chapter VII. First winters in Washington 67 Extension of scientific acquaintance 67 Marriage and home making 69 Chapter VIII. Five years on Powell's survey. 71 Acquaintance with Powell 71 Field work for the Powell survey 72 Two visits to the Henry Mountains 74 The Henry Mountains report 75 Observed and inferred structures 78 Recognition of laccoliths 79 The base of the laccoliths 81 Chapter IX. The conditions and processes of laccolithic intrusion 83 The Henry Mountains as typical laccoliths. 83 The hydrostatic law and rock cohesion 84 Mechanics of laccolithic intrusion 85 Relation of diameter and depth 86 Genetic definition of a laccolith 87 Gilbert's theory not generally understood. 88 Dana's alternative theory 90 Effect of magmatic viscosity 91 Evidence for magmatic fluidity 92 Validity of Gilbert's view 92 Chapter X. The principles of land sculpture 95 A physiographic classic 95 Land sculpture and climate 97 Wandering streams on planation surfaces. . 98 Interdependence of drainage lines 99 Terminology of drainage lines 99 The Waterpocket Canyon 100 Subsequent valleys in the Henry Mountains. 102 The subsequent origin of Waterpocket Canyon 103 Baselevel and time 104 Progress in physiography 106 in IV TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter XI. Divers duties on the Powell survey: page 1877-1879 109 Land classification 109 Triangulation in Utah and Arizona 110 Barometric hypsometry 111 Diurnal variation of the barometer 113 Geology of the Black Hills 113 Physiography of the Black Hills 114 Personal items 116 Chapter XII. The United States Geological Survey 117 The consolidation of the earlier surveys 117 From Salt Lake City to Washington IIS Distractions of office work 118 The Great Basin mess 120 Chapter XIII. Lake Bonneville 123 Gilbert's first assignment on the national survey 123 Earlier work on Lake Bonneville 123 The Bonneville outlet... 124 Two humid epochs 126 Bonneville clays and marls 127 Preliminary reports on Lake Bonneville 129 The topographic features of lake shores 130 The Bonneville monograph 131 Chapter XIV. Increasing scientific relations: 1881-1890 133 The Philosophical Society of Washington.. 133 A review of Whitney's "Climatic Changes". 133 The American Naturalists and the Amer- ican Association 134 The National Academy of Sciences: De- flection of rivers 135 Age of the Equus fauna 136 Joints in Bonneville clays 137 Home affairs 137 Geology of the Appalachians 138 Chapter XV. The inculcation of scientific method by example 143 Gilbert's first presidential address 143 The scientific guess 144 First views on isostasy 145 Chapter XVI. The proglacial Great Lakes 147 Reaction of the West upon the East 147 The shore lines and outlet of Lake Iroquois. 148 A popular article on the Great Lakes 150 Chapter XVII. The history of Niagara River__ 153 The retreat of the Falls: 1S86 153 The Toronto lecture: 1889 154 Variation in the volume of Niagara 156 The human element 157 Chapter XVIII. A trip abroad 159 Scientific meetings in England 159 A week-end at a country seat 161 Impressions of a London club 161 Three days in Paris 162 Chapter XIX. Three years as chief geologist of the national survey: 1889-1892 165 Change from scientific to administrative duties 165 The larger duties of a chief geologist 166 Criticism of manuscripts 167 Chapter XIX — Continued. page Standard geological maps: 1887-1S89 168 Revision of 1902-3 171 Correlation papers 171 The smaller duties of a chief geologist 172 The disaster of 1892 173 After fifty years 176 Chapter XX. General scientific activities: 1891-1900 179 The International Geological Congress of 1891 179 The origin of Coon Butte 181 The moon's face 183 Scientific societies in Washington 186 The Geological Society of America 188 The National Academy of Sciences 190 Other scientific societies 191 Chapter XXI. Personal relations: 1S91-1900.. 193 College lectures 193 Literary work 195 A generous trait of Gilbert's character 198 Lost in Philadelphia 199 Home affairs 199 Gilbert's religious views 201 Chapter XXII. Field work in Colorado: 1893- 1895 203 A temporary resumption of work in the West 203 Published records of work in Colorado 205 The Pueblo geologic folio 206 Subsequent valleys 207 Chapter XXIII. Discussions of isostasy 211 The strength of the earth's crust 211 The geodetic treatment of isostasy 212 Three essays of 1895 214 Chapter XXIV. Niagara and the Great Lakes. 217 A return to Niagara 217 The first eastward discharge of the pro- glacial lakes 218 Relations of successive cross-spur channels. 220 A long channel floor as a great highway 220 The Niagara escarpment 22 1 Glacial erosion in western New York 222 Modern variations in the Great Lakes 223 The future discharge of the Great Lakes at Chicago 224 The profile of the bed of the Niagara gorge. 225 Chapter XXV. Glaciers and glaciation of Alaska. 227 The Harriman expedition to Alaska, 1S99__ 227 Glaciers and glaciation 227 Glacial erosion of fiords 228 Method of discussion of glacial erosion 229 Physiographic items 230 Submarine glacial erosion 231 Chapter XXVI. A later study of the basin ranges 233 The basin ranges are long neglected 233 A dissenting opinion 234 Gilbert as censor 236 The summer of 1901 in Utah 238 Loss of the field maps 239 Field notebooks of 1901 240 The Fish-spring Range 242 The House Range 242 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter XXVI — Continued. Page The western face of the House Range 243 Vertical uplift or horizontal extension 244 Ranges in the Humboldt region, western Nevada 245 Chapter XXVII. Scientific relations: 1901- 1910 247 Decreasing relations with scientific societies. 247 Latest work and words on Niagara 250 The naming of Gilbert Gulf 251 Chapter XXVIII. New fields of work in Cali- fornia 253 Studies and vacations in the Sierra Nevada, 1903, 1904 253 A house party in the Sierra, 1907 254 Scientific hospitality in the Sierra, 190S 255 Earthquakes and faults 256 The San Francisco earthquake 257 Gilbert's conception of an earthquake 258 Earthquake forecasts 259 Earthquakes in Alaska 260 Residence and investigations at Berkeley. _ 261 Illness of 1909-10 262 Chapter XXIX. Reports on hydraulic-mining debris 265 Transportation of detritus 265 Preparation of first report 266 Distribution of debris 268 Gravels outwashed upon the valley plain.. 269 Deposits in San Francisco Bay 270 Quantitative physiography 271 Chapter XXIX — Continued. Pago The tides of San Francisco Bay 272 Work upon second report 273 Chapter XXX. The last eight years 275 Gradual recovery from illness 275 Summers at Annisquam, 1911, 1912.. 276 Personal incidents 277 Last words on isostasy 279 The geological aspects of isostasy 281 Chapter XXXI. Leading characteristics of Gil- bert's work 283 Gilbert's era 283 Characteristics of published work 283 The Wheeler survey reports 284 The Powell survey reports 285 The national survey; Bonneville and Wash- ington 286 Liberation from Washington 287 Work in California 287 Gilbert's presidential addresses 288 Gilbert's personal influence 289 Scientific honors 291 Chapter XXXII. Gilbert's last study 295 Return to an old theme 295 The Wasatch Range 296 Structural evidence of faulting 297 Physiographic evidence of faulting 298 Confirmation of physiographic by struc- tural evidence 299 The Wasatch fault block 299 Final illness and death 300 ILLUSTRATIONS Page G. K. Gilbert, 1891. Frontispiece Fiq. 2. Gilbert at the age of 19 Facing 5 3. Section at the mouth of the Colorado Canyon; from Gilbert's notebook, October 4, 1871 22 4. Mouth of the Colorado Canyon. Photograph by W. T. Lee, United States Geological Survey Facing 22 5. Ideal diagram of Confusion, House, and Fish-spring Ranges; from Gilbert's notebook, October 29, 1872 56 6. Ideal section of a laccolith; from Gilbert's notebook, August, 1875 75 7. Mount Holmes, Henry Mountains; looking southeast. Photograph by H. E. Gregory, United States Geological Survey Facing 76 8. Mount Jukes, Henry Mountains, looking west. Photograph by C. R. Longwell, United States Geological Survey Facing 76 9. Mount Hitlers, Henry Mountains; from Gilbert's notebook, 1876 76 10. The western face of the Morvine laccolith 80 11. Gilbert in Colorado, 1894 • Facing 210 12. Mount Gilbert, Chugach Mountains, Alaska. Photograph by National Geographic Society. Facing 232 13. Western face of the House Range, Utah. Photograph by G. K. Gilbert 1 14. Eastern slope of the House Range, looking south; Swasey Mountain in the distance. Photo-I graph by G. K. Gilbert >242-243 15. Western face of the House Range, looking south. Photograph by G. K. Gilbert J 16. Southeast part of Fish Springs Quadrangle, United States Geological Survey 242 17. Generalized frontal section of the House Range; from Gilbert's notebook, 1901. Low-lying frontal blocks are omitted 242 18. Gilbert Gulf, an arm of the ocean temporarily occupying the basin of Lake Ontario; from report by H. L. Fairchild 251 GROVE KARL GILBERT By William M. Davis CHAPTER I GILBERT'S ANCESTRY AND YOUTH FOREWORD Gilbert gained an exceptional place in the esteem of his colleagues by his appeal alike to their intellect and their affection. He was penetratingly successful in his search for external facts as well as for their mental interpretation. He manifested an extraordinary capacity in the critical analysis of many factors, with patience and impartiality in the just consideration of every one. His published reports inspired confidence, for they were completely free from special pleading, and they were, moreover, presented so clearly, so intelligently, as to satisfy the reader that the observations on which they were based must be full and accurate, and that the conclusions to which they led must be well grounded and trustworthy. He set forth the truth as he found it, and once having had his say he refrained from entering into conten- tious disputes to maintain his views. While he was always generous in accrediting the work of others, he never demanded that his own work should be similarly recognized; indeed, his silence in this respect reached self-sacrifice. It was from no urgency or insistence on his part that his opinions were adopted, but from the persuasively convincing logic with which they were set forth. It was his habit in presenting a conclusion to expose it as a ball might be placed on the outstretched hand — not gripped as if to prevent its fall, not grasped as if to hurl it at an objector, but poised on the open palm, free to roll off if any breath of disturbing evidence should displace it; yet there it would rest in satisfied stability. Not he, but the facts that he mar- shaled, clamored for the acceptance of the explanation that he had found for them. He was always ambitious to do good work, but he never strove for office or for position. The nearer one lived to him and the longer one knew him the clearer it became that his personal nature was as exceptional as his scientific capacity; for in his private life as in his geological tasks he was fair-minded, self-controlled, serene; gentle in his manner, simple in his ways, uncomplaining under trials and disappointments, loyal to his duties, steadfast in his friendships. Little wonder that those already old when he was young should have recognized in him one who would continue the work they had begun and carry it forward into regions of space and of thought they had never entered ; or that those still young when he was old should have looked upon him with respect akin to awe as one who, surviving from an heroic age when a western frontier remained to be explored, had discovered there many of the facts and principles which they, on entering geological science, had found embedded in its foundations; or that those of his own generation should have watched and admired his scientific progress as he overcame one problem after another, and have gratefully rejoiced in the ever-increasing recognition of his merit as he advanced from excellence to eminence; or that those favored ones among his contemporaries who lived near him and who had in their own tasks the guidance of his wise counsel and the encouragement of his never-failing sympathy through a long unbroken com- radeship, should have esteemed the man himself above his works. Unknown to the multitude, he was the source of an ever-widening current of scientific thought that flowed out to earnest men over all the breadth of our country and beyond. His career covers a remarkable epoch in American science, and it is a great credit to American science that it should have given high rank to a man of his gentle personality. 2 GROVE KARL GILBERT— DAVIS IMb"oi"8[vousSi; THE GILBERT FAMILY Grove Karl Gilbert was born in Rochester, N. Y., May 6, 1843, the son of Grove Sheldon and Eliza Stanley Gilbert. On both the paternal and maternal sides, his forbears were of New England origin. An old record states that John Gilbert, jr., "a brave and honest gentleman," came to America in 1630 and settled with his wife and sons at Dorchester, Mass. One of his descendants, bearing again, a century and a half later, the name of the brave and honest gentle- man of 1630, lived in Connecticut and was an officer in the Revolutionary War; he married Theodosia Marsh, and died at Little Falls, N. Y., in 1795. The sixth of his seven children, born in New Hartford in 1782, received the ancestral name and was the grandfather of Grove Karl Gilbert. Ten years after his father's death, this third John Gilbert was established as an ax and tool maker at Clinton, N. Y., and there in 1803 he married Eunice Barnes, daughter of an ingenious bell and clock maker of the same town. He moved in 1811 or 1812 to Le Roy, where in 1824 he invented a rotary steam engine, which was regarded as so promising as to give hope of profitable manufacture; but after going to New York City to develop the machine, he there fell victim to an epidemic of typhoid fever and died April 6, 1825, without having made progress in his plans; thus briefly is recorded the tragic end of a worthy life. Grove Sheldon Gilbert, son of the third John Gilbert, was born at Clinton, August 5, 1805, and on his father's death became, at the age of 19, the "head of the family." In the same town lived Thaddeus and Betsy Doud Stanley and their 12 children. The father, born at Goshen, Conn., in 1769, was a quiet, industrious citizen, a cooper by trade, much loved and respected; he died in 1843. One of his daughters, Eliza, became on November 30, 1826, the wife of Grove Sheldon Gilbert. The young man had studied medicine and taught school, and for a time the pair had a shifting residence; but most of their married life was spent in Rochester, N. Y., where the husband established himself as a self-taught portrait painter. His success was moderate and hardly yielded him a competence. He strove earnestly in his profession, painting for art rather than for fame, but did not reach his ideals; yet after reluc- tantly sending, at the urgent request of some of his friends, one of his portraits to an exhibition held by the National Academy of Design in New York in 1847 he was, much to his surprise, elected to honorary membership in that body in the following year. Grove Karl Gilbert was the fifth born and the fourth son in a family of seven children, only three of whom, an older brother and sister and Karl himself, lived to maturity. His little home in Rochester, known as the " Nutshell," was one of small means and high principles. About the time of Karl's birth, his father and mother both withdrew on account of some deep religious conviction from the Presbyterian Church with which they had been previously con- nected, and joined no other, even though lack of church membership left them socially isolated in a community of churchgoers. Karl was therefore never sent to Sunday school and did not receive what the Orthodox would have considered proper religious instruction, nor did he form the habit of attending church; but his father was of a deeply religious nature and talked much and earnestly on religious matters with his children. In so far as the son's pure and serene character came from home teaching, his parents must have been well satisfied. BOYHOOD IN ROCHESTER But who shall say how far character is affected by early teaching and how far it is inborn ? Scientific tastes do not seem to have been especially encouraged by Karl's home influences, yet close observation as a first step in their development was begun early; for when still a little fellow, 5 or 6 years old, he ran in from the garden one morning, calling in excitement to his father: " The onions are up!" The father went out to see them, and finding no onions in sight turned to chide the boy for telling what was not true; but little Karl insisted until his father, kneeling down to see better, detected the minute sprouts hardly above the soil. Other stories of Karl's boyhood preserved among family memories show a gentleness and forbearance that were characteristic of the man in later life. Once when his classmates were crowding out from a schoolroom, he was pushed down a flight of stairs, and although not seriously hurt by the fall he fainted and much excitement followed. On his return to academy of sc.ENCEs] ANCESTRY AND YOUTH 3 consciousness the teacher inquired who had pushed him; Karl did not know. Others were then asked the same question, but Karl objected: "Please, sir, don't find out; I don't want to know who did it." "Why not?" said the teacher. "Because I am afraid I should not like him any more." Again, one winter day while the family was living at Irondequoit, about 3 miles out of Rochester, Karl went skating, leaving only his sister at home in the absence of both parents; he returned earlier than was expected, and the sister did not learn until years afterwards that Karl had broken through the ice and after some difficulty in getting out and ashore had gone to a near-by house, where clothes were lent him while his own were drying; he had said nothing of all this on returning home. There is no reason to believe that the boy made any record of this adventure at the time, but much more of it than the cold plunge remained in his retentive memory, as appears from a letter that he wrote nearly half a century later — in April, 1901 — to the author of an essay on the work of ice in lakes: In my boyhood I made an observation on the behavior of lake ice which T have never had an opportunity to repeat since I came to have scientific interest in it. . . . Near my old home at Rochester, N. Y., there is a narrow bay [Irondequoit] separated by a bar from Lake Ontario so as to constitute practically a lake. The sides are so irregular that the width varies from J^ to 1 mile and the length is perhaps 3 miles. One cold day, in skating the length of this bay, I found the ice to be divided by open cracks extending from side to side of the bay. There were perhaps a dozen of them in the whole distance. I do not know the thickness of the ice but it was thick enough to be entirely firm. . . . The cracks were several feet wide as I am able to assure myself by certain details of the day's experience. The wind was blowing and a little snow was drifting. This was caught by the water of the cracks so that each one was marked by a line of wet snow. Usually the line of snow was so well frozen as to bridge the crack and enable me to glide over it, but in some cases, after testing with my "shinny stick, I did not venture to skate across, but retreated so as to acquire speed, making a flying jump. In another case I trusted unwisely to the ice and fell through. These two facts probably indicate [an] extreme width of crack of from 3 to 5 feet. . . . My recollection that the day was cold is supported by the fact that after I had fallen in, my clothes were frozen before I reached the nearest house. The theoretical interest in the phenomena arises from the fact that the ice sheet as a whole seems to have been shortened by cooling. . . . In the direction across the bay the ice could shrink horizontally by merely drawing away from the shore, but lengthwise of the bay it could not shrink in the same manner because held by the irregularities of the lateral coasts. ;,The shortened length therefore found expression in the cracks. This is a remarkably fine example of mature reflection superposed on the vivid recol- lection of a youthful experience; and how delightful it is to think of Gilbert as a boy skating through the wind and making his flying leaps over the cracks in the ice on Irondequoit Bay. On another occasion, while the family was still living at Irondequoit, Karl's father was ill, and his mother, alarmed by a serious turn in her husband's condition in the night, called Karl and told him to hurry to the city for the doctor. He set out at once and returned so soon that his mother on seeing him exclaimed: "Why Karl, haven't you started yet?" The boy had run most of the way to the doctor's house and back, about 6 miles, returning with medicine and advice before his mother knew he had set out. Karl must have been a studious boy, for when he was only 10 years old, his father received a most gratifying report from the boy's teacher, who polysyllabically said: "His deportment has been unexceptionable, and he has been a most faithful, industrious, and attentive student, meriting in every way my highest approbation." His acquisitiveness and his memory must have been as good as his deportment, as appears from a letter written to one of his sons from the coast of Massachusetts in August, 1912: Nothing newer here than that I saw some Mother Carey's chickens this morning, the first I have ever seen. They have a peculiar trick of touching the water with their toes as tho running on it, and I remember to have seen a picture showing the trick when I was a small kid absorbing information from the Penny Magazine. This reminiscence is followed by a little sketch, not showing the birds he had seen that morning but reproducing by memory the picture he had seen some 60 years before. Although an exemplary scholar, Karl was also fond of boating, for which good opportunity was offered by the Genesee River in its course near Rochester. He and a companion built several small craft for rowing; one boat of flat-bottom model, called the Wave, was so light that it could be " held out at arm's length with one hand." A regatta was planned in 1859, when the 4 GROVE KARL GILBERT— DAVIS [UEii01R\vo™xxt launching of the Great Eastern steamship in England was the topic of the hour; and the Wave, rechristened the Great Western with that spirit of exaggeration which laughs at itself, was entered in the lists in competition with canoes and other boats of professional build; but the owners of these conventional models, having seen Karl practicing, withdrew their entries and he rowed over the course alone. The competitors of the home-made Great Western are even remembered to have made the unexpurgated remark: " The damned little thing can go." Expertness on the water thus early gained served Gilbert well during western exploration in later years, and he always enjoyed canoeing for exercise. It is said that when Wheeler's exploring party, of which Gilbert was geologist, ascended the Colorado River in 1871, as will be told on a later page, the Indian guides recognized GUbert's skill as a boatman and thought his boat the safest of the fleet. But as in the case of his adventure on the ice of Irondequoit Bay, it was not only physical expertness that came from his early excursions ; while he was boating on the Genesee his observ- ant mind was stimulated to a reflective activity and even to simple experimental research, which he recalled in a letter to a geological correspondent 40 years later: When I was a boy I noticed that by rocking a skiff I gave it a forward motion. That led to the trial of other impulses, and I found that by standing near the stern and alternately bending and straightening my legs, so as to make the skiff rock endwise, I could produce a forward velocity of several yards a minute. If I stood on one side of the medial line, the skiff moved in a curve. The motions I caused directly were strictly reciprocal, the departures from initial position being equaled by the returns. The indirect result of translation was connected with reactions between the water and the oblique surfaces of the boat. It is characteristic of keen minds to take account of small matters that are unnoticed by the mentally sluggish. Karl completed the course at the Rochester High School in 185S and was then, at the age of 15, overtall for his years, thin chested and somewhat delicate, in spite of his prowess on the river; but schoolmates as well as teachers knew him as an earnest and successful student, who did well whatever he undertook. A companion in those years recalls him as "a quiet, modest boy, with pleasant manners, kindly disposition, a lively sense of fun, and of very even temper." Long afterward, when one of his sons asked what he did as a boy, he replied: "I studied a good deal when not working"; from which it may be inferred that no small share of family duties fell upon him at home. He recalled half a century later that his father, wishing to test his capacity in mathematics, set him the following problem: "A loaf of bread is in the form of a hemisphere, with a crust of uniform thickness, the volume of the crust being equal to that of the crumb. What are the dimensions of crumb and crust?" As he solved the problem unaided his father opined that he might be of use in the world, notwithstanding his lack of robustness. Gilbert's interest in his ancestors was not strongly developed. In his seventieth year he wrote to one of his sons, regarding certain details about his great-grandfather that had been gathered by a relative: "I am not much interested but perhaps you may be sometime, and so I suggest you keep Mrs. M's letters." On the other hand, he always felt and showed a strong affection for the living members of his family. In later years, when his residence was elsewhere, visits to Rochester were frequent; he nearly always halted there on his journeys to the West and back. When returning from the Henry Mountains of Utah in the autumn of 1876 he was in time to attend his parents' golden wedding on November 30. His mother died on February 25, 1883, at the age of 77; and his father on March 23, 1885, at the age of 79. The elder brother, Hiram Roy Gilbert, after whom Grove Karl's second son was named, continued to reside in Rochester until his death in 1902; the elder sister, Emma Gilbert Loomis, survives at her home in Jackson, Mich., where, as will shortly be told, Karl himself had, on leaving college, a short experience in school-teaching, where he repeatedly stopped to see her when crossing the country east or west, and where, while halting there for the last time of many on his way to California, he died May 1, 1918, five days before completing his seventy-fifth year. GILBERT AT THE AGE OF 19 academy 0F sciences] ANCESTEY AND YOUTH 5 FOUR YEARS AT COLLEGE Karl was the only one of the Gilbert family who attended the University of Rochester and gained a college degree; and this was at the cost of difficulty and sacrifice on the part of his father and himself. Regular outdoor exercise was a condition of the opportunity. The youth sometimes had to go shabbily dressed and was too much occupied to join freely in the social life of his companions; but his bravery and steadiness of character were such that he never appeared to be unhappy in consequence of these restrictions. Among his trials was a pair of light blue trousers which a tall friend of his father's had made the mistake of buying, and which when still in good condition were passed on to the tall boy; so good was their quality that they lasted undesirably long. As elective studies were practically unknown when young Gilbert went to college, he took a prescribed classical course, and received the degree of A. B. in 1862, at the age of 19. His standing was always good, but he was indifferent to college honors; and in this respect the youth foreshadowed the man. The 36 units of his college studies included 8 of mathematics, 6 of Latin, and 7 of Greek, both the ancient languages being continued into the senior year. Rhetoric, logic, and zoology had 2 units each, and nine other subjects, including French, Ger- man, and geology, but 1 each. He contributed rhymed skits to a college paper, and always afterwards enjoyed composing verses, more or less humorous, on current or local events. During part of his senior year he was president of the Delphic Society, one of the two literary societies of the college, and he was awarded the Greek oration on graduating. The extended training in mathematics, for which young Gilbert had a natural capacity, served him well in geophysical researches of later years; perhaps his classical studies contributed to the clear style for which his geological reports were famous; they seem also to have determined a tendency to the use of long words of Greek origin and occasionally to the invention of such words, but they did not prevent his later approval of "simplified spelling," which in his case as in so many others was evidently a matter of unconventional temperament,, and not of either ignorance or learning. Gilbert's college teacher in zoology and geology was Henry A. Ward, who came to be widely known for his extensive dealings in natural history specimens, to which he later gave his whole time, as is further told below in the account of " Cosmos Hall." A first acquaintance with geology was thus gained, but unless by the rule of contraries it can not have been the influence of this enthusiastic collector, whose lectures must have been of a matter-of-fact rather than of a philosophical nature, which led Gilbert to say in an address, 20 years later, that the im- portant thing is to train scientists rather than to teach science, and that the " practical questions for the teacher are, whether it is possible by training to improve the guessing faculty, and if so, how it is to be done;" thus implying not so much that, in his own experience, accurate observation is easy, but that successful guessing is difficult. It must also have been not his professor's idea but Gilbert's, prompted perhaps by a remembrance of an over-insistence on the names of things, that the content of a subject is often presented so abundantly in college teaching as to obstruct the communication of its essence, and that the teacher "will do better to contract the phenomenal and to enlarge the logical side of his subject, so as to dwell on the philosophy of the science rather than on its material." 1 A BRIEF EXPERIENCE IN SCHOOL-TEACHING On finishing his college course without developing any decided bent toward a special profession or occupation, and without physical strength enough to warrant his enlisting for military duty in the War of the Rebellion— his name was twice in the draft fist, but not drawn either time — yet having reached the pedagogically competent age of 19, young Gilbert tried school-teaching at Jackson, Mich., not as the beginning of a life career, but, young American- like, as a means of paying a debt contracted during his undergraduate years. A class photo- graph at that time shows boyish undevelopment; the neck was overlong, the shaven chin was heavy, almost uncouth; the mouth was not fully resolved; but the upper part of the face ' The inculcation of scientific method by example. Presidential address, American Society of Naturalists. Amer. Journ. Sci., XXXI, 1886, 184-299. This address is analysed in a later section. 6 GROVE KARL GILBERT— DAVIS lMEiI01R\?£.Txi, already had the clear-minded serenity that was so marked a quality of his whole expression in later years. Of his efforts as a teacher, one of his boyhood playmates wrote: "Karl was of too kindly a disposition to make a successful teacher of youngsters ; they would take advantage of him." His own opinion, frankly told 50 years later, was that he could not control his pupils, an unruly lot of country boys; so he gave up teaching when the school year was only two-thirds over. This episode has a wholesome moral; it satisfactorily contradicts the current myth that a delicate-minded young master of a village school must needs thrash all the dis- orderly cubs in his classes as the only means of opening for himself an assured path to future success. On returning to Rochester the unpugilistic schoolmaster found himself out of employment for a time, and the experience of waiting for work was so distasteful to him that he recalled its unpleasant impression many years afterwards in a letter to his elder son at a time, in 1912, when the son had his turn of waiting at the end of one engagement for another. The father, who in his later years adopted simplified spelling, wrote: I've had little experience with being out of a job, but enuf to know it is demoralizing. My slack time was forty-nine years ago, and I recall that I had no hart to do the various things that I had supposed I very much wanted to do when I was too busy to find time. Waiting for something to turn up seems to be an occu- pation in itself, and anyone who can really utilize the time while he waits is to be congratulated. APPRENTICESHIP IN COSMOS HALL The period of unemployment did not last long. Gilbert soon found work in Cosmos Hall, a scientific establishment which his former teacher, Professor Ward, had built on the grounds of the University of Rochester for the assembly and preparation of zoological and geological materials for sale to colleges and museums. Gilbert afterwards wrote of it: The establishment thus instituted grew and developed . . . Its work was performed largely by young men of congenial tastes, who there acquired the practical experience which commended them later to the trustees of larger responsibilities. It thus served incidentally as a training school in the natural sciences and especially in certain branches connected with museums. This apprenticeship does not seem to have been entered upon so much because zoology and geology attracted the youth of 20, as because an assistant was wanted and the youth had nothing else to do; but the work must have proved satisfactory, for the youth kept at it five years — from 1863 to 1868. His duties included the sorting and naming of countless specimens; many thousand labels in the Ward collection, afterwards acquired by the University of Roch- ester, are in Gilbert's handwriting of that period. During at least part of these years, evenings were spent in home study of mathematics, with readings in anatomy and geology. In his daytime work he must have learned many facts and have profited from the discipline of steady occupation; but the philosophy of science could not have been learned any better by the hand- ling of its material content during these five years of apprenticeship than during the preceding four years of undergraduate study; yet a liking for scientific subjects seems to have grown up during this laborious period and a loyalty to Cosmos Hall also, for he afterwards ranked him- self "somewhat proudly" as its senior alumnus. Nevertheless, it is significant that Gilbert mentioned the "practical experience" there acquired rather than the influence of the director of Cosmos Hall as of chief value in preparing the young assistants for larger responsibilities. THE COHOES MASTODON Gilbert was occasionally charged by his chief with the installation of exhibits in museums, and this gave him glimpses of the world. It may have been in the course of journeys thus undertaken that he learned something by sight of the Pennsylvania Appalachians, to which he refers in a most appreciative manner in his first western report. Perhaps the most impor- tant assignment of this kind came when he went, in 1S67 and 1868, to the State museum at Albany to restore and mount the skeleton of a mastodon, discovered a few miles away, at Cohoes, on the Mohawk, in 1866. Probably as a result of this discovery, and as if with a premonition of his work in mounting the skeleton, Gilbert wrote a general account of "The -academy of sciences] ANCESTRY AND YOUTH 7 American mastodon," which, his first published paper, appeared at Rochester in Moore's "Rural New Yorker" for March, 1867. This essay is notable for its effective presentation of good matter in a popular form, as the following extracts show: The recent discovery of the entire skeleton of a Mastodon at Cohoes, and the general interest felt by the public in the matter, will perhaps warrant a brief description of this ancient denizen of our forests . . . The large cavities in the front of the elephant's skull, that furnish a firm attachment for the muscles of the trunk, are equally characteristic of the Mastodon, and must have been accompanied by a similar proboscis. In fact, without this flexible nose that serves for hand and drinking cup alike, he must have perished, his projecting tusks keeping him from browsing, and his short neck not enabling him to reach grass or water . . . Each leg bone of the Mastodon is a little longer than the corresponding bone of the elephant, and is, in a greater ratio, thicker. This is but one phase of a general law of nature, — that the small are proportionally stronger than the large. The cricket leaps at one spring thirty times his own length, while the hippopotamus and ele- phant are too unwieldy to do more than walk or trot. The ant carries in his teeth loads many times heavier than his own bod}'; the black bear is related to have borne in his mouth a carcass of about his own weight; the horse does not easily bear on his back more than half his weight; and the Mastodon required a dispropor- tionate strength of limb to support his own huge body merely. Thus it appears that the latter approaches the limit of size for terrestrial animals . . . The Creator has adapted the teeth of all animals to their food, making them into chisels for the nut-piercing squirrel, hooks and knives for the flesh-devouring lion, shears for the grass-cropping ox, needles for the insect-catching mole and bat, and mill-stones for the twig-eating Mastodon . . . Lyell says that the cataract of Niagara has receded four miles at least since certain bones were deposited on its bank, and it now wears back only a few inches in a year. The Cohoes skeleton, naturally buried eighty-five feet under the earth, probably lay for still longer ages . . . As the Origin of Species had appeared but a few years before this essay was written, the teleological philosophy of the next-to-last passage is not surprising. The reference to Niagara in the last statement makes one wonder whether the writer recalled his early interest in that subject when, in later years, he became its master. The Cohoes mastodon skeleton that was to be mounted at Albany had been found in a huge pothole, measuring 40 by 70 feet across and over 60 feet in depth, near Cohoes Falls of the Mohawk River, just above its junction with the Hudson a few miles north of Albany. The work upon it was done under the direction of Prof. James Hall, whom, as director of the State cabinet of natural history, Gilbert and his associate Howell, also from Rochester, thus had advantageous opportunity of meeting. Hall took part in the excavation until he wrenched his hip by a fall in the pothole; then the work was left in charge of Gilbert. The skeleton was somewhat incomplete, and the missing parts had to be reconstructed; hence, as Hall wrote, "after carefully making a list of the bones we possessed, with measurements of the more im- portant ones" — a large part of this labor apparently falling on Gilbert — "the young men were sent to Boston," in order to examine two more perfect mastodon skeletons there on exhibition; one was in the Warren Museum, a private institution in that city founded by Dr. J. Collins Warren ; 40 years later this specimen was sold to the American Museum of Natural History in New York, where it is now preserved; the other was then in the anatomical collections formed by Prof. Jeffries Wyman, of Harvard College, Cambridge, and is now in the Harvard University Museum. According to Hall the young men during this visit met Louis Agassiz, Jeffries Wyman, J. Mason Warren (son of the founder of the Warren Museum), and Theodore Lyman; but un- happily there is little record of what these already established seniors and the then developing juniors thought of one another. A brief note in Doctor Warren's diary for June 20, 1867, merely records: Three young men, who came from Professor Hall of Albany and were introduced by Dr. Wyman, were engaged a good part of the day in measuring the Mastodon, preparatory to putting up one at Albany, which was found near Cohoe's Falls and which is imperfect, a number of the vertebrae, among other things, being wanting. The mastodon was naturally more interesting to him than the three young men. No entries were made in Wyman's diary for that summer, and Agassiz kept no diary. So the past fades away. However, it is recalled that, as if in consequence of expertness gained in mounting the mastodon, Gilbert was not long afterward engaged in restoring missing tails for fossil Irish elks in the museums at Albany and Columbia University. Although he had few 8 GROVE KARL GILBERT— DAVIS IMEM0,RS[v0ALTIxxt contacts with Hall in later years, the memory of his sojourn at Albany while working on the fossil mastodon sufficed to call him back there in 1898, when he was one of the few pallbearers at the funeral of the great paleontologist. THE MOHAWK GORGE AT COHOES While in Albany, Gilbert, besides working on the mastodon skeleton, studied the gorge of the Mohawk at Cohoes and prepared an account of it which appeared in Hall's report. This is his first essay based on original field observations; it does not read at all like that of a geological catechumenist. He examined 350 potholes in the river bed above the falls; their typical form was that of a " chemist's test-tube;" the deepest had a vertical measure of 23 feet, with a diam- eter of 3 feet. A simple conclusion as to the origin of the potholes is conservatively announced : "In my examination I saw nothing to controvert the theory that they were formed by the grinding action of stones moved by water." The huge pothole in which the mastodon skeleton was found is one of a group of much larger dimensions, in the low upland outside of the river gorge and apparently excavated by other currents than those of the Mohawk. Cohoes Falls, descending 57 feet, he between rapids up and down stream, and are peculiar in that they occur in a series of strongly tilted Hudson River shales of fairly uniform texture; hence the question was raised: "Is it not possible that rapids constitute the normal mode of descent of a river over these upturned shales, and the falls are merely an episode occasioned by preexistent pot- holes?"— the potholes thus referred to presumably being members of the upland group. Many years later Gilbert spoke of this study of potholes as having been of so much interest as to lead him to desire further work in geology. Although all these items are of interest, Gilbert's study here is chiefly significant from a novel quantitative method that he invented for determining the recession of the gorge-side cliffs. " Climbing from below, or lowered by a rope from above, " he measured and cut sections of 20 contorted cedars, growing in a cliff and "appearing at a little distance mere bushes, but really very old trees, " which had been dwarfed by starvation in the infertile shales, and of which the roots had been "bared by the waste of the cliff during the growth of the trees. " An average of 6 sections gave 144 rings of growth to an inch of trunk radius, and the estimated age of the oldest tree sectioned was 716 years; yet the trunk of this famished pre-Columbian settler, who must have began his struggle for existence about the time of Thomas a-Becket of Canterbury, measured only 37.5 inches in circumference, or 6 inches in radius. The relation between age of tree and length of bared and exposed root gave a cliff recession of 12 inches a century; and this led to the estimate of 35,000 years as "a minimum for the time that has elapsed since Cohoes Falls were opposite the mastodon pothole. " 2 This laborious method for the determina- tion of cliff recession might have been applied by any patient and painstaking junior under the direction of an experienced master; but that the patient and painstaking junior should himself and on his own initiative have invented the method, as well as applied it, shows him to have possessed exceptionally masterful qualities with regard to natural phenomena, even if he could not master unruly boys in a country school. The thousands of years revealed in the age of the Cohoes gorge by this ingenious determination are hardly so impressive as the evidence that the determination gives of investigational ingenuity on young Gilbert's part. HALF A CENTURY OF DIARIES During Gilbert's apprenticeship at Cosmos Hall he formed the habit of keeping a concise diary, and this habit was pursued all through his hf e. Brief entries were made in small pocket- books concerning the persons he met and the places he visited; and 51 of these consecutive annual records have been preserved, beginning in 1868 and continuing to 1918; the last entry was made only a few days before his death. It is a great privilege to look over the personal records of such a man, not in the way of peering curiosity but in a reverent spirit, with the memory of the man himself constantly present, and with much of the sadness that one feels when standing alone ' 21st Ann. Rep. State Cabinet Nat. Hist, [for 1867]. Albany, 1871. 129-148. academy of sconces] ANCESTRY AND YOUTH 9 and in silence by the grave of a trusted friend. A sincere interest is aroused by every item that teaches something of his habit of thought, something of his inner nature, something of the power- ful and beautiful personality that so greatly aided the progress of geology in America and that endeared itself so warmly to all bis associates. Unhappily, entries in the diaries are for the most part colorless records of fact, with very few expressions of opinion or of feeling. There are occasional blank periods, and these are pro- longed when the diary was replaced by field notebooks during many seasons of work in the West. Annual summaries of travels and other leading topics are found in many of the later books. Men- tion is frequently made of stops on journeys westward or eastward at Rochester to see parents or an elder brother; or at Jackson, Mich., to see a sister; but there is nothing written to indicate the warm affection that united the diminishing family. Instead of drifting apart in later years by reason of separated residence, the survivors seemed to grow closer and closer together. Brief extracts from the diaries will be found on later pages, where they occasionally serve to fix the dates of journeys and or to clear up matters that would otherwise remain obscure. The pocket diaries served also as cash accounts, in which items were faithfully entered for many years even to such detail as "car fare— .05"; indeed, in later years, the diaries contain little more than records of receipts and expenditures. The entries were regularly transferred to a carefully kept set of account books through most of Gilbert's life. A payment that closed or "squared" an account was marked in the diaries by a small rectangle. But in spite of all care, the entry of a small sum, usually less than a dollar, as "unaccounted for," not infrequently was needed when a balance was struck; a new start with cash on hand would then be made, headed "O. H." Among items of larger interest are the subjects of papers at scientific meetings and of occa- sional lectures at colleges and elsewhere. Thus it is found that Gilbert's study of the Mohawk gorge remained in his mind, for an entry regarding it was made in a diary nearly six years later in Washington, February 7, 1874: "Evening G. & G. Soc. spoke on the Cohoes Cedars as time data." The "G. & G. Soc." is believed to have been an informal gathering of geologists and geographers; but as to that and many other allusions-noted in Gilbert's brief records of long- gone years, positive information is lacking. PREPARATION OF THIS MEMOIR. Besides the half century of diaries and a large number of published reports and essays, many of Gilbert's field notebooks and more than a score of volumes of his press-copy letter books have been looked over in the preparation of this memoir; and in addition to these sources a large amount of personal material, from which many selections have been made, has been contributed by his friends and correspondents. This material has been extremely helpful, and its value is here gratefully acknowledged. The sources of passages thus secured are, however, seldom indicated ; indeed, many extracts and quotations are not given as such but are welded into the text, because it is felt that attention should be concentrated upon the subject of the memoir and that distractions should be as few as possible. A similar principle was followed by Gilbert himself in his memoir of G. H. Cook, State geologist of New Jersey, in the preparation of which he borrowed freely from a number of sources, yet in which "marks of quotation are omitted because consistency would demand their use with a very large number of parts of sentences." Gilbert's field notebooks and his official letters have been of great assistance in providing authentic record of his activities. Some of his personal letters, submitted by the intimate friends to whom they were written, have been even more valuable. Looking over these sources is like bringing the dead to life again. His written words conjure up his voice; his sen- tences recall his manner of talking; a humorous phrase brings the echo of his jovial laughter; when a reference to some past sorrow is encountered, it is as if the veil which time lets fall over the sad events of a long life were lifted, and as if the dulled grief were sharpened into pain again. But upon personal matters of this kind, meant by the writer only for the intimate friends to whom they were told, the veil falls again. Deeply as certain times of unhappiness were im- pressed upon Gilbert's inner self, frankly as they were spoken of to a very few, they were never made known to the greater number of his associates and they must now lie buried with him; 10 GROVE KARL GILBERT— DAVIS buried all the deeper because his courageous philosophy of life led him to live joyously. He kept his griefs and disappointments to himself and radiated only good cheer upon his comrades. His field notebooks are more open to quotation, and many extracts from them will be found on later pages. It has been like reviewing a long chapter in the history of American geological exploration to look them over. Detailed sections representing much painstaking observation on desert mountain slopes speak aloud of the fatigues and rewards of outdoor work. As one sees successive items of evidence noted day after day, one may imagine the exhilaration with which new areas were entered. An occasional explanatory phrase suggests the manner in which the writer might have spoken at a scientific gathering, when recounting the enlivening experiences of search and discovery. Official letters have frequently afforded more entertain- ment than might be expected from such a source ; they shed much light on Gilbert's manner of dealing with men as well as with problems, and they repeatedly reveal his inexhaustible gener- osity as well as his absolute fair-mindedness. His published essays and reports are well known as models of impersonal, logical presentation. The capitalization of certain names, such as "Basin Ranges," which he there adopted has been omitted in accordance with present official practice. It has been indeed a high privilege to enter so deeply into Gilbert's way of thinking as the review of all these records has permitted. Yet, in spite of much effort, information on various points of interest is not to be had. Truly, if nothing were lost or forgotten biographical memoirs would grow to an unwieldy length; but it is deeply regretted that so much of the innermost and best should vanish beyond recall. Many personal records have disappeared, as the marks of light footsteps disappear from a surface of wind-blown sand. Concerning the mental life of Gilbert's boyhood and early man- hood, there are only such glimpses as are set forth on the preceding pages of this chapter; con- cerning the deeper feelings of later years a few paragraphs will be foimd on later pages. Only the record of scientific accomplishment is fairly complete. Would that the penciled outlines in the little pocket diaries had been written out elsewhere more at length; and yet how short would have been their endurance as the centuries roll by even had they been engraved on tab- lets of stone with an iron quill. Over the infinite prairie of level eternity, Flying as flies the deer, Time is pursued by a pitiless, cruel oblivion, Following fast and near. Ever and ever the famished coyote is following Patiently in the rear; Trifling the interval, yet we are calling it "History — " Distance from wolf to deer. CHAPTER II TWO YEARS ON THE OHIO SURVEY FIRST EXPERIENCE IN FIELD GEOLOGY While Gilbert was still working under Ward in the spring of 1869, he learned that a second geological survey of Ohio was about to be organized; whereupon, as if intuitively knowing the value of application in person, he went to the capital of that State and asked, as he himself said "with a lot of cheek," the then governor, Rutherford B. Hayes, later President of the United States, for an appointment as assistant geologist. On being told that appointments would be given only to Ohioans, he went undiscouraged to call on J. S. Newberry, the successful one of several candidates for the office of State geologist, from whom the same refusal was met; but it was happily accompanied by advice to join the survey as a volunteer assistant, with promise of $50 a month for expenses, but no salary. Gilbert at once accepted this opportunity and went to work in July of that year; thus at the age of 26 he became a field geologist. The next year a small salary and a larger responsibihty were allowed him. Not the least advantage of this position was the association that it gave the young volunteer with other geologists ; for the survey staff included besides Newberry several men who then and later made their mark on geological science. Edward Orton, afterwards professor of geology at the State university, successor of Newberry as director of the State survey, and president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science at the time of his death, when Gilbert succeeded him in that office; R. D. Irving, who became professor of geology in the University of Wisconsin and while there wrote a notable contribution to the history of pre- Cambrian time, before bis death in middle life; E. B. Andrews, whose contributions to the Ohio survey reports constitute some of their best chapters ; Henry Newton, who later studied the Black Hills of Dakota for the Powell survey, his posthumous report being edited and in part largely written by Gilbert ; and N. H. Winchell, later professor of geology at the University of Minnesota, director of the survey of that State, and for many years editor of the American Geologist. As a part of his office duties, Gilbert made drawings of fossil plants and fish, which won praise from his chief as being of " a style that has not, been surpassed in this country." Portions of two winters were spent in New York City, there also in association with Newberry, who, be- sides directing the survey of Ohio, then and for many years following occupied the chair of geology and paleontology in the School of Mines at Columbia University, and who found his summer assistant helpful in the preparation of winter lectures. The assistant himself presumably utilized part of the indoor season in writing his reports for the Ohio survey; but records of other subjects than geology are found in the diaries of these winters. The young man was attracted by theaters, sermons, and lectures; of the latter he once heard two on the same day, January 9, 1870; one by the eminent Congregationalist, Henry Ward Beecher, on the "Request of the disciples for more faith," and the other, perhaps as an antidote for the first, by that ill-balanced iconoclast, George Francis Train, on "Old fogies of the Bible." Moreover, through Newberry, Gilbert met several noted men at New Haven: Silliman, Marsh, Norton, and Blake among others; but Dana is not mentioned. In February and April, 1871, the young geologist presented papers at meetings of the New York Lyceum of Natural History, first on the " Surface geology of the Maumee Valley," a subject that is further described below; second on the remains of a mastodon found in Ohio; these appear to be his first communications to a scientific society. Altogether the months in New York must have been enlivening. The intimate association with Newberry, winter and summer for two years, led Gilbert to feel a warm regard for his chief, which was afterwards manifested by frequent visits to him in the course of eastward or westward journeys. SURFACE GEOLOGY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY Gilbert's field work in Ohio appears to have been limited to the northwestern part of the State, where a slightly diversified sheet of glacial deposits permits few exposures of bedrock 20154°— 26 8 11 12 GROVE KARL GILBERT-DAVIS [Memoies[volTIxxii; and gives a monotonous appearance to the smooth landscape. He prepared separate reports on several counties, following a standard plan for the State as a whole; but in addition he dis- covered and solved a delicate problem regarding the surface features of his apparently unpromis- ing district. The results thus gained were so novel and so significant that Newberry generously permitted their publication in the American Journal of Science in 1871, two years in advance of their appearance as a chapter of Volume I of the survey reports in 1873. The area concerned is a plain of faint relief, which presents a general and very gentle slope northeastward to the southwestern end of Lake Erie; its materials were described as lacustrine clays, from 50 to 100 feet in thickness, and explained as the deposits from the expanded predecessor of Lake Erie which overflowed southwestward to the Ohio-Mississippi system. The nearly level plain is interrupted by two low and concentric swells or "ridges," both of curved outline, convex to the southwest; the outer and larger one being from 25 to 50 feet high, from 4 to 8 miles wide, and some 200 miles long around its curve, the chord of which measures about 120 miles. At the close of a second season's field work, after Gilbert had detected the divergent ar- rangement of the glacial striae on occasional exposures of bedrock, the occurrence of a south- westward outflow channel for the expanded body of clay-depositing water which proved it to be a lake and not an arm of the sea, and several beaches that mark shore fines temporarily occupied as the expanded lake fell to lower levels, he came upon a fruitful explanation for the curved ridges and the arrangement of the neighboring streams, concerning which he made a concise entry in his diary on November 10, 1870: "Invented the moraine hypothesis for St. Jo and St. Marys rivers"; this brief statement being one of very few of its kind in his long series of annual records; and it is this "moraine hypothesis" that forms the main subject of his special report. It is interesting to note that, as if already unconsciously developing the well-balanced and candid style of presentation which characterized so many of his later writings, Gilbert opens the chief passage concerning his hypothesis, not with a confident assertion of his conclusion as if it were a fact, but with a frank announcement of it as an opinion: "I con- ceive," he wrote regarding the larger one of the two swells of the surface, "that this ridge is the superficial representation of a terminal glacial moraine, that rests directly upon bed rock, and is covered by a heavy sheet of Erie clay, a subsequent aqueous and iceberg deposit"; yet while he inferred the moraine to be thus buried, he thought that the clays "so far conform to its contour, as to leave it still visible on the face of the country — doubtless in comparatively faint relief, but still so bold as to exert a marked influence on the hydrography of the valleys." The context shows he had seen that all the little brooks run down the faint slope of the plain on courses which converge northeastward toward the lake; but that on reaching the exterior side of the curved morainic swells, the brooks are gathered into streams that flow along the base of the swell to the axis of the curves, where, uniting in the Maumee, they resume their lake- ward flow through open gaps in the swells. A rational treatment was thus accorded to the disposition of drainage lines, and that at a time when the courses of streams were usually treated simply as matters of course, for which the current methods of orthodox geology sug- gested no explanation. More briefly expressed in the terminology of to-day, the Maumee drainage would be called consequent upon the inclination of the plain and the slopes of the morainic swells. Yet although the arrangement of the streams was discovered to be generi- cally explainable, neither Gilbert nor his later associate, Marvine, who made the same dis- covery for various streams on the eastward slope of the Front Range of the Rocky Mountains a few years afterwards, thought of giving the streams a generic name indicative of their origin; that happy idea sprang from the inventive, systematizing mind of Powell when he explored the Colorado River of the West. Gilbert's statement closes with the first announcement of a conclusion of far-reaching importance concerning the lobate margin of the great continental ice sheet, the pattern of a small part of which he had detected: We are here furnished partial outlines of the great ice-field, at two" stages of its recession. Though but small fractions of the entire outlines, they yet suffice to indicate that the margin was lobed or digitate in con- formity with the topography of the country that it traversed. No finer instance of a mental leap from a particular instance to a broad generalization can be found. It is true that priority in the recognition of drift ridges as terminal moraines ACADEMY OF SCONCES] qjjjq g^yEY 13 appears to belong to C. A. White, who, as State geologist of Iowa, had somewhat earlier pub- lished an account of "two well marked but slight elevations in the general [drift-covered] surface of the country," both of which "seem at least to be accumulations of drift material which mark periodical arrests of the recedence, by melting, of the glaciers to the northward as the glacial epoch was drawing to a close.1 And it is also true that priority in the detection of local lobation with divergent striations on the ice-sheet margin should be credited to M. C. Read, an associate of Gilbert's on the. Ohio survey, although the lobation that he described was due to a northward-opening embayment in the conglomerate-capped uplands of north- eastern Ohio into which a salient of the ice fitted,2 rather than to a more abundant advance of the ice along a broad depression, such as the floor of Lake Erie. Hence even if Gilbert should not be credited with absolute priority of statement, his views concerning moraines and ice-margin lobation must certainly be regarded as better defined and of broader reach than those of his contemporaries. Yet in certain respects his views were incorrect, as he himself later acknowledged; for there was no land barrier by which, as he supposed, lacustrine waters could have been held at so high a level as to have submerged the morainic swells which now guide the rivers; and instead of their being covered by a "subsequent aqueous and iceberg deposit," it is the clayey moraines themselves that form the broad swells of the surface.3 As to the lacustrine barrier, Gilbert made a singular error which he afterwards righted. He erroneously assumed that the higher level reached by the expanded Lake Erie was due to an uplift of the land in the region of the St. Lawrence Eiver, an idea which he held with sufficient confidence to mention it briefly again five years later in his report on the Henry Mountains, even though Newberry had added a corrective footnote to the Maumee Valley report reading as follows : It should be remembered that the retreating glacier must have, for ages, constituted an ice dam that obstructed the natural lines of drainage, and may have maintained a high surface level in the water basin that succeeded it. When Gilbert was 15 years older and greatly matured by his experience in the Far West, he returned to the investigation of the Great Lakes region, and then, if not sooner, recognizing the correctness of Newberry's good guess, brought out his masterful essay on the history of Niagara River, as will be further told below. Another item in the Maumee Valley report deserves mention for its bearing on later studies, as well as for the evidence that its final statement gives of Gilbert's cautious manner of dealing with his problems. He records : It is noteworthy that the small streams [which flow from the clay plain into the southwestern end of Lake Erie] . . . occupy, near their mouths, larger channels than it seems natural that they should have opened under the existing conditions. ... If we suppose that the present water level of the upper [southwestern] end of Lake Erie was immediately preceded by a lower level, we have an easy explanation of the phenomena. In other words, he recognized that the broadened stream mouths should be explained as slightly drowned valleys, although neither he nor anyone else had at that time used the sug- gestive phrase, "drowned valleys," in this sense. Similarly, the brief statement: "There is evidence that Lake Ontario at Rochester, N. Y., has stood seventy feet lower than now," suggests that he had recognized the neighboring Irondequoit Bay, familiar in his boyhood, as a partly submerged valley. Then after noting that the upland at the eastern end of Lake Erie, through which Niagara River has cut its gorge, is 38 feet above present lake level," and that wave-work ought to have formed beaches corresponding to that outlet level all around the lake shores, he adds regarding the southwestern end of the lake : We must look for the record of this work considerably above, or somewhat below the present coast; the present data do not indicate which is the more probable position. The problem thus opened he completely solved later. No one else seems to have examined it in the interval. ' Report, Oeol. Survey Iowa, I, 1870, 98. Qeol. Survey of Ohio. Report of Progress, 1870, 471; repeated in Vol. I, 1873, 639. > U. S. Oeol. Survey, Monogr. XLI, 1902, 666. CHAPTER III THREE YEARS ON THE WHEELER SURVEY THREE SEASONS IN THE WEST Before Newberry became director of the State survey of Ohio, he had been geologist of several western exploring expeditions conducted by officers of the United States Army Engineers. It was therefore natural that, when Lieut. G. M. Wheeler, also of the Army Engineers, was organizing the "United States geographical surveys west of the one hundredth meridian" in the winter of 1871, he should ask Newberry to suggest a geologist for the new expedition. Gilbert was recommended and was forthwith appointed as "geological assistant;" thus began rather "late in life," as he himself felt, his career as an exploring geologist in the little-known Far West of those days. It should be here recalled that, in the years shortly following the War of the Rebellion, the exploration of our western national domain was actively prosecuted. When Wheeler's survey was established, several other independent surveys were already in progress under different departments of the National Government, each one in active competition with the others for funds at Washington, and in ill-concealed rivalry with the others in the West, as a consequence of which an overlapping duplication of field work sometimes occurred. The eventual con- solidation of the several surveys, following the recommendation of a committee of the National Academy of Sciences, in a single United States Geological Survey was not accomplished until 1879. It should also be borne in mind that Wheeler's survey was primarily, as its original name indicates, geographical and not geological; and further that Wheeler's conception of the work of a geographical survey was essentially the making of maps, including the determination of latitude, longitude, and altitude for standard points, and the representation of the inter- mediate areas by hachures or shading. He appears, as far as one may judge from the text of his own reports, to have had no clear conception of physical geography or of geography as a whole, even as it was developed in his time; and regarding geology he does not seem to have been informed at all. No other geologist was appointed on the Wheeler survey in 1871, but A. R. Marvine, a recent graduate of the short-lived Hooper Mining School of Harvard University, who served under Wheeler primarily as an astronomical assistant and who became an accomplished geo- logist on the Hayden survey, which he joined the following year, reported on such geological observations as he could make while moving from camp to camp. A year later E. E. Howell, who had no more geological training than he could gather while a fellow worker with Gilbert in Ward's Cosmos Hall at Rochester, was added to the Staff. With these two, as well as with H. W. Henshaw, collector in natural history, Gilbert was closely associated. How different was the preparation of the young geologists for their tasks from that now exacted of new mem- bers of our National survey! Not one of them had made or could have had opportunity of making more than an introductory study of geology in college, for no American college then offered advanced teaching in that science. Not one had prepared a thesis, based on original research and replete with citations from the work of earlier geologists, or had passed a formidable oral examination on the general content of geological science for a doctorate in geology; higher degrees in geology were then practically unknown among us. To charge these little-practiced apprentices with the geological exploration of a new country was like authorizing a boy to swim by throwing him overboard into deep water. And yet for those who survived it this rude method led to great results; so great indeed as to make one wish that all young men who now, after a fair beginning as undergraduates, wish to embark on geology as a profession, might have the inspiring opportunity of investigating a little-known region on their own responsibility, as a practical test of their quality and capacity. 16 GROVE KARL GILBERT— DAVIS lMEii0l*S[v™xxi, It was indeed with a sudden plunge into the deep unknown that Gilbert entered upon the arduous experiences of his first season of western field work, for it began abruptly and continued through eight months of almost continuous movement. Having left Rochester on April 21 and arrived at San Francisco on the 29th, a week before his twenty-eighth birthday, he had only three days there before turning back again and going with various members of the survey as far as Halleck in northeastern Nevada. Two weeks were spent at that point before the unwieldy expedition, which numbered over 40 men with 165 horses and mules, made its first move; later on, it was usually divided into two or three smaller parties. Gilbert's division for a time zigzagged among the ranges of the Great Basin into California on the west and Arizona on the east; then crossing the plateaus south of the Colorado Canyon, it went eastward as far as Mount San Francisco. Return westward was finally made through southern Arizona by the valley of the Gila to Yuma, where a river steamboat was taken down the Colorado to its mouth; thence an ocean-going steamer, running southward through the Gulf of California and northward along the Pacific coast, carried the party to San Francisco on January 3, 1872. During a brief delay there Gilbert called on J. D. Whitney, at that time director of the State survey of California, to examine volcanic rocks, and on Clarence King, director of the Fortieth Parallel survey ; and then turning to the East, with stops on the way at Cleveland to see his former chief, Newberry, and at Rochester to see his family, he went for the first time to Washington, where he arrived on January 25. Journeys across or nearly across the continent were repeated many times in later years. Departure was made from Washington for a second western field season late in June, 1872, this time with the title of chief geologist; and after making stops again at Rochester and Cleveland, Salt Lake City was reached early in July. Thence Gilbert's party, frequently working independently of the main expedition, explored southwestern Utah and northwestern Arizona, thus covering an eastern part of the Great Basin and a western part of the plateaus north of the Colorado Canyon. It was during this season that Gilbert saw the House Range, wliich he selected nearly 30 years later for closer study as a typical example of a dissected moun- tain block. Farther east the truly fracturelike cleft of the Virgin River in massive sandstones was examined, and acquaintance was made with the long fines of cliffs, "trending east and west and facing south," by wliich the northern plateaus are "divided into a series of great terraces." The return journey from Salt Lake City to Washington was begun on December 12. The third and final season under Wheeler began in July, 1873, at Fort Wingate, N. Mex., which was reached by stage from Pueblo, Colo. Field work extended over western New Mexico and eastern Arizona south of the Colorado River, thus once more including parts of the plateau and Great Basin provinces. Monoclinal flexures and the Zuni uplift were studied in the plateau region, of which the southwestern and southern margin was traced; several members of the basin-range system were examined, and volcanic phenomena were studied more fully than before. This season closed with Gilbert's return, in late November and early December, by stage to Pueblo and train to Washington; there he spent a large part of the fol- lowing year in completing his reports. His residence in Washington is described in a later section. FIELD NOTEBOOKS: PERSONAL EXPERIENCES It is profitable to know something about the personal methods of work adopted by suc- cessful scientists, and the field notebooks of an eminent geologist are therefore of special inter- est. The theory of note taking in geological field work, especially during a prolonged cam- paign in a distant and little-known region, demands that the records of observed facts shall be so complete as to leave little to the memory, and advises that full but carefully separated records should be made of the speculations and interpretations excited by the facts. Practice departs largely and variously from theory, and in Gilbert's case conspicuously so. His notes of three field seasons on the Wheeler survey were made in 17 small books, each containing about 140 pages, measuring 6 by Z% inches, and usually with from 70 to 100 words to a page, written crosswise. The record of observations for the first year of rapid movement with a large party is only occasionally detailed, more often scanty; a day occupies from 1 to 10 pages. In ACADEMY OP SCENCES] WHEELER SURVEY 17 subsequent years, when he was freer to move as he wished, records are fuller. Theoretical in- ferences are rarely found; sketches, profiles, and sections are for the most part incompletely and roughly drawn. The handwriting was rather careful in the first book of 1S71, but became more irregular afterwards; in some of the later books grotesque initial letters are often elabor- ately drawn at the beginning of each day's notes, as if there had been time to spare after break- fast before the party was ready to move. The form of record is simple and direct, often col- loquial, and occasionally facetious. The pages contain a mixture of items about persons and places of temporary value; of more serious but irrelevant matters, such as notes on vegetation and mining, usefid in building a background of experience for the writer even though no later use is made of them; and of geology proper, in the extension and interpretation of which memory must often have been largely resorted to before the recorded observations could be put into form of value to others than the writer. The following extract from an entry at a waterless camp in the Mohave desert in August, 1871, is altogether exceptional in its fullness and generalized quality, but it is characteristic of Gilbert's even temper; for in spite of many discomforts and of occasional hardships, no word of complaint is anywhere recorded. Our dry camp of last night illustrated some phases of human nature, good & bad. There was no con- version of character, but merely a development. Those who customarily exhibited sense remained cool. The feeble-minded were panic stricken. The generous, the selfish, the sanguine, the timid did not change their characters. . . . The greed with which one or two absorbed the public water showed that it would not do to make it common property in case of extremity. The only way to ensure a proper economy & temperance in its use is to have each canteenful private property, & if a larger quantity is transported, to have it issued in rations in some equitable manner. A sample of frequent notes on plant forms is as follows, from near Ivanpah, Nevada: The novelties in vegetation have been many. It appears that there are two Spanish bayonets, one trunked & branching with seed pods barely as large as a bk. walnut, the other with paler leaves & pendent seed-vessels three or 4 inches long. These, esp. the 1st with the Palmetto make the plain look like an orchard, so thickly are they set. New cacti of 6 kinds. Mishaps are often recorded, as on August 27, 1871, in the desert of Nevada: Today my mule gave out with hunger & fatigue & I had to walk several miles, but she finally recovered so as to bring me into camp at nine o'clock, which was but an hour later than the rest. Frontier conditions during the era when the West was in the dim dawn of the Star of Empire, before the sunlight of civilization had come over from the East, were illustrated by an incident in Arizona, November 7, 1871: "In Camp near Prescott. Rumor of the attack on the stage containing H , L , and S — . November 8: . . . The camp goes on with its regular business notwithstanding the news from Wickenburg. Indeed there is nothing to be done except to write to the friends of the murdered. The at-present accredited version of the affair is: The stage with 7 passengers & 1 driver was attacked 6 m. beyond Wickenburg by white men 10-13 in number. The driver did not halt when ordered & the stage was fired into from behind. Several men were wounded including the driver & the team became unmanageable [Two passengers] though both wounded jumped out and escaped by running ahead. ... At the stage were found the dead bodies of all but H , who is not yet accounted for. The murderers took hastily some money & retreated. A large amt. of money was overlooked. Twelve men started from Wickenburgh or Vulture Mill in pursuit and a company of cavalry was afterwards dispatched. Later news leaves no hope for H . It is interesting to learn from a passage in Wheeler's narrative that a member of the Mo- have tribe who accompanied the boat party of the survey into the Colorado Canyon, as de- scribed below, aided in discovering the perpetrators of this murderous attack, who were thus found to be not white men but Indians. Toward the end of the first season, some experience was had of the forlorn conditions prevalent in certain frontier towns. Four days "were spent in Arizona City in a somewhat monotonous manner. . . . Marvine & I practised a little at billiards. . . . Wrote a column for the Free Press. The Free Press office is about 14 ft. square and includes the bed as well as the table and desk of the editor & all hands. Boxes serve as chairs & bottles as candlesticks. 18 GROVE KARL GILBERT— DAVIS [Memoirs Nat ional No stove. A dirt floor." A tersely expressed opinion of the editor is added, but is not here quoted. Great changes have taken place since that early time, for in the present era of state- hood, Arizona is, according to the competent testimony of one of its own officials, entering upon a career of progress " that shall be equal to none." The notebooks of the second season contain somewhat fuller records than those of the first. A rather wide range of home reading is suggested by an entry made on August 8, 1872, in a narrow shelter from the glaring sunshine of the Sevier desert: I write this in the shade of a telegraph pole. " Bless the good Duke of Argyle." But in case any reader itches for an explanation of this remote and aristocratic allusion, he will be barking up the wrong pole if he consults a telegrapher. An increasing range of field experience appears to have been reached after leaving the arid basin ranges and entering the moister province of the high plateaus, for note was made on October 14 of an item characteristic of practical geological exploration : Just at camp we had to cross a creek at a steep spot & my saddle went forward. I "nat'rally " went over- board into the creek. No damage reported beyond a wetting. This confession is illustrated by a faint little pencil outline of the horse stopping on the rapid incline and the rider plunging head first into the water below. Not long before, on October 3, Gilbert had his first view of the fantastically sculptured slope beneath the south-facing escarpment of one of the high plateaus in southern Utah, which appears to have excited more admiration in the minds of the senior members of his party than was felt by one of the assistants. Up the Sevier a few miles & then to the left a few miles more until we came suddenly on the grandest of views. We stand on a cliff 1000 ft. high, the "Summit of the Rim" . . . Just before starting down the slope we caught a glimpse of a perfect wilderness of red pinnacles, the stunningest thing out for a picture. Later on the same day is written, under "Incidents": When Mr. Hoxie and I reached the jumping off place & were entranced & exclamatory at the grandeur of the view & its topographical excellence, up comes Mr. Kilp & remarks with a smile: " Well, we're nicely caught, ■aint we?" This trifling incident merits citation here, because it remained in Gilbert's mind long afterwards and was retold in California with much fuller account, drawn from memory, of the wide prospect than is entered in the notes, "to illustrate the relation of the traveler's appreciation to his point of view," as follows: One summer afternoon, 35 years ago, I rode along a high plateau in southern Utah. My companions were Hoxie, a young army officer; Weiss, a veteran topographer, who mapped our route as we went, and Kipp, an assistant whose primary duty was to carry a barometer. Not far behind us was a pack-train. We were ex- plorers, studying the geography and geology of a strange land. About us was a forest of pine and fir, but we rode through a lane of sunlit prairie cradled in a shallow valley. Suddenly the floor of the prairie came to an end, and we halted on the crest of a cliff overlooking a vast expanse of desert lowland. The desert was not a monotonous plain, like that of northwestern Utah, but a land of mesas, canons, buttes, and cliffs, all so bare that the brilliant colors of their rocks shone forth — orange, red, chocolate, blue, and white — fading slowly into the gray of the remote distance. We were looking across the broad barren tract through which the Colorado winds in Glen and Marble canons, and of which the Painted Desert of Arizona is a minor division. To most of us it was a supreme vision of beauty and grandeur as well as desolation, a scene for which words were in- adequate; and we stood spellbound. The silence was at last broken by Kipp, who exclaimed, "Well, we're nicely caught!" and his discordant note so carried us from the sublime to the ridiculous that our tense emotion found first expression in a laugh. . . . Kipp saw only that the cliff at our feet barred further progress in that direction, and all that had appealed most strongly to the others was lost on him." ' The wretchedness imposed upon certain settlers who, for reasons that are best not in- quired into, seek isolation in a barren desert where living is barely possible, is strikingly de- scribed in the notes of November 10, 1872, at a camp by a small spring under the Vermilion cliffs of the plateau province, east of the Kaibab and north of the Marble Canyon of the Colorado: 1 Sierra Club Bulletin, 1908, 225. ACADEMY OF SCENCES] WHEELER SURVEY 19 The house of . . . has one long room & about 10 inhabitants. It is half dug in the shale & half built of stone. Two wagons near by serve as sleeping apartments. Before the door is a spring that flows down a steep slope of shale trod to mud by the cattle & devoid of vegetation. Back of it rises the red sand- stone cliff & in front stretches the desert plain cut by the Colorado chasm. The largest tree is greasewood [a small shrub] & in fine the picture is one of intense squalor & desolation. Imagination could not invent a more appropriate home for such an outcast. Better conditions were found a few weeks later in a small Gentile town farther north : I have returned at night to 's Store which is the most comfortable house I have seen for many weeks. It has four rooms and a housekeeper. The table cloth is white. The butter is good & the milk is cream. This is a combination of luxuries unknown in the saintly settlements. Contra the wholesome brown bread of Mormon penury is exchanged for white, light, palatable, indigestible biscuits. Beds. The last word suggested a review, which follows : At Zion we furnished our own blankets & slept on the floor. At Rockville the same except we were furnished pillows. At Mt. Carmel we were given extra blankets & the lee side of a corn stack. At Toquerville I slept in a wagon box with the boy, at Workman's Ranch on the ground with the boy again. At Kanab in a bed on a bedstead alone, at Allendale ditto with the boy. At Circleville, ditto, ditto. Such are examples of personal experience taken from Gilbert's early records of his western explorations. NOTES ON SCIENTIFIC TOPICS Geological notes are usually limited to matters of direct observation, such as the nature of volcanic rocks, sections of stratified formations with record of attitude, composition, and fossils, and estimates of thickness. Surface forms are described briefly, if at all. Reviews and generalizations are rare; by way of exception a good number of observations on springs are collected in summaries on two dates in August, 1871. A bath in Sevier Lake led to a con- cise note as to the density of its water: It is not so buoyant as Salt Lake & I infer not so salt. Floated about as in figure, ab & c are water lines for fresh water, Sevier L. & G. Salt Lake. The water of thfc latter holds 20% of mineral matter. The second may have 12%-14 %. The figure referred to shows a man immersed to different depths, indicated by lettered lines. Theoretical inquiries and speculations were rarely recorded, although it is impossible that a mind as active as Gilbert's should not have indulged in them frequently. A rare example is as follows, November 19, 1871 : . . . There are Problems connected with the +d sandstone [a cross-bedded yellow sandstone, 400 feet thick, in the upper Gila Valley]. 1st. How can it have originated conformably over a large area of limestone? The Potsdam [sandstone resting on cr3'stalline rocks] is easily accounted for. It represents a gradual sinking of the land & is followed by the natural sequence of shale and limestone. If the +d sand also represents a sinking, where is the erosion of the complementary elevation? 2d. How came so great a mass to be cross- stratified in one system from top to bottom? . . . The uniformity of all beds along lines of mesa front and the line of the Colorado indicates that these lines were coast lines or parallel to coast lines during the original deposition. The belt of the -f d sandstone may not be a broad one though it is already proven to be 100 miles long at least. Perhaps the bed was laid slowly during a period of constant conditions when a strong shore current bore the sand along to gradually build out a bar. In that case the ocean must have been south of the mesa line [plateau rim] for the dip is that way. . . . Later, having seen more of the +d sandstone I have to limit the description as to cross lamination. The lines do not run through the lines of bedding, though they present that appearance at a distance. At the top of a bed they terminate somewhat abruptly without deflec- tion while at the bottom they become tangent to the line of bedding. The lines may have originally curved at the top also, & have been cut off by the currents that formed the succeeding bed. The reason for this exceptional deliberation may be found in a preceding entry: Mules and horses strayed this a. m. & some delay in getting them. But deliberate as the discussion was, the absence of all suggestion of an aeolian origin for the cross-bedded sandstone is noteworthy. In the following year, 1872, the peculiar conditions under which the coal beds of the plateau province had been formed excited inquiry: 20 GROVE KARL GILBERT— DAVIS tMw