MEMOIRS | OF THE TORREY BOTANICAL CLUB Cee ee SMARTS VOLUME X ISTORY i OF IN ITS 7 RELATION TO ASTER Wee a ee ae EDWARD SANDFORD BURGESS STUDIES IN THE HISTORY AND VARIATIONS OF ASTERS Part I HISTORY IN ITS RELATION TO ASTER BY EDWARD SANDFORD BURGESS | ; PREFATORY NOTE This first volume of Aster Studies is by limitations of size con- fined to the general historical treatment proposed — leaving the description of species to a volume soon to follow. The present volume traces the history of Aster to 1600, or through the con- tinuance of the ancient monotype conception of Aster; that is, until Clusius’ polytype conception came into full dominance as embodied in the series of Aster species set forth by him in 1601. It has been my aim to present the history of Aster from the Greeks to Clusius in such a way as to show its relations to other botanical thought and writing, and to disentangle the constantly recurring confusions with other blended genera. This involves notice of all important plant-writers before Clusius, constituting this volume a sketch of the History of Pre-Clusian Botany. Such a history will, I trust, be the more acceptable because it seems to be much needed in English, our language being as yet without any extended work covering this field. Future interest in this subject among English-speaking lovers of learning will some time no doubt become so great as to call forth a full and exhaus- tive history of the earlier botany. The present work is but a step toward such a desired consummation ; but its plan has its advan- tages in the singleness of view gained by tracing one single aspect of the subject through the past. In carrying out this plan, I have sought above all to turn on the light. I have therefore dwelt longer on many unfamiliar and almost inaccessible mediaeval writings than upon the better-known though earlier classics. With the rarer works I have added such simple bibliographic details as may be helpful to the inquirer ; but without intending the fullness required by the bibliographic spe- cialist. Where possible in these cases, I have mentioned the library where a copy may be seen in America; making much use of familiar abbreviations such as J/S.,= manuscript; ex. dzb/. Colu., = from the library of Columbia University ; ex. Zér. Bu., = from the library of the writer: etc., etc. Such citations may seem trivial to some, but not to those who have experienced with the writer the difficulty of getting access to a desired mediaeval work at the time wanted. ES. 5 Norma. CoLiecre, New York Ciry, Sept. 6, Vv CONTENIS (See also Index of Subjects, Authors and Species, p. 421.) INTRODUCTION TO THIS SERIES OF ASTER STUDIES I RIEF PRELIMINARY SKETCH OF THE GENERAL HISTORY OF ASTER’ 9 arly Period 10 Dioscoridean Period 12 Clusian Period wa6 n Period 1 Segregation Period 18 PRE-CLUSIAN BOTANY IN ITS RELATION TO ASTER ......... 20 THE ANCIENT TYPE, Aster Atticus of Dioscorides 20 Identification with Aster Amel/us of Linnaeus 21 Identification with the Ame//us of Vergil 23 DIGEST OF ANCIENT DESCRIPTION AND BELIEF RELATING TO ASTER 25 Aster Description “6 Flower Structure 26 Time of Flowering 27 Color of Flowers 27 Stem and Branches 29 Root 30 Leaves 31 Achenes 31 Taste 32 Aster Habitats, Localities and Situations 32 Early Regard for Aster 35 Aster gathered by flower-lovers 35 Aster brought to shrines and temples 36 Aster in pastoral life 36 Aster Properties 39 Aster as Stomachic 39 Aster used for the Eye 40 Aster used ad inguen and for ulcers 40 Aster used for Epilepsy 44 Aster used for Sciatica 45 Aster used for Goitre and Quinsy 45 Aster used for Venomous Bites 45 Aster as used by Lower Animals 47 Aster used in Dyeing 48 Aster Temy 49 Modes of Using Aster Remedies 5° Plasters and Salves 50 vill CONTENTS Aster used i nternally Aster used as an Amulet Other Superstitious Modes. of Use Procuring Sleep or Forgetfulness Parts used ASTER NAMES ' The word Aszer.in Greek Names for Aster Alticus Plant-names derived from As¢er Punic Plant-names assimilated to Aszer Aster as Name of ee Samian Earth Aster Medi PLANT WRITERS BEFORE CLusIuS, TABULAR View with date, subject, language and nationality EARLY CLASSICAL WRITERS. ] Hippocrates flyophthalmon and Rostrum porcinum Polyophthalmon and Buphthalmon........00c00.06 BS oe II Aristotle and Nicolaos Damascenos Ill mane rlanale his As/eriscus IV Nic Vv eee (with Andreas) VI Vergil — psi Macer) gil’s Amel asa Pine Wa 229 VII Celsus ; his Asteriace VIII Coane: his Amellus DIOSCORIDEAN PERIOD ; Classical IX Dioscorides Areta Dioscorides Anazarbeus Dioscorides Phaca and the Younger Dioscorides’ Aster Atticus Diose orides’ Dacian Rathibida es of Dioscorides ~~ Pliny Pliny’s Aster or Bubonion Pliny’s Jnguinaria Pliny’ s Avge XI Pausanias ; is Asterion Later Roman Writ XIV poeta re his Chelidonia CONTENTS ix XV Apicius Coelius ; his Viola, etc 166 x heodorus Priscianus ; his Pxéz 167 V arcellus Empiricus ; his Sarcocod/a, etc 168 4 XVIII Apuleius Platonicus ; his Asterio 171 4 XI ; hi 173 : XX Plinius Valerianus 176 XXI Isidorus 177 i Early Byzantine Writers. XXII Anonumos ; his Anthemis 178 XXIII Aétios 179 XXIV Paulus Aegineta 180 Arabic Writers. 3 XV Rhazes : 182 ® XXVI Avicenna ; his Atratisus 182 XXVII Serapion ; his Astarati. on 183 XXVIII Other Arabic Writers 185 Various Late Greek Writers X Photius 187 XXX Simeon Seth 187 XXXI Stephanos Magnetes 188 4 XIL Nico = Sagas 189 Bi: XXXIII Actuari 189 MEDIAEVAL PLANT SR - Writers of the West 189 XXXIV Charlemagne’s Capitularies 190 XXXV Charlemagne’s Breviary of 812 seis SQ XXXVI Rhabanus IgI XXXVII Walafrid Strabus ; his Agrimonia”’ 192 Salernitan Writer: XXXVIII Maca Floridus ; his personality and his poem 196 Macer’s Magna Graecian names 205 Macer’s Latin folk-names 207 Macer’s Aster references 207 Macer’s allied or contrasted plants 213 XXXIX The School of Salerno 214 Plant-Writers of Monte Cassino Secutee Ie Synopsis of Plant Writers and Physicians of Stee, 848 ? to 1500...... 216 XL Gariopont 229 XLI Constantinus Africanus 233 he Regimen Salerni 236 XLII et ue Villanova ; his Secoia Violet 243 XLIV PI 246 segue of pine Plateario family. 246 Matteo Plateari bastidin 250° His Circa isle + . bile elk adits al Mulbebliyind edict 253 x CONTENTS Circa Instans, the focus of mediaeval plant-lore oblivion Synopsis of its Aster-relatives and other plant- names Traces of the Salerno Botanical Garden, etc...... ee Works derived from Circa instans Immediate Latin derivatives he Domian redaction Bartolomeo’s 7ractatus French derivatives ; the Secres de Salerne, Arbolayre and Le Grant Herbier. English Derivatives ; Zhe Grete Herbal 273 Later Latin and German Derivatives, from 1244 to 1782 German and Miscellaneous Plant Writers. XLV Hild is XLVI Albertus Magnus LVII Raimundus Lullus e Kirant Kiranides XLVIII Albertus and Henricus de Saxonia IX Thomas de Cantiprato L Bartholomaeus Anglicus LI Vincent de Beauvais Il Crescenzi Crescenzi’s /ringio or [rincit LIII Simon Januensis His Asterion in the Clavis sanationis His /rringus in his Serapion His search for Dioscorides' plants LIV Matteo Silvatico or P; His Eryngium or Alibium LV The Aggregator Practicus 4 Authors and works known as /erbarius a Editions of this Aggregator... . The Aggregator’s /ringus _ The woodcut of Aster-Eryngium LVI Conrad von Megenberg.... The Buch der Natur His Oculus porci, Flos-campi, Himelstliissel. LVII The Ortut santtatis . woodcut for Aster Its LVIII The Gart der Gesundheit Its i Ynguirialis or Sternkraut ut for A: CONTENTS «i LIX Giacomo da Manlio 323 His Ascaracon 325 RENAISSANCE PLANT WRITERS 326 LX Dioscorides at the Revival of Learning 326 Translations 326 Synopsis of Annotators, from 1480 to 1628, etc....... 327 : LXI seit i ee Brunswick 330 333 LXII Ween Barbarus 334 His Aster, or Stella, as Alchemilla 335 : His Buphthalmum or Herba Paralysts .....0...00c0c000: 335 . is Amellus as Chamomitlla 336 LXIII Wi ceoedlon Vergilius ; his eee nloss 337 LXIV Ruellius ; his Aster 337 Aster as Aspergu iy 338 LXV Manardi; his Her ba Stella 338 LXVI Conadncs : 339 EXVIY Brontels oc55. a ac ee 340 He declines to identify Aster. 341 His Garyophylion ; 341 LXVIII Bock (Tragus) 342 His Stellaria pendi 343 His Aster or Uva Lupina (Herb Paris) 344 His Aster or Tinctorius Flos 346 LXIX Fuchs " 348 He correctly distinguishes Aster from Eryngium...... 349 He issues the first correct nan of Aster 350 His Aster-description 351 ae LXX. Dorstenius 353 ee LXXI Euricius Cordus oe S85 LXXII Valerius Cordus 355 Cordus establishes the identification of Aster........... 356 LXXIII Conrad Gesner 358 Gesner’s Botanical Writings 359 : Gesner on Polytype Genera 360 Gesner’s Plant-names 361 4 ‘¢ Conizoides,’” OF Gésme? $ ASEET oii ece docs cies div ces 361 Gesner’s Five Aster-species 363 sters of Thomas Penny and of Rauwolf. 363 EX XIV Anguillara 365 Anguillara’s Search for Dioscorides’ Plants 365 Anguillara’s Botanical Garden 366 Anguillara in persecution and exile 268 Anguillara’s Semplici. ihc BGe Anguillara as Source for Cratevas 371 CONTENTS isees 0 Anguillara’s Aster- identifications ; ; his Pallenis ra’s naib nce Aa k -p) Plants known as Oculus Christi ulus Consulis LXXV Matthioli Matthioli’s description of Aster Matthioli’s figures of Aster Matthiol's REA! COMTPOVOPSIBNSE akc siis io. ies cee te Guilandin Amatus Lusitanus LXXVI Joachim Camerarius His figures of Aster alpinus 1 Last appearances of Monotypic Aster. XVII. Rivius LXXVIII John Lonitzer LXXXVII Lobel Lobel's eight ‘‘ Asters ’’ L XXXVIIL Clusius Clusius’ life as a botanist Clusius’ writings Tabular view correlating Clusius’ eight Asters..... Correlation, of — other Aster-names of Clusius. 41 Aster piper i Somes oe aries. , ‘ XCII Colonna .. sionals cu gece XCVI Guarda: eet ee eee -Polytypic Aster .. DEX. OF F SUBJECTS, AUTHORS AND SPECIES... MEMOIRS VOLUME X HISTORY ie : ee S ais INTRODUCTION The genus Aster has been long admired for its beauty and di- versity. No lover of quiet natural beauty but feels its lingering charm. Few plants bear their wealth of bloom with a more un- conscious grace. No wonder that the all-expressing Greek should call the plant ‘the many-eyed.” Its ministry is not alone to the outer but to the inner sense, mee one say with Emerson Every aster in my h Goes home laden are a thought. The suggestions inspired by the variability of asters hinge a profound significance. The very quality which makes the genus so vexatious to the searcher after quick and certain definitions of species, makes it full of keenest interest to the student of variation. Variation—which is Nature—reaches a maximum development in Aster. This is true in two ways, for few species vary so insen- sibly into each other while in their unchanged native state; and few species are so rapidly modified under changed environment. It was with these feelings that my studies of Aster were begun about 1886, and with the hope that continued observation in the field might bring a glimpse of nature in the very act of the varia- tion process, I have sought to determine the respective varia- bility of characters and to indicate what effects have been produced by environment. It is sometimes suggested that in Aster new species are being formed by development from the old with more rapidity than in most genera of the present. If there is even the possibility that this is actually the case, it follows that there is needed more than usual care and exactness in the limitation of Aster-forms as at present known, to aid comparative work in the future. That the genus should present extreme difficulties of classification is the natural result from its plasticity. Toward Memoirs Torrey Botanical Club, Volume X. (1) Z STUDIES IN THE GENUS ASTER their solution the foundation-work was admirably laid by Nees in 1832,* and for American species by Torrey and Gray + in 1841— together with comparisons made by Dr. Gray with European her- | baria, results of which appeared in his Synoptical Flora, in 1884. : There still remained the need of continuous field studies and of extensive collections of closely connected forms, and also of wide — comparison of material already existing in American herbaria. — The need of a further revision of the species of Aster was evident — from the number of unassignable forms already existing in collec- tions, from the number discoverable in the field, and from the ex- : perience of botanists, especially of that master of the Compositae | Dr. Asa Gray, whose own judgment regarding the asters, made to-_ ward the close of his labors, was that “little satisfaction has been — obtained as the result of prolonged and repeated studies.” Never-_ theless, he has laid a broad foundation, and requires at the outse 4 the profound acknowledgment of any subsequent investigators. — Some may say it is a rash undertaking to attempt subsequent limitation of species in Aster. It seems, however, that the great : ture herself has not yet said her last word in the genus Aster, and he will do well who can keep up with her progress. It is, therefore, my present purpose to put on record such con tributions toward the knowledge of the asters as my studies in th field and elsewhere during the last fifteen years have enabled me to make. I plan to make impartial mention of all forms seen, not omitting those imperfectly known. Their omission might be gain in symmetry and might prevent some inevitable errors in in terpretation of their relationships ; but by mentioning even the ob- scurer forms their study in the future may be stimulated, and it is the advancement of knowledge which is the true aim of scienti study, rather than the symmetry of the immediate achievemen Many other forms as yet unknown will no doubt be discovered especially when the further north and the mountains of the south *C. G. Nees ab Esenbeck, ‘Genera et Species Asterearum,’’ t Torrey and Gray’s Flora of North America, Vol, Il, part 1. 1841 ——— INTRODUCTION 8 shall have been made the subject of more detailed investigations. Meanwhile, I present the results so far reached, utilizing the evi- dence derived from thousands of specimens of my own collecting and from field studies ranging from Canada to Virginia, with par- ticular concentration upon regions about the Potomac, about Lake Erie, the Massachusetts coast and New York City. Many asters in the herbarium give but little hint of their orig- inal texture, or develop a new color in the pappus, or change in many other ways. My method has been, therefore, to make de- tailed field notes of characters as well as of conditions of growth. Many characters presented by early stages or by radical and lower -cauline leaves, are lost at flowering time. I have therefore made it an especial object to secure the earliest spring growths and the intermediate stages. , Many asters have also seemed so variable that it has been questioned if the same rootstock would repeat the same characters at all in the growth of a second year. I have, therefore, kept the same plants under scrutiny for three successive seasons, sometimes for four years or more in succession, keeping certain sections under such repeated observation, including numerous localities near New York City; on Martha’s Vineyard; near Newton, Mass., on the Charles River ; in the White Mountains ; in the Lake Erie region (at Niagara gorge; in the Cattaraugus Indian reservation; near Silver Creek, and near Dunkirk, N. Y.); also about the Potomac River. Many courtesies have been received from the owners or cura- tors of various herbaria examined. I desire hereby to make special acknowledgments also to those who have kindly made collections for me, particularly to Mr, E. P. Bicknell, who has generously placed at my service his extensive field collections made about New York City. Mr. M. L. Fernald has made similar collections for me about Orono, Maine, Miss Nellie F. Harvey about Castine, Maine, Mr. James B. Graves about Susquehanna, Pa., Dr. Charles A. Graves near New London, Conn., Prof. Albert A. Ruth about Knoxville, Tenn., Miss Caroline A. Ripley in Missouri and Kan- sas, Mr. Charles Mohr in Alabama, and Mr. C. L. Beadle in North Carolina. To the foregoing and to those who have sent me lesser con- 4 STUDIES IN THE GENUS ASTER tributions, and to the curators of the herbaria to be enumerated, I 3 desire hereby to make particular acknowledgment, not forgetting — the courtesies also received from Dr. George Vasey and Dr. ~ Sereno Watson ‘iin the past, and the aid received from Prof. T. C. — Porter by consultation with his valuable herbarium before the — lamentable fire of 1808. . I also owe especial acknowledgment to Dr. Edmund A. Baker 4 of the British Museum, for comparing in my behalf the Gronovian ~ herbarium, to Dr. L. M. Underwood for furnishing similar com- — parisons in the Willdenovian Herbarium at Berlin, and to the late — Mons. A. Franchet and to the artist Miss Ida L. Miner, for com- parisons and drawings from the Michaux herbarium and others in the collection of the Jardin des Plantes at Paris. I also desire to commend the fidelity and care with which M M. E. Baker (Mrs. C. D. Henline) of New York City has executed for me the drawings which illustrate fourteen of the Biotian specie or varieties. Larger herbaria collated include : Cambridge, Mass., Herb. Gray, including part of that of Nees, and Herb. Klatt. Cambridge, Mass., Herb. Walter Deane. New York City, Herb. Columbia University, including Herb. — Torrey and Herb. Meisner. New York City, Herb. N. Y. Botanical Garden, including He Gibbes and others, . New York City, Herb. N. Y. College of Pharmacy, including Herb. Canby. New York City, Herb. Torrey Botanical Club. Albany, N. Y., Herb. N. Y. State, in charge of Prof. C. H. Pee Buffalo, N. Y., Herb. Buffalo Society of Natural History, inclu ing Herb. Clinton. Philadelphia, Pa., Herb. University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, Pa., Herb. Philadelphia Botanical Club. Philadelphia, Pa., Herb, Academy of Science, including p of Schweinitz, Nuttall, Rafinesque. : Philadelphia, Pa., Herb. American Philosophical Society, de ited with the Academy of Science, including Herb, Muhlenbe Herb. Pursh, Herb. Barton, Herb, Lewis and Clarke's exped INTRODUCTION 5 Easton, Pa., Herb. T. C. Porter, and his Herb. Pennsylvania. St. Louis, Mo., Herb. Missouri Botanical Garden, including Herb. Bernhardi, Herb. Engelmann, Herb. Buckley. Washington, D.C., Herb. U.S. Department of Agriculture, with 3 Herb. L. F. Ward and Herb. H. W. Henshaw. Lincoln, Neb., Herb. University of Nebraska. Columbus, O., Herb. University of Ohio. STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF ASTE ASTER HIsTORY 9 BRIEF SKETCH OF THE GENERAL HISTORY OF : ASTER" In this sketch of the past history of the Asters, my purpose is to supply, first, a brief outline of the history of the genus as a whole, reserving the history of each individual species for separate consideration later together with its description. There was a long period before the definite limitation of species, when for per- haps 2,000 years Aster was thought of as a single entity. Dur- ing that long period it is possible to treat the history of Aster as one. I plan also to present for that period a digest of the current be- liefs and superstitions regarding Aster, with a summary of the related applications of the name, and a glance at other names applied to Aster. My plan is to consider serially each writer who had something to say about Aster, and to say enough of him to make his relations to the development of knowledge of Asters in- telligible. The need of such explanations seems the greater be- cause there is so little available in English relating to the history of botany before Brunfels. This part of the work becomes therefore a sketch of the history of Pre-Clusian botany in its re- lations to Aster. I call it botany, not in the sense of botany as a science, but for lack of any other term to indicate plant-knowledge, however un- critical and however often merging into folklore. I call it Pre- Clusian, because Clusius’ * descriptions of the plants of Spain in 1576 ushered in a new era in the definite limitation of species in Aster. The principal work available in English on the history of botany, Garnsey’s translation of Sachs’ History, begins substanti- ally with Caesalpino, in 1583, and properly so, for that work is in- tended as a history of dominating botanical ideas. Caesalpino’s greatness was not as a describer of Asters, but as a thinker, and as enunciator of the principles regnant in botany until Linnaeus. For accurate description of new Asters, however, as well as for * Clusius, Charles de 1’ Escluse, 1526-1609, who explored parts of France, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Switzerland, Germany, Austria, Hungary and the Netherlands for new and rare plants, 1550-1587. 10 STUDIES IN THE GENUS ASTER that of hosts of other plants, the turning-point was also nearly coincident in time, having just been reached in 1576 in the work of Clusius,—who had begun his botanical studies in 1550 and was searching for plants in the Alps as early as 1553 but who ripened his species well before publishing. For the period before Clusius, Meyer’s unfinished Geschichte der Botanik * is the well-known and masterly summary, and we can but regret that the life of the untiring author was cut off in the midst of his noble undertaking. Wherever possible I have used the authors themselves, seeking to make them tell their own story, using for this purpose besides my own library, that of Columbia University and of the N. Y. Botanical Garden, with aids from that of Prof. E. L. Greene, from the Astor library, etc. Next to the authors themselves I owe most to Meyer; and so far as they still remain serviceable, I have made use of Sprengel’s Historia rei her- bariae (Amsterdam, 1807-8), Winckler’s Geschichte der Botanik (Frankfort, 1854), Lenz's Botanik in alten Griechen und R6men (Gotha, 1859), Billerbeck’s Flora Classica (Leipsic, 1824), and a multitude of other works of more restricted field. Aster as a plant name has long been in botanical use, its contin- uous history extending through more than 2,200 years. Its appli- cation, especially its limitation, has been more or less indefinite, but seems always to have included one pivotal species, the Aster Amellus of Linnaeus, the Aster Atticus of Dioscorides and of antiquity, the historic type of the genus, and a fairly early ex- ample, we may say, of a binomial plant name. This species pre- sents the generic characters fairly well, but owes its early preémi- nence particularly to the fact that nature had produced it in abundance near that center of ancient culture, the city of Athens. Identification of classical references depends largely on con- tinuity of citation. Citation makes the Asteriscus of the Greeks a synonym of their Aster Atticus. It is in the form Asteriscus that the Aster makes its earliest appearance in written botany ; disre- garding for the present its still earlier probable appearance in med- icine, as mentioned by Hippocrates in the previous century under the different name polyophthalmon. These are the earliest occur- *In 4 Vols., KGnigsberg, 1854-1857, by Ernst H. F. Meyer. ASTER HIsTory 11 rences known to-day, though the fortune of the papyrus-hunter may still unearth some one of the many antecedent references that doubtless once existed. The mention of the Asteriscus occurs in the History of Plants by Theophrastus, the “father of botany,” written perhaps about 320 B. C.; stating, book 14, chapter 13, of certain small taper seeds that they resemble those of the asteriscus but are more slen- der. His casual manner of reference indicates that the plant and its name were no new thing to the Greeks of that day. His use of the diminutive also suggests that the name in the positive form had been long familiar, for it is a mark of the senescence of a word’s life that it should drop into the diminutive ; like the use of swéacute for acute or Augustulus for Augustus. Allusions by the Greek and Roman poets are the next refer- ences that have come downto us. They bring us the first sur- viving trace of the power of the asters to charm, in the tribute paid them by the Ionian poet Nicander, about 160 B.C., saying of his datépa pwrttlovta, Whoe’er indeed you may be that may gather the luminous Aste Or pluck the Helenium, place them on the roadside shrines of a gods,— Yea, even on the images wreath them, and that when first you behold them ; Pluck again and again these enchantments beautiful, and pluck the chrysanthemums, And lilies, and lay them as garlands on the tombs of the weary at rest. First to draw and paint the Aster seems to have been Cratevas the Greek herbalist, perhaps 100 B.C., whose custom was to paint figures of plants and write their names and properties to ac- company each figure. Part of his credulous lore respecting the properties of his Aster has come down to us; the original figure, which doubtless accompanied it once, has long since perished ; but something of its semblance after numerous copyings, probably still survives in certain illustrated manuscripts of Dioscorides. Vergil, perhaps seventy years later, followed with the chief tri- bute which the Aster was to receive from Latin poetry, and Colu- mella, after another seventy years, bestowed on it its chief tribute from Latin prose. Soon followed the great treatises of Dioscorides and Pliny, the Greek physician and the Roman naturalist writing at nearly the same time, the Roman perhapsa dozen years the later, both including the Aster among their medical plants, and 12 ASTER HISTORY Dioscorides furnishing the first and only description of much detail prior to the revival of learning. We may therefore say that the first real description of Aster which has come down to us is that of Dioscorides, of date perhaps about 65 A.D. Subsequent appearances of Aster in the writings of nearly 1,500 years rest mainly on the basis of Dioscorides’ de- scription. Monotypic Aster.—During the whole of Greek and Roman an- tiquity and during the mediaeval period prior to the revival of learning, only one aster (omitting Tripolium) was known to the consciousness of the race as expressed in recorded literature. One, Aster remained essentially to those whose botanical labors were based primarily upon Dioscorides. Aster was still one entity to Brunfels * and Bock + and Fuchs { in 1531—though © a debatable entity, for which they were all groping to find the true prototype in nature. Aster seems still to have impressed Ruellius § as one in 1537, and Rivius || and John Lonitzer{ in 1543- It was still one to his son Adam Lonitzer ** in 1557 when he issued his Kreuterbuch or herbal. Matthioli, the great commen- tator on Dioscorides, also treats Aster as one in his commentary ; Tf but before his death in 1577 he was constrained to admit a second Aster, his ‘Aster Atticus alter.” tt Polytypic Aster—Meanwhile Fuchs and Bock had perceived the diversity of asters perhaps as early as 1539. They had turned from the exposition of Dioscorides to the exposition of *B nfels’ ‘Exegesis --. Simplicium Dioscoridae,’’ page 29 of his ‘‘ De vera herbarum cognitione,’’—forming part of Brunfels’ Nov. Herbarii Tomus II.,’’ Stras- burg, 1531-2. Hieronymus Tragus’ ‘‘ Herbarum dissertationes,’’ 157 ; in Brunfels’ ** De vera herbarum.’’ , { Leonhard Fuchs’ ‘‘ Annotationes,’’ 152-3; in Brunfels’ ‘De vera herbarum.”’ es e De natura stirpium libri tres,”’ 633 (book 3, c. 126). Basle, 1537: *s “ Annotationes’’? to Ruellius’ Lati i i i : esis atin translations of Dioscorides, 345 {| Lonitzer’s ‘‘ Scholia’’ on Marcellus Vergilius’ Latin translation of Dioscorides, fol. 67. Marburg, 1543. ** Lonitzer’s Kreuterbuch, fol. 177. Frankfort, 1557. tt Matthioli, Venice, editions 1544-60. tt Matthioli, editions 1563 and onward, Potytypic ASTER 13 Nature. They had been rewarded and had made discoveries. To Fuchs, at some time it would seem between his Annotationes in 1531 and the edition of his Historia Stirpium* in 1549, and to Bock, between his Dissertationes, also in 1531, and his Kreu- terbuch, which first appeared in 1539, there had come the per- ception that Nature has more than one species of Aster in store for the searcher. Bock in his Kreuterbuch described two + asters by that name, one of which, his Aster Atticus flore medio luteo, is represented by the yellow chamomile, Avacyclus aureus L., common in south- eastern Europe. The other, Bock’s Aster sed non Atticus, proved to be so different a plant as herb Paris, Paris guadrifolia. Bock had published his Kreuterbuch in 1539 without figures, but with very superior descriptions: a first edition now so rare that it is doubtful where a copy is to be found. It was three years later that Fuchs followed with the first figure of Aster A7tt- cus since the revival of learning; its reduced copy was labeled Aster Atticus purpureus in Fuchs’ edition of 1549 (figures only, the text being omitted; ex. bibl. Columbia). So he now termed his plant Aster Atticus purpureus, to make a distinction from an- other, the yellow species for}a time called Aster Atticus luteus Fuchsit, which became the /nuuda dysentericus of Linnaeus. Fuchs had probably been anticipated in recognition of a second species of Aster by Anguillara. This modest Italian, underesti- mated and abused by his countrymen, but inspired by a wonderful devotion to Nature, had spent years of travel and exploration in Greece seeking to find the plants of Dioscorides in their native soil. After returning to Italy he had been made in 1546 fora short time director of the botanical garden at Padua. Regarding Aster colors he had accepted the received and ancient text of Dioscorides as adopted in 1516 by Ruellius, denominating the flowers “ purple or yellow.’’ Dioscorides, if he used the expression or at all, probably meant that the flower could be called purple or yellow, according as it was designated from the rays or from the * Fuchs’ Historia ae tak Basle, 1542, and on + Besides these, Bock described under the name pi netorius Flos, at least three other plants deemed Asters by bi successors, one of which was the true Aster Atticus 0 Dioscorides (fide C. Bauhin) not recognized as such by Bock. 14 ASTER HISTORY disk. Ruellius seems like those before him, to have taken Dios- coribes to mean “ with seas which are either purple or yellow, each color at different times,’ ‘in different parts of the plant,” r “in different on Rane involving the idea of the con- fusion of two species together, one yellow and the other purple. Anguillara, like Saracenus in 1598, seems to have considered Dioscorides’ description a blending of two species, and while in Crete and in Corfu, at some time probably during the ten years preceding 1546, he satisfied himself that he had found their living representatives. One of these was published * from his notes in 1561 as ‘‘ Aster Atticus verus’’ ; it is the Buphthalmum spinosum of Linnaeus, the Padlenis spinosa of Cassini. The combined effect of Fuchs’ and Anguillara’s influence was felt in the choice of Aster-types accepted by Conrad Gesner, who admitted the leading species of both as Aster Atticus. Writing his De hortis Germaniae in the winter of 1560, Gesner termed that of Anguillara, Aster Atticus verus, and that of Fuchs simply Aster Aiticus. Editing Valerius Cordus together with his own work on German gardens the next year, 1561, Gesner makes Cordus ap- pear } as recognizing three Asters, that of Fuchs (which Cordus had so identified as early as 1539,—perhaps first of any of his contemporaries to so identify it) which Cordus, as now edited prints as Aster Atticus, while two others, Anthemis tinctorius L., and Anacyclus aureus L., appear t as his Aster Atticus also. But Valerius Cordus had been dead sixteen years, and these second and third asters may have been an accretion to his work after it came into Gesner’s hands. Gesner is perhaps the clearest example of early recognition of diversity among Asters; indeed he believed that there is no such thing in nature as a monotypic genus; after his death in 1565, four species of Aster were found figured or mentioned among his papers, two of which he had published as Aster in 1561. *In Anguillara’s gona : edited by his friend Marinello in 1561 { Valerius Cordus’ «*A —— ones in Dioscoridis ... libros V «, Historias stirpium libri IV posthumi ..., et Sie *—, edited by Géner and including, as fol. 236-300, Gesner’s ‘* De hortis Germaniae.”’ Rihel, Strasburg, 1561. t Fide J. and C. Bauhin. . a Potytypic ASTER 15 Matthioli had hitherto recognized but one Aster. He had just published the fine 1560 Latin edition of his commentary, with his figure of the “true blue’’ Aster and with another of a plant * which he was proving had been wrongly called Aster. But now in 1561 another appears at Strasburg, the yellow Aster of An- guillara and of Gesner, and in his edition of 1563 Matthioli promptly inserts it, under the name Aster Atticus alter, with a figure which was often repeated, by Bodaeus for instance, as late as 1644. Meanwhile Clusius, making explorations in the same year, 1563, in Spain, had discovered, as he judged, a wholly different Aster, his Aster Atticus supinus,+ which became afterwards known as Buphthalmum maritimum L., and later as Asteriscus maritimus, Moench. Lobel, so long the friend of Clusius, followed close behind him in similar discoveries. Sojourning in France, at Montpellier, before 1566, and at Narbonne in the years immediately following, he recognized a difference between the asters at the two places. One aster | at Montpellier had been the subject of observations by Clusius when studying plants there under Rondelet, in 1550. Two § at Narbonne may have been first pointed out to Lobel by his instructor at Narbonne, the otherwise little-known Petrus Pena. In 1570, when Pena and Lobel joined in publishing their Adversaria, they included in it five different asters. Finally, in 1576, when in the same yea: Clusius made a be- ginning of publication of his discoveries, and when Lobel repub- lished his Adversaria with its five || asters, and published two § other asters in his new Odservationes, the era of Aster as a genus of many * His Stellaria, our Alchemilla. 7 Published in Clusius’ ‘‘ Rariorum . r Hi oS and in Lobel’s ‘ Stirpium ees a both printed at the Plantin pres Antwerp, 157 as the Pallenis spinosa of Cassini Hush icte pornos a L. Clus sore: it in ak Aster Atticus primus flora aes in 1601 he republished it as pies us legitimus. Pena and Lobel in 1570 called it Aster, sive Stella Attica Mons- iain etc, ena and Lobel, Adversaria - 147 term these Aster [talorum and Aster minor Norbonensium, etc. The latter is Aster acris || The three just noted and also their ‘ ites montanus duplex’’ and their ‘* Aster montanus alter’’; being forms of Zrz/a montana L. Lobel’s ‘* Aster Atticus supinus Clusii’’ and his ‘‘Aster conyzoides Gesneri ”’ z. €., respectively, Asteriscus maritimus Moench, and Buphthalmum grandiflorum L. 16 AsTER HIsTory species was fairly begun. These new Asters, so called, are of course not now included in the genus; the first of them that still remains so was perhaps Aster alpinus L., also published * by Clusius. In the next year, 1577, occurred the death of Matthioli. He had begun as a maintainer of the unity of Aster; he had lived to see two species accredited to Aster by Anguillara, by Fuchs, and by Gesner, and then he had adopted a second species himself; he had outlived the discovery of others by Gesner, and had seen the number rise to seven in the “ Observationes” of Lobel, by which time more than a dozen different plants had been figured under the name of aster. With the passing away of the great commentator on Dios- corides, there had passed away forever the old preéminence of classic dictum. The center of gravity of aster studies had swung over into a new realm. Observation of nature, in the way of the addition of new species, was now the leading impulse, a new direc- tion which in Aster seems to have been chiefly due to the stimulus imparted by Clusius. Clusian Aster Species —The genus grew up round the species; developing in the mind of the sixteenth century as if by crystalli- zation upon the original Greek type as the formative point, newly discriminated forms appearing as “Aster Atticus alpinus,” “Aster non Atticus,” etc. For almost 200 years, descriptions of Aster species increased; Bobart, in 1699, completing Morison’s “ Plan-— tarum historiae,’’ enumerated 48 species; Tournefort, in 1700, enumerated 52. Most of these species were European; the stu- dent of American asters will wonder that so long after parts of America were already the home of a considerable population, botanists of Europe were still issuing histories of plants in which there did not appear a single American Aster; as in the great work of Jean Bauhin and his collaborators, in 1650. But toward the end of the seventeenth century, writing, *In Clusius’ ** Rariorum ... per Pan Jer oth 1583, in Caesalpino’s «* De plantis’’ and honiam,’’ 1583 ; also under other names, in in 1586 in Camerarius’ epitome of Matthioli. ee eS Le, ee ee eee ee ee Se a ee Se ee a CLusIAN ASTER 17 American species were among these; as those of Hermann, his Aster Novi Belgii and A. puniceus in 1687, his A. dumosus and A. undulatus in 1698 ; besides that first of American species, A. cordifolius, published in 1635 by Cornut as Asteriscus latifolius autumnatlis (Canadensium plantarum . .. historia, 65). With 1700, supposed discoveries of asters had also begun in other continents, though the true range of the genus had not yet been effectually extended : Plukenet’s “ Aster Jndicus” of 1696 being later separated as Asteromoeca; and Ammann’s Mexican “ Aster aurantius’’ of 1664-8 as Clomenocoma ; while the first African plant to be described as an Aster, the “ Aster fruticosus”’ of Com- melyn, 1701, was at length referred to DeCandolle’s Diplopappus. This Clusian period had been an agglutinative one, with keener perception of resemblances than of differences. But it was already observed that many incongruous plants had been included ; the genus had become a great repository of species afterward referred to Conyza, Inula, Pulicaria, etc. Jean Bauhin and fol- lowers had already in 1650 cut off 27 or more species which had been by some referred to Aster ; but they had been severed as by an uncertain stroke, and the authors concluded presently that some ten species described as Conyza might equally well have been in As¢éer. Linnean Aster—A new era, that of the modern genus Aster, begins with Sebastian Vaillant, in 1720, in his communications to the French Institute.* Vaillant, cutting off the yellow-rayed species included in Aster by Tournefort and by the Bauhins, retained some 47 species, and remarked that “ Asver is distin- guished from Solidago by not having yellow rays,” so disposing at a word of a troublesome boundary-line which has perplexed not a few botanists before + and since. Vaillant thus restricted the genus Aster to substantially the limits it has since borne. The genus was now for the first time established on such lines that the botanist working backward from * « Suite des Corymbiferes, ou de la Seconde Classe des Plantes 4 Fleurs com- posées, par M. Vaillant’’; in ‘‘ Histoire de l’Academie Royale des Sciences (Paris) avec les Mémoires ... de Phyigiie ’? for year 1720, 277-340. Paris 1722. ¢ So John Ray, Historia plantarum, 1 : 265. 1686, writes, ‘‘ Dificit admodum est notam aliquam assignare qua differat ab Astere Virga Aurea dicta 18 AstTER HIsTorY the present, would recognize it as the genus Aster of his personal acquaintance. But even yet most of the species did not bear binomial names, nor was a definite generic description evolved ; both of these achievements were the work of Linnaeus, 1737 and 1783. Succeeding botanists have since cut away a third of Lin- naeus’ 30 species, but by means of previous authorities he cites, we may trace the history not only of their future but of their past. American Species.—A great influx of American species formed the next feature of Aster history. Each new edition of Linnaeus’ Spe- cies plantarum became a new milestone in its progress, and conspicu- ous additions were made by Clayton and Gronovius, 1762 and earlier, by Lamarck 1783,by Aiton’s Hortus Kewensis 1789, by Willdenow 1804, and Nees 1818, with whom the species of Aster reached 130, after which we may consider the present period to begin, charac- terized by strong tendency to segregation of numerous small bodies of long-known Aster species as separate genera. To recapitulate, the following great epochal divisions in Aster history may therefore be roughly blocked out before proceeding to further detail : 1. The Early or nebulous phase, onward from before Theo- phrastus, about 320 B.C., or from Hippocrates, perhaps a hundred years earlier. : Il. The Dioscoridean period, dominated by Dioscorides’ one description, for about A.D. 65-1576, to Clusius and Lobel and to the death of Matthioli, the great commentator on Dioscorides ; the period of the monotypic Aster. Il. The Clusian or agglutinative period, 1576-1720, with rec- ea ee A eT ee eR eet aoe REM ney is FF! Sy Pog tS: ee ee a eS ee eee 4 ognition by Clusius and Lobel, preceded by Gesner and Pena, of : new species, chiefly European, but confused with yellow-rayed inuloid and other forms. Here the history of the genus Aster — ceases to be the history of a single species, a history running through ages as a single thread ; and henceforward its details are best followed under the species affected. IV. The Linnaean period for the genus Aster dominated by the successive editions of Linnaeus’ Species plantarum ; beginning with Vaillant’s limitation of the genus, 1720, by exclusion of yel- low-rayed species ; its binomial names dating from Linnaeus, 1753 + ee ee Me TE Se eT OEE oe etn ae RE ee ee ee NS OT ee eee SP ae ee ey MoperNnN ASTER 19 and its culmination for Aster appearing in the work of Willdenow, 1804, in Pursh’s Flora, 1814, and in Nees’ “‘ Synopsis,” 1818. V. The Segregation period, distinguished by the separation from Aster of numerous small sections as independent genera ; ushered in by Cassini, 1818, etc., extended by Lessing, 1832, and speedily culminating in Nees’ “ Genera et Species Asterearum,”’ 1832; followed by DeCandolle’s Asver in the fifth volume of his Prodromus, 1836, and by Rafinesque in America, also in 1836. Partial reuniting followed in America at the hands of Torrey and Gray in their Flora of North America, 1841, and was maintained by Gray in his Synoptical Flora, 1884. A renewed impulse to segregation has latterly assumed strength, as manifested by E. L. Greene in his Pittonia, 1896, etc., and by Britton and Brown, Illustrated Flora, 1898. 20 ASTER HIsTory HISTORY OF PRE-CLUSIAN BOTANY IN ITS RELA- TIONS TO ASTER I. THe Ancient Type The type-species of this wide-spread genus, Aster Amellus L.., has the historic right to be so considered, not only from its being identi- fied as the Aster of Dioscorides and as the earliest mentioned (excluding A. Tripolium* L., which many authors would separate from Aster) but also because of continuous citation as the aster for more than 1500 years following, before other species received descriptions. In later times, Tournefort,+ evidently regarding it as type-species, and following the practice of describing the type- species of a genus first, placed it at the head of his numerous enumerations of asters. Linnaeus half a century later gave it a central position, following a practice of surrounding the de- scription of his type-species with allied species grouped before it as well as after, so that we find his type description imbedded among its congeners, Linnaeus by his citations { indicated the identity of his Aster Amellus of 1753 with the ‘Aster Atticus, caeruleus, vulgaris” 0 his Hortus Cliffort, 1737, and of Tournefort, 1700, and of Cas- par Bauhin’s Pinax, 1623. Bauhin (Pinax, 257) identifies this “ Aster atticus coeruleus vul- garis’’ with the figured “ Aster atticus, purpureus” of Fuchs, 1549, and with the Aster Afrticus of Dioscorides and the Amellus of Vergil, as understood by Matthioli, This historic type Aster Amellus, is a handsome, violet-rayed species, with heads resembling somewhat in size and habit the familiar A. spectabilis of our Atlantic seaboard. tributed through southern and central Europe an basa It is widely dis- d into Asia, and * The Greeks did not consider this plant to be an aster ; they gave it the name of tripolion, tpré2uov ; it has a long history, running back to Theophrastus ; though not to Hesiod which some have claimed, confusing it with the uncertain Greek mréAwv, OF ** herb poly.’’ } Institutiones, 1 : 481, 1700-3. {Species plantarum, 175 3: THe ANCIENT TYPE 21 seems, excluding A. Trifolium L., to have been the only repre- sentative of its race known definitely to Greece and Rome. Sib- thorp found it still growing near Athens. Why it was called Aster is plainly stated by Dioscorides, who remarks upon its _ “floral leaflets similar to a star,” * and by Pliny, who describes it as bearing ‘‘ capitula stellae modo radiata.” IDENTIFICATION OF DioscorIDEs’ ASTER WITH ASTER AMELLUS L.—With the revival of learning the earlier world of the 16th century was busy endeavoring to translate the plants of the an- cients into terms of the plants then growing by the Rhine or scat- tered through Italy, or elsewhere through Germany. There were many widely different attempts made to identify Aster Atticus of Dioscorides. Some thought the comparison to a star was due to the shape of each leaf, with star-like lobes, and Hermolaus,+ there- fore, identified the Greek aster with Alchemilla, the lady’s mantle, which plant had been called in the middle ages Ste//a and Stel- /aria from the radiate lobes of its roundish leaves. / Others imagined that the divergence of leaves from a stem was the star-like radiation sought, and, therefore, identified the Greek aster with an Asperu/a with narrow whorled leaves, the Asperula or Aspergula odorata of Dodonaeus and others, resembling the Ameri- can species of Galium in leaf form, and called Ste/laria by many (Brunfels and Fuchs, 1531) or Heréa stellaris (Dodonaeus) or Hepatica stellata (Tabernaemontanus), all names derived from the many star-like whorls of leaves. Several other plants were called S¢e//aria also in the middle ages, and were, therefore, seized upon by different persons as the living prototypes of the aster of the Greeks ; including Plantago Coronopus ; Catlcitrapa, the star thistle, with star-like thorns about its involucre; Awéza and relatives of the madder, with nar- row stem-leaves; as well as the A/chemilla, figured by Matthioli under the name S7e//aria and rejected as not the true Aster Atticus. Others were content with a four-leaved star as their prototype. So Bock, followed by Theophilus Gotius, identified Aster Atticus of Dioscorides with Paris guadrifolia, “ herb paris,” its single whorl of leaves forming a four-parted star. * Diosc. book IV., c. 118, gvAAdpia aorépt bo1a,—** petals just like a star,’’ as I have bec a florist, a aati rm Greek from Athens, render it. + Hermolaus Barbarus, lib. 17; and lib. 4, corollary 734. 22 AstTeR HIsToRY Others still, observing that the starlike radiation was placed by Dioscorides around the flower, not the stem, found such a flower- head in Eryngium, with involucral bracts like rays.* For this pre- vailing interpretation, traced to Serapion, the sponsor was Mat- _ thaeus Sylvaticus—known as the ‘author of the Pandects,” or Pandectarius, and by that name considered and his identification condemned by Fuchs, 1531. None of these identifiers paid any heed to Dioscorides’ express statements that his Aster Atticus produced a flower constructed like the daisy; and that its rays were purple; and that its stem- leaves were oblong. But presently Valerius Cordus and Fuchs and Matthioli observed these neglected but perspicuous characters, and the characters led them direct to the plant accepted by Do- — doens and Clusius in 1557, and which the world has since followed them in calling Aster Atticus, or since Linnaeus, as Aster Amellus. — Why that particular species of Aszer rather than any other should — have been the one identified, is to be seen at once when we observe that it is the only Aster species and also, I think, the only plant whatever, which at once fulfills the requirements of occurrence — near Athens, of daisy-like flower-heads, purple rays, yellow disk, oblong leaves, and conspicuous pubescence. Botanists have ac- — cepted the identification ever since ; and about 1786, Sibthorp had : the satisfaction of finding it still growing near Athens. | The notes which Sibthorp left did not record a vernacular ’ name for this Aster, but there appears to be good evidence that : the very name used by Dioscorides still survives for it in the ; Attic vernacular, in the form astron, derpov. A Greek from — Athens tells me of hearing it called datpoy among the people 4 about 1890 or earlier, when seeing it growing “toward Megara.’ % This form dotpov has also begun to appear as its name in diction- | guhad of Modern Greek ; as in that of Scarlatos, 1874, and that of — Kind, 1876. Other dictionaries give for vernacular for aster daxpohodiovdoy, “ daisy. Lenz,} in 1859, cites it as Pakcoxpdzys in modern Greek and aS the amellus, astro or astere attico of modern Italy. | * J. Bauhin, Historia plantarum universalis, 2: 1047. ¢ Lenz, Botanik in alten Griechen und Rémer, Gotha, 460. 1859. THe ANCIENT TYPE 23 The vernacular of modern Italy is directly stated by Berto- loni,* 1854, to use the name ame//o for it. Matthioli called it amelloin 1544 and Calceolarius + did so in 1566; but even if we exclude these as probably book-names, there remains its vernacu- lar use in the form ame//o on record in Targioni-Tozzetti’s diction- ary of Italian vernacular plant-names, Florence, 1809 ; as well as Bertoloni’s assertion in 1854, ‘‘ Virgilianum nomen hactenus su- perest.”’ IDENTIFICATION WITH VERGIL’s AMELLUS It was Matthioli also who made the received identification of Vergil’s Amedlus with Aster Atticus, making it on the ground of the agreement of Vergil’s description with that of Dioscorides, par- ticularly in the purple rays and erect and stiff stems, with branches only at the top, censuring on account of each of these features those interpreters of his time, who were seeking to prove that Vergil’s Amellus was their Chelidonium minor, the lesser celandine, Ficaria ranunculoides Rth. Others confused both plants with Primula veris L. Guilandini, t 1558, Gesner and Crato, at about the same date, had each his theory. Hermolaus Barbarus had sug- gested the chamomile. Another identification was that of Thalius, with the Caltha palustris, confuted by Bodaeus y Stapel in his edi- tion of Theophrastus, 822~3 (Amsterdam, 1644) and again by Wedel, De Amello, Jena, 1686. Another identification which Bodaeus and Wedel refute was that made by unnamed correspon- dents with the Greek melissophyllon, the Melittis melissophyllon L., on the faith of an ancient gloss in which Ame//us was rendered meliphyllon. Butto render Ame/lus by this whitish-flowered labiate plant disagreed with Vergil’s entire description of form and color. Wedel, 1686, devoted his inaugural address at Jena to a far- fetched attempt to prove that Amellus is I/e//lotus officinalis Willd. claiming that Vergil meant by his “purple leaves” or petals, simply “shining foliage.” Lobel in 1570 marks the chief hesitancy § among authors of * Bertoloni’s Flora Italica, 9 : 257. + Calzolari’s ‘‘ 11 viaggio di Monte Baldo ... di Verona,... si piante e herbe che ivi nascono,’’ 8, 1566 ( bese Venice).. + Melchior belli ‘¢ Theon, ... adversus Matthiolum,’’ Padua, 1558. Pena and Lobel, ite asverwile nova, 147, 24 Aster HISTORY repute regarding the identity of Vergil’s Amed/us ; and his hesita-_ tion was not as to whether or not it were an aster, but to which — of three species it should be assigned, whether to his S¢ed/a Attica Monspeliensium, his Aster Italorum luteum, or his Aster minor Norbonensium ; no one of which was really its true equivalent. All ace. writers seem to have agreed with Matthioli anil Bodaeus in identifying Vergil’s Amel/us with the Aster Atticus of Dioscorides, the Aster Amel/lus of Linnaeus, even a name L’ Aster de Virgile developing for it in French according to Fée; * who cites Jussieu and A. P. DeCandolle as agreeing in this identification. 4 * Fée’s Flore de Virgile, in Charpentier’s Oeuvrés de Virgile, 4: 434. a 1035. a, ‘a DiGEst oF ANCIENT DESCRIPTION 25 DIGEST OF ANCIENT DESCRIPTION AND BELIEF RELATING TO ASTER The purpose of this digest is to bring into one comparative view what was written regarding Aster during its earlier or mono- typic history, free from attendant matter relative to writers and their works—which will be considered in due succession afterward. The present digest will afford interesting examples of development and of the growth of ideas as passed on from one writer to another, —forming as it does a section cut through time, and exposing to view in its succession of mental attitudes, such alternations as the progressive steps of growth of one period to be followed by atrophy | in another. For the purpose of this digest I use as complete or partial equivalents to Aster, i. e., Aster Amellus L., the Dioscoridean syn- onyms, those of Caspar Bauhin and other sixteenth century writers, and the zodvég@aipoy of Hippocrates, Pausanias’ Asterion, the Ar- gemon of Pliny, bk. 26, c. 59, and bk. 24,c. 19; and some others for which see the tables of plant names. Citations for Aster Amellus L. from authors later than Clusius are added for comparison of stem, color, habitat, etc. The following abbreviations are used: D. = Diosc., V.=Verg. Bavaria—For a young Bavarian girl who was accustomed to pick the flower, Aster Amellus L., on the hills near Passau, until about 1898 and knew it only by the name Himmelschliissel ; cited to exhibit German folk-belief. Attica.—For a young Greek, who, 1890 and earlier, knew the flower as native near Athens, only as dozpov and as included in dozpolodiovboy ; cited like the preceding, to compare ancient folk- belief with the present, and to exhibit survival of ancient concep- tions. Original descriptions of the plant occur in whole or in part in Vergil, Dioscorides, Pliny (a few sentences), Valerius Cordus— 1539, Fuchs 1542, Matthioli 1544, perhaps Dodoens 1554, per- haps Lyte in 1578, or in the 1595 edition, in Clusius 1583, 26 AsTER HIstory Dalechamp 1587, Gerarde 1597, Parkinson 1629, and especially 1640, J. Bauhin 1650, Bobart’s completion of Morison, 1699. Most other writers who merely borrowed or echoed the work of their predecessors, do not appear in this summary, except as they modified or distorted the matter they compiled. The text following constitutes a series of quotations ; but quo- tation marks are omitted except in a few cases where they may contribute to clearness. ASTER DESCRIPTION FLOWER STRUCTURE Aster is a plant which bears a flower constructed like that of a Chamomile or resembling Anthemis * [that is, it is a Composite with conspicuous rays and a flattish yellow disk].—D. dozep Ov euidos, Each flower is just like a daisy, Aztica, with a yellow spot in the middle.—Bavaria. Our Amello bears flowers like our Camamilla and like Bellis, Matthioli ; after the fashion of Cammomill, Lyte ; like Marigold, Parkinson ; radiato Bellidis majoris positu, /. Bauhin, Ray ; forma fere florum Calendulae, Morison, The Aster-flower is a little head, zegdeov, D., capitula, Pliny, Fuchs, etc., capitella, Ortus Sanitatis » a green scaly head like unto — those of knapweed but lesser, Parkinson. It is surrounded by a split border, zemoydéc, D. orbem incisuris divisum, Fuchs, ete., stellae ... comantibus circumquaque foliolis, Dalehamp. a border of petals, Attica; of many narrow leaves, Bavaria ; many leaves, V., folia’ plurima ; little leaves, guiidpea, D. [7. e., rays], frondicelle, Matthioli » small leaves, Lyte ; quae plurima circum funduntur, 7 Star-like Form.—The flower bears its little leaves radiating just like a star, eye 08 gviddora dazépe byoa, D.; stellae modo radiata, Pliny, Fuchs, Ortus Sanitatis. t on the outside orbicular in circuit » encircled, kukAorepo>, with white or yellow or purple. ng forms a gold-colored blossom, ypvaitovra avy, Eee Bet Se ee ee ES DiGEst OF ANCIENT DESCRIPTION ag The plant bears a star, Ortus, Gart der Gesundheit, Fuchs. Purple leaves in order and fashion like a starre.—Ly¢e. TIME OF FLOWERING It is a flower of the later’ season, and is seen when the meadows in the valley have been shorn, ¢onusis.—V. We had to pick them when no one was looking, because we ought not to have broken into the grass where they grew ; they were to mow it for the cows ; ’twas in very hot weather, along in summer, perhaps in August.—Savavia. Amello blooms at the last of summer or beginning of autumn ; as Vergil indicates in saying ‘‘ Tonsis in vallibus.”—MMatthioli. (Italian edn. of 1568.) Floret aetatis fine, aut principio autumni, ut Augusto mense et Septembri; durantque in magnam autumni partam ejus flores.— Dalechamp. It doth most commonly floure in August.—Zye. In the end of summer, when the fields are mowed.—Parkinson. Florens Augusto, semine matura Octobri.—/. Bauhin. It flowers in August or September and in mild seasons will often continue till the middle of November.—P. Jfiller, 1797. Fl. Aug. to Oct.—F/. Deutschland. CoLor OF FLOWERS The flower of Aster Atticus is purple or yellow [z. ¢., we may call it either, according as we are most impressed by the color of the rays or of the just opened disk]. zopgrpody 4 pajhevov, D, (codices) ; but the purpled part is the most esteemed, 7d zopguptfov tod a&vOove.—D The flower is golden in itself, aureus ipse, but the rays have the purple of the dark violet, violae purpura nigrae, V. The flower has a yellow spot in its center, and the leaves around it are blue, deep blue, like the heaven, and that’s why its name is Himmelschliissel.—Aavarza. They are blue or purple with yellow in the middle; like the cornflower, zJavo¢ dvOos, blue color, but not so dark—Aftica. Its flower is purple, purpureus flos, Co/umel/a, (who probably never saw the native plant and misunderstood his Vergil, applying ‘“‘aureus”’ to the general effect of the plant, instead of the rays). 28 AsTER HIsTorY Probably Aster Amellus was in the mind of the author of the Hortulus ascribed to Vergil and printed 1492—but not since ?— when writing Flores nitescunt discolor gramine, Pinguntque terras gemineis honoribus, Its flowers shine there with two-colored sprays, And paint the turf with twin grace Vergilit hortulus. * mn As the “ Hymmelschliissel’’ of many of the mountain people, and one of the chief blue flowers of his own Lombardy, Aster Amellus was probably at least a part of that ‘coelestis coloris”’ _ of which Jacobus de Manliis wrote, about 1450, interpreting Serap- ion as saying of Eryngium, by him blended with Aster Atticus, “‘ Serapion ait Ascaracon, id est, centum capita est coelestis coloris.” “The leaves of the Hymmelschliissel are not colored white [as some say, applying the name to the daisy].’’-—Hieronymus of Brunswick, writing 1490-1531. The purple and yellow of this herb are to be applied to differ- ent parts of the flower; for the leaves are of a purple color, but there is a yellow central head in among these leaves in the manner of a Chamomile.—Marcellus Vergilius, 1518 (fide Dalechamp, I: 860). Our aster is purple and yellow.—V. Cordus, Fuchs. For the middle part of the Aster blossom which I found near Jena has a yellow color, around which little purple leaflets are dis- posed as we see in the flower of the Chamomile ; by which arrange- ment it is both purple and yellow at the same time.— Valerius Cordus, 1539. 7 Our Amello has the middle yellow and that which is around — | it clear purple—mezo gialli, ed all’intorno porporei chiari.—Mat- thiolt, 1558. Duplicem floris colorem etiam Dioscorides innuit . . . Medio lutei, comantibus circumquaque foliolis diluta purpura nitentibus. —Delechamp, 1587. a Yellow in the middle and set round about with small purple leaves.—L yte, 1595. Faire blew flowers inclining to purple.—Gerarde, 1597. * As printed by Koberger, Nuremberg, 1492. Dicest OF ANCIENT DESCRIPTION 29 The outer border of leaves being of a bluish purple color and the middle thrum of a brownish yellow.—/Parkinson, 1640. Violaceo aut albo, disco medio fulvo.—/. Bauhin, /. Ray. Disco in medio ex luteo fulvi coloris, cum petalis plurimis [12, 12, 10, 10, and 10 figured on § principal heads] purpuro- violaceis ambientibus.—Vorison, 1699. Violacea et lutea.—/Vees, 1832. Rays ‘‘ein sehr schones blau-violettes,’’ and ‘‘ sometimes with red rays.” —F7. Deutschland, Hallier’s revision. STEM AND BRANCHES Each little stem, jafdcov D, cauliculus Pliny, bears its blos- soms at the summit, é7 dxpov éyoy dvOec, D, in cacumine capitula, Pliny, in acumine, Ortzs. Amellus is an herb which forms a single tangled sod of roots and raises up a great forest of stalks, V. herba...uno ingentem tollit de cespite sylvam. Each little stem was slender and just had its flower at the top. —Sfavaria. Down at the ground many leaves, and then come up the sprays, two or three together sometimes, without any [large] leaf, and then at the top of the spray comes the flower, which has a large calyx.—AZtica. Our Amello is an herb which makes its stalks straight up from the root, “fa i gambi dalla radice diritti ;’—the stem is dark and purplish, and it gives birth to branches almost at the summit. —Matthioli. Herba ista caules ab radice mittit rectos, solidos, ac lignosos, colore fusco lutescente ; e quibus circa cacumen ramuli oriuntur, in quorum summitate flores spectantur.—Dalechamp. Sterrewurt hath a browne, hairie and wooddish stalke. At the top of the branches groweth three or foure shining floures.—Zye. Among which [leaves] riseth up an hairie stalke of a foote high, having at the top faire blew flowers.—Gerarde. It hath many woody, round and brittle stalkes rising from the roote about two foote high whereon are set without order to the toppes many leaves, and is divided into sundry branches bearing single flowers like marigold.—/arkinson. 30 AstTER HISTORY Caules habet cubitales et sesquicubitales, tenues, teretes, duros, hirsutos, subrubentes... Caules circa fastigium in surculus divi- duntur.—/. Bauhin, and Ray. Cauliculos promit erectos, rotundos, aliquantulum duros, frag- iles, asperos, nonnihil pilosos cubitum altos. Flores in summitate virgularum emicant.—Jorison. It grows seldom more than two Foot high ; its Flowers are large, produced in great Tufts.—Philip Miller, 1733. . The stems grow in large clusters from the root, and each of them branch at the top into 8 to 10 peduncles, each terminated by — a single large flower.—Jfiller Dict., 1797. | Stem usually 14 meter, sometimes only 4% m., or even 14m. high.—F/. Deutschland. A Woody Stem —The stem is somewhat woody, * FvAddec, D.} frutex, Columella; lignosus, Fuchs, Matthioli, Dalechamp ; wood- dish, Lyte ; wooddy, Parkinson; durus, /. Bauhin and Ray ; ali- quantulum durus, JJorison. Roor Vergil’s reference to growth, ‘‘ab uno cespite,’’ implies suc a mass of long and entangled fibrous roots, binding a sod to gether, as were first in set terms described by Fuchs, 140, ‘radi fibris multis capillata.”’ Its root is divided into many parts of a not unpleasant odor an odor like that of a Garofano, a clove-gilliflower.—Matthiolt. The root is bearded with hairie strings.—Lyce. The root is threddie like the common Daisie.—Gerarde. The roote is composed of sundry white strings which peri not, but abide many years with greene leaves on their heads, and spring afresh every yeare.—Parkinson. Pe ne earl * Some might suppose that what botanists now call a woody stem is meant am that Aster would not agree well. But woody was here meant in distinction from Dioscorides’ idea of a shrub, 18 consisted of two essentials, a hard stem, bushy ee he ‘calls oombite ium, St ee Pape eas each ddicust, a oa a culus ; Paro m ; chrysan Aapvoediic. Theophrastus aaa plants as divins: Aapuvo, Aevkwe, pat se ar herbs. Nicolaus Damascenus added a fourth class, Adyava, vegetables. In Saracenus, translating Dioscorides, was dividing as into four classes, but hi arbores, frutices, ~~ et herbae, His usage was not uniform, but very common ae he ema pagisity! snes plants for which Dene used Dicest oF ANCIENT DESCRIPTION oie}: Radix tenuis, transversa jacet, a qua multa demittuntur fibrae, sapore amaro, nonnihil aromatico et calfaciente, quidam aiunt non- nihil caryophylli resipiente—/. Banhin and _/. Ray. Radix fibrosa est et vivax.—Morison. Radicem multifidam, odore non ingrato, et nonnihil caryo- phylli resipientem.— Dalechamp. LEAVES Its stem leaves are oblong, Szop7x7, and hairy, daséa, D, oblon- gus.—//iny. They are two or three in number [meaning in a rosette or oc- casional cauline swelling ?].—Aliny, Ortus Sanitatis. Many leaves down at the bottom, say three or four or more ;: and those leaves long, but not so long as a finger.—Aftica. Our native aster has its stem clothed, vestitus, with oblong and crowded leaves.—Fuchs. The leaves are longish, “lunghette,” like an olive leaf, but much smaller, hairy, inclining to be dark; those on the branches are much smaller.—Matthiolz. Folia profert oblonga, acuminata, oleae figura, minora tamen, hirsuta, aspera, nigricantia, subamaro sapore, in caule minora sunt. Dalechamp. The leaves be long, thicke, hairie, of a brown or swart greene colour.—Ly¢e. A kinde of Aster, that hath many small hairie leaves like the common greate Daisie.—Gerarde. Foliis amictos oblongis acuminatis, aspero et pilosis, interdum crenis paucis incisis.—/. Bauhin. Folia oblongiora, praesertim juxta cauliculos enata, dura quo- que et asperiuscula, latiuscula et obtusa.—Mortson. ACHENES The little seed of the rush oyotvo¢g pehayxoauopoc, bears a re- semblance to that of Asteriscus, only that this of the rush is more slender.— Theophrastus. The seeds are small, rather long, not much unlike that of chicory, or “ Intyba.”—Da/lechamp, /. Bauhin, J. Ray. The seeds are small, blacke, and flat, somewhat like unto hat tice [Lage Ee seed, Parkinson. 4 32 Aster HIsTory Pappus.—Fuchs is perhaps the first to mention the pappus, — saying of the flower of his native Aster, ‘qui subinde in pappo q abit,” a phrase which had been the usual Latin version for Dios- corides’ remark of Conyza, bk. 3, c. 136, éxzazzwovpsvov. After flowering it becomes woolly, “lanuginosi,” making its seed just like that of an Endive—“ endiva,” Matthiolt. Flowers “which at length turn into downe or cotton, and the plume is carried away with the wind.” —Ly¢e. ‘Which turne [in the time of seeding] into a woollie downe that fleeth away with the wind.’’—Gerarde. In pappos evanescunt.—J/orison. These flowers abide long in their beauty and in the end wither and turne into a soft downe, ... [and] seed, which with the downe is carried away with the wind.—/Farkinson. TASTE Dioscorides says nothing of any bitter quality in his Aster At- ticus but does so describe its relative Conyza, bk. 3, c. 136, as 570- mzxpov, subamarus. Vergil was first to ascribe bitterness to Aster itself. Asper in ore sapor.—V. The leaves of our wild Amello are bitterish.—Matthioli. The whole plant hath a drying, binding and bitter taste, Ge” arde ; harsh and binding, Parkinson. Sapore subamaro, Dalechamp ; sapor est asper, Bodaeus. Sapore subaromatico et subamaro ac siccante [of the leaves] —/. Bauhin, Ray. The leaves and stalks being rough and bitter, the cattle seldom grass is eaten bare, and making a fine appearance when they are full of flowers.—P. Miller, 1797. ASTER HABITATS LocaLitigs Type locality.—The Aster of Attica, "Aarinp ’ Accexds, D. The ancient Greeks add that the Aster Atticus is known 4 Atheniensi agro, because there on account of the thinness of soi perhaps it grew better or more frequently.—Dalechamp, 1587: He calleth it Aster Atticus of the place no doubt where it g OT Se a eee oa. rae ee er ee ee Tey ee eee ee eee DicEest OF ANCIENT DESCRIPTION 33 most plentifully or was of greater force, which was the country of Athens.—FParkinson, 1640. [So, essentially,] Bodacus, 1646. About Athens hodie.—Sibthorp, 1797. I saw them growing together wild, from the roadside, out toward Megara.—Aftica, 1890. n the banks of the river Asterion, near this Heraeum [between Mycenae and Argos, amid wild rocky hills] grows an herb which they also name Asterion. °Aotepiwva xat tay xoay tavtyy.—Pau- sanias, : Italian Localities.—Near the curving stream of Mella [the river Mela, flowing south from the Alps, near Mantua], ” Planta est hodie non paucis [in Italy] cognita, Watthioli, 1544? At Monte Baldi, near Verona, Ca/zolaris, 1566. I have gathered the Aster Amellus in dry hills near Bussoli- num, and Segusium, and in Vinodium at a place called Nirajessa. In hills about Turin within dry woods. In higher woods of Mont- ferrat not infrequent, beyond the town Mazius, cl. Bellardi Ber- ennio. Ad/oni, Fl. Piedmont, 1785. Habui ex districtu Como ; Sarnica, Baldi, Tyrol, Bolzan moun- tains ; from hills at Solferino, from the Apennines at Semano and Fivizza and many other places. Bertoloni, Fl. Italica, 1854. German Localities, etc—Near Jena; ego autem scio me verum Aster Atticum in montibus circa Jenam invenisse, et nascitur in petrosis montibus.— Valerius Cordis, 1539. Herbam cujus picturam exhibemus [is one now known in Germany |.—Fuchs, 1542. About the river of Rheine.—Zyve, 1595. Also in Austria, Carniola, Germany, and Switzerland where I found it very common about Bienne.—Jartyn, 1797. In Germaniae saxosis nemorosis satis vulgaris.—Wil/denow, 1804. : In southern and middle Germany, Thuringia, Silesia, near Frankfort-an-der-Oder, on calcareous hills near Berlin, in Schrei, Salzburg, high Bavaria, Pfalz, Tirol, Schwabia; but not in the Schwarzwald.—//. Deutschland. About Vienna grows the tall rough form separated by Reich- enbach as Aster amelloides. I used to pick them asa girl near Passau.— Bavaria, 1898. General Range, etc—In many medowes both in Italy and 34 AsTER HISTORY France.—Parkinson, 1640. In Italia, Sicilia et Gallia Narbonensi, passim obvius.—ay, 1686. Italiae, Bohemiae, Siciliae, Galloprovinciae, passim obvius.— Morison, 1699. It grows naturally in the valleys of Italy, Sicily and Nar- bonne.—Piilip Miller. In Europae australis. —Linnacus. “ Ubique per Germaniam et Asiam borealem et mediam ;” and with it, especially in Volhynia Podolia and Bessarabia, varieties with serratures and acute or narrower bracts.—/Vees, 183 In Europae mediae et australis Asiaque occid.—DeCandolle. Helv. Austr. Germ.—Belg. (Luxemburg), Gall—Ital. bor. —Dalm. Croat. Hung. Transs.—Attica—Rossia med., mer. Ny- man, 1854. SITUATIONS Characteristic Habitats—It grows in the midst of rocks an rough places, péaov zetp@y zat toxwy tpayéwv, D. (interpolation Sprengel). It is found in the meadows; it is found in shorn valleys a 4 pratis,—tonsis in vallibus.—V. It grows here and there among bushes and thickets,—passim in vepribus.—Pliny. Growing in the unploughed turf, crudo eapieie in wallseesenel ground, zrriguo solo, in virgin soil, virgineo solo,—Columella [infe ences from Vergil only ?]. Nascitur inter petras et loca aspera.—Apudeius Platonicus, ©. 400 A Nascitur in petrosis montibus.— Valerius Cordus, 1539. Nascitur in collibus, montibus altis, et sylvis—Fuchs, 1542. Nascitur in asperis, incultis, et convallibus.—Matthioli, 1560; so /. Bauhin, J. Ray. Our Amello grows in the folds of the hills—‘ faldi,” Matthioli, Ital. ed’n, 1568. Nascitur in collibus, et nonnunquam in pratis et sylvis.—Dah champ, 1587. Sterrewurt groweth upon small hillocks, barrowes or knaps, ! mountaines and high places, and sometimes in woods, and in | taine medowes se about the's river of enone At i Soe: - Bo wee a eee ae | | Dicest OF ANCIENT DESCRIPTION 85 In many medowes both in Italy and France.—Parkinson, 1640. Nascitur in asperis incultis collibus et convallibus et pratis.—— Morison, 1699. In asperis collibus.—Zinnaeus, - They grew many together, in a dry place, up a hill, near Pas- sau, on a grassy slope, in the edge of a meadow; and it was on the border of woods.—Bavaria, 1808. EARLY REGARD FOR ASTER ASTERS GATHERED BY FLOWER-LOVERS You, whoever you are, gatherer of asters, [dc dé zc.. datépa Opédvas.—Nicander. Plucking often these beautiful enchantments—zodddx Oé)xa nah... . Gps pywr.—Nicander. Shepherds gather them, pastores legunt.*— We would pick them to wear, and to bring and put in the house. Just the year I left Germany I overheard the children talking of going up the hill to the meadow to pick them.—Bavaria. Cultivated for its Beauty—Aster Atticus est amoenus.—/. Bauhin, J. Ray. Its rays are ‘‘ sehr schon.” —F7. Deutschland. It was cultivated in 1596 by Gerarde; in 1804-1836, etc., was in cultivation in many muropesn gardens by name of tee elegans. “ Aster Atticus ...is one of the most beautiful kinds ... and is readily kept in compass [some other species had made him trouble by spreading among other plants]. .. and is a great ornament to the Gardens.—Philip Miller, 1733. ‘“‘It makes a fine appearance when full of plants, and might well engage a poet’s attention.” —Jiller’s Dict., 1797. ‘Their flowers Glow.—Shining asters, oth si atecaroi Amellus,...sublucet.—V. Flores nitescunt discolore.—V. hortulus. Stellae...foliolis diluta purpura nitentibus.—J/olinaeus’ com- pletion of Dalechamp, 1587. Its flowers are shining.—Ly/e, 1595. * Anthemis its near relative is mentioned in set terms as forming oe “in coronamenta Siem as Raat summarizes it 36 ASTER HISTORY ASTERS BROUGHT TO SHRINES AND TEMPLES Gather the asters ; place them on the roadside shrines of the gods, Yea even on the images wreathe them and that when first you behold them, dpéwac, eivodiowws OeGv TapaxaB Bare onxoic i abvtoic Bperaecowv, ate tporiorav idwvrat, Nicander. Often the altars of the gods are festooned with its woven gar- _ lands, Saepe deum nexis ornatae torquibus arae.— V. (At the Argive Heraeum] they offer the plant to Hera and twine its leaves into wreaths for her. tH "Hoa kai abtiy dépovot, cai ard TOY ObAAav aiti¢ oreddvouc TAEKOVOLY, Pausanias. [By some it became identified with] the plant Argemon, which Minerva discovered.—Fiiny. Asters laid on the tomb, or on the memorial stones of departed heroes. Gather the aster and helenium, . uck again these gecelaaitilie beautiful, and pluck the yee And lilies, and Hoa them as garlands on the tombs of the weary at rest, oxphaaw énepbivorta xapovtwy,—Nicander, ASTER IN PasToraAL LIFE Shepherds know them—Husbandmen know it, it is easily found by the searcher—agricolae facilis quaerentibus herba.—V. : Shepherds gather it—pastores legunt.— V. It grows in wild places and is found by the shepherds of the flocks *—evptoxsraz 0& xapa Boaxotc zpofdrwy, D. (interpolation ?) The shepherds understand it best.— Apuleius Platonicus. It is best known to shepherds, pastoribus maxime videtur— Ortus Sanitatis, etc. neni z * Growing among the shepherds, where, as one of their modern Greek folksongs sings, ** Night is black on the mountains ; Sequestered virtue dwells.”’ eS ee ae ee ee ey eee ee ee ee ee ee ee Te ASTER AS KNOWN TO SHEPHERDS 37 The ancient pastoral life immortalized to us by Theocritus and Vergil still survives among the Greek shepherds of to-day; a modern Greek poem pictures the Vlach* who “went and sat beneath the fir; who folded his flock by the bramble,” “where by the weird-haunted rocks he played upon his pipe.” + In Aetolia Rodd heard shepherd boys singing while “ playing on their six- stopped pipes cut from a hollow cane in the old traditional way.”’ The survival of the ancient shepherd life in and near Attica is thus described by Rennell Rodd: “ Whatever their race, their manner of life is the same. Their days are spent entirely in the open air, and in wet weather or dry they sleep with their flocks, covered with their rough frieze cloaks on the mountainside ; in the summer they explore the higher altitudes, and make their halting places in the lambing season under some dark vallonea’s shade . . . Illness is unknown among them and they generally live to a very great age... . One may see the shepherds moving camp often on a November morning marching around the outskirts of Athens, when they move down from the high pastures of Cithaeron to win- ter in the lower slopes around the foot of Pentelikon. . . . It is in this folk of the mountains and the open air, living their changeless life apart, with their tanned and faunlike faces, and the laughing look in their clear brown eyes under the matted curly hair, that the link to the older world is the closest. Their habits, their methods, their very dress, have hardly changed ; and living face to face as they do with the miracle of nature, the weirdness of mighty forces unaccounted for, and the evidences of strange phenomena which they cannot explain, still keep alive in them the mystery of the ancient Pantheism. (Rodd, 80 ; and again, p. 203),—The shep- herds of Parnassus who live all their lives in the open air on the mountainside, keenly sensitive to those impressions which affect all simple people who live face to face with nature at her wildest and ruggedest, still speak of supernatural appearances, as of the apparition of a monstrous he-goat among their flocks.” That the story of the aster shining in the night should arise among them is quite in keeping, even though it may have grown * Vlach. The modern Greek knows the shepherds as Vlachs because many of them are of Wallachian origin. —Rodd, Customs and Folklore of Modern Greece, 80. } Rodd, Customs and Folklore of Modern Greece, 279. 38 ASTER HIstTory up in actual fact as a mere romancer’s sophistication of the flower’s name. Shining in the Night——The stars of this plant shine in the — night ; so that those who do not understand, when they see this, suppose it to be an apparition (¢dvtaapa), but it is discovered and is understood by the shepherds of the flocks.—D. (Interpolation, fide Marcellus Vergilius, followed by Sprengel: and see supra, P- 37). This herb Asterion shines in the night just like a star in the sky, and anyone who sees it unaware of this fact may say that he sees a phantasm, and being full of fear he is laughed at, most of all bythe shepherds. “ Haec herba nocte tanquam stella in coelo lucet, et qui videt ignorans dicat phantasma se videre, et metu plenus irridetur, maxime a pastoribus.”’ A [puleius Platonicus, quoted, with a parsimony of miracle, omitting “et metu plenus irridetur,” by the Ortus Sanitatis and credited by mistake to Pliny ; and in the Gart der Gesundheit quoted with the variation that “it shines so bright that men weened it is a spectre (Gespenst) or a devil” (edn. 1485). Hujus stellae noctibus collucent; quare qui naturam stirpis ignorant, inane simulacrum se videre putant. Ruel, De Natura, 1536; Matthiol, 1554, 1560, etc. Dorstenius, 1540, quotes this, p. 157, calling the spectre “ phantasma,”’ adding that “ Vergilius Marcellus confutes and re- jects this, as something superstitious, because in the most ancient Greek and Latin authors it is not found,” 7. ¢., not found in Galen nor in Pliny, The spectre reappears as “una phantasma”’ in Matthioli’s Italian edition of 1568 ; and in the form “the flowers shine in the night — till they frighten men, who think they see the devil,’ in Adam _ Lonitzer’s Kreuterbuch, 1 et. Fables ascribing this power of shining in the night to other — plants were not unknown to the ancient world. Pliny, bk. 21, c. 36, cites the Greek herbalist Democritus as narrating the night-shining properties of a plant of Gedrosia (in ancient Persia), which he names Nyctegreton, the night-watcher, a plant ceremonially em- ployed by the Magi and the Parthian kings ; and others, he says, called it Nyctalops, “from the light which it emits at a consider- able distance by night.” ASTER AS REMEDY FOR BURNING STOMACH 39 ASTER PROPERTIES References to the Aster Atticus as a plant long in repute among herbalists occur in Dioscorides, Pliny, Galen, and their commentators, especially in Ruellius, 1536, Euricius Cordus 1534, Matthioli, John and Adam Lonitzer. Its old Greek name Bubonion testified to its ancient reputation for healing inguinal sores, a reputation still current among Arabic writers, as Avicenna and Rhases. Fuchs and some other early writers of the sixteenth century say it was not then kept by the apothecaries, but it continued to appear as a potent remedy as late as the edition of Parkinson in 1640, the second edition of Salmon’s New London Dispensatory in 1682, and Quincy’s Dispensatory in 1721; * also in the various editions of Lonitzer’s Kreuterbuch in Germany, 1553, and onward, modified editions derived from which were appearing in Germany as late as 1783. Some related species (Inula, once classed as Aster) are still so employed “ for inflammatory buboes,’’—Foster’s Encyclopaedic Medical Diction- ary, N. Y., 1890. No other Aster species has had any extended medical history, though a number of American species have begun to appear in local or occasional medical use, fide Foster, 1890; their prop- erties however appear to be perhaps mild and certainly little tested. In citing the various uses claimed for his Aster Atticus, I shall begin with the order of properties taken up by Dioscorides, etc., and then consider the manner of its use. ASTER AS STOMACHIC Aster as a Remedy for a Burning Stomach.—Aster Atticus is a remedy for a burning stomach, applied as a plaster. Qoshet 02 atépayov éxxvpobpevov, xataxhaaaopsvov, D.+ * And this formed in Germany the basis of the Lexicon physico-medicum of 1787. t Deemed perhaps an interpolation by Sprengel. Dioscorides repeating the bove under his ‘‘ purple violet’? may have been intending to speak of Aster still. Its relative, the chamomile, Anthemis nobilis L., is still used also, as in Dioscorides’ time, as astomachic. Another relative (presumably) the Conyzites of the Geoponica, bk. viii., c. 10, was mixed with a Greek wine to give it stomachic efficacy, as there described ‘hoc vinum ictericis et stomachicis commodum.”’ «The modern Greek household di 1 fe I hl Saal nnas favor. [rosemary] pretty near like balsam, Cexopovia the elder tree (which we less often call 40 ASTER HIsTory Dioscoridi aster ardenti stomacho ... illitus confert.—Rue/, 1536. Leaves of purple violet [meaning aster?] are a remedy, stomacho ardenti per se et cum polenta imponuntur.—Ruwe/, Aestuanti stomacho prodesse Asterem.—Dodoens. It is very good against the overmuch heat and burning of the stomake ; being laid to outwardly upon the same.—Zyte, 1595. It helpeth an hot stomache.—Parkinson, 1640. ASTER USED FOR THE Eyes Inflammations of the eyes, styes, etc., are cured by Aster; Lochs 02... dgbahnadr cheypovds, D. (interpolation, Sprengel). The inflammation in the eye called argemo * was cured by the plant argemon, Ruel; see infra, under Pliny and under argemon. Aster cures “ epiphoras oculorum”; purple violet cures ‘“‘ocu- lorum inflammationes.”’—Rzel. For a sty t+ on the eye, use Uva lupina, or Aster.—Bock. Aster helpeth and swageth the rednesse and inflammation of the eies.—Lyte ; so Parkinson. Aster Atticus was formerly employed in diseases of the eye. —Foster, 1890. ASTER UsEs “AD INGUEN”’ AND FOR ULCERS Lor Inguinal Tumors.—Aster is a remedy for buboes, ’Qyedst zat ou8avag, D. (interpolation, Sprengel). Aster is of efficacy for tumors or inflammations in the groin. ‘Aopadfe de ... zpd¢ Bovsdvev gisypovds, D. (genuine fide Spren- gel). Leaves of purple-violet [confused with Aster] for vulvae pro- cidentias, D. Exporista. Aster... inguinum presantaneum remedium est, Pliny. Inguinaria, or Argemon [is among remedies for tumors], Pliny. Cb a ee Zap Bobuoc) Xapoundov (very valuable medicine it is, a flower, ground-apple or low growing it would mean, and has a very nice smell [chamomile]), pyzvOvia, xoruhbert, ( Gnaphalium Stoechas 1.) aobddaxrpoc, (a tree with very tiny leaves and long flowers that are yellow [Cytisus lanigerus DC.?]) and Tptavhiov.’’ Attica, Ig0l. * A small white-centered ulcer on the eye, first mentioned by Sophilus ? , for which Pliny and others prescribed the plant argemon, 7. ¢., Aster Atticus. } Cratevas recommended for this his plant dcapov.—Wellmann, Krateuas, 6. ASTER PROPERTIES ‘‘ AD INGUEN’’ 41 Bubonium ... creditum est bubones sanare, Ga/en (tr.). Herba chelidonia (probably confused with Aster then as later) is a remedy for ulcers and troubles in the groin, Samonicus. Aster Atticus... bubones sanare credatur, (tr.) Galen, Oribasius, Aetios,* Paulus Aegineta,~ Avicenna, Rhases, Serapion. So Fuchs, Matthioli and most writers of the 16th century; with Kreuterbuchs of Verzascha, etc., much later. ‘‘Uva lupina seu Aster” is prescribed for tumors in the groin by Bock, 1536. Aster... inguinibus illitus confert, (and again) inguinum in- flammationi prodest, Rue/, 1536. Purpureae violae [confused with Aster] ... imponuntur ... vulvave contra suppurationes, Avel. Stellaria [Alchemilla, confused with Aster] heals internal ulcers of the viscera; “et...in vulvam indita, alba... profluvies mirifice sistit,’’ Matthioli, 1560. Haec herba inguina sanet, John Lonitser, 1543 ; Adam Lonitzer, 1357 and editions of his Kreuterbuch following : some modified editions continued to 1783. Inguinibus alligata tantum medicinam in eo malo homini faciat, Dalechamp, 1587. Laid to the botches or impostumes about the. share or privie members, prevaileth much against the same, Lye, 1595. The leaves of Aster or Inguinalis stamped and supplied unto botches, imposthumes and venereous bubones (which for the most part happen zz /nguine, that is, the shank or share) doth mightily maturate and suppurate them, whereof this ... name, Gerarde, 1597. Likewise [good] for botches that happen in the groine.— Parkinson, 1629. The purple leaves of the flower boyled in water was held to bee good for the paines and sores in the groine. It taketh away inflammations in those places.... The dryed flowers [should be] bound to the place that is grieved. Hung or tied to the place, it healeth the sores in the groine.—Parkinson, 1640. a * Aetios’ own favorite remedies were applications which he called asters of very various composition ; see infra under Aster names. t But Paulus Aegineta (representing Greek medicine of c. 620 A. D., or some 80 years later than Aetios) for his BovBwvoxoiAn, used especially his cyparissus, symphy- into which Aster tum, bitter almonds, and a collyrion of highly complex composition, did not enter: 42 Aster HIstTory [Heals] botches, imposthumes and venereous buboes.— Salmon, 1682. See also Quincey’s Dispensatory, Lon. 1721; and see infra, under Aubonion, etc. : The herb and root of Aster Atticus were formerly employed in inflammatory buboes.—Foster, Encyclopaedic Medical Dic- tionary, 1890. Winkler, Real Lexicon, etc. It was the purple or blue part of the flower that was esteemed as possessing the curative power in healing buboes. Did this aid in developing that superstitious preference for blue of which Dr. Millengen in 1837 wrote “To this day, flannel dyed nine times blue is supposed to be more efficacious in glandular swellings !’ (Curiosities of Medical Experience, 2: 140. Lon. 1837.) Related plants credited with similar powers, include “ Jnula viscosa,” xovuta peyddy of Dioscorides, which was formerly applied extensively to tumors. Some species of Inula are still applied to buboes, carbuncles, and sore eyes, and are used as stomachic.— Foster, 1890. ‘‘Conyza squarrosa, once the herba conyza vulgaris of the shops,” like its relative Aster Atticus, was recommended as an application to tumors by the Greeks [D., Euporista, 167, edn. Kuhn] and was thought to drive away fleas [hence called flea- bane ].—Foster, 1890. The same reputation carried over, caused the development of the name Pulicaria, made a species of Inula by Linnaeus, later the type of the genus Pulicaria. Dioscorides’ [genuine ?] Euporista recommends Buphthalmum flowers for steatoma, a sebaceous tumor, bk. 1, c. 157; Conyza and Leucanthemum, bk. 2, c. 69, for uterine inflammation ; Anthemis for inflammations in the pudenda ; Leontopodium, bk. 1, c. 166, for similar ulcers and for wounds, as also Conysa folta, bk. 1, ¢. 167, for which the last, the fleabane, held a reputation of long standing (first mentioned by Hecataeus Abderita, who fol- lowed Alexander into Syria 332 B.C.; also by Theophrastus, Theocritus and Nicolaus Damascenus), For Wounds and Inflammatory Sores.—Closely akin to the pre- ceding efficacy and attributed to Aster or related plants. “Sores or ulcers resulting from dislocations are to be cured by ASTER USED FOR WounpbDs AND ULCERS 43 application of the plant polyophthalmon [same as Aster Atticus ? and partial cause, by application of doctrine of signatures, from its name, for the reputation of Aster as a remedy for the eyes] or by such other dressings as are used for wounds ; but nothing of a very cold nature is to be applied.” —/ippocrates. “Herba quae et fodg@aspos dicitur, vim habens siccandi et eandem quam tussilago; qua ad ulcera cum luxationibus con- juncta utitur, Wippocrates, 830,” Foés, c. 1582, of polyophthalmon. Porrum, the leek, is one of the six remedies for tumors and sores mentioned by Hippocrates as used by him in a certain case (see infra, under Hippocrates); and pounded onions are still common as a dressing for wounds in Greece to-day, Rodd, 165. Achillaea, (Achillios of Cratevas, in the unpublished Vienna codex as cited by Meyer, |. 255) ‘‘ when bruised, the whole plant» pounded up with old axle-grease, cures old and desperate ulcers.” —Cratevas. Achillaea is a remedy used for wounds, and, its decoction, in labor, and, ab utero, subdita in pesso.—D., bk. 4, ¢. 3 Plantago [sometimes called Aster; from confusion of their uses ?] heals ulcers, carbuncles, also the bite of a dog, epilepsy in children ; as an amulet, hung by a chain from the neck, its root dispels tumors—[like Aster Atticus ].—D., ky 85414) Conyza leaves are used, laid on, for wounds.—D., bk. 3, c. 136. Argemon [?. ¢., Aster] cures ulcerating tumors.—//ny. Stellaria (Alchemilla) believed by many to be Aster Atticus, heals wounds and is sought by German surgeons and celebrated with wondrous praises, (mirisque laudibus), since they mix it with happy success in vulnerary potions.—Matthiolt. For Hemorrhoids.—Aster cures procidua sedi or hemorrhoids. "Qeele. .. TAS TPONTWOEES zd0ac.—D. So does the purple violet [confused with Aster] —D. So does Inguinaria or argemon [2. ¢., Aster].—Pliny. Aster...sedi prociduae illitus confert.—Rwel. Asterem. .. sedi procidenti prodesse.—Matthioli. It... helpeth and swageth the inflammation of the fundament or siege.—Lyte. It helpeth and prevaileth against the inflammation of the fun- 44 Aster HIsrory dament and the falling foorth of the gut called Saccus veniris, Gerarde. So Parkinson, In Labor-pains.—Aster aids those in labor-pains ; they say the purple part of the flower should be used; one should drink it in water. ye? Sdatog xolliy auvayyexots Soxfsiv.—D. (interpola- tion ?). Aster also aids those in labor pains even if the plant is used dry, if it be taken up and held in the left hand, and if it be tied on to the groin.—D. Cited by translators and commentators of the 16th century, without addition ; and onward, to Parkinson, 1640. For Hernia.—Aster Atticus was formerly employed for hernia, —Hoster, 1890. ‘ Germanis Bruchkrautt, qui ad herniam puer- orum, utuntur.’—Ay/f, 1543. Several of the preceding efficacies have been claimed to cover herniaas well ; and especially the one following. Confusion with Pliny’s Inguinaria [z. ¢., Aster] on account of similar properties led some to identify the modern genus Herniaria with /nguinaria. ASTER USED FOR EPILEPSY for Epilepsy in Children —They say the purple part of the flower is a remedy for epilepsy in children, éxeAndieg zatdwy, D. [Its relative Conyza was used for epilepsy too.—D., bk. 3, ¢ t 36}: The purple violet [confused with Aster] is so too.—D. The medical use of Asterion is for epilepsy—‘ ad caducos.””— Apuleius Platonicus, c. 400. The purple violet blossoms... et morbo regio opitulantur. Lat. tr. of Mesues. Aster is of aid, infantibus comitiale malum sentientibus.—Rwe/, 1536; for ‘‘caduco morbu.” Dorstenius, 1340. The blew of the floure, drunken in water, is good to be given to young children, against the squinancie and the falling sicknesse. —Lyte ; in the main repeated, Gerarde. It helpeth children also that have the falling sicknesse.—/ark- tusOn. It is good against the epilepsie in children, chiefly the flowers. —Salmon, 1682. Dicest oF ANCIENT BELIEF 45 ASTER USED FOR SCIATICA Aster is a remedy for pains in regions of the hips, 7” coxendicis, if worn tied on.—/iny. The purple part of the flower is of aid in sciatica, corendicum dolert.— Ruel. f Pliny addeth that being bound to the place, it is profitable for the paine in the hippes.—/arkinson, 1640. It was worn as an amulet for sciatica.*—Adams, 1847. ASTER USED FOR GOITRE AND QUINSY (For Cratevas’ droncocele seems to have included as much.) Aster, using the green plant pounded up with old axle-grease, is a remedy for broncocele, a37y yhwpa zonsioa peta OFuyyeov Tahazov, Tost pos Booyyoxnhexovs Cratevas, cited in 2. Turgentia guttura discutit—Rue/, Matthiol. It is good for squinancie.—Lyze. It is also good for swolen throats.—Farkinson, 1629. It helpeth those that are troubled with quinsies, . . . it con- sumeth swellings in the throat.—Farkinson, 1640. It is good against the quinsie.—Salmon, 1682. ASTER USED FOR VENOMOUS BITES For the Bite of a Mad Dog. —Aster is a remedy for the bite of a mad-dog, the green plant pounded up with old axle-grease, Cra- evas in D. (interpolation, Sprengel). Et rabiosi canis morsibus imponebat.—Rue/, Matthioli. They are held to be good for the biting of a mad Dogge, Parkinson, 1629 ; it helpeth them that are bitten by a mad Dogge, as Cratevas saith —Parkinson, 1640. Dioscorides’ (genuine ?) Euporista, bk. Ged 1g, CGN: Kuhn, pp. 313, 314, in the Theriaca for a mad-dog’s bite, recom- mends the use of 23 plants, among which Aster does not occur, allium, cepa, silphium, plantaginis folia, apiastrum or peheaaoguddoy [deemed usually, Melissa officinalis L.] occur, and others of little connection here. Pliny, bk. v., c. 6, rejoices in the recent discovery of a cure 08 Pliny, bk. 25, c. 49, vaunts the virtues of his Iberis [ Jberis amara L. ? ] as an application for sciatica, ‘‘mixed with a small proportion of axle-grease’’ ; it had recently received the fanciful name Iberis, he says, in verses praising its efficacy writ- ten by the physician Servilius Democrates (and quoted by Galen, bk. x., ¢. 2). 46 AsTER HIsTory for mad dog’s bite, in case of a soldier of the pretorian guard, healed in Lacetania (Spain) by drinking extract of dog-rose root ; of which Riley remarks “ yet this dreadful malady is still incurable notwithstanding . . . the virtues of Scutellaria lateriflora, Alisma plantago, and Genista tinctoria, as specifics for its cure.” Again, bk. 25, c. 77, Pliny mentions the Alisma plantago in this connec- tion, still found in Greece (Sibthorp) and ‘till very recent times esteemed as curative of hydrophobia,” though without reason. Walnuts were another vaunted remedy; Mithridates the Great, uneasy on his throne, had in_ his private cabinet a recipe in his own handwriting,* of which two dried walnuts were the base, closing pathetically, “If a person takes this mix- ture fasting he will be proof against all poisons for that day.” This we are told by Galen was regularly taken by the Emperor Marcus Aurelius. ‘‘ Walnut kernels,” continues Pliny,+ ‘‘ chewed by a man fasting, and applied to the wound, effect an instantane- ous cure it is said of bites inflicted by a mad dog.” Magic formulae were also used, and a signet ring inscribed “ Pax, max et adimax,” was thought for the. bite of a mad dog “to be irresistible.” + Of the serious practice of the ancients in hydrophobia, Dr. Millengen comparing the two great physicians notes that ‘ Dios- corides seared the wound with iron heated to whiteness ; others first excised the wounded part and then applied fire or caustic. Celsus considered submersion in water the only remedy.’’t For snake-bites, especially viper-bites, “The flower of Aster Atticus,” deréoes drcexo> 76 duoc, is one of the 72 plant remedies § * So found by Cneius P { Riley’s Pliny, 4: 515. t Dr. Millengen’s Curiosities of Medical Experience, 2: 404. Lon., 1837 2 Among which were 5 Compositae, ‘‘ the Aster Atticus, Helichrysum, Helenium, Costus and Leontopetali radix *’ of the Euporista. The spurious book of Dioscorides rep? io862uv (edn. Kuhn, 26: 77-80) mentions 32 remedies for snake bites, among which Aster does not occur ; Eryngium occurs, and some Compositae, but none of the five just cited from the Euporista. Again, pp. 85-87, for viper bites in particular, 17 plants are recounted, including abrotanum, scilla, cepa, and this treatise on poisons (thought some to have been written by Dioscorides the Younger, perhaps 100 A.D.) ends with- out mention of aster or anything which could be mistaken for it. ¢ Geoponica, bk. viii., ¢. 10, says of the probably related Conyzites, that its wine “ contra reptilium morsus prodest,”’ and this plant is also praised for reptile bites by Dioscorides [the Younger ?], bk. v., ¢. 63, and by Galen. peius after the defeat of Mithridates, Pliny, bk. 23, c. 77- DiGEst OF ANCIENT BELIEF 47 listed as efficacious against viper bites when used either in wine or in food ; so catalogued in the Euporista attributed to Dioscorides, bk. ii., c. 115 ; the immediate succession being asclepiadis radix ; datépog drtxod 76 dvbog ; atractidis flores et folia [three others |; gentianae radix ; asteris sami [the white earth of Samos ; see Aster names], etc., etc. 7 Aster-blossom added to a drink is a remedy against serpents ; —bibitur et adversus serpentes—FPtiiny. Aster Fumes put Serpents to Flight—Aster puts serpents to flight if its fumes are burned.—Cvratevas in D. Incensa serpentes fugat.—Ruel, Matthioli. It driveth away serpents if it be burned. —Farkinson. The protective power of fumes of special plants is still a part of the folk-belief of Greece; ‘‘so the modern Greek fumigates his house by burning branches of dry olive, to ward against the evil eye.’’—Rodd, 162. Compare also Pliny,* ‘‘The odor even, of Lysimachia, puts serpents to flight.” Other plants of magical efficacy against serpents, mentioned by Pliny in the same connection, are his Plistolochia (Aristolochia Plistolochia 1.) of which he says “in- deed it will be quite sufficient to suspend this last over the hearth, to make all serpents leave the house” ; and of his Betony [Be- tonica alopecurus L.?] he quotes the belief that ‘if a circle of it is traced around a serpent, it will lash itself to death with its tail.” Pliny similarly attributes to serpents an abhorrence of the beech tree and the ash tree. Compare also, Bartholomaeus, etc., 27/ra. AstER as Usep sy LowER ANIMALS Aster as a Remedy to the Toad—Dorstenius, in 1540, remark- ing that some had connected the Aster Atticus under its name Bubonium with the Toad, dufo, narrates that “some feign that to toads Inguinalis is a great medicine, that in battles fought with spiders the toads are conquered and wounded and smitten by them. And they say that toads and other venomous creatures— aliaque animalcula venenosa—make their home for the sake of this herb in stony places [where it grows], and with this herb they refresh themselves and heal themselves.”’ * Pliny, bk, 25, c. 553 in Riley’s tr., 5: 119. 48 AsTER History Dorstenius adds of this mediaeval story that ‘it is not only zz- epium ac falsum, but also is contrary to all the authority of the ancients ;’”’ z. ¢., is unmentioned by them. Aster as a Remedy to Swine.—As Aster Atticus or Inguinaria was by some called Argemon, fide Pliny, it was liable to acquire the reputation of healing swine which came with that name from the Greeks, Pliny saying of Argemon that the one digging its medicinal root must do so without use of iron and with use of the formula, “This is the plant Argemon, which Minerva discov- ered, which she found a remedy for swine, for all such as should taste of it.”—Pliny, bk. 24, c. 19. See infra, under Argemon and under Piiny. Aster a Remedy to Bees—[As the gth, last and most fully de scribed of the remedies for languishing bees ; following ga/banum]. Boil its roots in odorous wine, and place it as food in full baskets in the doorways of the hives. Hujus odorato radices incoque Baccho, Pabulaque in foribus plenis adpone canistris.— Best of remedies for this flux among the bees is the root of Amellus ; boiled with old Aminean wine, the roots are to be pressed out, and the liquor thus weighed out is to be given to the bees.— Columella, Aster a source of Floney to Bees—“ The wild flowers most friendly of all to the bees are the Amellus, acanthus, etc.—Col- umella. Amellus, 7. ¢., Aster, thus heads this list, afterwards quali- fied by making three classes of wild flowers frequented by bees, thyme being the only member of the first class, Amellus, acanthus, asphodel and narcissus forming the second, armoracia and “ innu- merable others” making the third, the third class being particu- larly a source of wax. - Apes susurro murmurant gratae leni Cum summo florum vel novos rores legunt. murmur pleasingly their light susurrus, Culling from topmost flowers or latest dewdrop. —Vergilius, hortulus. ASTER Usep IN DyEING Flos tinctorius primus, tinctoribus Spirensibus Schartenkraut dicitur, Bock. —/. e., by the dyers at Speier it is called Groinplant, Dicest oF ANCIENT BELIEF 49 or by some rendered Saw-wort or Notch-plant ; and see z/ra, under Bock.—Anthemis tinctoria, its near relative, as well as per- haps both Chrysanthemum segetum and C. coronarius, have been used in dyeing. The use suggested by Bock three centuries be- fore was suggested again by Wallroth’s separation of a form of Aster Amellus by the name of Aster tinctorius. ASTER TEMPERAMENT The so-called temperament or nature of a plant was a very consequential part of mediaeval description, and to a less degree, of that df antiquity ; and aster was diagnosed as follows : It is not of very cold nature.—/Hzppocrates, under the name polyophthalmon. - Habet vero non minime et refrigerans quiddam ac reprimans, ut mixtae sit facultates uti rosa verum id non astringit —Ga/en. Est autem mediocriter digerantis facultatis, quin videlicet et modice calidum est, nec vehementer, nec ita desiccat ut contendat, maxime quam etiamnum molle ac recens fuerit.—Ga/en. Habet etiam quod discussorium, ut mixtarum virium sit, velut rosa, sed bubonium non ita astringit—Aétzos. It is possessed of mixed powers, being discutient and cooling. —FPaulus Aegineta. Habet aut qo dyaphoreticum. Habet etiam nomino refrigera- tivo qd reperessi, ut mixte sit potentie sicut rosa, non tamen sic stipticat.—Ortus, 1498 edn. Est autem mediocriter diaphoreticum, neque vehementer neque intense desiccat.—Ortus, again in 1498 edn. Temperamentum. Mixtae est potentiae, uti rosa refrigerat enim, non tamen vehementer, et digerit atque exsiccat, quod scilicet illi amara insit qualitas.—Fwchs, edn. 1551. Ceterum Aster Atticus digerentis ut Galenus tradit ; mediocriter est facultatis, modice videlicet calidus, et non vehementer desic- cans ; maxime cum etiamnum mollis ac recens fuerit.—Dodoens. The nature, It doth refresh and cool, and is almost of tem- perature like the rose.—Lyte, 1595 edn. © The nature. It is of a meane temperature in cooling and dry- ing. Galen saith it doth moderately waste and consume, especially while it is yet soft and newly gathered.—Gerarde, 1597. -Mo. Eot. Garden oe BRON | c: 50 AsTER HISTORY It hath not only a digesting but also no small cooling quality, ¢ and refreshing, being of a mixt property like the Rose.—Farkin- son, 1640. Temperate and dry in 1°.—Sa/mon, 1682. MODES OF USING ASTER REMEDIES PLASTERS AND SALVES Applied as a plaster, or “emplastron,” xataziacadpsvov, for the stomach, D., for buboes, Galen, Aétios, Ortus. exerhattopsvov, Paulus Aegineta; in cataplasmata impositus, Aetios, Lat. tr. of 1542; supplasmatum.. . cataplasmatum, Ortus; emplastri modo apposita, John Lonitzer ; impositum, Dodoens ; \aid to, Lyte. Externally the leaves in a cataplasm maturates and suppurates ‘botches.—Sa/mon, The purple violet [2. ¢., Aster ?] leaves “per se imponuntur, et cum polenta.’’— Rue/, Rubbed on as a Salve-—Aster or Bubonium is believed to heal buboes if rubbed on as a salve,——i//itum.—Galen. Aster was prescribed #//itus in nearly all its uses by Ruel, 633. So the leaf of Argemonia, perhaps there confused with Aster, was a cure for inflammations if rubbed on.—Ruel, 420. Aster . . . used in oyle to anoint the place.—Parkinson. Pounded up with Hog’s grease.—The green growing plant, pounded up by itself and mixed with old axle-grease,* is a remedy * Pliny, 28, 37, Riley’s tr. 5: 324 +, remarks: “ Fat is held in highest esteem, that of swine in particular....The older it is, the better, The Greek writers have now given it the name of ‘ axungia’ [L. axis, an axle, and ungo, to anoint], or axle- ease, in their works....The distinguishing properties of swine’s grease are emol- of i litharge....The ancient physicians also set a high value on the medicinal properties of hog’s-lard in the unmixed State, to anoint ulcers with it, etc....The ancients used to employ hog’s-lard in particular for greasing the axles of their vehicles, that the wheels might revolve the more easily, and to this in fact it owes its name of ‘ axungia.’ When hog’s-lard has been used for this purpose, incorporated as it is with iron-rust, it is remarkably useful as an application for diseases of the rectum and of the pudenda.... It is still the usage for the newly-wedded bride, on entering her husband’s house, to touch the door-posts with it, that no noxious spells may find admittance.”’ Digest oF ANcIENT BELIEF 51 for the mad-dog’s bite and for goitre in the throat—zoret_ zp0¢ hjoaodyxztoue zat poy yoxnhexovs.—Cratevas in Dioscorides. Similarly, ¢vsa in axungia, Cratevas prescribed Argemonia as a remedy ad strumas, if rubbed on, especially while in the bath. Similarly, Cratevas in his article Achilios, as quoted by An- guillara in his Semplici (agreeing with Dioscorides on Achillea except in this addition), reminds one strongly of his preparation of Aster: “ The whole plant [Achillea] bruised with old axle-grease, cures old and evil ulcers; dry, bruised so, and mixed with honey, it is anacathartic.”’ Asteris Attici recens herba cum axungiae senio tusa, etc.— Matthioli, Lat. ed’n.—Cratevas Herbarius says, Pestle it green with hog’s grease, against the bite of a mad-dog, and equally for tumors of the goitre.—‘ Che pesta verde insieme con Grascia de Porco, conserisce al morso de i Cani arrabbiati, & parimente a i tumori della gola.”—Matthiols. : And being green, stamped, and laid to the botches or impost- humes... [it] prevaileth—Lyve. If an oyntment be made of the greene hearbe and old hog’s- grease.—Farkinson. ASTER USED INTERNALLY Used in Decoction to Drink in Water—Drinking the decoction of the purple rays in water is an aid to those in labor-pains, and for epileptic fits in children.—D. » The purple leaves of the flower boyled in water... good for the pains.—FParkinson. Used made up in Pills—Ad caducos. Herbae asterii baccas [pills ?| eis datas manducandas Luna decrescente, cum erit in signo Virginis.—Apuleius Platonicus, C. 400. Quoted almost literally by Dorstenius, 1540, but made to apply to one in labor, who must also suspend the plant itself around her neck. ASTER USED AS AN AMULET Tied on at the Groin-—Aster drives away pain in labor, —repeagbéy tp fovsor, dralhaaace TiS OODLE, D. Inguinum medi- © cinam ... jubent et juncta cinctus alligari.—Piiny. Prodest et coxendicis dolori-ad alligata—P/iny. Creditum est bubones san- are, tum illitum tum inguini alligatum.—Ga/en, Ortus. §2 Aster History Gd noi Temantopsvov, ‘Tt cures buboes even when appended as a periapt.” Paulus Aegineta, tr. by Adams. It is applied “ ppinatum” and “assumptum.”—Ordus. Juxta inguinum cinctus alligari.—Ruel. Alligata, inguinum medeatur. —John Lonitzer. Buboni ad alligatum.—Dodoens. Suspended from the Neck.—Etiam quod suspensum bubones Sanare credatur—Ga/en. Et ipsam herbam habeant in collo sus- pensam, remediabuntur.— Apuleius Platonicus, Dorstenius. Merely held in the Hand.—If the dry plant is taken up in the left hand of the one in labor-pains, etc., D. Anguinaria, ... ut profit inguinibus, in manu tantum habendum - est.—Fliny, Merely Carried About—Some say that this herbe putteth away all tumors and sweilings ‘of the siege, share or fundament, yea, when it is but only carried about by a man.—Zyre. Similar ancient uses as amulets were recorded of Argemonia radix—perhaps by the confusion of Argemon with Aster. “Ut profit inguinibus in manibus tantum habenda est:’’ see uel; dé natura, 4209. ) Asplenon herba, dazhqvoy Sordyy, ( =Asplenium Ceterach L., or Scolopendrium officinale L..) pro inhibendum conceptum, D. Eu- porista, bk. 2, c. 95; and also, for same purpose, Tamaricis lig- num, pupizys Shdov, Philaeterium radix, etc., against scorpions and other venom- ous creatures, Exporista, bk. 2, c. 122. Plantaginis radix, for tumors, Ewporista, bk. 2, c. 155. Myrtle: “to prevent ulcerations from causing swellings in the inguinal glands, it will suffice for a patient to carry a sprig of myrtle about him which has never touched the ground or any implement of iron.” —Phiny, bk, 2st. 67. Other Ancient Amulets of Star-form.—The preceding amulet- plants were all used for Purposes similar to those for which Aster was recommended as an amulet. The starfish was used more generally against all spells; because of superstitious belief in the potency of the star form? which may cription of such potency to the star-like aster-blossom ; heedless of the fact that our destinies lie not j n our stars but in ourselves. Of the use of the star-fi sh Pliny says, bk. 22, c. 16, “It is. as- Dicest oF ANCIENT BELIEF 53 serted also, that if the fish called the sea-star is smeared with fox’s blood, and then nailed to the upper lintel of the door, or to the door itself with a copper nail, no noxious spells will beable to obtain admittance, or at all events, to be productive of any ill effects.” —Ai/ey’s tr. 6: 10. Chapter 155 of the second book of the Euporista ascribed to Dioscorides is so good an example of the later superstitions re- garding amulets that I quote it entire, in Latin form. It probably illustrates well the superstitious use of Aster Atticus, and to the common plantain of which it speaks the name Aster had itself been sometimes transferred, by 400 A.D., either from this community of use or of properties or from the radially-outspread leaves. “Cap. CLV. Ad strumasamuleti ratione alligantur plantaginis radix, sinistra manu eruta et pelli illigata, lapathi agrestis radix eo- dem modo, uti et asphodeli radix, itemque eryngii. Pronuntiato vero prius eiusce nomine cujus gratia exquiritur, erui debet sub- vesperum, a vicesima octava luna usque ad tricesimam, itaque adalligari.” - Amulets in Modern Greece.—Similar beliefs regarding amulets (not to mention the horsechestnut and the bean carried in pocket, or the string tied round the arm, in America to-day) have a strong hold still upon the modern Greeks, as seen in the following ex- amples : ‘A potato suspended in a bag to the person was recommended » as a prophylactic against rheumatism.’’—Fodd, 165. Garlic, ozépd0¢ in ancient and in modern Greek, is still “ highly relished and believed to have mysterious health-giving properties. It is also a sovereign prophylactic against the evil eye. The baby, or the pet goat, is quite safe against this evil who wears a kernel of _ garlic ina little bag tied around the neck.” . George Horton, on Modern Athens, Scribner's Magazine, Feb., 1901. ‘‘ People in Greece often carry or wear an amulet, especially farmers and those in the country, and especially in old times, most of all about the time of the war of liberation and for the hun- dreds of years of fighting before that ; and many old songs that date from that time or earlier, praise the amulet which the warrior carried and which made him invincible against his enemy though Standing alone amid eighty shooting at him. Such an amulet is 54 Aster History called a g»dazrov, and is prized more and more with its age. If it has been handed down in the family from a grandfather fighting in — the mountains [like the grandfather of the ex-soldier speaking], a grandfather that was also saved by it, then it is valued most. It may be of various kinds, I think. It is honored for what it had done, rather than for what it is. Instead of guiaxtov, ‘ watcher over me,’ they also call it sometimes timeoy Evdov, ‘revered wood,’ from the great honor they pay to it.’—A/tica, June, 1901. OrHeR Superstitious Mopes or User Taken up without use of Iron and with Prescribed ormula,—By those who identified Aster and Argemon, its medicinal power to allay tumors and to heal diseases in swine was secured only if the plant be taken out of the ground without the use of iron, and with the words “This is the plant Argemon, which Minerva dis- covered, which she found a remedy for swine, for all such as should taste of it.”—Pliny, Ruel, quoting the knowledge of the ancients about Argemone, De natura, 428-9, cites the above, saying of the plant “an eadem eum argemone [Argemonia, Papaver and Adonis] nescio,” and adding, from what ancient author does not appear, that Minerva’s Argemon was taken in drink either in milk or in wine, and was, in either form, to be added to swill for swine to drink—ix colluviem . poturis.—Ruel. So of myrtle which is to be carried as an amulet against inguinal ulcers ; it must never touch iron, says Pliny. Using the left hand, in taking up the root from the ground, in plucking the flower or plant, or in holding the plant. The dry plant taken up and held in the left hand of the one suffering labor pains, and tied on upon the groin, drives away the pain.—D. Sypov O3 dvacoebey xi dpeatenn yeni cod ddyoovtoc, etc. —D. Inguinum medicinam; sinistra manu decerpi jubent—/Piny. Sinistra manu decerpi jubent.—Rue/: and again, Si arescat flos sinistra manu dolentis decerpatur, adallig turque, sic dolores avertens malo liberabit.— Ruel, Pluck it with the left hand.—Dorstenius, 1540. Si sinistra dolentis manu decerpatur.—Dodoens, edn. 1616. The dried Dicest OF ANCIENT BELIEF 55 flowers to be taken into the right hand of the patient [inadvert- ence for /eft|.—Parkinson, 1640. There were other left-hand plants besides Aster ; of one of the chief, our verbena, Pliny remarks, ‘“ Peristereon must be taken up with the left hand,’ and so fixed did this belief become as to oc- casion for it the name Aristereon,* or “the left-hand plant par excellence,” from adptatepos, the left hand, Lat. sznistra. These associations of left-hand plants with good fortune agree with the Roman idea respecting divination, in which szmster = favorable, explained as ‘‘ because the Romans on these occasions turned the face towards the south and so had the eastern or fortu- nate side on the left, while the Greeks, turning to the north, had it on their right.”—-Harpers. But these plant associations of good fortune with the left trace to the Greek, where they ought, by this theory, to have been ominous of ill-fortune. Time of Gathering, or of Use-—Luna decrescente, cum erit in signo Virginis—Apuleius Platonicus. PROCURING SLEEP OR FORGETFULNESS The ancient Greeks ascribed to plants of stomachic properties the power of inducing sleep, or bringing good dreams but preventing nightmares, and of producing forgetfulness. When recommending Aster as stomachic, all this was doubtless implied to many. | The modern Greeks still hold firm faith in such plants ; as shown in the folk-poem cited by Rodd, t 271, **T shall cross the plain, the mountains, and ask the wild =, in them, Can they not find me a drug that will teach me to forget you Earlier Greeks had one plant which they named on account of this potency, the dyecpodoretoa, the dream-bestower. Modern Greek fairy-tales perpetuate the same idea; as in the story of “ The Princess who went to the Wars,” § where the Prince “opened the chamber-door and flung a sleeping-herb upon the * So named in the Orphics, in Aelian’s Natural History, and by Eustathius. t The beliefs of many had not even this foundation ; witness Pliny’s use of the cuckoo amulet to produce sleep, and the bat’s head re to prevent it (book 30, ¢. 48); and Democritus’ use of the chameleon to procure dre t The Customs and Lore of Modern Greece, Be Kemet Rodd, Lon. 1892. 4 Geldart’s Folk-lore of Modern Greece, Lon. 56 ASTER HIstTory Princess,” upon which she slept during a long journey to his own country. Rodd, 165, describes the ‘“ beautiful-sleep bringer”’ of the Cretans : “In the island of Crete a plant which is common by the roadside, with whose botanical name I am not familiar, but which is known in the island as zahoxorpybeca, * the giver of good sleep, was pointed out as largely used by the good wives of the villages ‘as a household remedy for indigestion and sleeplessness, and many were the stories told of its wonderful efficacy on patients whose maladies had defied the usual medical remedies.” elenium or elecampane, the Aster officinale of some later botanists, was credited, says Pliny, with similar power when taken with wine, ‘“ having in fact a similar effect to the nepenthes, which has been so much vaunted by Homer as producing forgetfulness of all sorrow.” —Piiny, 21, gt. Perhaps it was from some tradition of Aster as a sleep-producer that Bock, 1536, attributes to his “Uva lupina seu Astera’’ power “to produce sleep if eaten.” Parts Usep The whole plant, green and fresh, bypov, for buboes, D., Aetios ; recens, Ortus ; verte, Matthioli ; fresh, Parkinson ; so the whole plant, for the mad-dog’s bite and for goitre, using it green and fresh, ylwod, Cratevas, recens, Matthioli, Ruel. The whole plant, dry, as an amulet, D., etc. The leaves, for buboes, Salmon. The root, for bees, V., Columella; for swine, Pliny, and for human use, for ulcers, Pliny, under name Argemon. In early days the whole plant, “kraut,” and root, — “wurzel,”’ were kept in stock by the apothecaries under the name Herba et Radix Aster Atticis—Flora Deutschland. cients laid it among garments to keep moths away (and to impart its pleasant odor, Pliny, 21, 96) ; and says, as in case of its relative Aster, it was used to drink in wine ; : - With it, he adds, they crown the shrines of the gods 5 Pliny reminds us how faithfully this custom was followed by one of the Ptolemies in Egypt. DicEest oF ANCIENT BELIEF 57 The purple rays preferred when in full flower, to mopgovptfov zo” dvOovc, the purpled part of the flower, is the best (for labor- pains, in decoction ; and for epilepsy), D. So Dioscorides again, in the same words, of his purple violet [meaning Aster ?], D., bk. iv., c. 120. Dioscorides, distinguishing his yellow, white and purple species of Anthemis, remarks there again “the purple flower is the best” (Anthemts rosea DC.). So of the different kinds of the orchid Satyrion (now Serapias). Brunfels, 1 : 110, on Satyrion, quotes “ex Aggregatore Herbario”’ [de Dondis, Aggregator Paduanus? or the unknown Aggregator Practicus ? see zzfra] as ascribing to it properties like those of Aster in curing ulcers, tumors and hemorrhoids, and particularly ‘quod habet flores purpureos.”’ Perhaps this preference for the purple part of the Aster, which inclined toward blue, may have lent its aid to the development of that superstitious preference for blue, of which Dr. Millengen writes: “To this day, flannel dyed nine times blue is supposed to be more efficacious in glandular swellings.” (Curtosities of Med- ical Experience, 2: 140. Lon., 1837). ASTER NAMES Tue Worp ASTER IN GREEK Aster, Greek dotyo and sometimes darpov, a star, usually oc- curring in this sense in the plural, dozpa; from the root of the equivalent Eng. sar, Gothic stairno, Lat. stella (i. ¢., sterula), Sansk. staras, Zend. star; the root conjecturally the Aryan star =strew, from the thought of the stars as sprinkled over the sky. Aster in transferred sense, as name of the plant identified as Aster Amellus L., occurs about 160 B.C., Nicander’s Georgica, (in Atheneaus 15, 683); Pliny, 27, 5; and with local modifier making it in effect a binomial, in the form Aster Atticus, "Aor7e "Arcexdc, Dioscorides, 4, 118 (or 120 or 110 in various editions) ; which binomial continues as its name in most subsequent writings, till Linnaeus, 1753. The plant was so named from the resem- blance of its radiate flower-head to a star, as both Dioscorides and Pliny declare, apparently independently of each other. 58 Aster HIsTory The word Aster on passing into Latin was used chiefly of the flower, not for a star, for which the Romans had already their own name sée//a. Aster in modern colloquial Greek, while still used for a star, is not used for any flower, Aftica; being replaced by dorpov in the sense of the flower. It has been used in French as Astere, “the Aster,’(Martyn, 1797). Stars of the sky find a quick response in the poetry of most peoples, but especially from that of the ancient Greeks; as in Homer, Iliad, xi., 62. 060g 0 &% vegéwy dvagatvetat odltoz datyp. “Such as the star of fate, Sirius, when it shines forth from the clouds.” So in sug panels line of the Iliad, viii., 555 or 551. i oe év ovpave ALOT OO. Qasiyy apet oshyyny which oe rendered literally ‘* As when in heaven the stars about the moon Look beautiful,’’ and which Eustathius, the great Homeric commentator of the 12th century, illustrated by citing Sappho’s immortal lines about the stars, which begin ‘The stars around the lovely moon,’”— *Aatépes psy dpge xddav aehdvvay, This remained still true of the Greek mind two thousand years after, and recounting the objects of nature that affect us most, we find the star still mentioned first of all; as in a Greek 16th cen- tury poem* by a Cretan beginning Ma 7 dat7%0,—where the order of mention is star, sky, sunrise, sunset, earth, sun and moon.—The same preéminence remains in modern Greek ; the star is the source of the first rhym- ing distich, “4z bla 7 dick, z’odoavod, among Rodd’s series, which he translates. Of all the stars in heaven, but one is like to thee The star that comes at midnight and makes all others dim. Fe es ae * The Lrotocritus Vincones Cornaro, quoted as an early example of rhyming 15- syllable meter, Rodd, 2 THE Worp ASTER IN GREEK 59 “Ts there a Greek living to-day,” says Rodd, ‘‘ who does not know t0 zp@to dazpo, by [the modern poet] Joannes Polemos ?”’ remembering how he used to hear this song of star-praise in Athens—“ sung by students to the soft throbbing of a guitar,’— ‘« The first of all the stars of night In heaven is softly gleaming.’’ Modern Greek also makes much use of the star by transfer and composition ; it calls a thunderbolt dazpozeiéx, “ the starry axe.” The transfer from the direct use of the word Aster to the meta- phorical was easy, and we find it applied early to a person ; as in Euripides’ “‘ Thou Star of the Muses,” det70 Movewy, and perhaps earlier in Sappho’s song, ‘¢ Thou art, I think, an evening star, of all the stars the fairest.’’ Aotéowy mdvtwy 0 xdheortoc. i Comparison to a star, rather than metaphor, was perhaps more common to the Greeks; like Wordsworth’s famed comparison of Milton, ‘«¢ Thy soul was like a Star, and dwelt apart.”’ In the poet: Plato (slightly antedating the philosopher, and writing 428-389 B.C.), the metaphor becomes for perhaps the first time distinct and fully evident; as in his lines, "Aare pas staal posts aerhe duoc: sO yevorpyy Ovpavoc, og mokhotg Oppaaw sto ae Bhéxo, Stars do you gaze on, star-of mine ? would that I might become Heaven, and so with many eyes look down on you in turn Another of Plato’s star-metaphors is again a fragment of two lines only, but of a beauty such as to make Tennyson speak of Jewels five words lon That on the stretched hndeuks of all time Sparkle forever— It reads : "Aarne mpiv wey Zhapmes eve Cworow "Ewor, vov 08 Davey ddprees ° Loxepos év gbemsvors. Shelley rendered it : Thou wert the Morning Star among the living, Ere thy fair light had fled,— Now, having died, thou art as Hesperus, giving New splendor to the dead,— 60 AsTER HIsToRY and adopting it as an address to Keats, prefixed the Greek lines to the original Pisa edition, 1821, of his Adonais. From its use as metaphor, for one of beauty or fame, Aster passed among the Greeks into use as an occasional personal name. Such an Aster in Sparta was father, says Herodotus,* of that ‘“Anchinolus, son of Aster—a man of note among the citizens ” whom the Spartans sent at the head of an army against Athens with orders to drive out the Pisistride. Another Aster was put to death by Philip of Macedon, and of him Plutarch tells us, “He was a skillful archer, one of the garrison of Methone, who when Philip was besieging the city, aimed an arrow at him with this inscription on it ‘ doryo Odinnw Oavdaorpor mépitee BEhoc,’ or ‘A star sends a deadly dart upon Philip,—and deprived him of aneye. Philip sent back the arrow into the town with the inscription on it “darépa Dihenzoc, jy idpy zpspyiostac. When the place was taken Philip crucified Aster.” Most of the Greek personal star names were however given some terminational addition: as Asteria, mother of Hecate, Asterope, wife of Aeacus, Asteropea, daughter of Pelias, Asterodia, wife of Endymion, Astraea, goddess of justice, Astraeus the Titan, Asterius the giant of Miletus, whose body lies ten cubits long under its sepulchre in the isle of Asterius ; Asterion the river god of Argolis, and his daughter Astraea; and a whole series of less mythic men, from Asterion king of Crete who espouséd Europa, and that other Asterion son of Minos whom Theseus slew, and Asterion (son of Cometes) the Argonaut who was immortalized, about 600 B. C., as a charioteer on the chest of Cypselus,f—to Asterion the sculptor, son of Aeschylus, Aster appears also as a plant name, Apuleius Platonicus, as ee nonym of Plantago major; from confusion with Aster Atticus it may be, on account of similarity of medical use; or indepen- dently, from the radiately spreading leaves. Aster also appears as an animal name, Oppian using it for 4 bird bearing a starlike circle or spot on its head; and more often it occurs as a starfish, dato Paidaoros ; in Aristotle, Plutarch, Op- pian ; in Pliny ; and in Tzetzes ad Lycophron, 680 (fide Dindorf’s Thesaurus Stephani, Paris, 1831). * Rawlinson’s Herodotus, 3 : 268. } Pausanias, edn. Siebel, 6: 31. NAMES FOR ASTER ATTICUS 61 Aster also occurs once as a place-name ; but a more common place-name was Asterion, name, says the Pseudo Plutarch, of Mt. Cithaeron, and of the island of Tenedos, the river of Argolis, etc. Other uses of the word Aster unmodified are given as three by some dictionaries (as Stephanus); as name of the medicinal white-earth of Samos, q. v., 7zfra; name of a compound medica- ment, a poultice; and name of a stomachic. The last is a form of the use as medicament, and that use, and the use for the white- earth, being apparently derived from the use for the plant Aster as a similar remedy, will be treated separately. NAMES FOR ASTER ATTICUS With the following names used for Aster Atticus or confused with it, are added the ancient synonyms for the other Aster then known, their Tripolium. ALANnT.—Ger. for elecampane, a word of obscure origin, A7uge ; but apparently from its Greek equivalent, ¢A¢yzov, Lat. Helenium. Alant occurs in Mid. and High German. respectively of Dioscorides. The latter is now called zazovw, Sibthorp, 1796.—“There are white and pink and dark red kinds of zazo've; it grows wild all about; it has stem and leaves like a daisy, but the flower is different, for every bud has 3-4 petals and no more, Atfica, speaking chiefly of Anthemis rosea DC., which has few, sometimes 5, short broad pink rays, the whole long-stalked remote head, less than a half- inch across, and very different in nature from the Aster Atticus confused with it. ARGEMON, dpyepyov (also dorspos, and dpysya) name (from Gr. dpyos, Hom. doyevvos, white, shining) of a small white-cen- tered ulcer of the eye, so called by Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Galen, Pollux, etc.; which inflammation we may distinguish in the plural as argema. From the fact that it was used as a remedy for argema and other troubles of the eye, the name Argemon seems to have been applied among various Greeks, to Aster. It became confused with Argemone or Argemonia and later with Agrimonia. See full treatment infra, under Pliny. Perhaps Aster had disappeared from the list of remedies for argema before Aetios * wrote, about 540 A.D., his chapter 26 De Argemo, in his Sermo iii., “Argemon est ulcusculum circa iridis circulum factum, partem albi, et partem nigri occupans, et albu —_ * Aetios, 341, edn. Froben, 1542, NAMES FoR ASTER ATTICUS 63 apparens. Quum igitur profundius et sordidum factum fuerit, ... [treat it with] obducentibus pharmacis.”’ ASCARACON ( 7. ¢., Aster Atticon), a form of the name used by Serapion and by him identified with Centumcapita, and with Eryn- gium, cited by De Manlius, 170, as Ascaracon, but perhaps mis- printed, and doubtless intended for what Matthioli printed 1560 as “ Astaraticon, Arabic for Aster Atticus.”’ ASPERGOUTTE MENUE.—Fr. for Aster Atticus, Ryff, 1543 (see the next); Dodoens, 1554-1616, Lobel, 1576; Gerarde, 1597 (as Aspergoutte menne), ASPERGOUTTE MINEUR, the Fr. name for Aster Atticus, JZat- thioli, 1360; but perhaps only in actual use for Aspergula, which was by some confused with Aster Atticus. ASPROLOULOUDON, dazposoviovdoy ; literally white-flower; in application = daisy, and used chiefly of white-rayed compositae, but without excluding the similar species with colored rays ; and some- times used of Aster Amellus, fide Aztica and Scarlatos.* Only col- loquial. ‘‘ Daisies about Athens are of several colors, white and yellow, red and purple.” —A?rica. Variants are to zozpuioviovdoy, colloquial, meaning dunghill- daisy, 7. ¢., the waste-lands flower ; cited as equivalent of dozpolov- ovdov, by Scarlatos, 1874. Also, vezeodobiovdoy, flower of the bier, from vexpo¢ a corpse ; “used of whatever kind of flower is put around a dead body.” — Attica, (“In the streets of Athens to-day bodies of children are borne to the grave half buried in flowers,” and otherwise exposed to view, no coffin being used in this funeral procession.—Horton in Scribner's Mag., Feb., 1901). Jannizaris gives vexpodoviovdn, colloquial only, as equivalent of Eng. “‘ marigold”’ ; “but instead it means whatever flower was used. They are laid loose all about the body ; no special kind of flower, but more especially geranium leaves and plants and most of all basilikon, which has more smell than geranium even.”—A/fica, 1901. dazpokoovdoy is cited by Scarlatos as the common colloquial equivalent for the ancient Greek plant names dv@epic, dvfspov, duvbé mov, AevxdvOepov, nt enor, jodvOewor, xypdvOspov, ypvooxipy radhia; also apyspavy, docepiv [sic ;’Aocyp meant?] dotepta (z0a) ee peg * Modern Greek Lexicon by Scarlatos Byzantios ; Athens, 1874. 64 AsTER HISTORY [here referring evidently to Pausanias’ ’dozs sotwva OvopdZ ovat xat ty moay taxtyy, See infra, under Heubanins:) ’The last three names at least had been names of Aster in ancient Greek. dazpohodiovdoy is cited by other dictionaries as follows: Le- grand, Mod. Gr. and Fr., 1882, ‘‘ dozpodovdovdv, marguerite paque- rette.”’—Jannizaris, “Eng. & Mod. Gr., as actually spoken,” N. Y. 1895; “daisy, zazpodoviovde, colloquial only.’’—Contopoulos, Mod. Gr. Lex., Smyrna and Lon., 1868, ‘ dozpododdovdoyv = Aev- xdv0zpov, = daisy.” —Sibthorp ascribes dozpodovdoda as present name of Bellis perennis L. Its component, dazpos, white, is seen in Aspropotamo, mod. Gr. name of the river Achelous; Aspromonte, the white-crowned mountain, (often snow-capped, being nearly 7000 ft. high), in Cala- bria, Italy, where Calabrian Greeks have preserved a Greek dialect perhaps since they were Magna Grecian colonists ; Aspramonte, the =— mediaeval form of the word, name of an Italian epic (Milan, 1 516) celebrating a defeat of the Saracens by Charlemagne near the mountain. Asprocephalus, dezpozégadoc, is the mod. Gr. name of a common white flowered umbellifer of the genus Ammi. The other component, dovAovdov, a flower, is a word not apparent in ancient Greek but very prevalent in the modern ; not from the Turks, who say échitchek, a flower: not in Albanian or Slavic so far as consulted: claimed instead to be a native growth. The word exists in many forms; as shown in these citations : doviovea, in a Greek song which Pashley * heard Médpre+ pov pe cd doddovda, “Arpthe pe ta ‘dda, t 2. e.—March brings me the daisy, April brings the rose. Form Ag/ovda occurs in a song quoted by Rodd, 270, “Oka. ca héhovda. tii 179s, T dvOy tod rapadstaoy, “All flowers that are found in earth and the blooms = Paradise The angels brought together to fashion this thy form Form “ dovjovtha is the right form ; sound the 6 like thin this. daxpokoviodiea, that is the true Greek for daisy and many other flowers.” —Aftica, 1901. = dye, 3, 105. Similar binomials from Dioscorides the younger or the author, perhaps 100 A. D. of the alleged 5th and 6th books of Dioscor- ides, one or both, include “Lov daouzdderov, ” Tov Tocaryéov, ” lov dypeov, and febda movp- moupea, or four species of violet ; €0spa thovfedrexa, xovila psyddy, etc. The Pseudo-Dioscorides, author of the Euporista, before 350 A.D., in one Paragraph, bk. 2, c. 115, mentioning his 72 efficients against viper-bites, uses 12 or more binomials, of which 10 are plant-names, viz.: dxdvby eves, vdpdos Supraxds, > . r , dpotohoyia poxpd, myyaLvoyv dyptoy, Bpvervia devxp, Bovovia péava, dptyavog )paxhewrea ; darie arcinos, xIpevov Fusooy, xipnvov dy pevoy It will be observed that the ; chief difference between these binomials and those of Linnaeus is simply that of his universal NAMES FOR ASTER ATTICUS , 67 application of the system ; those of the ancient Greeks being used only in the cases where they desired to distinguish two or more plants felt by them to be closely related. Why then did the Greeks use the binomial for Aster Atticus ? The first to use the binomial was the physician, Dioscorides ; the poets did not use it. Doubtless it was used to distinguish it in medicine from the other great Aster of medical use, Aster Samius the white earth of Samos, and to distinguish it from the numerous medical preparations called Aster, for which see infra. ASTERION, 7. @., little Aster, little star, dorépcov, the same as Aster Atticus, D. (interpolation >), Apuleius Platonicus, Simon Januensis, Ortus. ‘1 have not heard derépcoy for a flower in mod- ern Greek,” A/ftica. Asterion occurs in Dioscorides for two other plants ; for Canna sativa, and for Spondylium. Asterion, from their star-like spots, was also given by the Greeks as name of a kind of spider or Phalangium, Wicander, Ther, 725, and to a lizard. ASTERION.—éoteptoy ; Pausanias, bk. 2, c. 17 ; the same word as the last, assimilated to the pronunciation of the river dateprwy ? by which he found it growing (but deemed by Bock, 1536, to be so different a plant as Marrubium). Asteriscus, little aster or little star, datspeaxoc, Theophrastus, 4, 13; D. (interpolation ?) 4, 118 ; occurs also Apuleius Platonicus, c. 60 (fide Stephanus’ Thesaurus) ; also listed as “ "Aateptaxog xaz datéptov 0 dathp actos, Astericum,”’ in Lexicon MS. ex Cod. Reg., 1843 (Paris ; fide Stephanus) ; spelled Asteriscon by Gerard, 1597. Modern botany uses Asteriscus as the name of a composite genus* (separated in part from Buphthalmon L.), so named by transfer from a variable use in the 16th and 17th centuries for many small-flowered plants, which were by others classed in Aster ; Cornut, 1635, publishing Aster cordifolius L. as an Aséeriscus. Modern Greek does not retain Asteriscus as a flower-name (fide dictionaries ; nor in popular unwritten use, Attica) but retains it in the use (ancient Greek, English, etc.) of asterisk, and as the * Of which A. aquaticus (L.) Moench was found in Greece by Sibthorp. 68 Aster History special name of a star-like mark on the plate placed under the sacrificial cup, in the Greek communion-service. * Ancient Greek also used the further diminutive dorepioxeoy, “a little star, the boss, or knob on a helmet.” Astron, dotpov, Scarlatos’ Dict. of Mod. Gr., 1874; Rind’s do., 1876; “dotpov is the name we Greek people call the flower,” Attica, 1901; “dotpoy, a star, and a kind of flower, like daz pokou- jovdo,”’ Scarlatos, 1874; “dorpov, a star, masc., and Aster blume, fem.,”’ Kind, Dict., Mod. Gr. and Ger., Leips., 1876. AtTrRATIsus.—Avicenna’s name representing Aster Atticus after passing through transliteration into Arabic and again into Latin, Fuchs, in Brunfels’ De vera, 1531. Artrica Stexta, used for Aster Atticus by Marthioli, edn., 1560; (in distinction from Stella for Alchemilla) and Pexa and Lobel, 1570. BALTOcRATES, fadtoxpdeyc, modern Greek name cited for Aster Atticus in Lezz, Botanik in alten Griechen und Romer, 469. Gotha, 1859.—If correctly cited it might have a meaning like the English “ Pond-beauty,” if from Byzantine Greek fdicy, a pool, and xodro¢, strength, power, glory.—Probably it has no connec- tion with Baltos, modern name of part of Aetolian Greece. An explanation offered is that Padcoxodryc is BdAtn + xparipos, “ the pool of the rock-basin,” Aéfica ; if so it may have been intended by the original Greek informant as specifying the locality, not as nam- ing the plant. Bosas.—From repute curative of inguinal buboes; C/usis, 1564, found the Spaniards of Castile using the name for what he [and they ?] deemed to be Aster Atticus, and modern botany calls Pallenis spinosa Cassini. Bobas is cited as the Spanish name of Aster Atticus, by Lobel, 1576; J. Bauhin, 1650; Gerarde, 1597- Boos OPHTHALMON.—Early form of Boupthalmon, q. V5 Diocles? Galen. Bovis ocuLum.—Hermolaus Barbarus ; see Oculus bovis, the more common form. Bousos.—** Joufos, muet,” is given as a modern Greek plant- name by Legrand, 1882; probably with no connection with the — einen * Lowndes, Mod. Gr. and Eng, Lexicon, Corfu, 1837. NaAmMEs FoR AsTER ATTICUS 69 ancient fovfav, and Soufevov, which he cites as still surviving (in literary Greek only ?); and if not, then with no connection to the similar Spanish Bobas.—If mawet was misprint for muguet or muguette, it becomes a synonym for Convallaria, and Aspergula, and for nutmeg ; all were so called by Lobel. BriTAnica, or Herba Brittanica.—A name from Dioscorides, became confused with Aster, fide J. Bauhin; and gave name to Inula Britannica L., which Sibthorp, who found it in Greece, deemed xovvfa totta, D. ; BrucHKRAUT?T.—Ger., Ayff, “on account of use for hernia,” 1543; Dodoens, 1554-1616; Lobel, 1576; J. Bauhin, 1650. BuBONION, Sovfwuvov, = “the Groin plant,’ Azey, so named from its repute as a cure for inguinal tumors or buboes, (Gr. fov- Ady, the groin): D. (interpolation ?) Pliny, Oribasius. ovfay, the groin, is given as still in use by Contopoulos, 1868 (though his printer reduces it to griv). Busontum, Latinized form of the preceding ; all late mediaeval and renaissance writers, Ortus, etc.; with transfer to a related Inula of similar repute. Tabernaemontanus, 1588, used it as name Bubonium for two or more species, one of which appeared later as the Aster Bubonium, Scopoli, /nula Bubonium Jacquin, and is now known as /uula salicina L. and J. spiraeifolia L. Desfontaines claimed that it was the true Bubonium or Aster of Pliny. The umbelliferous genus Budon L., was named from a sim- ilar reputation but without confusion with Budonim. The preceding, it will be noted, have no affinity with d/o, the toad, or dufonius, sheltering toads (as the familiar Juncus bufonius L.); from disregarding this difference a whole fable about the Aster relieving the wounded toad grew up in mediaeval Germany (see Dorstenius). Nor have they any more affinity with the modern Greek plant-names Bopfoe, BoAB0, BopBoc, etc., for species of Hyacinthus which are names derived from its bulbous root. Bucuxraut, in Ger., Lode/, 1576, misprint for Bruchkraut. BuputnHatmon.—Bovgbahpoy, of Diocles and Galen, treated under Hippocrates, has dropped out of use from modern Greek. Retained in modern botany as a name of composite genus Buphthalmum L., two Greek plants were so classed by Sibthorp, 70 ASTER HISTORY B. aquaticum L. (now in Astericus) and B. spinosum L. (now Pallenis) both occurring in Zante and elsewhere, the latter then known at Zante as xapgoyoptoy or “bur-grass.’’ See under An- guillara, etc. The fovg@adpoy of early Greek mention, at least of Dioscorides, was deemed by Sibthorp to be the Chrysanthemum segetum of Linnaeus, known in Greece now as téer¢¢yG0da (like CR coronarium) and in Laconia as xovzovfayed.* BupHTHaLMuM.—Brunfels 3; 8, last line, ‘‘ Buphthalmum et bovis oculum appellent’’ speaking of name Herba Paralysis; here his Buphthalmum perhaps includes Aster, Bellis and Leucan- themum (and others ?). See Oculus. : CALAMARIS, or Calioremares, zahovupdon>, D, Latin name of Aster Tripolium L., perhaps in sense of sea-grass, from ca/amus a reed. CaricaMon,—A name in Serapion for Aster Tripolium L. (due perhaps to transliteration of its name zadcovpdoys, Sprengel). Centumcarira, “ hundred-heads,’ name used by Pliny and writers later to the Renaissance for Eryngium. After the confu- sion between Eryngium and Aster Atticus was begun by Serapion’s blending of the two, and was beginning to cause uncertainty among the compilers, the name Centumcapita probably some- times covered Aster, as in De Manliis, c. 1450 (in Brunfels’ De vera, 170. 1531) saying of Serapion’s Ascaracon [ Aster Atticon] “est coelestis coloris,. . .[in distinction from Centumcapita alba] sed centumcapita alba est species spinae,”’ and perhaps in //zerony- mus of Brunswick's Apodixis, 193, under ‘ Manstrew, in Latin Centum-capita ... oder Ellend . . . mit hymmelblaw farben.” This or the other Centumcapita (Eryngium) is by Platearius in Circa instans called wrongly Affodillus, fide De Manliis, 170. CHAMoMILE.—Camomile, fopapnhov, D., yapopaka. mod. Gr. —Chamomilla (Bock 1536) and Camamilla, Ital., Matthioli, etc. = Matricaria chamomilla L., thought by Hermolaus Barbarus, '492, to be perhaps the Amellus of Vergil; rejected by Wedel, Toa, The Chamaemelum aureum of contemporary writers was lee ee ee ck : Fe . Ps a aro Ana caicaleas _— other plant names compounded with pots (tateet? ee sued, “ oxwood,”” elder-tree, Bovudywv, “ oxbane,’? Povxpaviers ‘ oxlip, cowslip, Bobyawacor, *‘oxtongue,’’ bugloss, Botrouoc, Butomus ; Lo gives all of these, Contopoulos a few, # ee ee ee NAMES FOR ASTER ATTICUS 71 deemed by Bock, 1536, to be yellow Aster Atticus; vide zw/ra, under Bock. J. Bauhin, 2: 1045 quotes Bock as calling Aster Atticus ‘‘ Chamaemelum tertium.”’ CHELIDONIUM, see Herba chelidonia. CHRYSANTHEMUM, yovadviepov, D., C. coronarium L. (Pinardia coronaria Less.), not properly ever a synonym for Aster Atticus, but became confused with it on part of those at the Renaissance who thought Aster included yellow rays; confusing with Aster chiefly C. coronarium L., the crown daisy, ‘“ frequent about road- ways throughout Greece and the islands, and known to-day as Terrteufosa ; and in the Archipelago as pavtadwva,” Sibthorp. “ TErrfeufodo. I have heard, but it is not the common name for chrysanthemum that I know; I hear chrysanthemum called devdndye, little tree,” Attica. Legrand, 1882, gives Mod. Gr. ypuodvilepoy as now equivalent to English marigold ; probably meaning Corn Marigold and Crown Daisy, old names for Chrys- anthemum segetum and C. coronarium L. Conyza, xovsZa, distinguished from Aster by Dioscorides, but much blended with it among later writers, and perhaps among many of the Greeks ; “xovdfa pelo, D, is Erigeron viscosum L., zxovit£a hodie, frequent in Greece and the Archipelago,” Sibthorp, now Pulicaria viscosa (L.) Cassini. Tis, Owdexapnvices, the twelve-minutes’ flower, quick- closing flower; name found by Anguillara about 1529-1539 in use in Zante for his Filius-ante-patrem (q. v.), @ ¢., Tragopogon. ELLEND (a form of Alant, the Elecampane, Inula Helenium, the Aster Helenium and Aster omnium maximus of early German and French writers) seems to be used for Aster Amellus L., Apodixis, 193, 1531. See Alant, supra. Esparcoutte, Fr. (see Aspergoutte, its more usual form), J. Bauhin, 1650. Esroitier, Fr. for Aster Atticus, Lobel, 1570. Esrratia-pa, Sp. for Aster Atticus, /. Bauhin, 1650. Estrit_e, Fr., Gerarde, 1597. FItius ANTE PATREM, seems to have included Aster when used for a Buphthalmum-like plant by Brunfels, 1536; and when by him made a synonym for his Antipater ; and was thought an equiv- alent by Anguillara, at about that date. See Anguillara, én/ra. TZ ; ASTER HISTORY GaRYOPHYLLON ; Lrunfels 3: 45 (1536), distinguishes Ist, the common Garyophyllon of Pavia and other parts of Italy (Dian- thus), and 2d, the common Garyophyllon also called Cheiri (Cheiranthus Cheiri), 3d, another Garyophyllon “ cerulea, . .. vul- gari nomine Roemisch Negelin, etiam si, odore minus grato.” The third may possibly include Aster. i: | GROIN-PLANT, the, name made for it by Riley when translating : Pliny, rendering Herba /nguinalis. HELENIuM.—Usually kept distinct from Aster, whether applied to elecampane or to other plants; but sometimes blended with it, as by Philip Miller, 1733, who writes ‘“‘ Aster ...It is also called Helenium of jdcog the Sun, or as others say, of Helena the Daughter-in-law of Priamus.” See A/ant and Ellend. Hersa Incurnauis, see /nguinalis. HERBA CHELIDONIA, Sammonicus, 693, ‘‘ Herba chelidoniae fertur cum melle mederi”’ [to be used for ulcers, etc.] may be in- tended for Aster Atticus or confused with it: as the Chelidonia minor was long claimed to represent Amellus ; see zfra, Vergil. So Sammonicus’ Chelidonia, line 764, used for ‘‘ Igni sacro,’’— q. v. See Matthioli, who observes that this “ small celandine’’ can- not, because a flower of the swallow’s coming in spring, be the Aster Amellus L.—Several swallow-songs are still current in Greece, as one which says “Wake up, Chelidon, wake up and say ‘Wake up little bush [plant of small celandine] and make your flower’” Altica, 1901. HeErBa PaRatysis; a name much used in the middle ages for — Primula, which was by some writers confused with Aster Atticus and with Amellus, and which was also called Hymmelschliissel in Germany (Afodixis, 1531). Aster may perhaps have been in- cluded (with Bellis perennis) in the “ Herba-Paralysis minor” of de Manliis, c. 1450, ‘“cuius flos similis Camomille est.’ The Herba Paralysis of Hermolaus Barbarus is Primula veris ; he uses Margaritum for Bellis. Herp STexta, a form for Stellaria, 7. e., Aster, and other plants- Herba Stella is a synonym cited by Dodoens, Pemptades, 109, for Plantago major L. Herba Stella is cited as a name common in — Ttaly for Plantago Coronopus Manardi, 152 3, Auguillara, 1565; Gesner, 1561 ; Dodoens, 1583 ; the Stella maris of Tabernaemon- tanus, 1588. ae NaAMEs FOR ASTER ATTICUS 73 HeErBA STELLARIA of some, Parkinson, 1640. HERBE DE L’ ESTOILLE, Fr. for Aster Atticus, Fuchs, 1551. HImMELSCHLUSSEL “is the name used by everybody at Passau for this flower [Aster Amellus L.]. It grew up a hill ina dry place on a grassy slope, at the edge of a meadow where we ought not to have gone in for it, because they were to cut the grass for the cows; so we had to go in when there was no one looking. It was on the border of woods. The plants grew a foot or two high, one flower at the top of a slender stalk. The color was blue, not very dark, just about like the sky, and that is why it is called Him- melschliissel, because it is of the blue of the heaven. Each flower has a yellow spot in the middle. The little blue leaves all about the yellow spot were a little broader than in the picture [ Martyn’s, colored]. There wasn’t any of it growing about home except that one place; and everybody knew that that was the place to go to, to pick it. We would wear it, and would keep it in the house in water. It blossomed at a very hot time in the summer ; per- haps in August. The year I was leaving home [1898] I heard the little children say they were going out to pick it.—There is but one other flower in Germany there [a Hieracium?], I can faintly remember, that is like it, I mean it has the same shape; it is pale yellow and grows up like the dandelion ; but it is not just like the dandelion, its stalk is more thin.—Sternkraut is a name I never heard, nor Megenkraut, nor Schartenkraut.” Bavaria. HyMMELSCHLUSSEL, name apparently intended for Aster Amellus L., and for Primula veris, by Hieromymus of Brunswick, c. 1490 ?, in Brunfels’ De vera, 190. 1531. HyoputHaLmon, or Latinized, Hyophthalmum, 5dgGaipor, D., (interpolation) ; so quoted by translators and commentators, but overlooked in dictionaries, even in Stephanus’ Thesaurus, even in- the Didot edition of 1865, until it was noticed by Coumanoude, appearing in his Greek Lexicon of Uncollected Words, from ancient and modern writings, Athens, 1883, as follows : “ 50¢0aipoc, plant also called Aster Atticus, in Latin Inguinalis, Apul. herb. 61.” The only copy of Apuleius accessible contains no synonyms whatever for its “61, Asterion,” @. ¢., “ Aster Atticus ;”’ but this may be the defect of the edition. 74 Aster History The word %<, a sow, which was understood to enter into this name, is now archaic in Greece, yovpodva and ozxpoga taking its place colloquially, Jaxnaris, 1895. Explanations of Hyophthalmum were ‘‘id est, suis oculus,” Bock, 1536; ‘id est, suillus oculus,” John Lonitzer, 1543; ‘“ quod suis vel porci oculum,” Bodaeus, 1646. For my explanation of Hyophthalmum as originally merely a part of the word polyophthalmon, see infra, under Hippocrates. INGUINALIS, sc. herba ; or Herba Inguinalis ; D. (interpolation ?) Pliny & Apuleius Platonicus in some MS. Dorstenius, 1 540, does not entitle his plant Aster at all, but names his chapter ‘“ De In- guinali,” continuing “ Inguinalis magna sit medicina,” etc. From its use applied ad inguen, for tumors, etc. Varied into such forms as Inguinaria, Pliny, Inguinialis and Ynguinialis, Ortus, Unguinialis, Gart der Gesundheit. In Italian, Inguinale, used by Matthioli in his Italian edition, 1568, as his principal alternative for the name Aster Atticus. IncurnariA, form of Inguinalis (q. v.) in Pliny, still used in description as late as Rondelet, in Lobel, 1 576, and as Morandi, 1744; meaning the same plant, as most writers judge ; Robertus Constantinus, in his Greek lexicon (Geneva, 1592), deemed it differ- ent, saying “ Namalia est inguinaria quam argemonem vocari tradit Plin, 26, 9, cujus vis excellens ut bubonio ad persananda inguinum vitia.” Some, as Billerbeck, adopting this idea of a different In- guinaria from Inguinalis (though the mediaeval Ortus, etc., made them the same) have identified Inguinaria with the modern Her- niaria hirsuta 1. Ion PORPHYROUN, Zov zopguoodv, Viola purpurea, purple violet. This name, it appears probable, was not only used for Viola odorata L., as by D. and Pliny, V. and Columella, but also for Aster Attt- cus L., by some in Greece, from which the ascription of Aster— Properties to Viola which we find in D., 4, 120, was a natural result. See infra under Dioscorides. : The modern Greeks of Athens still use Zoy as name for the true violet, Viola odorata L., not only among the educated but among the unlettered, Aztica. . IrinGus, also Iringo, Iringion, Eryngo, Eryngium, /ring?, etc, Irringus, of Simon Januensis, Irincii et Salvinca of Piero de Crescenst NAMES FOR ASTER ATTICUS T5 (also as Salvida), Iringum of Dodoens. Seems to be used for Aster, Apodixis, 193, 1531; as perhaps in part by De Manliis, c. 1450. A figure derived from genuine Eryngium was used for Aster Atticus in Ortus, 1498, and in Gart der Gesundheit, 1485. Krein MEGERKRAUT, Ryff, 1543. KLEIN STERNKRAUT, (for Aster Alpinus L.) Camerarius; 1586 ? KROTTERKRAUT, Gart der Gesundheit, 1485 = ‘‘ Toadwort,” from Krote, a toad, in allusion to the mediaeval fancy of its re- lieving the poisoned toad when fighting spiders, narrated by Dor- stenius, 1540. MANs-TREW or Mannes-trew (a German name for Eryngium), seems to be used to cover Aster as well, herba Aesculapii, Sprengel, Diosc., 25: 565; name for Strychnon hortensis, fide Sprengel, the Strychnon of D. g i Sees 5d ey 3 a= eee eas Bese airs En ty 3 aeeal ee igi thomas 2 Bear Sees ; Bethy af Oe ine Sap : ne a a mlm mmm ieee Punic ASTER-NAMES 83 ATIEIRKON, dtesepxov, D., 2, 152 ; = herba nervorum, Bochart ; dpsyvenpovoc, D., codex C, emended by Saracenus to ovpdy ¢yvev- povos, ichneumonis caudam ; occurs as name of the plant amony the ‘ Prophets”’ or Egyptian magicians ; = Plantago lanceolata L., say some, or Plantago maritimum L., fide Sprengel. ATIERBERZIA, dzeepséotea, D., 3, 409; = herba_ benedicta, Sprengel, Diosc., 25: 455, deeming it so named ‘‘ because most adverse to sterility ; cf. Hippocrates de Sterilit, 19.’ = Mpdacov of the Greeks, datepdzy of the Egyptians, D.; = Marrubium vul- gare L., and other species, Sprengel. . ATIRSIPTE, atepoixty D., 2, 147; =herba picts, Bochart ; name of Plantago Coronopus L. which the Greeks called xopwvo- mous, and detpeov; an Arabic name for it, atariade/ni (Sprengel, D., 26, 466) is apparently formed from atar = herba. Bochart explained aéirsipte (itself but a doubtful approximation to the origi- nal word intended) as herba picis, Woodpecker’s plant, in the sense of herba hyemis, herba perennans ; Sprengel, claiming that Bochart was here combining a Hebrew and a Greek root, objects with de- corous propriety to the ‘‘connubium ebraicae et graece.’’ See Astrion, p. 81 ;—which, like Coronopus, may have been a name applied to it from its radiate tufts of leaves. ATIRTOPURIS, Gt¢otézovpec, D., 2, 217; = herba unguium, be- cause the leaves are like claws, Sprengel, D., 26: 489; name of the Greek Telephium, 7yA¢geov ; = Sedum Telephium L. ASTER AS NAME OF “ SAMIAN EARTH” AsTER, do770, Theophrastus, or Aster leucos, dary devxoz, Are- taeus, or Aster Samius, doc7p Saptos, in Pliny, Dioscorides the Younger, or D., bk. v., Galen, Euporista, Actios, etc. A white earth of peculiar texture used as an astringent, obtained from quarries at Samos, prepared as quoted from Pliny i/ra, sold in small tablets stamped with a seal, and valued for properties which repeat those of Aster Atticus as follows 1. For sores and discharges of the eyes, Pliny, D. v. 2. For incipient buboes, Ga/en. 3. For any purpose where a moderate refrigerant is desired. Galen, who calls Aster Atticus a moderate refrigerant. 4. For ulcers, in water and wine, etc., Pliny, D.v., Galen. 84 AsTeR History 5. For poisonous bites, of serpents and of other animals, Pliny, D. v., Euporista. 6. For inflammations, especially of the groin, and testes, and those of the mammae, Piiny, Galen. 7. In labor (applied to stop a flow of blood), D. v., Aretacus. 8. To drink in water and wine as a stomachic, D. v. g. Tied on as an amulet, worn by women as a QvAaxTH 00> (to promote conception and parturition), D. v. All of these resemblances in use lead to the conclusion that Aster Samius received its name because of similarity in properties to Aster Atticus ; rather than to the conclusion that Aster Samius was so called simply because a star remedy or a first-quality rem- edy, as Riley implies in his Pliny, 6: 298, remarking of Aster Samius that it is “ ‘Star’ earth apparently.’ Another possible reason for the name Aster Samius might be found in its stamped packets if they bore the stamp of a star; but there is nothing to indicate that they did, or that if they did, the use of that stamp may not have been due to the name Aster already in vogue for the remedy. There were many earths used medicinally and to some extent interchangeably ; but it is worthy of note that the particular earth among them all which had strongest resemblance to Aster — Atticus in properties was the earth to which the name Aster was given, as Galen takes pains to make very plain. All of these earths differed from Aster Atticus in having 4 highly astringent property. Most of them resembled it in being as Galen puts it, “ excellent moderate remedies without great heat or cold... and of all these the best is Aster.” : It appears, on the whole, probable, Ist, that the flowers and whole plant of Aster Atticus, receiving name from its star formed blossoms, were in use by name Aster for buboes and ulcers, as a2 eye-salve and stomachic and anti-toxic, and also as an amulet, for ties, notably as an amulet (the “stone”’ or harder masses found in” them) and for inguinal and ophthalmic inflammations. Among the many earths of similar appearance and use, it was the especial name_ of that white earth exported from Samos ; though those authors ASTER SAMIUS 85 who considered many or all of these earths as equivalents were likely to use the term Aster for the others also ; as Aretaeus may have intended. By time of Pliny it became fixed as name of the Samian only. 3d, after use of the word Aster for some time as name of the stamped Samian tablet used as an application to ulcers, etc., the word came to be used by physicians as name of compound preparations of their own with similar purpose, the Aster-medicaments which have great vogue in the writings and practice of Galen and Aétios, and of which perhaps the first indi- cation is in Celsus’: mention of his remedy aséeriace (see p. 80). The progression of use of terms in this sense seems to have been: Asteriace, the aster-like medicament, 7. ¢., the poultice compounded to do the work of Aster Samius ; Ce/sus, about 30 B.C. By the time of Nero, Andromachus and Asclepiades, physicians of his court, seem to have used Aster out-and-out and unmodified, in this sense of a compound medicament, with or without the actual presence of Aster Samius init. By the time of Galen, a century later, various such Aster-medicaments were becoming distinguished from each other by specific names. By the time of Aétios, 540 A.D., ‘the reaction upon Aster Samius of the use of Aster as a medica- ment-name had caused Samos to be frequently forgotten, and the Aster Samius was called perhaps half of the time Terra Asteris, 7. ¢., the earth that is used as a base forthe medicament called Aster. 4th, after use of the term Aster for medicaments of properties similar to Aster Atticus, as indicated in 3, the name Aster probably became applied to miscellaneous medicaments by ambitious physicians in the general sense of Star-remedy or First-class remedy, through the reflex influence of Aster in the primary meaning of “star in the sky.” Citation of the principal descriptions of Aster Samius follows : Aster, in Theophrastus’ Lapides, 64, circa 320 B. C., explained as a “Samian clay used as sealing-wax”’ ¢. ¢., stamped, being doubtless the white Terra Samia or Aster Samius exported in 86 Aster HIsTorY Aster leucas, dating hevubs, Aretaeus Cappadocis, De curatione, 98, 19, 20, writing about 55 A.D. (but ignored for centuries, and named by Dioscorides, Aétios and Paulus Aegineta only among the ancients), who here mentions dorip dsvxdg as “a white earth, also called Samia; or Eretria or Sinopica or Lemnia’”’; and men- tions it bk. 2, as an astringent in his chapter 2 on ‘“‘ Curatio sanguinis refectionis.” Aretaeus’ phrase, 98, 19, is 77 dptoty Lapia xo "Kostpias zat dacno xdora Aevxoc. From Pliny ; ‘Of Samian earth there are two varieties ; one known as Collyrium ; the other by the name of Aster. To be in perfection, the first kind should be fresh, remarkably smooth and glutinous to the tongue; the second being of a more solid con- sistency, and white. They are both prepared for use by being calcined and then rinsed in water, some persons giving the prefer- ence to the first. They are both of them useful for discharges of blood from the mouth, and are employed as an ingredient in plasters of a desiccative nature. They are also used in the prepa- ration of ophthalmic compositions. All these earths are well washed in water and then dried in the sun, after which they are again triturated in water and left to settle; this done they are divided into tablets.” —Puiny, 35, 53-55. “Earth of Lemnos, the best is found in quarries of Lemnos and Cappadocia; it approaches very nearly [as a pigment] to minium [red lead] and was as highly esteemed among the ancients as the island that produces it; it was never sold except in sealed packages, a circumstance to which we are indebted for its addi- tional name of sphragis [a seal]. It is with this that they give the undercoating to minium, and in the adulteration of minium it is Melos, The earth of Lemnos was sealed with the figure of Diana, and to this day the bolar argils brought from Greece bear various seals and characters; hence the Solus Armeniae and the dofus ruber are called terra sivillata.”’ Millengen, Curiosities . Medical Experience, 2: 139. London, 1837 : The term ¢erra sigillata occurs 1779 in a London recipe for a preparation to fs used as a mouth-wash, beginning “ Take Mace, Cinnamon, Cloves, Pellitory of ise and Terra Sigillata or Sealed Earth, of each half an ounce,’”’ in ‘ Spirit of Wine," eg of Scurvy Grass and Water.’? The Toilet of Flora, 91. Lon. 177% ee pve al mane other “‘earths”’ also, used medicinally and in painters’ mixtures; oe as described by Pliny, bk. 35. Even Attica produced its peculiar earth, “ Atticus sil’’ or ochre, of violet color, Ruel, 634. . la Ble eR Se Rae Pe eS a ee th ee ee a eR Pe ee Se ee ee ee ee ee ASTER SAMIUS 87 medical use “for the eyes and bleeding, and against poisons and stings.” From Dioscorides (the younger, 100 A. D.?), 5, 172-3, “ Of Samian earth (apac y7>) the white is much preferred, smooth and adhering if touched to the tongue like glue, juicy, soft and friable ; which is the kind that some call collyrium, For there are two kinds of this, namely that which is now mentioned, and that which is called Aster, (zaio)pevog Aozyp), lumpy or full of clods, and dense in feeling like a whetstone (zuxv0¢ wg dxovy). It is used like the Eretrian earth and has similar strength ; it stops a flow of blood ; and bleeding from the vulva in labor; if given with the flower of the wild pomegranate (av Sadavate@). It also allays inflammations of the testes and of the mammae if rubbed on with rosewater ; and it moderates sweats; and finally it is a remedy against poisonous bites and against deadly drugs, if taken to drink in wine. “The Samian stone (Samius lapis in Samia terra) is found in Samian earth, which goldsmiths use for polishing and brightening gold. It exists in two kinds, white and gray. It has an astrin- gent and refrigerant power, on account of which it is used to drink, for stomach troubles ; it is also efficacious as an aid to foster the organs of the body and to protect them from injury ; itis a remedy, applied with milk, for discharges from the eyes and for ulcers. It is believed also when tied on by women as an amulet (¢gu/ax- t#oeov) to promote parturition and conception.” From the Euporista, ascribed to Dioscorides; among the 72 plants to be taken in drink with wine, against viper-bites, occurs Vic captac to) dotépor < /. or, as Saracenus renders it, asteris samii drachmea ii—/. ¢., Take of Samian earth of the kind called Aster, two drachms. This is the only ancient reference of which I am sure in which both Aster Atticus and the Aster Samius occur in the same con- text, their place in the long list being but five items apart, that part of this list of snake remedies reading, in translation, Asclepiadis radix, flos Asteris Attici, Atractylidis flores et folia, Piper, Pistachia, Balsam, Gentianae radix, Asteris Samii drachmae ii, Daucus, Quercus, Iris, Helenium decoctum, etc., etc. 88 | Aster HIsTory From Galen,* “ De terra Samia. We use moreover that other kind of Samian earth more, which they entitle Samzum astera, for stopping hemorrhage, just as with the earth under the Lemnian seal (Lemnio sigillo). Aster Samius is used for ulcers, with the juice ofarnoglossum (= Plaxtago mayor L., sometimes called Aster, says Apuleius, perhaps from this use for ulcers like Aster Atticus and Aster Samius) in uster and wine and vinegar. But the Lemnian earth seems to me not a little more efficacious than the Samian [for ulcers]. The Samian is fit and efficacious for incipi- ent buboes (bubonas incipientes) and where it is desired to use a moderate refrigerant (refrigerare mediocriter), For the Samian Aster is tenacious and viscous,t and the Lemnian seal (Lemma Sphragis) has some little degree of the same character. Women also use as abstergents, the Selinusian earth and the Chian ; they are the most excellent remedies for the fiery burn of an_ ulcer. They are excellent moderate remedies without great heat or cold ; which is true of Selinusian, Chian and Samian earths. It is said, moreover, that the species of this which they call Aster excels the remaining earths, because it has a certain viscous and tenacious quality, and either the Chian or the Selinusian earth is inferior to_ the Samian in treating tumors of the breast, or the early develop- — ment of buboes on the testes or the groin.’ t ASTER MEDICAMENTS Aster as name of a medicament, a collyrion, poultice or com- pound medicine, seems to have come into use as name of a com- pound to replace the simple Aster Samius, and seems to have become confirmed in use by its connoting a star. Galen and Aétios are chief existing authorities for this use of the word Astef- Galen made use, for ulcers, etc., of a composition which he called Aniketos Aster, dutzgzos dotyo, or in Latin Aster inex- — superabilis. Galen’s statement of its use is as follows: , “ Aster inexsuperalibis, ad doloris vexatione, pustulas, staphy- lomata, ulcera sordida, et serpentia. Facit ad inveteratos affectus et cicatrices exterit,’’ a iain ane * ee Se _ Kuhn : 12: 1784+, repi Yauiac yy. 7 : own enim et viscosus est Samius Aster,’? ft phlegmonas in mamillas, testibus atque inguinibus incipientes.’’ GALEN’s ASTER MEDICAMENTS 89 The components which he used included terra Samia, myrrh, opium and tragacanth; and mineral ingredients, as “ Cadmia usta et lota, stibium, plumbum, spodium” etc. Galen, 12, 761. Aster pharmacon.—Another Aster medicament for ulcers used by Galen and before by Asclepiades, is the ‘“‘ Aster pharmacon ” of Galen, 13 : 735; where Galen, writing in c. 13 “Concerning em- plastra which Asclepiades * prescribed for ulcers,” describes as best of these one called Pharmacion of mineral substance, and next, his Asteros pharmacon, also mainly of mineral composition, pre- sumably with a basis of the Aster Samius; it was compounded with aerugio, chalcitis, oil, etc. ; its description beginning Aare pos cdppaxoy ... tate 08 deagetax, da07j, or Asteris medicamentum ad idem accommodatum, ... etiam discutit. Aster stomachicos, another of Galen's aster medicaments, is thus described: “ Aster stomachicos, facit ad. eos quibus cibus in ventre accessit ad tormina, destillationes, dolorem capitis, spuentes sanguinem, tabefacentes, affectiones circa vesicam et uterum.”’ Give in pastilles. Contains mandragora, myrrh, balaustion, crocus, anise, opium, storax, seeds of apium and hyoscyamus, Hyssopus Creticus, and castorium. Galen, 13: 164. Aster anodynes.—Galen also describes a long series of ano- dynes, to some of which he gave the name Aster ; in his work on the composition of drugs and medicines, his z 6, seminis apii > 6, anist > 4, styracis > 4, seminis dauci > 4, castorii > 2, opli > 3, myrrh > 2, quidem etiam mandragorae succi > 4, ut vero Xen- ocrates,* etiam piperis albi > 6, cum aqua fac pastillos triobolares. Dato ex aqua.”’ Galen, 13: 91. Many other anodynes follow, including that of Lycomedes, with dried roses and myrrh ; that of Rufus ¢ ; the anodyne Resiccatoria, with rose-leaves and flowers of Juncus odoratus ; the anodyne Mi- rabilis, dvedvv0> Aavyastic, made with seseli, tussilago, chamae-_ pitys, and sylvestris, rheum Ponticum, with poppy-seeds, ete. ; and — finally, omitting many of less note, his oe ‘‘ Aster unsurpassed, a drug accurately compounded as an Anodyne, Sleep-producer, All-usefull. ae ‘“Aatnp dvixytoc, odppaxoy emeretepypeévoy dvw@duvoy, Sxvoro0y, a modypnatoy.” “ Aster alter inexsuperabilis, medicamentem accom- modatum sedans dolorem, inducens somnum, multi usus ad varios affectus. Nam et stomachi morbos mirabiliter sanat a ructibus acidis, aegris concoctibus, torminibus volvulis, inflationibus. Facit ad capitis dolorem potatum et foris illitum fronti aceto dilutum.” Used also for the eyes, with the juice of Perdicium (Parietaria) : for toothache with a fig or galbanum ; for inflamed tonsils, for Ae eee * Xenocrates, a physician of Cilicia of about 150 A. D; of his writings some omer survive, and a short treatise on food-fishes , etc., ** De Alimento ex Aquatili- bus,”’ edited by Pranz, 1774, Leipzig, and at — aes since ; deemed ‘‘ an interesting es eas of the state of natural history at the time. “ fT "AdAn, 6 aorhp avedw OC, % Xpayar { Rufus Ephesius, celebrated Greek shone of about 100 A.D., born at Fess, : wslion of various works still extant. AETIOs’ ASTER MEDICAMENTS 91 wool before the eyes, for flux of blood in myrtle wine ; for old or recent cough, diluted in wine ; for phthisis with Marrubium ; for dysentery, etc., with ‘“‘ Sanguinaria”’; for reptile bites with Rue ; for rheumatism, as Gentian ; etc., etc. Make it with myrrh, styrax, Savas Indica, Cassia fistula, cor- tex Mandragora, and with terra Lemnia. Or add Seseli Massilien- sis, seeds of Daucus, etc.—Galen, 13: 164-6. Aster-remedies of Aétios—Another long series of compounds entitled Aster or using Aster Samius as a base were used and described by Aétios, c. 540 A. D., the Greek physician probably of Justinian’s court ; who called most of these preparations by the term collyrion, xoAdpzov ; as his Magni collyrion composed with a base of Aster Samius ; and as the following to which he gave the name Aster : Asclepiades' Aster.— Asclepiadae, aster inexsuperabilis, do- lorum eximens.” This is a modified form of Galen’s ulcer-curing Aster inexsuperabilis. Aétios states its purpose in Galen’s words and prescribes nearly the same ingredients, adding “gummi, 6 drachmae, cineris pompholygis lotae, 8 drachmae,” and omitting Galen’s cerussa, amylum, spodium, plumbum, and his terra samia, omitted here, but forming, under the name Terra Asteris, a base of the most of his numerous collyrions ; Aétios adds, Excipe aqua, take in water, most time honored of medical formularies. Aster Magni.—Aliud collyrion, Aster Magni, quod preparari solet...; it contains the “terrae quae aster appellat.”’ be Asdiediades Aster jesiact, waslcercinl is still another similar col- lyrion of Aétios. Aétios’ Terra-Asteris collyrions —Numerous compounds re- corded by Aétios include Aster Samius, his Terra Asteris, as a base, and are chiefly directed against ulcers. Each one he calls a collyrion, xoddipcov, a word evidently cognate with zdjia, glue, and used by Hippocrates for a poultice, and in later writers interpreted as an eye-salve, as a pessary, etc. Aétios and others use itas a compound medicament of viscous consistency, to be applied as a poultice, salve or plaster, or to be taken internally, in food or drink. Aétios usually gives each collyrion a distinctive name, from a former physician or from an ingredient. Among those with Aster Samius as a base are three from Oribasius, two from the medical 92 Aster HISTORY writer Demosthenes, and one each from the physicians Asclepiades, Philagrius, Philumenos, Cleon, and Sandyx, men of whom little more is now known than their names. Of these preparations one ‘is called Uranium, two because containing spodium are called Spo- diaceum, three are called libyanum or lybianum ; suggestive of the Arabic name of Aster Atticus, Alibium, but here perhaps originally derived from the region Libya, though seemingly now used sub- stantively in the sense of an aster-medicament or collyrion. The following is a list of some of these collyrions made with Aster Samius. Collyrium libyanum Asclepiadae, for a sty on the eye, etc. Collyrium inexsuperabile of Oribasius, the ¢exerum hbyanum of Philumenos, for ulcers, styes, etc., composition nearly the same as Galen's “ Aster inexsuperabilis’’ used for ulcers: made of cad- mium, cerussa, pompholygos, stibium, amylum plumbum, ustum, terra Samia, tragacanth, gumma, myrrh, opium. Take in water. Used also with milk or with an egg. Aliud lybianum Oribasii, Ad principia, et ulcerationes ; the in- gredients are the same as in the preceding form. Aliud collyrium Uranium velut Oribasius habet. For ulcers, pustules, etc. Use terra samia, pompholygos, gum trientem, ete. Collyrium spodiaceum Demosthenis. For inflammations. Make with terra Samia and the dry leaves of olive, etc. Collyrium Spodiaceum, for ulcers. Make with terra Asteris. Collyrium Tephnon; use terra Asteris. a Collyrium Philagrii * or collyrium Sandycis ; use terra Asteris. Collyrium Thure, for ulcers ; use terra Asteris. Collyrium Cleonis velut Damuathinnes habet, for ulcers. First of this long series of collyrions not to contain “terra Asteris.” Mite a * Philagrius, known only by a few fragments, a Greek writer of perhaps 250 A- Dee ‘ : ITS RELATIONS TO ASTER II HISTORY OF PRE-CLUSIAN BOTANY IN TABULAR VIEW OF PLANT-—WRITERS BEFORE 1600, SHOWING ESTIMATED DATE OF AUTHORSHIP; ALSO SUBJECT, LANGUAGE AND NATIONALITY Most writers before Brunfels (1530), and, in diminishing de- gree, before Clusius (1576 and in completer form 1601), treat plants chiefly from the standpoint of reputed medical powers. That will be understood of the authors and works in this list, with exception of those specifically otherwise named, especially those treating agriculture or plant-physiology. Onward till Clusius and Cesalpino (1583), this insistence upon remedial agencies remained prominent, but with the difference of gradually shifting propor- tions, the proportion of descriptive matter being greatly increased © in works such as those of Bock, Lobel and Clusius. Works of which the authors are wholly unknown are entered in this list in italics. A few abbreviations used include, with slight variation for context, az. author, ¢. translated, 4. born, @. died, def. before, c. or -, about. A few authors of special botanical importance are capitalized. Approximate or estimated dates are the only possible dates in most cases before the invention of printing. Such approximation is indicated by a prefixed medial dot, -, (as - 1000, = about 1000 A. D.) instead of using circa. Dates from 1475 (the Buch der Natur) onward, are dates of first printing, not of authorship, un- less otherwise stated ; and most of these are exact. The language in which an author wrote is indicated by the heading over the column in which his name begins. His nationality, if it is not expressed by the language, as in case of many writers in Latin after the development of English, Ger- man, etc., is indicated by heading or by abbreviation following his name. Most of the earlier German writers belong to the Rhine provinces, and are here designated under the term Rhenish. In the column used for those of the Salernitan school in Italy, a few writers are also classed who worked over Salernitan material, viz., Bertharius, Otho Cremonensis, and Arnald de Villanova. Other Italians are classed under a separate column, Italian. No part of this list is or could be exhaustive ; but particular fullness has been given to the mediaeval portion, especially the early English ; because so commonly ignored. 96 Estimated Date. jas b3e SStts ASTER HISTORY Greek. Latin. ee : Cie of Medicin otle— 1 references in his History of Animals, etc. hie s HEOPHRASTUS ; Slate physiology, etc., ‘‘ Father of Botany.’’ 2 Diocles, of Carystus, on kitchen-vegetables and medicinal herbs. Andreas of Carystus, au. of the lost Vartheca, etc. Nicander, of Colophon, Ionia; poet, Georgics, Theriaca, etc. ; to, Rome, de Agricultura Cratevas, in Pontus, au. of a lost RAizotomica. Varro, Rome, de Agricultura. Dioscorides Phaca, at Alexandria; 24 books de medica arte ; lost. Dionysius Itykaos, tr. of Mago, the Carthaginian ‘“‘ Father of Agriculture.” Vergil, Georgics ; at Mantua and Naples. Aemilius Macer Veronensis, poet, Th sites, etc. Nicolaus Damascenus, plant physiology, etc. Hyginus, at Rome, de Agricultura ; lost. Columella, at Cadiz, Praecepta de Agricultura. Be oe Scribonius Largus, Designatianus, es Celsus, de medicina libri octo ; Rom me near Rome, 10 books de “aia. Aretaeus, of Cappadocia ; De. on 8 books. Andromachus of Crete ; Di0scorIDEs spreads of Cilicia 5 ie de materia medica. ‘the Naturalist ’ Dioscorides the aie Alexandrinus, va ‘a "5 on Hippo crates, etc. Mazvetins Sidetes, of Pamphylia; poet, /a¢rica, 42 books; lost Pausanias, incidental references in treating topography of Greece. GALEN, of Pergamus ; Opera, 83 genuine books; and Commentaries. monicus, d. 212; Rome, poet, Liber weer hee Martialis, @. Z deh eenie: Rom arpocration’s redaction of Kyranis de herbis. Theodorus Priscianus, Rome ? 7 books de medicina. Anonymi Carmen. Apuleius Platonicus, bef. 439 ; Carthage ; De erbarum: Marcellus Empiricus ; Bordeaux? De medicamentis. alladius Rutilius, de Agricultura. Aétios Amydenos, of Cappadocia ; ; 16 books, /aérica. Plinius Valerianus, Rome? 5 books de re medica. Isidorus Hispalensis ; Se sel Visigoth, of Seville. Stephanos Athenaos, physician ; and Ste ephanos Alexandreus, alch Paulus Aegineta » Periodeutes ; of Aegina; ae, in 7 books. Kyranos’ redaction of Kyranis, in four books Joannes filius Serapionis ; was tr. into Siviac: -790 ; of Damascus. TABLE OF PLANT WRITERS 97 § Estimated : ‘ Salernitan § Rhenish > ¢ Date. Arabic. Greek. Latin. ? in Latin. in Latin. } in Latin. 803 abanus, De universo 805 Capitulary of Charlemagne 812 Breviary of ae 842-3 alafrid Strab “850 MACER FLoripus (a Calabrian Greek ?). "850 Stephanos Basilides, a Greek, tr. of Diosc. into ri bef. 861 *850 Isaac, Ben Honain, reviser of Diosc., bef. 857-8 Mesue the elder; on d ‘860 Qosthus or Constantine; a Gieek ; ; in Arabic; de Agricultura. ‘860 Bertharius, d. 884 (of Monte Cassino), ‘890 Photius, AMlyriobiblion. Liber medicinalis (in A-S). : “900 RHAZEs or Arrazi, d. 932, au. of Continens, Lb 912-9 Cassianus Bassus, edr., Geoponica, { “950 Alfred erat Devon. ; ‘980 —_ HALy or Ibn Alabbasz; bef. 983; au. of Liber totius medicinae . 982 Ibn Dscholdschol, tr. Diose "990 Ibn Golgol ; au. on trees, olants, and materia medica. *1000 Ibn Walid ; tr. ‘I000—s« MESUE the younger, au. of De Simplicibus, “1020 AVICENNA or Ibn Sina; d, 1037; au. of Canons. *1020 Gariopontus, De Dynamidiis, etc. “1030 The Seven Masters, dntrorarium. ‘ “1040 Giovanni Plateario 1, Practica. ‘1060 the er, “1070 CONSTANTINUS AFRICANUS, De gradibus. ! ‘1075 Simeon Seth, Syrtagma. "1085 Copho the younger, Anatome Porci. *Iogo Trotula, Curandum...muliebrium, “10g Butanicus, (used by Simon Januensis). "1090 Liber de simplici seakctactor Simon Januensis ) ‘TIO Adelard Anglicus. : . “TI00 Herbarius, lost, used by Vincent de Beauvais. s ‘1100 Stephanos ie Alphabetum ; ete. ; “1101 imen sanitatis Salerni ; ‘John of Milan. *IIIO tas us “IT30 Marreo Prateario II., au. of INSTANS. -II40 Henry of “1150 Sa de lars (Bingen). "1158 Ibn Alawwam or Ibn Al Avam, au. Agricultura “1160 AVERROEs or Ibn Roschid, au. de Simplictbus. “1160 io III. "1168 Moses Maimonides, a Spanish Jew; Arabic Commentary on Mishnah. ‘1180 Aegidius Corboliensis. “1180 Galfridus de Vino salvo or : Geoffrey de Vinsauf ; ec (on agriculture). : ‘II90 ‘ Ferrarese recension of Circa instans. a *II90 mes Domian recension of Circa instans. . "1210 Alphita _-—— Gillbertus Anglicus. “1230 _‘Thn Baithar, d. 1248, an of Blchas a 98 Aster History Tat Miscellan, Latin /Salerni- ( Other In English writers : Languages. of misc. } tan, in Italians, } English. in Latin. = i in Latin. Arabic. nation- ) Latin. in ‘1240 Harpestreng, Danish ; d. mae : Le yebog, an enlargement of Macer Floridus. "1256 mia Estens Bartholomaeus Anglicus, "1256 Thomas ‘ fears habs (Flem. ), encyclopaedist. 60 Vincent de Beauvais (Fr.), d. 1264, encyclopaedi ist. "1265 ALBERTUS MAGNus (Suabian) ee ie a ology, etc. "1265 acon, Opus Majus. 1270 Nic. Myrepsos. Pietro Spano (Sp.). ail f Gilbert de Arviell. ‘1280 aimundus Lullus A re tr. of Kirani Kiranides. "1290 etrus de Crescentiis, de Agricultura. “1292 Actuarius. = aan, Clavis sanationis. 1307 Bernard Gordon, "1310 Arnald de Villanova. ean Gaddesden. 1311 Ibn Alkotbi or Malajesa, Arabic, au, of Zpitom “1313 MATTEO a or neaprreret Pandects “F330 Niccolo da Reggio, & Bartolomeo Mi 1349 Cunrat de Sphsap abi Rhenish au. of Buch der scaiiet in pd ; a 4 "1350 Aggregator practicus. Joh 1355 Jacobus de Dondi or ee ‘Paduide *1373 n. Lelamar, tr. Macer Flo “1379 Henry Daniel & De Henley. 1398 Berkeleyan Barthol. Anglic “1400 Ortus Sanitatis. n. Bray & Nic. “1400 Manfredus de Monte eae 1418 Rinius’ Dioscorides ae Ashm ak Hox bals eo 38, 43; wet acobus de Ste syno 1451 Theodorus Gaza, a Greek, Latin tr. of hehe 1458 Le Petit Pelous, au. of Secres de Salerno, Fr. tr. | Fisa casuad ase Ortolff van Bayrlandt or Megtenberger ; Ger., Avtzmeibuch, printed “147! . Petru 147 s Paduanensis, tr. of Dioscorides. 1480 Arbolayre, Fr. from Seer Hermolaus Barbarus, tr. Diosc. vaste Pr. siuaries Medici, Physical Plants (MS). 1451 Antonius Gazius, of Padua, Florida (0 1485 Johann von Cuba ; ; in Ger.; Gart der Gesundh-it, tr. of Ortus. 1490 Le Grant Herbier, Fr., ik L Arbolayre. Horman, Synonyma. 1490 Guido de Cauliaco (Fr.) Ax idotarium, bei 14s 1492 Leonicenus, critic o 1493 Liber Agzregationis. Calcoensis, tr. Faludis in be 1495 W nkyn d e Wo rde’s Bar. 1497 Tollat de Vorchenberg, in Ger., der Artzney, Vienna, 1497- I ‘ieronymus Brunsvicensis, Ger., Distiller erung Buck ‘1505 Hieronymus Brunsvicensis’ Apodixis Germanica, in Ga. a brief flora. 1510 Collinutius, defender of Pliny. I51r Gerardus Nocito, Sicilian; Lucidari 2 Herrera, Sp. Obra de agricultura, TABLE oF PLANT WRITERS 99 Rhenish Misc. Italian Nee pag —— writers Misc. in Latin. Latin. in Latin. in Latin n English. Lang pense { printer), Zhe Gree Hi r- bail, tr. of Grant Herbier. Ruel, Fr.; Lat. tr. of Dioscorides arcellus Vergilius, of Florence ; Lat. tr. Diose, Vigonius, ree ~ igo, Genuensis ; Chirurgica, Manardi, critic of D Leonardus Legius, C Cabiel Flor Ghini, begins delivering his scot still in MS. acme Fferba/, ** Here begynnyth we Mater ye whiche sheweth ye Vane & Properties of Her- ag Lon. ‘* by me, Rich. de Banckes, 1526.” Oviedo, Sp., éas Zndias. Euricius Cordus. Andrewe’s Zhe Grete Herbal. sienna of all herbes, (tr.). — Valla, de Simpliciu guillara, begins ? oun’ in Crete, Zante and Greece. anus ae tr. Diosc. Ct. von Neuenar. Baptista F ri Mantuan ; a virtutibus herbarum, ig Pius. BRUNFELS; Herbarum Rob. Pidelee? s Boke of the Proper- ties of colt Lon. Fuchs (Suabian) Annotationes, in Braunfels’ De ve issertationes, in Brunfels’ De vera. —— Listens or Lonitzer. Symphorianus Campegius ; critic of Arabs. Joannes Franciscus Rota ; on Grk. medicamen Sapharine Rhodion’s Gart der Sacer in Ger. rnelius Petrus Leydensis, Benedictus Textor Gs Ge notes on Diosc. (Paris, 1534). Robertus Stephanus, iat Latinis et Graecis nominibus...herb. nacro’s *‘Macer’s Herbal... -into Englysshe,’’ printed by ars ay ien s Herbal; “ Hereafter follow- eth the oo auc er the vertues of Lon. by Robert Wyer’’ ; date a. author? Pritzel, 11565. c. Kele’s Propertyes of Herbes. Antonius Musa Pal Examen..simplicium. Amatus Lusitanus. : - Lovicz, in Polish, med. Gabriel Humelberg, Ravenspurgensis ; Commentary on Apuleius Platonicus. Joannes Tagautius, Vimaeus, De. spaenerane (Paris, 1537). _ Tarner’s Re Herbaria (Lat. ) Bock (Tragus), Areuterbuch ; in Ger. {is Aster HIstrory Ger. Misc. {ee Italian, petbeleniie, f English writers Fe Ered in Latin in Latin ] in Latin in English Thomas api s edn. of The Grete Her Agricola Johannes or Ammonius or Paeurle, Medicinae ivi ae, Rbt. Winter (ate as Scotch ; and as Khenish ), printer and paitor at Basle, 1539, of Nicolaus Damascenus ‘‘ De plantis libri duo Aristoteli falso adscripti.”’ ertus Britannus, Agricul- turae encomium (in Latin), Paris, 1539 WwW Copeland’s Boke of the — . Herbes, Lon. no date, Dorstenius, Botanico , Remaclus Fusch ; M% omens Brohon, Fr., De . Petyt’s ‘* Properties of Herbes.’ Paracelsus Bice : his Swiss-Ger. works on plants, etc., ed. 15 GESNER, CONRAD, 1516-1565, Zurich, Historia plantinian Fucus, suaingeny Fe 1566, De historia stirprum. uchs, Mew Kreuterbuch, ie tr. of preceding. Walter Ryff, aS edn. of Dio Marron, Petrus Andreas Matthiolus ; Dvose. isbertus Horstius, De 7urpeto. Hieronymus Cardanus, De simplicibus, Ven., 1545- Willyam Myddleton’s edn. of the « cma 8 Herbes -”” aad from Banckes’ of 1526? Johan Scot’s undated edn of the same, ON Ales to Abi next. of the properties of Her- bes, the whiche is called an Ce Lon. 1546 ; printer? Bock, tst edn. of his Kreuterhuch with fi pte Oxyotus, or sch attains eee ; Experimenta, herbs. med. Smith, Suredinie medical, ny urtegaardt, Malmo, 1546 Robertus Constantinus, notes on Diose. in Apisied! comm urner, Mames of Herbs. Jean Goupyl, Fr. edr. of Dioscorides. VALERIUs Corpus, Hieronymus Cardanus, De sudtilitate libri 21, Basle: scham, A Lyttel Herbal. Ascham, Astronomie & Herbs. Adam Lonitzer, Naturalis Historia. Turner, 4 New Herbal. Andrea age Spanish comment. on Diosce Esteve » Dictionario de las yervas. Pierre Has Bellonius, De ket tape his Travels, Fr. /_ 1 Dopomes, Dodon oe of Ga f. ‘* philologist a q : Joannes Casma Holzachius of Basle, Annotations on Diose. piczynski, Polish, tutecenyeh, Cracow, 1556 Adam Lonitzer’s Kreuterbuch, in Ger Date TABLE OF PLANT WRITERS 101 or — Misc. ay. Netherlands, oo writers in Latin in Latin. ( in Latin (in Latin English i sit Fr. tr. of Dodoens ; ss his own Petit Recuetl. Melchior Guana Borussus ; Wieland; De stirpium, Basle, 1557. Thevet, Fr. Les secolaitics i Paris, 1558. Bruyerinus, De re ctibaria libri 22. Mizauld, Fr., Secretorum agri; and Dendranatome. UILLARA, de Semplict. hon Kynge’s 7he Grete Herbal. Stupanus, Antonius, on the properties of Di Valerius Cordus, ‘‘ Annotationes in Dioscoridem,”’ Strasburg, 1561. Juhasz, Hung., Herbarium. — Penny, coll. in Switz. e, Book of Simples. Garcia ab see Portug., Cologutos oe pte Goa, 1563. r and Moiban’s edn. of Dioscorides’ Euporista. urante, De Bonitate...alimentorum. Calzolaris, Ital., // viaggio di Monte Ba . Maplet, 4 greene forest. Hill, Zhe profitable art of gar- : dening. Siennik, Polish, Herbarz, Cracow, 1568. Monardes, Sp., Historia medicinal de..Indias occidentales, Se- ville, 1569. Lobel and Pena, Adversari Tr. of Lemnius’ Gcciins natural miracula (of Antwerp, 1561; later in Eng., Fr, Ger., tr.). Fragoso, Sp., de..aromaticas, Madrid, 1572. Mascall, 4 dooke of the arte and maner ‘evar to plant and graffe all sortes of trees, Lon., 1572. , Tusser, 500 points of good heis-" andry, Lon., 1573 (new edn. by Mavor, 1812). Simler, Ee iba descriptro, arrichter, Ger., Miouterbick on signatures. LoBEL, Observationes. Cuusius, Rariorum... Hispania Fram ase ae sme tr. of Mona OCS on gardening. Acosta, Sp., de /es a — soon tr. into Eng. by Jas. Garet. Lery, Fr., Voyage en Lyte, tr. of Dodoens. Thurneisser, Historia plantarum. angham, Garden of Health. Ocsko, Descriptio herbarum pon sire Cracow, 1581. Wolff, Alphabetum empiricum, Zurich, 1581. Rauwolf, Ger., Reiss, or /tinerarium Orientis, 1583. CAESALPINO, ares libri XVI. Florence, ae Clusius’ Rariorum.. per Pannoniam cus. 102 AsTER History Date {Ge Misc. {eta {} Italian, ama { agi. writers, (in Latin Langs. (in Latin (in Latin lish 1584 Linocier (= Du P inet), Fr., L’ Histoire des plantes. 1585 Durante, Castor, Sot ahy Anais; 1586 Lats, Dodvens, 2d edn. 2 1586. Camerarius’ Zpitome. 1586 Durante’s // Tn esoro della sanitate. 1587 Molines’ Dalechamp’s Historia plantarum (Molinaeus). 1587 Newton’s Herbal to the Bible. 1588 Camerarius’ Hortus medicus. i 1588 Thelins, John Thal, i ve J aoa ees 4 1588 Tabernaemontanus (Rhenish), Veww Kreuterbuc ; 1590 pice sp., Historia natural..de las . 1590 Camerarius’ Kreuter buch, in Ger 1590 = Camerarius’ Symbolorum Centuria. . 1590 Wigandus, De herdis in Borussia. 3 1591 drovandi, Comments on Dioscorides. 1591 Paaw, Hortus... Lugduno-bata 1591 JeAN BAvHIN, De plantis (ase, I 1598), 1591 Cortusi, Ital. Z’horto dei simplici ‘ 1592 Alpinus, Prosper phe De plantis Aegyptis liber — (his Opera posthuma, 1735). ‘ 1592 Columna, Fabio Colonna, 1567- ea his Phyto” basanos, seu ag his oy ate asis, Rome, ae 1592 nio , Annotazioni on * Dia ea 1592 ice wink heiber iae libri tres ; “Prag 1592) 1594 - Baumgarten in jrscamged Peregrinatio in reso gt s 1595 Lyt PES 3 edn. he 1595 Pona, Plantae... A Baldo monte. : 1595 Bejthe, Hung., med., Fuves, Németh-Ujvarot, 1595. 1595 Urzedow, Pol., Herbarz Polski, Cracow, 1595. 1596 Caspar Bavuin, his Phytopina.x, _ 1596. 1596 Linschotten, /tinerarium. 1596 Gerarde’s sa at 1597 Gerarde’s Herbal. 1597 Sprenger, Horti medici (of Heid ete catalogus. ie 1598 Belleval, Stirpium in horto Monspelien a Perez, Sp., De medicamentorum daieia: Toleti, 1599- Serres, Fr., Le théatre d’a ] in, 1804- griculture. Again, 1804-5 1600 SSieuckies 4 a ae, Hortus Patavinu Cc LUSIUS, hm riorum historia. PRE-CLUSIAN PLANT WRITERS IN RELATION O ASTER I. Hippocrates . Hippocrates, ‘the father of medicine,” of perhaps * 460-377 B. C., although mentioning + over 200 different plants, 236 accord- ing to Dierbach,} including a dozen or more of the Compositae, seems not to have mentioned the Aster by that name, but, instead, by the name polyopthalmon, or “the plant many-eyes.”’ Aster references to be expected in Hippocrates.—Later, at least from Cratevas onward, perhaps 100 B. C., the Aster Atticus held a place under its own name in the materia medica, and con- tinued to hold it almost two thousand years. Did it already hold such a place in the age of Hippocrates? and did it receive the sanction of his personal use? It would have been very gratify- ing had Hippocrates left us a treatise on the materia medica of his time, but none remains. A very ancient letter survives, ascribed in antiquity to Hippocrates, and addressed to the herbalist Cratevas, delivering over to the latter the responsibility of informing the future as to the materia medica of Hippocrates’ use ; Hippocrates had written of the diseases, in Cratevas the world would find the plants with which Hippocrates had cured them. Present criticism deems that this ancient epistle was wrongly ascribed to Hippocrates ; for Cratevas’ date on other evidence must be brought down to imed by most writers (and so Harper’s Classical Dictionary, 1897) following the statements of Soranus, to have lived 460-377 B. C., or later, Claimed by Adams, following Aulus Gellius, to have lived till shortly after the death of Socrates ; to have been older than Socrates; and therefore to have been born perhaps 480 B. C. or earlier tT Seventy-two works of Hippocrates which have been preserved, were so accredited and were all formed into one body even before they became known to the Alexandrian critics. Nineteenth century criticism has distinguished among these, several classes, of which ‘‘ The Genuine Works of Hippocrates ’’ were translated into English by Dr. Francis Adams for the Shdenhaun Society, London, 1849. Many of the other works appear to have been written by men of great ability, ime! ai Se from Hippocrates’ own time, and sharers of his theory and practice. Probably some of the writers, as claimed by Prof. Peck, were the five distinguished iesarans of Hi - aiaeeieni’ own family, his sons Thessalus and Dracon, son-in-law Polybus and his son’s sons both bearing their grandfather's name, Hippoc t Dierbach’s Arzneimittel des ae Heidelberg, 1821; ; fide ec (108 ) 104 Aster History; HippocrATEs about 100 B. C.; the letter is just such a self-laudatory epistle as. many an author has concocted as an humorous introduction to his works, without the intention or at the time, the possibility, of de- ceiving any one; and this letter cannot therefore be adduced in proof that the Aster of Cratevas was one of the remedies used by Hippocrates. Later practice among the Greeks of the Roman Empire ex- alted the Aster as a remedy for inguinal tumors. Did that use for it extend so far back as Hippocrates? We search his treatise ‘ad inguen” * in vain for statements that may show which were the plants that he used. Will we have better success when we examine Hippocrates’ detailed reports + of cases of inguinal tumor which he had himself treated? No, he tells us of their num- ber, of their fatal endings, of their complication { with fever, nar- rates the personal case of the eunuch, § and that of the fullers, || and their three months’ lingering ; but omits, as usual, any mention of what his own treatment had been. Yet he immediately tanta- lizes the inquirer, in the very next case considered, by specifying for once the remedies he would use ; but this case proves to be merely of cholera morbus, and though one of the remedies was itself a composite, a Lactuca, ** it has no immediate bearing on Hippo- crates’ remedies for tumors or for his use of Aster. There remains one other class of evidence from Hippocrates which while it may not be positive, will at least point to a very probable result. It is his use of the name polyophthalmon, the plant Many-eyes if we render it literally, a plant-name whic Hippocrates’ manner of reference shows was then in familiar use, but which seems not to have reached us elsewhere in literature. Soe ee Be sate the ord is stil in user in mode Z Hippocrates’ epi dbowr, edn, Kuhn, 574 sq. Also Foés’ Lat. tr., ‘Ad sa mat, I; m7 $q., edn. of Weckel, 1596. Also Adams’ Eng. tr. The Genuine of Hippoerates,”” 1: 714, “On Airs,” mepi aé | . . Pw, THis pocrates, edn. Kuhn, vol. 3; being vol. 23 of Kuhn’s Medicoram Graecorum opera omnia. ** Used together with porrum, cepa, brassica, tf Contopoulos’ Modern Greek Lexicon, pepo, cucumeris and ervum. : Smyrna and London, 1868, and Lowndes se for HIPPOCRATES’ POLYOPHTHALMON 105 in ancient Greek ; but without any recognized specialization as a plant-name.* The synonym Hyophthalmon.—Among the synonyms added to the received text of Dioscorides, is one for Aster which reads of 0& bogbadyoy, z. ¢., “some call it hyophthalmon” (pig’s-eye, sow's-eye or boar-eyes). This word seems to occur nowhere else in ancient or modern Greek except in quotations of this passage ; and indeed has been uniformly neglected by the Greek lexicographers,* failing to appear in Stephanus’ Thesaurus + or in DuCange,{ and actually appearing only in Coumanoude’s recent ‘“‘ Lexicon of uncollected words from ancient and modern writings.’’ § There seems little appropriateness in the name 5ég@aipov for Aster Atticus. The Greeks had felt the beauty of the flower; witness Nicander’s epithet ¢wrZovra, “ luminous,” and his singling it out as fit ornament to shrine and altar. It seems unlikely that they would have framed for the aster a name sdg@aipov in an intentionally derogatory sense; with ridicule as that of Aristophanes when coining the word Sopoveta, swinish taste in music”’; or as the Greeks seem to have felt in their name Soaxa- 0, literally hog’s-bean, the poisonous henbane, the Hyoscyamus of both ancient and modern botany. Other instances of Greek plant-names derived from swine are few: doaspe, “ hog’s-endive,”’ (quoted by Pliny, claimed to be Centaurea nigra) seems to stand alone, except for oavov;yeov, Sisyrinchium, ‘swine’s snout,” by them applied to some kind of iris, and explained as due to the habit of hogs of rooting up its rhizomes. || a Eng. and Mod. Gr. Dict., N. Y., 1895; Legrand’s Mod. 1882; Scarlatos Byzantios’ Mod. Gr. t asia. er 1874 ; a 7a Athens, til Dehéque’s Mod. Gr. and Fr. Dict., Paris, 1875; Kind - Gr. and Ger -» Leipsic, 1876; Alexandros aN Lexikon Triglosson, { DuCange, Glossarium ad scriptores media infimae Graecitatis, Leyden, 1688. wha ian 1883; citing Apuleius Platonicus’ eal from Dioscorides ; by nam v I sence in his ** Soliloquy in a Spanish Cloister ’’ representing a monk in the garden as muttering ‘* What's the Latin name for swine’s-snout?’’ probably did not Mean Sisyrinchium at all, but the common eh widely known in mediaeval Europe as swine’s snout, ** Rostrum um.’’ In fact mediaeval Germany produced @ whole crop of porcine names, both in pone and in ae ; for example : 106 Aster History; Hippocrates The only explanation probable for 5deAaipov if it was a word which really grew up among the Greeks, is that its use, as “ pig’s- eye,” suggested a smaller size of blossom than that of Bob gdahpoy, “ox-eye,’ with which the Aster was liable to confusion, and with which it was actually confounded, two thousand years later, by Anguillara, Matthioli, and many others. * But the more probable supposition is that bogbakpov was a mis- take in its very beginning, and never existed till some scribe en- ee a num ( Leontodon taraxacum L.) et alter caret lacte, quem vocant caudam porcinam.” —Similarly, Albertus, iv, 145, remarks, ‘‘ Ficus has milk ; so has esula ( Luphorbia) and all its kindred ; similarly also that kind of the endive which is called rostrum porcinum.” Again, Albertus, iii, 9, says ‘‘ Other plants are without a silique, as the endives, among a. for some uncertain plant of the dandelion kind, which he describes as that kind of wild endive which is without milk. Jessen when citing the next, makes no attempt to identify this, but remarks that it nowhere else occurs as name of a composite. auda porcina : seems to have been a frequent mediaeval name for Peucedanum ; Albertus Magnus uses it so twice, Cauda porcina ; Simon Januensis uses it as a name for his Milii solis, the Litho- Spermum officinale, * We find no other instance to indicate that the name ‘ pig’s-eye ’’ existed among the ancients; but it di i : on the margin in the codex Guelpherby- tianus, as Jessen remarks. «< Oculus porci’’ of Albertus Magnus is identified by Jessen a Tragopogon Porrifolius L. Albertus’ account states that it is the flower which is call S, growing in elevated and dry places near paths, having ‘‘ radicem de- it has a rather lofty stalk, and on i withering retains the same color. cover over the flower in a very b: of Seville, 596, who died 636 A. D Isidorus listed by Meyer, I think the name grew that he ever made use of this name oczlus porct. ee up in Germany, and that Albertus was here writing | - ealistic tone itself indicates. . HiIppocraTEs’ POLYOPHTHALMON 107 tered it in the text of Dioscorides when he was intending to enter the name zodvdgbaipov. Nothing would be more natural than such an omission of a first syllable. The letters for 5é¢Haipoy, without breathing or accent, are just what would appear in the lower line if the scribe was copying from a MS. in which zoivdg- Guinov had happened to occur divided with its first syllable com- pleting the upper line. _ If in copying his glance missed that initial syllable, he may have gone on with the rest of the work uncon- scious of omission. When some later scribe copied this and added such breathings and accents as seemed called for, the word assumed its present form and was then recopied again and again. Perhaps this substitution of Sé¢@aipov for zodvogbaipov occurred in the third century ; perhaps after Galen, A.D. c. 180, who does not seem to know such a word as 50gHadpov; but certainly as early as its appearance in the oldest existing manuscript of Dios- corides, written at the end of the fifth century. fippocrates’ Polyophthalmon.—We conclude, therefore, that probably zodvdgGadyoy was a synonym for Aster Atticus ; was in- _ serted as such in early MSS. of Dioscorides ; and when used by Hippocrates, probably included Aster Atticus in its reference ; especially since his use for it seems akin to its use prescribed for tumors by Dioscorides. Hippocrates’ reference occurs in his Liber de Articulis,* one of his admittedly genuine works, where, speaking of sores result- ing from dislocations, he says ta O& Shxog tntpegsiv . . . tohv0gOdhporory, . . 7. ., ‘the sore is to be cured by application of the plant polyoph- thalmon ; or, he goes on to say, “by such other dressings as are used for wounds; but nothing of a very cold nature should be applied.” Galen’ s Polyophthalmon.—Galen, who died about 200 A.D., in his commentary on Hippocrates, writing perhaps 600 years after the above reference to polyophthalmon was written, translates it by buphthalmon, and cites Diocles as supporting him, a follower of Hippocrates who may have written about 270 B.C. Foés, making his Latin translation of Hippocrates 1 in 1 1596, followed Satara ee tit ation * Hippocrates’ epi ap@pev, edn. Kuhn, 3°) 245. 108 Aster History; HIppocraTEs Galen, and so did Kuhn, rendering it ‘‘ ulcus autem. . . curandum est. . . buphthalmi foliis.”’ But Adams, unconvinced by Galen and others, renders it “with leaves of camomile,” and adds that he believes the plant polyophthalmon is ‘‘ probably Axthemis valentina,” a plant which if the same with Axacyclus valentinus L., is not now known in Grecian lands. Whatever plant it was which Galen meant by ‘“‘ buphthalmon,” it was surely not the anthelmintic German chamomile, Jatricaria chamomilla L. - Nor was it the same, it is believed, as the buph- thalmon of Dioscorides ; and neither were the same as the Buph- thalmum of modern botany. Galen’s commentary on the passage in question is as follows, using the Latin rendering of edn. Kuhn: “« Praecipit autem ut herbae buphthalmi, quam polyophthal- mon appellat [but the Greek original is the opposite, cio fotduys 0 t7¢ modvogAdi poy xOROUPEVHT, HTS xaL [J00g Og Aah Og évopdletac] non secus atque ante tussilaginis [éyp7ro to tod Ayyiov)] quae eandem vim habet, folia imponantur. Hujus quoque herbae meminit Diocles’ in libro de oleribus. [mépuntae 08 TaUTAS TIS Bordung xai Aeoxiic dy co mepe haydvoy.| Tutius autem curationis caput ait id esse debere quod in libro de vulneribus capitis demon- stravit, in quo ostensium a nobis est, curationem requiri sicciorem, quam quae in vulneribus circa articulos praesertim,”* 7. ¢., *‘ Hip- pocrates directs, moreover, that one should place on it the leaves of the plant called polyophthalmon, which plant is also named buphthalmon. Of this plant Diocles also makes mention in his book concerning herbs,” ete, : Galen’s own description of his Buphthalmon is as follows ;t using Kuhn’s Latin version : “ Buphthalmum sic appellatum est a floribus, qui figura quidem Coelius, Aurelianus, Oribasius, etc.; the largest T : : : ng Antigonus, of Macedonia (who died B.C. 239 after a ~— ; . * years), included at the end of Paulus Aegineta’s 1st book of medicine. Pliny — __ Mhocles was first in date and reputation after Hippocrates. i t Galen, edn. Kuhn, 11: 852-3. USAGE WITH BUPHTHALMON 109 boum oculis videantur assimiles, colore autem anthemidis floribus simillimi sunt, sed multo tum majores tum acriores. Proinde et vehementius digerunt, adeo ut et duritias sanent cerato mixti.”’ Confusion with Buphthalmon.—We are now prepared to com- pare the succession of usage of the names aster, polyopthalmon and buphthalmon. With Hippocrates, 430? B.C., polyopthalmon only was used, and probably included several plants used for reducing tumors ; Aster Atticus (thus accounting for the citation of polyophthalmon as a synonym for Aster); and also the yellow-flowered species Chrysanthemum segetum and coronarium of Linnaeus, and also Anthemis tinctoria L. Fach of the four has at one time or an- other appeared as buphthalmon and all were doubtless early so called. This may account for Galen’s citation of buphthalmon as a synonym for polyphthalmon. Subsequently the tendency seems to have been to restrict to the larger-flowered species the name buphthalmon—ox-eye—separat- ing the yellow-flowered species by that name and leaving poly- opthalmon for aster. Which one of the yellow-flowered species would be the buphthalmon of any particular writer may have been a matter of locality as well as tradition. Just so the United States has a sliding scale of distinctions between our daisy and our ox-eye daisy ; in one locality the “ ox-eye daisy ” is Rudbeckia hirta, because the largest that is common there ; in others, as Vir- ginia, where the true daisy, Bellis, was present to the thought of the people, the “ox-eye daisy” is Lewcanthemum vulgare because it is larger than Bellis, the type. ' With Diocles, 270? B.C., seems to occur the first mention of the name buphthalmon in literature—in his de oleribus, his zept aydvev, or Garden Herbal. Probably the buphthalmon present to his mind was Chrysanthemum coronarium L. (Pinardia coro- naria Lessing) which has been often claimed to be “the ancient buphthalmon.” As it produces edible stalks, it is likely to be the species intended in this lost book on garden vegetables. ' Diocles may therefore have mentioned buphthalmon as a syno- “nym of polyophthalmon, intending by it not a complete but a par- tial equivalent ; as much as to say, ‘one kind of polyophthalmon 110 Aster History; HIPPOCRATES is called buphthalmon and because itis eaten as a vegetable I men- tion it here.” Concentration of medical use upon a species which was finally proved to possess particularly strong properties, may have gradu- ally caused the prominence afterward assumed by Axthemis tinc- toria, which is still labelled as Buphthalmum vulgare by apothe- caries ; and by the time of Galen that species may have become the pinmiisiean to physicians. Galen may have interpreted the Seshehatnen'< of Diocles as a synonym of complete equivalence to polyophthalmon, when it was meant but as a partial equivalent. With Galen, therefore, and with his period, buphthalmon may have meant Ax¢hemis tinctoria, and he may have taken it for granted that his buphthalmon and that of Diocles were identical. Meanwhile Dioscorides seems to have been citing polyophthal- mon as a synonym for his Aster Atticus, which he called an an- themis-like flower. He used (fide Sibthorp) Anthemis melinanthes for Anthemis tinctoria L., Anthemis porphyranthes for Anthemts rosea DC., Anthemis unmodified for Anthemis Chia L. His Buph- thalmon and his Chrysanthemon are identical and cover Chrysanthe- mum coronarium L. and perhaps Chrysanthemum segetum L. Finally came Linnaeus’ genus Buphthalmum, with still another application of the name to the related plant B. spizosum L. (Pallenis Spinosa Cass.) somewhat similar to the Awthemis tinctoria in appeat- ance and particularly so in its esteem as a vulnerary ; this species being itself identified with Dioscorides’ Aster Atticus oy Anguillara, Gesner, and many others. To sum up, these species may be thus distinguished historically : Aster Atticus L., once famed for reducing tumors, may be in considerable part the polyophthalmon of Hippocrates. Anthemis tinctoria L., a discutient and vulnerary, seems to have been the buphthalmon of Galen and Pliny,t the Buphthal- mum vulgare of mediaeval and modern apothecaries, } the Amthemts melinanthes of Dioscorides, the Bumastus virens + of Vergil’s Culex (406), the Camomille tinctoriale + of France ; and it may have been : the plant meant by some of those who aie insisted that Galen’s buphthalmon meant chamomile, though others seem to have see? in his buphthalmon the chamomile of Europe in general, Anthemis THe NAME BurpHTHALMON 131 nobilis L. (Adams; Dunbar; Bodaeus, 687; but A. xobilis seems used chiefly in the flowers, and internally.) Chrysanthemum segetum L,., the corn-marigold, is identified by Sibthorp and authors in general as included in the buphthalmon of Dioscorides*and of Nicander ;§ has less active properties ; is, like Anthemis tinctoria, the source of a yellow dye. Chrysanthemum coronarium L. (Pinardia coronaria Lessing), the crown daisy, with discutient flowers, is considered to be the chrysan- themum and buphthalmon of Dioscorides,* ¢ the chrysanthes § of Nicander, the chrysanthus of Vergil’s Culex + (404) and “the buphthalmon of the ancients” { [Foster] ; earlier than these, it was probably the duphthalmon of Diacles about 270 B. C., the chrystos anthemos of Sappho,|| 85, about 611 B. C., and the ca/che or chalcas of Alcman, 30,§ about 650 B. C.; and of Nicander, 2, 60. Hippocrates’ chief contribution to knowledge of Aster consists in what he says of polyophthalmon, above discussed, and in the light this throws upon the name hyophthalmon. II. ARISTOTLE. Aristotle, born 384 B.C., does not give descriptions of plants in his works which remain ; but gives incidental references to many, 61 such plants being listed by Aubert and Wimmer as men- tioned by Aristotle in their edition of the ten books of his 7iver- kunde (Leipsig, 1888); which include a few composites, as spe- cies of Carthamus, but no Aster, the nearest of kin being Aristotle's xiwvta (book iv, 96) regarded by Fraas as Evigeron viscosum L., by Sprengel as Erigeron graveolens L. Throughout the great range of Aristotle’s extant writings his use of dacyo seems to be almost always in the primary sense of “a star” with exceptions of the giant Aster, slain by Mineus ; and of his marine starfish dozyo of De animalibus, v, 72, of which Soo Writes 6 08 xahobpzvos datyp odcw Osppos sore thy goa, . acpobpevor. * Sibthorp. t Fée For s sieges ore Medical Dictionary, Appleton, 1890. 2 Bille s ning oat with form beautiful as the chrysanthemum blossoms.’’ { “« Wearing a golden chain woven with petals of lovely chalcas.” 112 Aster History; ARISTOTLE Aristotle’s darzoras, “starred,” was not a plant name but de- noted respectively a species of falcon, of heron and of weasel. Aristotle’s De plantis, so called, is not now regarded as written by him, but by Nicolaos Damascenos,* himself a second Aristotle of three centuries later. It contains no formal description of in- dividual plants, nor any mention of asters, nor of a nearer relative perhaps than Absinthium + and Centaurea. It is devoted to the physiology of plants, undertaking interesting though then insoluble inquiries into such subjects as ““ Why do the leaves fall,’ and ‘* Why is the leaf-green not continuous within,” etc. J. C. Scaliger (1484- 1558) established the fact that it was not written by Aristotle ; Sprengel, 1807, classed it with the Byzantine period ; both thought it of very inferior merit. By Meyer,t 1854, its true authorship was established, and its author elevated nearer to his due position, Meyer remarking that it is a monumental work, the only one on plant physiology in the 1500 years from Theophrastus to Albertus Magnus. Its history has been a series of the most singular vicis- situdes, surviving only for a time in its original Greek, and in Syriac translation from that, and in an Arabic translation from the latter by Isaac Ben Honain; time has swept all three away; but it had been translated from the Arabic back into Latin by one Alfred who was known to Roger of Hereford of about 1170 A.D., and was probably the Norman Alfred known as de Sarchel. From this Latin retranslation it was again retranslated into Greek by one Maximus, so Hermolaus Barbarus, 1454-1493, informs us, probably by Maximus Planudes, of date 1 350; and it is this Greek version which is at present known, and the imperfections in it censured by Scaliger are in fact chargeable, says Meyer, to failures on the part of its last translator. * Nicolaos Damascenos, friend of Herod the Great, and of Augustus, to whose court he came, B.C. 5, with commendations from Herod ; he was born in Damascus, was also called ‘of Laodicea,” was greatly esteemed as historian, poet, philosopher and statesman ; August ug edies, from one of which a fragment of 45 philosophical treatises of his own. Se¢ © + Or. ot 2a, ver, Geschi anik, I: 324, also, Meyer’s edition of Re ed: Lice 7 ota Toe cree epi puray or De plantis, 1, 14; page 26 of edn. Didot, Paris, 1878. ne 2 "ie in Abd-Allatif on Egypt, passages ascribed by him to Nicolaos which ntical with the corresponding passages in the so-called Aristotle («de plants.” — III. THEOPHRASTUS Theophrastus,* the “father of botany,” who succeeded Aris- totle as President of the Lyceum 322 B. C., mentions in his His- tory of Plants 438 species as identified by Sprengel. He also mentions others not identified, and it is further probable that many of his descriptions have not come down to us. Among them there may have been a description of Aster that is lost. His one reference to Aster is not the description which he might be expected to have written, but is a mere casual reference, and in the form of the diminutive aszeriscus, dateptaxos. Evidently aster- iscus was a plant familiar to Theophrastus and to the Greeks among whom he wrote, and was a type long known before, its name having now already reached the diminutive stage (see p. 11). Theophrastus’ asteriscus is mentioned (bk. IV, ch. 13, p. 487) in a chapter treating of oyovoc (Schoenus) rendered juncus by Theo- dorus Gaza + and including species of Juncus, Schoenus, Scirpus and /solepis as more recently classed. Theophrastus begins by distinguishing three kinds of rush or oyoivoc, of which the second is characterized partly by its bearing black seeds similar to asteris- cus seeds in shape. Theophrastus calls this second kind zdezep0¢ or pehayxpavic poy, rendered by Gaza “ frugifer sive atriferum,” by Bodaeus “melancranis sive atriceps’”’; identified by Billerbeck (Flora classica, 17) as Scerpus Holoschoenus 1.., the /solepis Holo- schoenus R. et S., of later authors, a common plant of Greek shores: identified by Schneider and Sprengel as Schoenus nigri- cans L.., which is also still found in southern Greece, etc. this »elancranis, Theophrastus, describing the seed remarks, tO oxeppdrteov . . . Tpogspwspes TH TOV datsptoxov . . . Thhy aps- vyvorsoov ; in Gaza’s translation “ Nigrum non absimile semini herbae inguinalis, verum exilius.” STA ene Rt ener ee Sie nian nero oe se * Theophrastus Eresius, De historia et de causis plantarum: first printed, Gaza’s Latin translation, Tarvisii, 1483 : first in the original Greek by Aldus, Venice, 1504, My references are to the Stapelian edition, Amsterdam, 1644, by Bodaeus a Stapel. Theodorus Gaza, 1400-1478, born in Thessalonica, and of high position there ; fled from its destruction by the Turks, 1430; was pursuing studies at Padua, 1440; later, at Ferrara ; was invited to Rome 145! by Pope Nicholas V, and remained there chiefly to his death in Calabria, 1478 ; had brought with him to Italy, MSS. of Aristotle and Theophrastus ‘* which,’’ says Sprengel, Geschichte, i., 1: 303, ‘‘he so translated into Latin as to indicate his facility rather than true knowledge,’’ perhaps about 1451. 114 Aster History; THEOPHRASTUS Two interpretations have been set up for this reference: Ist, that dotep:oxoc means the Aster Atticus; 2d, that it means Parte- taria officinalis L., of which polymorphous congeries P. diffusa, M. et K. is the chief representative now in Greece and Italy. In favor of the rendering of asteriscus by Aster Atticus are the following facts : 1. Asteriscus is given among the Dioscoridean synonyms as a name used by some for Aster Adticus. 2. Most lexicographers have so received it in this passage; Stephanus, and Liddell and Scott, incline to do so; in support of which Stephanus and DuCange quote a mediaeval MSS. lexicon as agreeing (Codex Reg., 1843). 3. Theodorus Gaza, first translator, so understood it, translating asteriscus here by herba inguinalis, a common Latin equivalent for Aster Atticus. 4. Apuleius Platonicus, about 400 A.D., used asteriscus (with- out special reference to this passage, however) as equivalent to herba inguinalis, t. ¢., Aster Atticus ; fide Stephanus. 5. Actuarius,* the Constantinople physician of about 1300 A.D., identified asteriscus with Aster Atticus. _ 6, Most commentators and editors retain this view; as the elaborate commentary of Bodaeus, 1644, after reviewing the other side at some length. The contrary interpretation, that Theophrastus’ asteriscus means. Parietaria officinalis 1, (see supra, 80, 81) is due to the commen- tator and lexicographer, Robertus Constantinus, + who, in_ his Greek lexicon (Geneva, 1 592), omits detepiozxoc ; in his commen- tary on Theophrastus he proposes this emendation : “’Aatsptexov, corrupte pro datepixo). De Asterico herbs sive perdicio vel herba urceolaris t habes apud Pliniam 22, 17." ‘ ialieainie Actnarius (Auctuarius of some), whose works are published i in n Ideler’ ss Physici Gr. Minores ; first published in Latin translation by Ruellius, Paris, 1539, by title of ** De medicamentorum compositione.’’ See infra. . t Styled «* praestans vir?’ by Tournefort, Institutiones, 1 : 5 ; his Commentary had been published 1584, Leyden, and 1644, Amsterdam, the latter by Bodaeus. He is said written in Paris e infra Pliny quotes these names as synonyms ; Billerbeck identifies dene with Parie- taria officinalis L., the Roman perdicium, by Galen called ‘‘ repdixeov, because the — partridge’s delight, ” by Celsus murali: , by Ammianus farietina, by Apule eius perdi- ey cals, by Dioscorides and others é égivn, ** a semine aspero vestibus adhaerente,’”’ by the known as Glaskraut, and, like the pansy, as Zug und Nacht. ASTERISCUS 115 Against this emendation, it may be noted, besides the observa- tions noted above, that the best and oldest manuscripts support the reading dozepioxog ; and so Wimmer in the Didot edition of Theophrastus (Paris, 1866) retains doreptoxoc,* stating that he fol- lows scrupulously the codex Urbinas, ‘“‘ much the oldest and best and fullest of the codices of Theophrastus.” Theophrastus’ chief contribution to the knowledge of Aster con- sists of the use of this name as¢eriscus, with mention of the small seeds. IV. NICANDER Nicander, Greek poet and priest of Apollo,t a native of Colophon, and therefore writing in the Ionic dialect, who flour- ished about 160 B.C., is the source of the first commonly-received citation for Aster. His numerous descriptions and references to plants do not include Asters in his longer surviving works, his Theriaca and his Alexipharmaca, which poems have a combined length of more than 1,500 lines, and have a great deal to say of the classic conyza, but no mention of Aster. Nicander’s actual reference to Aster is ina fragment of the second book of his Georgica, a lost poem of some length and apparently of much beauty. We owe the preservation of this and other fragments of Nicander’s Georgics to Athenaeus,} that indefatigable collector of choice bits of Greek poetry. Some of these brief fragments were quoted by Athenaeus from tattered MSS. where he could not read more than he quoted. This fragment is of some feng including 72 lines.§ The Aster is mentioned in line 66, following immediately ona catalog of flowers which, as Nicander says, “you may cull for posies,” powers from amaracus to ee 8 Though i in his Latin translation he pee renders dorepioxoc by ‘‘ exterion,” as if a misprint for ‘ asterion,’? another Dioscoridean igs for Aster Atticus. t Priest of Apollo Didymaeus, at Claros, Tonia ; of Damnaeus and known as Colophonius from the neighboring city of his birth ; . is = thought by. Meyer aa. have te about 133 B.C. ; mentions about 125 plants in g frag g to ny Attalus III., says Suidas. t Athenaeus, Deipnosophists, XV, 683, of about 200 A. yy; § Meyer claiming that the text is corrupt and ‘¢ dim with mythologic fancies,’’ says he will not translate it, Geschichte, 1: 244, perhaps because he deemed line 72 unintelligible. 116 Aster History; NICANDER Lines 66-57 read * as follows : mas Of tes 7 Shévecov fj Gatépa Qurt:Lovta Onshac etvodrocae Oe@y napaxd sake ayx0ts— We may render these lines and their context lines 66-70, as follows : Whoe’er indeed you may be that may gather f the luminous aster, Or pluck the helenium, place them on the roadside shrines of the gods, Yea, even on the images wreathe them, and that when first you behold them ; Pluck again and again these enchantments beautiful, and‘pluck the chrysanthemums, And lilies, and lay them as garlands on the tombs of the weary at rest The whole concluding passage, lines 66-72, was thus repro- duced in Latin by Gorraeus, translator of Nicander, in 1557: Quisque vero aut helenium aut astera splendentem colligis, triviis deorum adjice aediculis aut ipsis simulacris, quum primum conspexeris ; saepe pulcra placamenta carpens, ut bene, et lilia, quae in cippis marcescant defunctorum, et gerontopogonem, et tortiles cyclamines, et sauram, quae inferi corona dicitur hevsilst Against the commonly received reference of the detépa huriloved of the above passage to the Aster Amellus of Linnaeus, some tp raise two objections : . . That a more conspicuous flower than Aster Amellus should be cones as an offering to the gods. But this objection when _ examined, resolves itself instead into an affirmative argument, for Virgil distinctly reiterates the use of Aster Amellus for wreathing Png Re Rae of it in his 4th —— : death may roam among the flowers again before they die: ‘‘ Good Charos, halt in the — _. or halt by some cool fountain, so that the tle children may go an gather The love of flowers is still very strong among the Greeks; one of their moder myrologies or songs of lamentation for the dead ee ae Round all the world God planted pinks and pomegranate flowers 8 folk songs in the Epidorpion of Lebékos’ Sstiactien speak of flower sitet flower : | ling the air, with rose and basil, cay rdv duapalu, etc (Rodd, Customs wp fy lore of Modern ern Greece, 212, 285, e + basis see KAUOVTIOD ; literally, on the memorial columns of those who have wearied i into r ASTER TERMED GLOWING HT Saepe deum nexis ornatae torquibus arae. Indeed it may be claimed that Vergil wrote that line with this very Georgic of Nicander in mind. And Pausanias, the Greek traveller, is claimed to have meant the aster when he narrates how the plant called asterion at Mycenae (see nfra) was offered to Hera, and wreathed into garlands about her altars. 2. Some may object, however, that gwt/fovra, luminous, is an unnatural epithet to use for any aster, and Nicander must have meant some more brilliant flower. This objection is met by these considerations : (a) pwrtiGovra, splendens, is here used not in scientific description but by a poet. The thought of shixing which was instantly called up in the Greek mind by the word for a star, was likely still to cling to the word when transferred to a flower, even though the reason for the transfer was a resemblance of shape and not par- ticularly of brilliancy. The brightness which the poet really meant by his gwrtZovra was probably no more than is indicated by our word glowing, always a current poet’s epithet, and which does not necessarily imply actual gleam or phosphorescence any more when used of a glowing flower than when used of a glowing cheek. (6) Nicander was not alone in calling Aster Amellus a glowing flower, for Vergil does so too when using of its flowers the verb sublucet. Nor did Vergil intend to suggest any very great degree of brilliancy, such as might be possible with a yellow flower: for Vergil’s phrase is: Violae sublucet purpura nigrae, or, ‘the aster glows with the purple of the dark violet.”’ The Hortulus ascribed to Vergil also makes use of the verb nitescunt in speaking of two-colored flowers, presumably of the Astr Alticus ; see infra, p. 132. (c) Instead of indicating that his Aster was not the same as that which the Greeks later called aster and which is identified as Aster Amellus L., Nicander’s phrase datépage tilovta, misun- derstood and stretched into meaning phosphorescent, may have been one of the very causes for the subsequent fable about As‘r Amellus as a flower which shines in the dark’; a fable believed among Greeks and Romans for six hundred years, from Cratevas to the pseud-Apuleius, and sagely set down to the credit of this 118 Aster History; NICANDER flower under the names Aster Afficus and asterion ; a fable which was also the very first bit of so-called information about the Aster to survive the Middle Ages and be set down in that mass of in- dustrious credulity, the Ortus Sanitatis, perhaps 1400 A. D..,or later. No other among the many brief fragments of Nicander seems to apply to the aster, unles it was present to the poet’s mind as one of the flowers in this last known fragment. As 5 paxyyot xegahac remavbsaw gatéhayro, ‘With Bacchic wreaths of flowers they crowned their heads,”— Coronis Bacchicis floridis capita ornarunt ; quoted by Athenaeus from Nicander’s poem /n linguis.* Nicander has also a reference to asterion as glowing and shin- ing in splendor ;+ -but his asterion unlike that of other classics, is a kind of lizard; so called from its star-like spots, as an early scholiast { on Nicander remarks. Other Greek bucolic poets leave no surviving mention of the aster so far as I find, though they praise its relatives, the chrys- anthemum, § buphthalmon, || senecio,{ etc. Nicander's chief contribution to literature of Aster consists of his reference to the flower as glowing, as commonly plucked by flower-lovers, and as a flower fit to decorate shrines and tombs. V. CRATEVAS. Cratevas, the next Greek writer to speak of the Aster, may have written about 100 B. C., his date** being inferred from his dedica- * Nicander, Didot edn., 163. fT ‘‘ At vero asterion dorsi fulgore coruscum, Virgatis splendet maculis, alboque relucet,”’ Nicander’s Theriaca, lines 725, 726, as translated by Gorraeus, 53, Paris, 1557: { See Gorraeus’ Nicander, 98. 4 Marcellus Sidetes ; also Anonymi Carmen de herbis, etc. || Praised by the unknown author of Anonymi Carmen de herbis; see i/ra. { Praised by Damocrates, Didot’s Bucolici, 129. have suggested for Cratevas the date 100 B, C., a comparatively early date ci Mithridates’ reign, to bring him nearer in period to Andreas of 217 B. C., the other botanical writer with whom Dioscorides couples Cratevas (Diosc., introduction) and whose plant-names Dioscorides compares occasionally with those of Cratevas (bk. 4 & 35s & 755 and see c. 33), ANDREAS, of whom little is known, was called Cary: ets it would seem from nativity Carystus in Euboea like Diocles (p- 108) ; was @ disciple of Herophilus ; was author, says a scholiast on Nicander, of a work concerning Fe ET ee tes aa Se Cle] ee ee Sa ee en aes CRATEVAS’ MITHRIDATION 119 tion of his plant Mithridation to Mithridates the Great, king of Pontus from 120 to 63 B. C., to whom Cratevas is said to have been court-physician. Mithridates discovered the plant and had himself used it medically as a poison-antidote, and Cratevas had bestowed on it in his Rhizotomica its discoverer’s name—so we learn from Pliny.* so much probability as the preceding ones cited. This Andreas is said to have been the first writer on hydrophobia (Riley's Pliny, 4 : 302, n.) and becomes therefore of special interest to the student of Asters, as his lost work is likely to have been a source from which Cratevas obtained his curious idea of using Aster Atticus as a hydrophobia-remedy (see p. 45, and p. 120). Andreas is the source of the name Cirsium, and of its use for varicose ) iny’s Nat. Hist., bk. 25, c. 6, section 26; ‘* Ipsi Mithridati Cratevas adscripsit aulis in above adscripsit that Cratevas named the plant for Mithridates ; Riley that Cratevas ascribed the discovery of the plant to Mithridates. Probably both inferences are cor- rect. Pliny’s statement taken together with other remarks by him, shows that the plant was Mithridates’ discovery, if not by original right, at least by his adoption as his own of the discoveries and medical usages of various regions and peoples, as was that formal volume a name already in use for it on the lips-of physicians of that time. What the plant actually was, Fée and Riley deemed indeterminable ; Commerson and Schrei- ber made it the Dorstenia tambourissa of Sonnerat ; Cesalpino identified it with speci- mens of Erythronium dens-canis L. (found by Anguillara, Semplici, 174, ‘‘in agro Forojuliensi,’’ not far from Venice) which Pliny’s brief description strongly suggests except that it would be doubtful in what sense the leaves were compared to acanthus. Another of Mithridates’ plants, the scordofis or sco rdion of Pliny, the oxépdiov or oKépodov of Dioscorides, deemed to be the labiate Teucrium Scordium L, ( Billerbeck, © 147), also came to bear Mithridates’ name, the Dioscoridean synonyms citing Mithri- dation as aname for it, Pliny says of it (bk. 25, sec. 27) that a description of this thridates which were “ec of ompey and to the benefit of mankind.”’ f the other numerous personal plant-names used by Dioscorides and Pliny, the ere or original author is unknown or mythical ; as Eupatorium, ai, Philaeteria, Lysimachia, in honor of kings ; Heracleum, Persephonia, Circaea (for Mandragora ), Apollinaris (for Hyoscyamus), Palladium (for Leontopodium ), Asclepiasy o 1 for mythic characters. Gentiana, Polemo- ironia, Dionysias, Melampodium, Achillea, Helenium, etc., 120 Aster History; CRATEVAS This is a very early instance of the custom since prevalent among botanists, of honoring the discoverer of a plant by conferring his name upon it, and is I think the first instance where the botanical writer conferring such a personal plant-name is himself definitely known. Cratevas’ lost work on plants called the Rhizotomica survives to us only by quotations ; the citation of present interest is intro- duced into Dioscorides’ chapter on Aster Atticus, and is as fol- lows : Kat Koareiug 0 prtorépog facopet: acy yhopa xoreioa psa S OSv77200 Zahatod, Toes? mpog hvaaodyxtove xat Bporyoxnhenorg: So- Gupwpery 0& guyadebee Oypta. ‘‘ Caeterum Crateuas herbarius hanc refert, si viridis cum axungia verere tundatur, contra rabiosorum morsus sutturisque ramices prodesse, ac suffitu quoque serpentes fugare (Saracenus’ transla- tion*) 2, ¢., 2 “Furthermore, Cratevas the rhizotomist states this : ‘the green plant of Aster Atticus bruised and mixed with old axle-grease, iS a remedy for the mad-dog’s bite and for throat tumors or goitre ; and if burned, its fumes put serpents to flight.’ ”’ This quotation from Cratevas was probably introduced into Dioscorides’ text by a later scholiast, according to Saracenus and other commentators, who have excluded it from the text as un- worthy of Dioscorides’ excellent judgment. That argument alone is not, however, a sufficient reason ; for Dioscorides’ attitude toward Cratevas seems to me to have been this; he held him in esteem as did Pliny, Galen and others who quoted from him; he speaks in his preface of Crataevas’ plants as delineated with very keen discrimination (dxo¢3eaté pwc) ; but this esteem was qualified by some limitations ; and the more credulous statements of Cratevas, Dioscorides would still cite occasionally, if they were needed to complete his plan of presenting a fair résumé of the chief points of current medical opinion ; Dioscorides freeing himself from re- sponsibility for them by making a general protest against their credibility, but then continuing to cite them by such phrases as it is said.” etc... For example, in Diosc., bk. 3, c. 130 (de Vien), Dioscorides quotes Cratevas as mentioning a current * Dioscorides, A; $38. CRATEVAS’ FRAGMENTS 121 belief in the possession by that plant of a power (which man _ has sought in all ages) to control the sex of offspring. Dioscorides expressly adds ‘‘Cratevas narrates this; but to me such things seem to pertain to folk-lore,’’ * and then in succeeding chapters De Orchide, De Serapiade, etc., Dioscorides continues to cite the same imagined efficacy without taking pains anew to exculpate himself from personal endorsement of its value. Such was his practice; one general disclaimer sufficed. Comment on Cratevas’ medical uses for the Aster is given, supra, pp. 45, 50. Credulous indeed Cratevas doubtless was, like the ° world in which he lived; but we deeply regret the loss of his writings, steeped in credulity though they were, for the fragments that remain are little windows through which we peep into the hidden undercurrent of plant-lore which swept on through that ancient world—in the days when even common plants were in- vested with marvel, before a later superficial wisdom had pro- nounced them weeds and ignored them as of no account. Dioscorides and Pliny quoted independently from Cratevas ; other quotations occur in Galen, and in the scholiasts to Dioscori- des, Nicander and Theocritus.¢ In 1561 Anguillara in his Semplici made quotations * from a Greek MS. containing frag- ments of Cratevas; what this MS. was is not known; and An- guillara’s Semplici is itself very rare; it contains 37 quotations from Cratevas; but Wellmann,{ the latest writer on Cratevas, thinks they add little to the quotations already familar in Dios- corides. We hear also of an unedited fragment of Cratevas, of four quarto pages only, in the Imperial Library at Vienna, of which Tournefort wrote as far back as 1700, that only those could judge of Cratevas to whom it was permitted to inspect this, and on which Meyer said in 1854 that we must suspend judgment till it is studied by some one who is. both philologist and_ botanist. Hoefer in 1856 also mentions a ‘‘ Lexique Reranique ‘3 §.of Cra- ns Diosc, 3, 30, ‘* Haec memoriae 5 prodidit Cratevas ; ae autem vider talis ad traditionem prosequi.”’ T Quotations are wre ale Meyer’s Geschichte der Botanik, 1: 252-254. { Wellmann, Maximilian ; ‘* Krateuas,’’ in Kon Lowenage dad, W: — Git- tingen, —Abhandlung, philol. hist. Klasse, N. F., Berlin, 1897; pp 3 4F. Hoefer, article ‘¢ Cratevas’’ in Biographie papnnat ee (Didot, Darin he be- ing an ios extract from his “ Histoire de la Botanique’’ then unedited. at 122 AsTER History; CRATEVAS tevas (which he had found “in the midst of some alchemic Greek MSS.” in the Paris Library) ‘which seems,” he says, ‘to have escaped the attention of the erudite.” More was lost than mere plant-lore, however, in losing Cra- tevas ; for he was flower-painter as well as writer, and the botanist has probably lost in his picture of Aster the first one of which the past will unveil the name of the painter. There were three rhi- zotomists, says Pliny,* or herbalists, or lovers of plants for their own sake—however we may paraphrase it—and they were Cra- tevas, Dionysius + and Metrodorus. t Their habit was to paint a figure of each plant they considered in their writings, adding a description of the properties which the plant possessed. Since Cratevas wrote of the Aster the inference follows that he also painted it. Pliny indicates that the method of these Greek plant- illustrators was to paint the original figure, expecting this original to be continuously copied by scribes at the same time with the description ; each copy should become a hand-illuminated manu- script with figures and text ; but Pliny states that the figures were apt to degenerate in the process, from-unskillful copyists. Galen, apparently annoyed at the lack of a plant diagnosis for each species, complains § that the descriptions of plants which he found in Cra- tevas could not be understood without the figures (‘‘sine aspectu’’). It may well be that many copies of Cratevas’ figures were still pre- served, however, and were still being repeated ; some of which * Pliny, Nat. Hist., 25, 4. t Dionysius—one of over a hundred Greeks of this name enumerated by Fabricius —was probably Dionysius Itykaos (2. ¢., of Utica, and also called Dionysius Uticensis), author of a lost Rhizotomica (mentioned by a scholiast on Nicander’s Theriaca, 520)» who was probably the same as the Cassius Dionysius Uticensis, a writer of cs, iB", = =] =? 3 ge wn ° le oO 9 eo oO < ps) in oa) i=] me ; 5D or fa) ca 5 =e 5 o ° = co ima i) A a 4 B Possibly coeval but of minor importance, Pliny, 8, 84, and 10, 98, is supposed to refer to the same Dionysius as ‘the translator of Mago,’’ the Carthaginian (the Father of Agriculture, says Columella) from the Punic into Greek, in 28 books condensed by Dionysius into 20, and dedicated a date for Dionysius of 40 B,C. by Diophanes of Bithynia (as Pliny states, 8, 84 and to. 98) and dedicated to King Deiotarus of Galatia (who died shortly after B.C. 42), odorus was probably, says Haller, that Metrodorus, who was a disciple of des (who came to Rome B.C. 89 and founded an - Wellmann dates Metrodorus “in the reign of Augustus: 4 Galen, de Antidot. CRATEVAS’ PLANT-FIGURES 128 may have formed originals for the figures still found in early manu- scripts of Dioscorides.—Since writing this last sentence I find that Wellmann in his remarks on Cratevas in 1897 had anticipated me in my suggestion that the figures in MSS. of Dioscorides may be due ultimately to Cratevas and may retain some traces of the figures which he and his fellow plant-painters supplied. For Well- mann, after reviewing the early codices of Dioscorides which pos- sess colored figures, remarks (pp. 29, 30) that the foundation for the illustrations in the MSS. of Dioscorides ‘lies in something before Dioscorides, in an illustrated herbarium (e2 ¢lustriertes herbarium) composed in the manner and in the age of Cratevas, Dionysius and Metrodorus.”’ Cratevas’ chief contribution to the knowledge of Aster consists of his painting, lost but perhaps surviving in traces in MSS. of Dioscorides ; and in his folk-lore as to the properties of the plant. VI. VERGIL. For the next reference to the Aster we turn to the Romans, and we find it in Vergil. Cato (234-149 B. C.) and Varro (117— 26 B. C.) mentioned respectively 125 * and 107 * plants, but among them few Compositae—except Absinthium. Vergil (70- 19 B. C.), though a poet, mentioned 164 * plants—a greater num- ber than those of the professed writers on agriculture. Meyer + remarks the fact that Cato gives descriptions of a few plants, Varro not of a single one; but Vergil of at least one, and that one our Aster Amellus. : Vergil knew this flower by the name Amellus, { and located it among the banks of the river Mella, from which river Servius Says it received its name. The Amellus was evidently a favorite flower with Vergil ; it was the only flower singled out in the Georgics for detailed de- scription ; Vergil’s description is very accurate, as Keightley ob- serves ;$ and Fée remarks || that it is written ‘avec une sorte * Meyer's figures. + Geschichte, 1: bee } See p. 23 for the identification of this Amellus with the Aster Atticus of Dios- corides ; early made, 1544 probably, by Matthioli. Bodaeus, 1644, says, ‘‘ Aster Atti- cus, ut dixi, Amellus est.’’ * Thos. Keightley, Flora Virgiliana, 377, in his edition of Vergil, 1847. Vol t Fée, Flore de Virgile in OEuvres de Virgile, par M. Charpentier, Paris, 1835 ;— ol. 4. 124 AsTER History; VERGIL de predilection,” so much so that the plant was sometimes called Vergil’s flower. It grew near his Mantuan home, but not south- ward, except in the mountains. When robbed of his paternal es- tate and sojourning in Rome or Naples, the poet no longer saw his home flower about him. The flower seems to have become entwined in his affection with the memory of that twice lost patri- mony which had been Vergil’s devotion, where he had spent his boyhood among his father’s bees, gathering Amellus flowers along the rocks of the river ; a patrimony from which he was an exile now in this year 30 B, C., when completing at Naples * this fourth book of the Georgics. Vergil’s description of Amellus—Vergil’s subject in this fourth Georgic, both before and after the reference to Amellus, is that of bees—a subject associated again with Amellus at a later time in the writings of Columella ; an association between Amellus and the bees which may have been greatly strengthened in the Roman mind by the identity of the middle syllable of the plant name with the Latin word for honey. In his genial discursive way Vergil has been re- ferring to the hardships of bees in winter and severe weather, a sub- ject of which Vergil’s youth had brought him practical experience, his father deriving no small profit from the apiary on his farm. Next he alludes to methods of aiding the bees when languishing from disease, Then, says he, “burn odorous galbanum, and put honey in their troughs through pipes of reed, mixing it with the flavor of powdered gallnuts and dried roses, or must boiled down over a slow fire, or raisins from the Psithian vine, or Cecropian thyme or strong-smelling rosemary.” Then follows the classic passage recommending boiled amellus roots and wine as a nourishing food for bees when ailing, the ninth of his remedies for languishing bees, as Wedel observes ; a passage so often quoted that Sprengel calls it ‘‘ tritissimus,”’ but its beauty has borne quotation well, and we cite it here entire, first translating : 7 et ee _ , M. Tenore is quoted by Fée in his Flore de Virgile ‘as having recently (1835) looked in vain for As'er Amellus near Naples ; just as Vergil perhaps did when at Naples, ears before. The smaller flowered Aster acris L. (Gatlatella punctata DC.) which abounds in wet lands about Naples, was far from satisfying Se Ie ET EASE NS EE ~~ SSI eM tenesaa tpi pte y' angustifolia eith middle Russia ; besides Attica and Luxembourg; and Asia. Kay, — I: 268 (1686), cited Sicily also as a habitat for Aster Amellus.— Se ee et DESCRIPTION OF AMELLUS 125 “There is also a flower in the meadows, on which the name amellus is bestowed by the farmers; a quick-found plant to the searcher; for from its base of tangled * sod it raises up a great forest of stalks. Golden it is itself, but in the rays which are abundantly shed round it, glows the purple of the dark violet. Often the altars of the gods are festooned with its woven gar- lands. Bitter in the mouth is its taste; in the-shorn autumn val- leys shepherds gather it; they cull it by the curves of the river o Mella. Boil its roots in odorous wine, and place it as food in full baskets in the doorways of the hives.”’ Est etiam flos in pratis, cui nomen amello Fecere agricolae, facilis quaerentibus herba ; Namque imo ingentem tollit de cespite silvam, Asper in ore sapor { ; tonsis in vallibus illum Pastores ; et curva legunt prope flumina Mellae.f — ujus odorato radices incoque Baccho, Pabulaque in foribus plenis adpone canistris. Wm. Sotheby, Esq., in his ‘‘ Translation of the Georgics,” London, 1815, p. 201, renders as follows : REE AE SOREN as pe er ENON APE *The root of Aster Amellus, says Martyn, Georgics, 389 (1741), ‘‘ consists of a great bunch of fibres,’’ adding that Vergil evidently meant here by cesfes not turf but ‘tradix cespitosa,’’ ‘* a root whose fibres are thick matted together so as to form a kind of turf.’’ So the old Roman commentator Philargyrus had understood it, writing Ss. olia, or leaves, for rays, was a natural and probably common classical expres- sion. So Dioscorides calls the rays phyllaria, little leaves. So Palladius, bk. 7, c. 10, describing the preparation of the oil from chamomile blossoms, says: Take an ounce of the yellow center of the flower (auream medietatem), ‘‘ having thrown away the white /eaves by which the flower is encompasse' ,? as Owen renders it. { Praised by Bodaeus as particularly applicable to Aster Amellus or Atticus, ‘* huic Sapor est asper,’’ Comm. on Theophrastus, p. 821-2. % This line is quoted by the grammarian, M. Valerius Probus, Grammaticae Institu- tiones, 16, 8; an interesting fact to those who believe this Probus to be the same as the grammarian, Valerius Probus, of about A.D. 100, who possessed a copy of a part of the Georgics with corrections upon it in Vergil’s own hand; but whose commentary on Vergil is now little known to us except through references in Servius. 126 AsTER Hisrory; VERGIL **In fields there grows a flower of pastoral fame Amellus, so the shepherds call its name,— Sprung from one root its stalks profusely spread, A golden circle glitters on its head, But many a leaf with purple violet crowned Throws a soft shade the yellow disk around. Though rough to taste, yet wreathed round many a shrine, In rich festoons the golden blossoms shine. gD li a a ih, High pile before their gates the alluring food.” Voss rendered lines 274 and 275 in his German translation, Gold ist die Scheibe der Blum, allein auf den haufigen Blattern : Ringsum glanz der dunklen Viol’ anmuthiger Purpur. Old John Gerarde * gives a quaint. English version of lines 271-275, saying it is in English thus, : With little search in medowes green a flowre is to be found, The countrie swains do clepe the same Starwoort. Out of the ground One root doth sprout, which spredes broade with branches thicke and wide, . Of colour like the finest golde in fire that hath beene tride. The leaves which bud on every side in a round and thicke rank ‘ Have such a purple colour as darke Violets on banke.”’ These lines of Gerarde have the swing and the gusto of Chap- man. But within forty years taste had so changed that in John- son's remodelled edition of Gerarde’s Herball (1633), the editor, Thomas Johnson, thinking mechanical metre better than vigor, substitutes the following rendering : ** In Meades there is a floure Amello named, By him that seekes it easie to be found, For that it seemes by many branches framed Into a little Wood ; like gold the ground Thereof appeares, but leaves that it beset Shine in the colour of the Violet.” That the dark violet color of Viola odorata was what Vergil actually meant here in attributing the same color to his Aster is shown by his references to « Viola nigra” + in his Eclogues,t which is also identified by Fée as Viola odorata. ecliptic , * Gerarde’s Herball, 394. London, 1597, : t From Theoreritus’ joy Héxav to the modern pansy known as ‘King of the Blacks,”’ the darker violet colors have passed for black. T hey do so yet in Greece. fEcl. x, 39; v. 38. DispuTED LINEs oN AMELLUS y At Controversies over the meaning of this description.— Among Eng- lish translators in verse many could not understand purple leaves as a part of a golden flower. Says Martyn, “ Our translators have greatly erred—for May represents the leaves of the stalk as being purple ; - id from one root he spreads a wood of boughs, y leaves, although the weed be gold, see ide dimme purple color hold.’ ‘Addison has very much deviated from the sense of his author : ‘A mighty spring works in its root, and cleaves The mighty stalk, and shews itself in leaves : The flow’r itself is of a golden hue, The leaves inclining to a darker blue. The leaves shoot thick about the flow’r, and grow Into a bush, and shade the turf below. “Dryden took the folia guae plurima circum funduntur to be the branches of the plant : ‘ For from one root the rising stem bestows A wood of leaves, and wi ’let purple boughs - The flow’r itself is glorious to behold, And shines on altars like refulgent gold. “Dr. Trapp supposes the stem to be golden, and the leaves purple : ‘For from one turf a mighty grove it bears ; Its stem of golden hue, but in its /eaves, Which copious round it sprout, the purple teint Of deep-dy’d violets more glossy shines.’ Another feature in Vergil’s description which has been variously understood is his epithet for what I have called ‘‘ the shorn autumn valleys.’’ I take it that the poet meant by /ovszs, shorn, to suggest time of year as well as place ; that he meant to imply that the fower bloomed in the late summer and fall, when in the valley-lands where it grew the meadow-grounds were now mown and the pasture-lands had been shaven close by the flocks ; So that it was now in shorn valleys, “in valleys where cattle have grazed” as Martyn suggests, that the shepherds would gather it, Picking it from rock-borders and ledges where it grew near the river. Not that it grew exactly in the mown part nor sprung up after mowing ; struggling with which ideas trouble came to some . 128 ASTER HISTORY; VERGIL simply unwooded, clear and open, which is less natural. La Cerda, Ruaeus, and Trapp interpret ¢onsis as mown, which is better, but has less general and less poetic value than shorn. One suspected line —One line and one only in the cited passage about Amellus, has been doubted by some commentators. This is the line “ Saepe deum... arae.” It is retained by Burmann, though he thinks the metre a little limping, and inserts /inc after aeum. The line is retained also by Wagner, though he thinks it crept into the text from the margin but from Vergil’s own hand. The challenger of its authenticity is Weichert,+ who notes ‘its needlessness, its languor, and the change of tense, and doubts if the word “orgues could be properly used of garlands of flowers.” Jahn and Forbiger agree with Weichert ; Keightley and Ribbeck incline to him also, the latter adding the argument that the commen- tators Servius and Philargyrus do not notice the line. But there are many undoubted lines which Servius and the fragments of Philargyrus do not notice. I should also defend the line for several other reasons. It is not needless, but adds an important touch of dignity to Vergil’s flower. It is not excessively languorous, but has the movement characteristic of mild reminiscence so frequent in Vergil. Its use of dorgues, a collar, as an encircling band of flowers, is not in the least unnatural to a poet, and is scarce more remote from the original sense than Vergil’s use for it again in the Georgics for an ox-yoke, or Pliny’s for a band of color around a bird’s neck. F urthermore the verse is found in all the MSS. of the Georgics, including the esteemed Codex Vaticanus, and the Palatine and the Mediceus, all of which date back to the fourth or fifth century. It should require much stronger reasons for rejection of lines on which all these MSS. agree. Whether the line was written by Vergil or an ancient Roman interpolator, it shows that to the mind of the Latin writers, as to the Greek Nicander, the aster was a flower fit to decorate the . altars and was actually so used. commentators, some of whom with Servius* interpret ¢onszs as : 4 n | *¥e ete ee ar iA Sh ON OEE a - ee mervius interprets Zomsis as non sélvosis, and explains that the poet used it in con With wooded mountains which he had called intonsi, or shaggy. But to make oe Sument from supposed contrast valid the two usages should have been in juxt@- position. ; 1 ‘‘ De vers. injur. Suspect.,’’ p. 63 as quoted in Keightley’s Vergil, p. 3U- USAGE OF AMELLUS 129 Use of the Name Amellus—The entire appearance of the name Amellus in literature seems due to its single occurrence in Vergil. Columella, the other Latin author who mentions the plant, may have obtained his knowledge of it only from this source ; and so, of course, may Servius and the other Latin commentators. The word occurs also, in quoting the line, in Julius Rufinianus, and in Aru- sianus, about 450 A.D. Of its Italian form ame//o, mention has been already made, p. 61. It has appeared in four principal ways, also in modern botany ; Linnaeus adopting it as the species-name, Aster Amellus, 1753; and bestowing it also as a generic name on a race of Cape of Good Hope plants close to the true Asters, but with a chaffy receptacle. Adanson substituted Amellus for Aster as a generic name in its entirety ; except that he separated Aster Tripolium L., and retained the name Aster for that ; a mesallance by which he attached the name Aster to that particular species which the ancients did not consider to be an Aster, and struck it off from the one plant for which they did use the name. Colonna had preceded him in using Amellus as a genus-name for Aster, 1592-1616, calling our Aster Amellus by the name Amellus pra- fensis, and referring to Tripolium as Amedl/us palustris. Calzolaris in his account of the plants of Monte Baldo, near Verona (Venice, 1566), in calling our Aster Amellus by the name Amellus Virgili, may or may not have intended the phrase as a binomial in place of Aster. . Variants for Amellus are Amello, its current Italian form ; Amillo, in the Palatine codex of the Georgics ; Amella, in Servius’ commentary. Wedel in 1686 claimed that we do not know the gender of Vergil’s noun, and that the nominative was more probably Amel/um, Vergil mentioning it only in the dative, Amello, A Folk-name.—Amellus seems to have been only in pastoral use ; not at Rome, where it did not grow ; not in literary or nat- uralist’s Latin, which used the word Aster ; not in the Latin of the Roman physicians, which used the terms /erba inguinalis and in- Suinaria. If Vergil’s ‘cui nomen amello fecere agricolae”’ is to be taken literally, the word was the colloquial name in Cisalpine Gaul ; and so Martyn and Wedel considered it, Martyn remarking “the poet tells us Amellus is a rustick name.” 130 AsTER History ; VERGIL Source.—Vergil’s special mention of its growth ‘along the curving river Mella’’ * seems to hint at a belief on his part that the two names were of common origin. Where the names vary, as in the ancient and much-esteemed Palatine codex, they vary together, substituting 7 for ¢ of both names, making them Ayillus and Milla, But they may really have had nothing to do with each other until their similar sound caught the fancy of the poet. If the river was named from the plant, it would imply great famil- iarity and wide usage on the part of the plant name, neither of which seem to have been true; the many American names which have originated so, as the Greenbrier river, Hemlock and Alder creeks, Laurel run, etc., are derived from conspicuous plants with familiar, not unusual, names. If the plant was named from the river it may be difficult to parallel the case in modern ‘usage. The ancients thought they had such an example in the’ plant Asterion which Pausanias remarks is called by the name of the river on the banks of which it grows; but probably there was no original con- nection between the two words. Servius,+ however, the great commentator on Vergil, claimed that the name Amellus, or Amella as he terms it, was derived from the river, remarking : “« Mella fluvius Galliae et juxta quem herba haec plurima nascitur : unde et amella dicitur, sicut populi habitantes juxta Lemannum lacum Alemani dicuntur.’’ Was the river-name Mella a Celtic survival ?—The name of this river Mella in Lombardy, and the several other rivers of the same namic, the two Sammnite cities Melae and Meles (Livy) and the two ancient towns in Hispania Baetica named Mellaria, and the ancient Gaulish city Melodunum, now Melun on the Seine, all suggest a common origin, and seem scattered survivors from an earlier oc- cupation than the Roman. Taylor { interprets Melodunum as * This river Mella (variants were Mela and Milla) still retains its ancient name, being known as Mella or Mela. The Mella rises in the Alps, and falls into the Ogtio (the ancient Ollius) just before that river reaches the Po. Catullus, Ixvii, 33, refers to the Mella as flowing through the city of Brixia (modern Brescia) ; it is at present one and one-half miles from it, commentary which passes under his name has many later but undistinguishable accre- aw as is indicated by the variants of its MSS. The comment quoted above may, . be some scribe’s introductio n. _¥ Rev. Isaac Taylor, «« Names and their Histories,’ 1896, and his «¢ Words and their Places,’’ 222 (1865), following a suggestion from Gliick, Kelt. Nam. 139- DERIVATION OF AMELLUS 131 from the Celtic roots moe/= rounded hill and dun = fort ; like Meldon and perhaps Maldon in Great Britain. Perhaps all the other cities are from svoe/ also, and were hill-towns. The Ame//a was a river from the hills ; but its name may have had a more special- ized origin; it may have been the name of some neighboring rounded hill, and may have been fortuitously shifted to the river near; a kind of transfer very common when people become heirs to the local names of an earlier race; as the Genesee, = beautiful valley, applied by the Indians to a flood-plain, by the whites to the river beside it. Was the Plant-name Amellus also a Survival from an Earlier Race ?—The plant Camomile in its Greek form is commonly inter- preted as meaning ground-apple, and as due to the apple-like smell of the flowers. I have long wondered if that is not a later sophis- tication, and if -yyiov in this word, -vzl/a in its Latin equivalent, did not reaily represent some earlier generalized name for a small bushy plant. If so Amel/us may have been the same word with- out modifying prefix. Recently I find that over four hundred years ago, Hermolaus Barbarus, first great Italian commentator on the natural history of the ancients, had anticipated me in expressing, in part, the same idea, suggesting that the names Ame/lus and Camomilla are of the same source, and as he would surmise, per- haps of the same plant. While not agreeing with him in the last particular, there seems good ground for following up the first sug- gestion, even though it received the scorn of Wedel, who called it “ Peculiaris opinio.”” There are also two other occurrences of the name mel/a that need explanation; Sibthorp found it used in Arcadia for the mistletoe ; and as far back as about 600 A.D. Isidore of Seville, first Gothic writer on plants, mentions Mella as a name for the Lotus or Aegyptian bean, and Malomellus for some plant unknown. Was the Plant-name Amellus Derived from Mel, Honey ?—* Am- ellus, a flower visited by bees,” says Fee. Vergil and Columella both speak of the flower as an important source of food to bees. Did Amellus mean to Vergil the koney-flower, strangely connect- ing with the call of pedi, honey, cried in the streets of Athens to-day by honey venders from Hymettus ? That this was the origin of the name was evidently the belief 132 AsTER History; VERGIL of that ancient scholiast who wrote the gloss on a margin of Vergil, identifying Amellus with Melissophyllon. But that plant, the honey-balm, honey-leaf literally, in its form pzhty»ddov, had, as Bodaeus observes, no proper color or form to agree with the amellus of Vergil. Yet Salmasius, the learned commentator of the seventeenth century, subscribed * to this identification. That Amellus was connected with m/, honey, though ina dif- ferent way, was also the belief of Wedel, who argued its identity with his Melilotus luteus, the Melilotus officinalis Willd., though a more violent contrast to Vergil’s description could hardly be found. Personally I am inclined to think the resemblance of the word Amellus to mel is purely accidental. Singularly enough, when Miller, watching A. Amellus L., to see what insects visited it, at Haarhausen in Thuringia, on Sept. 13, 1871, found it thronged with numerous apparent bees— they proved on close examination to be the dipterous insect Eris- zalis arbustorum \., the well-known bee-mimicking fly which in shape, size and color is with difficulty distinguished from the honey- bee even when at rest. Did all the Roman reputation of the flower as one of the wild plants loved by bees, rest on observation of similar visits of Eristalis, mistaken for an actual bee? But Vergil’s father was a practical bee-keeper, and made a good income from his honey, and it was not made from Zristalis. No doubt a longer scrutiny of the flowers now would have shown the honey- bee an actual visitor, as it is so to American Asters, and to their European kindred Anthemis tinctoria, Conyza squarrosa, etc. A second Vergilian reference to Aster has been claimed as follows: Among the “ Minora” or shorter poems attributed to Vergil, occurs a little poem under the title, as printed by Koberger, of “ P. V. Maronis hortulus,” + in which among the flowers of the garden some are mentioned as “ two-colored,” and which may have been _ the violet and yellow blossoms of his favorite, the Aster Amellus. The poet, Vergil or mediaeval follower, writes, Flores nitescunt discolore gramine P inguntque terras gemineis honoribus, © Apes susurro murmurant gratae leni, oe cage summa florum vel novos rores legunt. *Salmasius, Plinian. Exercit. in Solin. 102, t Vergil, edn. Koberger, Nuremberg, 1492; fol. 318. a ee a ee en AkEMILIUS MACER, FRIEND OF VERGIL 133 We may render : Flowers shine there with two-colored sprays And paint the turfs with twin graces ; Bees murmur pleasingly their light susurrus, Culling from the topmost blossoms or the latest dewdrop. Aemilius Macer Veroneunsis. The preceding lines are just such as we might suppose might have been written about Vergil’s garden by his friend the poet Aemilius Macer,* of Verona, perhaps the most distinctively 4 poet of plants that Latinity produced, but whose works are lost tous. He was from Verona, near which the Aster Amellus still grows. We may suppose that it was familiar to him, as well as the other flowers of that northern part of Italy. Because he, as Ovid-+ tells us (writing ‘ Quacgue necet serpens, quae juvat herba, Macer’’), wrote of the plants which were potent against serpents, it is not unlikely that he may, like Cratevas, have mentioned the belief that the Aster’s fumes would put serpents to flight. But only slight fragments t of Macer remain, and what the friend of Vergil and Tibullus had to say of the Aster we are likely never to know. Vergil’s contribution to the knowledge of Aster, consisting of his ten lines on Amellus, is the principal ancient description outside of medicine. VII. Cetsvs. Cornelius Celsus, who wrote his eight books De Medicina$ perhaps about 40 A. D., seems not to have used aster or amellus asa plant-name, but makes mention of the use of something which he calls Asteriace, the sole occurrence || of the word so far as ap- Author of an Ornithogonia, a poem on birds, perhaps his chief ‘original swork 5 ofa oes and an Alexipharmaca, probably modelled on those of Nicander (per- haps mere translations, surmises Meyer) ; died in Asia, 15 B. C. Ovid, Trist, iv, eclog. 10, v. 44. (2 edn., 1667) ; beaiening Ata gut mane baal vumpsert it ore; ee. lines ib ane neither t ror ioc Bragunesith of genuine lines are EB Fabricius ; Bibliotheca Graeca, 13: 36, etc. 2 His y work which has survived entire ; fe, printed. Florence, by Nicalao, 1478 ; adiiea pear Edinburgh, 1 1826: by Renzi, Naples, 1851-2 ; etc. | Celsus, V. 5,4 134 Aster Hisrory; CELsus pears in Latin or in ancient or modern Greek. Meyer suggests that it was perhaps a plant. It is possible that it is merely an- other synonym for Aster, like asterion, and asteriscus, for the latter of which it may possibly be a false reading. Harper's Lat. Dict. suggests that it is the name of a medicine. Several medical preparations were later known by the name aster (see pp. 85, 88), and it is on the whole probable that this was one of that class. VIII. CotumMeLia Columella,* the Roman writer on agriculture, of about 51 A. D., mentions Aster by the name Amellus in his De ré rustica,t bk. L., c. 4, sec. 4, where his subject has been the aversion of bees to the yew. He then, like Vergil, or copying from Vergil, enume- rates the Amellus as one of the native plants of Italy of which bees are particularly fond, in the following words : ‘ Mille praeterea semine vel crudo cespite virentia, vel subacuta sulco, flores amicissimos apibus creant, ut sunt in irriguo { solo [virgineo solo, Codex Longobardus| frutices § amelli, caules acan- thini, scapus asphodeli, || gladiolus narcissi.§ At in hortensi lira consita nitent candida lilia, nec his sordidiora leucoia, tum punicae rosae, pe et Sarranae violae,** nec minus coelestis numinis *L, Junius Moderatus Golumalte, born at Gades (Cadiz) in Spain, resided in poe travelled in Syria, Cilicia, etc. His surviving work, De re rustica, is in 12 s, the loth a poem, De culto hortorum (Parma, 1478, etc.). Of an earlier work on tse same subject, one book, De arburitus remains. See p. 1 37: ke. f First printed 1470, Venice, by Nicolaus Jenson, together with Cato, etc. Edited in his “ Scriptures rei rusticae,’’ 7, ¢. , chiefly Cato, Varro, Columella nod Pallsdies by J. M. Gesner, 1735, etc. Edited ua by Schneider, 1794-7. tSo ties Medicei, followed by Politian, Victaand, Fritzsch and Schneider. meant for siruds in technical sense, for I find Columella using frutex « olus, biichics vegetables ; and of the lupine. Commentators who have claimed from Srutices in this passage, that Columella never saw the Amellus, can no more draw such an inference from this assumed nae description than from Vergil’s speaking of its clus- tered stems as ‘‘a forest of stalks. ; || Pontedera, commen nting on Columella, and praising his style, remarks of the phrase frutices amelli, caules avanthini, scapus asphodeli, that it is “* elegans ile quendi forma.” Pontedera claims that Palladius imitated this passage, replacing Amellus by Citrago. See infra, under Palladius. The word gladiolus belongs here with marcissus, appropriately observes Ponte-_ dera ‘* gladiolum ob similitudinem appellatu ** Two kinds of violets, observes Fritesch, the yellowish, and the Sarranian OF . ong or purplish. : 4 ; a 4 ___ Penates, of the sites of the cities of Italy, etc. AMELLUS AS A SOURCE OF HONEY 135 hyacinthus, Corycius item Siculusque bulbus croci deponitur, qui coloret odoretque mella”’; or in English: ‘Moreover, a thousand seeds, either growing green in their native turf, or in the deep-tilled trench, bring into being flowers most friendly to the bees; as are, in their well-watered soil, the little bushes of aster, the stems of acanthus, the flower-shaft of asphodel, the little sword of narcissus. But in the prepared gar- den-beds shine white lilies, nor less than these, though more dim, the snowdrops, and then the ruddy roses, and the yellow and the purple violets; nor less dear to the celestial powers, the hya- cinth ; likewise the bulb of the Corycian and of the Sicilian crocus 's set in the ground there, the crocus, that it may give color and may give odor to honey.”’ Columella, having thus mentioned Amellus at the head of his first list, the best wild sources of honey, proceeds with a second class of inferior sources, as follows : “ Now indeed there are produced of lesser note, innumerable herbs of both classes, in cultivated and in pastured lands, which make the wax of the honeycomb to abound ; as the common lap- sana,* and more valuable than that, the armoracia,+ and the greens of wild rape, the wild chicory, and the flowers of black: Poppy ; and then, the field parsnip, and, of the same name, that all-tamed parsnip which the Greeks call Svaphylinon. “In truth, above all those which I have mentioned, and those which I have omitted, in consequence of brevity of time—for be- yond computation is their number—it is thyme which gives to honey the most excellent flavor.” Columella makes mention of Amellus also when discussing the disease of bees which he terms profluvies alut, * caused ¢ he says by Ooverfeeding on “thymalus and udmus,” in the beginning of spring, and from which they die unless it is speedily checked. The trouble may be healed, he remarks, ‘by supplying them medicated food. Hyginus,§ following older authors, recommends keeping The RECS * Charlock, Harper's Dict. } Horse-radish is armoracia ; one MS. reads aremorana, ¢Columella, bk. xiii, c. 13, section 8. 4C. Julius Hyginus, from Spain, a friend of Ovid, and a freedman of Augustus, Who placed him in the Palatine Library; was author of many lost works, including the One on agriculture cited above, also ‘‘ Commentaries on Vergil,’’ accounts of the 136 Aster History; CoLuMELLA in a dry place through the winter, and changing to a sunny ex- posure in spring ”—as quoted by Pliny. ‘‘To such languishing bees,” continues Columella, ‘should be given grains of pomegranate bruised and stirred into Aminean wine ;* or of raisins pounded up with an equal measure of Syriac- dew + moistened with an austere wine ; or if each by itself is not efficacious, all should be used together, weighed out in equal weights, and heated t ina pottery vase with Aminean wine, but quickly cooled, and placed in wooden troughs § before the bees. ‘Some offer rosemary brewed in sweetened water, etc. “The disease is at its height at a time when some bees will bring out the bodies of the dead from their domiciles, and others walled within lie motionless in sad silence as overcome by public calamity. When the hive is found in that extremity, foods are to be offered, poured out in troughs of reed, well boiled down in honey and rubbed up with gall or dry rose. It is well also to burn galbanum, that it may heal by its odor. “* Best || of remedies, however, is the root of Amellus ; which is a yellow shrub, with purple flowers ; boiled with old Aminean Wine, it is wrung out, and so weighed out, its juice is given them.” “Hyginus indeed, in that book which he wrote concerning bees, says Aristomachus** considers that the bees should be treated in this manner ; first removal of the affected comb, then fresh food given, and fumigation,” * * . . . . - j Aminean wine, that of Aminea, a region in Picenum, famed for the vine. “ec 7 bd . id e . t**Cum rore Syriaco”; but another ancient reading is ‘‘sutorio’’?; and others amend to ‘ coriariorum ros’’ or «< rhus.’’ ¢ Et in fictili vase ce ; * * . . || ‘*Optime tamen facit Amelli radix ; cujus est frutex luteus, purpureus flos; cum vetere Amineo vino decocta exprimitur, et ita liquatus ejus succus datur.’’ Virgilius amelli florem aureum purpureumque docet scriberem ‘ Cuius est fruticis luteus ee if Biehl sive abflecto frutex, ‘cuius est luteus purpureusque flos.’ ”’ Aristomachus Solensis, who was, ‘says Pliny, ‘*for 58 years so absorbed with the love of bees that he attended to nothing else but to take care of bees and write books about them.”’ a es : ; ; ‘ q . VALUE OF COLUMELLA raz Columella’s chief contribution * to knowledge of Aster is his as- signing it high rank as a favorite source of honey to the bees: and his setting forth the manner of its use as a remedy for them in dis- ease. Compared with Vergil, he lacks description; he may have owed his knowledge of the plant partly to Vergil, and partly to cur- rent reputation among others fond like himself of country life ; he may never have seen it in its native state; he adds to what Vergil * Of Columella little has been written for a hundred years, till just now there reaches us a dissertation presented for oa doctorate by Wm. Becher, De Columellae vita et on Leipsic, Teubner, 1897. Becher’s principal points made are thes he latest edition es Se is that of Schneider, 1794-7. Men i greatly id Columella; some hold him the best of writers de rustica, and elegantissimus poeta; some, but a rude compiler. Columella was born of a not ignoble family at Cadiz, about the beginning of the Christian era, and knew rural life there ; in Rome h frequented schools of rhetoric and of other Greek and Roman learning ; was military tribune in Syria and Cilicia, returned to honors in hiner and retired to rural life in his agellum Ardentinum. Under Tiberius or between 20-30 A. D., he had written his three short books o n agriculture, his Praecepia rustica, addressed to Eprius Marcellus ; a work now lost in its full form but known to Pliny and from which Pliny took the ex- tracts he quotes from Columella. The second book of these Praecepia survives form- ing the book of Columella now known as ‘‘ De arboribus,’’ a work of his youth, imbued with his fatherland at Cadiz. It had its influence on his paterson, * ss oe Columella’s example, Atticus, Celsus and Graecinus took to writing de rz eanwhile Columella composed an astrological work, now lost, eee ‘his mind with results of Greek and Roman culture, and continued his own studies of rural life, diligently scrutinizing the writings of his contemporaries and elders, though not always Possessing accurate copies, so that his quotations cannot be re elied on as unimpeach- Caeretanum, Entreated by his friends he added a book of “ gromatica praecepta,”’ taken, says Columella, ‘ex trito commentariolo,’ but without naming the author. After € manner of Vergil, WD wrote a book, de hortulano, on — culture, adding an index which is now los his cntempore none but Pliny mentions him, and Pliny knew only his caaaal work. Writers of succeeding ages who mention him are: Eumelus, Giciinae sie perhaps 210 A. D., who has ten passages supposed to be derived from Col Gargilius Martialis, 2 0 A. D., quotes Pliny and Columella on the chestnut. alladius, perhaps 440 A. D., quotes from all of Columella’s 12 books; and hoa is also mentioned by an unknown Lao een of Servius’ commentary on Vergil, and by Vegetius, Pelagonius and Cassiod Cassiodorus, of about 540 A. D., a man of a reading and great erudition, 7 y acquainted with ; but states that had been superseded by the writings of Palladius, Saying ¢* Balis tine” censured him, and the volumes of Columella passed into oblivion. Co! olumella’ s volumes contain so many arguments and full complex treatises that for his 188. Aster History; CoLUMELLA wrote, however, that the wine used be that of Aminea ; and pictures the Amellusas first of wild plants after the thyme in attractiveness to bees. His calling it a yellow shrub with purple flowers has been criticised as heedlessness, but he may actually have written “ of this shrub the flowers are yellow and purple.” D1oscORIDEAN PER1op—IJX. DioscoRIDES The one comparatively full description of Aster which an- tiquity has bequeathed us is that of Dioscorides Anazarbeus, of about 65 A. D.; in that age of contrasts, while Rome put forth her worst in Nero and her best in Seneca. Then, almost in a mo- ment, came the great blossoming time of natural history and medi- cine, in the works of Pliny, Dioscorides and Aretaeus, of dates perhaps about 77, 65 and 55 A. D. Aretaeus of Cappadocia, “the most important Greek medical writer since Hippocrates’ (Kuhn), wrote in Ionic about 55 A. D., his extant writings being De causis and De curatione morborum, each in four books; a book De re pharmaceutis is lost, in which references to Aster Atticus should be sought. The Aster men- tioned * in his extant works, dotyo Asvxdc, is a white earth of great repute in ancient medicine as an astringent; see supra, p. 83- contemporaries and for the husbandmen for whose use they were meant they were the roughest of reading,—ad legendum asperrimi.”’ sidorus Hispatensis, about 600 A. D., calls Columelia ‘insignis orator, qui totum corpus disciplinae ejusdem complexus est.” Col copy of Vergil’s Georgics and says, ‘he held Vergil’s poems in delight from his youth. Ribbeck, the textual critic of V ergil, claims that Columella in quoting Vergil, mixed his quotations as if by inexact memory, fitting in bits of the poem into his ow® wiitings as they came to his mind. Becher, printing the parallel passages, does not agree with Ribbeck’s implied charge of ‘*beplastering his writings with fragments § Vergil,’’ but thinks Columella planned to make quotations of sense with altered words, and occasionally to quote a line from a copy he had, which was however a copy wit interpolations, and does not supply the authentic text. * Aretaeus, edn, Kuhn, bk. 2, c. 2. SR Sei pe a ee: ig ere a re SF ee gee en eee een ae Se ee es ss + DaTE oF DIOSCORIDES 139 ’ Dioscorides, a Cilician * Greek, the most precise authority for plant descriptions previous to Bock, seems to have written a little later than Aretaeus, perhaps ten years, or about 65 A. D., cer- tainly before the death of Nero in 68 A. D. Some have placed Dioscorides later than Pliny, even at 100 A. D. or later. But Pliny probably meant Dioscorides when he spoke of “certain re- cent writings on medical plants’; and he seems to have made about 200 quotations from him, though without giving his name. Hence Dioscorides should be assigned a date just older than Pliny. That the date was in Nero’s reign seems evident ; for— 1. Dioscorides’ five books De materia medica bear a dedica- tion to a famed physician of Nero’s reign, Areus Asclepiadeus.t 2. Dioscorides Anazarbeus (unless it could be proved that the less known Dioscorides Phaca was meant) was cited by name of Dioscorides, in Erotian’s Vocabulary of Hippocrates, dedicated to Andromachus,} Nero’s court-physician. 3. The Euporista, attributed to Dioscorides Anazarbeus, was also dedicated ¢ to Andromachus,§ either by Dioscorides himself or by some one who sought reputation under his name and used his probable date. We assume with Sprengel, Smith, etc., that the Andromachus meant was the elder and better known physician of the name, who died probably not later than 66 A. D., as he had been succeeded by his son Andromachus before Nero's death in 68. It follows that 65 A. D. is the nearest date to Pliny at which it appears probable that Dioscorides could have completed his writings. There were at least three medical writers named Dioscorides ; the great Dioscorides Anazarbeus, not later than 65.A..D4 pre- * Native of Anazarbus, in Cilicia. He is sometimes called Tarseus, from Tarsus, the nearest large city. + Friend of Licinius whose father Lecanius Bassus was a consul under Nero. t There were two court-physicians to Nero named Andromachus ; the elder was | still in use after 1800 140 AsTER History; DioscoripDEs ceded by a Dioscorides Phaca, the Herophilean, of about 50 B. C., who left, says Suidas, 24 books de medica arte (now lost) ; and suc- ceeded by a Dioscorides the Younger * of about 100 A. D., prob- ably author, thought Sprengel, of the 6th and 7th so-called books of Dioscorides Anazarbeus ; or of the 6th only, thought Meyer. Dioscorides’ works remaining are, 1st, the five books De materia medica, + rept Udns tatu, his famed descriptions of plants clos- ing with the fourth ; the plants have been counted as 700, of which the identity of at least 400 is known; 2d, two books, De alexi- pharmacis and De theriaca, already united to the preceding five in the 7th or 8th century, also classed with them by Photius in the gth century, but separated by Saracenus and Sprengel. Sprengel ascribed both, Meyer one only, to Dioscorides the Younger. Third among the works ascribed to Dioscorides Anazarbeus is that variously known as Euporista, or De Parabilibus, zept sono0pta- tw, the Hausmittel or “Household Remedies,” in two books, preserved to us only in a single manuscript, the Augustan, first printed and edited at Strasburg, 1565, by Moiban and Gesner, who deemed it a spurious work of Dioscorides - edited with Dios- corides, but deemed spurious, t by Saracenus in 1598 and Sprengel, 1830, but claimed as perhaps genuine by Meyer in 1855, though he was doubting it again in 1857. In this Euporista, bk. 11, c. 11 5, the author mentions 72 plants efficacious against viper bites, used in wine or in food; among them the 23d is, datévos attimod co dvOos, i. ¢., ‘the flower of Aster Atticus” ; the 6th remedy following is the white earth of Samos, used for the same purpose, and called y#s oapiaz ser by Galen; wrote descriptions of plants and animals, compiled from Ana- zarbeus, Cratevas, etc. by Saracenus, Frankfort, 1598. First published in the original Greek in Venice by Al- Matthioli, 1544, also at Venice ; in German, by von Ast, 1 546, at Frankfort; in F rench by Matthee, 1553 at Lyons ; in Spanish by de Laguna, 1555. For commentators, ete-, vide infra, under A -abic writers and under the Revival of Learning. { Because containing three or four names supposed not to be introduced into Greek till about 600 A. D., but which might have been interpolations. Oribasius quotes ns Euporista apparently, about 362 A. D cee DioscorIDEs’ ASTER ATTICUS 141 tod datéoos, or Aster Samius ; the adjectives serving well to distin- guish the two uses of the word Aster ; see supra, p. 83. Dioscorides’ description of Aster Aiiicas constitutes the 118th chapter (120th by Saracenus’ numbering, 11oth of others) of his 4th book, following that on Cirsion (Cirsium) and succeeded by those on Isopyron and on Viola purpurea (7. ¢., |Zo/a odorata L., with addition perhaps from Aster). I quote it from Sprengel’s edition,* retaining his brackets for the parts he thinks subsequently added, subjoining on each page my translation and adding notes on variant readings in the MSS. Constantinus (C) and Neapolitanus (N.) For review of the description and properties, see pp. 25, 39, etc. ‘eg. pty. (pt) [xept Aorépos Aczexo%. | "Aactiy arcexos + [of 03 doteptaxos, of 03 dozeptov, of OF fovto- vor, t of 82 bbc badpov, Pwpaioe typuvddec,§ Saxo: pateidal| | paseror Svd@des,§ ex’ dxpov Zyov dvbes zopgupody** xat a ide Dare avilemdos xsedheov ie peaysdes: a hes Og anit datépe Opoea; TH 03 Epi tov xavhov gvAda. Dropyxn nat Oaded. CHAPTER 118 (120) [CONCERNING Aster Atticus] Aster Atticus [which some call asteriscus, some asterion, some bubonion, some hyophthalmon (¢. ¢ , polyopthalmon), the Romans inguinalis, the Dacians ratliibide’} bears a woody little stem, having, at the summit, flowers purple or yellow,}{ just like a daisy i in shape ; in a split border around the little head it bears * Kuhn’s Medicorum Graecorum opera omnia, 25 : 605- -606, Leipsic, 1829. t Concerning Dioscorides’ binomials, see supra, p. 65. } Oribasius has oi d2 BovBdvov. ; and N have iyyuvadcc : others éyyevadis | The synonyms are all bracketed Be Seal following Saracenus. But the first four are such as Dioscorides Anazarbeus may properly be supposed to have written In apie iyyuvddcc may have been added by Dioscorides the Younger, about 100 A. d the Da acian name by some other about 200 A.D. TG = ee EvAadn, XH d Marcellus Vergilius, V. Cordus, Matthioli, Sprengel : instead of which the ice with Serapion, Ruellius, pairs Anguillara and Saracenus, read i, “or.”? Sa aracenus understood j) to mean ‘of tw kinds, with purple or with yellow ye fF is the tue reading, as codices ‘pale I would, instead, ee it “with aes hrgee may be called aber or called yellow, as they are caer Whave mi oxéow ovidapiov crevav ‘with a border around of narrow leaflets,” he lack dorépe bora, but that is found in Serapion, and in Oribasius, who is rag than C. é., ‘flowers which may be called purple, or yellow, as they are both.”” 142 Aster History ; D1oscoRIDES leaflets just like a star ; but those leaves which are along the stem are oblong and hairy. [ Legere? 02 atopaxoy éxzvpovpsvoy, xOTUT ATT [EVvOY, KU! og ai- pav ghsypovds zai Bovfdvac, xat tas mpontwazs Zdo00s ; gaat Oe ch mopenpifoy cod dvbous, ps0’ Sdacos roblev avvayymnors Bonet nat sreyditas Tmatdwy. |* ‘Aopozee 03 xatarhacaopzvoy 5 ceed zobs Povpdvor gheypovds s7pov 03 dvarpslev tH, dmacepg yetpt + tod Gdyodvtoz, nae xe peag bev tw Sovsorve dxadddaase tH ¢ O00vNS. It is an aid to a burning stomach when applied as a plaster, and for styes on the eyes and for tumors of the groin, and for hemorrhoids. They say that the purple part of the flower, taken as a drink with water, is a help in labor-pains and in the epileptic fits of children. It is a remedy, when applied moist as a plaster, for tumors of the groin; and dry, when held in the left hand of one in labor- pains, and when tied on around the groin it relieves the pain. [Iwecart 02 péoov xetp@v xt tOzwy Tpapecor. Tasty: 0 datéosz ev vwoxtt ddprovew of yap Ly, elOOTeT, OTAY OITHY Z0wst, vom ovat Nest heel a ecvac’ ehotaxstac 0é TopU Booxotz zpopdrav. Kat Kpatebag 0 potopos tatopet: acy yhope xorcioa pesto. Cg Tahao), Tore? TpOT hvaaodyxtove xat Booyyounhexoos brobypewpeyy 02 guyadebee Onpta. | [it grows in the midst of rocks and rough places. The stars * Rejected by Sprengel (not by Saracenus) “because occurring also “under Viola. ; But that may more likely have been repeated from this. | t C prefixes id. : f this bracketed portion, Sprengel remarks ‘It is absurd and smacks of 4 pancestition foreign to the author. It is not found in the oldest manuscripts NO in ancient commentators.’’ Saracenus, following Marcellus Vergilius, remanded it to his” notha. Perhaps it was inserted by Dioscorides the Younger, about 100 A.D., who wa? a compiler from Crateva Of the previous bracketed portion, adeAci ... taidwy was deemed an interpolation as Sprengel, and suspected (though eR by haere these lines are lacking in nC. are not quoted by Pliny or Galen or Avicenna; but are n Serapion and all editions (Sprengel). They are repeated with but slight "change, two chapters 0 onward, of violet ; from which chapter, thought neon wey might = been transferred § gs — I think there are too many differences of p P for the first part, odeAei—idpac ; though the following words, Ee Se being ‘ake in both, may have been a copyist’s reduplication, word for word. See p p. 143-146 ASTER-PROPERTIES UNDER VIOLA 143 of this plant shine forth in the night; so that those who do not understand, when they see this, suppose it to bea phantasm ; but it is found and known by the shepherds of the flocks. Furthermore, Cratevas, the rhizotomist, states this: ‘‘ The green plant, bruised and mixed wirh old axle-grease, is a remedy for the mad-dog’s bite and for throat-tumor or goitre; and if burned its fumes put serpents to flight.’”] DioscorIDEs’ PuRPLE VIOLET Repetition of Aster-properties under Viola. Dioscorides pro- ceeds, after Aster Atticus, to describe his Isopyron, variously iden- tified as covering /sopyron thalictroides L., and also as a Fumaria or an Aquilegia. Next, he describes his Ion, the lola purpurea of Pliny, our Viola odorata L. After describing the violet’s ivy- like but darker leaf, and its love of shade, in terms applicable to Viola odorata, he mentions its properties as a refrigerant and then enumerates properties which duplicate some already narrated for Aster Atticus. The repeated lines read as follows—quoting Sara- cenus’ Latin version, which retains the duplicate properties under both plants : “Folia. . . stomacho ardenti, oculorum inflammationibus, pro- cidentique sedi auxiliantur. Aiunt et id quod in flore purpureum est in aqua potum, angina laborantibus, puerisque comitialibus * opitulari.”’ Matthioli, edn. 1560, p. 574, quoting the Arabic Mesue as “giving the faculties of the purple violet exquisitely,” cites Mesue’s version of the last sentence in the words “et morbo regio laboran- tibus opitulantur.” Fuchs repeats the same in the form “ puer-— orum comitialibus mederi affirmant’’ (Fuchs, 309. 1551). Commentators have suspected that the repetition here was accidental. If so, the kinship of the repeated characters with others of Aster Atticus and their unlikeness to others of Viola odorata points to Aster as their source. If they were accidentally duplicated by a scribe in one of the two occurrences, as it is amore natural and more frequent copyist’s error to repeat lines already Written than to anticipate, it remains more probable that the Aster * This supposed efficacy for epilepsy continued to be cited for Viola through the Arabic Writers and the Renaissance ; the ‘*‘ epileptics’ violet’’ of a gloss c. 1499 144 AsTER History ; DioscortpeEs chapter contained the lines originally than that the description of Viola did so. On the other hand, Saracenus deemed their source the Violet, because the lines in question occur in Pliny, not under Aster but under Viola; and so in Galen and Avicenna who seem here to have simply copied Pliny. But Serapion attributes these properties’ to both Aster and Viola. Violet early a composite term. There is another way to explain the repetition. /oz may have been not a single entity but a com- posite term. To some of the Greeks this purple Aster may have been known as “purple violet,” zov zopgupodv. The Greeks used ton for as widely different a flower as our snowdrop (Leucojum), their /ewco-ion ; their purple violet as understood by Pliny included probably a number of widely different flowers, one of them still retaining the name of Violet in its compound name Dame’s Violet, Hesperis matronalis L. The Romans thus called a number of violet-colored flowers by the name violet, and this is presumptive evidence that the Greeks had done so. Mediaeval and Renais- sance usage did so to a surprising extent,—see 7fra, under Ar- nald; and the tendency is still strong to-day, observable not only among colored people on the Potomac, who habitually call bluets ‘violets,’ but among botanical works, which still print Erythro- nium as ‘‘dog-tooth-violet.”’ Purple Violet sometimes a synonym for Aster My suggestion is therefore this: that some among the Greeks called Aster Amellus by the name ¢ov Topgupovy, purple violet, by extension of the name to other flowers having the color of the violet ; that some * among the multitudinous medical writers noW lost, wrote out its reputed properties, calling the plant roy zopgueody, from which Pliny copied the statements under discus- sion ; and from him Galen and Avicenna derived theirs. Mean- while Dioscorides, knowing the plant as Aster Atticus, inserted all these reputed properties under that name; and some scribe copying his MS, observing them given under Viola by others, inserted them there also in the Dioscoridean text. : ite g imagine Andreas of Carystus in Euboea doing so, a writer whose early life was in the Aster-region, and from whom Pliny and Dioscorides quoted inde- pendently, ‘ Tue NAME RATHIBIDA 145 We will find the duplicate properties repeated occasionally under both plants by authors to Fuchs in 1551, and will discover one great mediaeval physician, Arnald de Villanova, who, about 1310, had perceived the incongruity of these imported characters with those of Vola odorata L., and who wrote that they probably belonged to a different violet. DioscoripEs’ DACIAN NAME FOR ASTER Dioscorides’ Synonyms. One of the most valuable parts of Dioscorides’ work is the series of Greek, Latin, Carthaginian and other plant-names, quoted with each species described. Many of these may have been subsequent additions,* but many others oc- cur as if a part of the original text, and some of them occur in Pliny, quoted, it is claimed, from the text of Dioscorides. Spren- gel, editing Dioscorides in 1829, writes that the names in use for plants in various nations “were collected by Dioscorides scien- tifically,” “during his travels to Egypt, Carthage, Italy, Gaul and Spain.”” Without predicating genuineness of all, I shall simply refer to these synonyms as “ Dioscoridean.” Kathibida. The Dioscoridean synonyms record Rathibida, pa0¢%du, as the name for Aster Atticus among the Dacians, @. ¢., if in Dacia proper, in the region north of the Danube where it still grows and where it is particularly widely distributed. This name Rathibida of the MSS. may stand there in corrupt form, from error of copyist or from defect of the ear of the original in- vestigator ; and in some later copyings it lost its last consonant, appearing in Bock as Rathibia and in John Lonitzer as Rathibis. However, assuming that pad¢eda of the MSS. is substantially the original form, inquiry at once arises if it can be paralleled at all in the Greek—presumably the nearest cognate language to the obscure Dacian or Thracian. If the second syllable were an intrusion, it might be compared Ist with Dioscorides’ own word pdPocov in the immediate connection = little bush, a twig, a small stem. Or, 2d, with psec, present *Such are bracketed by Sprengel (but with the usual practice of bracketing all Synonyms indiscriminately) following the example of Saracenus, who himself followed the acute judgement of Marcellus Vergilius, the sagacious commentator on Dioscorides whose Latin translation appeared in 1518. 146 Aster History; D1oscoRiIDES name in Crete for the épeftvboc of D, Cicer arietinum ; avery dis- similar plant. Ifa first syllable had been lost from such a pada, it might be compared, 3d, with the present name in Zante for the composite plant Zacintha verrucosa, zapa,3td0-yoprtoy, “ tigerbeetle’s grass,” or ‘‘ blisterbeetle weed.” But these suggestions do not explain the name as it stands. _ In the existing form /abs%da has the aspect of a compound name formed of fd, or, what may be the same, a root jar—meaning a plant, a weed ; with addition of an adjective ending. In fact, it has the form to suggest an origin, 4th, as pa O7fatdoc, “ Rha of the Thebaid,” Zheban plant, formed like 6a zovtexdv, Rhaponticum, D, 3, 2, the Rha of Pontus; or like pa fdpapov,* Rhabarbarum, the same plant, from which form its present name Rhubarb comes. Perhaps pai3:da preserves in its first syllable that otherwise un- known but cognate root +} raf—which forms the Old High Ger- man rato and the Old Low German rado, a weed, source of the present German raden, cockleweed. Finally, and most probably, the root of @7/06¢, admirable, re- markable, the supposed source of the name of Boeotian Thebes, may give a suitable meaning joined with fa or bar—and equivalent to ‘‘remarkable plant.”’ parison with Other Dacian Plant-names.—The Dioscoridean synonyms include as many as 31 Dacian names. A few are very much like the corresponding Greek names ; as Dacian 7c, Greek Bayrov, Lat. Blitum, Eng. d/ite. For Salvia Horminum L., Diosco- rides’ Greek name is dopzvov, the Dacian dopa. For bugloss, Dios- corides has Greek fo'yAwaaov, and has fovddiia asthe Dacian, as if the Dacian for or was identical with the Greek ; as indeed would be theoretically probable. For the elder, Sambucus nigra L., held in such reverence among the Greeks even to-day (and formerly by many other European races) the Greek ¢ sapfovyorc of to-day is a * If the Greek ja, which appears only in this plant name, had any connection with the root of L. Radix, a root, Gr. pase a branch, the ancients did not themselves feel it so ; at least the historian Ammianus Marcellinus, about 400 A. D., expressly deca that it is from the River Rha, the Volga. Rha, as the name of that river, seems a Finnie name, the Finnish tribes, Mordvins, etc., now on its banks, still calling it AAaw. + Kluge’s Etymological Dict. of Ger., Davis’ tr; I. The more usual and colloquial Greek for this elder is Cexopovia, Attica; Theo- phrastus and Dioscorides call it axr}, Pliny actaea. SS a ae en ea ne ee ae eS DaAcIAN PLANT—NAMES 147 late importation, from the Latin it may be claimed, and the Latin Sambucus was by the Romans said to be derived from their use of its wood for their musical instrument sambuca, the Gr. oaj130z7,. But musical instrument and name are traceable to Syria, and any connection with sambucus the elder was probably an after thought. A connection may exist however in the Dacian for elder, which comes to us as o¢u, and may suggest Gr. o¢fas ‘‘awe,” the holy wood ;* or may have lost its last syllable and may have been iden- tical with Latin samducus in the form of sabucus used by Sam- monicus. Other Dacian names which may have been derived from the Latin (or may have been merely cognate with it) are 4d¢ for Por- tulaca (the Greek being the dissimilar dvd pdyr7y), and 7 out paar pa. for Colocynth (Gr. zodoxv6y), where the Dacian suggests modifica- tion from such a Latin source as /ort-astrum,=twist-plant, not unnatural for a plant in repute for violent emetic properties, as colocynth was then and now. The other Dacian names have varying degrees of difference from the Greek ; from names of incongruous suggestion like that for Eryngium, ocxovzvogs, which may be read as cucumber-bunch, and for Adiantum, gcAogdé0eda, which seems a stuttering utterance of the lover of seseli + ; to names of no obvious suggestion, as Ovy for Urtica and xoovardyy for Chelidonium majus. The Dacians—How happened it that a people speaking a language even as much like classical Greek as the foregoing names indicate, should have been living in Dacia? and who were these Dacians who were so far developed as to have transmitted to us their name for Aster? Following the views of Robert Roes- ler, “ Romanische Studien, Leipsic, 1871," recent students believe, as Rennell Rodd, 1892, that the pre-Roman Dacians were of the old Thracian race, and were kindred in speech and blood to the Greeks. These Dacians, north of the Danube, were conquered by Trajan 106 A. D., who planted his Roman colony among them, withdrawn by Aurelian under pressure from the Goths 150 years later. The Roman army, officials and colonists, now moving south ipleinhtha ge 'T ~ es , on ” * The Greeks now call an amulet rijov EbAov, ‘* revered wood. T Dioscorides’ céoe2:, later kavaadida and Zi ordylium oficinale, common in Grecian nds, 148 Aster History; DioscoripDEs of the Danube, established their new homes in a part of Moesia, which now became called Moesio-Dacia, and its people the Mocorodaxs¢ ; or by the Romans called Dacia Ripensis or Aurelia, officially so constituted as a province under Diocletian ; but itself at length overrun by the barbarians ; its inhabitants taking to the mountains, finally migrating north, toward 1200 A. D., and south also but in smallernumbers. These inhabitants of Thracian origin, now for centuries assimilated to Rome and partly descended from the Roman colonists, now called themselves Roumans (later giving name to Roumania), and at some time later than Trajan, a few of their plant-names gathered by some unknown collector, found their way among the Dioscoridean synonyms before the copying in 492 of the MS. now existing. So we may explain resemblances to Latin as well as to Greek; rather than to adopt the theory cher- ished at one time by Sprengel that these and other synonyms were personally collected by Dioscorides Anazarbeus himself during his travels ; which would date them probably as early as 60 A. D., before the beginning of the blending of Latin and Thracian by Trajan’s colony of 106 A. D., from which the Roumans claim to be descended. To those remnants who did not pass northward in the 12th century but moved southward, persisting in the mountains of Macedonia, Thessaly and Epirus, the name Vlach, Bid yos, 2. é., Wallachian, became attached, and the region Megalovlachia in the Thessalian mountains has received their name. Those of M egalov- lachia claim descent from Pompey’s army defeated at Pharsalia in Thessaly, 48 B. C. Prominent settlements of the Vlach race re- main in Greece proper only on Pindus and Olympus. Transient abiding places are numerous among the other mountains, as in At- tica itself, where they lead the life of shepherds. The name Vlach has from this fact passed into a second significance, merely shep- herd (see p 37), among many Greeks and among recent writers, and “ so applied to the Greek and Albanian herdsmen of the Morea,” Rodd, though other Greeks say ‘we would not think ourselves of using it for any but only of the race of the Bidyor”’ (Attica). Conclusion.—Perhaps the name Rathibida for Aster was native, we may infer, to the old Thracian speech ; was in use among the Dacian branch, while the name As¢er held current among the Greek branches proper. Perhaps the plant-names called Daci sm in Dios- THE CopDEX CONSTANTINUS 149 corides were added to the MS. before 250 A. D., while the origina Dacia survived, before the terms Azrel/ian or Moesio-Dacian be- came likely to replace the unmodified form Dacian. Certainly they were added to the MS. before the writing of those MSS. from which came the oldest existing codices, dating from the 5th century and onward ; and pretty surely before Apuleius Platonicus wrote his numerous synonyms, perhaps about 400 A. D. So we may conclude that some one collected these Dacian names, probably in Dacia north of the Danube, perhaps between 200 and 250 A. D., when the Roman colony had already existed a century or more and had begun to produce in the native Thracian speech that se- ries of changes in vocabulary and syntax which has persuaded so many students that the modern Wallachian tongue * is “ lineally descended from the Latin.”’ Copices oF DIoSCORIDES One of the most interesting of all the features of the MSS. of Dioscorides is the presence of colored figures, one for each plant as a rule, figures which presumably reflect features from the fig- ures of Cratevas though mingled with many crude accretions. Of these MSS. the following seem each to contain an Aster figure. C. Codex Constantinus at Vienna, brought from Constanti- nople to Matthioli by Busbequius ¢ ; known as C; of the 5th cen- tury, the scribe attesting that he wrote § it by command of Juliana Anicia, daughter of the emperor Olyber (Flavius Anicius Olybrius), who died 472 A.D. Its letters are large, with no accents or dia- critic signs : it contains 387 parchment leaves, with alphabetical ar- rangement of subjects, and 380 illustrations, each introduced by the received Greek name of the plant in red, and followed by an Ara- * While many features in their speech are believed to represent elements no older than Latin, the myths and lore still current among the Vlachs may go back beyond the old Thracian ; Rodd believed that much of their mythic lore may be really from a ume before the dispersion of the Western Aryans,’’ Rodd, 42. t Wellmann, ‘* Krateuas,’’ Berlin, 1897. See supra, p. 121-3. : ‘ t Augier Busbecq, a Flemish antiquary and diplomatist, 1522-1592, Austrian am- assador to Constantinople, who took care to collect for the Vienna library such MSS. as had survived the fall of the Greek empire, bringing to Vienna not only ancient Greek codices like C above, but also recent Greek folk songs (now edited by Emile Legrand ) of the 14th century. # About 492 A.D., as commonly stated. 150 Aster History; D1ioscoRIDES bic synonym and often by others, and with other Greek synonyms ina 15th century hand. Dodoens * reproduced some of these fig- ures; and in 1897 Wellmann reproduced one of Moly. Spren- gel remarks that “the figures occasion little expectation of skill or art; but Swieten and Kollar entreated the empress Maria Theresa to have them reproduced in copper-plate. She assented and not a few were prepared. But from the more learned mind of Jacquin the work received arrest. The copper plates lie now in the second Bibl. Caesarea, unworthy to be published. All the figures are rude, many are made according to the imagination or the pleasure of the painter, and many are monstrous.”’ See also Pritzel’s Thesaurus, p. 335, for reference to Jacquin’s gift of plates to Linnaeus and to Sibthorp, and destruction of the remainder. _ Pritzel speaks of these figures in C as “‘ pulcherrima,” and even Sprengel refers to the praises they had received. But considering the rude- ness of plant figures already familiar to us from the 15th century, it would be surprising if these Dioscoridean figures were not rude. Their chief value undoubtedly lies in their part-expression of just what the ancient conception of the plant was; and that is reason enough for their publication. I would repeat Wellmann’s dictum of 1897, ‘ The illustrations of Codex C ought to be published.” N, Codex Neapolitanus, now also at Vienna, more mutilated than the preceding ; and *‘ supposed to be more ancient,”’ says Pul- teney (1:41). Its age was stated by Sprengel as ‘equal to C oF earlier,” by Pritzel placed in the 5th century, but by Wellmann in the 7th ; is alphabetical ; « generally agrees with C, but has many better readings, better written synonyms, and more Roman synonyms,” Sprengel; has 409 painted figures, 2 or even 4 0n4 page. Both Cand N are evidently copied from the same original text, and from one with the same figures, which must have dated * Dodoens, in his Pemptades, of 1583, copied 10 of these figures, poorly exe cuted, and causing those of Codex C to fall, as Pulteney suggests, into undeserved dis- paragement. Some were reproduced by Gerarde, 1 597, and one by Parkinson. Pulteney lists them as follows, using the 1583 edition : Coronopus, Dod. 179 (109); Gerarde Tigo, Arction, Dod. 849 (149), Park. 1374. Hyssopus, Dod. 286 (288). Hippo- phaés, Dod. 373 (377). Aconitum Lycoctonum, Dod. 437 (439), Ger. 572- Stoebe, Dod 123. (123), Ger. 731. Lotus sylvestris Dod. 562 (572). Lotus Aegyptiac®, Dod. 563 (573). Tithymalus dendroides, Dod. 368 (372), Ger. sor. _ I introduce in ILLUSTRATED CODICES 151 after 180 A. D., or later than Galen, Wel/mann. Haller remarks of its figures that “they are sufficiently exact to enable the botan- ical traveller with such drawings in his hands, to distinguish the plants of Dioscorides in their native places of growth.” Codex Parisinus, no. 2179, of oth century; uncial; 402 figures, to the end of book IV. ; praised by Salmasius ; pronounced “best” by Wellmann; not greatly esteemed by Sprengel; con- tains the text from II., c. 204 to V., c. 124; Arabic and Latin plant names are added by three distinct hands; contains also Coptic plant names according to Sprengel, who inferred that the MS. was written in Egypt. Codex Athos, of 12th century; 404 figures, 5 to 12 cm. high, with name beneath, standing in the text; at the next de- scription but one after Aster Atticus, that of the Viola odorata, lov zopevpow, a figure showing two ladies with vases is intro- duced ; as if copied from a Greek source which connected the violet with its appreciation among Grecian women. Codex Marcianus, XCII., of 13th century. Was this one of the ‘‘exemplaria codices”’ used by Anguillara and Manardus, presumably from the Marcian library of Venice? Codex Parisinus, no. 2180, 15th century ; it states that it was written by Georgius Midiates about 1481; with the figures except in some cases where the blank spaces left for them re- mained unused. Codex Parisinus, no. 2183, 15th century; figures from bk. 2, c. 107 to end of bk. 4. Codex Bonn, no. 3632, 16th century; illustrations 2-6 on a page, some of the same as in C. In the Vatican 6 other codices are preserved. Matthioli con- sulted MSS. from Constantinople, said to have included some now unknown, additional to the Codex C at Vienna. There are two codices of Dioscorides in the Bodleian library (Pulteney, 1:57), 3637, De Herbarum Natura et Virtutibus, cum conibus elegantibus ; and 840, an Arabic version of 5 books, “ cum Nominibus a Thoma Hyde adjectis.”’ A Latin translation of Dioscorides, used by Marcellus Vergilius as the Langobardic codex (Monacensis, 37 7): investigations upon this by Auracher were continued after his death, by Hoffmann and 152 Aster Hisrory; DIoscoRIDES Stadler. Figures extend through the first book at least; that on Hydropiper, for example, has been much praised. Another very ancient Latin translation was extant in the time of Cassiodorus, or perhaps 540 A. D., but is now lost ; he cites it as “Herbarium Dioscoridis’’; it contained colored figures. Cassiodorus remarks of Dioscorides himself that “‘ he described and painted the plants of the field with wonderful accuracy’; which may not refer strictly to the original Greek author, but to the Latin edition bearing his name. A very ancient Syriac translation of Dioscorides must also have repeated the figures, for they were retained in the compend pre- pared from it in the thirteenth century by Gregorius Barhebraus under the title ‘‘ Liber Dioscoridis cum figura herbarum et earun- dem delectu et virtute,” etc. (Meyer, 3: 136). One of the early Arabic translations, made in 948-949 under the Moorish caliph Abd Arrahman III., was also filled with no- table pictures of the plants (Meyer, 3: 137). See fra, 185. Probably a figure of Aster Atticus occurred in each of the pre- ceding and in many more. Figures from some codex of Dioscorides prove also to have been used and copied by Bartolomeo Mino da Siena about 1330 and by Rinius about 1418, before the invention of printing. See infra, under Circa instans. X. PLIny by 39 A. D.,, travelled when 21 in Africa, Egypt and Greece, was commander next year of a troop of cavalry in Germany, was made procurator in Spain by Nero, returned to Rome A. D. 70 and adopted his nephew Pliny the younger (author of the Letters), was made by Vespasian prefect of the Roman fleet ; when sailing to observe the eruptt of 79 A. D. he turned aside to rescue sailors near Vesuvius, and lost his life, two yo after finishing his last work, his only work extant, the Natural History, in 37 dedicated to Titus, and composed largely of excerpts from Greek authors. Hardouin catalogs Over 400 authors cited in it. Books 12-27 are devoted to plants. : t Histo: iae naturalis abri 37 ; first printed at Venice, 1469, by Spina, only 300 copies, and long excessively rare; with notes (of Sigismund Gelenius), Basle, 1539? with notes by Hardouin, and with variant readings from 8 manuscripts, Paris, 17233 Puiny’s -As7veErR 153 nephew terms ‘‘not less varied than nature herself.” In that work the name Aséer is used for the Samian earth, as/erion fora star- spotted lizard (like Nicander’s usage), and asfericuin as a synonym for perdicium, 7. e., the plant wall-pellitory, Parietaria ; see p. 80. He makes two short references to Aster Atticus, very brief and scanty compared with Dioscorides ; adding however one new synonym and one new medical use, that for sciatica, really only a superstitious use, serving merely as magical amulet. Those who would reject part of the Dioscoridean description because too superstitious and because not found in Pliny, should also take exception to Pliny’s citation of virtue possessed by aster only when plucked by the left hand, and other supersti- tions. Pliny’s reference under the name Aster.—Pliny does not in either place call the plant by the Dioscoridean binomial name of Aster Atticus, but terms it simply Aster, and Inguinaria. His first refer- ence * is ina chapter + where he considers in a loosely alphabetical arrangement, properties of a number of unrelated plants, beginning with A, in the midst of which is his De... astere vel dbubonio, as follows : “Aster ab aliquibus bubonion appellatus, quoniam inguinum praesentaneum remedium est. Cauliculus foliis oblongis duobus aut tribus, in cacumine capitula stellae modo radiata. Bibitur et adversus serpentes. Sed inguinum medicinam, sinistra manu decerpi jubent, et juxta cinctus alligari. Prodest et coxendicis } dolori ad alligata.” In English (Riley’s rendering),§ critical — edition, Sillig, 1851-2. First translation (into Italian, Landino), Ven.'1476 ; first into English, by Philemon Holland, London, 1601 ; second, og which I quote, Riley’s continuation of Bostock’s translation, Lon. 1855-7, edn- Hermolaus Barbarus, Rome, Paris; that by Cri stoforo ohn. First commentaries separately published, those of 1492-3, and Leonicenus, Ferrara, 1492 ; that of Salmasius was of 1629, at of Fée, Paris, 1833. Two partial MSS. of Pliny are in England, one of 18 books, l. 289, and one in the Norfolk collection, 2996 ; besides an epitome, 459, in Trinity College, Cambridge. = Bk. 27, c. § ;—p. 482 of the edn. Froben (Basle, 1555): : t De aparine, et arctio, et asplenio, et asclepiade, et astere vel bubonio, et ascyro Yel ascyroides, et aphace, et de alcibio, et alectoropho. } Lit., «*for pain in the region of the hips.” 2 Pliny, edn. Bohn, 5: 229. Riley here notes Fée’s agr Sprengel, that Aster Amellus L. is here meant. Desfontaines had sug Pliny intended *‘ the /nula bubonium :” see p. 69. eement with Jussieu and at 154 Aster Hisrory; PLINy “Tur ASTER OR BuBONION. THREE REMEDIES “ The Aster is called bubonium by some, from the circumstance of its being a sovereign remedy for diseases of the groin. It has a diminutive stem with oblong leaves, two or three in number, and at the summit it is surmounted by small radiated heads like stars. This plant is taken also in drink, as an antidote to the venom of serpents ; but if required for the cure of inguinal com- plaints, it is recommended that it should be gathered with the left hand and attached to the body near the girdle. Itis of great ser- vice also worn as an amulet for sciatica.” One feature in Pliny’s description looks like that of a man who had actually seen the plant; his remark “it has a diminutive stem with oblong leaves, two or three in number.”’ As the plant grew in northern Italy, where Pliny was born, it may have been fa- miliar to his childhood. He does not seem to know the name Amellus for it, however, which might be due to a failure of the name Amellus to extend in popular use beyond the river Mella, with which Vergil connected it; or Pliny may have forgotten the rural name, being now almost forty years removed from the regions of its growth about Verona, and having been accustomed to read its descriptions since in Greek authors who called it Aster, as Cratevas and Dioscorides, and probably many others lost to us. Pliny's previous reference, as /nguinaria.—The other allusion to Aster made by Pliny is by the name of Inguinaria, and among plants used for tumors and for hemorrhoids. For these purposes Pliny has just mentioned plantago, cinquefoil, cyclamen-root, blue anagallis, cotyledon and pennyroyal; then follows what he has to say of Inguinaria; then the use of panaces (Laser pitium Chironium L,), plantago, anda number of other plants, all used for tumors, including verbascum, hoarhound, etc. The remarks concerning pennyroyal and inguinaria are so similar that I quote them both :* “De pulegio et argemone. “ Alli adjiciunt et pulegium ; quod jejunus qui legerit, si post se alliget, inguinis dolores prohibit, aut sedat coeptos. “Inguinaria, (quam quidam argemonen vocant) passim in ve- sisal nascens, ut profit inguinibus, in manu tantum habendum * Pliny, bk. 26, c. 59; (and edn. Bohn, 5: 188) Puiny’s /NGUINARIA 155 Riley translates this as follows : ‘«« SECTION 9 ‘Some persons add pennyroyal to the number of these plants ; gathered fasting, they say, and attached to the hinder part of the body, it will be an effectual preservative against all pains in the groin, and will allay them in cases where they already exist. “CHAPTER 59, INGUINALIS OR ARGEMO “TInguinalis again (the ‘Groin-plant’; probably the same as the Bubonion of bk. 27, c. 19), or as some persons call it, ‘argemo,’ a plant commonly found growing in bushes and thickets, needs only to be held in the hand to be productive of beneficial effects upon the groin.” The name Inguinalis is given among the Dioscoridean syn- onyms as the Roman name for Aster Atticus. It seems to have been more generally used than Inguinaria, Pliny’s form for it; in late mediaeval Latin it sometimes appeared as Unguinalis, Unguini- alis, or Ynguinialis. Some, however, as Billerbeck, 143, without apparent reason, assume Inguinaria as distinct from Inguinalis, and identify it with FHerniaria hirsuta \.. Pliny’s Aster-synonym Argemon. The name argemon, which appears here as a Plinian synonym for Aster, occurs once again in Pliny, and, as before, not as a cur- rent name in received usage, but as a synonym, used on this second occasion for his Lappa canaria,* a plant with a resemblance to Aster in its medical reputation, being used as an application to ulcerating tumors. An atmosphere of magic and of ritual hangs about argemon. Its root was reputed to be medicinal to swine ; and no less a personage than the goddess Minerva was said to have discovered that quality in it. It bore an antipathy to iron. The person who would use it must not dig it up with an iron mat- tock + or any similar implement. He must, as he takes it oa i repeat the magic formula, “This is the plant Argemon, which p Beginning ‘* Nam quae canaria appellatur lappa,’’ etc. tT Effossa sine ferro, Pliny, 24; ¢- 19- 156 Aster History; PuLiny Minerva discovered, which she found a remedy for swine, for all such as should taste of it.’’ * How much of the practice of this ritual passed on with the name to Inguinaria, or Aster, we can only surmise. Probably there had come to the Romans some dim rumors of a plant that the Greeks had called argemon, and had invested with tumor- healing magic. Thereupon certain Romans believed they had found this argemon in their own tumor-healing Inguinaria or Aster. To summarize: Aster seems by some Greek writers to have been called Argemon because used for argema or the white ulcer of the eye. Aster was also in repute as a general remedy for ul- cers, tumors, and inflammations whether of the eye or elsewhere. Reputation for these properties seems to have passed on to te plant known to Cratevas and Dioscorides as Argemone, anys peoun, Adonis acstivalis 1..+ and to the three plants known to Pliny as Argemonia, and now as ranapovva, Anemone coronaria L., Adonts aestivalts L., and Papaver Rhocas L.t This reputation for like prop- erties with Aster was perhaps in part original to the plants called Argemonia but also in part strengthened by the early confusion of the similar names Argemone (= Argemonia) and Argemon (= Aster). Others among Pliny’s authorities had evidently lost the identity of Minerva’s plant Argemon and thinking its name (meaning “white § thing’) might be derived from the root, had applied it te the Lappa canaria of Pliny, an uncertain plant with a large white | root variously identified as Athamanta Libanotis L.., Caucalis lati- ; folia || L. and Arctium tomentosum { Schk. : Others later confused Argemone and Argemonia with Agn- ** Haec est herba argemon, quam Minerva reperit, suibus remedium, qui de illa gustaverint,’” Pliny, bk. 24, c. 19, sec. 117. ; t Fide Sibthorp’s examination of the text and figure in codex C of Dioscorides at Vienna. This plant is now confused with the poppy or tavapowva in Greece ; Sibtho found it called aypiorarapovva in Zante. i P ‘ . ver } Billerbeck makes them « Anemone pratensis, Adonis aestivalis, and Papa e ould * * somniferum § Apyéz, white, "Apyevvér in Aeolic and Doric. : ek || Because Dioscorides (2, 163), described his Caucalis (the modern Gre kaveadida) as having white flowers, candida umbella odorata. h {| Because of the white root and supposed inclusion with Arctium Lappa under t : Roman name Lappa. See Dioscorides’ chapter on Arctium, apxtiov, (4, 106,3 Pliny * chapter on Arctium is a direct translation of this. es : PLiny’s ARGEMON 157 monia and its partial synonym Eupatorium, the oO 5 ° i=] a 3 3 = = ' Seases of animals.’? Of the other, codex 97, Giacosa ad Tent at that epoch (exclusive of surgery), in logical order an authors, though not always correctly. It was evidently a long tim : for the studious in medicine.” Its materials consist, first, of general and special path- ology, including works attributed to Hippocrates, Galen, Vindicianus, Aurelius, and 216 Aster History ; SALERNO secrecy about their knowledge of plant-properties, or at least were so credited by later interpreters. This secular school was finally given a definite and public character, according to Meyer, by Con- stantinus Africanus, about 1070, and its code was confirmed by King Roger of Sicily in 1100, and in 1152 by Frederick. But in the next century, the thirteenth, its influence began to give way before that of the newly-introduced Arabic medicine and before the growing importance of the medical school of Paris and of its own offshoots at Naples and Montpellier. SALERNITAN PHYSICIANS AND PLANT-WRITERS The following is an outline list of Salernitan physicians and masters, with the dates, actual or approximate, of their activity. Most, if not all, of these were contributors or transmitters to that knowledge of medical plants which became recognized as the com- mon property of the school, many of them, doubtless, making additions to the stock of plants there in cultivation which devel- oped into its botanical garden. 848. Macer Floridus may have been at Salerno at this time (p. 198), and one Josephus medicus was already established there, buying real estate in 848 and 856. Per: **Scolapio medicus,’’ the Alexandrian theosophist Esculapius. Part second is thera peutic, and of great interest to the student of plant-history, consisting of three treatises on medical plants, all illustrated by figures, as follows ; 1. The Alphaheta Herbarum ; see infra, ad Paternianum, p. 23% “t nan: Platonicus’ Herbarix um. : 3. A treatise on remedies of both vegetable and animal origin which attributes itself to Dioscorides, and is a pon of the Paternian De simplicibus formerly attributed to Gariopontus ; see p, 232. The mother- cloister sd waste twenty years but was again the seat of — in 915, and under its abbot Theobald, 1022-1035, and especially ere —_— Desiderius, abbot ee the monk Dauferius, who b S POPs ey Vico III., is said to have had his monks write many theological ae Hae works and @ Codex Medicinalis, of which only the name is known. Ifanus, his friend, ‘¢a physician, who had won the applause of the great for his knowledge of that art before he became a Geistliche man,” says Meyer, 00 i as monastery of Monte Cassino in 1055 brought many medicinal books with him Constantinus cia called ‘‘ the third great scholar of Monte Casati, ter known at Salern John, of Milan ‘aad Naples, fourth of these contemporary students of ne powers, forms, on adding Bertharius, the fifth writer on nature or on medical plantall this series from Monte Cassino, See infra, p. 236. 1 is bet nature’s EARLIEST SALERNITANS 217 haps this Josephus was the one who was the originator of the medicament cited (in a Salernitan Antidotarium known in a 12th century Turin MS.; Giacosa, p. 377) as Yera (Hiera) Joseph sacerdotis, See p. 220, under 1030. Perhaps the medicament was, however, the work of the Joseph of 1005. 855. /osan (the scribe meant /oswa, 7. e., Joshua, suggests Meyer) medicus also purchased real estate. Can this be the writer cited as ‘* Jozat Caldeus’’ by Bartholo- maeus Anglicus, c. 1256 (fol. 251 of the Basle edition, c. 1470) ? 900. Ragenifrid, physician to Prince Guaimar I. of Salerno. 908. Alfanus, Bishop of Salerno under Guaimar II., in a poem speaks of the stir of medical activity at Salerno, *¢Tum medicinali tantum florebat in arte Posset ut hic nullus languor habere locum.”’ 924. Eadgifu’s Salernitan, a nameless physician styled ‘a Salernitan physician to Charles the Simple, King of France,’’ vanquished 924 or earlier, in a court contest of medical skill with the courtier Derold. The Salernitan was in the especial service of Charles’ queen, Eadgifu, and was probably her physician at the birth in 921 of her son, Louis d’Outremer.* 9 Petrus, physician to Gisulf I , of Salerno, was so beloved by him that he made him Bishop of Salerno. . Adalbero, Bishop of Verdun, repaired ‘‘ to the physicians of Salerno”’ for his health, but in vain, and died while on his return, Orderscus Vitalis. First record of physicians of Salerno in the plural, Meyer. 1000 n unknown plant writer perhaps at Salerno, made additions to Diosco- rides’ descriptions of plants, which additions appear ‘‘in a very ancient hand, per- aps of the «1th century ”’ ( Giacosa, 352), as aygiunta to a oth century Lucca MS. of a Pseudo-Dioscorides. * Eadgifu, granddaughter of that early patron of English medicine, Alfred the Great, and sister of Athelstan, may have shared her husband’s imprisonment, 925-929, but at his death, 929, carried off her son for safety to England ; returning in 936, he was King of France to 954. Richer, writing his History of France in 996, tells us of the Saler- nitan’s luckless competition with Deroldus, afterward Bishop of Amiens, who was then in King Charles’ service at court. The King, who, it will be remembered, has come down through the ages labeled ‘‘ The Simpleton,’’ turned one day to Derold asking _— reached Richer in 996, and Sigebert, of about 1050, who knew of Macer’s eee mgs, would have been equally likely to have known of any service by Macer at the French court. 218 Aster History ; SALERNO This Pseudo-Dioscorides, as Giacosa terms it, may be distinguished as the Marcel- line Botanicum, for its unknown author styles it ‘‘ Libe//um botanicum* ex Dios- coridis libris latino sermone conversum, cum depictis herbarum figuris,’’ and addressed it ‘to the studious Marcellinus.’? It was evidently a briefer work than the Butanicus corides of the Lombards (p. 233) or that used by Cassiodorus (p. 152 ), its proportion of plants (hae but va above that of animals, having 37 animal ate and 46 of plants (one of which, ‘* Dipsacos,’’ is reproduced by Giacosa). t seems to have had no figure of Aster, and probably no description. The Compositae foul in it appear as abrotanum, achillea, buftalmon, coniza, eliotropus (if meant for Cichorea), and scol/imos Among its less familiar plant-names appear herba actionum, herba sion, herba Misa. engosminor, osiris, crysola canon, hyera bo of the Iarus of secon 9) ? which interprets as=Arum /talicum Mill. ); als for strychnos ), 2.¢., 2 nigrum iL, 1005. judas Judasschn and Joseph, are giantioned. living in the Jews’ quarter of Salerno. 1015. Adelferius medicus ; whose son ue a rie married a wife Amma- randa this year; so reads the recor Ammaranda may e been one of the learned ‘¢ Meisterinnen.’’ ‘The effort of Pore Victor IL to suppress oe of priests did not come till 1055, 1020? Gariopontus wrote about this time ; compiler of a PASSIONARIUS ; aided in it by ** his companions, especially Albicius.’’ See infra, p. 2 1020? Rabli Helinus, i. e., a Jewish Rabbi named Eli or Pisa Meyer (or Eli ph a the old Gate of Salerno called Porta Elina, or Elias Gate, Renzi; Mazza names him ** Rabinus Elinus Hebraeus, qui primum Salerni medicinam Hebraeis de litera Hebraica legit,’’ and calling him Primus, says that he, with masters Pontus and Salernus ** were the three ancient founders of Salernitan study,’’ ‘*7. ¢., were the founders of that new growth of the school and its garden under een « Magee | also names Rabbi “pode *This Botanicum occupies about 62 folios or nearly two-thirds of the oth century Lucca codex no. 236. erest consists of Apuleius (see p. 171), and the De pigmentis (pp. 216 and 233), and of a brief treatise also apparently in a gth century hand, ponderibus medicinalibus, which claims to have been the work of ‘‘ a the philosopher,’’ and to have been written out at Mantua by aG oder Th - seems to have remained undescribed till its cabiieios Boe ae MSS. Prof. Piero ” n- at the Exposition of the History of Medicine at Turin in 1898, when Giacosa recognized it as ‘‘importantissimo,”” and ‘ meriting profound d study, fortunately the codex was recalled before comparisons could be made pee than the rief mention given in Giacosa’s Magistri Salernitani nondum editi (Tu n, 1901): For brevity further references to this valuable work the A/agistri, etv., ib by use of the name of its editor, Giacosa. It contains about 240 tises on e authors’ Others Gre- cosa also prints entire in about 314 pages, several Salernitan trea medicine and on plant remedies. Of the chief of these little more than names were known before, as of Ferrario, Salerno, and perhaps ae are by writers wholly unknown, an Ursone, a binge and ‘a Giovanni son © gorio. All were discovered in various 12th c tury MSS. of the Bibl. Angelica Sas Rome), in the codices numbered 1408, 1481, 1 Ee and 1506, [Mee gee ee an ae igh Pe Ce eC ee Ne Ee till about the 18th century. Tue ‘“ ANTRORARIUM ”’ 219 Helinus as author of a chronicle of the school, the CHRONICLE OF HELINUS, which at- tributes its foundation to ‘Sem, son of Noah, who came into Apulia, and founded the city Salerno.’ This chronicle is named as its own source by the later CHRONICLE OF 1260 written under King Manfred, which described the botanical garden. 1020? Salernus, see preceding ; but Renzi makes him same as Salernus of 1167. 1020, Adala Saracensus, ‘‘ who taught concerning Saracenic literature to Sar- acens,’’ says the chronicle of Helinus ; his name may be meant for Abdallah, J/eyer ,; e also appears as Adana and Aldana, among the seven masters who compiled the ‘* trorarium.”’ totle and Galen and other philosophers composed ; and these men were of that periodt who prepared the compend on medicine (comventum in medicina) with the [three] before-mentioned masters [Masters Primus, Pontus and Salernus]. First master was Gug'ielmus de Bononia; 2d, Michael Stortus, who was of the city of Salerno; 34, Guglielmus de Ravegna; 4th, Enricus de Padua; 5th, Tetulus Graecus; 6th, Solonus Ebraeus ; 7th, Abdana [or Adana] Saracenus; who made and composed at that time e book which is called Antrorarium.”’ ost of these names are otherwise unknown, one at least, Michael his Antidotarium it seems probable, is the same with the Antidotarium untv-r- sale described by Giacosa, p. 375-378, which occupies 110 folio i century MS, at Turin, is ‘remarkable for its great number of medicaments of Graeco- Latin tradition,’’ and doubtless antedates Constantinus, as it has no mention of his alphabetical ; each narrates first the properties, then the composition, The MS. begins ‘ Antidotarium. rea Alexandri dolorem sedat,”” and ends with Vera piyra, or sacred bitters. the disuse of the word Aster, common generic term in the century for any much vaunted remedy, as ster incomparabilis, etc. * Aur-a Alecandrina. WNith this name the Antidotarium of Nicolao ee ‘ ‘ — aureum of Nuttall; but belonged originally to th piusatrum, fide DeCandolle, who identifies it with the hipposelinon of Theophrastus, us atrum of Pliny, the macerone of Italy: cultivated in English vegetable gardens 220 Aster History; SALERNO tidotarium contains 18 such, as Vera Jortissima, Yera Galeni, Yera Rufini, and others of Vindicianus, Theodoricus, Archigenes, Asclepius and Philagrius ; besides the Vera Joseph sacerdotis, noticed p. 217. x Another Antidotarium occupies 80 folios of a 12th century MS. at Parma, and may be a modification of ‘this. Accurate and detailed study of the Parma and Turin MSS. is greatly needed. 1030? William of Bologna, William of Ravenna, Henry of Padua, Solon the Hebrew; known only as of the ‘‘ seven masters.” 1030? Tetulus Graecus, named as one of the seven masters compiling the ‘ Antro- rarium.’’ Meyer seems to think Gariopontus was meant; but Gariopontus had been already mentioned as bringing the seven wise masters together. Considering Tetulus as a second Grecian, Tetulus may have been his proper name, represented in Dorie by the familiar Tityrus (Attic Satyrus )—Tirvpoc, goatherd ; or may have been a school appellative, in which case it may represent the remnant of the word entitled, = the master who was entitled the Greeh (intitulo, to entitle, had already occurred in use; Rufinus used it, 400 A. D.) ; or may have been Latinized Greek diminutive of rérra, ** father,’’ familiar term used instead of master by Greek students, Tetulus Graecus becoming equivalent to “ Little Father Greek '’ (as Tettapharmacus, p. 227). corde: 040? Giovanni Plateario } have written his De Practica abont this time. 1043-5? Rodolf Mala Corona, the skilled Norman physician, here ‘‘learned the secrets of science,’’ says Orderic 3 see 2zfra, under Plateario. 1045? ‘One sapient matron”? (Orderic) alone excels Rodolf ‘in the art of medicine ’’ ; she may have been the widow of a Giovanni Plateario; see infra, p. a tibus mulierum survives in MSS. from the 12th century, and was printed by Wolf at Basle, 1586. 1060? Copho the elder; a Coptic monk ? cited by Copho the younger ; and i? haps author of the “ VocaRuLa HERBARUM,’’ a list of plant synonyms found by Renzi in a ‘Codex Casinense ”’ of the rith century, in which Greek, Hebrew, Latin and Egyptian works are cited, beginning « Asphaltum id est bitumen.’’ I Constantinus Africanus wrote at about this time and after, his GLOSSA, ViaTicuM, DE GRADIBUS, etc. 1070? Joannes Afflacius; author of the Liber aureus ; his treatise called Curae Soh. Afflatii discipuli Costantino also survives in the Breslau Codex. 1070? Ato, ‘chaplain to the empress Agnes”’ (if Agnes of Poitou, wife of Heary III. of Germany, was meant by the chronicler, she died in 1077), came, in —_ years, to listen to Constantinus, Petrus Diaconus saying ‘* Atto, Constantini es: mf ot Agnetis imperatricis capellanus, ea, quae supradictus Constantinus de dive ” inguls transtulerat, cothurnato sermone in Romanam linguam (folkspeech ) transalt 1081? * Joannes medicus,’’ pupil of Constantinus, becomes “in physica arte ertissimus’’ ‘in the reigns of Alexius and Joannes Comnenus of Constantinople.””*— Probably the same with Joannes of Milan, noticed at year IIo. * Alexius reigned from 1081 to 1118.—Joannes Comnenus, less fortunate than Robert Curthose, died from a wound by a poisoned arrow, in 1143. SALERNITAN POISONERS 991 1084. Late in this year occurred the cure * by the Salernitan physicians, of Bohe- mond, the crusader,} who when wounded, ‘ was sent for his cure,’’ says Orderic, ‘* to the surgeons of Salerno, whose reputation for skill in medicine was established through- out the world.’’ Following this is his story of the wife of Robert Guiscard, Sichelgaita of Salerno,t as attempting to poison first Bohemond and then her husband. Orderic says, that in order to remove Bohemond out of the way of her son’s advancement, “ she prepared a deadly potion and sent it to the physicians of Salerno, among whom she had been brought up and éy whom she had been inst ucted in the use of poisons.’ 4 *Ordericus Vitalis, 7, 7; or in Forester’s translation, 2 : 36 ft Bohemond, later Prince of Antioch, son of Robert Guiscard and named in jest for et them by sea and though victorious was wounded and was brought to Salerno for cure. t Sichelgaita, Sichelgade or Sigelgaita, a princess of Salerno, daughter of Guaimar IV., sister of Geoffrey of Conversana, and of Gisulf II., last Prince of Salerno (1052- 1077); married Robert Guiscard about 1059 and was at his side through his adventur- ous career; was with him at the head of the triumphal procession entering Palermo, Jan. 1072, on its conquest from the Saracens; and with him at Bari in 1073 when he lay long sick and was thought dying, so that she hastily assembled the Norman Knights, and caused them to choose her son Roger Bursa as successor, On this Pope Gregory VII. wrote her in condolence, professing his irremediable grief, sending her his good will and asking her to bring her son to Rome to receive confirmation of his Possessions. But Guiscard recovered. deric continues : ‘‘ The physicians lent themselves to the wishes of their lady the violence of the poison that his countenance was pallid all the rest of his life.’ However little truth there may be in this narrative, evidently embellished by the monks through whom it was transmitted (but narrated again by Meyer), there 1s oF tainly no truth, says Forester, in Orderic’ s following story of Sichelgaita’s terminating her husband’s life by slow poison soon after. The fact was that he did die soon after in the midst of an ex $5, at Durazzo in Ceph- aloni e ie their antidotes. An echo of Salernitan sureness as to just what plant woul “ee nd in Matteo Plateario’s promptness, in his Circa instans, to remark of fungi, that 222 Aster History; SALERNO 1085 ? Copho the younger; Salernitan physician, who wrote 1085 or after, but be- fore 1100 (Meyer 3: 479); speaks in his writings which we possess, of what he ha written out from the lips of Copho (the elder), and from writings of Copho’s associates. He was author of the ANATOME PorCI, a medical work long familiar in the mi An electuary which he composed also transmitted his name, the e/ectuarium pO Cophonis 085. Abbas de Curia. The Abbot at Salerno at this time or later compounded a remedy for the use of Duke Roger, who succeeded his father Richard Guiscard, 1085, as duke or king of Apulia. It was preserved and prescribed by Nicolo in his Antido- ium, about 1110, under the name of Llectuarium Ducts (for calculus, flatulence, indigestion and iliac pains) with explanation ‘‘ quia abbas de Curia illud composuit ad opus Ducis Rogerii, filii Roberti Viscardi.’’ 1090? TZyotula, the celebrated ‘‘ female professor,’’ author of an oft-printed work on obstetrics ; about this time, A/eyer; about 1050, Renzz. 1090? Giovanni Plateario 11. and Matteo Plateario 1. and the wife of one (said to have been Trotula) wrote about this time ; or 1170-90, 0? chitdanenees or ie ea Bartholomaeus, and Ferrarius, are mentioned next after Copho in a of Salernitan writers in a Breslau codex, Meyer 3: 480. Fragments of a see ax on fevers by Petronio survive. ? The above Maestro Bartolomeo may have been the author, suggests Gia- cosa, of the Trattato della ran ees first printed by him, 1go1, from a 12th century MS.; forming pages 293-326 of his Magistri Salernitani. The numerous plant names in this treatise on medicaments, are mostly of accredited and usual form: some of the Aster uses are now represented by mienta levisticum, viola, polipodium, reubarbarum, as stomachic; g/aucia, da est celidonia, for dolor oculorum ; poppy leaf, or semen miconis, id est “venet ali, for procuring es ; asarebaccara viridis as a laxative, etc. He mentions crescones for cress, and matrisilvia, ‘*quam nos appellamus s in vulgari nostro arn (the later Sika, His Compositae include /o/icaria, calendula, artemisia, cicorea, camomilla, etc. Known works by this Bartolomeo are his Pratica and his Curae, printed in n the Collectio Salernitana, etc. The Pratica ends with the name Ungula caballina, t. éy Tussilago Farfara ‘*they are of two kinds, death-dealing and those that are € not. ‘death: h-dealing” fungi mortrfert et non mortiferi ; of the e deadly nightshade, that it is ‘* So/aveam mortale’”? ; of the oleander, that ‘its virtue is venomous’? —virtutem habet venenosam ; of the in- nocent-seeming Potamogeton natans, which he named Facius videon, sree ** the sshamnted’ megan saying, ‘‘ Whoever shall eat of this herb, let him immediately ¢ Fe dea f similar tenor is the remark by Bartholomaeus Anglicus, that “‘ Platear says, if a wolf eat an almond it will die’’ ; and the observation in the conmntii Salernitanum (not found in Circa instans) that the man who should partake of Apium risus would die while laughing. Not that Matteo ies new personally about poisons ; he was so poor an authority that the oe . of hemlock to became in his text ‘‘an administration of mandrake to Plato ’—Afpoll/inus eam oe pollinarem herbam] ministravit ad Platonem. sae Matteo, like Sichelgaita, antidotes well, and was confident to expel any poison with such ready remed of the onion, “Succus eciam [allii] interius ore receptus excutit venenum, dicitur Tiriaca [Theriaca, the poison-queller] rusticorum.”” THE ANTIDOTARIUM 223 ? Buranicus, or ‘‘ Butanicus de simplicibus medicinis,” a work earlier than Nicolaus Praepositus but otherwise unknown, often cited by Simon Januensis, A/eyer 3 : 466 and 4: 167: perhaps the work cited by DaManlio, about 1450, as Compositor. a LIBER DE SIMPLICI MEDICINA, another book much used by Simon Jan- = but now unknown ; he says it was without title, but was in hoc re copiosus. I obert Coxthoae, the crusader son of William the Conqueror, and who had just “s saluted King of England to succeed his brother William Rufus, now comes to Salerno early in 1100, with his bride Sdy//a da Conversana, to be healed of a poi- soned arrow wound, His bride heals him; see p. 23 e REGIMEN SANITATIS SALERNI is written out in leonine verse, by the éofa schola Sad and sent to Roberto Anglorum regi, after his arrival, September, 1100, in ocean 1. Joannes de ce mba is claimed by an ancient MS. to have been the Bue editor of the preceding ; see p. 230. 1110? Nicolo Pr apne abt Sih known as Nicolaus Praepositus, ‘a man of a and noble blood,’’ * author of a celebrated ANTIDOTARIUM f or register of medi- cines, printed in the 15th Se ek «* became a standard work for compounding medi- cines, and the foundation of many later compilations” : ‘¢this with the works of Matthaeus Platearius are to the soners the most important of the productions of the Salernitan school,’’ says Meyer. Nicolo cites no authors, but is thought to have used the previous ** Antrorarium’’ or Asesoticlom of “a eeren Masters as his basis. His drugs bore appropriate Greel as his d y called Philoanthropos ; or names © ob virtutis excellentiam,’’ as evr ue aureum ; or from some one cured, as his e/ectu- arium Ducis; or, as in SERIE frog Galen and Aétios, from the age from whom a were descended, as his /zstinwm, a diuretic remedy, recommended a o by Otho monensis. Nicolo was also author of a lost ANTIDOTARIUM MAJUS,{ t ad of a ccs aye in a 15th century redactio 1118. Giovanni Ferrario 1, or ‘ place at medico”’ ; living 1118, Kenai; chief author of sane on drugs, in ae with three seasons whose treatise, Medicina a survives s in fra he prepared the COMPENDIUM SALERNITANUM by making additions to his Circa lesa 1140. Matteo ues s last lectures, heard by i young poet and physician Aegidius of Corbeil, may have occurred about this time. % te Plenus divitis et ex nobil isanguine procreatus,’” says Cristoforo da Onesto, in preface to his notes on Mesue. t Nicolo’s Antidotarium has been but once printed separately, a rare and very early edition; but it is also printed in all editions of the Antidotarium of the Arabic Physician Mesue, a nd best in the folio by Valgrisi, Venice, 1562. Asculanus and Christophorus de Honestis in the 15th century speak of this large Work. Perhaps it was the basis of the Dispensariu This is a dictionary of drugs in three books bearing the title Dispensarium magistri Miectod prepositi ad aromatorios ; Ackermann deemed it to be the work k called Maju s by Asculanus ; Choulant proved b adie of works cited in. it that its pres- ent state dates from the 15th — reba a redactor then worked over the M/ajus, earlier? than the time of Asculan ention. Meyer po: ssessed an edition printed in 1505 in quarto at Leyden ; three puotaare! later caren were known to Choulant, all “ecompanying the Circa instans, 224 Aster History; SALERNO 140? The Lady Licinia, i. ¢., giver of the licinium cure (see 72/ra), mother of another Giovanni Plateario (III. ). : ? Notitia Salernitanarum mulierum ; a work (or uncompiled recipes ?) relat- ing to defects of face and complexion which Salernus, about 1160, proposed to incorpor- ate and improve ; using wige//a glautia (glaucium), spargula, gariofillus, ysopus, cubeba, rubea major, flos muris (parietaria ?) centaurea and many still more common plants. 1150? Maestro Ursone; whose work on wine was first printed 1901 by Giacosa rom a 13th century MS.: it seems to be referred to by Aegidius about 1190. 1150? An otherwise unknown Giovanni, son of another physician Gregorio; and another unknown Giovanni of perhaps about this time, were authors of works printed first by Giacosa, 1901, from 12th century MSS., a short work on baths by the first, and an extensive 7yattato delle cure by the second. In the latter occur very many plant names ; for ** appostemata’’ it recommends szccus altti, lactucella, etc., for * condiloma,’’ flax- ed, pomegranates, Solia plantaginis, mentastrum, etc.; and for another tumor, also representing the dudo of Greek use for Aster, the remedies prescribed include abrotanum, cicuta, fentafilon, malva et Paritaria, etc.; no reminiscence of aster occurring. 1150? Maestro Andrea may ‘have flourished now or earlier; his prescription ad menstruam restringenda is preserved in-a 12th century MS. at Rome ( Giacosa, 385) ending with Galen’s recommendation to use the seeds and roots of peony. 1160, Giovanni Plateario III. perhaps finished his additions to the Circa 1160. A “ magister Salernus””’ at Salerno occurs. 67. Magister Salernus, this year imprisoned at Palermo on charge of poisoning Roberto Bellisino ; died in prison soon after; is thought by Renzi and Giacosa to have been the Salernus whose skill and fame is praised by Aegidius; Giacosa attributes to him the Catholica, first printed 1901, from a 12th century MS. This was to be a gen- es in Salernitanae ( 7: avole), Compendium, and Chirurgia. Among the numerous r ‘the Catholica occur petroleon, rasura osissippiae, and plants like /apatium, asfodilla, sinphitum, semperviva, vermicularis, etc. Some of its remedies for diseases for whi ter had once been used, are as follows : For a ‘* darkness of the eyes ’’ he recommends radix enul.e, eupatorium, maiorana, bettonica and artemisia. For epilepsy Aster is no longer recommended, but pyrethrum, stafisagria, herba Paralisis, salvia, etc. For dolor oculorum, use succus celidontae, grvanati, verbenae; melilotus, ruta, Parietaria, etc. For tumor oculi, Yunus benedictus, calendula, etc. For albedo ocult (the argemon of the Greeks), sarcocolla, fenuculum, rosa, aloe, zinziber, etc. For Sguinantia (for which Pliny had recommended aster ), Saler- carut, anisum, pillulae de &ranibus mirobalanis, etc. For apostema stomaci, am other remedies, ocu/us christi, an early occurrence of that name. For emorroides, cotula, rubea, brionia, Ssolatrum, etc. For influtio vulvae, raubea major, spergul . cortex pint, etc. For wounds, tie on fasciam et super fasciam stellas planas. : For morsus canis, etc., use allium, Sentiana, raphanus, cucumeris agrestis, vincetossicums carduus benedictus, oculus christi, calendula, nepita, menta, lanceola, orobus agrestis, Scordeon, allium domesticum, semen —perhaps to Robert Guiscard ; a ree he the reign of Emperor Henricus according to Petrus, at an extreme age, supposed a 96 by Meyer. Meyer assumes the emperor to have been Henry V. of Constantinople, 1106-1125 ; but it accords better with the other facts related of Constantinus, to S4P” pose that Henry IV. of Germany was intended, whose reign was 1050-1106. | ee et ne ne i at em ao eS ees a ee CONSTANTINI OPERA 235 1. “Glosas herbarum et specierum,” plant synonyms; the Bibl. Naples contains what seems to be a copy of this in the Pan- tegni MS. of the 13th century, Camus, 132. 2. ‘ Viaticum,”’ a medical work which he translated out of Syriac into Greek and of which two Greek MSS. exist at Vienna and one at Florence. His Latin translation of this from the Greek bears the name Viaticum, and has been printed. 3. “ Constantini Africani, Opera conquisita.” Basle, by Hen- ticus Petrus, 1536. The title calls the work a selection from Hippocrates and Galen, and terms the author ‘Graeca lingua doctus sedulus lector.’’ 4. “ Constantini Africani medici. Operum reliqua hactenus desiderata.”” Same printer; 1536, atthe end dated 1539; calls the author “the greatest in all philosophy ’’; forms a second volume to complete the preceding (no. 3) ; both are massive folios. They con- tain a selection from his works ; some of the others are lost, some are still in MS.; these printed are pronounced by Meyer to be valu- able chiefly as containing only practical medicine. They consist of translated extracts from Greek and Arabic works, many of the latter without names of their authors.* ‘‘ They constitute,” says Meyer, “the first introduction of Arabic medical literature to the knowledge of the West : though only of their literature, not their Practice ; in the latter he followed Galen.” _ Last of his works in the volume of 1536 is one there entitled De gradibus quos vocant simplicium ; by Simon Januensis cited as Liber graduum ; by Petrus Diaconus called Duodecim graduum. It contains over 200 remedies, 168 of which are plants, 10 of these from Arabic sources, of which one is Turbith, its first ap- pearance in Western literature, Arabic name for Asver Tripolium L.; but also used and soon predominantly so, for an oriental drug. Among the others are two names, otherwise unknown, of present interest as perhaps Compositae : Oculeea, mentioned by no other author, a blue-flowered spiny Eryngium, named from its flowers like little eyes? or a violet- flowered Aster-like composite of the Buphthalmon kind? Con- alte, ought plagiarist ”? by those ae So that the translator,’’ says Meyer, ‘‘may be th i Simon Januensis who did not understand his purpose ;_ which error quickly followed, and Petrus de Apone expressing very great contempt for Constantinus. 236 Aster History ; CoNSTANTINUS stantinus’ description (Meyer 3 : 484) is ‘‘Oculcea est herba super terram duobus brachiis saliens, cujus frondes breves et subtiles, quasi frondes chamomillae. Spinam (spicam?) etiam modicam vividem et florem violaceum (habet). Rami ejus multos nodos habent.” Opera conqusita, 352. “« Syche species est Abrotani in Armenia nascentis,” 360, with- out description. Simon Januensis in his dictionary, citing this, says ‘““Siche Armenum, liber graduum, est Abrotanum agreste.” XLII. Tort Recimen SALERNI The Regimen sanitatis Salerni,* celebrated medical poem, seems to have been finished in r1ror, the joint product + of the then Salernitan masters, reducing to aphoristic form the medical wisdom current in their school, using as material various parts of Macer Floridus’ poem, etc., and addressing their poem to the King of England, identified as Prince Robert of Normandy, sec- ond son of William the Conqueror, thus harmonizing three MSS. which begin Anxglorum regi (the oldest form), Francorum regt (2. ¢., king of Normandy), and Roderto regt. John of Milan—Joannes de Mediolano”’—is named { as “compilator” in “the ancient Tullovian MS.” discovering which fact, his editor t Zacharius Sylvius, M.D., of Rotterdam was first to make the claim § in 1648, that the original poem was written followed by Ackermann and most authors ; Flos medicinae of many lict: holae Salerni of Renzi ; Sylvius, 1667, entitled it *‘ Scho/a Salernitana sive de conservandi valetudine praecepta metrica”’ ; Arnald also calls it Medicina Saler- nitana, and John de Milan, ‘« Flores Medicinae.”’ T This poem was first carefully edited by Arnald de Villanova, who died 1313, any in whose form, considered th tl i 1 d original, the poem’ ce oats ee ae OL * Regimen Sanitatis Silerni (and also S /ernitinum) is its title as given by Arnald MSS.; los me t ? the supp So i i + ; d until consisted of 364 lines. Some MSS. have only 200; later ones were augmente they reached 2130 as published by Renzi; but Ackermann, its critical editor (Stem i g remarks, many of the spurious verses are doubtless as old or older than 1101, but were not then included in the Regimen. } Rotterdam, 1649 and 1667 ; printed by Leers, sn age the authority, says Sylvius, «of Joan Georgius Schenkius, in Bibliotheca ica.’’ Joun oF MILAN 237 by this till then unknown * John of Milan, whom Sylvius terms “a physician and versificator distinguished for his. period.” The “Tullovian MS.” as quoted by Sylvius, ends with these words— “ Explicit Tractatus, qui dicitur Flores Medicinae, compilatus in studio Salerni a Mag. Joani de Mediolano Instructi medicinalis Doctore egregio, compilationi cujus concordarunt omnes Magistri illius studii.”’ This colophon implies that. John of Milan was in 1100 one of the most learned and facile of the physicians of Salerno ; that he there revised and united the verses condensed from Macer and other sources or probably largely contributed at the time by other Salernitan masters; that he then submitted them to these as- sembled masters and received their final approval ; so that the poem went forth as the united work of the whole schools. Everything seems to indicate that this Joannes of Milan f was the “ Joannes medicus”’ of whom his brother-monk Petrus Diaconus Wrote perhaps 1140, in his Chronicle of Monte Cassino as follows : ‘‘Joannes medicus, supradicti Constantini Africani discipulus et Casinensis monachus, vir in physica arte disertissimus, post Con- stantini sui magistri transitum aphorismum { edidit physicis satis hecessarium. Fuit autem supradictis imperatoribus (sc. Alexii, Henrici, et Joannis). Obiit autem apud Neapolita, ubi omnes lib- tos Constantini sui magistri reliquit’’; 7. ¢., Joannes the physician, pupil of the above-named Constantinus Africanus and a monk at * Sylvius prefixes to his editio 1 of the Regimen verses written by him as a late rec- Ws; “Consolatio ad manes Jo. de Mediolano. Quod Auctor ipse Carminum Scholae Salernitanae hactenus ignotus fuerit. *« Non opera periere tua, labor iste peribit Nunquam, Posteritas non tua scripta negat, Hactenus incerti placuerunt Carmina multis, At tua, qua posthac fama vigebit, erit. Zachar Sylvius.”’ 2 a aphoristic nature of the verses which compose the Regimen Salerni make ms orismum a natural term to use for it. The author of the Aggregator Practicus ek A cP rase for it, in his preface, perhaps about 1350, speaking of the sagacity 0 mald de Villanova in aphorismis suis, t. e., in his edition of the Aegimen. 238 AstTeR History; THE REGIMEN Monte Cassino, was a man most learned in the medical art [“ phys- ica’”’ was used in ordinary terminology at Salerno as a term for medicine ; as again of the Salernitan ‘‘ magister Thomasius ... doctor in physica”’ who died in 1200, p. 225. So in England, “ physics- garden ”’ was long used for a garden of medicinal plants]. After the transit from earth [in 1100*?] of his master Constantinus, Joannes edited the aphoristic code [Regimen sanitatis Salerni, of 1101] so necessary to physicians. Joannes flourished moreover under the above-named emperors [1081-1143]. He died more- over at Naples, to which school of medicine he left all the books of Constantinus his master.”’ The incident related which produced the Regimen Salerni and led to its remarkable first line, Anglorum regi scripsit tota schola Salerni, was this: that Robert Curthose,+ just then proclaimed King of England, was healed at Salerno in 1100 of the effects of a poisoned arrow, which the crusader had suffered from since the siege of Jeru- salem, and which itis said, had degenerated into fistula. The physi- cians of Salerno stated that it could not be cured except by frequent suction by the mouth, which we are told that ‘the pious and excellent prince was unwilling ’’ to permit lest the poison imperil the life of another; but in his sleep his bride Sibylla ¢ repeatedly drew off the poison, “« being moved by such new love to him,” and sustaining no injury to herself; and he speedily recovered. Robert * If further evidence should at some time prove that I am wrong in conjecturing ry IV. of earlier than 1106, the date Meyer assigns it. In that case John of Milan may be held a reissue of it soon after 1106 as received the approval of the other ‘‘ masters.”” ; T Robert Curthose (short-hose), eldest son of William the Conqueror, heir of bis father in Normandy and of his brother William Rufus in England, had joined the a crusade 1096, wintering with the Normans in Apulia on his way. Declining the offered Kingdom of Jerusalem, he was told of the death of his brother William Rufus, was saluted King of England and returned to Apulia, where he married Sibylla de Conver- sana, and becoming alarmed at the development of fistula, repaired to Salerno. #€ reached Normandy September, 1100, invaded England r1o1, was finally defeated and imprisoned 1106, dying at Cardiff 11 34, aged 78. : fSibylla da Conversana, daughter of Geoffrey of Conversana (a town 12 the Apulian mountains, five miles from Bari), the brother of Gisulf II., Salerno’s last prince She died lamented in Normandy, 1103, mother of Robert’s young son William. | | | | SALVIA IN Horto 239 then departing to assume his crown (which he found already seized by his brother, Henry the First), ‘‘the School prescribed a ration of food for him,’’ composed the Regimen sanitatis Salerni, and sent it to him as a guide to health. His own difficulty was the reason, continues Sylvius, why fistula * was one of the few disorders selected for special mention in the Regimen. The popularity of this poem may be judged from the fact that Renzi enumerates 119 editions and 26 translations besides his own, and Meyer possessed 10 editions not included in the 119. The poem, “ the quintescence of Salernitan wisdom” as Meyer terms it, is still in common quotationt by American physicians, who couple its famous line Cur moriatur homo, cui salvia crescit in horto,Z and that marvel of interwoven word-tapestry, Quos anguis dirus tristi mulcedin e pa Hos sanguis mirus Christi dulcedine javie rete and of Pliny, lived 1551-1636. The Regimen was also translated by Thomas n, and ‘‘interwoven,’’ as he says, into his H.ven of Health, 1 F Sapient ‘ Veaton m saepe capis, si tu vivere rapis.’’—Sylvius, 1649, says of the desea 2 the continent, ‘¢ None but has the whole Regimen on his lips and on every o n.” on medical precepts into verse was the mediaeval manner; as shown in the Same twelfth, century by the Salernitan Aegidius of Corbeil. Metrical form was also Supposed to be ' Particularly gratifying to the Normans | who had the gre of cast- x Nortmanorum cunctorum norma bonorum Ralls ferus fortis quem gens Nideduae ae Invocat articulo loco jacet in tumulo @ Sage was given more space than almost any herb by the Regimen Salerni ; 7 lines : Cur moriatur homo, cui salvia crescit in horto ? Contra vim mortis non est medicamen in hcrtis. Salvia confortat nervos Ree! tremorem Tollit, et ejus ope febris acuta fu Salvia, Castoriumque Lavendula, Count of Apulia in 10435 oe rhisiies in 1030 and wil liam Bra ExTANT WRITINGS OF TROTULA 249 SECOND GENERATION 3. Marreo I, said to have written a G/ossa ; flor. 1070-1090, Renzi. 4. Giovannt II, also a medical writer ; flor. 1070-1090, Renzi ; if born c. 1040 may have written c. 1090 and died c. 1120; author, according to Renzi, of the Practica brevis. 5. TRoTULA, author of work on diseases of women, of which an extant abstract * was printed by Renzi in the first volume of the Collectio Salernitana, Naples, 1852. In this she cites Copho (the elder?), c. 17, and twice in c. 57 cites ‘the Salernitan women physicians.” + She is commonly called the wife, and by Renzi the mother, of a Joannes Platearius. She may have been wife of Giovanni II, and mother or aunt of Matteo II; but not mother of Giovanni II, as Renzi thought, if Meyer is right in at- tributing chronological order } to the Breslau list of Salernitan writers reading “ Platearius (¢. ¢., Giovanni I), Copho (the younger) Petronius, Joannes Afflacius (scholar under Constantinus ; about 1170-80 ?), Bartholomaeus, Ferrarius and Trotula.”—The Encyc. Brit. says of her: ‘‘ The most noted female professor was the cele- - brated Trotula in the 11th century, believed to be wife of Joannes * Five editions of the abstract of Trotula are in the British Museum, fide its catalog of 1897, viz.: ‘ ‘**Trotulae de mulierum passionibus, ante, in et post partum. .« of 1544, bound with the treatise ‘‘ Experimentarius Medicinae.’’ “*Trotulae curandum aegritudinum muliebrium, ante, in et post partum,”’ being another edition of the preceding and bearing the more usual title; also printed 1544 d with the ‘* Experimentarius.’’ “ Trotulae curandum,”’ etc., bound with Victorius’ Empirica; 1554- **Trotulae sive potius Erotis, muliebrium liber;”’ an edition of the preceding, forming part of the Gynaecium, in the volume (i), edited by Caspar Wolff, of Zurich ; Basle, 1586 (first published 1566, as ‘*Gynaecium, hoc est de mulierum. . . morbis,’” “with ntaries of Greek, Latin, Barbarous and recent writers, four tomes,” which finally all appeared at Basle, 1586-8; tome ii, edited by Caspar Bauhin ; iii, Hippo- crates, by M. Cordaeus; iv, by L. Mercato). , “‘Trotulae curandarum,’’ etc., ‘‘ libellus e recensione Aldo emen animadversionibus illustratus.’? With Kornmann’s ««Questiones de virginum statu i . liber,’’ a folio dationibus atque *? as Meyer, 3: 480, trans- lates her words from Collectio Salernitana, 1+ 149- { But chronological order may very probably have been intended by the scribe only for the men; had he mentioned two or more women he would probably have n a new chronological list with them. 250 ASTER History; PLATEARIO Platearius. Many of the teachers were married and their wives and daughters appear among the professors.’’—Renzi believed her to be identical with the rival of Rodolf, No. 2. THIRD GENERATION 6. Matreo Piareario II, the Matthaeus Platearius or Plataire of botanical citation, lecturer and writer on materia medica, author of the works known as Glossae and of the Circa instans, focus and center of mediaeval botany ; the latter so called from its first words, and also known as Liber de simplici medicina, or De virtutibus her- barum or De virtutibus simplicium. He may also have been him- selfthe one who expanded his Circa instans into the Compendium Salernitanum (or Breslau codex or Liber simplicium medicinarum), if that differ from the Compendium written by Salernus (see p. 224). He flourished 1130-1160, Renzi, who nevertheless regarded him as son of one of the generation which flourished 1070-1090; which seems unduly remote. Meyer (3 : 507) was probably right in claiming that his activity extended “not far into the middle of the century.” If born c. 1070, writing his Czrca imstans c. 1139, and then his Glossae, and if he was lecturing on in venerable and still inspiring and powerful age at about 1140 or possibly even to 1150, the few discovered facts of his life may be understood ; in- cluding Matteo’s known juniority to Nicolaus Praepositus (writing ¢. 1110) and to Constantinus Africanus (who died c. 1100, and whem Matteo calls “of recent memory”); and the fact that Aegidius of Corbeil, who lived till 1200, says he had instruc- tion at Salerno from Matteo (perhaps about 1140), which put its stamp upon him for his whole life, and to the impressiveness of which he doubtless referred in his line: Mysticus erumpit verborum vortice sensus. This Matteo II was doubtless the Platearius * who was cured of dysuria by use of the plant Strucium (Jmperatoria ? ; see Pp. 264) uta ruculus Domian Platearius says of this cure, e Secres, the ; ; (se, avunculus) txducet, or, ‘as my mother’s brother remarks,”’ a French translation from the last, written in 1458, but only recently made known es world, says, “en ceste maniere fut gary le maistre qui fist cel iure.”’ eee ttl EA ae TE pleat Are PERSONALITY OF PLATEARIO 251 Another personal reference appears in the MS. Secres de Salerne of 1458 (see infra, p. 270), under Appinm risus (perhaps Ranunculus sceleratus L.). ‘‘ And they state in some books that it is deadly to man. And I, Plateario (Plentaire in the Fr. MS.), have myself found through experience that to those who have taken it, it works greatharm. Andon that account I prefer that it be used externally in guise of a plaster only.” (Camus, 22.) Evidence of Plateario’s sound sense and restraint is shown: in his refusal to share in popular delusions current about the man- drake ; remarking its “‘ zatura frigerandi et mortificandt,” he says it is a remedy for bilious disorder ; its juice applied with mother’s milk is cooling and produces sleep; its cold puts out the sacred jire of erysipelas (herba frigida, extinguit ignem sacrum); it may promote conception, though the similitude of man or woman claimed to be found in its root is not to be found in nature, but instead has been fraudulently fashioned by rustics or evildoers— “a rusticts vel malefidis sophistice sic formatur.” And so Bartholo- maeus Anglicus cites him, fol. 51, “de Mandragora.” For other indications of Plateario’s personality, see supra, pp. 221, 222, and znfra, p. 261. Plateario’s Glossae,—Glossae super antidotarium, is a commen- tary, to be dated perhaps 1140, on the Antidotarium of Nicolao Preposito of about 1110. The Glossae formed the basis of the four books of medical verse by Aegidius of Corbeil, about 1180, called “De Laudibus et virtutibus compositorum medicaminum.” Their relation to Plateario’s Glossae is thus stated by Aegidius himself: « Sudstramentum et materiam nostrae expositionis sumen- tes Glossae super Antidotarium a magistro Matthaeo Plateario editas.” Aegidius laments the death of Plateario in his lines aTO+11 3 : Vellem, quod medicae doctor Platearius artis Munere divino vitales carperet auras! Gauderet metricis pedibus sua scripta ligari, Et numeris parere meis.* Aegidius, in his opening lines, chanted the effect upon him as a young listener when Plateario’s disclosures of the mysteries of "Quoted, Meyer, 3: 507 and 467, from Acgidii Corboliensis carmina medica, edid. Choulant, 57. 252 AsTER History; PLATEARIO medicine came to him as a voice from a new world, Quae secreta diu noctis latuere sub umbra. Clausa, verecundi signo celata pudoris, Gesta sub involucro mentis, clarescere quaerunt. Plateario’s greater work, his Circa instans, receives separate treatment, p. 258. 7. The medica Salernitana whom we may call the lady Licin1A, fram her use of the remedy /icinium; sister of Matteo II and mother of Giovanni III; our knowledge of whom comes from the chapter of the Circa instans headed Améra,* Italian and late Latin for amber. Under this remedy, administered contra suffocationem matricis, it is further stated “only by use of the fumesfrom such a licinium (usually used of /izé), soaked in oil, put on fire and then extinguished, and applied to the nostrils, the mother of Joannes Platearius purged and cured a certain noble lady.’ Those who doubt the existence of 8, Giovanni III, must also doubt that of 7, and assign the references to her + to the mother of Giovanni IL Fourta GENERATION 8. Giovanni Plateario \11,t writing perhaps 1160 A. D., son of the lady Licinia (whom he calls maver); nephew of the great Matteo II (whom he calls avunculus); the reviser of the Circa instans, whose name appeared as its author in the first printed edi- tion, Ferrara, 1488, in the form /vhannes Platearius, with the epi- thet excellentissimus vir. SUBSEQUENT PLATEARII g. Socius Platearii—Some Salernitan sufficiently intimate with the Platearius family to know who was the giver of the licintum rn * Another early use of the word is by Odo Cremonensis, line 18, ‘* Laudes ambra merens levis est et dentibus haerens.’’ +The revision of the Circa instans by her son, c. 1160, the oldest reference {assuming it to be correctly preserved in the 7yactatus herbarum of ¢. 133°): reads under Ambra, ‘ Solummodo licinio tali oleo intincto accensum et extinctum et nari appositum m, [mater, 7. ¢., mihi mater] purgavit et liberavit quendam nobilem.”’ French version of 1458 reads «le maistre dit que par la fumee de ce linegnon pete Ses Sol- { Such a ‘Giovanni posteriore, vissuto circa gli anni, 1130-1160,’ was claimed as probable by Camus, 8, though remarking ‘others doubt the existence of this Platearius.’’ : PLATEARIO'S ‘‘ CircA INSTANS”’ 253 remedy seems to have inserted ‘“ Joannis Platearit”’ after mater in alluding to that incident, and seems to have been the author of the Ferrarese redaction of the Circa instans, of perhaps about 1190 A. D., in which he may have ascribed the work to “ Joannes Platearius,’’ because he was its last redactor in the family, which would explain that authorship claimed in its edttio princeps, Ferrara, 1488, and onward. 10. Matthaeus Platearius junior, Pisanus,* or Crisostomo Pla- teario,t a Pisan writer of the 15th century, but of whose existence modern history is uncertain ; perhaps meant for no. 6. “Crrca INSTANS”’ The dictionary of medical plants by Matteo Plateario which is known { from its first words as the Circa instans,§ marked an im- portant point on the highway from the ancient to the modern botany. It is the center into which the botanical knowledge of the earlier middle ages was focused, and from which much of the botanical work of the next 300 years was an outgrowth. Meyer Says of it “One must see the book itself; it is the richest and most botanically valuable of the works on plant-remedies which the west had yet produced since Pliny and Dioscorides.” || Its exact form as it left the hands of its author, Matteo Plateario II, cannot be stated with entire verbal accuracy, as in that form it has never been printed and it is probable that no unaltered manuscript exists. But assuming with Professor Camus that the Modena MS. 993 in the Bibl. Estense known as Ti vactatus Herbarum represents Plateario’s original text supple- mented by certain additions, we arrive at the original by deduct- ing plant-figures, verbal changes and citations introduced by Bartolomeo Mino, c. 1330, and additions and citations made by the omian reviser, c, 1180, also a few others by Giovanni Plateario III, C. ITSO. a Sprengel, Geschichte, 1: 276. : ’ Camus, 8 ; quoting Haller, Bibl. Bot. 2: 658, as saying: ‘* Liber Plateari “uysostomi, opus pro quo fuit intoxicatus ab invidis. Is liber tractat de varits simpli- Cibus Presertim de herbis. J B. Coll, Caj. Gonvil. Cantad. n. 990. : tT Also called ** Liber de simplici medicina,’’ and cited in Salernitan codices as De virtutious herbarum’? and as ‘‘ De virtutibus simplicium.” With the force of «in the beginning.” I| Meyer, a; 523. 254 AstTeR History ; PLATEARIO Following out the above process, we find in Circa instans 480 alphabetic chapters, treating 435 plant remedies *; the other chapters are on mineral and animal remedies. _ Its plan is to give the Latin name and some synonyms, with brief descriptive te marks for the less familiar plants, and with the medical uses of all. . The partial editions of Circa imstans printed, 1488 to 1582, from the Ferrarese recension, are, unfortunately, very rare and very little known. But its botanical names are now accessible, as published,} 1886, at Modena by Professor Giulio Camus, under the title “ ZL’ Opera Salernitana’’t etc., forming the result of his recent discovery in the Este library at Modena, of two important MSS., representing early texts of Circa instans, one, § its amplifi- cation, the Zractatus Herbarum, || the other its French transla- tion, the Secres de Salerne. Sprengel,** as long ago as 1807, noted that Circa im stans furnishes “the first mention of three of our common plaf Galeopsis Tetrahit,t+ Clematis Flammula, and Spiraea Siliper dj LB} a —~™t * Camus identifies among these, 30 Compositae, 32 Endogens besides eee 30 Umbellifers, 27 of the Leguminosae, 20 Rosaceae, 20 Labiates, ete. There are ; cryptogams, including 7 ferns and 2 fungi. ; and 8 others are in the French Sevres only ; leaving 436 i” treated in the Latin text; one of which, however, Radéosa, is an exact another, his Herba radiosa, ‘ ‘00. “rca instans above se a instams,’ ed il testo primitive ie : (ex ae ee Per Guilio Camus, Modena, 1886.”’ 4to, + Pp a 3 E. p B PS) Q 8 a Herbier en Francoys’ liér, Bu. ) Also reviewed by Choulant, Handbiich der Biicherkunde Ue? alee ae 298. 1841. The names in the similar Compendium Salernitanum ween Henschel, in Janus, 2: 66, 1846, || This Latin MS. of 142 sheets begins, without title and with the words « Circa instans ne ocium in simplicib® nat — versatur propositum, Simplex autem ‘neahieiaa est que talis et qualis et ce, producta,’’ a inslaMss as doubtless did the original C77 li ** Sprengel, Hist. a — ** Tetrahit, or h j i oy) Be at ae, ws : erba judeyca ;”* « Flammula, idem vincula” < s : € names Plateario gives them. | 7 3 . | | : | REDISCOVERY OF ‘‘ CIRCA INsTANS”’ 255 Camus, in 1886, claimed that ‘‘ by reason of mention in Circa instans,* the Italians can prove that their now abundant Agave Americana,+ Oxalis corniculata and Xanthium strumarium, are not, as has been believed, immigrants from the New World.” Singularly, Plateario fell into obscurity and finally into un- merited contempt. He shared the fate of the Salernitan school when fuller translations from the Arabic appeared ; although his work remained a rich quarry from which the next three centuries builded. Finally the unlocking of the treasures of the Greeks in their original tongue gave to Europe a direct path to antiquity, and Pla- teario’s half-way house of mediaeval knowledge was left far aside. So thoroughly was Plateario forgotten that no attempt to print his Circa instans occurred, it is believed, from 1582 to 1886. Pritzel omits him entirely; and Seguier, usually so accurate, guessed, p. 292, at his date as ‘circa initium XIV seculi,’’ 200 years too late. Brief references by Haller and Sprengel, publication of extracts by Henschel and Renzi, and of comments by Meyer, have recalled Plateario to modern consciousness, though Renzi was so far from appreciating his value as to call the Circa instans “ nothing but a uudo catalogo.”’ Henschel’s enthusiasm over his discovery of the Breslau MS. in 18 37 and especially Meyer’s judicial observations On its position (in 1856), did something to rehabilitate Circa in- Stans, the latter pointing out its importance “to any who would follow the knowledge of plants from earlier to later times.” Camus’ study of its names and publication of the descriptive text in 1886, as already indicated, has now given the world its first °pportunity to appeciate Plateario. : * Camus also calls particular attention to the remarkable number of binomials used In Circa imstans, enumerating 54 different adjectives so used, as sé/vestris, agrestis, aquaticus, etc. I may add that Dioscorides had far excelled this however; of olive alone he distinguishes in binomial form over a dozen different kinds, and Columella distinguishes as many of his Avassica or cabbage.—Camus also calls attention to 28 binomials in the 1 3th century Sinonimia E-.tense. T OF th Agave of southern Italy it was claimed by Bertoloni, F’ora /talica, 4: 156, that it is native there and a distinct species from the American. Meyer, 3: 512, Temarks that Bertoloni’s claim is confirmed by the figure and description in Circa instans and Merits the attention of botanists, and notes that the Konigsberg MS. of Secres Sives a good figure of it. 256 ' AsTER History; PLATEARIO Proceeding as it does from the south of Italy, there was little likelihood that Aster would be itself described or recognized in Circa instans. But various relatives appear which were formerly lodged in Aster, and now abide in Inula, Pulicaria, Anthemis, ete. We pause a moment to take inventory of the status in which this center station of the middle ages shows these and some related plants ;—in this Circa instans, in which appears the mediaeval spirit with its name Se/anum mortale for Belladonna, which still retains its Pollium from the ancient theogony of Hesiod, and yet in which the modern world meets us full-grown in such names as Primula veris, Sumac and Alkekengi.* Aster Earths.—Still survives in Circa instans the use of the term Aster for an earth, the Aster leucas, Aster Samius and later the Terra Aster of Greece, Terra stelle of Plateario, who writes : “Terra stelle, quod Lucanium (7. ¢., the ancient aster leucas, assimilated to the Italian province Lucania) dicitur, terra est quasi- lapis ;” in Sec. “ terre estoille.” The old habit of stamping such earths with a seal still remained, as well as that of palming off substitutes and adulterations : “Terra sigillata; calx est odorifera et dicitur serra argentea vel creta sarracenica ; facile ex nostra creta sophisticatur ;” in Sis “terre scelle,” etc. Aster Tripolium. Turbith, used as the Arabic for Aster Tn- polium L., was more commonly used as Arabic for another plant, an imported root, so appearing first in Costantino (p. 235), here again as “7urbith, an herb which is found in parts beyond sea.” T Relatives of Aster sometimes Confused with wt 174. “Enuwla . . . duplex est manieres, seu ortulano (Znula Conyza DC.) et campana (J. Helenium L.). The larger is mor efficacious ; it heals the bowels.” In Sec., “ Enula which they call Eaune; the E. campana grows in plains champs.” 47. Anthemis Cotula L. appears as Arthemisia letaphilos, matricaria ; with remark, “ flos ejus similitur camomille et habet in his bers used, and identifications, are those of Camus as published um ve , . - L’ Opera Salernitana.’’ Sec. refers to the French version, Secres dé Salerno ee) ittle as ‘* Turbith, cest la racine d’ung arbre”’; in the A/phia (a Titel identifies tin Sec. later?) as ‘* Turdbith radix et herbe similia trifolio, et est perforata.’? Camus } it as probably including /pomoca Turpethum L. Se ies yl PLANtTs ALLIED TO ASTER 257 odorem sambuci (S. zigra), quando eam tunseris.” In Scc., “ Arthemisia leptaphilos, armoise la moindre, matricaria.” 144. Repeats the preceding in part, “ Costula fctida,” an herb much like “‘camomilla,”’ but “very fetid.”’ There are two kinds, major (Anthemis cotula L..) and minor (A. arvensis L.). In Sec. the second is called canesson, the first amourouque (it is the Amaruscus of the Alphita, Amarisca of Macer; see p. 208). 97. Matricaria Chamomilla L. is given these names: ‘“Matri- caria or Camomilla; vocant Italii vrolorosa, Romani deneolente, Galli ob/aodia, Tuscii abiana.”’ In Sec., “ Chamomille que aucuns appellent chermiere.”’ 379. Pulicaria vulgaris, dysenterica, etc., occur as “ Pulicaria: triplex est manieres, major et minor et saints 239. In Sec. a figure of a yellow composite, doubtless Pult- carta odora Reich. (called Zxcensaria in Italy, by Caesalpino and others), accompanies a text for Incensaria in Sec. and in Trac- fatus, both described as “‘similia borago,’’ and named from odor of incense. Anacyclus Pyrethrum DC., appears as 373, “ Pirethrum is a well known herb.” Senecio vulgaris L. does not occur in Circa instans ; in which “Senaciones ” and ‘Crescion” (cress) and “ Nasturcium ”’ stand as synonyms for our Nasturtium officinale L., watercress. Senecio vulgaris L. does appear, however, in the Grant Herbier developed from this, in the form ‘“Senechon, by some called Selechion, by us Chardon.” Lupatorium suffers its usual inequalities of fortune. : Rapier cannabinum 1, appears as ‘‘Eupatorium,’’ no. 22, also as “Canapa silvatica, by others called Agrion cannabin” ; in Sec. as “Chanvre,” no, 99; it is still known in Italy as Eupatorio ; shar- ing the name Eupatorio with Sa/via pratensis L., called ‘‘ Eupa- torium or Salvia agrestis,” in Circa instans no. 181; and sharing it also with “‘giallo Eupatorio’’ of modern Italy, which is, in Circa instans, “‘ Ambroxiana, similis eupatorium sed longiora et Magis similatur mentastrum.”-—Of the former confusion of Arge- Monia and Eupatorium, no trace now sedicerin The Sinonimia adds “ Marrubium subitaneum = eupatorium.” : Artemisia vulgaris L. appears as “ Arthemisia major, or mater 258 AsTER History; PLATEARIO herbarum, regia of Romans, caristellum of Onnani (Domiani? ren- dered /es autres in Sec.) and resembles Canapa.”’ Others confused with Aster—Among plants at some time con- fused with Aster, though having no real relationship, the following appear in Circa instans (none showing any such confusion there). Asperula, under the names Asperula, Herba vitis and Squt- nancia. Rubia tinctoria as Rubea herba. Galium as Spargula or Rubea minor ; in Secres, as ruelle (it is now vzeble in Fr.). Lonicera Caprifolium as Matrisilva herba or Periclemon ; in Sec., matrisilve or periclomenon. Centaurea Calcitrapa as Secacul, Yringi, Calcitrapa, Card- nelli; in Sec. as chardon, secacul or yringe. Centumcapita occurs as name for Affodilum, Albutium, ot Astula regia, t. ¢., our Asphodelus albus Willd. Eryngium does not occur separately, its name having become confused with Ca/eitrapa. Gariofilata occurs for Geum urbanum. Bellis does not occur (nor Margarita, except fora pearl) except as it is figured for the Consolida minor of the text, the text appa rently intending Brunella. Primula veris occurs as Primile veris, Herba Sancti Petri, of Paralisis ; in Sec. as Primula veris, primerulle, primule, ¢ 'erbe a paralisie. Argemone and Argemonia do not occur; Papaver appears: instead, in three species taken from Macer, adding the name Rosa fetida to our Papaver Rhoeas. Alchemilla occurs as Leontopodium and Oculis Consulis (the latter by mistake for Leontodon ?). : Plantago major occurs by that name, without as¢er, but adding “Galli vocant ¢arpidolopion.” Melilotus appears as Mellilotum or Corona Regia. Melissa as Melissa or Citrina ; in Sec., as melisse ot cur wi e herbe de citre. Melissa is perhaps the plant here meant by Susy om érium, with the remark that Constantinus states that Sisymbrium sylvestre is not properly called that but calamenium. oe * Rendered in Sec. ‘* Eupatoire, sauge sauvage.” - * NoTABLE PLANT-NAMES 259 Among the plants significant in Macer (see pp. 205-7), Circa instans bears the following comparison : Strignum and Maurella of Macer for Solanum nigrum occur as Strignum, Morella, Faba inversa, or Solatrum; in Sec., Strig- num, Morelle. Boracho does not recur; the nearest like being durit for Sapo- naria officinalis L..(the dorith of the Alphita); and dorrago for borage. Brassica does not occur as the accepted name for cabbage, but Caules instead (as Caulis in Macer); Rappa (rape), Nappa (turnip) and Rapistrum occur for other species; one kind of cab- bage appears as Caradie, in Sec. Carambia, renewal of its Greek name xpdy37. But interesting testimony to the survival of Macer's Brassica still as popular name for cabbage occurs with no. 469. “Strucium, id est, Caulis agrestis, Quidam dicunt ‘ Braxica non plantata,”—.Sec., does not contain this. The French Grant Herbier has “Strucium,” or ‘Choul sauvage,” Pietro Crescenzi has “‘ Stutio cioe cauolino salvatico.”’ Faratella occurs again but seems transferred from a Rumex to an Abrus, and is given the synonyms patella herba and dasilica. The Sinonimia has ‘‘ Aurigea = Paradella.” : Lolium perenne, L. Italicum, etc., are called Lolium and in Sec., “ Lolium est yvraie”’ to which a gloss adds that is properly loeil. The Sinonimia has “ Zizania = lolium.” Agrimonia, confused by a Pseudo-Macer with Argemonia, here occurs as now for Agrimonia Eupatoria L., and so in Sec., with name Agrimoine. Among other noteworthy names of special interest we add: Hepatica triloba 1. appears as “ Zrinitas, unitas, idem est; herba similis asarum, et habet tria folia in uno folio;” in Sec. “Trinite ou unité, c'est tout ung.” The Zpatica of Circa instans, as of more ancient authorities, appears to be Marchantia. Physalis Alkekengi L. appears as ‘ Solatrum majus or Al- chechengi, fructus ejus simulatur serasie (cherry) que fit intus quedam vesica.”’ Parietaria officinalis L. appears as “ Parietaria,’ or “ Vitreola quia vitres vasa ea optime mundantur.” Rhus coriaria L. a pears as “ Sumac, the seed of a shrub or tree which the Greeks call Anagoda.” 260 Aster History; PLATEARIO Traces of the Botanical Garden of Salerno Waterlilies seem to have been cultivated by Matteo Plateario in the botanical garden at Salerno if we may judge from his inter- ested warning to his reader that the “‘ Nenuphar purpureum” (WVe- lumbium speciosum Willd.) produces the flowers which are more desirable, “qui meliores sunt,” while the yellow (Wuphar luteum) makes crocus-yellow flowers which are not so good—“* croceos facens flores qui non sunt adeo boni.” Nenuphar with white flowers is not here mentioned, but occurs in the Alphita, ‘‘ Nenuphar, . . . apud nos tantum in albo-et in citrino colore,” and in the Grant Herbier as printed perhaps 1480, as ‘“‘l’une est blanche I’autre est jaune.” Pliny had described his yellow xymphaea of the Peneus in Thessaly (Nuphar luteum L.) and his lily-like Nelumbium of Marathon and of Orchomenia, in terms as if they were not cul- tivated and he had not seen them in Italy. Regarding carnations, over which northern Italy was almost wildly enthusiastic by 1450, Plateario’s evidence is more doubt- ful, and they may not have been grown in his garden, although his Gariofilata, interpreted to mean Geum urbanum L., by Camus — and by Secres too, may perhaps have covered the carnation also, as it certainly did perhaps a century later, when, in the Sinonimia added to the Latin MS. of Circa instans at Modena, we read Gariofilata as a synonym* for Geum not only but also for Dianthus Caryophyllus.+ pees * «* Armeal (armeria) —Gariofilata.’? Also, ‘‘ Avanciana, Gariofilata or sana- munda or herba benedicata or pes leporinus.’’ t The carnation, remarks Camus, 133, is sculptured and painted on m Ferrara of about 1471 ; and was cultivated in the garden of Ferrara in 1460 ; 4 Modena onuments of and pomegranate ; cultivated plums and damsons of many kind fig, medlar and service; sweet and bitter almonds (his amidalis) ( i : Plateario for care in the culture of almonds are quoted by Bartholomaeus nglic gourd-fruits, the egg-plant, alkekengi, lettuce, parsnip (his Baucia), folie (his ortolana), etc., besides plants cultivated more exclusively for medi Me his Salvia, his “Consolida major,” our Symphytum officinale L. [his «¢ Consoli FAVORITE FLOWERS 261 Traces of flower-culture at Salerno among the ladies, besides the cultivation of the rose, lily, gladiolus and iris—appear in references to marigold, amaranth, sea-mallow, marjoram and Arabian jasmine. “Calendula (Calendula arvensis L., and C. officinalis L.) (the soussicle of Secres, and soucicle of modern French) dicitur florem omnes mense, nascitur locis humerosis, et eciam mulieres ponunt in ortis ad faciendum coronam, quod habet pulchros colores citrinos, subrufos, et dicitur calendula quia omni mense gerit florem.”’ “* Gelesia ”’ (Amarantus tricolor L.) with leaves red, green and yellow, ‘ quedam mulieres tenent in orto.” ‘‘Malva ortensis (Lavatera arborea L.) crescens in ortis.” “Origanum . . . domesticum (Origanum majorana L.) . in ortis,”’ “Sambacus, id quod Gessominum, herba est cuius flores valde sunt . . . suavis odorati” (Jasminum Sambac Wahl.). Traces of use of wild flowers for ornament on the part of Saler- nitan ladies appear in Plateario’s account of the periwinkle, and immortelle, * Traces of Plateario’s own personal regard for certain wild flowers appear in the details he gives of the following : ‘“ Caprifolium or Capprificus herba, which some call Oriola ; with leaves resembling matrisilve (Lonicera Caprifolium L.) but larger,” etc. (Lonicera nigra L. in part ?). “ Sponsa solis or Cichorea Intiba or Solsequium or Eliotropium ; which herb is a diviner of the course of the sun; it has twisting stems, and a flower of celestial blue, and when the sun rises the flower opens, and when the sun sinks the flower is also closed,” ete. (Cichorium Lntybus L.). “Cennerugio, an herb similar to celandine, and which some call celidonius masculus because its leaves have a color similar to celandine ; it bears a purple flower in the middle somewhat whitish ; the root is almost black, but is white within ; growing in size about OSE ie aciaeeamenne ee nee or Consoualdis,’’ the French ‘ consoude moienne,”’ is Symphytum tuberosum i his“ consolida minor” is Brunella vulgaris Moench. }. x . : : ; i *Provinca ( Vinca minor L.) herba est satis communis, de qua mulieres faciunt nas ronas,’’ In Sec. « pervence.”” Helichrysum stoechas DC., ‘* Sticados citrinum que herba Jovis dicitur . . . tempore veris producit florem, colligitur, suspenditur et per annum r;”? in Sec. it is called ‘Sticados citrin . . barba Jovis, .. . et u Vetbe de Hercules,’ 262 Aster History; PLATEARIO two cubits high. It grows in ditches and in dark and damp places, you may find it near the blossoming in the month of April and of May.” (Glaucium corniculatum Curt., still called céenerognola in Italy.) Traces of Platearius himself * or of the ee works of his school may be recognized in at least in the following passages : Under Diagridium he speaks in the first person, hoc autem dico, Under Esu/a, recommending a powder made by a physician Petricello, about which there has been discussion, he adds “ut dictum est in Antidotario,” i. e., that of Nicolaus Praepositus. Under Radix he writes ‘‘ut in Passionario invenitur,” 1 ¢, that of Gariopontus. He cites Macer under Camphora, Enula, Vsopus , he refers also to Constantinus Africanus ; and he cites (his own ?) Compen- dium Salernitanum under Acetum (unless this passage was added later). Evidence of loss since pagan times of the use of certain wild plants appears in what is said of his Mellilotum or Corona regia, so called, says Plateario, ‘quia formaturadmodum semicirculi.”” The Romans had so called it, says Pliny, because they twined it into wreaths; that use had apparently ceased so that Plateario (followed by Ortus), seeking a reason for the name Corona regia, finds one in the * Plant Ecolo.y found in Matteo Plateario an early though unconscious advocate, as he is in nothing more remarkable than the care with which he notes the associations of plants, not merely giving their habitats but a hint of their characteristic surroundings. - Examples of these references to localities are as follow Inter castaneta ; so grows his Trinitas ei aatee yrilobe), Morsus dyaboli (Scabies succisa), Palma Chieti (an Orchis), Incensaria, etc. nter triticum, his Zizania ( Lolium Inter frumenta, his — ( asi: nm arundineis, Alchem Super quercus, Poly, ores vulgare L., and Ceterach. /n tectis, and in elaine Perttasts: 4n maceribus, his Vermicularis (Sedum acre L. ). Supra domus, his Sapa (houseleek ). in sepibus, brio ssop, etc, Ln locis pasar ommea, he ‘ Paratella, ”” ete. m locis humorosis, Primula veris, & his Persicaria ( Polygonum Hydropiper tek in aquis, Lemna, Nymphaea i Netaarbins Potameg cton nutans, Marchantia, 9 Ln lapidosis, Geranium ilnsbliine L., Lonicera Caprifolinm L., xbandit super terram, of his Serpillum (t en va, oe leporina "(dandelion £ yme Pilosella (a hawkweed), Penthapilon Views reptans), et THE ‘‘ COMPENDIUM ” 263 semicircular seed pod of a related plant to which the name seems then to have been extended, perhaps, suggests Camus, a Trigonella. So also his “ Verbena, Verminaca or Columbaria” (Verbena officinalis L.), the sacred plant of Rome as well as of Greece, now appears stripped of such associations, and in the Secres it has assumed modern garb entirely, the Secres translating it Vervazne. The influence of the Church had already resulted, as shown in Plateario, in the name herba sancti Petri for the primrose, herba sancti Joannis for the plant still called St. Johnswort, herba sancte Marie for Tanacetum Balsamita L., herbe sainte Phelippe (in Secres ; not described in the Latin Circa instans) for Saponaria officinalis L.; sigillum sanet Marie sive sigillum Salamonis for Polygonatum multiflorum All., Gracia Dei (in Sec., Grace Dien) for Gratiola offi- cinalis L., Alleluya herba (and also pane de cuccho, cuckoo's bread) for a yellow oxalis,* and /xcensaria (herb with odor of incense) to perhaps three plants, Cerinthe minor L., Onosma echioides L., and Pulicaria odora Reich., the latter still called incensaria in Italy. And of Betonica officinalis L., he says “ Bethonica . . . sancta dicitur ab omnibus personis, . . . vocata domina omnium herbarum.”’ Works Derivep FRoM “ Circa INSTANS ”’ 1. Compendium Salernitanum,” as cited in chapter Acetum of the printed Ferrarese Circa instans ; “Liber simplicium medict- narum”’ as its Breslau MS. entitles itself, found in 1837 by Prof. G. T. Henschel, of the University of Breslau, in the Bibl. Magdalena of that city, composed of 35 treatises forming one codex, dating from toward the end of the 12th century or from perhaps 1180. It describes 447 remedies, including all of the 2 76 of the printed Ferrarese Circa instans except 14; and 185 more, mostly of animal or vegetable origin. Parts chiefly medical were printed in two volumes by Renzi; but because the botanical matter was still un- printed, Meyer in 1856 was imploring that it might soon find another editor. A synopsis of its articles had been given by Henschel in Janus, 2: 65. 1846. So maintained with vigor (against those ‘* malignos herbaricos ”’ who bestowed this name Alleluia upon the winged fruits fallen from the elm) by Jacobus de Maniliis, about 1450. Camus identifies it with Oxalis corniculata L., finding thus the proof that that species did not come to Europe from America as had been claimed ; and find- Ing similar proof in Circa instans for Xanthiwm strumarium, and Agave Americana L. 264 ASTER History; PLATEARIO This preztoso codice, as Camus terms it, dates doubtless from about 1180, or not long, as Meyer remarks, after the death of its original author. It seems to have been an expansion from Circa instans; possibly prepared by Matteo Plateario II himself; per- haps by his nephew Giovanni; or by some compiler soon after; it might be Salernus (page 224), if this should prove to be the same with the Compendium of which Salernus makes constant citation, about 1160? in his Catholica. Evidently the author felt that for the purposes of this MS., subjects other than plants should receive emphasis ; he expands his chapter on Lac into 4 columns, and that on Vinum to 8 ; he adds new chapters on Axungia, Oleum, Caseus viridis, Aqua vitis, Cerebrum, Cor, Lingua, Spina, Caballi marini, Cantarides ; in fact some 50 similar subjects are listed by Camus (p. 14). 2. Giovannian recension of Circa instans, probably prepared by Giovanni Plateario III, nephew of Matteo II, its author, per- haps by 1150, adding to his uncle’s MS. the following citations or references and perhaps others : a. Reference under Améra to his mother’s curing a noble lady, naming her by initial only, J. 4. Reference to his uncle's cure by using Strucium, calling him avunculus ; this word and the letter 1 just mentioned, surviving unchanged in the 7ractatus. ¢. Reference to (his uncle’s?) Compendium, under Acetum. d. Possibly he, rather than his uncle, inserted the references to the Antidotarium and to the Passionarius. e. Arabic citations (unless these were by his uncle). oe knowledge of this recension consists of inferences from the printed Ferrara edition and from the composite state of the Zractatus Her- barum. That his revision was made very early after his uncle’s death is shown by its lack of any of the later Arabic knowledge; “he had not yet known,’’ says Camus (15), “the translations. of Albucasi, of Serapion, etc., with which Gerard da Cremona (1 pa 1187), exercised so great an influence on mediaeval medicine. His Arabic citations are from Rhases and Avicenna and include the remark under Cepa that “its use among the Arabs is show? by the writings of Isaac, made known to the physicians of Salerno by Constantinus.”’ THE PRINTED CiRCA INSTANS 265 3. Ferrarese recension of Circa instans, prepared from the pre- ceding, perhaps by 1190 A. D., by one who knew of the cures hinted at under Ambra and Strucium in no. 3, and who inserted * the names Joannes and Platearius accordingly, and whom we may therefore term Socius Platearii ; prepared with view to form a med- ical dictionary of plants only and therefore dropping chapters on minerals and animals, also some on plants ; contains 276 chapters. Printed together with the Practica of Serapion, Ferrara, 1488, I call it the Ferrarese recension because first printed at Ferrara, but its writer doubtless wrote at Salerno. Perhaps the fragmentary 14th century MS. of Circa instans, 5 leaves, found by Puccinotti in the Bibl. Barberina at Rome, belonged to this recension ; as also may the Turin 14th century MS. (Circa instans to Zuccarum), the only Circa instans exhibited at the great Italian exhibit of medical MSS. in 1898 (Giacosa, 411).t The world’s knowledge of the Circa instans was confined to this form of it till the discovery of the Breslau MS. in 1837, and the publication of extracts from the Modena codex &s¢ense in 1886; the printed Circa instans (the Circa instans stampato of Camus), being printed from some MS. of this Ferrarese recension ; first at Ferrara,$ 1488, Choulant. together with the Practica of * Another possible interpretation is that the “initial m for mater Joannis and the word avunculus for Platearius had descended through an unaltered text through per- writing his Circa instans incorporated in it without change the statements under amébra and strucium written by some ancestor like Giovanni I. But these pivotal words _ are just the words Matteo II would have been likely to have changed, had they existed in matter coming down to him and now revised by him to make it true to the present. e 276, five short chapters are not found in no. 2 or no, 4, but found in the Wicca, Estense, as Abrotanum, Anagallidos, Arnoglossa, Aaron , Celtica ; and it contains 4 others, Ma/abratum, Nitrum, Siseleos and Stafsagria, wtichi are lacking in both 4 and 5, but are listed in their index, Camus (13). This, the Asti codex, is one of 53 leaves, of which Circa instans fills the first 29; the Alphita, Gerardo da Cremona on purgatives and Constantinus’ translation of “Isacco Giudeo”? fill the rest. This valuable 14th century codex, now in the Bibl. Naz. of Turin, was bou ght (says its peel aatr while in the papal college, in 1408, for 6 florin s, by one Magister Sysmondi de Asinarii de Asti, artium et medicinae doctoris,”’ and, later, another hand writes that it ‘is the book of tipi — Nicolaus de Ferrario de Asti, doctor of medicine and of arts, practicing at Asti ¢ This Ferrara editio princeps of 1488 bore, as title, ee secundum Platearium dictus Circa instans”’ and ended ‘ Explicit “ier de sim- bus medicinis eccellentissimi viri Johannis Platearii.’’ Probably both were added - wants liber de simplici 266 AsTEeR History; PLATEARIO Serapion, under the title “ Serapionis practica sive breviarium.” The remaining printed editions‘are thought to be reprints from this of 1488 ; they also were bound with the Practica of Serapion, in case of the editions, folio, of Venice, 1497 * (printed by Bonetus Loca- tellus), 1499, 1530, of Lyons 1524, Leyden 1525 (by Fradinus); or were bound with the Dispensarium attributed to Nicolaus Prae- positus, 1517, and Leyden 1512 (by Fradinus) and 1536, Paris (by Nicolaus Bonsonius) 1582. All are rare; Meyer had the 1530 edition, the British Museum has those of 1497, 1517, 1524, 1525, 1536, which it catalogs ( 1893) under /oannes Platearius. A synopsis of the printed Circa instans was printed by Choulant in his Handbuch der Biicherkunde der altern Medecin, p. 298. 4. Domian redaction, perhaps by 1190 or 200 A. D.; pecu- liar in its use of the adjective Domianit. The Ferrarese redaction was distinguished by copious omissions; the Domian by slight additions. The former is now represented by the printed Circa instans ; the latter by its outgrowth, the MS. Zractatus Herbarum. The name Domian I apply from its peculiar use of an adjective domiant and domani with plant-names, apparently to specify, as Camus points out, those names current a¢ home to the reviser (L- domus),a reviser, who was perhaps a Calabrian, for his names indi- catea home in southern Italy and a dialect influenced by Arabic T and Greek ¢ elements. Pho erer by the printer; probably the printer inferred Johannes Platearius as author from the ' occurrence of his name in the body of the work under Ambra. ’ * The first Venice edition, 1497, bears the title « J. Platearii practica brevis felic- iter incipit,—Incipit Liber de simplici medicina,’’ etc., as in 1488 ; shortened in ! 525 P. Liber de simplici,”’ etc. _ _ TArabic and Greek elements had both influenced the dialect as Camus points - in Its name /ome, a resin, modified through Greek speech of Calabria and Sicily in the form e/emmi, from the Arabic el-luban, resin, these Greeks replacing Arabic 6 by "+ as in the chapter Gumma Elemmi, the Domian writes «« Sarraceni vocant e/emmt, 00S autem vocamus /omte, imbar,’’ which is not in the printed or Ferrarese Circa instans ; nor inthe Ortus santtati', though it cites its A/ve largely from Plateario; nor in the Breslau MS. of the Compendium Salernitanums but only in the Modena MS. of the Tractatus, representing the Domian r action. imbar received the tardy but effectual confirmation of the nineteenth century, when Danielli reported Zambaron and sabbara (the Arabic saé r, aloe) as the vernacular survivals to-day in Sicily and Calabria. + Examples include the following (of which the first and second were observed by Camus): ‘ Altea Domiani vocant eam moloche agrie,”’ i.e., we at home know the Al- thea as wild-moloche (mallow); Theophrastus had called it Ma2éyn aypia. The also under 4/oe, Domianus writes, *‘ nos autem DomIAN PLANT-NAMES 267 This reviser, Domianus we may call him, seems to have made extensive observations in Calabria and Sicily, and to have added references to localities and to race-names, such as the Apulian, * Lucanian, ‘‘Cicilian ” { (Sicilian) and perhaps others. Camus attrib- uted all of these to his Bartolomed of Siena ; but the Domian names seem to have come from some one whose home had been further south ; Domianus may therefore have come from the borders of the Greeks of Calabria to reside later at Palermo and at Salerno. 5. Zractatus Herbarum, an illustrated MS. ibid oe pre- French Secres renders Damiani here by “es Donnens. ‘* Arthemisia; Domiani vocant € ypvoa Camus, to seni Stoechas L. ae longua, Domiani vocant pexionus ”’ (in Secres, “* Les Romains ae pecionus’’). Similar examples may be his *‘ Grias in Lucaniam’’ ( = Pinguicula ?) and his tridaxaga (= Leontodon ?); and such as thes Galeopsis Tetrahit L., ** Tetrahit, sake depen idem est, (First mention ; called in Alphite, - ahiscus; in Italy still, eda guidate Arum, ‘‘iarus,’’ and ‘‘barba Aaron’’; and in Sec, ie ‘*oueil a prestre’’; the name Iarus may have Sh Calabrian ? Hedera Helix \., ‘* Hedera nigra. . . est re grect vorant cissommelle.”’ Crithmum maritimum L., ‘*Cretanus. Herba omine dicitur /accih,”’ Mandragora *‘ Apoltiaave herba. . . Greci vero vocant eam dicea.”’ Allium, * Allium . . . Succus eciam interius ore receptus excutit venenum, unde dicitur ¢ériaca (Gr. jheertaica bp sels ”; in See. ‘lappelleon “riacle a — Rosmarinus officinalis L., Ros marinus. . . Flos autem dicitur anthos.’ * Some of his pasa examples Spiraea Filipendula L. (first. mentioned hee ‘« Filipendula, que fissalidos alio eigen on apc in ultra maris partibus et Ampulia.”’ reperitur eciam in Ampulia’’ ; in eeiapeiliien Sal., Breslau MS., ine ees pai reperitu e of the Sicilian examples ar ferula nodi ‘iis L ‘¢Ferula. . epee in Calabria et in Sicilia’’ (in Sec., “trouve grant auntie ¢ en Calabre et en Cecile Sesamum orientale L, ‘*Sisamus idem est qui ginginlena. Cicilia . . . reperitur in magna copia.”’ hapsia sarganica L. §* Tapsia . 2 invenitur... Proprie circa Palormum.”’ Sugar from Saccharum officinale L. ‘*Zuccarum fit de cannamelle (sugarcane } ++. in — et in Spania; fit versus beati Johannis Baptiste’? ; in Sec. ‘*Zuccara, C'est scene.” + Codex x 993, of the > century, at Modena, in Latin, written in 2 columns, in Gothic letters, with numerous abbreviation: alphabetically, i in 480 ae and 470 colored figures. Only the nomenclature has. been published (in Camus’ Z’ Opera Salernitana, Modena, 18: @ Bartolomeo’s work begins like the other ——— * Circa instans negocium simplicibus_medicinis nostrum versatur propositum.’ Its end is peculiar to ise . . Semen ejus in in Calabria et Cicilia et in the Bibl. Estense; 167 leaves, $; arrang 268 AsTerR History; PLATEARIO pared from the Domian recension, perhaps at Siena, by Barto- lomeo Mino da Siena,* about 1340. Copyists have corrupted his name into Bartolomeo Minid’sens and Mundsens. Bartolomeo’stitle ‘‘ Tractatus herbarum Dioscorides et Platonis atque Galieno et Macrone translatate ”’ implies that he made some additions from a text of Galen and from one that he understood to be of Plato but which was really of Pliny. So we find the Ortus when printed, 1491, etc., ascribing matter to Plato which should have been credited to Pliny. He also implies his belief in Macer as a Greek by calling him Macron or Macro,+ “ great.” He evi- dently thought the Latin poem of Macer a translation from an original Greek { form. He certainly seems to have made indus- trious use of Macer; for Camus’ list of less usual citations made by Bartolomeo, comprising “ Pliny, Ipocrates, Appollonio, Platon, Aristotele, Asclepias, Pitagora, Olympia Thebana,” are all found in Macer and were quoted by Macer from Pliny. Bartolomeo’s other citations may be classed as follows : 2d. Such as already existed in Matteo’s Circa instans, or in its Giovannian form; namely, citations from Isaac, from Con- stantino, mulieres Salernitanae, Preposito’s Antidotarium, the Pas- sionarius, the Flos Medicinae, and some of those from Macer. Prensa ‘ Explicit tractatus herbaram Dioscorides et Platonis atque Galieno et Macrone trans- latate manu et intellectu Bartholomei minid’ sens in arte speciarie semper infusus,”’ listed in the Modena Bibl. Estense catalog of codices, about 1790, as ‘* 993,”’ ‘* Dios- — Tractatus de herbis, cum Platonis Galieni et Macri hujusmodi a Barth ; Mund- * Bartolomeo, Camus suggests, was perhaps father of that poet of the 14th century Andrea Mino da Siena, one of igs celebrated family of the Piccolomini and sur- named Ciscranna, ‘ the folding-chair, t The Tractatus cites him rarely as Macro, Macron, reel in ablative, Macrone; the Compendium Sal. of Breslau, as Mac. (abbreviation for Macro, Renz2); the printed Circa instans has guessed at it as “* Macrobius.”’ maeiealg 1305, as well as Barthol- omaeus Anglicus, c. 1256, knew the name as Macro, but were also interpreted by printers as meaning Macrobius, t It is possible that Macer wrote part of his matter in the native Greek of his Calabria and when bes itup into the Latin poem, with continuous use of vos, sost77, in sen of “we who speak Latin,” si have neglected to translate certain Greek words as Sciasis, cacostumachon, incaustru #, etc.; this would account for their now occurring a a the Latin. = 2 scripts something pice: chat: Macer was a Greek is not impro ; eae have guessed from that fact alone that the Latin poem by Macer was a translation. TrRaAcTATUS HERBARUM 269 3d. Certain citations quote Matteo Plateario who was indeed the source of the whole body of the work. Possibly they are due to Matteo’s nephew, Giovanni, who may have inserted his uncle’s name when mentioning certain remedies, to show that they had been specially tested and used by him. 4th. Additions made from the Pandectae medicinae of Matteo Silvatico, 1313. 5th. Additions and figures from an illustrated Dioscorides ; Bartolomeo’s text and figures serving, it may be, as chief source for early MSS. of the Ortus Sanitatis, perhaps by the year 1400. From what MS. of Dioscorides these figures * came, demands further investigation. From some Dioscorides many figures in the Modena (1458) and the Kénigsberg MSS. of the Secres de Salerne seem also to have been derived, as well as those in Benedict Rinius’ Liber de simplicibus, 1415; long before the removal by Busbecq (1522-1592) of the great Anician MS. of Dioscorides, Codex C, from Constantinople to Vienna. Bartolomeo’s Synonyms.—Out of Dioscorides, Bartolomeo ob- tained the numerous synonyms, which he credits to the “« A ffri- cani, Egipcii, Dacii, Ostani, Profeti,’ and perhaps those to the ‘Siculi, Corinti and Romani.’’ Some of these may have come, however, with his “ Punici,’’ out of Apuleius. He may as a * Some figures, says Camus, show flowers and fruit both, some so true to the plant as to suggest direct copying from nature, as in Viola, Borrago, Pervinca, Cichorium sylvaticum, Crocus; and in corncockle, rice, fleur-de-lis, strawberry. Many figures in- clude accessories, as the elegant vase for culture of marjoram, the ornate iron coffer for Preserving mastic, and very rich chests containing gums and minerals. A number of animals are figured as the frog, stag, elephant, snake, lizard, salamander. Often the rude figure is made interesting by the introduction of some characteristic personage h gold ; a man extracting sulphur from the brink of a volcano in eruption ; a poor aioe who sacrifices his castoreum to the assailing huntsman ; barbarians with black visage and with their dogs, before whom flies a musk deer; a frightful horned devil threaten- ing with his hoof a hare hidden behind a plant of Sparagi se/vatici with red berries, the plant Asparagus tenuifolius, called Palacium leports, i. e., ‘rabbit's palace,”’ in the text, still so called in Italy in the time of Caesalpino, 1583, though in Ortus the name is transferred to an endive-like plant. This figure was probably added to explain a insertion in the text by Bartolomeo, stating that this is the plant under whic th timid hair secura est a ayapolo. 270 AsTER History; PLATEARIO Tuscan have added from his own knowledge those which he at- tributes to the “ Tuscii.” Of the rest, those ascribed to the “ Do- miani, Ciciliani, Lucani,’’ and some of the “ Greci,’’ were doubtless added by the Domian redactor ; and those ascribed to the Spani, Latini, Itali, Ytaliani, Gallii, and part of the Greci, may have been in the MS. from Matteo: onward. 6. Secres de Salerne, the French MS. translation of the Circa instans, made by Le Petit Pelous in central Italy in 1458 (in Siena ?) chiefly from the now-existing Zractatus, MS. 993, on the blank end of which Pelous transcribed his Sinonimia, according to his own signature, the same year. The nomenclatural part of Secres was published 1886 by Camus at Modena in his “ L’Opera Salernitana,” with the claim that the Secres is “the primitive text of the Grant Herbier,” and proving by comparison the direct deri- vation of that French herbal from Circa instans. The contents of Secres, its succession of chapters, its index and its figures, are almost absolute copies from the Zractatus ; though more prolix. But certain slight differences show that Pelous also used other SS. of Circa instans, from which he made supplementary re- — marks. st. The French Secres besides reproducing all that is in the Latin 7ractatus, adds 8 new chapters, as Stafisagria, Saliunca, Fuligo, Lacca, Siseleos, Sistra, Lepidos calcis, Trifolium, mentioned in the index to the present MS. of Zractatus and doubtless pre- sented in Bartolomeo’s original. 2d. Certain chapters after translating all the Latin which now remains in Zractatus, add efc., as if there were more un- translated, 3d. In chapter Appium risus, a quotation from Plateario in the first person is given which is lacking in 7ractatus. 4th. Pelous adds 7 or 8 new chapters not in the text or index of Tractatus ; of which Crisomiles, Culcasia, Robellia, are in the Breslau MS. of Plateario’s Compendium ; and Gran froissié, Sapo- naria, Senechon, Herbe d’ancens, from sources which Camus found difficult to trace. Besides using other MSS. of Girca instans, Pelous also supple- mented his author from his own observations and from certain more recent writers whom he quotes ; as under Soldanea (= Con- volvulus Soldanella L.) he cites “ un nouvel acteur appellé Gentil SECRES DE SALERNE Po | [Gentile de Fuligno, fide Camus], and under Spinaca, “‘ un acteur appellé Tacuin.”’ The figures in Pelous’ MS. Secres are less varied than in the Tractatus 993, but better executed and more vividly colored. The artist has however at times represented a plant wholly dif- ferent from that of the text; as under /ucensaria. Probably the artist was the assistant Abourg (in the Modena catalog, Abourt), whom Pelous + names as aiding him. This MS. Secres bears the name of two owners, one in a hand of the 16th century, “ Livre des simples A Monsr. Durfe,” and another similarly old, ‘‘ Jehan Duboys.”’ The MS. begins without title, directly as the original Czrca imstans, with ‘‘ En ceste presente besoingne cest nostre propos et entencion de traitier des simples medicines’? and ends with the words “Et pour eviter prolixite cy est la fin de ce livre on quel sont contenus les secres de Salerne. Explicit cest herbollaire,”’ etc. __ One other MS. of this French Secres de Salerne is known, that * Either or both of two works may hav e been meant, the Tacuinus sanitatis, a translation of an Arabic work, Tagwim azszihhadt, sitlioted to Elluchasem Elimithar or the Zacuinus de curis morborum corporum, attributed to Abu Ali Jahia Ben Gezlah; — eaiidds occur in the same codex, 175, in Bibl. Estense at Modena, written ut 1290, in part at Aversa, in part at Rome Of the swirls of Le Petit Pelous, as the translator signs himself, we may in- sp Camus from the form of his words, that he came, not like many writers of that » from Normandy, but from central France; and that he came, like so many Engl, French a {ernie copyists of manuscripts in that century in Italy, as a young man to study in one of the Italian universities. Many such students, remarks Puccinotti, copied manuscripts under direction of their professors; and in the city library at Siena alone, among codices of the fifteenth century are some signed by Insulis natione Picardus otadictas auditor, etc. Such a student was Pelous, who ian as his colophon to his Secres, ‘Explicit cest herbollaire Auquel a heu asses affaire Abourg. Il a este escript Mil CCCC cinquante et huit. Et la escript cest tout cer- tain Le patron de sa propre main Tie pour luy Je vous en prye Pour amour De la com- Paignye. Le petit eget 1458. amoris 1458.’’ Shou o any one claim that Pelous was merely copyist an as well, Camus observes that the French translation has in its language ‘ ‘an in- saane siareadet of the 15th century,’’ so it could not have been much older than lous if not his own wo. . 272 AsTER History; PLATEARIO found by Meyer in the Royal Library of Konigsberg, and described by him in his History, 4: 187; containing 202 small folios, written in two columns, without title, but ending, exactly like the Modena MS. with the words “Et pour eviter prolixite cy est la fin de ce livre en quel sont contenus les secres de salerne.’’ The colored figures of exotics and little known plants are quite fantastic, but others, says Meyer, are quite true to nature, as those of Apium, Aristolochia, Asarum. The handwriting was thought by Professor Voigt to be of about 1500 A.D. Meyer judged it must have pre- ceded the first printing of the French herbal derived from it about 1480, and remarked, 1857, that it must have been copied from some lost MS. Camus’ discovery of its source in the Modena MS. followed in 1885. ‘Meyer described it as of 463 chapters, some taken without acknowledgment from Isaac, as those on Castanea, Phaseolus, etc., and many seemingly from an abridged MS. of Apuleius Platonicus, and many from unknown sources. Meyer also partic- ularly remarked the interest of the folk-names, often introduced with the words, “ Les domiciens appellent.” These we now know are traceable to the Domiani of the Domian MS., see p. 266. 7. Arbolayre, the first printed edition of the French “ Grant Herbier” ; a rare work, the colophon of which as furnished to Camus by L. Delisle, director of the Bibl. Nat. of Paris, reads “Ce est fin de ce livre ou quel sunt contenus les secres des erbes et communes medicines et drognes a vray translater ‘de latin en francoys et bien corrigees selon pluseurs docteurs de medicine,” t. €., the Secres de Salerne was used as a true translation (referred to as les Secres des Erbes) and after corrections and additions from many physicians, was printed by the name Arbolayre, at Paris, about. 1480 by Pierre Caron, fide Haller and Meyer. Lacroix, who dates it 1495, less accurately entitles it “a new herbal, called L’Arbolayre, extracted from the medical treatises of Avicenna, Rhazes, Constantine, Isaac and Platéaire.” 8. Le Grant Herbier en JSrancoys was the title borne by the ty 8 or 9 rare subsequent editions of the Arbolayre ; one at Paris, ‘printed about 1490 by Guillaume Nyvert, one by Jacques Nyvert, one by Jehan Janot, one by Denis Janot and Alain Lotrian, others with dates 1499 and 1521, and another printed by Alain Lotnan THE GRETE HERBALL 273 about 1530 which Meyer possessed, being no. 11,669 of Pritzel. This latter contains 176 numbered leaves and 22 more, with poor print and paper, and rude wood-cuts, smaller and poorer than the similar ones of Ortus, though really the same figures. It contains 5 chapters more than in Secres, 468 in all, Aloe to Zucarum ; 4 of the 5 additional having been supplied from Circa instans, which it represents quite completely. Its explanatory title states ‘it contains the kinds, and powers of herbs, trees, gums, seeds, oils, and precious stones, extracted from”? many medical works, as of “ Avicenna, Rasis, Constantin, Isaac, Plataire et Ypocras.” The colophon omits “‘ Ypocras”’ (Hippocrates), and makes amends by elevating Plateario among the canonized as “St. Plataire.” 9. “ The Grete Herbal, with cuts,” of 1516, first book of its kind in English, was a translation from Caron’s 1499 edition of the Grant Herbier, with some alterations and additions ; was mistaken by Pulteney for a translation of the somewhat similar Ortus Sanitatis.’ Its translator is not known, but its printer, Peter Treveris, of London, is called its translator by Pritzel ; he printed it again with figures in 1525, 1526 and 1529. Meyer points out the error of those who thought the translator to be the Louvain professor Jeremias Triverius, who died 1554. Three other printers reissued it, Laurens Andrews, 1527; Thomas Gybson (with corrections, Seguzer, 216), 1539; Jhon Kynge (reprinting Gybson’s), 1561. Besides the 7 now men- tioned, there was an edition without figures, in 1550. The issue of 1526, in the Oxford University Library, contains 505 chapters each with a small rude woodcut from a block hardly two inches square. It adds to the Grant Herbier 30 descriptions and figures, an address by the printer, and a treatise De urina. Pulteney terms it “the first printed botanical work of any consequence or popularity in England,” adding that it “ abounds with the barbarous and misspelt names of the middle ages,’ and quoting the words of Turner’s Herbal regarding it, that “as yet there was no English Herbal but one, all full of unlearned cacog- raphies and falsely naming of herbs.” Pulteney remarks that the 505 chapters are alphabetically arranged by their Latin names ; the English name follows the Latin ; the woodcut is prefixed ; there is scarce any description, but a statement of temperament, hot or 274 AstTER History; PLATEARIO cold, dry or moist, a prolix account of the diseases for which the plant is applicable, and the method of using it. Over 400 of the chapters represent plants ; about 150 are English plants, but are not so designated; many of the figures are imaginary, many are misplaced ; several times the same figure occurs used for different plants ; those with animals are particularly absurd; that of the mandrake, Pulteney remarks, “exhibits two perfectly human figures, with the plant growing from the head of each”’; a familiar mediaeval conception. * Works which are very largely based upon the Circa instans also include the following, which I treat separately : 10. Natura Rerum, in Latin, by Thomas de Cantiprato, a Fleming, 1244; never printed. 11. De... plantis, by Albert Magnus, about 1265; in Latin; printed 1517. 12. Kuralium, etc., of Crescenzi, 1305; his Book 6 is very largely drawn from Circa instans. 13. Buch der Natur, translation of Cantiprato into German of Bavarian dialect, by Conrad von Megenberg, 1349, printed 1475 14. Aggregator Practicus, in Latin, author unknown, Italian or German? of perhaps 1350; printed circa 1473? etc., and with German and Italian translations, 1480? etc. 15. Ortus Sanitatis, in Latin, author unknown, Italian? of per- haps 1400? printed 1491, and earlier but undated; early French, Dutch and Lower-Saxon translations, printed 1492, etc., more OF less close to the original. : —$—____ eT * This 1526 volume is a small folio, of about 350 unnumbered pages; its title 1s of Herbes and there gracyous vertues which God hath ordeyned for our prosperous welfare & helth, for they hele and cure all manner of dyseases & sickenesses that fall or misfortune to all manner of creatoures of God created. ** Practysed by many expert and wyse masters, as Avicenna and other, etc. /! : it geveth full parfyte understandyng of the book lately prented by me (Peter Treveris) named the noble experiens of the vertuous handwarke of surgery. ; ‘* Imprynted at London in Southwarke by me Peter Treveris, dwelling in the Sign of the Wodows, 1526, the 27th day of July,”’ See Richard Pulteney, “ Historical and biographical Sketches of ... Botany in Eng- land’’: 46-50, London, 1790. See also Meyer, 4: 391. SURVIVALS FROM: PLATEARIO 275 16. Gart der Gesundheit, German translation of the preceding, with modifications, by Dr. Johann von Cuba; 1485, Mentz, and often after, to 1530, etc. 17. Garde der Suntheyt, Lubeck translation of 15, but with changes in text and in figures ; 1520, ‘‘ Lubeck in saligen Steffen Arndes’ druckerye,”’ folio. 18. Kreutterbuch, modified from 16, by Eucharius Rhodion ; Egenolff, Frankfort, 1533, 1540, 1550. 19. Kreuterbuch, in German, by Adam Lonitzer (greatly modified from 18); Egenolf, Frankfort, 1557, and often after. 20. Kreuterbuch, by Peter Uffenbach (modified slightly from 19), Frankfort, 1616, and often after. 21. Kreuterbuch, by Balthazar Ehrhart (modified impercep- tibly from 20), Ulm, 1737, 1765, 1776, Augsburg, 1783. GERMAN AND MISCELLANEOUS PLANT-WRITERS. XLV. HILDEGARDIS The description by St. Hildegardis,* about 1150 A. D., of 166 native plants of the Rhine provinces, has been called by Meyer “the beginning of German Natural History,” and is also note- worthy as one of the earliest contributions made by her sex to botanical knowledge. She was author of four books “ Der physica,” of which books II and III are on plants ; printed at Strasburg by Joannes Schott, 1544, but rare. They contain numerous folk-remedies not from Dioscorides but from the people, and many first-mentions + of important German plant-names. Among the names she uses for Plants confused with Aster are the following: 4 * Born in 1099, at Bechelheim on the Nahe, of a knightly family, she lived a cloister o from her 8th to her Soth year, dying in 1179, having been 31 years an abbess near Bingen, at St. Ruprechtsberg, and for 12 years before, the abbess of the convent at Disibodenberg. T Sprengel, recounting her ‘‘ barbarous names,’’ finds in the Physica of Hilde- Sardis (his sanctissima virgo), the following names used for the first time : Herba \aron 8 Arum maculatum ; Zytvel, Artemisia Santonica ; Christiana, He/leborus miger ; Storchenschnabel, Geum Robertianum ; Razela, Polygonum Perstcaria ; Huofladtheda major, Tussilago Petasites; Huofladtheda minor, Tussilago Farfara ; also Wehdystel, Pandonia, Hunesdarm, Himmelschlussel, mentioned above. 276 Aster History : HILDEGARDIS Fridelsouge or Fridelsauga,* for Tragopogon porrifolius ; see infra, under Anguillara. Alentidium,+ Inula Helenium, the German Alant. Febrifuga and Mettra,+ for Pyrethrum Parthenium. Rubea,+ for Rubia tinctorum. Wehdystel,t for Centaurea Cal- citrapa. Stignus,+ for Atropa Belladonna. Himmelschlussel,t for Primula vulgaris. Pandonia,t for Chelidonium majus. Hunes- darm,t for Stellaria media. XLVI. ALsBEeRTUS MAGNUS Albert of Lauingen, commonly known as Albertus Magnus, or as Albert Graf von Bollstadt, remarkable among mediaeval writers for his attention to the physiology and philosophy of plants, was born in 1193 at Lauingen in Suabia (now in Bavaria), was bishop _of Ratisbon in 1260, and died in 1280, aged 87. In his De vegetabilibus et plantis,§ expanded from Nicolaus Damascenus, whose work he took to be the genuine work of Aristotle, he devotes the sixth book to individual notices of plants, the only part of his work with which our present subject is con- cerned, but not that on which he himself set a high value, for of these small details of fact he speaks slightingly, remarking “ De particularibus enim philosophia esse non poterit.”’ Notwithstanding this self-depreciation, this part of. his work is of the greatest interest and service, on account of peculiar names and realistic descriptive touches with which his own experience filled it. To edit this work was one of the fond hopes of the historian of classic and mediaeval botany, Ernest H. F. Meyer, and when his death left his work partly finished it was ably continued by Jessen and published in unusually elaborate completeness, in 1867, at Berlin, under the name “ Alberti Magni... De vegetabilibus hibrt VII,” to the pages of which my references will relate. Its seventh book treats 398 plants in alphabetical chapters, based primarily on Avicenna, Plateario (in the Circa instans) and Isidorus Hispalensis, With the material taken from these authors ‘‘ he weaves in his own observations, and these often of the acutesty sincaeirtilaticatinlhnisctch iain * Fide Jessen. + Fide Meyer. } Fide Sprengel. ; ¢ Rarely Printed ; first at Venice, 1517; by Jammy at Leyden, $0555 9m the critical edition of Meyer and Jessen, Berlin, 1867, 8vo, 752 p. d again, ALBERTUS’ COMPOSITAE QTT as Meyer and Jessen observe, p. 339, while “ from Avicenna he takes all he wrote about the medical properties of the plants treated, quoting it with or without use of the identical language.”’ Considering the beauty of Aster Amellus in the subalpine region. and observing Albert’s wide personal acquaintance with subalpine Bavarian plants, we would have expected mention of this Aster, and perhaps its omission does not indicate his failure to notice it but his failure to regard it as of medicinal utility. The wide difference be- tween his treatment of plants and that of Roman and of Renaissance botany is to be noted in the absence from his work, not only of Aster as such, but as veiled under such names as Stella, Bubonium, Inguinalis, Unguinaria, Ynguinaria, or Alibium. He treats about 23 Compositae, mostly familiar plants like his Enula campana, the most important of which in the present con- nection are his Oculus porci (Tragopogon), see znfra under Anguil- lara, and his Rostrum porcinum (Leontodon), already noticed under Hippocrates, p. 108. Sponsa solis he uses for Cichorium, as did Plateario, and also for Calendula officinalis L., which he says, p. 579, is (like Aster) valu- able for poisonous bites: “trita confert morsui venenatorum, posita super vulnus.”’ Senecio he uses, but Jessen could not decide for what plant. Policaria, also doubtful; perhaps Pulicaria vulgaris Gaertn. “ Yppia, quae tanacetum agreste’”’; 7. ¢.,2anacetum vulgare L.* * Among plants confused by others with Aster, his usage is as follows: Eryngium campestre L., under Yringum, Iringum or Hyringum, p. 568, confused by him as by Plateario with their ‘‘ secacul,” Pastinaca secacul Russ eu whence its present English name dennet). He ment f of cloves, this Gariofilata, and his Ungula Caballina, Asarum Europacum L., which has More of the odor, but he says nothing of the odor of cloves in Dianthus nor in roots of Aster Amellus. Chelidonium seems to appear blended with some other plant unknown, gular name of Venae tinctorum, Painters’ Veins, derived from Avicenna, and tecommended for the eyes. The name is said by Albertus to be from its use for dyeing and because the plants extenduntur sicut venae, p. 578 in his sin- by ami. An echo of the minglings of two plants under the Ve mark that * all parts are certainly frigid and humid, though there are some that call Violet Wwarm,”’ 278 Aster History; ALBERTUS MAGNUS Camomilla for Matricaria chamomilla L. Cotula fetida for Anthemis Cotula.. Canuca perhaps for Gnaphalium, Crocus for Carthamus tinctorius L.; with the usual endivia, cicorea, lactuca, lappa, carduus, centaurea, absinthium, ‘‘artemisia,’ abrotanum, “piretrum,” and millefolium, are his other chief Compositae. XLVII. Rarmunpus LULLUuUS Raimundus Lullus, 1235-1315, surnamed Palmensis from his birth at Palma on the island of Majorca, in youth a hermit, later a missionary among the Arabians, and finally a Franciscan monk, became known as one of the greatest alchemists of the Middle Ages. Two of the writings which emanated from his monkish cell concern plants directly. One of these, his ‘‘ Quintessence an or “Arcana of Nature,” arranges plants in “canons” according to temperament or supposed qualities. He does not mention Aster itself ; among plants which this survey of Aster history has in- cluded he makes the following references : Canon 8 of Book I, among the 40 plants listed here as “ calida” in the 1st degree are adsinthium, borago, eupatorium, camomilla, folia gariofilorum, sarcocolla, etc. Canon 9, warm in the 2d degree, 35 plants, including polium. Canon 10, warm in the 3d degree, exula, gariofili [1. ¢., Dian- thus ; see p. 260]. Canon 14, moist in the 3d degree, flores violae coelestis, and violae viridis [compare Arnald’s contemporary distinction, p. 2471: Canon 27, astringents, including serra sigilla and planiago. — The other work by Raimundus which requires allusion here 1s his translation of the Greek treatise + known as Kiranides. T orsion of Cifras’ Turego, for Melissa officinalis, p. 94, deemed by Jessen a verbal t rsion of boracho, Palladius’ name for it ; but it is almost as likely to be a copyist’s perve Macer’s Calabrian name for Melissa. * Printed 1541 by the title ‘* De secretis naturae sive Quintessentia libri . ” Naturae Arcanis’’; with name of its author in the form “Raimundus Lullus Majon pe A copy is in the Latimer Clark collection, in the library of the Amer. Institute Electrical Engineers, N. Y. City. t This treatise seems to have existed first in the form of a single book See? . os 2: 356), the Ayranis, written (or edited from the work of an earlier weiter wen may call Kyranis?) by an alchemist, one Harpocration (not the Alexandrian ) i a cited (as the Ayranis of Hermes) by Olympiodorus, perhaps 425 A. D., togetber duo sive RaimMuNDus’ KyYRANIDES 279 Meyer, 2: 361-6, comments upon some 24 plants which appear in the first book (the original Kyranis) of Raimundus’ translation under peculiar names : among which is “ Eryngius.” This chapter on Eryngium is of particular interest, as showing none of the blending with Aster which appeared in Serapion, the Arabic plant writer of the west; instead, in the Arabic writing of the east (in which form the Kyranides may have existed long before the trans- lation by Raimundus), the blending of Eryngium is not with Aster but with the verbena, and we find the Kyranides using Centum- capita and Peristereon as synonyms, 2. ¢., Eryngium campestre and Verbena officinalis. a lost work by Harpocration, the Lider Archaicus, of similar character. Harpocration may have been but a redactor, and if but half a century older than Olympiodorus, may have been living as late as 370 A. D. It was thought by Meyer rer a reference in Tertullian may have applied to the original work which came to be called Kyranis. If so, Harpocration may have made additions to the work of so soon Gite writer whom we may call Kyranis, and who may have written hae “Tertallian, z. ¢., before D A second redaction of Kyranis followed much later, perhaps 709 A. D.; its un- known author we may call Kyranos ue with Raimundus, Kiranus); the treatise now consisted of four books or Ayranides, , the amended Kyranis and three additional ks: first mentioned by Georgios Synkellos in 792. The third ssa fide Meyer, was the translation by Raimundus Lullus, and seems to have been made 1280 or later. This translation was attributed by Aldrovandi in the 16th century to aida: Cremonensis; but was credited, as edited by Rivinus, to one “* RA, PA, infimus clericus,’’—which gave to Meyer the hint that the translator was Raimundus Palmensia; in which theory he was confirmed by finding in it traces of the alchemist, of Spanish (or Italian ?) idioms and of Arabic, and man, y other features pointing to Raimundus as translator. Raimundus cites Simon racers his Italian contemporary, but seems not to know Albertus Magnus, the great Bavarian of a half entury before. y writers from Olympiodorus to Scaliger and Salmasius, the Kiranides — variously attributed to an Aegyptian, Arabic, Syrian, and Persian origin ; —_ for Meyer in 1855 to show that it was probably written at first in Greek, with quota- tions from Dioscorides, Pliny and Theocritus, with arrangement ©! of its articles on plants, minerals and animals in the order of the Greek alphabet, and with indications of Greek Conceptions and nam : t What is called its first edition appeared as ‘‘ Kirani Kiranides,”’ or ‘* Liber Physico-medicus Kiranidum Kirani...aureus gemmeusye,”’ 1638, without place ; with addition of notes, entitled the ** XA sadial coronides,”’ written by Bachmann ( Rivinus ) the Leipzig professor, who here styled himself in Greek fashion Rhyakinus. Meyer mappa 1855, on the A sae pee of the notes, paper and printing, the pie rarity of th and the ever advancing price. A copy was offered in London in 1901 at2Is, A > ct edition; stags rt 168 1, printed by “Jo. Just. Erythrophilus,”’ bore the title «« Mysteria eres 280 Aster History: Pupits of ALBERTUS XLVIII. Atspertus AND HENRICUS DE SAXONIA Albertus Magnus, like most great writers, was doomed to have his fame beclouded by spurious and unworthy works ascribed to his pen. One of these, the De miradbilibus mundi, is of unclaimed authorship ; another, the De Secretis Mulerum,* a treatise on em- bryology (of great interest in the history of medicine, though dif- fuse and wordy like much mediaeval speculation), was by one Hen- ricus de Saxonia, a pupil of Albertus Magnus, and who may have studied under him together with Thomas de Cantiprato at Cologne. A third, the De virtutibus herbarum, better known as Lider aggrega- tionis, an oft-printed + but most worthless { production as Pritzel deemed it, is now ascribed to one Frater Albertus de Saxonia,§ a master of philosophy, says Echard, at Paris, about 1300 A. Hs * Earlier printers issued the Secretis and the ——— mab we ; my edition ig fie former, ‘‘ Albertus Magnus de Secretis Mulierum cum commento,’’ Rome, 9, has no hint regarding the dated Lider ees of cei of 1493, of the seaadian of which its writer seemingly was not aware. This 1499 edition of the Secrefis is a thin quarto of 112 unnumbered pages, in a books ; it begins with the words “ Tractatus Henrici de Saxonia, Alberti Magni disc puli, de Secretis Mulierum, quem ab Alberto excerpsit.”’ The discursive commentary by some unknown Joannes, which accompanies the text, cites the ancients as Hippocrates, acu and Galen, also Macer, Avicenna a and verroes: it bears the name ‘‘ Expositio super Henricum de Saxonia de secretis mu- i, % ong plants mentioned by this commentator Joannes, is his list of aphrodisiacs in chapter 3 of Book 1, including ‘* piper, pillegium, testiculi vulpis, crocus orientalis, semen lini,’’ but with no mention of the e ryngium by which Phaon charmed Sappho. Later than the commentary, the — prefixed another title, ‘* A/bertus Magnus de Secretis Mulierum cum commento”’ ; m rely a device of the printer to gain notice; and so far successful that it has caused i identification of his work with Albertus Magnus on the part of some bibliographers to the present time er had an earlier edition, printed by Anton Sorg, at Augsburg, in 1489 (and Me another, at Frankfort, 1615), which agreed with the preceding (Meyer, 4: 7°): : ; 1615) agreed wi preceding (M De pie * An early edition of the Aggregationis is that ascribed to Reyser at Eichstadt, of about 1478. } “Libri miserrimi,”’ Pritzel’s no. 11849—a thin octavo of 31 unnumbered Page without name of place, writer or author ‘* Echard discovered (Meyer, 4: 83) among its rare MSS, (0 in England) an English MS. of uncertain oe claiming to be written, Magnus but by Frater Albertus de Saxoni ne in Paris and tw° not by Albertus PLANTS OF THE PLANETS 281 who may have been another pupil of Albertus Magnus, and who is known as a commentator on Aristotle. His Liber aggregationis is cited in the Aggregator practicus, perhaps 1350 A. D. Early editions of these works were separate ; later ones * com- bine the three. The last, that on plants, which from its name might be expected to be an extensive treatise, is but a meagre af- fair and full of superstition ; it describes the medical use of Cheli- donta, Melisophylos, and a few other plants,{ only sixteen in all, and then tests the herbs of the planets, ascribing its Affodil/us to Saturn, Poligonia vel Corrigiola to Sol, Chrynostates to Luna, Arnoglossa to Mars, Pentaphilon to Mercury, Achaton vel Jusqut- amus to Jove, and Pisterion (1. e., verbena) to Venus. Superstition and magic permeate the entire Aggregationis,{ and it bears the lineaments of the astrologer throughout. It is in fact an offshoot of the race of Hermes Trismegistus, its lineage tracing back to the Kiranides, which spoke in similar tone of the plants of the planets a thousand years before ; andto Raimundus’ transla- tion; which had just made its appearance. Its author, “ egomet Albertus,” as he styles himself, acknowledges his indebtedness to Kiranis in set terms, remarking in his preface that he will place in his book the sorcerer’s plant lore which he “ finds in the book Chy- randis and in the book Alcorat”’; the first of these no doubt refer- ting to Raimundus’ Latin version of the Kiranides. The medical uses described are chiefly those of magic rather than of medicine, and it is remarkable that this slight work, de- scribing only about twenty plants should, have sufficed to eclipse * As in 1601, and in the “‘Zidel/us de Secreto Mulierum et de Virtutibus Her- barum,”’ Amsterdam, 1740, ex 6i5/. Columbia,—which treated of plants on pages 118- 130 only. | ey are Eliotropia, Urtica, Virga pastoris, Provincia (periwinkle), Lingua canis, Jusquiamus, Lilium, Viscus quercinus, Centaurea, Salvia, Nephta, Verbena, Rosa, Serpentina : besides Chelidonia and Melisophylos. { Meyer, 4: 83, claims that Albertus de Saxonia could not have been a German, for he says of a plant ‘‘dicitur Martegon id est Sylphium quem admodum scsi in lingua Theothisca’’ ; and could have had no conception of Greek, for when in using Albertus Magnus, he attempts to quote Greek names, he mixes those of Greek = Latin origin inextricably. Albertus Magnus had said ‘+ Jusguiamus is a Greek name 3 but Albertus de Saxonia has it ‘* J/usguiamus is the Latin name of a plant which in Greek is Ventosius.”” Albertus Magnus had said, *‘ the plant which is called Quin- quefolium in Latin, is named in Greek Pentafilon’’ ; he of Saxony has it “ Quingue- folium is the Greek name of a plant which in Latin is called Serpentaria.”’ 282 AsTER History; DE CANTIPRATO the great genuine work of Albert Magnus with its nearly 400 plants, and to do that for over 500 years, or until in 1836 Meyer made known the true proportions of the two to the world. Alber- tus Magnus had been held in veneration in other lines of mental activity; but his plant writings remained substantially unknown till Meyer’s rehabilitation. It was a singular fate that had befallen them ; only one writer of their time, Crescenzi, is known to have mentioned them, and they passed into neglect. Meanwhile the three spurious works were constantly reprinted, and finally becom- ing combined, they formed one farrago of diffuse inanities, which did much to cast disrepute upon the real learning of the Middle Ages, —obscuring even the towering forms of such men as De Lauingen, Crescenzi and Plateario, looming behind its little shadow. XLIX. Der CANTIPRATO Earliest of the three contemporary encyclopaedists who shine in the bright but transient glow of the thirteenth century Re- naissance, was Thomas Brabantinus or Thomas de Cantiprato, called Cantimpratensis, from his home at Cantimpré, Belgium. Born 1201, at Leuwis, a littletown near Brussels, entering school at five years, he was firstan Augustinian, then, about 1232, a Domin- ican monk, became a scholar and associate of Albertus Magnus at Cologne, made journeys in various lands, especially about Ger- many, lived later at Paris, and died in 1270. He was called by Roger Bacon “ one of the few men of Grecian learning of this age.” His great work, still unprinted, “‘ Vatura rerum,” is a treatise on natural history in nineteen books, written 1230 to 1244. For *It begins ‘*Incipit prologus in librum de natura rerum,” Cracow MS., fide Pfeiffer. t So concluded Pfeiffer in 1861 ; Meyer, 1857, had thought it written abo same time with Bartholomaeus Anglicus’ similar work (which would be abo ope and claimed that neither was cognizant of the other; but see infra, p- At the end of his nineteenth book De Cantiprato remarks of his purpose, that nee aim I have books ; but also in transmarine parts, in England and in the Orient, 1 accu books written concerning nature, and from all these I extracted the bett more suitable things. Whoever may come upon my collections, let him give ” prayer, that according to my labor, so may God render me reward in the future. Amen.” NATuRA RERUM 283 fifteen years he labored, writes Pfeiffer, ‘to gather the sum of the natural history of the middle ages into one compendium.” The nineteen books treat first of the human body, and the races of man, then of quadrupeds, birds and other animals, trees and herbs, waters, precious stones, metals and climate, the planets, storm and thunder, the four elements, etc. Three books relate to plants, the roth, de arboribus communibus (beginning leaf 151 of the Stuttgart MS.), the 11th, de arboribus aromaticis (leaf 158), and the 12th, de herbis aromaticis et medicinalibus (leaf 164- 169).* The work is best known to the world by its use by Conrad de Megenberg in 1349 as basis of his Buch der Natur, which, as reprinted by Pfeiffer in 1861, brings the substance of de Cantiprato into light, though in rearranged and expanded form, and with additions. Several MSS. of De Cantiprato exist in Paris. One in the li- brary of the University of Cracow has an added 2oth book, concern- ing eclipses, the motion of the stars, etc., which is not by Cantiprato but is the Sphacra naturalis of Joh. de Sancto Bosco or “‘ Johann von Holywood.”+ One in Paris (dated by its scribe in 1276) is also in 20 books. + De Cantiprato describes 114 plants ;{ does not mention Aster ; and is apparently free beyond most authors from traces of blending of other plants with the common Aster.$ His plant chapters are very largely drawn from Platearius, with Pliny as ultimate source ; only 16 sources are mentioned, chiefly Latin (with Galen), including Palladius, “ Ysidorus,” and “Jacobus Aconensis Bishop de Vitriaco.’’|| een * Quoted in the original Latin by Pfeiffer (in his reprint, 1861, of the Buch der Natur, p. xxxii), from the Stuttgart MS. (a MS. of 200 leaves, of the 5th century). t Peiffer. t Meyer, 4 Fide the Buch der Natur. [ \| Vincent de Beauvais mentions De Cantiprato, writing himself but little later, but covering much of the same ground. Meyer thought that the other contemporary sil Obamas Bartholomew Anglicus, showed no knowledge of the existence of De tiprato. But i hat phrases whic and of ** flos sie pocgupanter ty of De Cantiprato’ s similar remarks about those flowers, and are indications of topics suggested by perusal of De Cantiprato. 284 Aster History ; BARTHOLOMAEUS L. BarTHOLOMAEUS ANGLICUS What may be called the popular cyclopaedia of the middle ages, is the work De proprietatibus rerum by Bartholomaeus Anglicus. Bartholomaeus was cited by authors from Leland to Fabricius as “ Bartholomaeus de Glanvilla or de Glanvyle, a Franciscan monk of about 1360.’’ Latterly proof has been ad- duced that he must have written about 1256* and in Paris: and two undated MSS. may be as old as that year.f His learning was very wide; his mind fully saturated with Asristotle ; his re- marks on plants a quaint mixture of sagacity and childishness. He has no chapter on Aster, and few on the Compositae. His work is in Latin, in 19 books of which the 17th is on plants and describes 144 species largely from Plateario and from Constan- * The true date of Bartholomaeus as about 1256 has been reached by a most inter- esting series of steps, detailed by Meyer. After being taught to believe his date as 1360, Meyer found two documents in the Paris University of the press mark 1300 and 1303 which contained Bartholomaeus. A dated MS. of Bartholomaeus’ proved to be 1300. Two undate S., on examination, seemed to be earlier, from 1260 to 1300 that ‘‘ Bartholomaeus’ work is principally taken from Vincent de Beauvais’’), or of Thomas Aquinas, Roger Bacon, or Aegidius Romanus, who wrote immediately after 1256, and that Bartholomaeus quotes Aristotle from a poor translation out of the Arabic when a better from the Greek direct appeared in 1260-1267. t Bartholomaeus Anglicus has also by confusion with Bartholomaeus Pisanus, been credited with the authorship of the ‘‘ Sermones de contemptu mundi,’ first printed = rancisci,’’a rare folio of Milan, 1 510, edited by Frater Franciscus Zeno ; with r : ma venerabilis Fratris Bartholomaei de Sancti Concordia, : wi than his‘ Summa seu Pisanella,’’ Venice 1474, 1476, Milan, 1479. . — ever were by Bartholomaeus Pisanus. Two others of similar name are to be disti- ed also among early printed books ; Bartholomaeus Brixiensis, a Copy of whose Com- cordia or Decreta Gratiani (Basle, M. Wenssler, 1481), is in Libr. Union Theol. Sem; and Bartholomaeus de Chaimis, whose Interrogatorium seu Confessionale is represented in Libr. Union Theol. Sem., by a copy issued at Venice in 1480, and in the N.Y. Public Library by the earlier issue by Valdater at Milan, 1474. The sermons of Bartholomaeus de Ursinis appeared at Naples, 1473, as the Quadragesimale s Epitoma Medicinae by another, one Bartholomaeus de Pisis, was of that period also. EDITIONS OF BARTHOLOMAEUS 285 tinus Africanus, but citing over 100 other authors; * especially Pliny, Aristotle and Dioscorides, through Latin translations ; together with a great number of almost unknown mediaeval writers. His great work has been 12 times translated ; first into English + at Berkeley Castle, at command of “ Syre Thomas Lorde of Berkeleye that made me to make this translation,’’ 1st Feb., 1398. The Latin original was often printed before 1500; first by Caxton { (fide Lowndes; and so Wynkyn de Worde, Caxton’s pupil and associate, expressly states), at Cologne, about 1470, 55 lines § to the page. * Especially from the Norman Alfred [de Sarchel, a translator of Pseud-Aristotle], from ‘‘ Aristotle de plantis,’’ Pliny, Dyascorides, Isaac [Ben Honein, especially his In diaetis}, Huguitio Pisanus [a jurist and grammarian], Papias [his Vocadudist], etc., with Oribasius, Aegidius ae Stephanus, Strabus, spo emia and Rabanus,—to use Bartholomaeus’ s spelli uotes from a number of previous English writers, as Robertus Lincol’, Gilbertus ‘ss Michael aha Algo s (Alcuin), and Simon Cozfi; and from the lost De naturis rerum of Alfred Anglicus, i. ¢., Alfred bishop Cridiensis in Devon, of the roth c von aa pens of English names to be coupled with nature, unless 1 d the Great, of the translator of Apuleius into Anglo-Saxon, and of the Soak writers ‘ie the early medical formulae which became incorporated in the Anglo-Saxon Leechdoms of uncertain date. wndes (accepted by Proctor, 1898) states that this translation was made John of eal agent in his Bibliotheca Britannica, in 1824, said that the translator was Thomas Berthlet ; apparently a false reading for Thomas Bercklei, 7. ¢., Berkeley, by whose command the translation was ide 2ak new English translation appeared in 1582, ‘‘ Batmann upon Bartholome his book the Propr. Rerum, newly corrected, en- larged and amended, with such additions as are requisite unto Seis several booke Lon, 1582, folio. t Hain, as ascribed this, his No, 2498, to Cologne, without printer; Johnson, Typographia, Lo n. 1824, deemed it the work of Caxton. Sotheby, 1858, y cateied Lowndes, 1859, considered the question settled in favor of Caxton, after compariso of fac-similes of type, and accepted in full the reference to it by Caxton’s disciple, ap- Prentice and successor, Wynkyn de Worde, who wrote, 1495, ‘* And also of your charyte call to remembraun The soul of William ae ae the first prynter ‘of this boke, In laten tongue at Coley ES Recent biographers of Caxton reject or ignore this explicit evidence. The latest to pronounce on the matter, Proctor, 1898, indexing two copies of this in the British Museum (and one in the Bodleian Libr.) leaves it uncertain, classing it by its type as by his 8th printer of Nf is the unknown printer of the ores Sancti Augustin § My citations are from copy of the so-called second Latin edition, the te line edition, printed 1468-70 to Berthold Ruppel of Hanau, first printer of Basle, who was Printer’s assistant to Gutenberg in 1455 (See ‘‘ Zarly Printed Books,’ by E. —— Duff, Lon, -» 1893; and ‘* /wdex to Early Printed Books in the British Museum,’’ by Robt, Proctor, Lon, 1 898). The last Latin edition appeared 1619 at Frankfort. The 286 Aster History ; BARTHOLOMAEUS Much of the puerile in Bartholomaeus * is borrowed from Isido- rus, Bishop of Seville in 596, whom he tookas his standard for names, and whose name sometimes appears in full as Ysidorus, but usu- ally in abbreviated form as Ysi, Ysid, or Ysidor, or disguised as Ysyder. From Isidorus he takes his absurd etymologies, as that of aster a star from auster the south,* his ‘‘ste//ae, a stando sunt dictae,”’ * and his punning explanation of szdera, his third name for stars, “ Sydera a considerando dicta,’ + because ‘“ considered by mathematicians in making reckonings !”’ Little that is new occurs among Bartholomaeus’ plant chapters; perhaps the most distinctive so far as name-form goes, are his Quisguilia (certain doubtful foreign seeds), his Thimzama (a prep- aration made for use at the altar, of galbanum, incense, etc.) and his Armonium, from Syria, which appears to be the gum called Armoniacum } in Circa instans. More familiar names disguised § by his spelling are his Sico- first edition in English was of 1495, in black letter and pronounced ‘‘ the most magni existing. A copy from the library of the late Henry Newnham Davis sold in London, Nov. 1900, for £212. A fourth copy in N.Y. is the Latin edition by Koberger, Nur- emberg, 1483; in the N. Y. Public Library. The French translation made 1392 by Corbichon, was first printed at Paris perhaps 1480, and six times at Lyons before 1500; the first Belgian, 1479, printed by Bartholomaeus de Engelsman ; the first Dutch, 1485, the first Spanish 1494, etc. * Lacroix’s remarks on Bartholomaeus, although based chiefly on his puerilities, HS ‘ood an index of the usual modern attitude to him that I quote them: ‘ Another recently published selections from Bartholomaeus. 74, book 8. { Produced from Dorema Ammoniacum Don. 4 Some of his authors are also well masked ; as his Pictagora for Pythagoras, ie medicus for Haly, to say nothing of Ypocras (Hippocrates) and Ysaac, P lat, Dyas; and Ysyder, mentioned above, BARTHOLOMAEUS’ COMPOSITAE 287 morus, Rutha, Rampnus for rhamnus, Kastanea, Ysopo and Isopus for hyssop, Tycorea for chicory, Draguncia for arum.§ We glance a moment at the treatment of Aster relatives by Bartholomaeus, venerable among Englishmen for his antiquity if not for his sagacity. Relatives of Aster Artemisia, est mater herbarum. Abscinthium, or Absinthium. Centaurea major = Centaurea sp. His “Centaurea minor,” which he also names “ herba amarissima” or “fel terrae ’’—Pla- teario’s names—is doubtless meant for Erythraea Centaurium Pers. Enula (Inula Helenium L.) “est duplex, ortolana et campana.”’ “Collect the root in the beginning of summer—frincipio estatis, and dry it in the sun against coughs and chills,” etc., etc., ‘as is written in Macro,* ‘ Enula campana reddit precordia sana.’ ” + “Elytropia, Solsequium sive Tychorea,” are his names for chicory “los campi,’ which Albertus Magnus and De Cantiprato were using at about the same date for Zragopogon porrifolius L., may have been also meant for that by Bartholomaeus, fol. 146, c. De flagello ; writing “ Fos campi, Flos specialis, sic dictus, quia Per se crescit in locis incultis nec sulcatis’’; a trace of influence of De Cantiprato upon Bartholomaeus. * Marco”? here in the 61-line folio is sams a printer’s or scribe’s transposi- tion of Macro, the form which Matteo Plateario used in Circa instans ; not Macr’, the form occurring in the Breslau codex of Plat Bartholomaeus seems to have sitodenk renee as an abbreviation for Macrobius, and accordingly Macrobius and not Macer appears in his concluding list of authorities (fol. 215 of the 61-line Latin edition; and so in Wynkyn de Worde’s first English ition t This line occurs in Circa instans, in Plateario’s chapter Enula. It is the first of the three lines on si in the Regimen n Salerni, where the other cw. lines are the = an integral part of Macer’s poem. ng in 1667 credited the three lines on in the Regimen Salerni to «« Macer, lib. I, c. 20,’’ using probably the Cornarius cgi of Macer, 1540, or the Rasen: ae of 1590, in both of which the chap- are arranged in «« books,’’ Enula occurring as chapter 20 of book 1in both. The ee edition was made from a different MS., the codex Bredenbergensis, piped Prove to r, that pr esent the text of Macer at Be:tholenauien time in other variants of the precordial line. 288 Aster History; BARTHOLOMAEUS Lactuca, of which he quotes one etymology from Isidore that is correct, ‘ Lactuca ex lactei humoris substancia est vocata.”’ Lappa (Arctium Lappa, etc.) ‘of many kinds and all medicinal ; also called Philantrophos because it clings to garments as with affec- tion ; and also called Virgulta caballina* ; cures struma ; é¢ execra- bilia vitia stomachi curat.” The chapter is taken from Pliny, Dioscorides and Isidorus ; retains nothing of Pliny’s Lappa canaria or Argemon with its Aster mixture; but adds from Plateario “Lappa or Lappacium consumit apostematum.” Plants Confused with Aster. “ Plantago, arnoglossa or agni lingua ut dixit Ysidorus li, xvii; ... est herba maxime conveniens medicine. Nam vulnera sanet etiam canis rabidi...tumores sedat . . . venenos repugnat ...apostemata dissipat..., ut dic[itur] Dyas[corides], qui multriformiter laudat virtutes magnificas arnoglossae.”’ “ Celidonia is an herb of yellow flower and fruit, staining the hand that touches it.” Its “notabiles virtutes” are reported from “Dioscorides, Plinius and Platearius” ; but imported Aster char- acters no longer appear. Gariophilum = cloves; not Dianthus nor Aster root nor Geum. Viola retains practically no imported Aster characters ; none at all unless that of relieving inflation and hastening delivery. He begins by adopting Isidorus’ foolish etymology, ‘“ Viola propter violenciam odoris sic est nominata; ut dicit Ysido.” The inter- esting feature of Bartholomaeus’ chapter on Viola, is the addi- tion of a new portion which reveals Bartholomaeus’ own affection for the flower, and which lost no quaintness in the Berkeleya™ translation made into English a century later, which runs, as Wynkyn de Worde printed it in 1495, in this wise: “ Violet 1s 4 lytyll herbe in substaunce, and is better fresshe and newé than whan it is olde. And ye floure thereof smellyth moost; and S° the smelle thereof abatyth hete of the brayne ; and refressyth and comfortyth the spyrytes of felynge; and makyth slepe ; for ! w * From the breadth of the leaves of the burdock? since Ungula caballina - long been in use for Tussilago and with Bartholomaeus for Asarum, on account broad leaves ; Coltsfoot being its modern representative. BARTHOLOMAEUS’ ASTER-PROPERTIES 289 helyth and emptyth and moysteth the brayn. And the more ver- tuous the floure thereof is, ye more it bendyth the head thereof dounwarde. Also floures of spryngynge tyme sprynge the fyrste and shewyth somer. The lytellnes* thereof in substaunce is nobly rewarded in gretnesse of savour, and of vertue, as Dyascorides and Plinius meane.”’ + De proprietatibus, bk. 17, ¢. Igl. Aster Samius, the white astringent earth stamped and exported into Greece since the time of Aretaeus onward, from Samos, now in Saracen dominion, still appears in Bartholomaeus as Terra sigilata, of which he remarks that ‘that kind is specially called Terra sigillata, and is the true earth, singularly frigid and dry, which is called according to Platearius, Zervra Saracenica or Terra argentea, which indeed is somewhat whitish, aromatic and clear ; its most potent property is to constrict. For its powder worked up with white of egg arrests the flow of blood from the nostrils. Very powerful it is also against inflation of the feet and against theumatic joints if its plaster is bound upon the suffering spot ; as is said in Platea[rius].”’ t Reputed Aster-powers.—Bartholomaeus has much to say of the mad dog’s bite, for which aster, plantain, and onion were classic reme- dies, and for which we find him still recommending his p/anfago and allium though aster has dropped out of his knowledge. His gen- eral remedy for poisonous bites is to secure vomiting or evacuation ; but for the morsus rabiat, which is ‘ mortifer et venenosus’’§ he would “sear the wound with fire or iron’’; or, says Bartholomaeus, “ use a compound cataplasma, made from a river-crab with Genciana and 7.24% * Parvitatem eius in substantia, magnitudo odoris pariter et virt ise pensat; ut dicit Dyas, : ft The violet was also the plant which aroused Matthioli to one of his most ex- tended allusions to his personal observation of flowers ; this violet which kindled his enthusiasm was a white species, unmentioned he remarks (Latin edn. of ‘ie PP 574-5) by Dioscorides, ‘‘ growing so close and full in April in the Araniensian fields above Trent as to seem from a distance like linen sheets spread on the ground ( ¢xtensa ‘intea).”” Miatthioli described and figured in his Italian edition of 1568, four other species of violet, including the pansy, which he calls [accea ithe Jacea of Jeg botanists) or Herba della Trinita (from its three colors), and his ‘‘altra laccea, Which seems to have been Viola arvensis L. i Fol. 131, in book xvi; taken largely from Platearius. 2 Fol. 63, book 7, and fol. 64. 290 Aster History; BARTHOLOMAEUS juice of Caprifolium ;’* or “‘use a t“yriaca repressiva, a decoction of rue in wine; or rub on dried figs with ground hazelnuts; or take balsam in a mother's milk; but take quickly,—/periculum est zn mora. Or use the antidote of onions { called Tyriaca rusticorum, the countryman’s poison-cure ; indeed without an onion in it, it is said it will still avail if hen’s lard be put in it; for so it is said according to Constantinus in his Lzber de simplici medicina.”’ + Viper-bites, he would cure, not with aster, but with a ““Tyriaca”’ of ‘“‘Genciana”’ in wine or ‘‘ with rue, mint or onions, well-salted”’; so says Constantinus, who would use as well a com- pound of hen’s brain and pomegranate leaves.{ His ‘‘Draguncia”’ or Arum is particularly efficacious ; ‘from its odor serpents flee.” (Book 17.) Ulcers and tumors, as the s¢ruma and apostema which we have seen treated with aster poultices by Greece and Rome, are by Bartholomaeus treated with “‘ Tyriaca cum vino’’§ taken, like the chief part of his medical chapters, from Constantinus Africanus. So he prescribes it for the tumor which he calls ‘“‘ xoli me tangere,” and for his cancer, which he remarks is “ vero magis.”’ Sciatica, for which Pliny recommended the aster, Bartholo- maeus cures { with ga/banum,§ also recommended by Pliny for the same.** * So in his liber xvii, de Allio, ‘« Allium is s powerful against all venoms, 50 that not without cause itis named a4 anféi; guts doctoribus, Salar Peeing ut dicit dyas. Maxime —s valet contra morsum et v mc abidi i Bartholomaeus also praises for poisonous bites he efficacia and virtus of “ cala- m”’ pees caulis (the cabbage), orobus seeds, ‘ nasturcium,’’ ‘* porrum,”’ — ‘cle? ”” walnuts cooked up with rue, the root of ‘ —— ’? (asparagus), “‘ genciana,” “‘menta diptanum et multa alia infinita,’’ adding ‘‘ Enim multa sunt venenosorum pe naar 3 ideo divina bonitas multa super addit anit (sic} et remedia’’; fol. 63. : te icit e Const., ... de frondibus malorum- -granatormngie ; 5 fol, 64. {| Fol. oe cu : ae deliveries, and for sciatica, ruptures, ulcers and inflamed tumors; its odor 1§ of these properties was ascribed to Ast se ahi by one or more of the Greeks or wate That Galbanum is still in use as an colicin to ulcerated sores is noted by Fee. BARTHOLOMAEUS’ PERSONALITY 291 Bartholomaeus’ great indebtedness to Salerno* by no means diminished when, from his treatment of diseases, so largely taken from Constantinus, he passed on to take up individual plants, which are very largely described from some MS. of Platearius’ Circa instans.+ For example, his whole long chapter on his “ Aloa”’ of Indica, lign-aloes,t is, as he himself says § at its end, transferred from Plateario ; that on his “Aloe” of India, chiefly Aloe vulgaris L., is, he says, at the outset, wholly extracted || from Dioscorides, Plateario and Avicenna. Traces of Bartholomaeus’ own delight in special flowers creep out occasionally, though his purpose was simply to write of the plants of Scriptural mention and of such others in England as were of special importance. His own feeling for nature occasionally gets the better of these restrictions as we see in his Violet. So in his chapter De flagello, fol. 146, speaking of twigs and sprouts, he can- not forbear to turn aside for a slender-stemmed red field-flower, perhaps scarlet poppy, remarking “Est itaque Flosculus stipite quidem gracilis et modicus, flore rubicundo.” Again in the same chapter he remarks, “ Among other flowers place first the blos- Te I a edt nate TS * «* Haec omnia de Dyas. et Plat. et Avicenna extracta sunt.”” + With such differences as that where under Aloa, Plateario quoted from Constan- tinus without specifying the book, Bartholomaeus looked up the reference: and quotes the book, ‘‘ Constantinus dicit in de graduum,”’ and under Aloe, the three kinds —s lateario calls, fide the Modena MS., * Cicotrinum, Epatis, et Caballinum,’’ appear in Bartholomaeus, fide the 61-line edition, as ‘ Concitrinum, Epaticum, et Caballinum, ut dicit Platearius.”’ t£xcoecaria Avalocha L. % “* Huc usque Platea.”’ \| * Haec omnia de Dyas. et Plat. et Avicenna extracta sunt.”’ : Of Macer’s peculiar plants, Bartholomaeus retains these traces: ais of Macer, ‘‘ Zizannia herba (or) lolium.”’ Boracho; neither this nor Melissophyllum occurs. Brassica or Caulis of Macer appears as his “ What is called Br d or Caulis per se nascens, has stronger effects than the ordinary Olus (cabbage)—‘* for Caules are vulgarly called by the name of Olus’’ ; as says Ysido...Pliny says it avails g ab olendo dictus, Ysi{dor]. On apples and cabbages the antediluvians were no as the animals are on grasses and herbs; as says Ysido, All he (omnis graminosa in terra nascentis) which can be cooked are fit for food for men, are in general called by the name Olus; but Caule ce in particular; as says Ysido. Olus is an herb “ melancholicum, generans, horribilem edorem faciens,’’ ut dicit Ysa[ac] in diet[is]...Est autem herba qua profecit per trans- plantacionem.”’ 292 Aster History; BARTHOLOMAEUS soms of lilies, roses and violets, especially for wreaths of noble worth, to be made beautiful by them.” The culture of garden plants and trees, like the almond,* was of great interest to Bar- tholomaeus, and in his chapters on the rose and the lily, after speaking of their primacy among flowers, he shows his great interest in their cultivation by the length to which he describes the effects of pruning and forcing, remarking of the “ Agvestis rosa “ that cultivation produces in that wild rose more frequent mutations than in the rosa vera of the garden.t The rose is on the whole the first of flowers to him, “Flos rose { inter flores optinet? principatum,” its “multitudo”’ of flowers charms his eye, and its medical value his mind, observing ‘‘the rose is a tree which is medicinal from flower, to leaf, to seed.” LI. Vincent DE BEAUVAIS Vincent de Beauvais, or Vincentius Bellovacensis, was the latest and most copious of the three great contemporary encyclopaedists. Sprengel calls him “the Pliny of the middle ages, a bookish man, and one who quoted nothing except on authority.’ He is said to have been a Dominican monk and a bishop, and to have died 1264; was from Beauvais in the department of Oise ; his great “Speculum naturale ” is one of the three parts § of his encyclopae- dia || the “Speculum majus tripartitum,” printed first and best by Mentelin, Strasburg, 1473-6, in 33 books, || six of which treat of plants ; his sources being the Bible, the Church fathers, and toa less degree the Greek, Latin and Arabic writers, including Dios tiga i: * Saying ‘‘ Amigdalas Grecum est que Nux longa vocatur. Hanc Nets vocant quasi minorem nucem; unde de qua virgi,’’ quoting from Ysidorus, < quoting its culture from Platearius ; see supra. i } Remarking that when the ‘* Rosa silvestris’? is planted in the gardens od vated, it is with it just as with the grape vine ; if itremains neglected and is aot RS from its superfluities (pruned) it degenerates into the wild.”’ t For rosae and obdtinet, @A fourth part, the Speculum morale, attributed to him, is a late er. | “The enormous necyclopaedia, in which he says the mandragora has the neo ofa human body ; the Scythian lamb is an animal plant attached to earth by stem ez roots; the tree of life or weeping tree is still to be found in Eastern harems,”’ Le —all of which are the familiar mediaeval fables with which monks could then pee books if they would avoid the contemporary imprisonment of Roger Bacon par r addition. — SS ar ee ee VINCENT’s ERYNGIUM, ETC. 298 corides and Pliny.* Some of his more unusual citations are of special interest ; he quotes twice from the Dialogus de rerum causis of the early English traveller Adelard + of about 1100 ; and quotes Thomas de Cantiprato, whose ink was hardly dry. Vincent de Beauvais treats of plants in 828 chapters, some of which describe two or more plants and some none (as chapters like his De varietate fructuum) ; book X, 156 chapters, on “ herbs of the earth ;”’ XI, 171 ch., “herbs of the gardens and fields ;’’ XII, 134 ch., “ seeds, grains, and fruits ;’’ XIII, 112 ch., “ trees ;”’ XIV, 115 ch., “ cultivated and fruit-bearing trees ;’’ XV, 140 ch., “ fruits of trees and plant-juices.’’ He makes no mention of Aster by name, nor under the names herba inguinalis, ynguinalis or unguin- alis which were so soon to reappear in the Ortus. The nearest approach made to Aster is under Eryngium, book X, ch. 156,§ De ypoglossa et yringion. But it is doubtful, however, if anything in that chapter is really an importation from Aster: it is probable that the confusion be- tween Eryngium and Aster did not spread till Simon Januensis translated Serapion, about 1292. Other plants noticed by Vincent include his Absinthium, Arthemisia, Abrotanum, Gariofilatum, Butalmum, Camomilla, Coniza, Enula, etc. Etradith (= tetrahit). Sarcocolla est arboris spinosae gumma. TZyrdith, quoted from Plateario as root of a * Also Aristotle, Avicenna, Isidorus, Palladius, Cassius Felix, Macer Floridus and arro; rarely from Ipocras (Hippocrates), once from ‘‘ Euribasius’’ (Oribasius ); saac, Rhases Adelard —— ‘*one of the first Englishmen after Alfred the Great to con- cern himself with nature,”” Meyer. He travelled through Greece and the Orient. t He also quotes Haymo or Isaiam, page of Halberstadt, the friend of Rhabanus Maurus and scholar of Alcuin: from one Gulielmus de Conchis, who died in 1150, author of a work ‘* De naturis’’ ; from Heleatas a historian, whe died 1227 ; and often from a work he —— Herbarius, but which differs from the Herbarius or Aggre- gator shag which we now possess rie I Fase, italicizing the parts which repeat aster charact : : “ Dyase rgingi vel Yringion sive Nux- pe herba est eres is lines 0 colore nea Virtus est illi naturaliter calida, ideoque bibita Urinam cit inflamationes ac fortiones stomachi solvit. Tpaticis prodest Sibus venenatis occurrit cum vino bibita. Meliusque potest id agere id ani ei semen Pastinacae. Denigue cathaplasmata et colle suspensa corpus limpidiat. 294 Asrer History: VINCENT DE BEAUVAIS tree growing in India and Arabia, etc.; and from Constantinus and Avicenna. Vincent’s series of herbaceous plant-chapters begins,* bk. X, with Absinthium, and ends, bk. XIV, with Zuccarum; just like Circa instans, and many an Herbarius of the following centuries. LII. CRESCENZzI Pietro Crescenzi,+ unique among Italian botanists, and called “the restorer of agriculture,’ completed, about 1305,{ his Bove: *T quote from the 1473 edition by Mentelin, father of printers at Seen copy of which is in the Libr, Union Theol. Sem., N. Y., and another in n the Latimer Ci: collection, forming a of the ‘* Wheeler Gift ’’ to st Amer. Institute of Elec- trical Engineers, N. Y.. This edition includes the 33 books in two volumes, royal folio, 66 lines to the page ; seas date, printer’s name or place, paging, catchword oF signature ; vol. i has 18 books, 318 leaves, and begins ‘‘ Incipit, specalt um naturale Vin- centii beluaces’’; vol. ii has 1 5 books, 327 leaves. Described as “ of the greatest variety,’’ ‘a superb monument of the sb art,’”’—* a more noble work than e present was never produced by the first printers,’’—it is of special interest from “ or wi claims set forth in behalf of its Se rea to have antedated Gutenberg ; more probability to have been his early associ later copy by Mentelin, 1476, is in the ‘dalled of the Grolier Club. A yet edition, in 52 lines, at Augsburg, was printed ( fide the type) ae ss said celebrated Nuremberg Chronicle printed by Koberger was a deriv : t Petrus de Crescentiis in original Latin form; Pietro ae in corte Italian, 1478; this is also Sansovino’s form, 1561 ; Pietro Crescenzi, the form used by ante and others, and in the 1605 or Florence edition ; some scholarly Italians still say en Crescenzi or Crescentio indifferently. and Too little i is known of the life of this lover of nature. His birth and ace f- love for the country, OE his Ruralium when past 70, as he remarks in : a atory letter to Aimericus de Placentia, head of the Dominican order, W i sc 0 elected so at Toulouse, 1304. He dedicated his work to King Charles II who died 1309, we 7 1309. ah was himself of a Ghibelline family, and speaks 7 his writing and Ce madex, Sel ae editors, Senator of Bologna ; he himself simply terms himself Czvis Bor Bologna he had a villa, 10 miles out, at Urbizzano, Feuds at Bologna of his life way, it is said for 30 years, acting in legal capacity as assessor be podestas. Besides life in other parts of Italy, he had spent much time in se which region many of his agricultural observations relate. He lived to —— rests CRESCENZI’S ‘‘ RURALIUM”’ 295 work on agriculture, written in Latin in twelve books, speedily translated into Italian, a work modelled on the plan of Columella -and Palladius, and ending with a Farmer’s Calendar ; but unlike them in containing a formal alphabetical series of chapters descrip- tive of separate plants. His work included also many original ob- servations and results of personal familiarity with nature. It was first known as Ruralium commodorum libri (earlier Latin editions), or as De agricultura (Latin editions of Basle, and earlier translations *), Some facts were nena: regarding him from the Bologna archives by an unknown biographer and prefixed to t ologna edition of his works in Italian; 1784 It is said by Tiraboschi te Crescenzi left Bologna in 1272, the year of the expul- sion of the anon ons factio probably son or eee of that Crescenzi of Bologna, who died while ambassador to cord feyer, 4: 140, site « out that three types of MSS. of Crescenzi have given rise to three cles of the printed text, those of Augsburg, Louvain and Basle, as follows = 1471, Augsburg, by Johann Schiiszler, with title Petri de Crescentits, civis Bonon., Rirsion commodorum libri duodecim.—Reissued with figures (but no date) ; and in 1493 at Mentz ( Hain’s 5832). 1474, Louvain, by Ante de Westfalia ; with similar title; without signatures ; (two others undated were deemed younger by Meyer because with signatures) ; seems 486. 1518, Basle, by Henric Petri; also 1538, 1548; has a chapter De riso, lacking in the others; bore the title ‘ De sercatur,” i the ‘ Agricolo et Philosopho Petro Crescentiensi, Qui haec Senator Bononiae,’’ etc. * TRANSLATIONS INCLUDE: Old Tuscan translation wrongly attributed to Crescenzi himself and made in or about his own time ; ; printed by Nicholaus Laurentii, Florence, 1478, and cary Meyer using one of Venice e, 1542. One of the important monuments of the Tusca gue itle, ** Libro della agricultura,’’ Other editions are those of Vicenza, on (by Leonhard _ of Basle), Naples 1724, Bologna 1784, Milan 1805. Second Italian, ‘‘ Pietro Crescentio tradutto nuovamente, per Francesco Sanso- vino,” saree by him at Venice, completed early in 1561 ; its dedication to the Duke of Urbino, Noy. 29, 1560; a quarto of about 520 pages, finely executed, with nearly 200 small woodcuts of plants ; these figures are different from those included in the con- temporary edition of Matthioli’s Commentary, Venice 1560. The figures are often se but sometimes leans misplaced, as when the figure of the moss Polytrichum is used to i illustrate the chapter on ee here 9 of Ficaria both, explaining that either is used but the larger is et : made doubtless from the Augsburg edition, = agreeing in ome two chapters on Pianteggine, while the Louvain form has but on 296 Aster History; CRESCENZI a title represented by “ Della villa of Petro Crescentio” in the Italian version by Sansovino. It holds a deservedly high place among the achievements of that too brief outburst of literary activity which formed the period of Dante, Boccaccio, Petrarch, and Chaucer. J. M. Gesner included this work in 1735 in his Ret Rusticae Scripiores. Crescenzi’s 136 plant-chapters form * his 6th book ; he begins each with the plant’s name and gives often a few synonyms and a few characteristics, but is mostly occupied by the direct utility of the plant to man,—which is chiefly medical and for which Plateario is his constant source, though cited by name only thrice. Book V treats of 52 kinds of trees in 53 chapters; book IV of the vine; book III of grasses and forage plants, in 23 chapters. Meyer made an unprinted synopsis of 292 plant-species in Cres- cenzi: had he included varieties the number would have been over As a whole, Crescenzi’s work is based on the Roman writers on Agriculture, on Palladius, Columella, Varro and Cato; with much indebtedness to Albertus Magnus and some to Nicolaus Damascenus ; and very much to Avicenna, who is cited by name over 80 times, or next in frequency to Palladius.+ Crescenzi does not seem to have known either of the three encyclopaedists, though writing, 1305, only a half century latet Third Italian translation by ’ Nferigno, i. e., Bastiano de Rossi (Florence eT praised by Meyer, but confounded by the Biographie Générale with the preceding ; is, ragueg a revision of the 1478 or Tuscan translation; title, ‘ 7rattato del ye cultur Old German translation, with cuts, Barista; 1493, 1499, etc., etc., and Strnsbarss 1518, as ‘* Von dem Nutzen der Dinge.’ Old French translation, a MS, called « Rustican,”’ of ‘‘ Pierre de Crescens,”” at at desire of Charles V, in 1373, printed by Verard, Paris, 1486, as ‘* Prouffits ¢ pestres et ruraulx, a Pierre Crescensi’’; again, entitled ‘« Le bon Mesnaiger ‘ additions by Gorgole Corne), Paris, 1 with tT Among earlier plant writers Crescenzi used sen Galen and ares also ra a Historia Alexandri ; among later writers he cites from Constantinus, from Ge be Cremonensis (his translation of Abulcasis) and from Macer, whose na parcte ss 502, Macer in the early Latin editions; but as Macro in Sansovino’s Italian versions i. which is presumably the name the poet bore in Italy when not in Latinized form 5 ‘ the Latin Basle editions, 1518, etc., Macro had been misunderstood (as earlier Bartholomaeus Anglicus) and is erroneously printed Macrobius. Me eh CRESCENZI ON ERYNGIUM 297 while Thomas de Cantiprato had presumably finished his Natura Rerum in 1244, Bartholomaeus his De proprietatibus about 1256, and Vincent his S*ecu/um about 1260. But Crescenzi seems to have known the traveller, Jacobus de Vitriaco, De Cantiprato’s patron, to whose trophies brought from the Orient Crescenzi seems to refer in his chapter on palms. He knew Simon Januensis, for his chapter on the Ivus or the yew, Zaxus baccata, doubtless de- rives its name Ivus from Simon’s remark in the C/avis that ‘‘ Taxus is popularly called Yvo or Yvum.” Probably it was through Simon’s translation that Crescenzi knew Serapion, whom he quotes concerning his Cuscuta (bk. 6, ch. 29). Healso cites, as Burgundius, an unknown plant writer,—the translator, concludes Meyer, of some Geoponic work from Greek into Latin, which appears by name of Liber de Vindemio. CRESCENZI’s ‘‘ IRINGIO”’ Crescenzi does not mention Aster by name; his chapter 7, book 10, dell’ Astore, relates to a sparrow-hawk, Lat. astur, Writing his plant-descriptions largely from Plateario,* and himself also liv- ing south of its normal range, it was natural that Crescenzi should devote no special chapter to Aster Amellus. He should naturally be expected to come closest to Aster in his chapter on Eryngium, his Iringio and Irincii. In such a chapter Serapion, or his trans- lation at least, had blended Aster with Eryngium, and as Crescenzi knew and used Serapion, the repetitions of such a blending might have been looked for in him. But he was too wary ; at least, little definite trace occurs; Crescenzi’s references to Eryngium as an aphrodisiac + may have come from Pliny as well as Serapion ; the ment the real use that Pliny might have meant, saying ‘‘ Pliny says that with the _— of Celidonia the swallows (rondini) restore the eyes of their young to their primitive State, when they may chance to have become coated over in any way.” ? t Observing « iringio”’ is ‘‘ottimo al coito’’; later he adds that from Satyrion (the orchid Serapias) they now make similar aphrodisiacs, making festicoli confettt with honey; but they are better if the confection has dates added to it, or pistache and honey,”’ bk. 6, c. 108 298 Aster History: CRESCENZI chapter otherwise is taken up with description of methods of pre- serving the root with ginger, honey and pepper. Perhaps the most remarkable feature of his Eryngium chapter is his nomenclature, beginning with the opening sentence : ‘“Trincii et Salvinca * eadem est herba.’’ The names appear as Iringio and Saliunca in the Italian translation by Sansovino, 1561, but both had been replaced in the original Italian of the 14th cen- tury by Calcatreppa,} now the modern Italian name for Eryngium} campestre L. Simon Januensis had used the name “ Irringus”’; probably Crescenzi’s use of “Irincii’’ was an outgrowth of this ; and it was in Simon’s rendering that Crescenzi came to know Serapion. Either Crescenzi or his unknown early Italian translator seems also to have been influenced by Plateario’s blendings ; Plateario said “ Yringi, Calcatrippa, Cardinelli and Seccacul are all the same,” and is interpreted by Camus as intending Centaurea Calcitrapa L.; Crescenzi’s original Italian version adhered to the same equivalence, 2, é., rendering Eryngium by Calcatreppa. Whether Plateario also identified Saliunca or Salvinca with Eryn- gium is doubtful ; his Circa instans seems to have used it for some- thing else, and has the name only, as a heading without descrip- tion ; the French translation, the Secres, has a figure for it which Camus identifies with Sanicula Europaca L., a plant perhaps for- merly confused with Eryngium on account of its bur. Crescenzi seems thus to have confused Sanicula, Eryngium and Centaurea Calcitrapa under Eryngium. Serapion, with his babes lator Simon Januensis (and later his follower Matteo Silvatico), had established such a confusion, only that instead of Sanicula the third member of their mistaken equation was Aster Atticus (see pp. 74 and 183). Matthiolt, in 1560, besides blaming those who confused Cadcitrapa with Eryngium, added that “ Serapion regards pe * Salvida in Augsburg edition, 1471, and Basle, 1518 ; seemingly 4 form unknow? elsewhere. Rie + Matthioli claimed this was no Eryngium, saying, page 364 of his Latin si a 1560, ‘* Some make the mistake of thinking Cacatreppola is the same with Eqnee } Centum-capita, by Pliny and in the Renaissance used for a white Eryngium, ‘a not so used by Crescenzi, who followed Plateario in making it a synonym oa a and wrote (edn, Sansovino, fol. 120), ‘* Anfodillo or Centocapi oF Albuto € e.”? CRESCENZI’s ASTER-USES 299 ; ‘among authors, most of all, Dioscorides and Pliny ; guos maxime in simplicium historia sequitur. But it is also to be noticed that Sera- pion confused Aster Atticus or Bubonium with Eryngium, deceived by the similarity of its stars ; by which they imitate each other, and in their blue color; although the whole plant of the Bubonium has not one horrid spine on it.” CRESCENZI’S RELATION TO ASTER-USES Among potencies formerly credited to Aster, Crescenzi makes: the following recommendations : I use the Italian names adopted by Sansovino, 1561. | For aposteme (apostema of the Greeks), use Camomilla, Man- dragola, Mortella (quid est? Belladonna ?) Pianteggine or Lingua. d’Ariete (Plantago), Papaver, Loglio or Zizania (to this form Macer’s Lolium * had now come), Striggio ¢ or Solatro or Morella. and Viola. To confortan lo stomaco, Melagrane (pomegranate) Ella (Macer's. Elna, i. ¢., Inula Helenium L.), Gariofilata (Geum urbanum L.), Porcellana (purslane), and Vetrivola (Parietaria). Against serpents, Serpentaria or Colombaria or Dragontea (Arum), . Against a mad-dog’s bite, etc., Gentiana, and Cavolo (Macer’s. Caulis ; including our cabbage, which is Crescenzi’s variety Ca- puccio ;—he remarks “ Capuccio is of the nature of a Cavolo).” For quinsy, Celidonia, and Pianteggine (Plantago).} *Lolium temulentum ; of its fame as an intoxicant Crescenzi writes ‘‘ofpila la mente, la perturba, et l’inebbria’’ (Savsovino). ‘ t The Strignos of the Pavian Erbario, Strignum of Macer; chiefly So/anum nt- grum L., sometimes covering Atropa Belladonna L., and so here. ; tPLants Conrusep witH AsTER.—Other plant names of Crescenzi (in Sanso- vino’s Italian form) of interest to the student of Asters include : ; Robbia (Rubba in his Latin) (Rubia) ; ch. 6, c. 104; free from the confusion with Aster which appeared later. Ella (—/nula Helenium) ‘bears its crowns not in summer bu 8 Part of the month of October in grassy land.’’ ‘*Take it with wine, that a campagna, tia il dolor dello stomaco ; ‘L’Enule campane sanno i precordi sani’ "” (Macer’s. ne), t through the greater Gariofilata (Geum) ‘*is so called perhaps because it has an odor resembling that of Garofoli or according to the taste and effect.”’ Lingua d’Ariete or Pianteggine (Plantago); he ci mad dog’s bite ; says it is chiefly useful to dissipate tumor ites Dioscorides as using it for and posteme and quinsy ; SO 300 Aster History; SIMON JANUENSIS LIII. Simon JANUENSIS After centuries of disuse in Italy, Apuleius’ name Asterion reappears about 1292 in the Clavis sanationis of Simon Genuensis * or Januensis, lexicographer,} botanical investigator and papal chap- lain. He found the plant name Aszerion, in a mutilated copy of Apuleius Platonicus which he was using. The name of his author, i an repeating its continuous parallel with Aster which may have occasioned its borrowing of the name Aster as well, at the hands of Apuleius (swfva, p. 171). Papaver. ‘‘ Pliny, Dioscorides and Macro speak of the juice of the poppy and of | its heads, whence opium, which provokes to sleep. The Salernitan AZeisterinnen, Le femine di Salerno, use the powder of poppy., Use it against the posteme.”” Sposa del Sole or Cicoria or Incuba or Sulsegnio (Cichorea ). Viola; no mention is made of its Aster use for epilepsy ; nor other common prop: erties except for the fosteme and to provoke sleep: many properties genuine to it are mentioned, and the mode of making sctropo violato and olio violato. Crescenzi is also an early example of the names Fegatel/a or Epatica; Senecione ; Tetrait or L’ Herba Giudaica, etc. * Simon Genuensis (i. e., dweller in Genoa—Lat. Genua—so correctly printed in the earliest edition) or Simon Januensis (so printed in the 2d ed. and others, so pass ing into citation) or Simon Geniates (for Simon Genoa-born) or Simon de Cordo fos s the Lex ~~ whose pontificate was 1288-1292. His friend Campanus, himself Canon of Paris, states that Simon Genuensis was subdeacon and chaplain to Nicholas IV, and wa Rouen. Besides authorship of the C/avis, Simon Genuensis was translator of two p. 183) and Abul de Janua on Alexander Iatrosophista’’? which DuFresne had used in preparing his Glos sary of Mediaeval Latinity. His Clavis Sanationis or Synonyma Medicinae, an encyclopaedic 4 medicine, characterized by Meyer as full cf errors and containing more gram nature, but certainly a monumental work, Meyer himself remarkin 165): ‘¢ Earlier than Caspar Bauhin I know no more reliable aid to the older synonymy than this Clavis sanationis,’’—Campanus refers to his receiving @ COPY of the GF™ through the Prior of Paveranum; an old Genoese cloister, probably the place nor to which Simon retired in 1292 on the death of Nicholas IV. _ The Clavis was first printed, 1473, at Milan, by Antonius Zarotus of Parmé (Pritzel ; Meyer has it that it was printed at Parma); again, 20 Apr. 1474 brought out by ‘* Peter Maufer, Norman, of the diocese of Rouen, editor and printer both ; a copy says Meyer, exists in the Kénigsberg Li ‘fone of the greatest of literary curiosities,” A 3d edn., 1486, Venice, Meyer d a copy, was printed by De Tridino, from Montferrat Venetian editions followed, to 1514, with additions from Pliny by D 1514),—and becoming blended with Matthaeus Sylvaticus. ictionary of ar than Four e Varoleng? es SEARCH FOR CLASSIC PLANTS 301 Apuleius, was wholly unknown to him: he describes the MS. as “an ancient book from which the title was missing.’’ Simon Januensis produced a greater effect upon the history of Aster, however, through his Latin translation of Serapion’s Arabic De Simplicibus : thus making Serapion’s Aster-chapter the com- mon property of Europe. As now known, * and especially as in- terpreted by Matteo Silvatico, this Aster-chapter confused Aster with Eryngium ; whether any of this blending was due to Simon Januensis or was wholly present in Serapion’s original, remains to be determined, when, if ever, an Arabic MS. of Serapion can be discovered. Simon Januensis was indefatigable in his search for the plants of the ancients as recorded in their writings. He knew the then tare works of Celsus ; he used many ancient MSS. which are now lost to us; he knew the now unknown works of the Pseudo- Demosthenes and of Cassius Felix ; he made diligent study of a Work which he calls Butanicus de simplicibus medicinis, and of an- other book without title which he refers to as a work ‘de simplict Medicina, copiosus in hoc re”; and he used two Latin translations of Dioscorides which science would give much to recover. One translation, which Simon considered + the later, was alphabetic, as the oldest existing codices are to-day, but contained far fewer chapters than the other Latin translation, which Simon deemed the original, and which was divided into books, but was at that time composed of six books; looking as if to the five universally ac- knowledged books of Dioscorides, one (but not both) of the two so- called spurious books was added : and Meyer had believed that one of these could not be of the same authorship as the other. (See P. 140). Simon Januensis was equally indefatigable in his endeavor. to see the plants of the ancients for himself.t He was the first, aye importance, It will be of interest to note how he compares with the other a ge oe of the century beginning 1220. (He had been long preceded by the Englis ‘nical traveller Adelard, of about 1100 A. D. ; see p- p- 293, n.). ; ; 1220, Jacobus de Vitriaco, a French monk, who had been Bishop Jean d’Acre, ry ee in 1220, dying at Rome in 1224; author of a history of Jerusalem, “ Gesta 302 Aster History; SIMON JANUENSIS Meyer,* “to undertake those journey-labors of which the follow- ing centuries were full.” He “ herborized,” says Lacroix, ¢ “in the Aegean islands and in Sicily ’’—as Sprengel remarks, } “ut plantas in loco natali observaret.”” From Simon’s own preface Meyer quotes him as saying that “for almost thirty years he had followed the investigation of the right names of medical plants and of economic plants, and with that aim he not only made dili- gent study of the works of the Greek, Roman, Arabic and later writers, from which he made a long catalog and which he com- pared with each other, but also out of many different quarters of Dei,’’ printed at Hanover, 1611 ; with ‘‘ brief botanical part, not a whole page; ? was revered by Cantiprato; ‘‘knew Greek and Arabic; but mixed the seen and unseen, the truth and the fable.”’ Meyer, 4: 11 1246, John de Piano Carpini of the Giey Friars, was sent as ambassador to a Tartar chief from the Pope ; his ‘ Travels of Carpini’’ was translated by Vincent of Beauvais: 1253, Guillaume Picard, another Grey Friar, and Guillaume de Rubruquis, 4 theicnataenas, were similarly sent to Tartary by St. Louis, Zacrozx. 1260? Pierre Ascelin, a Franciscan, sent to Mongolia by the Pope, Lacroix. 1260, Nicolo and Maffeo Polo, Venetian brothers, leave Constantinople oe ee projects in the Crimea, and finally to Bokhara and thence to the Court of Kub- lai Khan, from whom they returned in 1269 with Kublai’s request from the Pope “for too educators.”’ Two Dominicans sent soon turned bac 1271, Marco Polo, son of Nicolo, begins his famous journey to Kublai Khan, with his father pee ‘eas, reaching him 1275, starting home 1292, all reaching Venice 1295- His ‘‘ Travels” were first taken down from his dictation in 1299 in French, while & prisoner in Genoa. 1280, ‘‘ Gilbertus and Henricus de Arviell travelled from England, ence Giese tia aaa Asia, their object being to study plants and prepar treatise,” Lacroix. ‘* An Englishman of the name of Henry Arviel, w much, and veilded for some time at Bologna, about the year 1280. Botanica, sive Stirpium Varia Historia,” Pulteney, 1 : 22, quoting from 321, Marinus Sanutus, the elder, surnamed Torsellus, pares to t in sai his ‘‘ Liber secretorum...Terrae Sacrae ’’ was printed in : 8, Odoricus de Porto a or , Olas ic of Pordenone, the vie to go in cant Polo's baie; a Franciscan monk, born 1286, missionary to China and Thibet i died 1330; author of a description of his journey, by way of Pereeypree , Trebizons Ormuz, Malabar, Ceylon and China; described the ‘* Vegetable Lam ae began to appear figured, as a plant-animal monstrosity. 1336, William of Boldensele; a traveller and writer respecting ¢ the j and Holy Land; from whose work and the preceding it is claimed that the casa a popular but fictitious Travels of Sir John Mandeville were compiled, profes eh pees of a knight eet for Palestine and India from St. Albans, in —< eyer, Geschichte, 4 : 165. cn History of —. and Literature in the Middle Ages. t Sprengel, Geschichte, 1: through tanical a botan ae travelled e left a MS. Bishop Tanner. e Orient PANDECTARIUS’ Botanic GARDEN 803 the world, through men who went there or who came thence, he pursued his inquiries, yea, to such an extent that he roamed through mountains and woods and fields and coasts in the com- panionship of an old Cretan, to search out the plants, to learn to know their Greek names, and to obtain knowledge of their med- ical properties.” In short, the conclusion of Sprengel was that Simon Januensis and Matthaeus Sylvaticus were, ‘‘ without doubt, the most cele- brated writers of their age.”’ LIV. Panpecrarius oR MAaTreo SILvaTICco Next among authors mentioning the Aster is Matteo Silvatico, commonly cited as Matthaeus Sylvaticus or as Pandectarius,* of about 1313, a Mantuan physician, resident at Salerno, where he continued the traditions of that center of mediaeval plant-study, and maintained its ancient botanic garden, in which he cultivated such plants as Colocasia + and experimented with seeds ¢ brought from the Aegean. During previous centuries the School of Salerno had already produced its long line of botanico-medical celebrities ; in him it now reached its best known botanical outcome, and for 200 Shey more his Lzber Fandectarum § was eo all over Europe * Matt hes: Seleniiees: guienilly cited as Bendedertes or Pandecta or Autor Pan- dectarum or Td by his great work as ‘* Pandecta Medicinae’’ ; born perhaps as carly as 1270; wa making botanical Seiecioas in 1297 (as he says when describing the plant he ates Bruculus—z. ¢., broccoli?) and is claimed to be mentioned in a Salernitan document of 1 337 as ** Matthaeus Silvaticus Salernitanus, Doctor in ic neve't and again in 1342 as ‘* Matthaeus ghana de Salerno Miles et Regis physicus’’; but Perhaps these last two references belong to a son. He dedicated his Pandects, per- haps in 1313, to King Robert of Sicily, who Sica 1309-1316 ; they were quoted by Petrus de Abano, who died 1 316. He has been said to be the Matthaeus ee “ho is mentioned as physician and professor of medicine at Milan in 1367 and 1 388 ; me Physician of Milan may more likely have been son or itt Ve know itl else o 5 g e] @ ar [nal a ey So oO I 4 o = o o be N a I Fy 99 =] Qu w '§ ® wn 2 = 5 “oem €. 197. Colocasia was perhaps first introduced to Silerne by him ; appear to have been cultivated by the Plateario oe and was not mention f 1458. ‘i stad ‘ig plant he calls, c. 134, Cantalidis ; pane says Sprengel, Atha- anta . > erman ; with German tra he nslation, 1 80? “ Herbarius, with names in 150 ; a i ; but atte to the edition 310 AsTER History: THE AGGREGATOR from Serapion with additions from ‘‘ Pandecta’’ and Avicenna ; the accompanying figure is a singular one and of blended identity, showing a stout plant with pinnatifid leaves, spreading and thorny above, each branch ending in a flat star-like flower, seemingly meant for a small composite disk with five long stiff sharp rays, like Matthioli’s Aster-heads drawn in 1560 to represent Padlenis spinosa. Perhaps the flower was in part influenced by that latter plant; and in part by an attempt to represent words of the Aggre- gator’s text, as “ Yringus est species spinae.” That the flower- heads suggested, in these radiately-set spines, the likeness to a star, was observed as far back as Dioscorides,* who observed that the spines are Worep datyo, “spines set just like a star.” Ba 1484, the Herbarius Moguntiae, printed by Peter Schoeffer, and bearing his e shields, Hain, 8444. ritzel knew two copies in Germany, at Vienna and per Senckenburgk library at Frankfort. Proctor (1901) records a copy in the Britis Tuseum. : 1485, the Herbarius Pataviae, a reprint of the preceding with little or no change : at Passau, Bavaria, not Padua, fide Hain, 8445. Meyer possessed a copy, but meee plete. Pritzel knew copies at Vienna and Bibl. Candolleana. Proctor records ice a perfect copy in the British Museum : comparison of type convinced him that Its seer was Johanni Petri, the chief early printer of Passau (preceded only by —. ‘: Mayr, in 1482); it was perhaps the first book printed by him; he used ee ; large type, very much like one used by Anton Sorg, the 5th printer of Augsburg , sth also a smaller type, apparently the same as the first type used by Conrad Zeninger, © rinter of Nuremberg, : 1486, reprint of preceding, also, says Pritzel, with very rude figures; he ewe copy at Vienna and one in Bibl. Senckenb, at F rankfort, Hain, 8446; who rr like the preceding and the next, with 32 lines to the page. (his + 1486? reprint of the preceding, known only from Hain’s imperfect yee 8447) of which he says the first four leaves are lacking ‘¢ in nostro exemplo. = the same issue as the entry for 148 ; ed- + 1486? reprint in typis Reyserianis, 31-33 lines, but same pages a5 ed 2 ing ; the first five leaves lacking ‘‘ in nostro exemplo ’’; Hain, 8448. : . we All of the preceding, 1473 to 1509, are, so far as known, one identical page i changed by editing or rearrangement, having the same 150 figures, Adsin¢hium . about and are similar small quartos, printed with about 32 lines to the page, and having 174 leaves. in Bibl. tzel, who knew its reprints 1539 (in Bibl. Delessert), 154° eal: d as no confusion of Eryngium with Aster on the part of - only two features of strong resemblance in use, those of Eryngium ” ly for venomous — bites’? and ‘ for epilepsy IRINGUS AND VIOLA 311 maker of the present figure is far from the thought of spines, and thinks rather of stiff rays. In these aster-like flower-heads we see the blending of Eryngium with Aster which was made by Mat- teo Silvatico, but we see no proper expression of the globular stellate-spined bur of the plant Eryngium. The text of the Aggregator’s /ringus, 32 lines, seems to blend Aster flowers with Eryngium in its remark that a kind of Iringus “bears a flower whose color is as the color of violets, except that they are larger than the violets, and when they fall they have a seed in great quantity like a chicory * seed”’; but other quotations from Serapion are mingled with this which have no relation to Aster A more extended description transferred from Aster occurs where the Aggregator writes of his /ringus that “ Pandecta in the same chapter on Yringus or Secacul, recommends the leaves of Tringus and Plantago boiled in water and vinegar, ‘zzflationt sto- machi, et apostematibus oculi et aliis apostematibus calidis’ : and some say that the flower of this herb, which is of a purple color, if you drink its decoction in water, cures sguinantia and epilentia quae accidit infantibus.’’ Working from the Pandect’s mixed description of Eryngium, “ Secacul,” and Aster, the Aggregator perpetuated this blending in its text, while the Ortus of not far from the same time still entangled the two somewhat in its text (retaining the potency of its “ Yringus” for ‘squinantia’’) and also confused them still more in its figures. It remained for Fuchs, in 1 531, to clear the subject finally, and show that Aster had been intended. See supra, Pp. 304. Viola forms another of the Aggregator’s uniform chapters, this time of 34 not 32 lines. The figure, though readily recognized for the violet, is unusually conventionalized, uniform hearts replac- ing the leaves, and uniform narrow pendant bells, the flowers, while, heedless of nature, the artist has sought to complete the symmetry of his perfectly balanced figure by forking the central flower stalk and dropping a flower from either side of it. The author credits his chapter on the Violet to «« Avicenna, Platearius, Pandecta.” | Aster-uses of his violet are those for * Chicory, if the printed céceris was an error in writing for cicoree, saber Spelling for cichoreae, which was a plant highly esteemed by him and forming a pre chapter, while cicer does not receive any separate description. 312 AsTeR History ; THE AGGREGATOR apostemata* and for inflatio stomachi, and these uses may have been of independent growth. This lack of the customary men- tion of “violets potent for children’s epilepsy’ seems to have caused some one of the plant-writers of the period to feel that something more should be said ; so that in one copy of the 1499 edition of the Aggregator, we find added to Vio/a in apparently a 16th century hand, the note “ Viola purpurea dicitur viola ad cadu- chos,”’ (sic), z. ¢., “Viola purpurea is called the violet for the falling sickness,” the epileptic’s violet. LVI. Conrap von MEGENBERG Bavarian ecclesiastic and writer, Conrad von Megenberg was author, in his Buch der Natur, of the first general natural history in German, written by him probably at Vienna, in 1349 and 1350, as an amplified translation of De Cantiprato’s Natura rerum. The Buch der Natur was first printed} in 1475, and five times again by 1499, but became rare and finally obscure, though re- Among other piants which have reference to Aster seed the Aggregator says of ** Camomiilla, ‘sedat dolorem apostematum,’’’ c. 37; like the Aster of Greece and Rome. Otherwise this Camomilla is distinct, and its figure is very expressive of the ant. ** Enula is of two kinds, orfulans et campestris,’’ c. 54; ** nothing is to be said here of the former,’’ Like its relative Aster, it is powerful ‘* contra dolorem stomachi et intestinorum.’’ The famous line from the R gimen Enula campana reddit precordia sana is quoted; see supra, p. 287. oe (c. 67), 7. ¢., Geum, is recommended, like the Aster of Greece; for the stom a or draguntea major’? (c. 127), the Aaron of the Italian per Aram of modern botany ; to this plant has passed the former Aster property of ma® ing a tea to flee, the Aggregator saying of this, ‘*it makes the venom of serpents to flee away.’ ‘* Solatrum”’ stands bag in 4 species for Solanum nigrum and the fou ‘* Strychnos’’ of Dioscorides. little ‘‘ Mellissa”’ here replaces Borachum and Melissophyllon for balm, and with or no importation of Aster characters, * The classical repute of the violet for sores and tumors, reappearin called apostemata, receives a new revival after its long disappearance from the ph copeia, in my claims put forth for it in England in Igor as a cancer-cure. seit a te ae by Hans Bamler at Augsburg (and $e et an bacon sessed a copy; Pritzel numbers it 11764 among his r species of g here for those arma- ain in volget ote oie tion, a folio of 292 leaves, begins with ‘* Hye eae ik seal der oe ..-Welches a meyster Cunrat von Megenberg von latein 19 transferiert und geschreiben hat THe Bucu DER NATUR 313 membered as an epochmaking work by Lacroix, who in his His- tory of Science in the Middle Ages alludes to it as a sudden emer- gence of light in darkness, and as the work ‘of an unknown German of the Rhine provinces.’’ Meyer, in 1857, had learned its author’s Early editions followed, 1482, 1499, by Hans teagan and 1482, by Anton Sorg, all, like those of Bamler, Augsburg folios, with w s. An early quarto, without date or place, is in the Altdorf library ws akoes to Panzer and ain E genolf, at Frankfort, reprinted parts of the Buch der Natur with modifications, 1536 and again 1540, a tolio of 66 pages, with woodcuts and the title, ‘‘ Maturduch ...durch Conradum Megenberger.”’ The next was Pfeiffer’s reprint (from which I quote), Stuttgart, 1861, an octavo of over 870 pages, without figures, identification of species, or annotations, but wit th ex cellent biographical and critical introduction, many textual comparisons, and an exten- tian dialect and the dev elopment of German. This reprint was entitled ‘* Das Buch der Natur, von Konrad Von ‘a pei erste Naturgeschichte in Deutscher Le ee von Dr, Franz Pfeiff of the Buch der Natur are numerous ; seventeen are known in Munich, res in "i three in Stuttgart, mostly of fhe sais ae century ; one dated MS. is of 1377, and seven others bear dates from 1406 to 1476.” * Conrad von Megenberg was born 1309, ete at Erfurt in youth, recalling in after years the abundance of certain plants there (Scandix and ‘* Eleborus ’’); for eig years was at the scree of Paris, studied philosophy and theology, becoming a ‘* doc- toratus ”” or a ** maister’’; came back in 1337 to Germany, spending the rest of his life at Vienna and 2 a Sas in I sb “having been fifteen or more years at Vienna,” 4 paralysis, as he sa ays, ‘‘ came over me, possessing my fe fee d hands ;...but I was made whole while prostrate before ie Be of St. Echard in Noatiae while the alle- Al O gemma pastoralis lucida’ was sung, and as they followed with ‘Salve splendor amenti.’’’ He became canon of Regensburg, and was set over the church of St. Wtaiie He died April 14, 1374, aged 65, his death being recorded asof ‘‘ maister Chuonrad yon Megenburg seligem.’’ : His name appears in the MSS also as Chunrat de Megenberc, Maide-, Maiden-, Maigen., Magde-, -berg or -burg, also as Frauenberg ; he himself sometimes wrote it “Conradus de Magenburg, 7. e., de Monte puellarum,”’ merely a fanciful rendering. aoa Suggests (xix) that he was son of one Vogt zu Meigenberg or Meygenberg, #. ¢-, ainberg, a mountain town east of Schweinfurt, near the R. Main. a other works include the following : 1337, a poem * Planctus Ecclesiae in Germania, the pope, in the words: Flos et nea mundi, qui totius esse pee Tu sidus clarum, thesanrus deliciarum, 1340? the « Piidichs “ouased 7? a bie poet from the Latin “ sate i ” of Joh. Sacro Bosco ; the first handbook of physics and astronomy in ve 3 two MSS. of it are in Munich, one in Gratz; it was printed 1516 at Niirnberg. las “ Speculum felicitatis humanaey’’ two books addressed to Rudolf of Austria ; ved Passions, friends ship, and moral and intellectual virtues. ’* beginning with an address to 314 AsTER History; Von MEGENBERG name and had briefly collated its plant chapters with their source in De Cantiprato, a source revealed shortly before by Echard; but it remained for Dr. Franz Pfeiffer, in 1861, to make the his- tory of its author clear, in the introduction to his reprint of the Buch der Natur of that year. Conrad von Megenberg * wrote in a Bavarian dialect, with Aus- trian forms ; Pfeiffer's edition giving in 1861 the first opportunity for critical study of the Bavarian dialect of the 14th century. The nineteen books of De Cantiprato are in Conrad rearranged in 8; the book on herbs becomes book V, and the two books on trees are united as book IV. Conrad also made many additions, having 173 plant-chapters against De Cantiprato’s 114; of these 84 are of trees, and 89 of herbs, from Absinthium to Zuccara'and Zizania, occupying pages 380-430 of Pfeiffer’s edition. Like its source, it is more a work on animals than on plants. Some of Conrad’s additions to his author are introduced by the phrase ch Megenberger waiz wol, “ I, Megenberger, know well” as of barley, daz rokkenkorn; of arum, his daszig ; etc. Traces of his early home at Erfurt survive in his mention of Scandix and “Eleborus” as common there: and of his life at Paris in his mention of “ Portulaca” and ‘ Orpinum”’ as found there ; together with his reference to the comet * he saw there, in 1337 (bk. 2, c.11) and tothe arum + which grew in his professor's garden. He also refers to a death from Boletus poisoning while he lived at Vienna. t 1352, or later, his ** Oconomica,”’ concerning the regimen of the Court, etc. 1354, his “* 7ractatus pro Romana ecclesia et pontifice Joanne XXII. contra Wil- helmum Occam,”’ , a ** Chronicon magnum,’’? a MS. which seems lost. German land, and there had been many houses wrecked [by it] through Hungary, Austria, Patern and along the Main and Rein.” ander, this plant grows best in the places to which frogs and snakes are native. ¢°” k ed it in his Conrapb’s Ocutus Porcl . 315 To judge from his citations almost the whole of his book V, on plants, came direct (to De Cantiprato) from Platearius ; the authors cited being as follows: Platearius, 24 times; Alexander der arst 5, Avicenna 5, Galienus 4, Diascorides, Democritus, Isidorus, Constantinus, Michael * Scotus, each once. Only one of the subjects of his plant chapters seems of doubtful identity, his “A/terana or Verbkraut, very good to heal wounds.” Of aster-uses which might have been looked for, his chapters on viola, + celidonia, t camomilla, § seem wholly free. He has no chapter on Eryngium, and so escapes any confusion with Aster there. The potency once ascribed to Aster for epilepsy is by Conrad ascribed to his peonia, salvia and eleborus. As a poison-antidote he recommends cicorea ;|| as sleep-bringers, papaver, nenufar,, and alraunél, an oil made from Mandragora. The fame of Aster for tumor or apostema has with him passed to his camomilla and papaver,** especially the latter. Oculus porci. Most remarkable of von Megenberg’s plant chapters, so far as relates to Aster history, is that which he styles Oculus porci, equivalent of Hyophthalmon, Dioscoridean name *“ Michahel der Schott cebsind that the Cucurbita spreads its bloom in the night and as Fe day comes it closes ol,”’ no, 85, “ ist er pesser vrisch und griien ; Con's chapter is mainly concerned with ‘ violél ’’ waz *? as Bartholomaeus reiterated. and ‘ violsyropel’’ and ‘‘ viol in te Celidonia”’ or ‘* Schelkraut,’”’? no. 19; he now has it that the part of this plant which the swallow brings to give sight to her young, is the blos i one “— ibe cae 2 ‘«‘ Our women make 7 and Ringelkraut; and in d the plant’s blos- ..It is cold, as \| “* Cicorea,”’ no. 28, ‘has the names Sunnenwerbe Latin, Sabstcietiens or Sponsa-solis, which is to say, Suunenpraut ; an som is called Dionysia,—which expands itself and goes ater the 20.5: | ‘‘Nenufar is Séwurz or Sékraut ; has broad | standing water ; and has its bloom es Nenufar, yellow and white ; the root ge from the land of India {the phrase he also uses for Camphora and Nardus }: it is 0} two kinds, white and black, and fe with the black root is stouter than the other. shove Toot is — for many things. It brings sleep and _ away Papaver,”’ No. 61, **is called Magenkraut ; black, 3 its seed brings sleep ; use plaster of Magensamen to bring sleep - helps the apostem » and when one adds résendl to the a daz ist perser tor € said apostem, From it is “a the electuary diapapaveron 316 AsTER History; Von MEGENBERG for Aster. He adds as Bavarian common name for this Ocwd/us porci, the name Himmelschlussel, ‘‘ Heaven’s-key,” a name of . Aster Amellus among Bavarian maidens of to-day. In addition to these two coincidences, when we identify his Oculus porci we find it to be Zragopogon porrifolius L., which plant some citations would imply was actually mistaken, perhaps about 1525, by Anguillara, for the true Aster of the Greeks. Strange that all these coincidences should arise independently ; and yet they have no doubt done so; but they lend to his chapter on Oculus porci a peculiar interest. This interest is enhanced still further by its moralizing digression which illustrates the character of the man; we hear in it not, as in any contemporary Herbarius, the Doctor physica, enumerating nothing but the uses of the plant current among approved Salernitan masters; but instead we hear the Canon addressing his audience and in his enthusiasm for his pretty flower and its moral, forgetting to say one word about any disease it is good for. So I translate the whole as literally as may be, its obscure early Bavarian often proving unintelligible to the Bavarian of to-day. ‘Book V, c. 58, Von der Veltpluomen. “Oculus porci+ is a Veltpluom * and is also in Latin Flos-camfi,* and is also in common speech Himelsliissel.t The bloom grows readily on the high ground along the roads, and has a pleasant tasting root,§ so that people || dig it up and that swine feed on it. ‘The bloom has a high stem that holds up the bloom toward heaven ; and it is very bright and beautiful, and if one should dry it, it nevertheless keeps the color just the same. The plant has little leaves which are very narrow. * Veltpluom, literally Field-bloom, i. e., /os-campi ; Bartholomaeus Anglicus also refers to Flos-campi similarly as specific name, and as if suggested to his mind by its use in this chapter of De Cantiprato,—which probably ended with the statement of tem- perament. Conrad is in his chapter 23, ** Cyclamen is called Sweinkraut and has also the name || 7ragopogon porrifolius L. is now eaten in Bavaria under ‘the name of Schwarls wwurzel, and sometimes I used to see its flower there, yellow and red,” Bavaria. EDITIONS OF “ OrtTUS” 31T “The bloom is hot and dry in amazing degree. The blooms and the lilies are likened to Our Lady in Scripture, and it says ‘Ego flos campi,’ etc.; that is to say, ‘I am a Veltpluom, and a lily of the valley.’ Yea, now take notice! it is a light-bestowing Veltpluom, when it stands in the pathway of Grace; when the sinner comes that way, then the bloom shines out with full mercy, and is a lily of the valley where the two mountains rise one over against another; justice and mercy; otherwise the sinner were . LVII. Orrus Saniratis Perhaps the earliest post-classical work to present a chapter on Aster without admixture with other plants, was the Ortus * Sant- tatis, that great storehouse of mediaeval lore, including minerals and animals as well as plants, which appeared in many editions for forty years or more before 1 517, but whose author and original date + remain still unknown and almost without a guess. Meyer claims that it existed some time as a Latin manuscript, perhaps fifty years or more before the printing of the undated first edition. { * Ortus Sanitatis was continuously the form of its name when first printed ; not Hortus Sanitatis as now often corrected, with a desire to make it conform to Augustan Latin, The following outline of the editions of Ortus Sanitatis is based on Pritzel’s Thesaurus and Hain’s Repertorium. eee OrTus SANITATIS, including De herbis, to fol. 202; Tractatus de Animatlibus, to fol. 207; Tract. de lapidibus, to fol. 332; Tract.tus de Urints, to fol. 342. In all ene leaves, folio, 2 columns, 54 and 55 lines to the page, without place, date a sears é name, with woodcuts, Afain 8941, Pritzel 11876. Two reissues with but slight change, are Hain’ s, 8942, 8943. : am T491. Ortus S , includes the j g sai? sae tionibus ”? or « Zipor ¢ eptimus”? ; folio, 453 leaves, 47 lines to the page, 2 cols., with Woodcuts ; printed by Jac. Meydenbach at Mentz, under authority of — cna of Mentz, 23 June, 1491. Hain 8344, Pritsel ** 11879 ;...copies seen In Bibl. Dresd., : ae Francof., Webb.’’ Hoefer in 1856 mistook this for a Latin translation of the i Gart der Gesundheit ; Meyer established the priority of the Latin Ortus in 1857. 1498. A Strasburg reprint of the last, claimed to be of about 1498; I quote t chapter on Aster from a copy in the Congressional Library, Washington, vattel has 511. Venice, « per Benalium,” an edition used by Meyer, not known to — ; A copy (from the Rice library) has recently been added, June, 1902, to the Libr. o} the N. Y, Botanical Garden. 131, ri 318 Aster History; OrTus SANITATIS It contains, in the Venice edition of 1511, 1066 chapters, 144 on minerals, 392 on animals, and 530 on plants. Ortus on Aster. Under the title not of Aszer but of Yuguinalis (i. e., inguinalis, Pliny’s name for Aster), Ortus devotes its chapter 520 to an account of Aster Atticus, consisting mainly of quota- tions from Paulus Aegineta and Galen. “ Ynguinalis vel stellaria latine, grece asterion vel aster acticus vel bubonium. Pin. ca. Asterion,§ nasc[itu]r infra petras et loca aspera. Hac herba nocte tanq[uam] stella in celo lucet adeo ut eam videntes ignorantes putent se fantasma videret, pastoribus maxime videtur. ‘Paulus cap. Aster vel asterion. est quidam herba radiata ut stella, foliis oblongis duabus aut tribus, in acumine capitella stella modo radiata. ‘‘Operationes. Galie. vi. sim. far. ca. aster acticus sive ynguifi- alis.* Alii vero bubonium vocant, qd non solum supplasmatum sed etiam ppinati {creditur bubones sanare. Habet aut qo dyafore- ticum. Habet etiam nomino refrigerativé qd reperissi, ut mixte sit potentie sicut rosa, non tamen sic stipticat. 2 i 1517. A . whe foll., two columns, 57 lines each ; with woodcuts ; copies at Vienna and Frankfort 11880. Papagsig: of the Ae include : t der Gesundheit, in Ger., see the next title. “ pen der suntheit,,,dat boke der Krude,’’ Lubeck, printed by Ste 1492) i plant figures, Artemisia~Zuccarum. Garde der suntheyt,’’ scape in —— Steffen Arndes’ Druckerye, a“ text and figures different from ¢ Grote herbarius, die ae sanitatis ghenaemt ’’ in Dutch, 1514. ‘* Ortus pega in cones typis Verard, 1501 or circa. ‘* Le Jardin de Sante,’’ Paris, 1530. Copies of the Ortus Saisie: once so common in Germany, graphical rarities, especially in the early editions: one of the first French trans genie 1501, bringing £69 in Lon., Nov., 1900. e author here supposes hiesalt s to be quoting from Pliny, io on Asterion. He w was ped quoting from oe grt page! ffen Arndes- 1520, have become pes from 4 supposed through Simon is sanation's} t#. e., “ Quoting next — Galen’s 6th book of pharmaceutical simples, on Aster a or Inguinalis 7 { For peripinatum, cabal intended to represent sepia Touevor, bie 3. rather than ‘‘ suspensum’’ of Galen. ASTER-CITATIONS IN ORTUS 3819 “Et idem codé li, magis infra, cap. bubonium sive aster acticus sive inguirialis not att€ ex eo opere dié pferre bubonib’ ta cataplasmatu qz assumptum. “Est autem mediocriter dyaforeticii eo gp mediocriter est ca,* et neqz vehementer aeqz intense desiccat, maxi[m]e ait ci adhuc tener. est et recens dictum est prius. This seeming jumble of ideas contains no new matter, but is a mixture of wrongly credited quotations. That credited to Pliny is really from Apuleius ; that credited to Paulus Aegineta is really from Pliny ; that-credited to Galen is partly from Paulus Aegineta, the rest from Galen ; from his chapter on Aster Atticus and from that on Bubonion. None of these authors were quoted at first hand, however, for the Ortus Sanitatis + according to Meyer’s judgment, was com- piled, so far as the botanical part is concerned, entirely from four great Latin encyclopaedias of the Middle Ages, the Pandects of the Salernitan Matteo Silvatico ; the Speculum naturale of Vincent de Beauvais ; the De natura rerum of Thomas de Cantiprato ; and the “ De proprietatibus rerum” of Bartholomaeus Anglicus. All of these works were written about 1256 or shortly after, except the Pandects, and that was written by 1317. The latter is occasionally named as a source in the Ortus.t *ca’, ti. ¢., calidum. + On the whole, the Ortus Sanitatis is an outgrowth of the Salernitan school ; largely in its text ; considerably so in its figures ; and even also in its name ; in which we adi 4 modification of the Salernitan Regimen Sanitatis. We find the name reappearing n English in Eliot’s Castle of Health, and in the slightly later Haven of Health, of 1584, a curious treatise by Thomas Cogan, professedly ‘‘ amplified upon some words of Hippocrates’? and « verbatim, ...especially out of Scho, Salerni.’’ In this Haven, in Which plants are described in 125 chapters (pages 22-110 of my copy, Lon., 1612; Printed by Bradwood for John Norton, the publisher of Gerarde’s Herball), the jong: “tanding Dioscoridean combination of the Aster-use for infantile epilepsy with Viola, 's broken up and this Aster-use is assigned to ‘‘ Heart’s-ease or Pansies,’’—*‘ thought 800d for the falling evill in children, if they drink it oftentimes.’’ But the plant which Pethaps most fully takes the place here of Aster and of camomile is a new remed Carduus benedictus, or Blessed Thistle, so worthily named for the singular virtues t hich ** comforteth the ct h teth appetite, and hath a speciall v e hat it hath,?” w ertue ki inst Poyson, and preserveth from the pestilence, and is excellent good er be 'nds of fever,” so that it is called ‘* Benedictus Omnimorbia, that is, a salve for every » not known to Physitians of old time, but lately revealed by the speciall provi- dence of Almi ghty God”’ (see edn. 1612, pp. 54-55)- : T Some idea of the proportion drawn from the different authors may be gained from 320 Aster History ; Ortus SANITATIS The lineage of the Aster-chapter may be traced through Mat- teo Silvatico’s Pandectae to Serapion in Simon Januensis’ version. There is also a separate chapter on Yringus, 7. ¢., Eringium, ¢. 429, on “ Yringus vel centum capita, /atine, grece byoman, arabice astaruticon vel secacul.”” Here Yringus in description and uses is properly based on Eryngium, until the chapter proceeds to cite Serapion. At this point the description of properties, the ‘‘ opera- tiones,” becomes a confused blending of a blue Centum-capita with Aster and with a white Eryngium. Serapion is quoted as saying of his Astaruticon, id est, Centum capita, “ that one kind is of coe- lestis coloris,” another,is white ; and continues in words derived from Aster, “Its flower is similar to that of the camomile ; the little heads resemble stars, but the leaves which are on the branches have their chief development in length instead, and are pilose. Serapion on authority of Dioscorides says it is useful for inflam- mations of the stomach, for apostems on the eyes; and others say the flower of that plant which is of purple color is useful against quinsy, if taken with water, and is potent against epilepsy of infants and against apostema lumborum.” Altogether, the long chapter in Ortus on Eryngium is derived as a whole from Serapion’s chapter “‘ Astaruticon td est Centum- capita,’ with a little from Avicenna on Secacul. Serapion by identifying Aster Atticus with Centum-capita led to the identifica- tion of Aster with Eryngium in the Pandects; and the blended description then passed on into this Eryngium chapter of Ortus. Aster as a name for the Samian or Lemnian earth does not occur in the Ortus, the name being replaced as in Circa instans (which is duly quoted) by a chapter, No. 400, on Zerra sigillata oF Lemnia fragida, —— a ws (using HS comparison of the last 20 chapters of the Ortus, citations occurring as follo German version) : “ Die meister’’ (without indicating who) 11; ‘* Das buch Pandecta,’” 4 times: “In dem buch Circa instans’’ 2, besides ‘< Platearius,’’ 6. ** Paulus, 5 Plinius, 6 Platearius, ‘*Serapio, 10 Galienus, 7 Diascorides, 7 ‘*Avicenna, 2 Mesue, I R. Moyses, 7 . The order in which the author esteemed these sources may be infe erence c. 422 to ‘‘ those very learned masters, Avicenna, Galienus, Serap! ‘op des.’’ The bulk of matter transcribed in these chapters is very largely fro and Plateario. ASTER FIGUREs IN OrTUS 321 Figures. The Ortus contains woodcuts of nearly all the plants described, some of which bear evidence, remarks Meyer, of having been “derived from those in the Circa instans of Matthaeus Platearius ; with others added from sketches made from nature in the Orient.” The woodcut for Aster shows no derivation from any Aster at all, but was copied or modified from an Eryngium ; its small stiff-borne flowers, and its few deeply-slashed leaves are drawn with long, sharp radiating points ; the illustrator may have had in his mind the stellar, but not the Attic, star. See p. 311 for comparison of this Eryngium figure with that in the Aggregator Practicus, The unknown author of the Ortus Sanitatis himself traces some of his figures to the Orient, saying in his preface that he was moved to write the book not only of his own purpose but by a certain noble lord who had travelled through ‘“ Alemannia,”’ Italy, Slavic lands, Aegypt,’ and Crete, ‘ who had acquired great knowledge concerning their rare or unknown or medicinal herbs, animals and minerals, and great skill in describing them, and had taken care that their likenesses should be figured in suitable draw- ings and others in colors.” Stricker judged this noble botanical traveller and artist or art-patron to be the Ritter Bernhard von Breydenbach, who was returned in Jan. 1484 to Frankfort from a pilgrimage to the Orient.* Meyer believes that the date of the Ortus is far older and the pilgrim must have been another.+ eek, Ge * Breydenbach’s Peregrinationes ad Montem Sion which ‘‘ appeared in — at Mentz in 1486, with woodcuts,’’ has become a collector’s rarity, a copy selling in Lon-. don, Nov. 1900, for 60 pounds. } The botancal traveller claimed by Lacroix for the end of this 15th century are Jean Léon, the African ; who wrote of the natural history of Egypt, Arabia, Armenia, and Persia, from his travels. he eter Martyr, ‘*Pietro Martire d’ Anghiera, on a diplomatic mission to the _ ed book in hand, the statements of Aristotle, Theophrastus and Dicecaiies. John Manardi, the doctor of Ferrara, ‘‘ herborized in Poland and Hungary. I Jacques D ots, surnamed Sylvius, ‘travelled all through France, Germany and taly, I “travelled ¢ rough France, Germany and Italy, solely to enjoy the conversation fof the learned,” 322 Aster History; THE GART DER GESUNDHEIT LVIII. Tue Gart DER GESUNDHEIT This work, which often appears under the title Herbarius,* or Der grosser Herbarius, is a German translation ¢ from the Latin Ortus Sanitatis, chiefly confined to the plant-chapters, containing 435 chapters in all, of which 15 are on animals, II on minerals, and the remainder, 409, on plants. The translator was Dr. Johann Wonnecke (or Dronnecke) von Cuba, also called Cube and C’aubf, who was first a physician of Augsburg, and became city physician of Frankfort, 1484-1495. Usually he translates exactly the words of the Ortus ; so mostly in the chapter on Aster, but sometimes he omits a few words or a clause, as, in Aster, the clause stating that it is most often found by shepherds. Otherwise this chapter is a direct translation of that in the Ortus. The chapter on Aster is no. 431, and is headed “ Unguirialis, Sternkraut oder Krotterkrut.” Apuleius’ story of the aster shin- ing by night loses nothing in the German translation, and the ‘‘phantasm” the ancient traveller thinks he sees in it, now becomes a devil; I quote that sentence, in its Moguntian dialect, from my copy of the first edition, Mentz, 1485. 4 lata ” ® See supra, p. t Its editio yet ah is held to be that of Mentz, 1485, Mar. 28, with superior Fust, Gutten berg’s partner (ex /idr. Bu.; this is Pritzel’s 11884, Proctor’s are Hain 8949. Copies were found by Pritzel at seca and Frankfort: and one is in the British Museum. Pritzel regarded several undated editions of Augsburg and of Mentz as ee: but Meyer does not. Many other editions followed, known by the printer’s name ; apt to be also editor ; as follows : Augsburg, by Anton Sorg, 1485, 1486. Augsburg, Se pea s oe many editions by Hannsen Schonspergely 1486, 1488, etc., to 1502. Ulm Strasburg, We Kreuterbuch i Neiaes Pruss, 1507, 1509 Strasburg, the Avexterbuch of Renatus Beck, 1515, 1521, 1524, 1528. oe the Kreuterbuch of Balthasar Beck, 1530. Frankfort, Rhodion’s Ki oes 15 mag ; printed by Ie rae ** Kreutterbuch...von Dr. Joha a...new corrigirt, und.. Bisa rt.. bir Distillirbuch, Small folio, ate, 2 ff., xylog. Mar. 26, 15 by Buucharis oe di or Réslin, City Physician of Frankfort. Reprinted 1540, with Kd a ie and 1550 For lat er Kreuterbuchs to 1783, founded on this but remodeled under the names of Lonitzer, Pikesha’s and Ehrhart, see iz/ra, under those names. oefer calls the translator “* Dr. Jean Cuba, M.D., German the first authors who treated of natural history with addition of figures to his & f naturalist, © sa ¢ ASTER IN GART DER GESUNDHEIT 323 “Diss krut schynet in der nacht glich den sternen an den hymmel und schynet also hecht das dich der mensch wenet es sy ein gespenst oder bedriigniss des diifels.”’ As a general thing this German translation is simplified from the Latin Ortus in other ways than merely translation ; the abbre- viated forms are almost entirely written out, Pli. appearing as Plinius, Galie. as Galienus, etc. As in Ortus a woodcut of Eryngium does duty for Aster, but much enlarged and otherwise different. In my copy this and other figures are rudely colored by hand, apparently by contemporary works ; leaves and stem are green, and the bristling flower-heads a blue-green. The figure occurs on the previous page; it is usual in this work that the figure precede the title and the plant-descrip- tion. The figure used for Eryngium is a thistle, or a Scolymus. The article following Vugwirialis (Aster) in the Ortus was on the plant Ypoquistidos, t. e., the hairy rose-gall; in the Gart der Gesundheit this disappears and the article following is Yacea, the pansy (with figure of the small form, the old time Ladies’ Delight of the gardens) ; just as the violet followed the aster in Dios- corides’ arrangement ; though this is a mere coincidence, as here the order is founded on the alphabet, and in Dioscorides it is irreg- ularly related to use. LIX. Da MANLIio One of the least known botanical writers of the fifteenth cen- tury was Giacomo da Manlio or Jacobus de Manliis, a Pavian of about 1450,* Da Manlio’s writings include his Luminare majus, a work on materia medica, of which editions appeared at Leyden 1536, Ven- ice 1540, 1551, 1561; and his Exrplanationes, peers ¥S : : prengel, who devotes a page to him, : his so-called «« Zatinobarbara aetas,”’ or just preceding Theodorus Gaza, who brought ‘s Patres Bar- = 99 Manlio, « the good man wasted oil and labor while he was endeavoring to ae Matthaeus Sylvaticus and Simon Genuensis with the ancients; yet he merite Praise bestowed on him by Euricius Cordus.”’ 324 Aster History; DA MANLIOo only as printed by Brunfels in his De vera, 1531, forming its pages 167-182, and bearing the title “ Joannis Jacobi de Manlits Alexan- drini, difficiliorum Herbarum explanatio,” etc., and the running title “Explanationes Herb. Jacobi de Manliis.”’ It consists of notes on about 140 plants, beginning De Assavo, and ending De Hypert- con, arranged in no definite order, but full of curious mediaeval names and of quotations from Simon Januensis, Pandectarius and Platearius. Da Manlio is particularly concerned with the deter- mination of synonyms, and takes Circa instans as a chief author- ity, though he adds much matter of his own. Da Manlio was omitted by Meyer, Winckler, Pritzel, and Bu- maldus ; was an Italian, and lived at Pavia ; was not much younger, thinks Sprengel, than Antonius Guainerius, another botanical writer of Pavia of date 1440, whom Da Manlio, 167, calls a “‘ modern.” Linnaeus, 1747, calls Da Manlio by the name ‘“‘ De Bosco Alexan- drinus”’; Seguier, 276, names him “ Jacobus Manlius de Bosco, Alexandrinus”’; Sprengel, following Brunfels, names him as ‘‘ Joannes Jacobus de Manliis, Alexandrinus (Italiae).”’ Sprengel mentions him as first to describe a Scabiosa, to call the daisy Mar- garita, to make observations on Angelica, Archangelica, Gratiola officinalis, etc. De Manlio quotes also, besides Antonius Guainerius and those before mentioned, Christophorus de Honestis, Manfredus (see infra, p. 380), Serapion, one ‘‘ Compositor”’ (author of the Butanicus ? cf. p. 228) and earlier writers as Mesue and Avicenna. Da Manlio's “ Compositor” is quoted by him under Herba S. Mariae, Herba Crassula and Centumnervia ; under Spargula, as S4Y~ ing that it is Rudea tinctorum minor ; under Herba Paralysis as S8Y" ing it is the Herba Sancti Petri (2. ¢., Primula veris : Circa-instans had already said that “ Herba Paralysis or Herba Sancti Petri ts Primula veris’’; while also applying Herba Paralysis to another plant, sae haps tansy). Under Cichorea, “‘Compositor”’ is cited as saying that “it is Rostrum porcinum, et est herba cuius flos est coelestis. As to the name Rostrum porcinum see supra, P- 108. circa instans does not mention it for its Cichorea, though it uses the phrase “ of the coclestis color.” Under Endivia, Da Manlio quotes Avicenna as saying it is “ Zaraxacon . . . quam Gentilis cere, : “ ‘ ‘ Pe os Cicerbitam sive Rostrum porcinum”’; quotes ‘ Nicholus 10 propne dicit ess¢ Da MANtto’s Ascaracon. 825 libro” as saying “ Rostrum porcinum est Cicerbita”; and quotes ‘‘Joannes Anglicus” as saying “ Altaraxacon est Rostrum porci- num vel Cichorea,”’ adding of Joannes, “Idem sentit in capitulis de Fistula.” Da Mantio’s Plant Names.—Among names which enter into this present Aster history, Da Manlio uses herba Morela for his Sola- trum hortulana ; Rubea tinctorum for madder ; Matersylva for Cap- rifolium (2. ¢., Asperula); Agrimonia, Ferraria and Eupatorium as synonyms ; he says “ J@e/issa in modern opinion is Ozymum citra- tum or Citraria’’; ‘“‘ A/e/uia est Panis cuculi”’; ‘‘Crzspuda est Oculus bovis seu Buphthalmos, sive Cotula,”’ adding “Ladion, i. ¢., Oculus bovis, seu Oculus vaccae, quod idem est, hanc nostri rustici Cofw/am dicunt.” He also states that his Pudicaria minor is “ Satureia or Timbra,” adding the remark that “in partibus Comae unus Grae- cus dixit mihi quod Pulicaria minor apud ipsos vocatur Coniza seu Zimbra, et fecit versiculos sic dicens.”’ Da Manlio’s most direct reference to Aster is in his attempt to classify “ Iringus, Centumcapita, Secacul, Affodillus, and Ascara- con,” 7. ¢., ‘Aster Atticon,’ his treatment being as follows : De Iringio (p. 170), Iringus, aut Iringion aut nux agrestis, ut dicit Diosc. ab aliis Cardopanis dicitur; et est species Centum- capitum, ut apparet apud Serapionem. Etiam ipse Serapion ait “ Ascaracon,” id est, Centumcapita, est coelestis coloris,” inferius dicitur Iringi. Sed Centumcapita alba, est species spinae. Et sic est. Et non est secacul, sicut quidam falso opinantur. Iringus autem est planta spinosa, que in ufis ac pratis nascitur. : De Secacule (p. 167), Secacul * est Sigillum sanctae Marie? et non Iringus, ut quidam herbolarii volunt. Quare Serapion aliud Capitulum facit de Secacul, aliud de Iringo.... De Affodillo (p. 170), Secundum Circa instans, Affodillus [Asphodel] est quidam herba, quae vocant Centumcapita. Sed hoc est falsum.... Da Manlio's attitude toward Aster is therefore briefly as fol- lows: he knows Aster only as he reads of it in Serapion under the Name Ascaracon; he understands Serapion as identifying this ees of : ‘ -“* at?’ *Camus identifies the ‘«Seccacul, yringi, calcatrippa, cardanelli idem ¢ Circa instans as Centaurea Calcitrapa L . b 2 : ’ Lunn Tt The plant of this name in Circa instans is identified by Camus as Polygona Multiforum All, 326 AstEeR History; Da MANLIO Ascaracon with a blue Centumcapita; he points out that Iringus (Eryngium) and Centumcapita alba (Eryngium) are also kinds of Centumcapita, and of sfiva, that is, of spinous plants; and that Secacul and Affodillus were wrongly classed as their synonyms. RENAISSANCE PLANT-WRITERS LX. DioscorIDES AT THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING We come now to that body of men who labored for a hundred years over the plants of Dioscorides, and whose struggle to identify those plants was the first great botanical endeavor of the Revival of Learning. Each of these writers had something to say of Aster ; sometimes, as mere translators, simply repeating the words of Dioscorides ; sometimes, as annotators, discussing his phraseology ; sometimes, as workers with nature, comparing his description with plants actually known. Translations of Dioscorides, usually adding brief annotations, include the following : Into Latin, 1478, at Colle, by Petrus omarion with ‘‘utilissimis annotation- ibus’’; reissued Leyden, 1512; he is perhaps the same, nna ae Pritzel, as Petrus Aponensis. In 1480 or soon after, Hermolaus docbuces made a second Latin transla- tion ; not published perhaps till 1516; see p. 334; but probably written gee he went on the embassies of 1486 and 1488. Other Latin versions were those of 1516, Paris, by Ruellius ; 1518, Florence, by Marcellus Vergilius ; 1529, Basle, by Janus Cornarius ; 1549, Paris, by Jean Goupyl ; 1 554, Venice, by Masthioli ; followed, 1598, Leyden, a the famed version by the Leyden physician Janus Antonius Saracenus, deemed b Sprengel the translation optima ; since whom the chief editors of Dioscorides have ca Salmasius (Utrecht, 1689) and Sprengel (Leipsic, 1829). Into Italian, first, Venice, 1542, the translation by Fausto da Longiano ; that by Matthioli iting in 1544 (Venice), and that of Andrea Martigniano in 1545 at Florence. /nto German, Frankfort, 1546, by John Dantzen von Ast ; again also at Frankfort, by Peter bes the Frankfort physician, 1610 ‘nto French, Lyons, 1553, by the physician Martin Mathée, with addition of new plants. Into Spanish, eee 1563, by Andreas de Laguna, known as Lacuna, and . Segobiensis; one of those who interpreted Aster Atticus as properly 4 bide flower rather than walkie’ he had issued notes on Dioscorides’ plants, in 1552 bi figures, and in 1554 with criticisms of Ruellius’ translation. Annotators on Dioscorides—There follows the long line of 4% notators on Dioscorides, with whom it was common to have some thing to say about Aster, I append a selection of such Renaissance , *C, Bauhin, Pinax, 267. ITALIAN COMMENTATORS 327 commentators, some of whom were also more general in their Scope, and among whom some mention of Aster is to be expected ; prefixing to each the date of his first known authorship. For further particulars about these authors, see Bumaldus, Seguier, Sprengel, Meyer and Pritzel; as well as for many contemporary writers whom I omit as less important, less likely to have men- tioned Aster, and whose works are not in reach in America. 80. Hermolaus Barbarus began, probably in this year, at the age of 26, his translation and commentary on Dioscorides ; his short life, 1454-1493, was mourned by Leonicenus in a “« Lamentatio mortis,” 1493: see p. 334- 1401. Antonius adie of Padua; wrote ithe his Florida Corona, hoc est de conservatione Sanitatis, describing 300 plants; printed Venice, by Forlivio, 1481; om fo slenal 1534. Guido de Cauliaco, French physician, whose Avfidotarium appeared at wens 1490, again 1519, 1546, etc 1492. Leonicenus,* Nicolaus, 14981 ew critic of Pliny, in his De Plini roribus (Ferrara,1492, etc., and again, much enlarged, Basle, 1529). Under re diac “In Plinii Errata’ it was printed by feuilers Strasburg, 1531, from an edition pre- faced at Ferrara, 1 504 ; forming pages 244-89 of Brunfels’ De vera herbarum cognitione afpendix, Inthis Leonicenus has much to say ‘‘ De Tripolio,”’ p. 24, and ‘* De Turbit,”” P- 81, which relates to the literature of Aster Tripolium Leonicenus’ “De and iii of his “* Herbarum,”’ 1 o-7. Marcellus Vergilius praises him as ‘‘v vir nostra aetate dignus,’’ and refers to Leonicenus’ copious writings about Coronopus, which was soon after known as Stellaria and finally confused by some with Aster Atticus; I find nothing on Coronopus, however, in Leonicenus’ ‘‘ Zrra¢a.”’ : 1501. Gerardus Nocito, a Sicilian, known as Pharmacopaeus; his Lucidarium Medicinae, Naples, 1511, “‘librum copiosum, et valde utilem, atque curiosum,”’ giving “a notice of all simples ’’ (Bumaldus, 17). 1510. Collinutius, or Pandolfo Collenuccio; author of ‘ Pliniana defensio,” Fesponse to Leonicenus’ criticisms (Ferrara, 1510; repeated by Brunfels, 1531, in bis De vera, forming pages 89-116). He treats ‘de Tripolio” (Aster Tripolium, etc. ) P- 91 of Brunfels’ edition. 1516. Ruellius’ translation of Dioscorides into Latin; Paris, 1516; see p. 337. 1518. Marcellus Rane! translation of Dioscorides into Latin, with copious hotes; Florence, 1518; 1515. Joannes a art de Neti consi author, Strasburg, 1 518, of ‘* Marga- rita Medicinae, ...de remediis herbaru bi 1518, Vigonius, Joannes de igs, Genuensis, archiater to Pope Julius I1; his Chirurgia Practica treats in its 7th book “de natura Simplicium” ; printed Leyden, SS i, of the Leoniceno family of Vicenza, or in their neighboring Castel di jot hi hie. as Leonicum ; became one of the greatest masters of elegant Latinity of his “Be; living to be 96, his long life confuted the conclusions too hastily inferred from se early deaths of Hermolaus, Kyber, Valerius Cordus, Conrad Gesner, etc., that botan- ieal studies were unfavorable in the 16th century to longevity ; the fact being that it was the century of the plague, and many young botanists fell victims. 328 Aster History; RENAISSANCE ANNOTATORS 1518; Brunfels in his ‘‘ Rhapsodies’’ makes many concise quotations from him ; he was also vigorous as well as concise, if we may judge from his remark aoe Asarum (Br. : 74)that its root applied in a lotion ‘* vehementer cerebrum confortat. 1519, Manardus, 1462-1536, critic of Dioscorides, see 38. 1525, Luca Ghini began this year his famous lectures at Beligdn on the plants of Dioscorides, lectures continuing 28 years and meeting great applause, though as yet un- published, but lying in MS. at the Univ. of Bologna. Ghini ‘‘ was the first who erected a separate professorial chair of botanical science ; he was the preceptor of Caesalpino and of Anguillara, who became two of the soundest critics in the knowledge of plants that the age produced,’ Pulteney. Wm. Turner was also Ghini’s pupil at Bologna. Ghini afterward founded the botanical garden of Pisa; see infra, pp. 367, 369. 7 Euricius Cordus, Simesius, 1486-1538; see p. 355. 1528, Giorgio Valla, of Piacenza; his De avhnee natura was printed at Stras- burg, Aug., 1528, 8vo, 104 fol. He is one of the authorities Brunfels used, citing him for Satyrion, Chamaedrys, Capnon (Valla’s caption for Fumaria), etc. 1529, Janus Cornarius’ Dioscorides ; see p, 339 and (iz/fra under Aiviws). 1529, Count Hermann von Neuenar, author of ‘¢ Annotations’’ printed by Brunfels, 1531 (forming pages 116-129 of his De vera) and prefaced by a letter by Count von Neuenar from Cologne in ae to Schottus, John Scott, the Strasburg printer. These Annotations are concerned with the nomenclature, etc., of 28 plants of Dioscori rides : Uses Buphthalmum, oe ean Anthemis, Ci tomthieuaan: Argemone and upa m, pp. 118-119, among plants sometimes confused with Aster. Count von rea remarks, p. 128, that he uses ‘‘ opera Symonis Ianvensis, atque Pandectarii, ubi non hallucinantur.’’ He was ‘the last of a noble family ; was born probably in 1476; died 1530 at Cologne; was translator of Psalms into Lane ae a life of dee an editio Theodorus Priscianus, etc.,’ F; 1530, Baptista Fiera, of nly author of ‘* De virtutibus Be sal > ‘rasbor, 1530 bale preneney the author whom Brunfels lists among his authorities, 1539, 8 ‘* Bap tista 15 pi Baptista Pius, another of Brunfels’ recent ee 1530, perhaps Bumal- dus’ Jo. Baptista Theodosius, physician, professor of medicine at Bologna, 4” edition of whose Epistles to Manardus, Ly etc., on medicinal herbs was printed at Basle, 1553. 1531 tiraoicls ‘Father of botany” ; Exegesis, Dioscorides ; see p- 34°- 1531, Venked Fuchs, 1501-1566 ; “ Annotationes’’ on Dioscorides ; in Brun- fels’ De Vera; . 348. 1531, Bock 6 + Tr ; Dinssttationes on Dioscorides; in Brunfel’s De 77 1531, John Lonicer ; his Scholia on Nicander, 1531, on Dioscorides, 1543- , Symphorianus Campegianus, of Leyden; his Castigationes, Leyden, 1537 : consisted ‘of four books of e iol chiefly of Arabic physicians ; his Elysium Galliarum followed, ae 1533: ! oannes Fra s Rota, ‘medicus...peritissimus,”’ of Bologna; his De 1533, Graecorum siiseeidudc t eal » $533. 1533, Cornelius Petrus isk, notes on Dioscorides, oe 1533: 1534, Benedictus Textor, annus differentiae ex Dioscorides, Par 1536, Antonius Musa Brasavola; born and died (like aaas at Ferrars s 1500-1555; court-physician 1525 to tein Il, Prince of Ferrara; was in bigh esteem as physician with the Pope, German emperor, Alfonso I, and Francis 15 i of ‘ Examen omnium simplicium sassdiinnnatiieaes,** Rome, 1536; does not st Amatus, CARDANUS, GOUPYL, ETC. 329 plants; unlike its ae of * — meritus,’’ * Sprengel considers ‘it but added to the hallucinations then 1536, Amatus rate friend of Musa the preceding; author of notes on Dios- corides, Antwerp, 1536, reissued at Antw eh etc.; a fd Grk., It., Sp., Ger. and Fr. names for the plants of piienciiaa: under JZatt, 1539, Agricola Johannes, Ammonius, by cr. Paeurle ; wrote on the medical his- tory of plants of the ancients and moderns, his Medicinae Aerie libri duo, Basle. 1540, Dorstenius’ Botanicon; see p. 353 1541, Fuscus, or Remaclus Fusch 4 Lymborch. His ‘' Plantarum omnium ib/. Columbia Univ.) no Aster at all, agreeing thus hai oe 1542, and Ryff, 1543, who assert that Aster Atticus was not then in officina 1541, Conrad Gesner, 1516-1565 ; p- 35 1543, Walter Ryff, or Rivius; his Dictate: ipteg see p. 389. 1543, John Lonitzer or Lonicer, 7 Dioscoridae...scholia nova, Marburg 1544, Petrus Andreas Matthiolus, Senensis ; or Matthioli ; ; Discorsi et Criswiont on Dioscorides, Venice, see p. 381 15 3isbertus Horstius, of Amsterdam; “ libellum de Ziapeto et Thapsis radici- bus sialhicetirdtisn edidit,” Rome, 1544 (Bumaldus, 21). For Turbith, see p. 327. 1545 ; author of ** De Cyna radice, item de Sarza-parilla,”’ Leyden, 1548, and other works 1550, 1557, etc. After his death, 1576, his heirs in 1580 published at Rome as if by the irony of fate his manuscript work ‘ De sanita¢e tuenda et vita producenda.”’ = His * De Subdtilitate’’ in 21 books, 1550, devoted the 8th book to plants; a copy is in the Latimer Clark collection, N. Y.; it seems not to mention Aster 1548, Robertus Constantinus; his notes on Dioscorides (Bumaldus, 25), appear in an edition of Amatus Lusitanus’ a Leyden, 1548; his ssh on Theophrastus ap- peared in the edition of those of Scaliger, Sd. 1584, and of Bodaeus a Stapel, 1644; he it was who senna me Theophrastus’ Asteriscos was meant for Astericon, not Aster; see p. 116. 1549, Jean hae 1+ of Poitou; his edition of Dioscorides, based on the Latin Ree by Ruellius, was printed in Paris, 1549, by Petrus pape? Goupyl prints € Latin and the original Greek in parallel columns, as Sarace us and Sprengel after i o divides his author as to make 8 books; separates as he judges to later accretions, as ‘* Notha,’’ pp. 354-382, which are the same as those of Saracenus’ subsequent arrangement, He follows with a notes, ‘* peaenaned pp. 383, ‘0 : With much diffidence’’ after the work done “ by Hermolaus Barbaru s, Marcellus = ~itie and Johannes Ruellius’’; they were suggestion aes sasunt sey in the tis MSS.; none apply to Alek Atticus, Aster Avie is described, p. 231, bk. 4, ¢ £20; the nie -phrase used is ‘* purple or yellow 1549, Valerius Cordus, son of Euricius Codes ; see p. 355- ie 1551, Adam Lonicer or Lonitzer, nephew of John ( Joannes Lonicerus), his =~ Historia” was issued at Marburg, 1551; by a see p. 391. 1552, H. B. P. scripsit ocultato nomine in Dioscoridan”’ » Seguier, 54- * See Bumaldus 6/. Colu. t ** Jacobus morn the printer Haultinus calls him : fide copy ex bibl. Co 330 AsTER History; RENAISSANCE ANNOTATORS 1553, Bellonius,—Pierre Belon—the Cenomanian, traveller pried ae Orient to recover the plants of the ancients; his ‘* Les Odservations...en Gréc etc., Paris, 1553; ina Latin translation by Clusius, ‘* Plarimarum...rerum in Grace Antwerp, 1589; 8vo, 468, 1556, Casma; Joannes Casma Holzachius, of Basle ; Anmofationes in Dioscoridem, Leyden, 1556. 1557, Guilandini’s De Stirpium ; see pp. 360, 367, 1559, bared Maranta ; whose Methodus in minicom Ven, 1559, includes ‘‘innumerable n made from his own ake: Sprenge 1561, co s Semplici ; see p. 365. 1561, Antonius Stupanus, on the Pros of Dioscorides’ herbs, 1561. 1561, Valerius Cordus, Anmotationes in Dioscoridem, Strasburg, 1561; see p. 355- 1565, Gesner’s edition of Dioscorides’ uporista, Strasburg, 1565; finished by Gesner after the death of Moiban his coadjutor,—Jacobus Moibanus Augustanus. 1581, Caspar Wolft’s A/phabetum Sb m sive Dioscoridis, etc.; see p. 364. 1586, Camerarius’ Zpitome, from Matthioli’ s Dioscorides ; see p. 3 s 1591, Jean Bauhin, whose series of works on the plants of the ancients and finally of the whole world, began with his De tare Basle, 1591. 1592, Antonio Pasini, Aznofazioni on Dioscorides, Bergamo, 1592 1596, Caspar Bauhin, whose works on the plants of the past and of his own time began with his Phytopinax, Basle, 1596, and culminated in his Pinax, 1623, in which he formulated the results of his labor of 40 years in establishing the complete synonymy of 16th century plant writers, and formed the bridge by which the modern and the ancient botany are joined. I a0 Saracenus’ notes on Dioscorides, Leyden 608, Nicolao Marogna, Commentarii on Picea. with emendations of Mat- sai. Basle. 1610, Peter Uffenbach’s German translation of Dioscorides, modified from that of von Ast. 1628, — and Paul Contant, father and son, apothecaries of Poitiers ; Notae on Diosco 1689, ene notes on Dioscorides, Utrecht. 1829, Sprengel’s notes on Dioscorides, Leipsic. LXI. Hieronymus or BRUNSWICK In 1500 first appeared the often-reprinted “ Distillerung Buch” of Hieronymus Brunsvicensis, Hieronymus Brunsthwygk vo? Salern, as Pritzel calls him, 7. ¢., “ Jeronimo the Strasburg physi- cian, of a Brunswick family sprung from Salerno,” —if we combine his titles. Little is known of him; in his: preface he calls him- self “‘ Hieronymus Brunschwyg, des geschlechts Salern, biintig vo" Strassburgk.” The printer of 1500, Gruéninger of Strasbuté, calls him “ Jeronimo,” and “vvundt Artzot,” physician of wounds, or surgeon, and locates him at Strasburg. Sprengel (Gas I: 295-6) calls him therefore “ chirurgus Argentinensis,” and notes THE OLD AND THE NEw LEARNING 331 how he exercised himself in the botany of antiquity, and how he showed himself but a “ rudis homo literarum” in making many a “ridiculum plane errorem”’ about the identification of Arabic and Hebrew names of plants. But these mistakes of that period were the stepping-stones on which rose the knowledge of the next. Meyer ignores him almost entirely. Brunfels calls him “ zodi/is,’” meaning of a noble family (expatriated from Salerno ?) and “ expertmentator,” alluding to his efforts to distil medicinal or other waters from a great range of plants; and usually simply Herbarius, “the herbalist.” Perhaps no other among the many plant-workers of the Renaissance time united so fully the old and the new attitudes toward nature ; like the old, he was continually copying the remarks of the ancients on properties : like the new, he was himself wandering in the fields to get a knowledge of plants at first hand. Though using Latin, he was fond of the vernacular, wrote in it and recorded the names that he heard from the lips of the people. Though submitting the properties of plants to the scientific test of the retorts in his laboratory, he was still of the age of Ponce de Leon who believed in a fountain of youth ; there were plants which Hieronymus believed could confer the gift of beauty; and he remarks of the fumitory-vine, that “ Fu- mariae potio. . .pulchritudinem inducit.”’ * Hieronymus’ Distillerung Buch.—Hieronymus’ best-known work, his “ Zider de arte distillandii—von der Kunst der distil- lerung,” Strasburg, 1500, is a folio with 212 leaves and over 200 figures of plants, among which one, the widely distributed Gentiana cruciata of the European continent, was here figured for the first time, fide Sprengel. The Distillerung Buch has, remarks Sprengel (Geschichte, 1: 295), almost the same plant descriptions and the same figures as inthe Ortus Sanitatis ; 7. e., nearly the same as far as they go, the woodcuts numbering only 238, fide Pritzel.t Wie oe * Quoted by Brunfels, 1: 102 : aoe oa i in innumerable This “ Distitlerung Buch”? as it was often termed, was reissued Waters of all maner of herbes.’? Important German editions which followed later w those of Egenolph, Frankfort, 1533, bound together wi “Ppeared, Southwark, 1525, under the title ‘* The vertuose boke of Distyliacyon of the be th the enlarged Ortus Sanitatis 332 Aster History; HrzronyMus OF BRUNSWICK Hieronymus’ APODIXIS Hieronymus was also author of an early alphabetical flora of Germany, entitled Apodixis Germanica, 1. e., German Guide to Native Plants,* containing brief descriptions in German of 207 of Eucharius Rhodion; and that of Egenolph’s heirs, Frankfort, 1610, reissued, but without its figures, in one volume with the German translation of Dioscorides by Peter pernnte unfels, i the Distillerung-Buch, quotes from ‘‘ Hieronymus Herbarius’”’ often, ean his plant-descriptions, or Rhapsodies, as she c alls them; referring to him as ‘* Hieronymus “a aunschwigius, non ineptus Herbarius’’ (tom. iii, 78) an nd as ‘ Nobilis Experimentator et Herbarius, Hieronymus’? (1: aay, as ‘* Nobilis Herbarius Hierony- us’’ (1: 79, 81), but generally simply as ‘‘ incall Herbarius,” often with long extracts, as that, 1: 96-98, on our familiar Cowslip, which Brunfels knew as Herba paralysis from’ supposed curative powers. Brunfels’ quotations from Hermolaus and from Hieronymus indicate a long-standing ‘eshdilés between our Cowslip and the Oxeye oF ero ests also some influx from Aster, the ponditooie like the classic Aster being ™ especially, a says, for inguinal tumors, (‘* Usus 5 us est in ulceratione colis et puden- darum ; et vomicas in muliebribus pu chads sanat,’’? Hieronymus in Brunfels, 1: 55: ) Sprengel deemed the citations of Brunfels from Hieronymus to be taken from a book ‘ Herbarius’’ of Mentz of 1485, which om itself the ‘‘ Aggregator practicus” and of which Sprengel (Sprengel, Ervahlehte 295; following Gesner a and Trew considered that Hieronymus, of Brunswick, was oe author ; a supposition for which he but identity is spans the fact that Brunfels goo seenigse between them ; as in sodia XVI.’’ ‘* De Satyrion,”’ the o , o, he quotes first ‘ Ex Aggres® tor Herbario,”’ and next proceeds to vot separately se te Hieronymo Nobili Empirico.’ *This ‘* Apodixis Germanica’’ was published by Brunfels in tom. ii of his Noe! Herbarii at Strasburg, 1531 ; it formed the last part of that volume; the printer, famous ‘* Joannes Sah: Librarius,’’ in his colophon records the date of completing the the presswork as Feb. 14, 1532. Brunfels seems to have printed from an old and imper fect manuscript, not ee a printed book ; at least I find no evidence of previous sien ing of the Apodixis ; unless Bock’s quotation of 1531 regarding A/atris- -sylva, may ae been made from the Afodixis and not from the Distilliréruch Us infra, P- 343): fact the Apodixis seems to have been commonly overlooked (du _ te of Brunfels’ work) and it is negl itzel ; s by Seguier # eglected by Meyer and Pritzel ; as we y af aee he Distillerns rk of its au- the a and Bumaldus among earlier bibliographers at hand. If written shortly has Hieronymus’ HIMMELSCHLUSSEL 333 plants. It does not include any Aster by that name, but will be often referred to in these pages, for its descriptions and current names of a number of plants which were in that day often mistaken for Aster and by different writers were identified with the Aster Atticus of Dioscorides: as the plants then known as ‘Cliben- kraut or Rubea’” (madder), p. 187, ‘‘ Gundelred or Hedera terres- tris,” p. 189, ‘“ Mafis-trew or Iringus,” p. 193, “ Schélwurtz or Chelidonia,’ p. 197, ‘“Synnaw or Alchimilla,” p. 197; cf. also his “Lienenblum or Caprifolium” p. 192, his ‘ Leberkraut or Hepatica,” p. 192, his “ Epphew or Hedera,” p. 188, his “ Nachts- chatt or Solatrum,” p. 194, and especially his ‘“‘Waldtmeister or Matrisylva,” p. 198 (i. ¢., Aspergula).* Hieronymus of Brunswick may have intended Aster Amellus L. by his trae Himmedlschliissel ; judging from the application of the latter name to Aster Amellus in southern Bavaria ; vide p. 73. He distinguishes between three plants for which the name Was used; one (undescribed; the Aster ?) to which he says it properly belonged; another, Bellis perennis L., the daisy, with white rays,—but white color, he says the true Himmelschliissel does not possess at all; and a third, ‘Primula veris, the cowslip, which is, he remarks, ‘‘ a very different flower altogether ; though Some misunderstanding seems to have arisen regarding this authorship. Meyer, ignoring the Apodixis and its title, states that Brunfels meant Bock by his term ** Hier- onymus Herbarius.’? The fact seems to be that ‘‘ Hieronymus Herbarius’’ was some- times used for either Bock of Zweibriichen, or for Hieronymus of Brunswick and Stras- burg. But when Brunfels wished to be specific he referred to the one autho onymus Tragus’’ and the second as ‘* Hieronymus Herbarius Argentoratus ”? or ** Hier- onymus Brunsvicensis ’’ or equivalent. He thus specifies the identity of the author * - Apodixis in its very title, as written by ‘* Hieronymus Herbarius Argentoratus, heb : “i Smyperaloniat ie: he Hieronymus of Strasburg and the title page of the Apodixis, oth Brunswick is indicated by my own copy, where on 334 Aster History; HirtronymMus oF BRUNSWICK all three are called in Latin Herba Puralysis.” * The second and third had been called Herba Paralysis minor and major by Da Manlio. LXII. HeErmoraus BarBARUS First of Italian botanists to begin a new science of botany from direct study of the classics was Hermolaus Barbarus,f 1454- * Literally in the German of the Apodixis, p. 190, ‘ Bega Herba par- alisis, Hymmelschliissel or Heaven-key [Aster Amellus L, ?] in Latin is called Herba Paralisis, and in German tongue is Hymmelschliissel or deredals schliissel ; but by some [it is said that it is the same as] white Barheng [i. ¢., daisy, Bedlis perennis L.; the Herba paralysis minor or Margarita of Da Manli iol. And that its leaves [rays] are of a white color; but [this s] is false; as I have written before, under the letter B in the erste) Bethonig [ Befonica, including also, daisy and cowslip]. By some the Doc- tores herba, Artotica, Primula veris, is called [by the same name, 7, ¢., immel- schlissel), That however is false [7. ¢.,.a wrong application of this last name]. What Primula veris is, is the plant Zeitléssen, a I will speak of it under the > Under Zettlossen, Primula veris, p. 199, he says, ‘* Zeitlossen kraut is very com- mon, and familiarly known by the Latin [name] Primula veris and in German Lett- fossen kraut or Masslicblin. Under Betonien, p. 185, he had said, ‘ Betonien-kraut in Latin is Betonica.. And the Brun Betonien or Betonig is to be separated, that has the brown biosssides There is a kind with white [daisy] and another with yellow blossoms [cowslip]... That kind with yellow blossoms is also called by the Latin name Herba paralisis, a and in German tongue Hymmelschliissel; and that with the white meen? (ay) is so too. That is however not right ; since Hymmelschliissel is not of that * Ermolao Barbaro, born at Venice July, 1454, of an ancient a family ; son of Zaccaria and nephew of the Venetian ga Ermolao Barbaro of 1410-1471, who was — f son of another Zaccaria, Bred to diplomacy, the botanist Ermolao was ambas- or (styled *‘* orator ’’) of Venice, as were his father and grandfather before him. He a at Verona, and Rome; and Padua, a baccalaureate smiled 477- rmolaus’ first work, begun when he was 18 and finished when 26, was a Latin Conininn of Themistius the commentator on Aristotle. His next was a translation of Dioscorides ; an elegant edition of which in folio was printed by Egnatius at Venice in » it has been claimed, at Rome in 1492, but known best the editions of Venice, 1516, and of Cologne, 1530. A third author memes was Pliny, in whom ¢ ica etoedl he had corrected 5,090 errors, m made lain in his ‘ Castigationes fae 1492. : At the end of that year are father died, and he journeyed on a mission to ar where in a letter he wrote,—almost his last words, ‘* Twelve years have | given myself to statecraft, not from my own impulse, but my father, my friends and m y brother im- pelling me; but knowledge has been all this time, lost. Toseek a was I gst: to that I have given myself; without that I cannot live. O marvel of fortune, that HERMOLAus’ S7Ezz4A. 335 1493, eminent in affairs of state, “ patriarcha Aguilegiensis,’ a scholar fired with intense ardor for the acquisition of knowledge. Fermolaus’ Aster.—He was first, first of the greater names at least, to identify the Aster Atticus of Dioscorides with A/chemilla or Lady’s-mantle, an error against which Matthioli was yet doing battle eighty years after Hermolaus’ death. Where Hermolaus writes of Aster Atticus, Corol. lib. 4, corol. 734, his phrase is “vulgo Stella dictus”’; Stella, of which Jean Bauhin’s Historia * remarks “ Pedem leonis et Alchimilla+ vocamus.” In short, Hermolaus was more of a philologist than a botanist ; was interested more in the names of plants than in their descrip- tions ; otherwise the Alchemilla’s current name Ste//aria could not have led him to identify it with the Aster Atticus of Dioscori- des in disregard of the purple daisy-like flower heads specified by the Greek description. . Hermolaus’ Buphthalmum or Herba paralysis —Hermolaus Bar- barus (cited in Brunfels, 3: 8) may have had Aster and Leucan- themum, or possibly other daisy-like flowers, in mind in his name Buphthalmum, when discussing the various plants called Herba Paralysis, —“ laudatur ad paralysim, a quo et nomen ;”’ including Primula veris, Bellis perennis, a plant called Paradel { and one committed knowledge to me, me to knowledge !’’ (Quoted in book 12 and last of the el ae ¢s of Politianus and others,’’ Strasburg, 1513; and, in 21.) But stricken down in a few days with the plague, uel ‘sk iaiowsl near Rome, when only gt in ae 1493. * vag gran cantha or Calcitrena, Paidict: and a Rubia; concluding safely, 5: rm 17; Lilium, do. 8 ; Nasturtium, do. 73; 4; Sola 5 do. 305 as ’ . Betonica, pp. 89-90, bie Pay (cowslip) 97-8, herba Fumaria, 100 ; Asarum 7 ontiu: um 64-6, A Arum 57 : t “Flos, qui quonium a hese conspicuus est, Paradelos ee dicitur ; ¢tiam non admodum diversa, nisi quod serratum est huic, non Paralysi. folio 336 AsTER History ; HERMOLAUS called Buphthalmum. Of the latter he says ‘‘ Sunt qui Buphthal- mum, et bovis oculum appellent. Nam qui Antipatrum vulga- rentur eum esse, liquido falluntur. Haec Barbarus.”’ Hermolaus’ Asteriscus—Hermolaus has another remark for which I have not discovered the Greek foundation, when, coroll. 680, he states that the Greeks called poppy-heads by the name of doteptoxoc, Asteriscus (/. Bauhin, Hist., 2: 1044.); [from the radiating grooves on the top of the capsule ?]. Hermolaus’ Identification of Amellus as Chamomile.—Another remark of Hermolaus Barbarus which relates to Aster, is that in book I of his Corollaries, c. 59, where he suggests the identity of chamomile with the Amellus of Vergil, since believed to be the Aster Atticus, of Dioscorides. Hermolaus’ suggestion is founded on phonetic grounds, That there may be a phonetic connection between these words had occurred to me independently in 1909, before I learned, on May 19, 1901, that Hermolaus had thought out the same solution four hundred years before. My hypothesis was that of the existence of an early generalized plant name, amuilla or amella, meaning little bushy plant, widely diffused in editer- ranean mountain lands anterior to Greek or Latin culture ; and that this name survives, 1st, in the modern Greek local name in Arcadia for the mistletoe, of Me//a, which the Greeks interpret as due to black berries (we/dz, black); 2d, in Amellus of Vergil ; 3d, in Chamomilla, the camomile, yapuipyiov, which latter became, from the apple-like scent of its flowers, assimilated to Greek 740% an apple. Hermolaus offers his theory in this form: ‘ Amilla flos apud Graecos autores quosdam, Gallico vocabulo herba ea qua vocatur anthemis, sive chamaemilon, ut forte amilla vel idem vel similis sit amello, nihil asseveramus, sed in medium posuisse nihil offecit,”” z. ¢., Amilla is a flower among certain Greek authors, called so by a Celtic name ; it is the plant which is called Anthemis or Cham- omile ; that perhaps Amilla may be the same or similar to Amel- lus, I do not assert, but it does no harm to consider it.” * n pjectur ay 5 own elilot * Wedel, De Amello, 4 (1686, Jena), considers the above a pecudiarts ¢? : and dismisses it as repugnant alike to both Chamomile and Amellus. But Wedel judgment was so ‘peculiar’? that he identified Amellus itself with the ye/low ™ CoLor OF ASTER-RAYS 337 LXIII. Marcertus VERGILIvs The author known by these assumed names is called Marcel- lus Adriani by the historian Tiraboschi; was professor of belle lettres and chancellor of state for Florence, and hence often entitled Secretarius Florentinus; was born 1464, or perhaps 1474, suggests Meyer,—as the Secretary describes himself in 1491 as ‘“‘me adhuc puero”; died Nov. 27, 1521, from a fall from a horse. Marcellus Vergilius was learned in Greek and Latin, and his notes on Dioscorides * have been much esteemed ; Gesner in 1545 pronounced his work “ utilissimus” ; Haller praises it, Sprengel deems it ‘“ laudabilis,’’ and ‘of the greatest sagacity.”’ The description of Aster Atticus, in Marcellus Vergilius’ Latin translation of Dioscorides, forms chapter 115 of the fourth book. In this chapter Marcellus was first to settle the disputed color- phrase for Aster flowers as “ purple and yellow,” by inserting zaé in place of 7 in Dioscorides’ text. He was also first to separate from Dioscorides’ genuine text, the account of Aster as shining by night ; rejecting this as superstitious and unsupported by the oldest Greek and Latin authorities. In this he has been followed ever since.+} LXIV. RUELLIUS Ruellius, Jean Ruel of Soissons, 1474-1537, canon of Paris, was physician to Francis I, of France, and so remarkable for the learning, elegance and number of his translations into Latin that he has been styled the Prince of Translators. In I 516 he issued his oft-printed translation of Dioscorides, in 1528 that from Seri- bonius Largus, in 1529 from Celsus, 1530 the “ Veterinariae medicinae,” 1539, that of Joannes Actuarius. 2. The chapter on Aster Atticus formed number 105 in Ruellius Pe * His Latin translation of Dioscorides with his copious comm: orence, 1518; again in 1523 from a revision of : Shortly b i * : 129, when Soter printed the translation, y before his death ; again at Cologne, 1529, wee Ciaiiticids of the 1518 and 1529 Hermolaus Barbarus. Meyer was the fortunate possessor editions. and continuously by Brunfels in his eris, t. ii, p. 85, Polypodium, 17; also Conyza ; etc. : * Marcellus Vergilius was quoted at length , ts Rhapsodies’” ; especially tom. i, p. 220-1, on Capillus-Ven ", 73, Nasturtium, ii, 38, Herb Robert, ii, 31, Solanum, 1, 338 ASTER History; RUELLIUS translation of Dioscorides’ fourth book; the flowers he calls “purple or yellow.” * IDENTIFICATION OF ASTER WITH AsreRULA ODORATA L. In 1536 (at Paris) Ruellius published his De natura stirpium ibri tres, a compilation of all that he could find about plants in the ancients ; besides recapitulating, p. 633,+ what was said of Aster Atticus by Dioscorides and Pliny, he adds (in Latin), “It is deemed by many to be the plant commonly called Aspergula minor,” an identification based on the star-like radiation of the As- perula stem-leaves ; (see p. 339, 343) and ‘“ There is another Aster (7. ¢., star-like leaf) now commonly called Ste//a,’’ meaning Alchemilla doubtless ; also “What plant the Aster meant to the -ancients I do not know,” and ‘“‘ What was the herb which Pausa- nias calls Asterion, I have not ascertained.” The following uses of Aster are quoted by Ruellius in slightly ‘different form from his predecessors as now known. “Ad herniam puerorum commendant hanc (Stellam, Ruel- lius’ “ Alius Aster,” (= Alchemilla)). “Ejus decoctio quae virgines videri volunt insident ....... (also meant for Alchemilla ; a use explained in 1568 by Matthioli). “ Bibitur aster adversus serpentes, sed ad inguinum medicinam sinistra manu decerpi jubent et juxta cinctus alligari; (modifica- tion of Cratevas’ use of Aster). “ Prodest et coxendicis doleri admota” (modification of Pliny’s use of Aster). LXV. Manarpi Joannes Manardus, a true son of Ferrara, was born there 1462, and died there 1536; was professor of medicine there, and famed as a practicing physician too, becoming court-physician 1513-1516 to King Ladislaus of Hungary. ‘A worthy critic of Marcellus Vergilius ” Meyer terms Manardi; his critical revision t * Quoting from my copy of edition 1543. t Quoting my copy of Ruel, 2d edn., Basle, 1537, from the Froben press. t An edition also of his Epistles, Leyden, 1549, entitled as of ‘‘ Io. Manardi Fer- rariensis’’ was used by S rengel, whose judgment however often differed from es nardus. The £pistles were earlier published at Basle, by Isingrin, 1540, under HNC : ‘* Epistolarum ... libri xx.’ Manarpi’s Hersa Srezrza 339 of Marcellus Vergilius’ translation and commentary on Dioscorides appeared in three books, 1519-1523, at Ferrara.* Manardi’s Herba Stella —Manardi was an early observer of the use of the name Herda Stella in Italy for Plantago Coronopus, the crowfoot-plantain of Europe. Some confusion with Aster Atticus seems to have grown up later, Jean Bauhin’s Historia in 1650 citing Coronopus among the Stellarias liable to that confusion. Dioscorides, or his scholiasts, had mentioned Astrion, little star, daz~ov, as a synonym for his Coronopus, and Apuleius Platonicus had quoted Aster as a synonym for Plantago. Perhaps these synonyms led Manardus to his assertion that the Coronopus of the Greeks was the plant vu/go dicitur Herba stella as he puts it.t LXVI. CorNARIUS Janus Cornarius, by birth Hanbut or Hagenbut, issued a Latin translation of Dioscorides at Basle, 1529; called the Aster flowers purple or yellow ; and remarked on the fact that many herbalists of his time deemed the Aster Atticus of Dioscorides to be the Aspergula (Woodruff) which the Germans called Sternkraut. So also Ruel- lius observed, in 1536. The foundation for this erroneous identifi- cation lay in the star-like divergence of the narrow whorled stem- leaves of Aspergula (see pp. 63, 333, 338, 343; n.). See p. 390, under Riviuvs for notice of Cornarius’ controversial works. Ee PLN cutee tat mee ete ona *From notes printed at Ferrara, 1521, Brunfels published extracts, 1531, title “Io. Mainardi Ferrarien. ar nostri seculi clarissimi, Annotationes aliquo Simplicium, e scriptis ejus extractae.’? These extracts, under the running title rs “Censurae Io. Mainardi,”’ form pages 32-43 of Brunfels’ De vera. Others than Mar- cellus Vergilius fall under the lash of his censure; and the extracts end with one “De Turbith”? (cf. Aster Tripolium L.) under the se ie Repeens Messue per m his words « Coronopus in multis Italiae vernacular use of the name which might be due to its spreading cluster of leaves like a Star on the sea-sand. Gesn r (De hortis Germaniae, 1561 a ere Aegis verus, Herba stella tedeta™ Tabernaemontanus, 1588, calls os erbam Stellam ing ne nominant; sunt et Boe Stellariam nuncupent ;”” Ga? Writers the name Stellaria is used for ‘ Alchymilla,” and that Aster Atticus is also is Called Teting (Dodoens’ Polat 110. ) 340 AsTER History; BRUNFELS LXVII. BRuUNFELS Otto Brunfels, first * of the three German “ Fathers of Bot- any,” son of a cooper at Castle Brunfels at Mentz, was born prob- ably not long before 1500, and died Noy., 1534 + (when between 35 and 40 according to Meyer’s conjecture). Brunfels’ great work, figuring 229 plants, the “ Herbarum in tomis tribus”’ § of 1539, was first published in its three parts or tomes at Strasburg at different dates, 15 30-6. The figures || are the earliest work of genuine botanical art; the first true and well-executed representations of plants from nature, accurate in detail and exhibiting the whole plant. Had Brunfels added to the figures new descriptions of like verity, his volume, remarks Meyer, would have been far more an epoch-making book than it was. A posthumous work of Brunfels, Strasburg, 1543, was his “‘ /z Dioscoridis...adaptatio,” being a list of the Greek names of Dios- corides with Latin and German equivalents, without preface or text. In his preceding and monumental work, the Herdarum, Brun- fels occupied part of each volume with his “ Simplicium Pharma- corum,” which consisted of copious accounts of plants, on an exten- sive plan, each called by him a “ Rhapsodia,” and containing 2 verbatim citation of what each previous author had said of the of Bota ft Brunfels was at first a student of theology, then a Carthusian monk at Mentz. Becoming a Protestant, he preached at Strasburg three years or more, taught 4 schoo! there for nine years, studied the Greek and Arabic physicians, took a degree in ved: cine at Basle in 1530, and was made city-physician (stadtarzt) of Berne, but had held it only a year and a half at his death in 1534. t See Meyer, 4: 295 +. The first tome, ** Herbarum vivae eicones” being printed by Joannes caasssiti (John Scott) at Strasburg in 1 530 (ex /ibr. Meyer) and reissued without change Sp (ex fbr. Bu. and ex Hibr. E. L, Greene) ; and the second tome begun 1531, its ae id ing finished Feb. 14, 1532. In German translation, as ‘ Contrafayt Kreuterbuch,’’ * appeared 1532 at Strasburg, and the 2d part 1537. || The figures were executed (till toward the end of the third volume) by one a i Weydiz or Guiditius, of Strasburg, whom Brunfels calls ‘* Johannes Weiditz, the begin ner of wood engraving.’’ * Sprengel, and after him Meyer, entitled Brunfels, Bock and Fuchs “‘ the Fathers ny.’” Joannes pictor Guidictius ille Clarus Apellaeo non minus ingenio, says Brunfels in the prefatory verse. BRUNFELS’ GaryorHYLLoNn 341 plant, followed by Brunfels’ own “ Judicium.” Life did not hold out to carry on this plan very far, and in the third or post- humous volume the shrinkage on each species is very manifest. The plants taken, some 2209, form a Strasburg flora, with additions from the more remote parts of the Rhineland and from the Hartz mountains. No figure or description of Aster occurs ; he did not live long enough to reach it. He twice figures the Stellaria of that day, (the Alchemilla), which many were identifying with Aster, an identification from which he carefully refrained. In his second volume the principal bulk is formed by a series of papers on the plants of the ancients by Leonicenus, Collinu- tius, Count von Neuenar, Manardi, etc., etc., among which Bock and Fuchs appear as authors for the first time. Brunfels entitles all “ De vera herbarum cognitione Appendix.’”’ I have frequent occasion to cite this neglected collection, calling it De vera. It is headed by an examination of Dioscorides’ plants by Brunfels him- self entitled Exegesis omnium simplicium Dioscoridis. Brunfels says of Aster Atticus, p. 29, in this Exegesis, “ De hac herba passim multos consului nec expiscari a quaquam valui quae non essent.”’ Brunfels Astericum. — Brunfels carefully distinguished from Aster, the umbellifer celled Astericum by the Romans, the Impera - toria of more modern botany ; and he accepted, om. 2, p. 18, the names Imperatoria and Astericum as equivalents, adding that As- tericum is not Meu.* Aster included in Garyophylion ?—Brunfels, 3: 5, may tee 3g have been thinking of Aster Amellus when he wrote that Hermo- laus, Barbarus and Marcellus Vergilius deemed that . eat plant could not be Garyophyllon because its flowers Bite blue (caerulea) do not agree. Of this plant Brunfels continues : ° Vid- imus nos inter hujusmodi Garyophyllos eo colore st sdicieed tes vulgari nomine Roemisch Negelin, etiamsi odore minus grato" ; PEW bce aes among the plants called Garyophylion [sev- €ral such had been discussed, Dianthus, Cheiranthus, etc. ] some of that blue color and occurring frequently, known by srg mon name of Roman Pinks [ Nailheads] although with less pleas- ant odor,” See p. 380. ee * Cf. J. Bauhin, Hist., 27 1044. 342 Aster History; BRUNFELS Perhaps the resemblance which Matthioli remarked upon, of the odor of the root of Aster Amellus to a Dianthus blossom, had led to the inclusion of Aster Amellus under the name Garyophyl- lon, by herbalists of Brunfels’ time. See zvfra, under Anguillara. LXVIII. Bock Second of the ‘‘ Fathers of Botany,” and author of the first thorough-going survey of the plants of Germany, was Hieronymus Bock,* also known as Tragus, a man of a single book, different edi- tions of his Kreuterbuch + forming his life-work. Before these he had written once on the subject of Dioscorides’ plants at the request of Brunfels, whom Bock regarded as friend and master, and to whom Bock sent from Zweibrichen (Bipontium) on “the nones of March, 1531,” his “Opinions” on some 50 plants, of which Aster was the ninth. Brunfels published these remarks, 1531, under the title ‘“‘ Dissertationes Hieronymt Tragi,” forming pages 156-165 of Brunfels’ ‘ De vera cognitione,” appended to fom. II of Brunfels’ “ Herbarum,’ and its printing completed by Joannes Schottus, at Strasburg, Feb. 14, 1532. Bock’s first expressions regarding Aster. 1 translate Bock’s remarks { concerning Aster, from the foregoing, p. 157 of Brun- fels’ edition of 1531-2. a * Hieronymus Bock, oe aan in —* Jerome Kidd; called by himself Tragus when he wrote in Latin t Heiderbach in the Zweibriicken; was destined for the cloister ; akiielod paseaiie. he studied medicine at a university, became school-master at Zweibriicken, and was, 1523-1532, superintendent of the garden of the prince Ludewig; then became silsioe of the Church of Hornbach in gau ; ‘‘here he preached the gospel, and also practised as a physician, tinued the free pursuit of his loved science, botany,’’ Meyer, 4: 305, etc. ock’s Mew Kreutterbuch, opseetind 1539. t Their Latin original reads ‘* Herbae Stellariae. * Inguinalem Dioscoridis, (quod ego sciam) nusquam vidi ; licet flosculos et plant Stellae viderim. Qualis autem Diosco ridis, Plinii, aut Af ulei Aster sit, non video. N lari rm: ‘ stellis ornatur, vestitum, et Aparine setialin ; atque a tinctorum Rubiae sy quandam stelleam i specie et flore Caprifolio non dissimilem, caprifolium tenax, aut hamata, sed pinguis et lenis herba, quasi calam undique stellulis circumamicta. Est et alia herba [a yetive Galium] lignite omnino ferulacea, quae pari modo stellis vestitur, oblongis tamen, et gracilior nostra mulier foliolis, floribus flammeis atque candidis, sed muscosis et densis ; us cnlae vocant suo idiomate, Unser lyeben frawen wagstro. Putavi Dioscor Galli Lactuca et Endivia congeneres plantae sunt,’’ etc. Bock on ASTER AS A STELLARIA 343 “ PLaNTs CALLED STELLARIA “The Inguinalis of Dioscorides, so far as I know, I have never seen; but I have seen various little blossoms and plants, whose heads and whose leaves around the flower’s circle were divided into incisions similar to a star. What plant however might be the Aster of Dioscorides, Pliny or Apuleius, I do not see. For there are very many Stellarias. Caprifolium * or the Matris-sylva of Hieronymus (Brunsvicensis) is adorned with stars ?, é., the narrow stem-leaves form stellate whorls], and is clothed with them; and Aparine ¢ is so clothed with little stars, and of both of the kinds of Rubia or dyer’s madder, ¢ one kind, a cer- tain wild § and starry plant, is not dissimilar in appearance and in flower to Caprifolium, although not as Caprifolium so tenacious, nor so covered with hooked bristles, but being a succulent and smooth herb, like a reed drawn out into a thread, everywhere set about with little stars. There is also another herb which is woody and altogether like pipe-stems, which is clothed with little leaves equally similar to stars, but oblong, and more slender ; with yel- low and white flowers, but the inflorescence mossy and dense, which our little girls call in their native tongue, Unser lyeben Srawen wagstro,§ or Our loved lady’s Way-straw. I have supposed it to be the Gallion ** of Dioscorides.” 8 * Caprifolium here means the modern Asperula or Woodruff ; called **Caprifoliem vel Stellaria’’ by Brunfels, Matrisylva by Brunsvicensis, Bock, Cordus, Lonicerus, nfe and Thal, Hegatica stellata by Tabernaemontanus, Asperula by Dodoens, Lobel, etc. . Caprifolium was applied to the honeysuckle by Dodoens, 7 ie Rt i (pu B rnefort ; vicensis in his Apodixis Germanica (in Brunfels, 1531, tom. IT, p. 498)+ 208 #8 erman ) Wise in Fas Latin Matrisylva or herba es has its lea around the stem like a star.’ ] © Aone hice tn ox er, means Galium Aparine L., the Aparine of Pliny, Brunfels, and Tearetn om dnapiva of Diosco w-flowered stems. "See Gallion luteum of Caspar nore 4% © Galium verum L. and of Jean Bauhin; (Finax, 335), Galium of Matthioli, Cordus, Lobel, etc., the ydaduov of Dioscorides, 4, 344 Aster History; Bock Bock's Kreutterbuch.—Bock’s continued studies of the Rhine- land plants presently resulted in the production of his great Ger- man work, his Kreutterbuch or Herbal, the work which has given him an enduring name, and which was‘first printed * at Strasburg in 1539, without figures, describing about 319 plants. A second } edition, 1546, figured 365 plants, a third in 1551 figured 437-4 Inatranslation § into Latin as Bock’s “De Stirpium ... Libri tres”? it appeared again the next year, 1552. Many subsequent editions of the German followed, down to Glaser’s Strasburg edition of 1630. Bock’s Kreutterbuch is devoted to the plants of Germany and names no plant which he had not himself seen. He remained unfortunate, however, in his attempts to identify Aster Atticus, still striking out in different directions, and finally settling down on his ‘‘ Uva lupina.”’ Blending of Aster Atticus with Herb Paris.—One of the most singular errors made in attempting to determine the plants of Dioscorides, was that by which the radiating ray-flowers of Aster were confused with the radiating circle of leaves of Paris quadrifolia. One Golius is cited as stating the existence of this belief, fide Bauhin’s Historia, 2: 1044, “‘ Theoph. Golius in Onom, —Asterem Atticum ab aliis vvam Lupinam vocari tradit ;"’ Bauhin adding “Aster quidam dicunt, sed non Atticum multi he “Golius states that Aster Atticus by some is called Wolf-berry (7. ¢., Herb Paris). Many do say that it is some certain kind of Aster, but not Aster Atticus.” The persons meant by aliis and by multi above, are to me obscure. They may pass 4 the * A rare folio of 262 leaves, entitled ‘* New Kreutterbuch,” in 319 chapters * copy was once seen by Pritzel in bibl. Goettingen. : T Meyer possessed the 2d and 3d edition, which drop the word New from the title, but retain the dialectic repetition of the 4. These and many subsequent editions *T folios similar in appearance, printed at Strasburg by Rihel, the 2d in 2 parts, with 35° chapters, 354 leaves, and figuring 365 plants. { Adding to the 2d edition a 3d part with 72 figures ‘* by a youn g burgher’s = of Strasburg, David Kandel by name.’’ Msny figures were derived from Fuc a, 1542 Histori 4 The 1552 Latin edition, derived from the 1551 edition, printed like the Ss g a a by Rihel at Strasburg. The translation was made with Bock’s approval by you? Kyber, who died the next year of the plague, aged only 28, just as — Lexicon ret herbariae, was issued from the press by Rihel Bock’s Uva Lupina 345 indefinite background of shades behind Bock, who stands as sponsor for the Aster-lineage of Herb Paris in botanical literature. Bock describes Herb Paris as an Aster.—Take up Kyber’s Latin translation of Bock, and turn to his chapter on Aster; p. 307—8,* and we find an unmistakable figure of Paris guadrifolia, headed “ ‘dati, sed non Atticus, Wolffsbeer, oder Sternkraut, Diosc., bk. 4, €.115’’: that is, combining Dioscorides’ chapter on Aster Atticus, and Fuchs’ German name for it, with the common German name for Herb Paris,+ while yet distinguishing between them by the dis- claimer “ Aster, sed non Atticus’; under which latter name C. Bauhin indexed Bock’s plant in his Pinax.t Bock’s accompanying text is entitled “[chapter] 102, de Uva lupina seu Astere.’’ He then describes the appearance of the plant (Herb Paris), remarks that it is called Wolffsbeer and Sternkraut and that by some mudierculae it is called from its form, not only Sternkraut but Augenkraut, 7. ¢., ‘plant which looks like an eye.” Bock then adds its uses, taking them largely from Dios- corides on Aster Atticus, prescribing it like that for tumors in the groin, and for a sty on the eye. The next property seems to be due to confusion with the whitlow-wort, Paronychia, (sometimes confused under its name Unguinalia with the Aster under its name Inguinaria or Inguinalis) ; for Bock proceeds to remark, ‘‘ some Say, use it for abscess about the roots of nails.’ The next prop: erty is more uncertain in origin,—‘‘ Others say that the berries Produce sleep if eaten.’’ Bock closes by remarking : ‘‘ This plant Uva lupina is evidently, according to my judgment, an Aster; — hot that Aster Atticus which Dioscorides called asteriscus, asterion, bubonion, hyophthalmum, 7. ¢., suis oculus, herba inguinalis, Rathibia, and Alibium.”” The last name was an Arabic equivalent, already used by Matteo Silvatico and by Fuchs.§ Bock also describes Aster as Tinctorius Flos.—In another ned 2 Sa te ae Sr ae * Here I quote from the copy ex /iér, E. L. Greene. a t Herba Paris was its name with Anguillara and Matthioli. tUnder Bauhin’s Solanum quadrifolium bacciferum ; clase because of its berry. Other wolf-names used by Bock were Lupinus for the Lupine, hop, as familiar still ; and Leuparia for an Aconitum, or Wall eben: becoming confused with that of Herb Paris among botanists of the perl petadcat Herb Paris appears in Fuchs, Valerius Cordus and Tabernaemontanus as an ing Herb Paris here Lupulus for the 346 Aster History; Bock Bock had unknowingly hit upon the real Aster Atticus, jide G. Bauhin (Pinax, 267); who pronounced the Aster Atticus of Dios corides and Fuchs to be the same with the Zinxctorius flos primus of Bock’s De stirpium libri tres; some three centuries later, this same Aster was given the synonym Aster tinctorius by Wallroth. Bock seems to have classed a number of Compositae together as a loosely conceived genus under the name TZixctorius flos ; like Dioscorides’ familiar practice of grouping plants with reference to properties, still strong with the brothers Bauhin a century later. Of Tinctorius flos primus we learn from Bock * the following: “Flos tinctorius primus, tinctorius spirensibus+ Schartenkraut dicitur”’ ; and again, ‘‘Hunc florem tinctorium vocat Tragus, et Chamaemelum tertium, et tinctoribus spirensibus Schartenkraut dicitur”’; 2. ¢., “the dyers at Speier call Aster, Schartenkraut” or Share-wort, 7. ¢., Inguinalis ; ‘and Bock calls it Tinctorius flos or his third Chamomile.” ¢ Bock's remaining species called Tinctorius flos, These include, 2d, Erigeron acre L.,=Bock’s Tinctorius flos alter, the Conyza caerulea acris of C. Bauhin, the Amel/us montanus of Colonna.§ Gesner had called it Dentelaria, probably comparing the rays to little teeth. 3d, /nula spiraeifolia L.?=Bock’s ‘‘ Tinctorius flos 3 ‘S the Jean Bauhin marginal citation * runs, otherwise appearing a8 : . der dye plant, Rubia. But nomenclature does not favor this; madder is tbe Fe Krapp and die Farberréthe; and in time of Bock, its name (besides the Latin the modern form ‘ Klebenkraut. aoly in- Bock’s species of Chamomilla or Chamaemelum—both forms were scene’ y different to him, or to his translator Kyber—include his C. vulgaris which 1s uF canthemum vulgare, his C. nobilis which is the Anthemis nobilis of more ae any, his C. fatua and his C. sylvestre which are the C. inodorum and C. foe Swamps, which others call Aster Conizoides,”’ SOUS Pease) Bock’s Zivcrorivs Fros 347 “Tinctoru florts tertium genus, das dritt Schartenblumen ge- schiecht.’’ Gesner also cites this, but as “7Zinctorius flos luteus, Tragi.” Jean Bauhin deemed these as probably synonyms of his “Conyza media Monspeliensis, quibusdam Asteris Attici genus folio glabro rigido ;” called by Caesalpino “ Asteris Attici altera;” by Lobel, Aster montanus; by Caspar Bauhin, Aster 5. Jean Bauhin notes of it that “ Frater Casp. Bauhinus misit collectam Basiliensibus montibus, nomine Asteris conyzoides Gesneri.” This plant appears in Linnaeus as /uula spiraeifolia. 4. Chrysanthemum segetum L.,=Bock’s Tinctorius flos 4 ; Cas- par Bauhin (Pinar, p. 134) styled it Chrysanthemum folus matri- cariae, etc. Such are the plants Aster Amellus L., Erigeron acre L., /nula Spiracifolia L., and Chrysanthemum segetum 1,., which Bock classed together ; the first and last, at least, used in a rude way for dyeing, and all, if not first-class dye-stuffs, at least looking as if they ought tobe so. Singularly enough, Bock, who was a law unto himself, is at variance from his chief co-workers in the use of this term “ Flos tinctorius,’ which in the usage of many others meant the Genista tinctoria * of modern botany, a plant much more important to dyers than those chosen for the title by Bock. When Bock was classing together his dyer’s plants as “ Zinc- torius flos,” it would have seemed natural had he included among them the Anthemis tinctoria of modern botany ; but for that he used the old name Buphthalmum, in which practice he was followed by Matthioli and Clusius and at times by Gesner. Perhaps Bock varied at times, however, and at the time of writing of his Tinctorius flos primus intended to include Anthemis tinctoria under it, under his name of Chamaemelum tertium. : Finally, Bock is cited by Jean Bauhin, 1: 1044, 4S using the Phrase Aster Atticus flore medio luteo as a name for what Jean * Genista tinctoria had also the right of authority to the name 2 — ay as Ales “inctorium of Brunfels, Bock’s master, and the Flos tinctorius of Fuchs an pi Wer, as well as of the inter Italian hivhaliae Durante, in 1585 7 gig none : vi Anguillara and Caesalpino termed it Coroneola. Valerius oe ae “macleuce, and again Hedera terrestris. Its modern name, — aegerte b a ®ontemporary appeara ng them in Dodoens, was seated in use by adoption by Pp nce among : Bauhin, and was sealed for the future by acceptance hy Lancer 348 AstTER History; Bock Bauhin there calls Chamaemelum eranthemum,* and his editors endorse as also the Chamaemelum aureum of many. This plant was the “ Chamaemelum.aureum peregrinum capitulo sine folus” of Bauhin’s Ast, 2: 119, where it is described in full, but without synonyms earlier than Clusius’ translation of Dodoens, 1557. Linnaeus recognized it as a congeries of species, his Ava- cyclus aureus, Cotula aurea and part of his Anthemis nobilis being its equivalents. Bock uses the following Aster names : 1. Aster, sed non Aster Atticus = his Uva lupina, Paris quad- rifolia L. 2. Aster Atticus flore medio luteo = Azthemis nobilis L., ete. 3. Asterion = Cannabis sativa L.; “to Cannabis the name Asterion also belongs,” Bock. 4. Asterion = Marrubium album L.; which, says Bock, “ may be the Asterion of Pausanias.”’ 5. Tinctorius flos primus = Aster Atticus, fide C. Bauhin, 2. ¢., Aster Amellus L. Perhaps Bock also included in it Anthems tinctoria L. 6. Tinctorius flos alter = Erigeron acre L., the Amellus mon- Zanus of Colonna. 7. Tinctorius flos iii = /nuda spiraeifolia L. = Aster cony zoides of Gesner, some say, = Aster Atticus alter of Caesalpino, Aster montanus of Lobel, Aster 5 of C. Bauhin. 8. Tinctorius flos iv = Chrysanthemum segetum L. LXIX. Fucus Leonhard Fuchs,+ the third and youngest of the “ Fathers of Botany,” completed, with Bock and Brunfels, the trio of workers from nature who mark the beginnings of the modern spirit in botany. He was himself the first to print an identification of the Aster Atti ctl * C} oe * ] leads far astray from the ae an chamomiles ; to Dodoens and Gesner it gle Adonis vernalis L.; to Fu chs it me orm Chamomilla) for most of the species so called by his contempora ee led chamomiles to-day; he named at least four so; but this fifth cbamot ve furt, 1512, distinguished himself in the Gotselay ules in Greek and Latin pe ; went in 1519 to Ingolstadt, where he took his doctorate in 1524 and soon, learn! Fucus’ Azsivu 349 cus of the ancients with the plant which was since known as Aster Amellus L. Hermolaus Barbarus had taken it to be the Stellaria of that time, which we now know as A/chemilla ; Ruel and at first Fuchs had let it pass as such ; but between 1532 and 1542 Fuchs had made a more careful reading of Dioscorides’ deseription, per- ceiving his Aster Atticus could not be Alchemilla, that no star- like leaves would meet the conditions, and that purple or blue rays around a yellow center with hairy oblong stem-leaves and woody little stem must all be combined in the plant meant. Such a plant he found among the wild plants of Germany,* apparently at the time known to him by no German name ; identifying it with Aster Atticus he called it Sternkraut or the star plant, and Sternkraut has ever since remained the forma! name in German for the flower. Fuchs early distinguishes Aster from Eryngium.—Fuchs’ first work, his Annotationes on Dioscorides, appeared 1531-2 as an appendix to Tom. II of Brunfels’ Novi Herbarit. Its last chapter, No, 34 (P. 155 of the “ De vera cognitione), is devoted to Alidium, Arabic name for Aster Atticus as ‘Fuchs claims, attacking the identification by Matthaeus Sylvaticus of Alibium as Eryngium ; under which author find the passage of Fuchs quoted, p. 304. Uchs then continues : “Annotandum tamen, eandem herbam alio nomine a nostris appellari Stellaria, e positura et forma, quibus stellae modo radiata,” alluding to the common identification then current of Aster with Alchemilla. Fuchs follows with quotations about Aster from Paulus Aegineta and Dioscorides, but adds nothing new; except this Temark : 6 “ Praeterea non praeter eundem, quod apud Avicenna secundo “ “ap. 17 falso scribatur Atratisus, pro Aster Atticus, ita fere Mnia herbarum nom} nt.” omina apud eundem corrupta sunt. ee p Pp Ne In Ly “AUR ceaeraaaaen . . ip ® Writings, and becoming a Protestant, began medical practice at Munich. — to M, © was professor of medicine at Ingolstadt ; in 1528 he became court-physician oe George von Brandenburg at Anspach, where he remained five years 2 . n, where he died 1 66 Sgr idenrie cally Valerius Cordus first made it known to Fuchs; Cordus made the cation, Perhaps in 1539. 350 Aster History; Fucus Fuchs surpasses all of lis Century in Jus Figures.——In 1542 Fuchs published his masterpiece, his De historia stirpium,* at the Isengrin press of Basle, a folio of 896 numbered pages, famous for its 512 large and life-like woodcuts (over 400 of which repre- sented plants native to Germany), styled pudcherrima by Pritzel (no. 3427). Sachs (History of Botany, transl. by Garnsey, 1890, p. 19) says of it that ‘‘ Fuchs’ splendid figures remained unap- proached.’ Fuchs himself says that his figures were new and original, that they were delineated from nature, that the plants figured had never been figured from nature before, and that his work had been wr ught out at great expense and elaborated in long vigils. He says that his sole care had been that the figures be absolutely true ; that his utmost diligence was devoted to make sure that in every plant depicted, root, stem, leaves, flowers, seeds and fruits should all be exhibited; that “he took heed that no shading or other device by which printers sometimes seek to add to their art, should obscure the clear native form of his plants, nor would he permit his painters to indulge in any embel- lishments of fancy. The wonderful industry of the painters (Hein- rich Fiildmaurer and Albert Meyer)+ was rivalled by that of the engraver, Vitus Rodolphus Speckle,+ the best woodcutter in Stras- burg, who so ably expressed the lineaments of each painting that he seems almost to have entered into a strife with the painters for victory.”” So Fuchs describes t his work in his ‘‘ Epistola nuncu- patoria’”’—“ at Tubingen, in the calends of March, 1542.” Fuchs Aster Figure.—A view of Fuchs’ life-size figure 1 * Fuchs’ Historia was soon translated into Dutch, French and Spanish; but the most notable translation was that of the very next year, by Fuchs himself, into German forming his ‘* New Kreuterbuch ”’ of 1543. Fuchs’ descriptions of species in the shorter Latin editions do not equal those of Bock ; but in his German rendering he made the descriptions much fuller and more lifelike. So at least Meyer considered them ; a Fuchs was not himself satisfied, said that to him “ pleraque non erant satis distincte and in 1556 wrote to his friend the K6nigsberg professor and physician Aurifaber, that he had begun to revise it from the beginning ; that it was proving a great onde ‘* crescit tamen operis moles,’’ he said, but that he believed it would not be unpleasing to the studious— ‘* studiosis non ingratam...confido.”’ He kept at work on it the next ten years, when it was still unpublished at his death, and the last known of the manuscript was its appearance at a sale in Vienna in 173% t The likenesses of the three are given, edition 1542, page following 896. t See page 10 of this Epistola; edn. 1542 (ex fbr. Bu.). Fucus’ Astrer-FiGuRE 351 Atticus in this rare and expensive volume may be sought in America in my own copy and in that at the Missouri Botanical Garden, where the Sturtevant collection of Prelinnaean botany contains a copy of this as well as of many of the subsequent reduced editions. In the small editions which followed, the figure was greatly diminished, finally evento only 2% inches inlength.* It may be seen, reduced, in the little edition of Basle, 1545 (figures only, without text), ex Ldris Colu., and in the edition of Leyden, 1551, ex /iér. Bu. This figure shows about a dozen heads terminating rather stiff upright branches, the whole piant double from its base, two stems rising together from the same mat of thickened fibers. A peculiarity is the presence near the base of the stronger stem of an irregular dense cluster of six or seven stem leaves, brought together by sup- Pression of internodes, a common abnormality, common especially in Aster, and scrupulously retained by copyists of Fuchs’ figure and SO serving as sign-manual of Fuchs’ original as it passed on almost to the present time by repetitions in Ryff’s Dioscorides, in Lonitzer's Kreuterbuch, in the Historia Plantarum of J. Bauhin and his editors as late as 1650, and perpetuated apparently even to the Ehrhart edition of Uffenbach’s Kreuterbuch of 1783. On the other hand it is not the figure of Matthioli, nor does it bear close relationship to those of Dodoens, Lobel, Gesner and Camerarius, Gerard or Parkinson, none of which, for example, Possess the mid-cauline rosette. Fuchs’ Aster description.—Fuchs’ chapter on Aster Atticus in _ Latin edition, the De historia plantarum (I quote from the edi- tion of 1542) occurs in its alphabetical place, p. 132,7 as chapter #7. Fuchs followed Brunfels’ plan of dividing each plant chapter mto topics, the topics printed as titles. I quote all except the “et under his heading “vires” or properties, which repeats Without change what Dioscorides, Pliny and Galen said of the ter’s Virtues, It will be observed that in his description under the head oma,” Fuchs makes the received identification of Dioscorides Aster for the first time *8 far as th, 140 the Leyden edition of 1551, p. 139. 352 Aster History; Fucus “De Astere Attico. Cap. XLVII. NOMINA. “dari Actabds, BovBdyveov Graecis, Aster Atticus, Inguinalis Latinis dicitur. Officinis ignota herba, Germanis Sternkraut [Gallicé Petit Muguet ou Herbe de [l’estoille]* commodé appellari potest. Asteris autem nomen, non a foliorum in cauli- bus, sed in floribus potius figura et situ, accepit. Si quidem folio- rum in huius herbe flore numerus et forma, stellam prae se ferunt, vel ut Plinius ait, capitula per ambitum divisa foliis pusillis, stellae modo radiata sunt. Errant} itaque qui singula folia in caulibus stellae formam repraesentare putant. Bubonium et inguinalis, quod inguinem praesentaneum sit remedium, dicta est. FORMA, “ Cauliculus lignosus purpureum et { luteum in summo florem habens veluti Chamaemeli capitulum undique per orbem incisuris divisum, foliolis stellae similibus. Quae verd circa caulem sunt folia oblonga et densa hirsutave. Ex qua quidem deliniatione omnibus perspicuum fit, herbam cuius picturam exhibemus esse Astera Atticum. Nam caulis ejus lignosus est, foliis vestitus oblongis et densis, in cacumine flos illi purpureus et luteus, stelle modo radiatus, qui subinde in pappos abit: radix fibris multis capillata. LOCUS. Nascitur in collibus, montibus altis, et sylvis. TEMPUS. Augusta mense ut plurimum floret, durantque in magnam Autumni partem ejus flores. TEMPERAMENTUM. Mixtae est potentiae, uti rosa; refrigerat enim, non tamen vehementer, et digerit atque exsiccat, quod scilicet illi amara insit qualitas, er * Additions in the Leyden edition of 1551 I enclose in bracket n of + Evidently Fuchs here intends to express his a of ae identificatio Aster with Alchemilla, which he had cited in 1531- t It will be noticed that Fuchs understood not i haduaateats but collec’ ** purple and yellow ’’ of Dioscorides fide Marcellus Vergilius ; unlike Cornat! who had made it * purple or yellow.’’ tively the jus, 1529» Fucus’ IDENTIFICATION oF ASTER 353 VIRES.... [ADNoTATIO. ] [ Aster atticus tuus hic non cognitus. *] Fuchs’ Second Aster or Fulicaria In the editions with figures only (1545, Basle; 1540, Basle, etc.) Fuchs entitles his figure “ Aster Atticus purpureus,’+ as if Fuchs was now perceiving the existence of more than one Aster Atticus. Citations indicate that in some subsequent edition he must have definitely named a second species, cited as the Aster Atticus luteus of Fuchs, by Lobel, Ods. 187, in 1576, who repro- duces and modifies Fuchs’ accompanying { figure, which represents Pulicaria dysenterica Gaertner, His name, however, is usually associated only with the first Plant, Aster Atticus purpureus of Fuchs, which became the Aster Italorum et Fuchsii of Clusius, the Aster Atticus Fuchsii§ of Jean Bauhin’s Marginal notation, the Aster Atticus Fuchsii flore puniceo of Benedictus Aretinus;§ and which is our familiar Aster Amellus 1, LXX. DorsTEnius The Botanicon by Theodorus Dorstenius,** printed 1540 by Egenolph at Frankfort, was a rearrangement of the plants of the ancients. The plants follow chiefly in the same chapters as in Dioscorides, rearranged alphabetically, with figures. His chapter on Aster Atticus, p. 157,++ does not appear under that name but as De Inguinali ; an abstract is as follows: (Eee ae Dea retention ntti srt bln ebenicniam iateameeetlinihaiioadinsin aetna ea amma E RTE ST eee 1) "Net known here’’; an addition in the Leyden edition. But evidently 2 na familiar in nature to Fuchs from some source; as perhaps at Basle where he printed first ; or Ingolstadt where he had studied ; possibly gnly from the Jena plants — sted (1539 ?) by Valerius Cordus. : “ t Adding as a German name, “ Braun Sternkraut,’’ ay parently misprint pA Meme Taut.’’ + Page 427 of Fuchs’ Hist,, edn. 1551, misapplied there, to his ‘ Calamintha tertia ’ 2J. Bauhin, Hist., pl. 2: 10. TIn Aretinus’ three-page list of plants growing on Mts. Stockhorn and Ness in sag and, printed with Valerius Cordus’ works at Strasburg, 15 ™ se hie aal eodorich Dorsten, born in Westphalia, a professor of medicine at Marburg Macticing physician at Kassel ; died in 1552. tt Citi ng from copy ex si/. E. L. Greene. 354 Aster History; DorsSTENIUS Annotatio ; derived from ‘‘Galen, Aegineta, Dioscorides, Pli- nius,” and Marcellus Vergilius. Descriptio ; quotes Dioscorides, including the appearance as a ‘“‘phantasma,”’ adding “ Vergilius Marcellus hoc confutat atque reijcit, tanqi superstitiosum aliquid, quia in antiquissimis Graecis Latinisque autoribus non inveniatur. ‘Quidam etiam Bubonion a bufonibus, hoc est, venenosis vermibus dictum volunt, quod non solum ineptum ac falsum est, sed etiam contra omnem autoritatem veterum, fingunt enim quod bufonibus Inguinalis magna sit medicina, quando in pugna cum araneis habita victi fuerint et vulnerati atque icti ab eis. Et quod bufones aliaque animalcula venenosa huius herbe gratia in locis petrosis se contineant, atque ea herba se reficiant atq sanent. “Vires (good for burning stomach, for the eyes, for buboes, hemorrhoids, in labor,—‘ quod in flore ejus purpurascit, —and in epilepsy): pluck it with the left hand; ‘caduco morbo laboranti- bus opitulatur, ut Apuleius testatur.’”’ “Si baccas Asterii, id est inguinalis dederis manducare Luna decrescente, quum erit signum Virginis, et ipsam herbam laborans habeat in collo suspensam, remediabitur. “De iringo”’ follows as the next chapter. Dorstenius story of the Aster’s usefulness to toads and other animaleula venenosa was doubtless one of the reasons leading Meyer [4: 336] to term his Botanicon ‘a puerile, uncritical com- pilation.” But his 284 figures supplied by the printing house of Egenolph are of great value for so early a date as 1540. Though he gives figures for most plants mentioned, and in particular for those discussed immediately before and after Aster, for Aster itself he gives none. LEgenolph’s house must have had a figure of Aster in stock, that made from Eryngium and used in the Gart der Gesundheit (issued by Egenolph 1533 and 1536 in Rhodion’s re- vision); but Fuchs in 1531 had discriminated Aster from Eryn- gium, and Dorstenius,—or Egenolph,—had discernment enough not to repeat the error. In fact, he seems to have perceived that he did not know what native plant was true representative of the ancient Aster Atticus. He forebore to mention any native equivalent in his chapter on the subject. The first step toward true knowledge is the perception of ignorance. Dorstenius had Published firs Euricius AND VALErius Corpus 355 reached that stage in 1540. By 1542 Fuchs had advanced the next step, had discovered the correct plant and had published its figure; and by 1543 Egenolph had appropriated this figure and was publishing it reduced in his “ Ryff’s Dioscorides.” LXXI.’ Euricrus Corpus Euricius Cordus, Simesusius, 1486-1538, physician, botanist and philologist, friend of the philologist Eobanus and of Joachim Camerarius, was born at Siemershausen in Hesse, 1486, and died at Bremen 15 38-9. He was father in 1515 of the great Valerius Cordus ; called by the Landgrave Philip to the new Protestant University of Marburg, he there translated Nicander into Latin verse, 1527; and wrote a German Theriaca (1532, Frankfort, by Egenolph) ; and also his chief work, his Botanologicon (printed by Gymnicum at Cologne, 1534, a rare octavo; in dil. Meyer) chiefly concerning errors in interpretation of Dioscorides’ plant- hames; with an index summarizing the results for 350 plants. The latter was reprinted 1549 by Egenolph at Frankfort in a oth €dition of Ruellius’ translation of Dioscorides, forming pages ot under the name “ Judicium de herbis’”’ (ex 4i6/. Columbia iv, ) Euricius Cordus joined with the current opinion of his period dentifying Aster Atticus with the Stellaria of that time, mean- ing pr Obably A/chemilla. He was influenced by Fuchs’ judgment 4S published in Brunfels’ De vera, 1531, and followed him in identifying the Alibium of the Arabs with Aster Atticus, not with ‘yngium. His words are as follows: Judicium, p. 534, oes “ Aster Atticus, est Inguinalis, quem male apud Serapionem Per Eryngio accipium, nomine decepti Herbarii.”’ “Sain, p. 535, “ Bubonium, id est Alibium, Inguinalis, Aster Atticus, Stellaria,”’ LXXII. VaALeritus Corpus Cordus, son of Euricius Cordus, born 1515 at siem- *shausen, Bavaria, studied medicine in the University of Witten- rigs (where he became the friend of the renowned Breslau physt- %, Crato von Kraftheim), and as early as 1535, at Nuremberg, t his oft-printed Dispensatorium pharmacorum omnium, Oldest German pharmacopoeia. After lecturing on Dioscorides in j Valerius 356 Aster History; Corpus at Wittenberg, he turned as Meyer remarks from the ancients to nature herself, and roamed in search of plants and minerals over the mountains of Middle Germany, especially the Erzgebirge, the Hartz and the Thuringerwald. Perhaps it was first in these jour- neys that he found, “on the mountains about Jena,” as he says,* twenty years or more before its famed university was founded, the wild Aster Atticus growing in its violet and yellow, as he declares with much positiveness in his notes on Dioscorides. Pos- sibly it was earlier still, and may have been while still a student at Wittenberg, from whence a walk to Jena was but a trip of some fifty miles. Possibly it was about the time of his attendance at Wittenberg, in 1539, when he listened with his friend Crato to Melancthon lecturing upon Nicander. At all events it seems to have been the first modern discovery of apparently genuine Aster Atticus that we know, unless it was anticipated by that of Fuchs, who pub- lished his first genuine identification in 1542, and must have made it some time before, text not only being written but the intervals for the painters and the engraver and the presswork, all to be deducted from his date of 1542. So far as appears, Valerius Cordus } and Fuchs both deserve the credit of independent discovery of the wild — and independent identification with the plant of Dios- I quote all which Cordus has to say of Aster: “ Astera Atticum Arabum inter- pretes, et Pandectarum autor Matthaeus Sylvaticus, cum Eryngio confundunt, sed foedo errore. Sunt enim diversissimi generis herbae. Ruellius quoque Astera Atticum non recte indicat, quamvis non suam, sed aliorum de hac herba opinionem ponit. *8° autem scio me verum Aster Atticum in montibus circa Jenam invenisse. Non enim melius historiae convenire posset, tam exquisité respondent descriptiont wna ejus eee endum est. Hoc enim alia exemplaria et ipsa floris figura testantur. Media namque oris pars luteam habet colorem, circa quam parva et fea rea foliola, ut meli floribus videmus, disposita sunt, quo sit ut pw eo et’ luteo simul colore Ane flos describatur.’’ Valerius Cordus’ ‘* Annotationes in. ner inner 4, cv (in Riviow Dioscorides, 1549, p. 515, ex 5ib/. Colu u.). + In 1558, ordus gave three lecture courses at Wittenberg on Dioscorides that W Successful that even older men attended them, as Professor Andreas Auriae Konigsberg ; Meyer, 4: 387. od Corpus’ Discovery oF AsTER AT JENA 857 corides ; though it is not impossible that information from some of the public lectures by Cordus may have given Fuchs a sug- gestion that set him on the true path. Fuchs’ language, however, indicates personal knowledge, and his description of the continu- ance in bloom from August to October seems: to bea statement that is peculiar to himself. Perhaps Cordus and Fuchs may have both discovered the wild plant as early as 1539. In 1542, the year that Fuchs was publishing his great work, Cordus was travelling in Italy. There he spent a year in Padua, Ferrara and Bologna, then went to Florence, Pisa and Lucca, and finally to Rome, where he was taken ill, died and was buried, September, 1544, before completing his 30th year, though already taking rank, in estimation of Meyer, as one of the greatest botan- ists that Germany had produced. Posthumous works of Cordus included his Avnotations * on Dioscorides and his Historiae Stirpium.t In both he treated the Aster Atticus of Dioscorides as the species now known as Aster Amellus (fide C. Bauhin). Cordus also described, by the name Anthyllis minor, a plant, the Tripolium IIT of C. Bauhin, which was regarded by the latter as closely similar to the Aster Ti yipolium of modern botany. — Cordus’ second aster, Anthemis Tinctoria—Cordus and his editor Gesner indicate a perception that the ancient Greeks some- times included Buphthalmum in their Aster ; a probability which I have pointed out under Hippocrates’ plant polyophthalmon, Pp. iw : his appears in Cordus’ posthumously printed “ Fiistoria stir- pium” » written 1540,¢ but to which Gesner on printing itin I 561 added figures from Bock and some fifty of his own. Among these added figures was one labeled Aster Atticus but really represent- ing a type commonly received for Buphthalmum in that century and which became later the Avthemis tinctoria L. Probably the figure Was one of those received by Gesner from Bock ; which * First published by Egenolph, at Frankfort, 1549, in the second edition he Dioscorides (ex di62. Colu.) and again with corrections, Strasburg, 1561, by Rihe - : t Written 1540, printed Strasburg, 1561, bound with the preceding, 4 ta Scribing ina masterly manner the plants of Germany. A fifth book described 25 plan * had observed in Italy (Rihel, at Strasburg, 1563; and again, in Schmiedel’s Gesner, with additions from a MS. of Gesner, Nuremberg, 1751)- Gesner remarks. 358 Aster History; Corpus strengthens the probability that Bock meant to include Anthemis tinctoria L. in his Tinctorius flos primus or Aster (p. 347). Cordus third aster, Anthemis nobilis, etc.—A third Aster so called, which was credited * to Cordus in Gesner’s edition of 1561 was a figure representing the Chamaemelum aureum of that period, chiefly Anacyclus aureus L., but claimed + to include forms later classed as Anthemts nobilis L., and Cotula aurea L. So Cordus, who probably himself recognized only one Aster Aitt- cus and that the true one, in his posthumous work by the addition of mistaken figures was made to recognize three kinds of Aster Atti- cus, one of which alone represents three different genera of to-day. Cordus finds both purple and yellow in Aster.—Cordus was a principal authority for the emendation of Dioscorides’ color-phrase for Aster from “purple or yellow” to “purple azd yellow,” see citation, p. 356,n. He was so strong an authority that Saracenus, in opposing that view, mentions Cordus frs¢, though his emenda- tion was /as¢ to be published. Perhaps no stronger proof of Cor- dus’ power as a botanical influence need be sought. LXXIII. GeEsNER Conrad Gesner, perhaps the most broadly developed naturalist of the sixteenth century, was a man whose intellect had the whole world for its range, but whose actual travels were singularly cir- cumscribed for that active age. He lived and died in Zurich, his birthplace, was during much of his life professor in its university, and strayed but little beyond, though he visited Paris and Strasburg, Baden and the Rhaetian Alps. The son of a poor Swiss furrier, and born 1516, his uncle pastor Friccius is thought by Meyer to have given him his first schooling and his impulse to botany. But Gesner’s boundless thirst for knowledge and his tireless activity were limited by bodily weakness and cut short by his death of the plague while yet in his prime, December 13, 1565. { * Fide J. Bauhin, 2: 1044. t Fide Richter’s Linnaeus. t The very year of his completion of the labors of Moiban in editing the Zuf? rista ascribed to Dioscorides, as referred to Gesner’ s writings include botanical, bibliographic, ical medicinal, mineralog- ical and zodlogical works ; especially, among those non-botanical, his ‘‘ Mithridates,’ Zur., 1555, ‘‘seu de differentiis linguarum,” 8vo, called by ‘Mens the first research ” GESNER’s List or Aster-NAMES 859 Gesner’s Botanical Writings.—Those published in his lifetime formed but a fragment of what he planned ; as Meyer remarks, “in comparison’ with what had been printed by Brunfels, Bock, Fuchs, and even by the early-dead Valerius Cordus, Gesner stands far behind, though really taking rank as the greatest among them.” These botanical writings actually published by Gesner still remained few at his death, though beginning so early as 1541, when his “ Exchiridion historiae plantarum” appeared at Basle, Paris and Venice, a work of nearly 300 pages, intended as a compend of the botanical knowledge of the ancients, but rare and not within my reach, In 1542 he published at Zurich his complete catalog of plant Names, under title “ Catalogus plantarum,’ * giving names in their Latin, Greek, French and German equivalents ; together with their names then in use among apothecaries ; and with addition of the Dioscoridean synonyms, Other botanical works of Gesner include his quarto ‘“ De raris eladmirandis herbis,” + 1555, itself now rare and practically unat- on the German language ; his ‘* Bié/iotheca universalis,”” Zur., 1545, and its continua- tion the “Pandectae,’’ Zur., 1548+; and his ‘‘ Historia Animalium,” 1550-1587 (chiefly included in the great folio of 1554, ex /éris Bu.), which, as Cuvier remarked, € solid ground for the newer zodlogy. ; Gesner’s linguistic work caused him to be termed the “ father of German phil- > ology ”; and man on the text in Gesner’s hand (ex “br, Bu, __ *I think Gesner’s catalog contained the fullest list of ancient aster names pub- jie Prior to the present issue, In 1 549 (not 1543 as Pritzel has it, no. 3594) _ “atalogus”? was republished ; or, rather, it formed the basis of Gesner’s /ndex see lished by Egenolph, Pages 541~554 of his 1549 edition of Rivius’ notes on Ruel’s Dioscorides. This Zn es, ‘ex consists of the Latin and Greek names only, : _ we French and German, and omitting all remarks. Its Aster names include (p. 543, 1 wel. Colu.), besides Aster Atticus : Asterion — Aster Atticus.’’ . : = Sphondylion.”’ “ Asteriscus — Aster Atticus.’’ . Asterope of Aegineta — Marrubium,”’ | Astertiphen [among] Aphris == Chamaemelum.’’ i — [among] ‘Aphets == Solanum hortense.’ on == Coronopus. ‘ ; as and ‘arto of 86 pages, printed at Zurich by two of the Gesner grees , vey P €sner; and of which a copy bearing the autograph of the grea tAqu 360 Aster History; GESNER tainable ; his Zpist/es to various botanists, as to Wm. Turner in 1562, the father of English botany ; those to Caspar and to Jean Bauhin, to Collinus “de Tulipa Turcarum,’’ and to Joannes Kent- mann ; his unaddressed epistles published jointly with Guilandini; ig his De hortis Germaniae,+ and his great unfinished General fis- tory of Plants. In this and in the preceding De Hortis Gesner’s chief Aster contributions were contained. Gesner’s great contribution to the knowledge of Asters resulted however from his clear perception of plurality of species in the genus Aster. This belief was indicated in Gesner’s publication of three different plants by the name of Aster in his edition in 15601 of Valerius Cordus ; and it showed its influence within two years on Matthioli, primate of conservative botany, in the appearance in 1563 of the Aster Atticus verus, of Anguillara and of Gesner, as Matthioli’s second Aster, Aster Atticus alter. That Gesner should recognize other Asters than Aster Atticus was characteristic of his outlook upon botany. He did not believe in monotypic genera. He stands still to-day as perhaps the most notable of examples of that disbelief. In a letter he said ‘There is probably no genus of herbs which is not to be divided into two or more species. The ancients described one gentian ; Gesner himself was sold in London, 1846, for 10s. 6d. In this work, various new plants of Gesner’s discovery were first published, both in descriptions and figures ; with additions regarding the Alps, including descriptions of Mount Pilatus near Lucerne by eg DuChoul, and of the Stockhorn near Berne by a native, Rhellicanus a8 re tirpium .., nominibus vetustis,’’ or ** Two jk gs one by Melchior Guilandini referred to it as ‘ palustri Amello, 362 AsTER History; GESNER species of Aster from 1576 to 1650, then as a species of Conyza, of Chrysanthemum in 1699, Asteroides in 1703, Asteriscus 1720 ; finally finding rest in Linnaeus’ Buphthalmum of 1737 and 1753, being still known as Buphthalmum grandiflorum L. Gesner pub- lished his Conizoides as one of a number of brief independent descriptions appended to his De hortis Germaniae of 1561—in which work appeared his Aster Atticus verus (=Buphthalmum L., now FPallenis spinosa Cassini). That Gesner entitled it simply Conizoides in his brief work of 1561, where this formed one of a series of fragments hastily printed, gives in itself no mature and deliberate expression of his classifica- tion for it, and perhaps in his too short and crowded life he never decided that subject. What it does indicate is simply that he recognized in it a plant intermediate between typical Aster and typical Conyza, a range of plants of multifarious diversity, for the next century alternately vibrating between Aster and Conyza in classification. It appeared in Caspar Bauhin’s Pinax, Basle, 1623, as his 8th species of yellow Aster, by name of 8 Aster luteus angustifolius, without description, but with reference to its occurrence in Lobel, Dalechamp and Caesalpi At least ten years before this, Caspar Bauhin or thought that he recognized Ges- ner’s plant while collecting in the Alps about Basle, and had sent it to his brother Jean (who died in 1613) under the name of Aséer — Gesneri. The specimen sent seems to have been one of /nu/a spiracifolia L., and after being duly mentioned in Jean Bauhin’s writings before his death, 1613, finally reached publication in 1650. See fee under Bock. was described by Parkinson, 1640, in his 7heatrum Botanicon, Pp. 130, + pie conyzoides, Fleabane-like Starrewort,’’ as his eleventh ake , with a repe- tition o el’s figure, enlarged ; and with the re ark : ** Wee have had from Virginia ue sort of this kind, very like unto it, but with smaller flowers’’; perhaps referring to some Erigero In 1650, at the final publication of Jean Bauhin’s Hestoria plantarum, it was was meant in the main for the plant later known as Erigeron tuberosum L., and after- ward as /Jasonia tuberosa Cassini, i With this, a new and excellent figure wa now given (J. Bauhin, Hist. p/., 2: 1055). New localities were cited about Narbonne; ‘*Gener Cherlerus Narbonensi ae observavit et collegit in ep illis juxta Montem Lupa.” New but fallacious synonyms were added, as of Rauwolf, Chon- drilla Dioscoridis altera (so mentioned in Rauwolf’s Raiss or Travels in rege ge 1583, as from Syria; r eprinted under the same name by Molinaeus, ¥ 587 agra 1601, as Chondril’a altera Dioscoridts 's putata ; probably it was the pee . bulbosa angustifolia major of C. Bauhin’s Phytopinax, 1596-, cited by J. Bauhin, Si aa GESNER’S Five Aster SpEcIEs 363 Other Asters of Gesner Gesner’s collections and printed works recognized perhaps five species of Aster, as then regarded ; as follows: 1. Aster Atticus verus of Gesner’s De hortis Germaniae, 1561 ; =C. Bauhin’s Aster Atticus luteus Soliolis ad florem rigidis (Pinax, 266) = Pallenis spinosa Cassini. 2. Aster Atticus of Gesner’s De hortis, cited by C. Bauhin, Pinax, | 267, as synonym of his own Aster Atticus caeruleus vulgaris, | which is Aster Amellus L. 3. Aster conyzoides Gesneri of Lobel, 1576, first printed as Conizoides in Gesner’s De hortis; = Buphthalmum grandiforum L.; already treated, Pp. 361-363. 4. “Aster Atticus tertius, e sicca Thomae Pennei, Wolph.” With these words Schmiedel,* editing Gesner’s works in 1751, entitles a figure of a plant somewhat resembling Aster concolor, being fig. 46 in tabula 6, That is, this was one among the col- lection of figures which Gesner was making ready for his pro- jected universal history of plants,t and which passed into the | | 1650, as a second synonym for this Conyza marina; in 1623 it was the 7X. Chon- arilla bulbosa Cyriaca foliis angustifolius of C, Bauhin’s Pinax). ean Bauhin’s confusion of the Jasonia with the original Conizoides ( Buphthalmum sandifiorum L., ) seems to have led Bobart when completing, in 1699, Morison’s His- toria plantarum, to publish (2: 118) as Aster conyzoides Gesneri a plant, a relative of the Jasonia, with a new figure different from that of Jean Bauhin. Linnaeus, 1753, classed the plant of Morison as a variety y of his Erigeron tuberosum, now Jasonia tube rosa Cassini, The lished in By Tournefort, 1703 ( Corollarium, p. 50), it was called Asteroides alpina, cred "peated by Micheli in 1748 (in his posthumous Ca/a/. pl. horti Florentini, ce iy Targioni-Tozzetti : 12,t. 5). By Linnaeus, 1737 (Hortus Cliffort., 414) and by * » 1740 (Florae Leydensis, 170), it was placed in Buphthalmum, with a phrase- ediate Variations, merged it in his Buphthalmum salicifolium . BO cs “a isted. also in 1700 ( Znstitutiones), an Aster conysoides py NGS '* quotation from Besler in his Hortus Eystettensis of 1613 : considered by * Cesner; Opera Minin Nuremberg, 1751 (ex “ér. Bu. ). For the end ee Geschichte der Pics : into which these latter ai! — tote f ly to pass, Gesner had prepared over 1,500 plant-figures, chiefly pias Sik ome from Bock. Gesner’s sudden death came while he was engaged on a ace er cy The figures passed to Camerarius, who mingled them with his own and so pu 364 Aster History; GESNER hands of Gesner’s executors, Caspar Wolff * and Joachim Camer- arius the younger, the Nuremberg physician (see 7/ra). Gesner's figure, as the inscription indicates, was made from a dried speci- men collected by Gesner’s friend and correspondent, the London naturalist, Thomas Penny.+ Dr. Penny, one of the first English plant collectors, collected plants for Gesner and for his executor Wolff, for many years. Numerous figures which were left un- named at Gesner’s untimely death were afterward given their names by Wolff, by Penny and by the young Jean Bauhin. This present Aster Aiticus tertius was apparently one of Gesner’s figures named by Wolff; perhaps as early as 1566, within a few months after Gesner’s death, for he had already begun to carry out Gesner’s literary projects. It is quite possible, however, that the figure represents a plant sent in to Wolff after Gesner’s death. Its equivalence among present species, in lack of any description ac- companying the figures, is quite uncertain. 5. “Asteris species Rauwolfii t Ivng,’ § so its figure, “« LX XII,” appears labelled in the Schmiedel edition of Gesnerian figures. The plant shown is a low branched composite with peculiarly star-like blossoms, having about 13 narrow taper-acuminate rays, their effect almost like rigid spines. Rauwolf had supplied Gesner with many rare plants before lished them. A century later they came to Trew, who enlisted the services of Schmie- del; the latter found over 1,000 of the figures, and published 274 of them, 1751 an nd a77i, i ig? sia text, mostly of good quality, and often including small drawings of seed or fruit, in accordance with Gesner’s own remark ‘‘ From the seeds I am nsaccad chiefly to judge the relationships of rene uo Meyer, 4 333: 6 gives Gesner , from these figures, of being the first to perceive the need of drawing the seed and fruit of sibs (but Fuchs had demanded it in 1542). An example is his Aster AtticuS tertius, where a small pappose achene is figured by itself, etc. * Physician of Zurich, Gesner’s pupil, friend, colleague and editor. r. Thomas Penny the Schmiedel edition of Gesner remarks, [7s toria i ris pufahiad idiacanians Ray, Penny was engaged in wore the mountains i other places throu tes pe Switzerland and France for plants.’’ Penny devoted himself later to entomology and was writing from London to canbe about insects as late as June 18, 1585. Penny “died in 1589, having aided Wolff by sending plants # and paintings of plants to the end’’ (Schmiedel, xlvi). See also vol. i of Pulteney’s Sketch of English Prelinnean botany. Leonhard Rauwolf, German botanist, who died 1596; his ‘* Raiss’’ or Travels was published 1583. % Joachim Jungermann of Leipsic. ASTERS OF PENNY AND RAUWOLF 365 1565, from his travels in Syria, etc., fide Schmiedel, 1 : xxxiii. This figure probably originated with Camerarius, the Nuremberg phy- sician, and may have been from a painting by Jungermann, who was engaged in that work upon Gesner’s plants at Nuremberg from 1584 to 1588. Gesner's Chief Contributions to Aster Knowledge. — Either through his direct efforts or as their result soon after his death, Gesner became authority for the 5 different ‘Asters ’’ just men- tioned. The idea of plurality of species in the genus seems to have been directly and clearly brought forward first by him. He was first to have small details drawn separately, as the seed and disk-flower. He was, 1561, one of the first to adopt Padlenis spinosa Cassini as the true Aster Atticus; some who anticipated him in this being Anguillara in Greece and Italy, Rondelet, Pena, and the young Clusius in southern France. He was, in his plant Conizoides, the first to describe and pub- lish, 1561, the plant known for much of the next two centuries as Aster conizoides Gesneri; t. e., Buphthalmum grandifiorum L. LXXIV. ANGUILLARA _ Aloysius Anguillara, coupled with Cesalpino by gnigrecictieia “two of the soundest critics in the knowledge of plants that she age produced,” was born it is supposed, at the village of the same hame, in the Papal States, about 1500. His first name also appears under its equivalents Aluigi, Luigi, Louis, Aloysio, Ludovic, etc. He is not to be confused with Giovanni Andrea dell’ Anguillara, the contemporary poet, 1517-1565, who is better known to the biographers, —Anguillara, * upon the | } | | | t | | } = — oc p = “<4 —, 3 Ss co im oO - | N 8. 3 Venice - “nice; through Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica; southern parts France ; Dalmatia, Illyria, Slavonia, Macedonia ; through observations though during exactly how many years we ivi about 15 years, t ey say have begun in 1525. e re ained longer In Crete, ee “rd ote k him into his house as With him Anguillara studied the medicinal plants of Crete, sé * » . Years ‘* 77 mig carissimo maestro.”’ 366 AsTER History; ANGUILLARA plants of the ancients in the land of the ancients”; which Meyer amends by adding “after the revival of learning,” remembering how Simon Januensis was making the same researches 300 years before. Anguillara’s botanical work under Ghini commenced in 1539, on his return to Italy, where he remained * at Ghini’s private botan- ical garden + at Bologna, till 1544 when he removed with him to Pisa { and so remained in 1545, forming for him a deep venera- tion; § Luca Ghini being the only other besides the Cretan Rodioto whom Anguillara always calls “ saestro.”’ Anguillara the Director of the Botanical Garden of Padua.— This next period of Anguillara’s life, 1545-1561, was that associ- ated with the botanical garden at Padua, for which the Venetian government made definite provision first in 1545, but which seems to have been already developing for some years under Buonafede, professor in the University of Padua, 1533-1 549. Buonafede or Buonafidius says Gaetano Monti (Lndices botan- ict et materiae medicae, Bologna, 1755) ‘established in 1545 a botanical garden amplum et splendidum, for the use of the University of Padua, Aloysius Anguillara Romanus, a disciple of Luca Ghini, being called to undertake its charge.’ The date of Anguillara’s assuming charge as “ Custos” of the garden is given as 1546 by Marsili, who says his directorship extended from 1546 to 1551. Three or four distinct positions in connection then with this botanical garden seem to have coexisted at times ; first, that of professor of medicine, including materia medica, held by Buonafede 1533-1 549, who was succeeded by the celebrated anatomist Gabriele Fallopius, discover of the Fallopian tubes. Their professorship included the chair styled Lectura simplicium. Second, that of Ostensior simplicium ; its occupant styled Ostensor simplicium, being a demonstrator or docent in medical botany. * Anguillara’s Semplici, 36 and 120. t Ghini seems to have maintained this from 1 534 to 1544. { Luca Ghini (see p, 328) accepting the call in 1544 to the University of Pisa, rden was at once begun there also and was formally established in 1547, with Ghini as director and also as the University professor of materia medica or ‘ Lector sim- plictum.”’ 4W Wm. Turner, first English botanist, then a religious exile, was also a listener of Ghini, fide Pulteney, who links together Anguillara, Cesalpino and Turner as Ghini’s chief pupils. ee a ANGUILLARA’S BoTANICAL GARDEN 367 Meyer remarks (4: 262) “ the position of Privatdocent among us seems to have had its beginning in this of Ostensor simplicium,”’ The three first at Padua to be recorded as Ostensor were Aloysius Mundella Brixianus (of the generation older than Anguillara apparently, his only printed works appearing in 1538, at Basle, by Isengrin,—being corrections of Galen and of Brasavola) ; Aloysius Anguillara, 1549-1551, Pierantonio Michiel, 1551-1555 (so dated by Marsili, 1771, saying that he greatly enriched the garden; a contemporary letter of Aldrovandi also speaks of Michiel as in charge of it); Anguillara again, 1555-1561; Melchior Guilandini 1561, who was made Lector simplicium in 1561 through the exer- tions of Fallopius, and held it till his death in 1589; under him in 1563 a definite Collegium botanicum of Padua was first recog- nized; after him came Prosper Alpinus, “6th prefect,” the cele- brated investigator of the plants of Egypt. Third of these simultaneous positions was that of Custos horti, or Director of the Garden ; usually united with the preceding, but which Anguillara is said (by Marsili) to have held earlier, from 15.46 onward, or three years before he is mentioned as Ostensor. Marsili (‘““Votisie del publico giardino de semplici di Padova,” Written 1771, fide Meyer, though first printed by Visiani, at Padua ™ 1840) names Anguillara as first director of the garden, and Monti mentions him as the means by which the garden became built up on Buonafede’s magnificent plan, the plan adopted by Venice in 1545. Anguillara is said to have been Buonafede’s Choice to execute this plan, so the date 1546 seems none too early for his beginning. He had doubtless been practically engaged a Similar work du ring the period 1539-1544, which he had spent - nical work with Ghini at his private garden at Bologna, and it Was doubtless partly on that account that Anguillara was spoken of by a contemporary as a director of great experience. Now he anticipated Ghini in working out the establishment at Padua of * garden, of all botanical gardens the first, it has been said, to be maintained at public expense. The next year, however, 1547, Ghinj himself secured a similar formal establishment for his garden m Pisa, founded by the government of Florence, which was Lame | oes believed, says Monti, “by the recent example of the mos 368 Aster History; ANGUILLARA sagacious senate of Venice.’’ But for a year the pupil had out- run the master. Of Anguillara’s life and work at Padua, we know little in detail, but the results would make him illustrious had he done nothing else. The garden speedily assumed the highest rank among bo- tanical gardens. Belon,* visiting it in 1549, and afterward com- paring it with those of the Turks, writes in 1553, that he found none more remarkable or elegant.t Belon is supposed by Meyer to have meant to name Anguillara though momentarily confusing him with the older Ostensor, Aloysius Mundella, when he wrote after his visit to Padua in 1549, that ‘To the botanical garden of Padua had been called a man, wir diligens et magnae experientiae. Dominus Aloysius Mundellat (a slip for Aloysius Anguillara) herbarius Romanus, who had devoted himself to the learning and culture of his period, and who is now able to exhibit Guajacant arbores there grown § by his (Mundella’s ?) own diligence.”’ Anguillara is further styled by Marinello, 1561, as Semplicist to the Venetian government, which may have involved other duty than that of being director of the garden. Anguillara’s friend Quadramio was similarly styled “ Simplicista’’ to Ferrara, in the Latin of C. Bauhin. Anguillara’s personal duties certainly must have been very many ; uniting the functions of director and docent, “he had”’ says Meyer, ‘not only the charge of the living plants of the garden, but it was his duty to arrange and demonstrate all the simples or medical remedies living and dead, vegetable or non- vegetable.” Anguillara’s persecution by Matthioli (see infra, p. 386) had its SOLE Ri * Pierre Belon or Bellonius, French botanical traveller, who repeated in his Shela journeys the endeavors of Anguillara to see and know the plants of Dioscorides in theit native soil, Born in 1517, he made his oriental journeys 1546-1549, and in Paris 3 1553, he finished writing an account of his travel’, which had been through Greece, Asia “Minor, Palestine, Egypt and Arabia. This was printed in three volumes in French, Observationes appeared at Antwerp at different times, first in 1589, separately, and in 1605, bound in with Clusius’ ‘‘Z-rotics.”” t ‘‘ Nullum vidimus magis singularem et elegantiorem” as Clusius rendered it. { Aloysius Anguillara was properly called Romanus, but Aloysius Mundella should have been Brixianus, 4 Perhaps this last statement about the trees really belonged to Mundella as the elder man. ANGUILLARA’S EXILE 369 imnocent cause in Anguillara’s correcting errors of Matthioli re- specting Lycium and Aconitum, an offense which was unpardon- able, although the corrections were respectfully offered and only two in number. It was equally offensive that Anguillara had in- terpreted a number of other classical plant references in a different way from Matthioli. Matthioli had already driven the learned Amatus from place to place in Italy ; and now he stirred up such a storm against Anguillara as drove him in 1561 from Padua. The one * botanist of eminence who joined Matthioli in this per- secution was Aldrovandi,+ successor of Luca Ghini at Bologna, to whom Matthioli wrote saying, “I am charmed that you have found out Anguillara for what he is, that he is prima per igno- rantissimo, malignissimo, ed invidiosissima.” ‘ However, Ferrara gave welcome to Anguillara, and he is thought to have held a professorship in its university, though his reputation remained under a cloud for two hundred years till Haller reéstablished him in the esteem of botanists, 1771. Since then, Gaertner dedicated to his memory a genus Anguillara, and when this was renamed Badula by Jussieu, Robert Brown be- stowed his name anew upon a genus of the Melanthaceae. He received much appreciation at the hands of Sprengel, Du Petit Thouars, Hoefer and Meyer. All this posthumous fame had be- gun 200 years too late. His death was at Ferrara in 1570, due to the plague, or « pestilential fever’ says Mazzuchelli, and fol- lowed close on his return from a voyage to Apulia with the “friar Evangelista Quadramio” t (so Hoefer) § where he had been ; o oe making researches among plants. Taken ill, he prepared for him — Sere er ee __ Pethaps Anguillara's beloved master, the famed lecturer, Luca Ghini, mer wring, have been of help to his former pupil in this extremity. The fact that Ghin had given over the manuscript of his projected work on medicinal Wlgen AA Matthioli for incorporation in his commentary, is no evidence that Ghini, w ‘3 eived : : cution of Anguillara. ; followed there by An- IS 577, by Boerhaave with his botanical garden at Leyden]. licist to the Duke of Evangelista Quadramius Eremita, Theol. Doctor ”’ and tg : a quarto tract, “De ba Caspar Baubin terms him; author, 1597, at Foe So" | Theriaca et Mithridatio.”’ In Biographie Générale. 368 Aster History; ANGUILLARA sagacious senate of Venice.’’ But for a year the pupil had out- run the master. Of Anguillara’s life and work at Padua, we know little in detail, but the results would make him illustrious had he done nothing else. The garden speedily assumed the highest rank among bo- tanical gardens. Belon,* visiting it in 1549, and afterward com- paring it with those of the Turks, writes in 1553, that he found none more remarkable or elegant.+ Belon is supposed by Meyer to have meant to name Anguillara though momentarily confusing him with the older Ostensor, Aloysius Mundella, when he wrote after his visit to Padua in 1549, that ‘‘ To the botanical garden of Padua had been called a man, vir diligens et magnae experientiae. Dominus Aloysius Mundella{ (a slip for Aloysius Anguillara) herbarius Romanus, who had devoted himself to the learning and culture of his period, and who is now able to exhibit Guajacant arbores there grown § by his (Mundella’s ?) own diligence.” a Anguillara is further styled by Marinello, 1561, as Semplicist to the Venetian government, which may have involved other duty than that of being director of the garden. Anguillara’s friend Quadramio was similarly styled ‘ Simplicista” to Ferrara, in the Latin of C. Bauhin. Anguillara’s personal duties certainly must have been vey many ; uniting the functions of director and docent, “he had says Meyer, “not only the charge of the living plants of the garden, but it was his duty to arrange and demonstrate all the simples or medical remedies living and dead, vegetable or non- vegetable.” - Anguillara’s persecution by Matthioli (see znfra, p. 386) had #8 1553, he finished writing an account of his travelg, which had been through Greece, tae “Minor, Palestine, Egypt and Arabia. This was printed in three volumes in eee 1554, at Paris, and was later translated into Latin by Clusius, whose version of . Observationes appeared at Antwerp at different times, first in 1589, separately, a 1605, bound in with Clusius’ ‘* Zcotics,”” : t ‘* Nullum vidimus magis singularem et elegantiorem ” as Clusius rendered it. - { Aloysius Anguillara was properly called Romanus, but Aloysius Mundella a“ have been Brixianus. he 4 Perhaps this last statement about the trees really belonged to Mundella ast elder man. ANGUILLARA’S EXTRACTS FROM CRATEVAS 871 reading of the ancients, from Aristotle to the Geoponica, and of the Arabs and the modern Latins. Not even a word of an obscure poet escapes him, if it but throw light on any plant. He was not contented with the printed text but went direct to the MSS. for doubtful cases, of which he was a sagacious critic. He was equally great as philologist and as plant-identifier. He was obliged often to antagonize his predecessors in his identification of the plants of the ancients ; but from the courteous and unassum- ing way in which he did this, we know him to have been of unprejudiced mind. Haller rightly calls him facile princeps among Italian botanists, and maximus auctor.” Anguillara as a Source for Cratevas.—In his Semplici Anguil- lara publishes “a great many extracts from Cratevas * which are not otherwise known,” remarks Meyer, 1:252. The extracts made number 37: but their most recent investigator, Wellmann, thinks they add little to what had been already familiar as incor- porated in the text of Dioscorides.+ Anguillara says little of the MS. of a fragment of Cratevas which was his source ; simply under Asarum, that “there had come into his hands a fragment of Greek MS. of an ancient writer, Cut of which he took what Cratevas had written regarding Asarum ”; and in the following extract, “ What one can see, out Of some fragments of Cratevas, that I have set down.” {This is all he says about the MS. ag transcriptions from it containing the bare names of plants weit duced his friend — by his friend Weigel. Meyer, some thirty or forty years later, In ak peal *slani of Padua to go to Venice to make inquiries about this codex, W! sista te esult, Visiani being told there that the only MS. of Cratevas known to ON s-sheet fragment in the Imperial library at Vienna. éThe relations of Pallenis with Aster may be briefly su th 2-5: Perhaps it was about this time that Anguillara, Pallenis in Italy, now saw it in the Morea and at Zante a a ‘ ™ 1796 heard it called xapdéyoprov in Zante; 4 popular n mmarized as follows? doubtless already familiar nd other parts of Greece. e used for it in 372 Aster History; ANGUILLARA in that century to the Aster Amellus of Linnaeus for the honor of identification with the Aster of the Greeks ; yet to be considered in connection with its description by Lobel, and its early selection as Aster by Rondelet and by Clusius. Anguillara's article on Aster is as follows, translated from the Italian of his Semplici p. 284, where it occurs in the latest of his letters, ‘‘ Parere Quarto-decimo,” dated 1560. the sense of nutgrass ? 7. ¢., plant bearing bur-like heads. (C ooxapoy, name of mula oculus Christi, Ae Sibthorp.) The magnificent iastrated edition of the Flora Graeca (Astor Libr.) figures it under name of Buphthalmum spinosum, showing six large heads with short yellow rays and with long star- like stift involucral leaves, radiately projecting and recurving a little. —But it was not till 1560 that Anguillara wrote of Pallenis in his Pareri as the same with Aster Atticus of Dioscorides. 1550. Clusius comes to sojourn with Rondelet at Montpellier and finds Pallenis abundant there, which Rondelet (and others there before him ?) identify with the clas- sic Bubonium, 7. ¢., ster Amellus L. 1561 lusius finds the a Nig of Bubonium and the name Sodas are cur- rently aa in Spain to Pallen 1560-1. Gesner, writing this winter his De hortis Germaniae, printed 1561, names Aster pais as the plant we now know it in its native habitat, his slight travels seeming not to have ever extended so far. His knowledge of Padlents was eae due to his exten sive correspondence, and may have come to him thro of Anguillara’s age circulated epistles or Pareri ; or may perhaps have come ee Rondelet or Pen 1561, Anguillara’s Semplici and Geena $ De ‘nel both published this year, name the Pallenis as ‘‘ Aster Atticus verus. . Matthioli introduces a figure of this Pallenis into the margin of his Aster- chapter as ‘‘ Aster Atticus alter, without text or other comment; evidently a n_after- thought and doubtless an unacknowledged debt to Anguillara. Perhaps Motta had already inserted the figure in his (unseen) 1562 edition; but not earlier, as it is lacking in the next previous edition of 1560. This figure was Sarre copied, and repre- sented Aster Atticus in Lobel’s Odservationes, 1576, and in Bodaeus a Stapel’s Theo- phrastus, 1644.—Dalechamp, 1587, also retained ae s name iP Aster Atticus alter for Pallenis. 1566-9. Lead . Lobel, sojourning with Rondelet at — and haan with Pena at Narbonne, derived from the first or fro: se his identification of Pallenis with Aster Atticus, and it so appears published witht figure, in Lobel an d Pena’s Adversaria, 1570; and with fi 1576, as just men 157 oned. Clusius publishes in his Hispania, i te as Aster Atticus primus fore luteo. 1583. Cesalpino publishes Pallenis as Aster Atticus. So Gerarde, 15975 Taber- naemontanus, 1588. 1601. Clusius publishes Pad/enis as Aster Atticus legitimus, and figures io A 4. €. Aster, 1640. ttt Parkinson in his Theatrum Botanicum was still figuring Pallenis as 4s” | Pe) ee a eae © NG 2 eg Be nn el ANGUILLARA’S ASTER-CHAPTER 373 “T have marvelled much, how it can be that learned men, and men who have made profession of interpreting Dioscorides, have oftentimes made error in interpreting, and still do so, in the chapter concerning Aster Atticus. Some think that the words TVOGVOODY 7 py hevov (z. e., Aster, that has blossoms either purple or yellow), ought not to be taken disjunctively, but that instead Dios- corides meant to include two distinct things [plants] in one. But how much they deceive themselves can be made clear in every particular, For the true Aster Atticus grows in many parts of Italy, with five little sharp-pointed leaves, placed in order in the manner of a star, and in the middle of which it makes its flower. The flower has a yellow color, like the flower-head of the chamomile, or else has a purple color. It makes its stalks higher one than another, woody and hairy, with leaves similar to the olive, but roughish, and somewhat pilose. It is called in many places in Italy, Filius- ante-patrem, among the herbalists, and in Greece in the Pelopon- nesus and in Zante they call it dwdexapericec.”” Anguillara’ s Filius-ante-patrem.—Anguillara, who left many of his plant-names in vernacular form, may have intended Padlenis by his Filius-ante-patrem. Such was the conclusion of Caspar Bauhin, but not that of Sprengel, who remarks “‘ What plant Anguillara means I cannot conceive.” That Anguillara intended the Pad/enis spinosa of Cassini may be claimed on the following grounds : 1. Pallenis is common in Italy and Greece, and the Mediter- Fanean region in general; 2. It has often occasioned remark for its star-like flower-heads ; see Lobel; 3. It has stems and leaves hir- Sute; 4. Pallenis, although currently described as with golden- yellow rays, and so figured by Sibthorp, was said by Lobel and Pena in 1 570 to have “leaflets of the flowers which grow purplish underneath, in certain localities; though not purplish within as in Aster Tripolium,” oe 5. Pallenis spinosa Cassini, though, known as Oculus Christi at Montpellier (name current there in 1550, fide Clusius, Lobel, etc.) in Anguillara’s time, may have been also then known as /ilius- Mnte-patrem in Italy. This name, Son-before-the-father, would be ‘ppropriate to Pallenis, which is remarkable for its frequent length- ening of lateral flower-stalks far above the older more central 374 Aster History ; ANGUILLARA head, as remarked by De Candolle, Prod. 5: 487. It may be that Matteo Silvatico intended Pallenis when he wrote about 1313 in his Pandects that there is a plant resembling the Buphthalmums which is called Filius-ante-patrem by some, and Oculus-Christi by others. It may be that Da Manlio, when repeating this remark (with Silvatico in mind) about 1450, also intended to speak of Pallenis, in saying “There is an herb which is called Filius-ante- patrem or Oculus Christi, or Oculus Consulis, as herbalists please.” The chief objection to Pallenis as representing Anguillara’s Filius-ante-patrem is that its occasional purple under the floral leaves may seem too feeble a character to have drawn out from Anguillara the expression “ it bears flowers either yellow or purple.” Among Compositae common in both Italy and Greece there remains, however, such a group of plants, which might be called yellow or purple in different stages of flower ; it is typified by Tragopogon.*, Curiously enough the names Anguillara used also point to this same group. The Zante dialectic name Owdexapevites t if interpreted “ quick-closing flower,’ is very appropriate, and if interpreted ‘‘noon-closing flower,” it expresses the Tragopogon character still more closely ; expressed similarly by the English je See * Tragopogon pratensis L., the Tragopogon of Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Pliny, Fuchs, Anguillara, Matthioli, Gesner, Lobel and most other writers, came as more species were distinguished, to acquire a name which itself indicated this color-change, becoming the 7ragopogon flore luteo, purpureo ac puniceo of later pre-Linnaean botany, including Dodoens, Cesalpino, J. and C. Bauhin, Pontedera, Tournefort, Boerhaave, Morison and Vaillant. the kindred Tragopogon porrifolius L., called ‘‘rose-purplish or yellow- purplish ’’ by De Candolle, Albertus Magnus wrote regarding this change of color as far back as 1260, saying: . Oculus porci is a plant bearing a flower which reddens greatly with age and when dry still retains that color ;’’ *‘in cujus supremo est flos rutilans ipse multum, et exsic- catus retinet eundem colorem.”’ Albert of Lauingen’s De Vegetabilibus, bk. 6, c. 5475 edn. Meyer and Jessen, Berlin, 1867. ft Awdexauwitee ; apparently for ‘‘ twelve-little-parts blossom’’; 2. @, hours flower’’ (flower closed by noon); or if rigorously applied ‘ twelve-moments flower (flower that soon perishes); from puvétrw or pivoira, now current Greek (says «¢ twelve- a Greek recently from Athens) to mean ‘‘a moment, as when one says J will be gone | but dodexaurvérrw, but twelve minutes, but a moment; and some say SO everywhere nowadays ; yvovTa some call the word; it was a Latin word once [L. minutus).”” Attica.—I find no very similar word to dwdexaycvitic in modern Greek vocabularies, the nearest suggestions being dwdexduyvov, a twelve month (Lowndes), and Cretan dia- lectic diunviryc, ‘¢a kind of brown wheat which remains for two months in the ground, two months in mod. Gr. being diw uqvac’’ (Spratt, Travels in Crete, London, 1865 )- | | CO i nn ANGUILLARA’S Fizius-ANTE-PATREM 375 name ‘“ John-go-to-bed-at-noon”’ as far back as about 16 (Morison). > The Latin name Filius-ante-patrem leads to the same goal. About 1313, Silvatico wrote that Garyophyllon is called Filius- anle-patrem and Filius-ante-patrem is called Oculus Christ.* Da Manlio,t+ citing this about 1450, added another synonym, Ocw/us ~ Consull. i . ee ulis. This latter name is as rare as it is remarkable, but an ancient gloss ona Wolfenbittel MS. of Hildegardis occurs { which makes it a synonym of Oculus porci. Now Oculus porct in Ger- many throughout the Middle Ages was a common name for Tra- gopogon porrifolius L. fie “ea therefore deny that Anguillara’s /zdus-ante-patrem meant to him Zragopogon porrifolius, including with it 7 of Matteo Silvatico saying, herba “anphaaeiariong latine. Arabice Tariff, graece Garyophyllon. Plinius. Est ae nila hers buphtalmos ; sed ramos post natus, excedit longitudine ante Rakins sae est ilius ante patrem vocatur. Et vocatur similitur oculus Christi. a es o omaha quod est planta quae nascitur in vere ; et flos ejus similis est eat . he interpretatinnt of this seems to be as follows : us-ante-patrem is a plant name in [medizeval] Latin. It is used for the . apap e., the clove-pink, carnation, ete.]. Pliny mentions the Garyophyllon, Becca: rag a ia) the clove tree]. Garyophyllon is [also the name of} an herb Re ict As a lenis 7] which produces flowers like the buphthalmums or oxeye- Reveiopea ; segs In having its later-developed branches exceed in length those before- ilacly oi mn this account it is called Filius-ante-patrem. And it is called, sim- , us Christi. - eegaeres in his second book mentions Filius-ante the is san, de and its blossom is similar to a garden croc me Colchicum which is called Filius ante patrem by Parkinson} Manlio, in Brunfels’ De vera, 170, ‘* Oculus Christi vel -patrem as a flower which is us [meaning doubtless ” Oculus Consulis, s more at length, first dis- gopogon or Pallenis, saying : Geulus Consuli . ante patrem, sive Oculus Christi vel “si gage ulis, ut volunt herbarii. Forma vero ipsius reperitur apud Mathecum ayiye: Fil me “ste patrem or Oculus Christi or Oculus Consults, as theh * aN aracter are found given by Matthaeus Sylvaticae. And this plant with us grows adows.’’ +o t Fide Jessen, notes to Albert of Lauingen, De Vegetabilibus, bk. 6, ch. 547. 376 Aster History; ANGUILLARA many kindred species of Tragopogon and Scorzonera which he must have seen but does not otherwise mention. That he should view them as one * was wholly natural ; Linnaeus himself quotes Vaillant, Tournefort, Pontedera, and Boerhaave as agreeing that “the whole genus Tragopogon is one and the same species, but of variations infinite.”’ Sibthorp found in Grecian lands 21 species which seem to have passed in Anguillara’s time + for Tragopogon, at least so far as then observed ; against which Anguillara makes perhaps three refer- ences, the present one of dwdexapwizec, and his Tragopogon, 2. ¢., de pratensis t L., and his Acorus Theophrasti, 1. e., Scorzonera ieee tata L. § (if Goma Bauhin rightly interpreted hie’, But among ten other Scorzoneras found by Sibthorp, two buphthalmum-like species were so common in Zante as to have received the vernacu- lar name Scorsonera \| from the inhabitants. Doubtless Anguillara saw them in Zante; and among them were plants with much- branched stems, others with villous hair on axils or leaves or stems, others with flowers yellow, red, purple or violet, among which he would find all the characters of his dwdexapevitec. We may therefore suppose that when Anguillara was writing in 1560 about Aster, he blended two plants which were known to him by the name Filius-ante-patrem ; writing his article down to the last clause with Pal/enis in his mind; but then adding as a Greek synonym one which in reality belonged to 7ragopogon. That may have come about in this way: Anguillara had probably recorded dwdsxapeites in notes of perhaps so far back as 1525, a5 4 name he then heard used as equivalent for Filius-ante-patrem, 7. ¢-, Tragopogon ; and now in 1560 he copies from these notes into his Parere, neglecting to observe that his present Filius-ante-patrem was not Zragopogon but Pallenis. * Hortus Cliffort, 382. (ex dr. Bu.). 1737. } Including 2 of Geropogon and 3 of Urospermum (the Arnopogon of Willdenow and Sibthorp). t¢ Constantinople ; and pastures about Mt. Haemus, Sidthor/. 2 oe and in the Southern Morea, Szdthorf. || Se era, a name originally Spanish, alluding to the reputation of the plant like ancient pee Atticus, and many related er as efficacious against snake bites ; from Spanish scorzo, a viper; fide C. B { Species which Sibthorp or others bed in oes and which may therefore have t ANGUILLARA’S Owdsxapuvitec 377 Anguillara’s chief contributions to knowledge of Aster were these : He had made search between 1520 and 1539 in Grecian lands for a plant to accord with Dioscorides’ description of Aster; al- though he does not seem to have happened upon the true plant, i. ¢., Aster Amellus L., which indeed he may never have seen at allanywhere. Search in Greece for Dioscorides’ plants in general had been made before by Simon de Cordo (Simon Januensis) about 1250-1290; and afterward by Pierre Belon (Bellonius) 1549- 1551, and later by Tournefort and by Sibthorp. He held to the correctness of the Greek MSS. as representing Dioscorides’ color-character for Aster, retaining the reading 7 1. ¢., purple or yellow. He held Pallenis spinosa to be the true Aster, his Aster Atticus verus ; perhaps swerving (unintentionally?) at the end of his Aster article to include also a group of quick-closing Tragopogon Species which change from yellow to reddish-purple during blos- soming, which may have constituted his dwdexapetzes or “‘ twelve- Minute flower.”’ His may have been the first identification of Aster Atticus with ; been included as part of an original multiform basis of Anguillara’s dwJexapeiri¢ of Zante, include the following : o— Tragopogon Cupani Gussone in DC., a handsome smooth purplish species reported fom Zante by Margot (Margot and Reuter s “lore de I’Ile de Zante, Geneva, 1841). ay Tragopogon majus Jacq., found by Sibthorp only in Zante, where he heard the a _ People calling it row Aayow ra yévera, 2. e., rabbit’ s-beard (literally, ‘‘ the bearded chin ete ””)$ a yellow-flowered smooth species, like the two next. i es Scorzonera graminifolia L. ; the Exopaovépa of Zante, Sibthorp ; perhaps meaning — hera buphthalmoide DC., which Aucher collected later about Aleppo under emer 5. Sraminifolia L eer @ crocifolia, Sibthorp ; also called Zxopoovépa at Zante ; also found at nte by Margot. Add to these as probably seen by Anguillara and blended with the foregoing, oi Purpurea \.., a rose, purple or blue species, found producing bluish — rete by Tournefort and by Sibthorp. j y Scorzonera Cretica Willd., a ditelniees branching species found in Crete by _Mmefort and Sibthorp. : Storconera undulata Vahl, a violet species which Tournefort found in Greece. ia "era araneosa Sibthorp, a purple-flowered villous-leaved species of Ae mera hirsuta L., a yellow-flowered species with stem and waves often ais aus to be the Geropogon hirsutus of Smith's publication of Sibthorp, foun ; ~ © ™ Cyprus, and identified by Smith with a reddish-flowered Tragopogon foun Tournefort in Greece, these plants often reddening with age. 378 Aster History; ANGUILLARA Pallenis to gain currency ; it was adopted thereafter by many botanists for the hundred years following. * * The following is a résumé of the application of these mediaeval ee ee Filius-ante-patrem, Oculus Christi, Oculus Consulis, and Garyophyllon. For Ocul: orct and Rostrum porcinum and Buphthalmum, see p. 108, etc., under Hj, caacsuae Plants called Filius-ante- oe include the following . Colchicum, t.e, a crocus, fide Avicenna, and fide Pad kaon: Theatrum Botani- cum, ads Lat 2. ** Herba ‘St Christophori,’’ fide De Manliis, 171 ; writing about 1450, and stating of it simply ‘‘Heréa St. Christophori est Filius-ante- ace ‘* Mergenbliimlin, Mergen- résslin”’ are added as synonyms by Brunfels, when printing the preceding, 1531. The name Herb St. Christopher was long applied in Europe to Gem, also to Actaea spicata L., figured together with the American counterpart by Parkinson, Theatrum Botanicum, 547-9, under the ancient na 3. Tragopogon ( seicisi, ee. etc.) ==the Garyophyllon, Oculus Christi or Oculus Consulis of Pandectarius, c. 1313, and of De Manliis, about 1450, the 7/os Camps of De Cantiprato, 1240, of Bartholomaeus Anglicus, c. 1256, the los Campi or Oculut porct of Albertus Magnus about 1260; the os Campi or Veltpluom or Oculus porct of Conrad de Megenberg, 1349; the Vredels-oghe and Fridels-auga of Hildegardist interpreted by a mediaeval gloss as Oculus Consulis. 4. Dianthus sp., the Garyophylion o of ty aati etc. 5. “nula sp., as I. dysenterica, I. salicina, [, Britannica ; one or all of these were deemed by Sprengel to be the Fitius- a of Da Manlio; on what grounds is not evident except as the name Oculus Christi occurs in Inula. Anguillara could not have meant Inula, for leaf-characters and purple flowers would then be to the Inula which he mentions (/nu/a Helenium), he calls He/enium Diosco 6. Antipater, Hermolaus Barbarus, 1492, as cited by ai 3: 9 (1536), of which both write that some think the plant may be the Herba impia of Pliny, 24, 19+ but it differs from his aia for, says Barbarus, ‘‘ Antipater is not hoary, does not heat when rubbed, does not bear capituda nec thyrsos.”’ Braunfels makes this plan, snipe (named in the same sense as Filius-ante-patrem) to be ‘* guasi Cunilaginis minore’’ [L. Cunilago = been ic aaaicatn n Origanum] and io be called by some Christophoriana and Oculus Consutis , mea’ sip Sia ? or Pallen atyrion, Si an orchid Fidemnified « as an Ophrys or mae called Filius- ante-patrem by some, says Bru = 3: 10 (1536), ‘*Satyriam sunt qui vocent, quod antea floreat, quam fo fe lia producat.’ - Names later than Anguillara. wpew sp., in 1570, the Lysimachia siliquos@ of Pena and Lobel, Adversaria, 145, and of Parkinson, Zheatrum Bot. (explai ined as because of the lengthening pods), 9. Tussilago in 1650, fide Bodaeus’ Theophrastus, 821, with explanation that it is so called because it produces its flowers before the leaves come up : this is not the Filius- ante-patrem of Anguillara, who knew these plants as 7ussi/ago aud Petasites. 10. Herba Impia or Filago Germanica of modern botany, of which Gerarde says; page 518, ‘* for the most part those flowers which appear first are the lowest and basest ; and those that come after growe higher, as children seeking to overgrowe or overtop their parents (as many wicked child dren do) for which cause it hath ayes called Herba /mpia, that is, the Wicked Herbe, or Herbe Impious.’’ Pliny, 24: 11. nuda salicina 1. perhaps was meant by Clusius, who Sy in ne s quaint OcuLus CHRISTI AND OcuLus ConsULIS 379 version, ‘‘ Aster 10..., another sort, that hath snipes stalkes, flowers and rootes like the ninth, but never wee to the height of one cubite. And the mother stalke and flower doth never growe so high as hir aides [but Sie — lesse ; [like] Herda Impia so called, for hee the children do overgrowe their pare pea RES ed ie 1 Be we cere © Plants called by the name Oculus Christi included a number of yellow-flowered eo ” as the following : : . Tragopogon ? or Pallenis? by Matteo Silvatico ; ae as Aisa 375;R. : probably ; same a was meant by his predecessor Salern t 1167, who recommended (see supra, p. 224) the Oculus Christi for sine | end and for morsus canis, as the Greeks a recommended Aster allenis spinosa Cass. Clastis found the name used for this plant by people Montpellier in ova France when he was living there in 1553. (Rariorum ag bk, IV I.) peated: s Historia cuniat 1587, still so uses it. 3. Lnula Peg ee Das and Austrian yellow-flowered species of : say. Bauhin, 1650, said ‘* Gauls Christ similis si non ew? (Hist. pl., 2: 1047) and on which Linnaeus conferred the name specifically ; known as ayptoaxapey in Greece, Sibthorp 4. Aster wipuiseas Hore luteo, etc., of J. Bauhin, 1650, who says it is the Oculu Christi of many and is the Oculus Christi minor of Dalechamp, 1587. Pestinps i it Pee. several species of Inula. 5. Salvia pratensis L., the ‘* Horminum ae Wilde Clarie or Oculus Christi”? i“ Genet (Herbal, 628. 1597) 0 its name he says to its efficacy in clearing the eyes. Parkinson was still HUE it under the same names in 1640 ( Theatrum Saree um, pies Cu woah: in 1653, after a akties of his ‘‘ Clary or ‘More properly Clear-eye,’’ adds, ‘* Wild Clary is most fehonctaly called Christ’s Eye, because it cures diseases of the eye.’’ Salmon, in his New Dispensatory, 1682, had dropped the latter name, retaining Clary and Horminum, and introducing Sclarea. Manlio, about 1450, gives the name as a synonym ied the second kind of his Saxifragia : ‘* Minor vero dicitur, quod est Ocu/us Christi.’ ib * Needed Coronaria i, nis Coronaria of Lonitzer, Dodoens, eee it. N, Y., 1890 ; perhaps an entry which should have bases credited to Pallenis. P, lants called Oculus Consults. re Tragopogon, fide its interpretation by Jes- == 88 occurring in a MS. of ardis stating that the name Oce/us Consulis is found there written, in the codex Oubuate of Hildegardis Lier Su Written about 1180, as a mediaeval marginal synonym for the plant named in h _ &S Fridelsouge or Fridelsauga (perhaps pig’s-eye, or literally se nae s eye, aga allied to Mid . H. G. vihe, beast; or bold-eye, from Mid. H. G. vrevel, bold- : The plant also appears under the name /’rededs cies or Vredels oghe in the Vocab, Simplicium, and as Oculus porci and Flos campi in Albertus Magnus’ Pe - peabilibus » bk. VI, c. 404, written before 1256 (see edn. Meyer and Jessen, 547, : : 1867), Albert there remarking ‘‘a porcis in pastum effoditur ; et habet stipitem Perum al um, in cujus supremo est flos rutilans ipso multum, et exsiccatus retinet cloner, see p. 276. See p. 316 for Conrad von Megenberg’s eulogy of it as about 14503 3 all shee occurrences a ional meaning ies 380 Aster History; ANGUILLARA Oculus Consulis also occurs, _—* a 9% as a name ‘‘used by some for rea pater or ain ar pea with yellow flow ; the Herb Christopher ? for Geu Plants named from Garyophylton. iia ae was primarily flower bud ee the clove tree ; he Gariofilus of Macer Floridus, no. 72; so perhaps only, until after Pliny. Early in the Middle Ages it was applied to the clove pink and then to carnations and pinks in general, either in the same form Sa cc ee de Manliis, etc.) or softened to peer te (Lobel, C. Bauhin, Clusius, etc.) or modified to Cary ophyllaea (Bock, Matthioli, Dalechamp, Thal; or TF adaiied by Flos, as Flos Gart- ofilus (Cesalpino) ; other unlike es for various pinks of that period including Viola barbata (Dalechamp), Viola ‘nae ane), Viola Damascena ( Cesalpino ), Superba ( Bock, Lonitzer, Camerarius, Thal), Betonica (Fuchs), Veronica (Dodoens), Tunica (Dalechamp, Bauhin, Haller; and before these, by Man boda see’ below), and Diosanthus (Anguillara). C. Bauhin notes that the name Caryophyllus or Cary- ophyllaea was bestowed from the ao of the odor of the flower to the odor o cloves. A similar odor in its root led to the formation of the name Gariofilata for Geum urbanum L,, perhaps this name ae occurs in Cire aint where Plateario — it is called so because it has the odor . Gariofifi or clov: Gariofilata was e form used by Plateario, the Sinonimia d’ Estense, Crescenzi, ad ‘Cetsipino’ ; Gary- pt by Da Manlio (and a predecessor, one Leonardus), Hieronymus Brunsvicensis, Anguillara, Dodoens, and Lonicer ; Ca? eee sortie by Matthioli, ere c Tad ee in, etc. Its names of later use had already occurred, Geum in Gesner ; Herda Benedicta (whence Herb — in both Brunfels and anes and Benedicta in n Hilde- gardis, about 1160, and in Albertus Magnus, At first it seems to have sometimes in- cluded Dianthus L. fide the ca cis of about 1200 A, D. in the Sinominia d’ Estense. i (Sansovino) and Garofano (Matthioli) were common Italian forms used for the carnation in the sixteenth century, also Gelofre, whence Gilliflower, old English for the carnation. Garyophyllon was likely occasionally to cover Aster also, re oma remarking the agi the odor of Aster roots to ‘* Garofano’’ blosso imilar medical ses also united mre! the ancient use of Aster for goitre, quinsy or r other tia diffi- Nias seems alm ted in gee regarding the Gelofre by Dame Juliana Berners in her Siar ** Boke of St, Albans’’ (on hawking, hunting, and pri ; printed nti when she directs ‘‘ for vag gowte in the throte’’ of hawks, *pistola Melchioris Guilandini Borusst (of Melchior Wieland the Prussian) was published at Basle, 1557, together with one by Gesner, both containing description of new plants. Like Anguillara, he roused the bitter hatred of Matthioli, publishing at Padua, in 1558, his 7%e.m, a pamphlet directed against certain of Mat- thioli’s identifications, and among others, that of Amellus, of which Guilandini asserted ‘* Aster Atticus Amellus non est,’’ see p. 383. Matthioli followed in rebuttal, 1562, with a thirty-page attack entitled ‘* 4dversus viginti problemata Melchioris Guilandini disputatio,’’ printed at Pavia by Ulmus, 1562, and again at Venice by Valgrisi. 1563: 2 Amatus Lusitanus or Joam R. Amato, who wrote at first under his name © Juan Rodriques de Castelblanco, a Portuguese philologist and botanist, believed to have been born at Lisbon, of Jewish parents, exiled from Spain in 1492, and later adopting Chris- Amatus LusITanus 387 As long before as 1553, Amatus had been scented by Matthioli as adangerous rival. At that time, when Amatus’ “ Evarrationes” on Dioscorides first appeared, letters kept coming to Matthioli, as Matthioli claims,* complaining of the “incredible intemperance of one Amathus + of Portugal.””. And now that edition after edi- tion of Amatus had come out in successive years, and finally one, iN 1558, which was larger even than Matthioli’s own, the rage of Matthioli burst out in fury, and he charged Amatus as heretic and a “semihebraeus,” so increasing the activity of the Inquisition against Amatus that he “ was hunted .from place to place,” says Meyer, “like a wild beast.” t This enlarged edition of Amatus, published at Leyden, in _ 1558, an octavo of 807 pages, was supplemented by notes by Robertus Constantinus, and’ by figures from Fuchs, Dalechamps and others. Matthioli quickly issued, in 1558 fide Trew, from the house of his usual publisher Valgrisi at Venice, an attack upon _ Amatus which he entitled “ Afologia adversus Amathum Lusi- fanum,” following it with his “ Censwra in Amathi Lusitani enar- Tationes,”’ § __ Among the Compositae treated is ‘‘ Helenium,” 7. ¢., elecam- _ Pane, concerning which, page 10, Matthioli quotes with scorn _ Matus's very apt discrimination between Pliny’s bitter Helenium : ‘nd his Sweet lentisk-leaved spreading Helenium. Because Mat- tanity, He travelled through France, the Netherlands, Germany and Italy , toe ge _, ents on Dioscorides at Antwerp, 1536 (very rare) ; was court physician in Poland ; 4 won ™mproved, more than a half larger, and with the addition of figures. Apologia adversus Amathum, 6, : a 4s of a ys ioli Pertinaciously calls Amatus Amathus ‘the simpleton,’’ instea ae us, 6é the beloved.”’ : Yell tus fled to Ancona, losing in his flight the MS. of his Latin translation he had i a hand from a Hebrew version of Avicenna. To his translation he was a ™ centuriae septem.’ sated together Y Spy of these counterblasts, Valgrisi, Venice, 1559, the two P hich Matthioli Pagination, 46 pages, considers 121 different plants over whic a 388 Aster History: MATTHIOLI thioli had confused the two, Amatus had said of him, “ Matthiolus ... duplici errore hallucineretur.” Matthioli answering ascribed his apparent error as “ per Typographum.” Other grounds of difference were the identification of Artemisia, Matricaria and Cotula; and, page 43, of Chrysanthemum, which Amatus had deemed to be the Calendula or marigold, the Caltha of Greece and Rome, some manuscripts of Dioscorides reading Caltha in place of Chrysanthemum. Matthioli observes that if Amatus had like Matthioli “varia Dioscoridis exemplaria habuisset ad manus,” and especially those “ learnedly restored,” he would have found yalxas written, not xd/0a, LXXVI. JoacHim CAMERARIUS In Germany the heir to Matthioli—by use of his text—and the heir to Gesner, by use of his figures, was Joachim Camerarius * the younger, author of the celebrated Camerarius’ Kreuterbuch, of 1590 and many subsequent editions. Joachim Camerarius the elder, was a philologist, born in Bam- berg, Bavaria, 1500; was educated at Leipsic ; and died there in 1574; is known as the biographer and editor of Melancthon ; but not as a botanist. Joachim Camerarius the younger, 1534-1598, the herbalist, and the “esteemed physician of Nuremberg,” had usually Feyera- bend of Frankfort as his publisher, and demands our present thought chiefly in connection with three + works as follows *_ 1. Camerarius’ “ De plantis Epitome,’ Frankfort, 1586 (ex bibl. Columbia), based on Matthioli; contained 4 figures of Asters (as interpreted in Schmiedel’s index of plant figures of Gesner and Camerariust); one of which was an early figure of Aster otany- cS Besides the elder and younger Joachim Camerarius, there was the Tubingen family * century later, of which was the famed Rudolf Jakob Camerarius, 1665-1721, died in Tiibingen, Wurtemberg ; physician and botanist, the author, 1694» of ma famed ‘‘ De sexu plantarum epistola’’ ; followed by Alexander, Elias and Fiias Rudolf, Camerarius, of Tubingen, all of whom published botanical dissertations 1690-1727: + Besides which he was author of ‘* Opuscula...de re rustica,” Nuremberg, 1577? 53 foll., enlarged 1596 to 239 p.; and of Symdolorum.,.Centuria,” Nuremberg, 159% 110 foll. with roo elegant wood cuts, and in new editions as late as 1697- 9 $Schmiedel’s ‘* /ndex Figuraram Conr. Gesneri et Joach. Camerarii,”” ©4 a Gesner’s Opera Botanica, Pars 1, Nuremberg, 1751 ; ex /idr. Bu.). CAMERARIUs’ ASTERS 389 Alpinus L., then under the name Aster Alticus caeruleus alpinus, showing leaf, floret and fruit separately, and showing a globular villous swelling just above the root, developing clustered leaves ; “hirsuta vesicula quae adnasci solet,” says Camerarius of this swell- ing and fascicle; it is a strong example of that suppression of internodes which is so very common in asters, with or without bulbous enlargement. Fuchs’ figure of Aster Amellus L., 1542, had shown the beginning of rosette formation of this kind. Camerarius’ three other Aster figures include two of Aster Atticus, retained from Matthioli (see p. 385) and one of some Congener labelled by Camerarius “Aster Atticus luteus,” fide Schmiedel, or in copy ex &16/, Columbia, ‘‘ Aster flore luteo, Stern- kraut mit gelden Blumen, Alpe.’ This was deemed by C. Bauhin to be his Aster luteus radice odora y which is Zuzla odora L. 2. Camerarius’ Hortus medicus et Philosophicus, the title adding “with many new figures, and remarks on habitats, cultivation and plant philology ”»—F rankfort, 1588 (ex “ér. Greene). An appendix of “56 new figures” is usually added. Three Asters are described, P. 23, under these names ; Aster Atticus flore coeruleo : Aster Atticus luteus, latifolius et angustifolius (= Padlenis spinosa Cass.) : Aster Atticus repens Clusii (= Buphthalmum maritimum L.). Of the first mentioned, Aster Amellus L., Camerarius remarks : _ “in Franconia ad Rhenum copiose proveniens. Ejus duas habemus is differentias - qui maturius floret minus alte assurgit quam qui serius.’’ 3. Camerarius’ Kreuterbuch, a translation of Matthioli into German, with many additions; Frankfort, 1590, folio, 465 foll.; "printed 1598, 1600, 1611. Seven Aster figures * are given, one Oe _ "These seven Aster figures of Camerarius continued to reappear, all or all but one, ™ Works based on Camerarius for the next 150 years; as the followi Becher’ s Paradisus Medicinalis, Ulm, 1662 ; being the second part ‘* Phytologia,’’ f the German natural history in four books of this name Para- Which claims to treat of «all the animals, plants and minerals known to the itan school and to contain over 1200 figures; by Jn. Joachim Becher of . Cons Szascha's “* Kraeuterbuch,’’ Basle, 1678; a German translation of Matthioli’s ~ lum, by Bernard Verzascha ; with figures of Camerarius throughout. ‘ , - a is an enlarged edition of Verzascha, in German, by Theodor Ganges, son Ainger’s Theatrum Botanicum ; new edition, in German, by Friedrich Zwinger, 4 the preceding ; enlarged to 1216 p.; Basle, 1744, folio. 390 Aster History: CAMERARIUS of “ Aster Atticus, Bubonium, Inguinalis” (= Aster Amellus L.). Aster Atticus secundus, Aster alius flore /uteo, Aster Atticus /uzeus, Aster Atticus peregrinus, Aster Atticus caeruleus alpinus and Aster Atticus mznor. Of these, all after the first (= Aster Amellus L.) were yellow- flowered species, chiefly of Buphthalmum ; except the two last, which represent Aster alpinus L. LAST APPEARANCES OF MONOTYPIC ASTER Rivius to Esrsart, Moranpi AND QuINcy, 1543-1783 LA AVEL. RIVIVS In 1543 began the series of editions of Dioscorides from the celebrated printing house of Egenolph * in Frankfort, the inception of which according to Meyer rested with Egenolph himself, “ who called to his aid Walter Hermann Ryff, a physician born in Stras- burg but living in Mainz.” Ryff styles himself a disciple of Brun- fels, whom he calls ‘shi olim praeceptor charissimus.” Ryff made up his edition of Dioscorides by the use of Ruellius’ Latin translation, to which Egenolph added small figures reduced from Fuchs’ Historia of 1542, an act of literary piracy which was cause of bitter controversy + but without legal redress. Ryff added * Christian Egenolph, the Frankfort publisher, had printed in 1533 the Germee Gart der Gesundheit, edited by the Frankfort city-physician, Eucharius Rhodion oF Réslin, and with new figures mostly from nature and mostly ve with it the Distillierbuch of Hieronymus Braunschwig with about 200 figures; issuing two other editions of this later; see p. 322. ‘ + Fuchs had already begun, in 1542, a controversy with Egenolph, blaming bim for what he called ‘crass errors’? in Eucharius Rhodion’s work of 1533- Now the boldness of Ryff and Egenolph in appropriating his figures roused Fuchs to @ ge n Rivi now and in the year following upon Egenolph. Rivius’ original dedication wa written in Sept., 1543, at Frankfort, and on the 12th of Feb., 1544, Fuchs finish j Tubingen the preface to his answer or Afo/ogia, loading even the title with invective, calling Rivius malicious, and veteratoris pessimus, the Latin title (see Pritzel, No. 3433) explaining that his object was ‘‘ to show how in the false fabric woven round the me : Di rides and recently issued from the printing house of Egenolph, many, 19 “ae nearly all, of the figures of plants had been meanly stolen from those figures cut 95, Fuchs’ own commentary,’’ the ‘* De stirpium historia.”’ This Apologia is an octavo of 11 leaves, printed by Isengrin at Basle, 15443 . 4 &' 4 ¢ * SP te, Se ede Rivius’ Aster DeEscrIPTion 391 notes which were also only in part his own, large portions being taken verbatim from Fuchs. The figures number 595. The figure of Aster Atticus was itself such a reduction of Fuchs’ large original, of 1542. This reduction was quickly reproduced by Fuchs’ own printers in the smaller editions of Fuchs’ Historia, as of 1545 (ex di6/. Colu.) and 1551 (ex didr. Bu.). Ryff’s figure of Aster, 1543, was about 4 \% x 2 inches, with about 5 heads; in my own copy uncolored ; in that of Prof. E. L. Greene, the figures had been all rudely hand-colored, the Aster rays being a purplish violet around a yellow disk.* Comparing the text of Rivius’ notes on Aster to observe his slight changes from Fuchs, we find that Rivius’ first section, his “ Nomina,” is different ; it reads as follows: “Graece dorinp drtais, Sov8dvop. Latiné, aster Atticus, in- guinalis. Officinis inusitata. Germanis Sternkraut, Klein meger- kraut. Gallis Aspergoutte menue dicitur.” Rivius’ Explicatio which follows, seven lines, is almost word for word that of Fuchs, regarding the source of the names, from “Asteris nomen” to “dicta est’’; then Rivius adds ‘ Germanis Bruchkrautt, qui ad herniam puerorum utuntur.”’ Fuchs’ “ Forma’ is then almost entirely omitted, Rivius con- tinuing with: ‘*Flores fert, aut luteos aut purpureos.’’ Copy is in the Dresden library. Fuchs’ second attack, on Egenolph 1545, was a similar brochure, « Responsto’’ of Fuchs against ‘‘ the mendacious calumnies, unworthy of a Christian man, uttered by that Christianus Egenolphus,’’ etc.; who buying up every copy of the pamphlet, Fuchs was out with another issue in Aug., 1545. Cornarius, praised b Rivius, meanwhile took up the side of Rivius in this contro- wetsy with Fuchs and published in March, 1545, at Egenolph’s house in Frankfort, a little Pamphlet of 19 leaves attacking Fuchs by name, styling the pamphlet ‘‘ Vie/pecula *x¢oriata.’? Fuchs responded in a similar pamphlet ‘‘ Cornarrius furens’’ (Basle, 1545) 5 itis to be observed that the only copy known (in 4747. Vienna) breaks off at the Z Cornarius quickly replied in another pamphlet, Aug., 1545, ‘* Mitra ac Brabyla Pro Vulpecula,” etc., adding in the title itself that the nitre was to be € More Cornarius amused himself with a third squib, purporting to give the end of Fuchs, “ Vulpecula Catastrophe’? (Egenolph, 1546) and issued his three diatribes together as <* Fuchseides I1].”? We regret that this acute commentator on Dioscorides (see P+ 339) should have spent his last years in raising such unworthy monuments to own memory, * The 1543 edition of Ryff seems rare, at least Meyer complains that he could not obtain a copy, though he did of th itions of 1545 and 1549: in which last Ryft’s mime appears changed to Rivius, and the figures increased to 786 (ex 4i8/. Colu.). 392 Aster History: THE LONITZERS Rivius then repeats what Fuchs stated under the heads Locus, Tempus and Temperamentum, nearly verbatim, and there ends; omitting Fuchs’ “ Vires,” as that would have repeated the proper- ties Rivius had already stated in Dioscorides’ text on the same page. LXXVIII. Joun LoNITZER Johannes Lonicerus, the renowned philologist and theologian, professor in Marburg till about 1557, was, like his son Adam, a botanical writer as well as classicist. His Latin translation of Nicander with Scholia, was printed by Soter at Cologne, 1531. Another work followed, his Scholia on Dioscorides, based on Marcellus Vergilius’ translation. This work, printed by Egenolph, bears the imprint ‘‘ Marburg, Aug. 1543, with its own separate pagination, but bound in* with the Aznota- tions of Ryff on Dioscorides printed by Egenolph at Frankfort, and prefaced in Sept. of the same year.—Lonicerus’ notes, fol. 67, on Aster Atticus, Bk. IV., C. 115, are noteworthy only in their names. He heads them “ De Astere Attico, sive inguinali herba.” He, or Egenolph, uses two marginal headings, ‘‘ Asteris Attici vocabula,” and “ Stellae Atticae vires.” His notes are as follows: “ Aster Atticus, id est, stella Attica, asteriscus, id est, stellula, asterion, id est, stellula, bubonion, id est, inguinalis. Hyophthal- mon, id est, suillus oculus. Rathibis barbarum est, a foliolis stellae similibus nomen huic herbae est inditum stellaria. Ger- manice Sternkraut, Galenus Astera Atticum, sunt qui bubonium, id est, inguinalem nominent, quod non solum emplastri modo ap- posita haec herba inguina sanet, verumetiam alligata iisdem mede- atur.”’ LXXIX. Apam LoniITzER Adam, son of John Lonitzer, born in Marburg 1528, studied medicine at Mentz 1551, obtaining his doctorate there 1553, and marrying on the same day the daughter of Egenolph. After holding a professorship of medicine at Mentz he returned to Frankfort to live with Egenolph, where he died 1586. His prin- cipal + work is his Kreuterbuch, 1557,in German, with 708 figures (ex libr. Bu.), which repeated on folio 177, the figured Aster * So at least in my own copy and that of Prof. E. L. Greene. } Preceded 1551 and 1555 by his ‘* Naturalis Historia.” | | | | LONITZER’S ScHAaRTENBLUMEN 393 Atticus reduced from Fuchs. The chapter on Aster Atticus is his “cap. 83,’’ headed “ Schartenblumen oder Sternkraut, Latine Aster Atticus,” and adds nothing, but repeats the old story of its flowers shining in the night till “they frighten men who think they see the devil ” ; and adds the uses connected with the name bubonion, A second edition, 1560 (ex /idr. Meyer), increased the figures to 820; and in 1565 a Latin edition appeared. No similar work teached so many editions; five followed his death before 1616. Its value, says Meyer, is as in all Egenolph’s publications, very unequal; some figures were from nature, some from Bock, Fuchs and others. He was no more a plant observer than was Ryff, but he had more learning. His work is derived from Rhodion, from the Distillierbuch, from Crescenzi, and with a large addition from himself. LXXX. UFFENBACH Although belonging to a date beyond the limits set for this sketch of Aster history, in one sense Uffenbach, Durante, Ehrhart, Salmon, Quincy and Morandi belonged strictly to the subject, for they form a series which continued, 1585-1783,—or really from Johann von Cuba, 1485,—to present essentially a monotypic Aster down to a time two centuries beyond Clusius. A few words, therefore, for their work ; considered at this place, because of the similarity of their series to that of Camerarius, Becher, Verzascha and Zwinger, 1586-1744, Peter eee head physician from Wetzlar who had Studied in Italy, of whose personality little is known, but who was called “ Chay urgus,” and “ein beruhmter Medicus,” was the transla- tor into German in 1609 of the Italian herbal of Castor aera Work which had been very popular in Italy. _ Uffenbach's ge . ton appeared at Frankfort, in quarto, by name of “ Hortulus ee latis,”” oy « Gaertlein der Gesundheit, in which all plants are ; ea of Tsetibed,” It is generally supposed to be a npc ‘ : Urante’s Eydario of 1585, though Haller suggests Swe wes the Tom the earlier work of Durante of 1666: Uffenbach igures fe M™é usual Aster in it, under the name “ Aster Atticus gaps Uffenbach, after the death of Adam Lonitzer, edited cere hitzer’s Kreuterbuch, 1616 and 1630. ‘Trew says that! 394 Aster History: UFFENBACH bach’s part consisted in the explanation and correction of certain inappropriate figures. Uffenbach died in 1635,* but further editions under his name kept appearing, at Frankfort in 1650, 1679, 1713, at Ulm in 1703, 1713, 1737, 1765, 1776, and at Augsburg 1783. These, beginning 1737, bore also a long title, adding the name of Balthazar Ehrhart as reviser, though Meyer claims that his work was not evident beyond the title. Ehrhart died July, 1756, pro- nounced by Meyer unskilful in botany as a science, but to be remembered as a plant collector, especially in the Alps, and notable because he was first to put up collections of plants for sale. *Peter Uffenbach also edited, 2d, a revised edition, 1610, of the German Dioscorides (‘‘ Dioscorides, Kreuterbuch durch Io. Dantzium ner eae v.n. Petro iol. ffenbachi aufs neu ington: nis Frankfort, 1610”’ ; folio; ex. . Uffenbach). as author, 3d, of Comments de re rustica, included b os Gesner in the toe ret rusticae, 1735; — ce last and 20th of Gesner’s series of post-classical annotators —— g with Cresce 4th, o Wiel medical nts i Pantheum medicinae selectum, 1603 (fide Z. Cc. Uentach's Yeus by Schelhorn, Ulm, 1753). 5th, ‘‘Petri Uffenbachii Thesaurus Chirurgia, continens Laem Auctorum Opera Chi sas ’ Frankfort, 1610 (ex. 676/. Z. C. Uffe the same ancient family, ennobled by the Emperor Rndoalf a sbibags the series of learned men of Frankfort, including Peter Uffenbach’s contemporary Achillez Uffenbach, the latter’s grandson John Christopher von Uffenbach (‘‘ counsellor, 1683, a learned man of the reformed faith” ) whose sons Zacharia and John, also counsellors of Frankfort, became distinguished as litterateurs, musicians and collectors, of whom objec religious songs, Die Nachtfolge Christi, 1726, etc.; the elder brother, Zacharia Conrad ab Uffenbach, 1683-1735, a agar 1721, was as dlines of the magnificent Uffen- bach library, catalogued by him in the four volumes of his Bibliotheca Uffenbachiana universalis, Frankfort, 172 ee ; and in his Ardbliotheca tng Halle, 1720. is library was dispersed by auction at Frankfort, Mar. 7, 1735 (fide its catalogue ex 261. Colu. Geared perhaps 12,000 books). To the fs ‘slaueet a copy of the Bartholomaeus Anglicus of Basle (now ex libr. Bu.); a copy of Vincent de Beau- vais’ Speculum, ‘atatel ‘*per Io. Mentellin, ieoaes .Artis Typographicae Inventorem. Circa medium saec., XV’’ ; and among dated books, some 187 before 1500, the Serapion of we (and that of 1525), pola of 1482, Breydenbach’s Peregrinatio of 1486, both Latin and German editions, two copies of Koberger’s Vergil of 1492, Schonsperger’s ‘‘ Herbarius’’ of 1488 and another of castes both with colored figures ; also another Bartholomaeus Anglicus, of Strasb 91; Zn enbach carried on a vast correspondence, te in part by his friend Gebsthors, r Faas epistolici Uffenbachiani’’ (Ulm, 1753-6, 5 vols.) ; who also published Uffenbach’s ‘‘ Journeys through Lower Saxony, Holland and England” (** Reisen,’ Ulm, 1753-4). Other MSS. of Uffenbach remained unprinted, as his ‘«Glossarium germanicum Medii aevi.’’ DurRAnTE’s ASTER HEXAMETERS 395 So from 1533 to 1783 we may trace the succession of Egenolph’s botanical outflow, the text of the Gart der Gesundheit as edited by Rhodion in 1533, receiving successive augmentation and revision through the many issues of the Areuterbuch. Meyer remarks that though neither the woodcuts nor the text actually promoted the advancement of knowledge, yet they added vastly to its diffusion and formed for a long time the most trusted and widely used handbook of botany. LXXXI. Castor DuRANTE Castor Durante, compiler of the great Italian herbal, was born at Gualdo near Spoleto, and died at Viterbo in 1590 while court-physician to Pope Sixtus V. He was author of De Bonitate ... alimentorum, Pisa, 1565, in Latin, a rare book (its Italian translation, // Tesoro della sanita, Venice, 1586, was often feprinted) ; and was author of the better known Herbarto Nuovd ; in Italian; Rome, 1 385 and often afterwards, with translation in Spanish and German. It is alphabetically arranged ; each chapter is introduced by the Italian name of the plant, followed by a small woodcut copied from Fuchs or Matthioli and measuring es ie by 2% in.;* then follow hexameters on the healing poece of Plant, written by Durante in the manner of Macer Floridus ; an then, under separate headings, the ‘‘ Nomi, Forma, Loco, Tempo, Qualita, Virtu.” The hexameters on Aster, p. 53, are as follows : Atticus Aster habet turgentia discutiendi Guttura vim, pueris morbos pellitque caducos ; Morsibus atque canis rabiosi imponitur herba haec, Serpentesque, incensa fugat; lachrimisque —, Ardenti et stomacho prodest, sedique cadenti, Inguinibusque simul, coxendicis atque dolori. oe * . “ec i) ! Then follow the Nomi, among which are Aes pent ; Franc, petitte Espargoutte, pe eongen aes | li Ve ‘rgile intended], inguinale. The description whi ’ Fit also the Italian name Stella a’ Atene. — = * Vi ice in 1617, credits all the Meyer, whose copy was of the folio edition of Veni we and in that of Ve: to Fuchs; but in the first edition of 1585 (a my Oe re ang of 1636 (ex lib. E. L. Greene), the Aster Atticus a | co . ¢d from Matthioli. Changes in editions are slight, t's MUSES, p. 57 in 1636. figure occurring OM P- - 396 Aster History: DURANTE The description is derived from Matthioli chiefly ; states that the leaves are like those of the olive but smaller; the taste sharp and bitterish; the root capillary and of a not unpleasant odor: ' «and adds that another Aster has the flowers wholly yellow,” re- ferring to Pallenis, the Aster Atticus alter of Matthioli. Durante follows with the virtues recounted by Dioscorides, not omitting those derived from Cratevas, and the uses as an amulet. LXXXII. Moranp1 Giambattista Morandi, a later Italian writer on materia medica, was author of a Historia botanica practica, Milan, 1744, which treats (fide copy ex fbr. Greene) only two Asters; and one of them is the elecampane ; the author still holding so primitive and crude a conception as to include /uula Helenium in Aster. His other Aster is “ Aster Atticus,’ which he describes, p. 27, saying “its flowers are like a little Cal/endu/a, its petals are many and violet purple, it blooms in August, grows in a variety of places, and is called Juguinalis and Inguinaria.’ He quotes the medical uses given by Dioscorides and Galen, but adds nothing new. His edition of 1761 (ex 676/. Columbia) reprints the above, p. 27, but separates elecampane from Aster. LXXXIII. Parkinson Parkinson’s celebrated Paradisus, London, 1629, mentions Aster Atticus as usual, p. 299; treats it as with yellow and purple flowers, as if of two species ; agrees with Matthioli that the purple is the true Aster Atticus and is the Amellus; and cites its occa- sional name in England as the Purple Marigold,—* because it is so like unto one in form.” Of its virtues Parkinson says, ‘they are held to be good for the biting of a mad dogge, ... as also for swolne throats ; likewise for botches that happen in the groine.”’ On p. 516 the Jerusalem artichoke, potato and sunflower occur served up together under the name Aster Peruanus, Parkinson quoting from Fabio Colonna in the second part of his Phytoba- sanos 1616, the ‘ Flos Solis Farnesianus * sive Aster Peruanus tuberosus.”” Parkinson’s figure seems based on Jerusalem Arti- *No Asters appear in the ‘‘ Hortus Farnesianus,’’ of Tobia Aldino Cesenate, Rome, 1725. Lon 1 PARKINSON, SALMON AND QUINCY 397 choke, but he adds that it is called ‘‘ battatas de Canada, Potatoes of Canada or Artichokes of Jerusalem.” Parkinson’s later 7heatrum Botanicum, 1640, belongs to a dif- ferent sphere; mentioning 20 Asters, pages 128-132, of which four are yellow-flowered American allies, and two others are Amer- ican but of doubtful identity. Parkinson in 1640 was now follow- ing Lobel in figuring Pad/enis as true Aster Atticus, although re- marking that some were latterly claiming “the purple marigold” as the true original. LXXXIV. SALMon William Salmon, “ Professor of Physick,” and London herbal- ist, dwelling at “the Blew Ball in Shoo-Lane,” was author of the “Pharmacopoeia Londinensis ; or the New London Dispensatory in VI books. Translated into English for the Publick Good, and Fitted to the whole Art of Healing,”’ * London, 1677; 2d edn., 1682. One Aster, Aster Atticus, appears among the 737 plants treated, forming chapter 64, p. 34, as follows: f we 64, Aster Atticus, Stellaria, "Aatyp ’Actex0s, Starwort ; = e called also Hypothalmon (sc) and Asterion ; temperate “ id int*. It is good against the Quinsie and the Epilepsie in sete chiefly the flowers. Externally the leaves in a Cataplasm, ogre ates and suppurates botches, Imposthumes and venerious buboes.”” } LXXXV. QUINCY : n monotypic He was the “« Dispensa- ill retained *D this Age,”’ whom he entreats ‘‘ Become, Sir! the patron . » the performance of this, Your Majesties Countenance alone 1s enoug Smile will add Life to these Undertakings.”’ +. +. Galmon’s translation, aS I quote from the 2d edn., 1682 (ex “ior. Bu.). This 1s one d by the Fellows he _ » from the Latin of «the London Dispensatory, lately Reforme ist living, of the College of Physicians.”’ {Salmon was also author of an herbal, his ‘ Long inc} . ish Herbal,” logia; the Englis Botanolog sat English plants, i index. ude no Aster, though several species are so c@ ogued in the : " From this Dispensatory developed the Pharmac : .. 1739, which after translation into German 4s the se _ 17) Served as basis of the Medical Dictionary of Hooper °° 398 AsTER History: DODOENS Aster Atticus among its medical plants, with the virtues ascribed to it by the ancients. So tenacious has been the hold of Dios- corides upon the race. CLUSIUS AND HIS COUNTRYMEN LXXXVI. DopoENs Rembert Dodoens or Dodonaeus Mechliniensis,—oldest of the three Antwerp botanists, friends and collaborators, Dodoens, Clusius and Lobel,—was born in 1517 at Malines (Mecheln or Mechlin) where his father Dodo Dodoens, a Frieslander born, was a merchant. Early a student of the University of Louvain, he was licensed in medicine in his 18th year ; in 1535-1546 he sought broader education in medicine in many German, French and Italian universities, and finally at Basle ; in 1548 was made city physician of Malines; wrote this year his “ /sagoge cosmographica,” and began to write in Flemish the History of Plants or Cruydeboeck which occupied most of the rest of his life. Later he was physi- cian to King Philip II at Madrid, in 1574 to Maximilian II at Vienna, 1576-9 to his successor at Vienna, Rudolf II; there meeting with his friend and fellow-countrymen, Clusius, who was in charge, about 1573, of the Royal Garden; and with his old colleague, the famed physician, Crato von Kraftheim, with whom he became unfortunately drawn into controversy. Returningin 1582 to his native Malines, just then plundered a second time by Spanish troops, he accepted a medical profes- sorship at Leyden; he published the following year at Ant- werp his botanical masterpiece, his Pemptades, and died in 1586, aged 68. Meyer remarks of him that in his works we find the first flora of the Netherlands; and that he marks an advance toward a classification of plants, of which he himself says in his Pemptades, “de ordine non exigua accessit solicitudo.’’ But the conclusion of Dodoens was that Dioscorides’ plan was still the most practicable, to class according to properties, and only secon- darily according to form. Dodoens’ Cruydeboeck,* his famous Flemish herbal, begun in * The 4th book of the Cruydeboeck was the first to be printed, 1552, by the name of De frugum historia, with figures mostly from Fuchs. Figures for the first three books fol- DopoeEns’ Sverrecruyr 399 1548, partly printed in 1552, completely in 1554, and in second, or properly third edition 1 563, contained up to that last date (ex ‘4b. Colu.) but one Aster, page 54; with good figure, derived probably from Fuchs ; an abstract, in translation, is as follows : “« Aster Atticus or Sterrecruyt “Names. This plant is in Greek named Aster Atticus and Boubonion ; Latin, Aster Atticus, or Inguinalis; in Vergil, Flos Amellus ; in high Dutch, Megerkraut, Bruchkraut, Scartenkraut, Stenkraut ; in French, Aspergoutte menue. “Description” following is much as in Fuchs, short and of about twice as much space as the preceding Nomina. In the next Flemish edition of the Cruydt-boeck * which I have been able to compare, the immense folio of 1608,{ 1,580 Pages besides copious index, Aster is treated in 4 species, in the body of the work, and a supplement is added in which Clusius’ and Lobel’s Asters are inserted, and reference is made to Tripolium 48 properly an Aster. - Dodoens’ Pemptades § published three Asters in the first edition of 1583 (ex libr. E. L. Greene), p. 265-6; Aster Atticus (= A. Le When in 1554 formed a 4 copy is in the Royal Libr. of Brussels. ; scat tte 2d edn., so-called, 1563, contained 817 figures, 500 of which oie Other editions followed to 1644 ; all at Antwerp., is A Latin translation, by Dodoens himself, with 133 new figures, @PF od baie 576, printed by Plantin, Antwerp. : ‘cinal, having oe French translation, by Clusius, properly a second edition of the a by aig “DY additions from Dodoens’ own hand, appeared at Antwerp, 1557; — ees © 584 pp., a rare work, entitled Histoire des plantes, its last 35 pages orcuP by Clusius, his Perit recuetil; see p- 407- eA pewe Engli we Lyte, by name of “A me oe ¥ nglish translation from the French, by Henry “s ee in England in an Ww; nt by Wm. Ram, onidoss 2606, known as ‘ Ram’s little PvP oop title in this and following editions spelled Cruydt-boeck- i on InN. Y., June 14, I90!. fers i jp, nettioned by Pritzel ; C. Bauhin, Pinax, under t . toe 99 P ‘ . ( ge and with thirty-six new figures ” «« Nomina authorum, ¥e- ie 860 pages, with 1105 fig 16. coer press, 1O10, € Cruydeboeck. The second edition, also from sop ant mnciatis,”” a and 19 figures, but was in substance 4 reprint (“pau 400 Aster History: DopoEns Amellus L.) with Matthioli’s figure ; Aster Atticus supinus (= Buph- thalmum maritimum L.), with Clusius’ figure; and a third, his “‘lutet floris”’ of doubtful identity, regarded by C. Bauhin as same as Bauhin’s own Aster Atticus luteus VII (Pinax, 266), perhaps only an expansion of the idea that there must be a yellow species to match the purple one just described; and it may be from this fact, being not found in nature, that Dodoens fails to provide any figure for it. His description for it is rearranged from Pena and Lobel, 1570 (see p. 403), and seems first introduced by Dodoens in 1574 into his Latin translation, fide C. Bauhin. Dodoens then follows with the synonyms for Aster Atticus, which he gives in the main as in the Cruydeboeck, adding two Spanish names, Bobas and Estrellada, and one French, Estoille ; omitting “‘in Vergil Flos Amellus,” and saying instead “ Putatur et is, qui purpurei est floris, a Virgilio Amellus nuncupati flos,’ concerning which he then quotes from the Georgics, concluding by adding the properties as given by Galen and then as given by Dioscorides. The 1616 edition of Dodoens’ Pemptades (ex libr. Bu. and ex bibl. N. Y. Bot. Garden) differs in regard to Aster only in the occurrence of the chapter (24) on pages 266-7 or one page forward. LXXXVII. Loser Matthias de L’Obel, Latinized as Lobelius and Anglicized as Lobel, youngest of the three great botanists of Flanders, was born in Lille (in French Flanders) 1538, studied before 1566 under Rondeletius * at Montpellier, botanized thence through southern France, pursued botanical studies at Narbonne with Peter Pena, then journeyed in upper Italy, Switzerland, Germany and England.* Becoming a practising physician at Antwerp, and then at Delft, he was called by William, Prince of Orange, to be his court physician in 1584; and was later in London, as “ Royal Botanographer ”’ to King James I.{ He died in 1616, aged 78, at Highgate, London, where he had lived for some years with a married daughter. *G, Rondelet, the French naturalist, 1 507-1566; author of ‘‘Animadversiones”’ on drugs, printed by Lobel, 1576. t According to Pulteney, he was in England in 1570 and there dedicated the (rare) first edition of his Adversaria to Queen Elizabeth in that year, finding a sponsor 1? Lord Zouch, and making additions to Lord Zouch’s garden at Hackney. } As appears in his edition of his Adversaria in 1605. LES ey ee ae eee eat Eee ae ea a ae ee Te LoBEL AND Pena’s ASTERS 401 Lobel’s botanical monuments are two, his Adversaria of 1570 and his Odservationes * of 1 576, commonly printed together to form his “ Historia plantarum.” His first work was the St#irpinm Adversaria nova ; Purfoot’s London editions, dedicated to Queen Elizabeth, 1570, 1571, 1572; edition at Antwerp, 1576; then reissued under the changed title Dilucidae simplicium at London, 1605, Leyden 1616, and F rankfort, 1651. Petrus Pena, his instructor at Narbonne, was joint author, according to the title page, his name preceding that of Lobel. There is no other indica- tion of their relative proportion of authorship, except that a pecu- liar and imperfect Latinity observable here, continues through all of Lobel’s works, and seems to indicate that though Pena may have gathered in southern France a large part of the materials, the final elaboration was due to Lobel. The Aster descriptions of Lobel and of Pena are as follows : 1 (Pallenis spinosa, Cassini), “Aster sive Stella Attica Monspeliensium, aureo flore,”? Adv, 147. Translating the Latin, ‘‘ The name of Attic Star has arisen i from the flower, at least from the leaflets surrounding that in the manner of a star, as Dioscorides seems to have expressed it; no other plant of to-day can be more fitl $0 designated than that called Aster Monspelliensium in that place, in the Norbonensian Tegion, a very familiar plant about the margins of meadows and brooks “* It produces a golden flower in summer, rounded but compressed, nor with as much of swelling roundness as that of Buphthalmum [ Anéhemis tinctoria L.] and Chrysan- * Lobel’s works, written wholly by himself, include, 1. “ Plantarum... Historia’’ or “ Stirpium Observationes,’? Antwerp, 1576, 671 P. and over 1,200 figures, mostly from Clusius or Dodoens, whose works were printed chiefly by the same publisher, Plantin. 2. “* Kruydtboeck,’’ Plantin, Antwerp, 1581, 1306 p ; 562 figures, mostly from Clusius ; a Flemish translation of his preceding works, but on better paper and with Some of the figures improved and larger i ‘ie Pisibviy fas in” Paint: 1581, the figures of the Kruydtboeck, without text ; cited throughout by Linnaeus, in his Species plantarum. 4. ‘* Stirpium illustrationes,”’ a small posthumous work (without figures) of 211 Pages (so Meyer; 170, Pritzel who did not include 41 unnumbered pages), edited by William How, and printed in Latin by Warren at London, 1655, from a rough and half-finished Latin MS., in which Lobel had begun, at instance of Lord Zouch, a com- Prehensive botanical treatise, but which How charged Parkinson (who had died 1650) with having purloined and withheld. Meyer praises Lobel’s preface as the first notice of the fact that « the plants which are found on mountain-tops are found in plains and depressed regions further north.’’ th t The 1570 edn. had 457 p. and 268 figures; the 1576 edn. and 1605 — d Same to p. 456, according to Dryander ; the 1576 edn. had but little addition, only 471 P. in all; that of 1605 grew to 549 p. Meyer surmises, 4 : 158 +. 402 AstTER History: LOBEL themum [probably C. segetum L. particularly]. The flower is surrounded by five or six narrow mucronate rigid and rather long leaflets, somewhat resembling a s¢e//a marina [starfish]. The stems are a foot, or three or four feet, hard, hirsute, covered wholly with oblong leaves like those of Lychnis or Verbascum salvifolia tenuior, pilose, alittle rigid, green, tinged with brown. The root is composed of scattered fibers. The juice is astringent, bitterish, not acrid, nor particularly unpleasant. The seed resem- bles that of Anthemis. It is mature in August, or in September in gardens of France, Belgium or Germany. For it does not occur in the country in those regions. The leaflets of the roe ret purplish underneath in certain localities; not purplish within as in Tripolium,’ 2 (Lnula ee L. : (Pena and Lobel’s second Aster of 1570). ‘* Aster Italorum luteum fruticosum oleae folio Conisae facie,’’ Adv. 147; the name changed by Lobel Ods., 189, margin, to ‘* Aster luteus fruticosus’’ (so correcting the syntax). Pena and Lobel, 4dv. 147, say of it ‘It is very frequent not only in stony and dry places in Boutonnes (Bottonettus), and along the Monspelliac river Lanus at the bridge: [brief description follows]; with leaves of Olea Conisa or of Myrthu $s major, or eaee with habit and flower of Conisa ; yellow, and with pappus like Jacea [Senecio]. It is of un- certain use, It is uncertain if it can be the Amelus of Virgil. It seems indeed im- possible to maintain the opinion that it is the true Amelus or the Aster of Dioscorides.’’ This plant neg A appeared as an Aster as late as Scopoli, 1760, who called it Aster salicinus in his Flora Carniolica, Linnaeus had called it an Aster in his //ora Suecica, 1745; and so many writers before ; J. Bauhin and editors, 1650, still referring to it as deemed a kind of Aster Atticus [‘‘ quibusdam asteris attici genus,’’ /7/7s¢. 1049], by some, though themselves classing it under Conyza; Tabernaemontanus in 1588, calling it Buborium luteum, perpetuated in this other form the idea that it was the Aster Atticus or Bubonium of the ancients. A part of Tabernaemontanus’ Bubonium 1760, as Aster Bubonium, and giving rise to the subgeneric name Bubonium used by De Candle: for this his largest section of Inula in his Prodromus, 1836. Scopoli Aster Bubonium is the Inula spiraeifolia L., non Lam., fide DC., but is Zula squar- 33- Lobel, Ods. 189, a to his ‘* Aster luteus fruticosus’’ a variety, without separate name but simply headed << varietas’’; remarking that the variety is ‘‘in all things the same with the yellow form except that mixed with the yellow flowers purplish ones occur; nor does it turn so to pappus within [7 pappos dehiscentibus] ; in locality and growth it is like Aster Lunariacfolius Narbonensis ( Aster acris L.) but larger. It aoe! in Provence and about Narbonne and in Lombardy; and in gardens in Belgium.”’ The Bauhins, Tournefort and Linnaeus make no mention of this variety. ot ee * The same plant appears figured, Lobel’s Observationes, 188, the figure being sub- _ Stantially that used by Matthioli, 1563, and labelled by him ‘‘ Aster Atticus alter,” by Lobel here ‘* Aster Atticus,” with addition, p. 189, of properties from Dioscorides and Paulus Aegineta, both in Latin ee and with the usual citation of synonyms, including Bodas in Spain, probably derived from Clusius who found it current there in — and Oculus Christi at Sects which may have been derived from Lobel’s wn residence there prior to 1566, or from Clusius who was there 1550-1553; Rondelet and Pena who had long resided in that region. To both of these instructors of Lobel may be traced his name for it of ‘ Aster Monspelliensium ; Rondelet himself calls it Aster Atticus (Lobel, Ods., 664, publishing a posthumous fragment of Rondelet )- LOBEL AND PENA’s ASTERS 403 Lobel’s figure, Os. 188, intended for this Aster luteus fruticosus and labelled Aster Ltalorum, was a sak idigt Matthioli’s figure for Aster Atticus, and represent- ing Aster Amellus L. Mis y this figure, C. Bauhin in 1623 in his Pézax enumer- ated an ‘‘ Aster Atticus si Hi ”? which had no existence in nature, being a com- posite founded on Pena and Lobel’s description of their yellow-flowered Aster Jtalorum, lus Dodoens’ imaginary second or TS ee Aster as dics Clusius’ Aster Atticus paige which latter Proves to be the purple Aster A © give a correct interpretation of Soe and Lobel's ” Kina Italorum ”’ was ss spans in his Botanicum Monspeliense of 1676); ee ee who cleared up the subject in his Histoire des plantes...de Paris, 1698, showing how Pena and Lobel, and afterward C. Bauhin, had confused the two wholly te yellow and purple Pe 3: r acris L. = Galatella punctata DC., and scp the Ga/atella pane a of csi & Nees) Pena and Lobel’s third species, ‘* Aster m orbonensium tripolii e, Lynariae eg medio purpureum,”’ Adv. 1 ‘* Aster Pt cnetabine Narbon- 7 Lobel, 189, in reference made in another description ; figured 4dv. 147, with description, gob fh ‘cs Ane nly eer our nope of masasgeienes Aster and of the Amelus Vergilianus ; except t Places and stony hills, as an olivetum near Montpellier and another ‘ ad Castrum novum. The flowers certainly present the figure of little stars, with their many leaflets ee golden and purple, glistening with the mingled brilliance of Tripolium [mixto fulgo micantes Tripolii]. For by Dioscorides something purple mixed with poole is depicted, as is seen when he says, ‘ florum partem purpuream bubonis presidio esse.’ So indeed it is to be rendered, and so doctissimus Marcellus rendered it. In its slender virgate stems, a foot or a foot and a half high from one fibrous sod of root [it resembles Amellus]. little oblong leaves, narrower than in the preceding [/nu/a salicina] resemble Lynaria [ Lénaria vulgaris of modern botany and of Bock, Gesner and Ces- alpino]. It is similar on the whole but smaller and more slender than Tripolium, which expresses the Amelus Vergilianus still more clearly, both in locality, along streams and meadow borders and more open valleys, and in aspect of flower, leaves and stems, for Sometimes it grows wee and purple and its cymes show a beautiful forest of purpled Stars 2r the yellow (Jnula montana L.) ‘Aster montanis Seen to ries Obs. 189] iaplex praegrandi Helenii flore,’? Adv. 148, figure 149, with the description, ‘‘ These two plants merit the name of Aster, which, perivieety aa in rey lofty mountains of the Allobroges and Proven e, show a single blossom of shining magnitude. It is almost of the magnitude, cas and form of Helenium (J#u/a Helenium L.) on a single stem a cubit hi h, which is straight and slender, bearing brownish leaves in size like the Aster Italicus (Jnula salicina L.) and so similar that they are evidently the same [genus of ] plants. Succisae, aut Britannicae, Lugdunensis. [Succisa was a nam e used for “Nth by many contemporaries, as Matthioli, Fuchs, and Dodoens ; and under the name Succisa this /zu/a montana may have been c ultivated in Leyden, and also 5: (Jnula montana L.) “Aster montanus hirsutus,’’ Adv, 148, with name in in misplaced above the yk nee ; figured as “ [Aster] Alter folio et caule hir- Sutis, e aah- and deactihea nother, in height and in flower, is not unlike the pre- ceding, but with stem and ce hirsute, longer, . the same size and shape as our small Cynoglossum ; ; but with the root less fibrous.’ h Tabernaemontanus, 1588, distinguished this from the preceding, calling that “Aster montanus luteus mas,’’ and this ‘‘ Aster montanus luteus femina.”’ u 404 Aster History: Loser also retained them as distinct, but Linnaeus cited both of Bauhin’s names as synonyms for his Jnu/a montana. oe 1762, was still remarking that ‘‘in its calyx and its habit it is too close to the Ast 6. (Buphthalmum grandi sion um L.) ‘Aster conyzoides Gesneri” of Ods. 188, where it is figured, ‘‘Aster conyzoides. Conyzoides Gesneri’’ 189, with description, already quoted, p. 361 ”. (Buphthalmum maritimum L., later known as Asteriscus maritimum Moench. ) ‘* Aster atticus supinus clusii,’’ figured by this name Oés. 188, and described by the same name, 189, as ‘‘A plant which produces numerous rough-bristly din spread on the ground, given off from one root; it produces oblong hirsute leaves as of Lychnis or of Stella Attica, numerous and of a deeper green ; and a yellow flower as of Buph- thalmum or Chrysanthemum. Grows wild in certain places in Castile, according to 8. (Jnula dysenterica L., \ater known as oe dysenterica Gaertner) ‘Aster Atticus luteus Fuchsii et perperam calamintha tertia’’ is oth sagen y Lobel, Ods. 187, over the figure of his Conyza media, “familiar plant”? as he goes on to say, “in Bel- gium, France, Italy and Germany.’’ Fuchs (as edn. i 51, p. 427) had by some mis- take coupled a figure of Inula dysenterica L. with the name and mck gp of his ‘*Calaminthae tertium genus Galliae Calament aquatic, Mentastro simile.’’ Lobel's Chief Contribution to Aster-Knowledge He (including Pena’s work with his own) figured and described more species by the name of Aster than any one before him ; none of which, however, are now commonly classed under that genus. His descriptions contain but little borrowed matter, and show close and fond observation of plants in their native habitats,—s¢- diose observavimus, he says himself, Adv. 123. Throughout the Adversaria especially, written nearer to the time when Pena and Lobel were roaming the fields at Narbonne together, their Aster descriptions are redolent of the fresh fields, and are remarkable for their mention of exact localities, in which respect they stand as the pioneers in a new world, previous habitats, even in exact writers like Fuchs or Bock, being usually expressed in terms of national- ities. Valerius Cordus, Anguillara and Clusius had begun, how- ever, to do slightly what Pena and Lobel did very commonly in their Adversaria ; Lobel’s Observationes, being composed more of citations from the ancients, gave no such opportunity. His descriptions of Aster montanus hirsutus, etc., were the first for that plant, /uu/a montana L., that are known. His description and figure of “ Aster Atticus supinus” P- peared in the same year with those of Clusius, but were borrowed from the latter, Clusius’ figures being freely loaned to his friends. A New Era EstasiisHep sy Crustus 405 His description and figure of ‘ Aster conyzoides Gesneri’’ fur- nished the starting-point for the further treatment of the plant by botanists, the original by Gesner being to most an unseen rarity. LXXXVII; €xwsivs Last of the three friends of Flanders we consider Clusius, post- poning him till after Dodoens and Lobel because his numerous original publications of Aster make him for that genus the end of one era and the beginning of a new. When he began botanic work in 1550, he found Aster substantially a monotypic genus, and so he published it in 1557; in 1576 he put forth his first new Aster ; by 1583 he had altered the aspect of the genus from simple to com- plex, with his Pannonian species ; and when he died in 1609, the genus had been already well tangled by his younger contempo- Taries. Clusius’ Early Life-—By birth Charles de 1’Escluse, he was usually known as Carolus Clusius Atrebatis; ¢. ¢., of Arras, his birthplace, Arras in Artois, now in France but then in Flanders, Where his Huguenot family were religious exiles from France. Meyer was eager to class him with German botanists, the greater part of his life being spent in the Netherlands or in Germany. In- deed it is a significant fact that since Ruellius at the century’s beginning, or since the Huguenot wars had begun to devastate France, almost all botanical work which emanated from men of French descent for the rest of that century was published in the Netherlands, as comparison of the printers of Clusius, Lobel, Dalechamp, Des Moulins, Pena and Rondelet will attest. Born in March, 1526, Clusius was nine years younger than Dodoens, twelve years older than Lobel ; his father was proprietor of an estate in good circumstances and vested with high official dignity. Educated at Ghent and Louvain, in 1548 Clusius was at Marburg, in 1549 he went to Wittenberg to be with Melancthon, in 1550 to Frankfort, Strasburg, Lyons and Montpellier. Clusius’ Life as a Botanist.—At Montpellier he remained three years, 1550-1553, studying under the naturalist Rondelet, and living in his house. Under the influence of Rondelet, who was botanist, physician and ichthyologist, Clusius, who had been a 406 Aster History: CLusius student of law, turned from jurisprudence and became a student of nature. There he made acquaintance with his “ Aster Atticus legitimus” (Pallenis spinosa Cassini) which he says the people about Montpellier were in the habit of calling Ocwlus Christi ; «“ Aster Atticus legitimus was called Oculus Christi in the Monspel- lian land when I was living there,’ Clusius wrote a half century later. We may fancy the elder and younger plant-lovers talking over its yellow stars and its healing powers as they walked there, Rondelet praising its traditional virtues. * After three years in Montpellier, Clusius received his license in medicine in 1553 and at once began a botanical journey through the mountains, making observations on plants through a great part of southern France, Savoy and Piedmont. Here may have been his first sight of Aster Amellus L. and of Aster alpinus L., which he did not describe however till 1583 after seeing them in the Austrian Alps. At the wish of his father, Clusius returned, by way “of Basle, to the Netherlands. Remaining there 1555-1563, he translated into French, with numerous additions made by author and by trans- lator as collaborators, the great Flemish herbal, the Cruydeboeck of Dodoens, finishing it in 1557, under the name “ Histoire des plantes.” ¢ * Rondelet himself had known the plant as Aster Atticus ; for in his fragment ‘‘ De Succedaneis’’ (edited by Lobel from a MS. of Rondelet and published 1576 at Ant- werp as an appendix to his Odservationes, forming pages 657-671 of Lobel’s volume Plantarum historia), Rondelet remarks, p. 664, that in place of the plant ‘ Bubonium sive Rng vene: sive Aster Atticus ’’ some physicians use ‘‘ Antirrhinum’’ : and vice versa Antirrhinum,’’ still known by that name, had been said by Galen to have ‘*the properties of Bubonium but milder’’; as Lobel r en Observationes, 221. Lobel, in editing this fragment, indicates by marginal insertion of ‘‘ Rondel,’’ opposite ** Aster Atticus,’’ thatthe text means not the Aster Atticus of anybody else, Matthioli for example, but the Aster Atticus of ha ond valle t, 7. 2, the Aster Atticus alter of Ma tthioli. —It was natural that the Aster Atticus of Rondelet should not be the Aster dmellus L., the mountain-loving plant of Matthioli. Presumably there had been a long-current identification of Pallenis with Bubonion and Inguinaria widespread through both south- ern France and Spain, Rondelet, 1507-1566, knowing it as Bubonion and Clusius finding Pee calling it Bobas when he was travelling in Spain in 1564-5. t Issued by Jean Loé, Antwerp, 1557, in folio, according to C. Bauhin, Seguier and Haller, with the title, as given by Seguier, 1740, of ‘‘ Histoire des plantes de Dodonée, contenant la description des herbes, leurs especes, forme, noms, temperaments, vertus, et operations, traduite du bas Allemand en Francois par Ch, de l’Ecluse.’’ Of this rare work Seguier knew a copy in the library of the physician Falconet in Paris. Caspar Bauhin used a copy, 1623. Fata Be Soe vs Seta iam Crausius’ SPANISH JOURNEY 407 Clusius’ “ Histoire’”’ contained two Aster descriptions, his “ Aster Atticus” (= A. Amellus L.) and his “ Tripolium” (= A. Tripolium L.); fide C. Bauhin. With the “ Histoire” Clusius printed a maiden work of his own, his “ Petit Recueil,’ both in folio and quarto, according to Pritzel, and forming the last 35 pages of the quarto ‘ Histoire,” contain- ing, as Clusius says, descriptions of certain gums, and liquors, woods, fruits, and aromatic products, collected in part from the “ Herbier aleman”’ [Cruydeboeck ], in part from other authors, ancient and modern. In 1563-4 Clusius made two journeys to Augsburg; return- ing, he traveled through Belgium, France, Spain and Portugal, from the Pyrenees to Gibraltar, Valencia to Lisbon; in 1 564 he was in Lisbon observing the Dragon’s-blood tree in bloom ; in April, 1565, he was making observations in Valencia ; and his immense activity in this journey arouses the more wonder, as Meyer remarks, when we remember that in the neighborhood of Gibraltar through a fall from his horse he had broken his right arm. The results of the journey included his Aster Alticus supinus (= Asteriscus mart- timus, Moench) which he found in Castile—“ sponte in quibusdam Castelle locis”’ These results were published in his Rariorum... per Hispanias at the Plantin press at Antwerp in 15 76, 11 years later ; there was too much new for immediate determination or publication, and Clusius always took time for mature digestion of his novelties before he published. Exigencies of the printing house and the absence of Clusius from Antwerp to Vienna for the three t was also issued with fuller title in quarto the same year by the same house, if Pritzel is correct, who gives the title as ‘ Histoire des plantes, en laquelle est contenue la description entiére des plantes, c’est a dire leurs especes, forme, noms, temperament, Vertus et operations: non seulement de celles qui croissont en ce pays, mais aussi des autres etrangéres, qui viennent en usage de medicine. Nouvellement traduite de bas aleman en francois par Charles de l’ Ecluse,’’ 584 p- : - odoens furnished a dedicatory epistle, in Latin, calling it his second edition, ys, ‘* We [the translator and I] . we have increased the whole yet pictured so far 4s I know.’ Evidently, changing as he 4 his use of the Plural was intentional, to include Clusius in the aut A third issue, the figures only without text, follow Jide C. Bauhin and also J. Ray; though questioned by Seguier. 408 Aster Hisrory: CLusius years previous to publication, added to the delay. About 300 new or remarkable plants were observed by him during that Spanish journey of 1564-5, over two-thirds as many as the entire flora recorded by Theophrastus or bequeathed to the Renaissance by the fifteenth century herbals; and 299 figures of new or rare plants were counted by Treviranus in this volume on Spain.* Again returning to Belgium and remaining chiefly at Antwerp, Clusius was doubtless busily engaged for some time in working up the details of his Spanish journey; in 1571 he was in Paris again, and went to London; in 1572 he was in Belgium once more, probably making then his translation of Garcia ab Horta from the Portuguese,} and in 1573 he went to Vienna under invitation of Maximilan II to take charge of the Imperial Botanical Gar- den, which he enriched with many rare plants; was for a time in Prague, was raised to the nobility by his emperor, and was re- tained for some time in the same place by his successor Rudolf I], being in all for 14 years in charge of the Vienna Garden, 1573- 1587. His friends at Vienna included the esteemed royal historiog- rapher Sambricius, the royal physicians Crato and Julius Alexan- drinus, and also Dodoens, his Flemish master, with whom he had elaborated the ‘‘ Histoire des Plantes” in 1557, and who now came to Vienna as court physician for 1576-79. While at Vienna Clusius continued with unwearied zeal his search for new plants, travelling over all Austria and Hungary, and going twice to England, a fruit of his last journey being his acquaintance with Sir Francis Drake, the ‘Franc. Drake Esq. Anglus” of Clusius’ references, through whose means he afterwards secured many rare exotics. A result of the journey through Austria~-Hungary was his volume on the Rare Plants of Oo i ae * Of this rare volume, which Meyer endeavered in vain to secure, Pritzel notes the sale of a copy at 8 francs in 1845 by A. Meilhac. Its full title was ‘‘Rariorum aliquot stirpium per Hispanias observatarum historia, libris duobus expressa, ad Maximilian I1, Imperatorem,’’ 1576, octavo, 529 pp. 1 ‘‘ Aromatum Simplicium atque Medicamentorum apud Indos nascentium His- toria, Lusitanica lingua scripta per Garciam ab Horta, Latine in epitomen contracta 4 Car- Clusio, cum iconibus,’’ Antwerp, 1574, Oct.; 30 figures; reissued 1579, 1593+ 1605 ; with separate issue of Clusius’ Notes 1582, together with descriptions of exotics sent him by Sir Francis Drake, CLustus AT VIENNA AND LEYDEN 409 Austria,* published at the Plantin press, like his preceding and succeeding works, Antwerp, 1583, with 364 figures, a work alike honorable to the author in arrangement, treatment and drawing, but miserably mutilated in the printing which went on at Antwerp while the author was in Vienna. Clusius was so ashamed of the appearance of his book that he bemoaned it bitterly (in a letter printed by Treviranus ¢ in 1830) and formed the plan to put forth a new and rectified edition, combining his two works on the Spanish and Pannonian plants, a plan which was realized 18 years later in his Rariorum plantarum historia of 1601. ¢ After retirement for five or six years, or since 1587, in Frank- fort, Clusius’ next and last removal was to Leyden, where in 1593 when 67 he was professor at the university and lived and worked in ceaseless activity till the end, at the age of 84, Apr. 1609 ; accomplishing the publication, during his life at Leyden, of the two great and comprehensive works, his ‘ Rariorum ... his- Austriam et vicinas quandam pro- * “ Rariorum aliquot stirpium per Pannoniam, Again next year, 1584, vincias observatarum historia, quatuor libris expresse.’’ 766 p. with addition of Beithius ‘‘ Stirpium nomenclator Pannonicus.”’ Of this, m Trew, Trevianus and Meyer had copies; the sale of a copy at 7 fr. by A. Meilhac, 1845, is noticed by Pritzel. + Christian Ludolf Treviranus, who edited at Leipsic in 1830, the Unpublished Letters of Clusius, and of Gesner, with his own notes and preface, an octavo of 62 p. bearing title ‘‘ Caroli Clusii et Conradi Gesneri Epistolae ineditae.’’ t He had long been suffering from bitter adversity at Vienna, of which we learn from the late publication of his letters by Treviranus. He and his family were devoted long in such poverty himself that while at Vienna he was ni house rent when due, and finally was reduced, in to appeal to his friend Thomas Rhedinger for the also had the misfortune to get his foot out of joint and to break an ankle followed religious persecution, for Rudolf II. as he grew older beg aye to drive out all the Protestants, —whom his father had employed without questioning their lief, Weary of the court, Clusius left Vienna forever in 1587, and lived at Frankfort, where he obtained a life-annuity from William IV., Landgrave of Hesse, but even here his fatalities continued; he had the misfortune to dislocate his hip, and unskillful handling of his hurt made a cripple thereafter, so that as Meyer remarks, ‘*he who was med to go up mountains and climb the rocks now from this time had to go upon two crutches ; so that he came into a sedentary life and his health declined in Germany ‘ only his thoughts’ activities and his Geist preserved him into highest age with un- troubled freshness.’ 410 AsTER History: CLUSIUS toria,” * and his ‘“ Exotics,’ + both folios produced at the Plantin press at Antwerp, and of which Meyer remarks: These two works give Clusius his reputation: * «* Rariorum plantarum historia,’? Antwerp, at the Plantin press by Joannes More- tus, 1601, folio; 712 - pug figures, including all those of his Spanish and Pannen plants. Copies; ex 4d nother is aT secured, June 1902, by Libr. N. . Bot. Garden. This work wee ths follow a) a eee of the plants of “his “« Rariorum...Hispanias,’’ 1576, and his ** Rariorum...Pan ,’’ 1583, the species redistributed, often redescribed and re- named, with new ahceass expressing affinities, and many new species added ; in 6 books ; these 3 first books wit 6) Continuation of the same, being the 3 remaining books with pages lettered, not numbered ; Pannonian plants especially but so treated as to bring in their Spanish allies here; beginning, book IV, with ‘‘ Sed nec hari saaasies et get aliarumque quarundam illis similium, Ss Mlecumtes sunt flores,’’—‘‘ on account of wh bag IV shall be devoted to them and others ;”’ ‘* Aster, Cap. VII,’’ following on p. x (¢) ** Fungorum in Pannoniis hedsientban historia,’’ or ‘ PE OEE de fungis,’’ ‘‘a wholly new work, and the first printed which treats of img Meyer, 4 ake ome good figures are from Lobel. It forms Das cclxi-—coxcy d) p. eexevi, ‘* Epistolae Honorii Belli,’’ to Clusius plants 1597- fe ecexv, ‘** £pistolaa Thobiae Roelsii,’’ another pita: to Chiuskaa, on pete (f) ccexxi, Descriptio Montis Baldi,’’ 26 pages, translated into Latin by Clusius ; from the Italian of Joannes Pona which had been printed at Verona 1595 in quarto. Supplements to this book occur in Clusius’ Erofics, 1605, and Curae, 1611. t ‘‘Zxoticorum libri decem,’’ 1605, folio, about 800 p., including (a) Six books of Exotics wholly by ey which include besides plants, fruits and bas birds also and beasts, fishes, corals, e ooks 7 and 8, a reprint of ae aibleea translation of Garcia ab Horta’s ene of oo from the Portuguese: with figures and notes by Clusius and also unknown orientalist.’’ Meyer. (¢) ne 9, 2 reprint of Clusius’ translation from the Spanish of Christophorus 4 Costa, this being its 3d edn., the others separate, 1582 and 1593, both from the Plantin press, and octavo a) Book ‘. a reprint of Clusius’ translation from the Spanish of Nicolaus Mow: a dentales,” with posthumous third part, 1580. Clusius translated the original two parts into Latin in 1573, printing them the next year ; and ~ third part 1581, printing it 15825 reprinting the three, 1593, 1597, and now as this Book 10 of his Exotica: with figures (e) Three other books of — on ‘secret medicine ”’ translated from the Span- ish into Latin by Clusius ; bk. 1, 0} lapis Bezoar and herba Scorzonera, bk. 2 on iron, bk. 3 on snow. Added, are iris ob Clusius from Monardes on Rosa and on Citrus. Also, an appendix to Clusius’ Rarior . his ( f) Clusius’ translation from the cain ar Gated (Belon) Observations in Greece and the East,in three books, again with notes by the anonymous orientalist 5 with addition of Clusius’ translation of Bellonius’ tract ‘De neglecta plantarum cultura,’’ which Clusius had first printed in ides Meyer's Estimate or Cxusius 411 One posthumous work followed in 1611, his “ Curae poste- tiores,’ * folio and quarto, from the Plantin press, chiefly an appendix to the two preceding works of 1601 and 1605, with a biography and funeral oration by Everardus Vorstius ; with 27 new figures (Seguier). Another posthumous publication may be considered that of Clusius’ and Gesner’s Epistles, by Treviranus, in 1830; see p. 409. Another also, 1843, by H. W. de Vriese, in Dutch, at Leyden, an octavo tract of 14 pages, ona collection of Clusius’ MS. in his own hand, preserved in the library of the Leyden High School. Clusius’ Attainments.—Of Clusius, Meyer gives the following discriminating and appreciative summary (which I condense in translating): “ He was a man of undoubted talent, extraordinary memory, and all-embracing culture. He had a foundation knowledge of the old as well a8 the newest languages. He had Studied law and medicine. He had made very earnest theological Studies at Wittenberg, and his historical and geographical knowl- €dge was remarkable. Culture and ability as an artist is exhibited in his plants of Spain, etc., and a mind for poesie in his continued friendship with one of the greatest modern Latin poets, Peter Lotichius, with whom he was brought close in Montpellier and among whose works there lie sheltered many an epistle and poem addressed to Clusius. ‘No predecessor or contemporary has enriched the knowledge of plants more with new discoveries, or had set forth and described his discoveries with such ability. “ He carried his true researches in natural history to a higher Point than that of the older synonyms with which others filled their books, Yet he lacked not in the botany of the ancients, and added many identifications. “ All that Clusius added to botany is in his two volumes of 1601 and 1605; but very few botanists have filled so few works With so much.” Ses +t : Fe : "Dascrintions of many plants before _ eit dareeg psa abag by which also all of his ows works and the others tisinsdabed by him are augmented and illustrated. To which : 9 Separately the biography and funeral oration by Everard Vorst,’’ Antwerp, 1011, fol. 71+ 24 P-, with wood cuts; and reissued by the same house the same year In quarto, 134+ 39 P., with the figures. Copy ex. /ibr. Meyer. 412 Aster History: Ciusius Summary of Clusius’ Works Translation into French, from Flemish, of Dodoens’ Cruydeboeck, its 22 edn.; 1557. LL acngoumnase into Latin Oo a ab facta on Sfices of India; from ape rae 3 157M. Curccples a Costa on Spices of India ; from Span Monardes on Aemedies from the West Indies ; from ‘Segal ; 1574, parts I and I; 1582, part III ; often reprinted. Monardes, Briefer writings, 1605. Belon, — in Saetsee and the pons 1589; from the dieu of 1554. Belon, ‘‘ De neglecta, stirpium cultura ;’’ 1589; from the French of 1558. Original aria (or acl original); Latin, and from the Plantin press, except the Petit Recueil, 35 pages of descriptions of remarkable plant-products, 1557. Rariorum stirpium per Hispanias, 1576, 529 p Raviorum stirpium per Pannoniam, £583, 766 Rariorum plantarum historia (combination and rearrangement of the pre- ceding), 1601, 7:2 Exoticorum Yibri decem, etc., 1605. ae posteriores, 1611, Saad. 1830. Clusius’ Chief Contributions to the Knowledge of Aster.--He pub- lished 16 different species which went for a time under the name Aster, half of which he described as Asters himself. Only two of them remain in Aster now, Aster Amellus L., and A. alpinus L. He was the first to give a clear and recognizable description for Aster alpinus L., and he gave it that name which it still bears, calling it in 1583 Amedlus alpinus, and in 1601 Aster alpinus coeruleo flore vel 7. He was the first to publish clear and definite descriptions for a number of plants, new Asters so-called then and long afterward, which made a considerable part of the Linnean genus Inula. His figures of his Asters, freely used by his publisher in works of others, and often copied, show great skill in catching and repro- ducing the essential in the habit of the plants. He was fully alive to the compiexity of the: Aster group; perhaps none but Gesner before him had really felt it, until Lobel, who perceived it probably chiefly as a result of his older friend Clusius’ activities. Clusius begins his Asters in the résumé of 1601,* with “Asteris non parva est varietas; nam in meis perigrinationibus observatae mihi sunt elegantes quaedam plantae, quae ad illius genera referri posse videntur.”’ ee * Rariorum historia, book LV, c. vii, p. xii. Criusius’ AsTER NAMES 413 He was the most pronounced example that botany had yet known, of the method of alternate exploration, personal field-work alternating with periods occupied by working up and publishing his discoveries. He tried to collect the vernacular names for his Asters ; with the following results: * “My first species, Aster Atticus legitimus, [= Pallenis], was called Oculus Christi in the Monspellian land when I was living there (1550); and in Spain (1564), Bobas, which I Suppose derived from Bubonium, because they heal inguinal tumors with it, there called dodas ; whence also the Latin name /nguinalis, For the rest of the kinds I have never known any common name in the places where they grow, among the inhabi- tants. * Rariorum historia, book IV, c. vii, p. xvi. 414 AsTeR History: C.usius Correlation of the Eight Asters of Clusius Abbreviations : yp. or Pan, for original source in Clusius’ Rare Plants of Spain?or of Pannonia. The order adopted is the sequence of species in 1601 Clusius’ Form for D - Claskus” Firat oes. Clusius’ Form in Descrip F £ Linnaeus’ Equiv- tion of 1601. Fan geo alent. A. Att. primus floreluteo A. Att. legitimus, Aster I. Buphthalmum spi- Sp sive I. nosum A. Att. supinus Sf. A. supinus sive II. A. Aster II. Buphthalmum supinus, maritimum. A. Pann, major Pan. A. Pann. major, sive A. iii, Austria- Buphthalmum, vel A. primus Pan, iI. cus i. salicifolium. A. Att. secundus Pan. A. Pann.saligneo foliis, A. iii, Austria- Inula salicina. sive A. III, cus ii. A. Pann. tertius Pan. A. lanuginoso eek Aster vy. Inula hirta. sive v nn. vaste Bg folio. A. Att. quartus, Pan. A. vi, Austria- Inula ensifolia. a cus iv. A, angustifolius, sive vi. A. P: angustiore folio. A. quin sive gee alpinus, qui virgiliano, respon- dere videtur Pan. A. Alpinus _caeruleo A. vii, Austria- Aster alpinus. cus Vv lus alpinus, Amel- lus Virgilii. A. Att. sive A. Att. Ital- , Pan A. caeruleus Italorum, A sive viii. duorum ru generum (of broad Fuchsii. Oc- and narrow leaves), . viii, Italo- A. Amellus. ulus Christi. Crusius’ ASTER NAMES 415 Correlation of the Eight Other Aster Names of Clusius. Plants by Some Contemporaries Deemed Asters Clusius’ First Form pesegg hones in Aster-names, etc., Among Linnaeus’ Equiv- “ Other Writers. alent. Conyza 3 vulgaris Pan. pase media Asteri, etc., of Cesa/- Inula dysenterica. aris. pino, 1583 ; Conyza palustris I, Bauhin, Aster pratensis, etc., Tourn. Aster dys- entericus Scopo/t. Conyza 3 Pannonica Conyza tertia Conyza VII, [near of Inula Oculus Christi. ustrica, in to the hee legitima ing] C. Bauhin e forte Dios- 1623. - coridis. Aster montanus, etc., ; J. Bauhin, 1650. Planta Bantanica E.xoti- —— Conyza V., C. Bauhin. corum, 1605. Conyza minor Boetica Conyza 1V, C. Bauhin, Inula Pulicaria. Curae Posteriores, Aster palustris, etc., TOIT, Barrelier (1 1673; publ. 1714). Conyza minor Sp. Conyza minor. Conyza III, C. Bauhin, Erigeron graveo- 1623. lens. — Conyza major Sp. pet Conyza I, C. Bauhin, Erigeron visco- Be Aster fol. serratis, etc, Linnaeus, 1737- (In 160r) Conyza major Conyza II, C. Bauhin, Dioscoridis onyza Dioscoridis Rauwolfii. Rauwolf, 1583. Cordus Anthemis tinc- toria. Baccharis Dios- coridis. pg vulgare Buphthalmum Aster Atticus, vulgare. figure as supplied by Gesner, 1561. 416 Aster History: CESALPINO ASTER AMONG CLUSIUS’ CONTEMPORARIES PRIOR TO 1600 LXXXIX. CESALPINO Cesalpino, Andrea, whose De plantis, libr. XVI (Florence, 1583; 671 p.) ushered in a new era in botany *—due to the philo- sophical conceptions formulated in the 50 pages of its preface ; after which the XVI books of descriptions of known plants follows. Cesalpino lived 1519-1603; was of Arezzo, professor at Pisa, and physician to Pope Clement VIII. He mentions by the fol- lowing names, fide Bauhin, 7 Asters or plants then so called: Aster acticus (= Pallenis spinosa Cass.). Aster acticus alpinus foliolis luteis (= /u/a montana L.). Aster acticus tertius (= Buphthalmum grandifiorum L.). Aster actico similis altera quae Cunilago (/uula dysenterica L.). Incensaria (= /nula odora L.). Anthyllis altera (= Aster acris L., prob.). Anthyllidi secunda similis (= Aster alpinus L., prob.). XC. WoLrFF Wolff, Caspar, literary heir to Gesner ; his “ De Stirpium Col- lectione,” Zurich, 1587, pages 61 and 141, has one aster only. ‘Aster Atticus Fuchsii, floret Angusto et Septembri”’ (= 4s- ter Amellus L.). XCI. THALivus Thal,—Johannes Thalius, author of one of the first of local floras, his Sylva Hercynia, Frankfort, 1588, 133 p., printed with Camerarius’ Hortus medicus (ex libr. E. L. Greene) ; has, “Aster Atticus caeruleus, paucis tamen in locis” (= Aster Amellus L.). “Amellus Virgilii putatus” (= Caltha Virgilii of Bock, Popu- lago of Tabernaemontanus, Chamaeleuce of Anguillara, Chelidonia palustris of Cordus, etc.) (= Caltha palustris L. and before of Ges- ner, , Dodoens, Pena and Lobel, (Clusius, Gerarde, C. Bauhin, eas ated the new era of Aster history. CLustus’ CONTEMPORARIES 417 ' XCII. TABERNAEMONTANUS | Tabernaemontanus, Jacobus Theodorus, 1520-1590; physi- ; cian at Neuwhausen, Pfalz; whose Meuw Kreuterbuch printed at Frankfort by Basseus, 1588, with 2,087 figures, included the fol- lowing names for plants then commonly esteemed Asters : Bubonium luteum (= /nwla salicina L.). Aster flore luteo (= /uula hirta L.). Aster atticus Massilioticus (= Padlenis spinosa L.). Aster montanus luteus mas (= /nuula montana L.). Aster montanus luteus femina (= /uula montana L.). | : 7 i XCIII. CoLonna Colonna,— Fabius Columna —in his Ecphrasis, Rome, 1616, and perhaps in part in his Phytobasanos, Naples, 1592, had: ‘“‘ Aster cernuus ” (= Carpesium cernuum L.). “ Asteris altera species Apula,an Baccharis (= Jnu/a odora L.). “ Aster Peruanus” (= Helianthus tuberosus L.). ‘“Amellus”’ (Aster Amellus L.). ‘‘Amellus montanus ” (= Erigeron acre L.). ‘‘Amellus palustris ” (= Aster Tripolium L.). XCIV. DALECHAMP Dalechamp, Jacques, 1512-1588, whose ‘‘ /Yistoria generalis plantarum libris 18 per Joannem Molinaeum collecta,’” Leyden, 1587 (ex libr. Bu.) figures over 2,200 plants, including 9 or 12 by name of Aster: “ Aster Atticus caeruleus vulgaris” (= A. Amellus L.). “ Aster Atticus alter, Oculus Christi” (=Pad/enis spinosa Cass.). Aster luteus alter, Oculus Christi minor’’ (= ?). “Aster luteus sive Oculus Christi minor” (= /nula montana L.). “ Aster montanus hirsutus ” (= /nu/a montana L.). “ Aster conyzoides ”’ (= Buphthalmum grandifiorum L.). “Aster atticus supinus” (= Asteriscus maritimus Moench.). “ Aster purpureus montanus (= Aster alpinus L.), “ Tripolium ” (= Aster Tripolium L.). “Tripolium minus” (= Aster Tripolium Le “ Bellis lutea” (/nula salicina L.). 418 Aster History: DALECHAMP « Aster montanus luteus’ (=?). “« Asterias sive Stellaria Dalechampii’”’ (= Spergula ?). XCV. ALPINUS Alpinus (Prosper Alpino), 1553-1617, in his “ De plants Aegyptis liber, cum Medicina Aegyptorum,” Venice, 1592, has one plant which was commonly called an Aster in that century, his ‘‘Baccharis vel Carpesium” (= Carpesium cernuum L.). XCVI. GERARDE Gerarde—John Gerarde, 1545-1607; well-known author of the “ Herball or Generall Historie of Plantes. Gathered by John Ger- arde of London, Master in Chirurgerie. Imprinted at London by John Norton, 1597.” He mentions, chapter 125, pp. 391-93, “ Of Starrewort,’ 11 kinds of Aster, by number, not by name, with four figures, which bear the following botanical names : “ Aster*Atticus ” (= Pallenis spinosa Cass.). “ Aster Italorum”’ (= Aster Amellus L.). “ Aster montanus”’ (= /nula montana L.). “ Aster hirsutus” (= /nula jirta L.). Turner, author of the first great English Herball, 1551-1558, many years before Gerarde, had omitted Aster, for some reason not apparent. With Gerarde, English publications of Asters began, though but feebly ; the following century was to witness, in Mori- son and Ray, a principal localization of Aster studies in England, and the next. the 18th, was to see it transferred to France and Germany. PoLytypic ASTER After the establishment of Aster as a polytypic genus by Clu- sius, 1576-1601, etc., a rapid increase in new species followed, species then placed in Aster, but since assigned to Conyza, Inula, Pulicaria, etc. The two centuries following have already been summarized, pages 16-18, as the Clusian and Linnaean periods of Aster history ; the former including, and the latter excluding, all yellow-rayed relatives. Into these periods it is not at present our purpose to enter; the details of Aster history, as already remarked, are better pursued, after Clusius, species by species. ra nee ee ere ee SPE aR eae NP Se ADDENDA It happens that many works or editions treated in the preced- ing pages have just become accessible at New York by shipments of recent date (November 7, 1902). They occasion the following addenda ; Add ex bibl. N. Y. Bot. Garden in relation to the following : P. 186. Ibn Alawwam De Agricultura, Mullet’s Fr. tr., Paris, 1864~7. P. 199. Macer, De virtutibus, a valuable paper MS. vol- ume of the 15th century ; without figures. P. 200. Macer, De virtutibus, Pictorius’ Lat. edn. of 1559, as reprinted at Basle, 1581. P. 310. Herbolario, Venice, 1540. P. 317. Ortus Sanitatis, early edn., perhaps of Strasburg and in 1408. P. 398. Dodoens, De Frugum, 1552. P. 339. Dodoens, 7rium priorum --. imagines, 1553. iA om Dodoens, /lorum et coronariorum -. historta, 1568. P. 399, 406. Clusius, Historre des Plantes (being Fr. tr. of beaoeiy Cravens r5e7, P. 407. Clusius, Petit Recueil, 1557. Add ex libr. Bu. as follows : P. 344. Bock, De Stirpium, ist edn. of Kyber’s Lat. tr., 1552. P. 398. Dodoens, De /rugum, 1552. P. 399. Dodoens, 7rium priorum --- imagines, 1553. P. 399. Dodoens, Posteriorum trium -- imagines, 1554. P. 410. Clusius, Exoticorum, 1605. Other notable recent arrivals, although not the first in N. Y., include the following additions to the Libr. of the N. Y. Bot. Gar- den : the Magistri Salernitani, 1901 ; Sansovino’s Ital. tr. of Cres- cenzi’s Ruralium, 1561 ; the Aggregator Practicus of Venice, 1509; and Clusius’ Rariorum plantarum historia, 1601. The last is es- Pecially noteworthy as being the copy given by Clusius himself to his son Jacobus, fide MS. note by the latter on the title page. 419 Page 13, line 22, read ‘‘ /nula dysenterica 1..’’ Page 14, line 23, read ‘‘ Anthemis tinctoria \..’’ Page 15, line 9 from end, read ‘‘ flore /uteo.’’ Page 71, lines 6and 5 from end, read ‘‘ Estoille’’ and ‘* Fstrellada.’’ Page 115, line 5 read ‘‘ Urbinus.’’ Page 126, line 3 from end, read ‘‘ Theocritus’.’’ Page 132, last line should read ‘‘ 1492, fol. 318; also in his edn. 1517, with notes on the Hortulus by Badius Ascensius, which notes again appear, folio 371, in the reprint of 1586.’’ Page 172, line 11, read ‘‘ baccas eis dabas.’’ Page 183, line 31, read ‘‘ Tortuosiensis.’’ Page 189, line 13, read ‘‘ Asteriscus,’’ not ‘‘ Asterion.’’ Page 197, line 7 from end, read ‘‘ enclosed,’’ not ‘‘ endorsed.’’ Page 228, line 3 from end, read ‘‘ Preposito.’”’ Page 266, lines 9 and 5 from end, read ‘‘ Ortus Sanitatis’’ and sabar.’’ : ERRATA Page 267, line 10, read ‘‘ Domiani,’’ not ‘‘ Damiani ’’; line 17, read ‘« Alphita,’’ not ‘‘ Alphite.’’ Page 269, end, read ‘“‘ hare,’’ not ‘* hair.’’ Page 275, line 3 from end, read ‘‘ Geranium,’’ not ‘‘ Geum.”’ Page 283, line 19, read ‘‘ Sacro Bosco,’’ not ‘‘ Sancto Bosco.’’ Page 287, line 5 from end, read ‘‘ Ranzovius.”’ Page 291, note }, read ‘‘ Excoecaria Agalocha \..”’ : Page 322, line 13, read ‘‘ Ynguirialis,’’ not ‘‘ Unguirialis.’’ Page 324, line 1, instead of ‘‘only,’’ read ‘‘ only (except as re- printed in the Luminare Majus).”’ Page 329, line 3 from end, read ‘‘in Dioscoridem.’’ Page 332, line 8 from end, read ‘ Distillierbuch.’’ Page 373, line 5, read ‘‘ zopgupody.”’ Page 375, line 3 from end, read ‘‘ Sylvaticus.’’ Page 381, line 17, read ‘‘ Pena and Lobel.’’ Page 407, heading, read ‘‘ Clusius,’’ not ‘‘ Clausius.’’ Page 414, middle, from ‘A. Aster 11, supinus,’’ omit ‘A”’ ; and ; in name “‘ A, Pann-saligneo foliis,’’ read ‘‘ folio.’’ — | INDEX OF SUBJECTS, AUTHORS AND SPECIES EXPLANATIONS With a view to promote the instant serviceableness of this index, species-equiva- lents connecting the ancient with the modern botany are very commonly inserted ; analytic entries are provided oe such authors as have been ireated in special detail ; aad all classes of entries, whet of person, place, plant, book or subject-matter, a ranked in one oe sie instead of separate indices—but are distinguished by type, as follow Subjects beats and miscellaneous entries are in Roman type. oo and other plant-names are in italics. Names of authors are in small capitals. Title oe works of uncertain or less familiar authorship are entered in small capitals italicized. For other titles of books see the body of the work under the respective authors. = ao Page-numbers which refer to the more detailed treatment, are set in black-faced type, or simply precede the other numbers, if the details given are few. The abbreviation A. Adz. is used for the Aster Atticus of Dioscorides and of Renais- sance botany, the Aster Amed/us of Linnae _ indexed which have had a anne iehic to Aster Alticus are thus indicated : —= A. Att.,’’ after plant-names ‘which have been used as equivalents or parti equivalents for hees Atticus. ‘‘Not A. Att.,’’ after plant-names which have been by some writer confused in igsebess with Aster Atticus “Used as A. Att.,”’ aliier plants which replace Aster in certain authors, not from any tangle of synonymy but from similarity of reputed prope rties. e index is intended to cover all such plant-names as seem likely to be sought for, including all members of the Compositae which are mentioned in the text; also all little-known authors which are so mentioned; but no attempt is made to include all references to authors like Dioscorides, Pliny, or Meyer, which have occurred con stantly throughout the volume. apie (= Arum, q. v.) used as A. Alt., ie ADDISON, 127 A LARD ANGLICUS, 293, 197 ee PETRUS DE, 305 “Adonis 156, 34 Aup-ALaTiy, 112 | AKcIpIus CORBOLIENSIS, 97, 224, 225, ABUL Faput, 187 se » 205 Arcipius ROMANUS, 227, 284 ABUL QAsim, 300 Achillaea, 43, 51, 82, 89, 119, 218, 228, | AEMILIUS MACER, 133 2 AETIOS, 179, 41, 85, 86; Aétios’ Aster- 25 232, 278 ACKERMAN, se remedies, ee £ ae Aconitum, 69 AFFLACIUS, ACOSTA, 101, ica, 410 Affodillus, not e noes 70, 208, 281, 325 Actaea, 378 Agave, 2 AcTUARIUS, 189, 98, I AGGREGATOR PADUANUS, 305, 57; 9 Abas, Dr. FRANCIS, a 181 AGGREGATOR PRACTICUS, 395; 575 = 274, 332; form and character, 305; dis- 421 ADANson, 12 422 tinction from other works called Ag- gregator, or called Herbarius, 305. Its figures, vy their sete ie 309 ; its ‘* Jringu figure ble with orship, rt its vicensis nor Dondi, ae autho: Achates, 308, Simon Papiensis, 309, Its Iringus chapter a blending of Aster and Its violet, 311- 329 Agriculture, writers de re rustica, Mago, 122 ; Cato, 123; Varro, 123, 205, Columelis, 134; Palladius, 173; Ibn Alaww 186 ; Crescenzi, 294 Aerinonn bik A. Att., 62, 170, 191, 195, 214, 228, 259, 325 =< ‘ostemma, 379 AITON, 18 aie Alant, Alantidium = Inula Helen- ium L., 61, 2 ALBERT DE AULICA, 200 ALBERT DE SAXONIA, 280, 3 ALBERTUS MAGNUS, 276, - 106, 274, Aus or Abulcasis, 227, 229, 264 258 pein not 4. A/t., 335, 15, 21, 43, 78, 258, a 349, 355, 382 + ALCMAN, I everett 102, 330, 367, 369 ALEXANDER TRALLIANUS, 167, 315 ALFANUS, 216, 2 ALFRED Craoisss oF, ge ALFRED DE SARCHEL, 112 ae Att., 304, Fa 92, 345, 355 Alipta as a medicament in place of Aster, 304, Alisma Plantago L., 46 Alkekengi, 256, 260 Alleluia bla. not 4. Aét., 263, 325 ALLIONI, I RR a as A. Att, ~~ 53, 133, 191, 2, 224, 241, 267, 2 Rati SOR, 228 INDEX Almond, 260, 292 Aloe, 266, 267, 294 'ABETA HERBARUM, 232, 216 fe) NUS, es 102, 367 Alterana, used as A. Alt., 315 Alyssum, not A. Att., 343 maracus, = ‘Marrienva, 115, 189 Amarantus, 261 arella, Amariva, — Anthemis arvensis te 208, AMATUS shot d 386, 99, 329 ort Ambra, 252 Ambrosia = Eearecre campestris L., 195 ns Amello de virgine, Amilla, 23, 61, 129, 336, 395 Amellus == Aster Amellus L., = A. Alti- cus, 23, 62; its description by Vergil, ; its various renderings, 125- se of the name Amellus, 129; its source as a folk-name, 129; @ survival from an earlier race, 131; asso- ciation with the river-name Mella, 1303 with other similar names, I a Matthioli Aster Atticus and not pheeibo 382 + ; Lobel’s doubts, aw 3 Ueuiites Vergilianus, 403 ; ies Virgilii of Thal and chai ai 416 Amellus as a genus name, 346, 417 mellus alpinus of Clusius = Aster alpinus L., 4%2 Amellus montanus of Colonna = £rigeron acre 1... 417 : Amellus caged of Colonna = Aster 771- polium L., 417 Vee 100, 183, 227 Amulets; Aster so used, 51, 55, 84, 87, 181, 382 Anacyclus, 13, 14, 257, 358 Anchusa, 370 NDREAS, 118, 96, 144, 306 ANDROMACHUS, 60, 89, 139 Anemone, not A. Alt., 156 Hate Saxon Herbals, 171, 179, 285 Anglo-Saxon Leechdoms, 171, 285 Angelica, 324 t INDEX 423 ANGUILLARA, 365, 13, 14, 99, 107, oe | Aphrodite and Peristereon, 179 121, ag 339 345+, 416. identity, 365; botanical travels, His | Apiastrum, not A. Aft., 45, 174 365 ; | Apicius CoELIus, 166, 96 naa fot assistant under Ghini, 366; | Apium, Appium risus, 272, 251 director of the botanical garden at Padua 7 366. He gives offence to Matthioli, | 368 ; is driven by him from Padua, 369, | 386; his life at Ferrara, 369 ; lie Sem- plict, 370; his extracts from Cratevas, 371; his Aster-article, 372-3 ; History o Pallenis, his Aster Atticus verus, 3 Anthemis, Paw partly = A. Aiét., 3 I, 157, 178, 188, 207, 328, S Anthemis arvensis L., 257 Anthemis Chia, 209 Anthemis Cotula L.., 208, 224, 256, 275, 325 Anthemis nobilis L., 33, 110, 176, 209, 49, 34 Anthemis Pyrethrum, see Pyrethrum Anthemis rosea DC that of the Seven Masters, wl- peetetedans 5 the ‘* Antrorarium,’’ 219, 97; the tidotarium universale of Simon Januensis, 219; of Turin, 219; the lost Antidota- rium majus, 223; the Antidotarium of | oa 223; Tettapharmacus, omy ; of meg 228 ; of oak 327, 98; that of Parma, 20. 220. Antipate | Antirrhinum, used as A ANTOoNIus Gazius, 98, 327 | ANTONIUS GUAINERIUS, 98, 324 219 | | | Po A. Ail, ete... = 378, 380 406 Aparine, not A. At., Aphrodisiacs, 179, oe pt 297 71-2;| ARB ;| Archangelica, 324 al| Arctium, used as A. Alt, prat, an ulcer Aristereon, no of Myrepsos, 189; ‘sh ARRAZI, APONE, PETRUS DE, 305 Anoueaia, Aster and other remedies for, 182, 224, 277, 299, 311, 312, 315, 320, 3 APULEIUS PLATONICUS, 171, 38, 73, 114, 8 300, 322, 382 OLYARE, 272, 9 150, 156 US; 35 us ASCLEPIADEUS,§139 of the eye, 62, 40, 224 Argemon = A. Att. ?, 155, 40, 43, 48, 54, 288 Argemone =A. Ait., etc., 156, 54, 233, 258, 32 Argemonia, used as ae ee 156, 50, 52, 4, 170, pao eas Att., Biter a; 179 Aristolochia, nae as 4A. Att. , 267, 272, 290, 332 Aristolochia Plistolochia L., 47 ARISTOMACHUS, I3 ARISTOTLE, 111, 96, 28. 4 rmoise, used as A. Att., 228 Armoniacum, 286 ARNALD DE VILLANOVA, 242, 79, 98, 133; 145, 182, 236, Patt 241, 397; 39 Arnoglossa, used as A. Att., 281, 288, see lantago 97 wg used as A. Adt., 81, 169, 22 224, 226, 232, 267, 278, paneer rtemisia Miveiatk um L., 46, 191, 195, 204, 218, 224, = 228, -— 278, 293 Artemisia Absinthium L., i323, 167, Be mk one ok 278, of ws 314 rtemisia campestris L., 19 rtemisia Dracunculus L., 167, 191 rtemisia sme sia of Dioscorides, 256, Bae 424 Artemisia Santonica of Sprengel, 275 Artemisia tenuifolium of Dioscorides, 66 Artemisia vulgaris L., 196, 204, 257 Arthritica, used as A. Adt., 296 Arum, used as A, Altt., 207, 218, 267, 275, 299; 310, 312, 314, 335 ARVIELL, HENRY and GILBERT, 302, 98 Asarum, used as A. Aft., 40, £91, 213, 272, 277, 328, 335 Ascaracon = A, Att., 63, 184, 325 A M, 100 ASCLEPIADES, 89, 91, 92, 208 jas, 8 Aspergoutte menue or mineur = A. Alt., 63, 383, 391, 399 Ashmolean Herbals, 98 Aspe ae odorata of Dodoens, Asperula odorata L., = A. Att., etc. » 21, 79, 224; 258, 325, 338, 339, 342, 343 spots ee Aff; te, 224; pe 720n F i SON A. Alt., etc., 63, 22, 25 ST, Dantzen von Ast., 326 Astaraticon, Astaruticon = A, Att., 65, 320, 383 Aster, in primary sense of star, 57 +; in transferred sense, as appellative of a per- son, 59; as name of the plant Aster Amellus L., 57; of the plant Plantago major L.., 173, place-name, 61 ; asa personal name, 60, 111; as name of a white earth, 61, 153, 256; of a medicament, 61; a stomachic 61; as source by terminal modifers of star names for persons, 60; places, 61, plants, etc. Aster, monotype conception of, 12, Sg — 12, 13, 418; hk nof A studies on the continent, es au ; in Sid toward the end of the 17th century, 418; again on the conti- nent, 17, 18, 418; in America since 1835, Aster acticus of Cesalpino, 416; see Aster tticus, etc. INDEX Aster acris L., 403, 15, » 416 Aster alius ee Luteo of eas 390 Aster alpinus L., 16, 79, 388, 389, 390, 06, 412, 414 Aster alpinus coeruleo flore of Clusius, = A. alpinus L., ee Aster Amellus L., 10, 20; modern locali- ties, 33,-34.3 ee ad 132; figures, o+; see Aster Alt aie oy snag of ste = Inula en- olta 414 es — , 89 Aster Atticus, ‘a Dioscorides, == Aster Amellus L., 65, the historic type of the genus, 10, 20; digest of ancient descrip- tion and belief regarding it, 25 +, 12; its identification with Aster Amedllus L., 9, 9, 382: ; its wirane 39-57; tency, 55; regard for its beauty, 35, 116; for Gods and Goddesses presiding over it, see that heading. Aster Atticus, ancient MS. figures intended for it, 122, 11; of Cratevas, 11, 122, 149 ; Dioscorides, 11, 149-152; Apul- eius, 171 ; Anglo-Saxon Herbals, 171.— Woodcuts intended for it ; in the Aggre- gator practicus, 310; Ortus, 321 ; Gart, champ, 417; Tabernaemontanus, 417 ; Gerade, 418 Aster Aticus, Descriptions or references, po dyopthalaotts S, and as aster: ion porpharow, hehe boubonion, ingui 155; Pausanias, annie ‘on, 159 Dioscoridean synonymy, éoubonion, in- guinalis,rathibida, 140-+-; Galen, A. At. bubonion, 163; Oribasius, 4. Ad. and bubonion, 164; Apuleius, asterion, 1723 INDEX Anonumos, anthemis, 178 ; Aétios as é. Adt. and boudbonion, 180 j P Avicenna, atratisus, 182; Rhases, —— | 182; Macer. cus, 208-213 ; Simon Januensis as aszer- ton, 300; Matteo Silvatico as yringus | and under alidium, ree : Actuarius, | aster, asteriscus, noi Aggregator pr. | I QUS , s, ynguinalis, 318; 3 Gart, snes yisarielee oder zrot- a li under azthemis saa barron | Aster Atticus, Uses of, otiegh ; modes of and 5s 425 A. Att. coeruleus, Tabernamon- tanus, 4. Att. Ma spy sa Pallenis), us, 417; Dale- aeruleus vulgaris, 417 ; Gerarde, 4. At tt. or starrewort, 418 writers se, 50 treated, Hippoertes to ‘ uses aan to tholomaeus Anglicus tenkrut, 323 nlio, ascaracon and | tolomeo, 222; Co ind de Me ashe Soalamicehice, 325 ; Hieronymus Brun- | 315; Crescenzi, 399; Ferrario, ol schwyk, Azmmelschliissel, 33 er-| _ vanni son of Gregorio, eet ; Hieronymus molaus, 4. Adt., stella and chamomilla,| Brunsvicensis, 322, 332; of Milan, 335; Ruellius, 4. Af. and aspergu ta | 241; Marcellus Exapiricas, ; 338 ; Marcellus Verio A. Alt., 3373 | Cremonensis, 225 ; Plateario, 256; Palla- Cornarius, 4. aspergula, 339 | dius, 174; gsi Lullus, 278; Goupyl, - Af, iB ; chat inguinalis,| Salernus, monicus, 166; stellaria, uva lupina and Tinctorius| Simeon Sie 188; Sra s, 195; Vin- los, 343; Fuchs, A. Aétt., 352; B cent de Beauv fels, 4. Att. and under sie and Aster dig spina fot of Cesalpino garyophylion, 341; Euricius A. Att. and stellaria (Adenia) A, “Att. rn of an = Pallenis spi- Valerius Cordus, 4. 3 Dor- igo ) Cassini, 13, 15, 348, 372, 382, stenius, peeutadte: heat Soca as- rit, sh tt. verus os 65 Pallen illara, atthioli fap sree ( Ficaria), 384 ; ing to ge Spit 383; Camerarius, erzascha, Zwinger, A. Ait., etc., 389; Ryff, A. Att., 391; John Lonitzer, Aster and Stelia Ate, 3925 ssp — ure tenblum 3933 d Ehrhart, A, Att. attico cen pos ian, She Pe se A, » 393; Durante, a A Att., 396; Par Amellus ‘son Purple Marigold, 2 < ot he a tt. or oe cna vty os talorem teus np hd | » 400 ; Clusius, 4. seg A, caeru Ts Neal ‘talorum, ig Ce cpa A. acticus, | 416; Wolff, 4. Au. Fuchsii, 416 ; Thal, | 385, 4 A. Att, cee. of Cinsetichia as A. a'pi- +» 389, 390 d. Att. caeruleus vulgaris of C. Bauhin, eS and Linnaeus = A. Amellus » 20, 363, 417 A. Alt. fon isl of Camerarius = A. ba 389 . Att. flore medio luteo of Bock = Anacy- oss aureus L., 13, 347, 348 A, Att, Fuchsii of Wolff A. Att., 353, 4 fg ee Fuchsit fi of Aretinus = A, Att., 353 A. Att. lutet floris of Dodoens==0, 400 A, Att. legitimus of Clusius = Padlenis, 372, 413, 414 A. Att. luteus of Camerarius = /nula odora L., 389, 390 A. Att. coc ep H| of C. Bauhin Camerarius == Paillents, 3 A, ote luteus Packet of i char boule dysenterica L., 13, 353, 404 426 INDEX A, Att. luteus foliolis ad florem rigidis of C Bauhi : nis, 393 Att. luteus latifolius of Camerarius = | A. Pallenis, 3 A. Att. luiens VII of C. Bauhin =o, 403 A, Att. minor of Camerarius, = A. Att. peregrinus of Camerarius, 390 A. Alt. primes ae luteo ee Cae Pallenis, 372 A, Att, pireuriis nit Fuchs = 4. Ad#., 13, 35 3 A. Att, quartus of Clusius = /nula ensi- folia L., . repens Clusit of Camerarius = itis maritimus (L.) Moench, 390 A. Att. secundus of Camerarius and Clusius 14, 390 A. Alt. similis altera quae Cunilago, of _ Cesalpino= Pulicaria dysenterica (L.) rtn., 416 Att. supinus of Clusius = Asteriscus maritimus = ) Moench, 15, 389, 400, 04, 407, 4 NS tertius ra pines, cada Buphthal-| sa ndi, As. mum gran A. Alt. tertius of sate and Wolff in Ges- ter 1, 303 A. Att. verus of Anguillara and Gesner = Pallenis, 14, 362, 363, 371, 372, 373; 377 Aster aurantius of Ammann, 17 Aster Austriacus, etc., of Clusius = Buph- thalmum salicifolium L., and Inula salicina L.., 414 Aster Bubonium Scopoli= Inula squar- rosa L. ? 402 Aster caeruleus Halorum of Clusius = A. tt., 414 Aster ina _ Colonna = Carpesium cernuum Aster bili: ae ita Aster Snieatew: Gesneri of Lebel == Buph- thalmum grandiflorum L., 361, 15, us L. Aster dysentericus Scopoli = Pulicaria dysentérica (L..) Gaertn., 415 Aster flore /uteo of Tabernaemontanus = Inula hirta L., 417 Aster folits serratis, etc., of Linnaeus = LErigeron viscosum ulicaria vis- cosa (L.) Cassini, 415 ster fruticosus of Commelyn, 17 Aster hirsutus of Gerarde = /Jnula hirta L., 418 ve Aster incomparabilis of Asclepiades, 91, Aster inexsuperabilis of Galen, 88; of sclepiades, 91 Aster Imdicus of Plukenet, 17 Aster Italorum of Gerarde = A. AZt., 418 Aster Italorum et Fuchsii, of Clusius = A, Alt., 414 Aster lanuginoso-folio of Clusius = /nula hirta L., 414 3 Aster leucas, 86, 256 Aster cosy pet Narbonensis of Lobel = 4, -» 402 Aster luteus, etc. of Dalechamp = /nula montana L., 76, 416 Aster luteus fruticosus of Lobel = /nula licina, 402-3 ter luteus radice odora of C. Bauhin= Inula odora, 389 ster Magni of Aétios, Aster — 88 ; satuoed by Yera or Hiera remedies, 219, 220, 225, 226 Aster minor ia onensium, etc., of Lobel =A. acris L.=Galatella punctata DC., 24, 403 Ater Monspelliensium of Lobel = Pallenis, Aster montanus, etc., of Lobel, etc. = Znula montana L., 347; 379, 402 494 415, 417, 4 Aster palustris etc., of Barrelier = /nuda Pulicaria L. = Pulicaria vulgaris aertn., 415 Aster Pannonicus sO sig of Clusiu oe ensifolia L. ster re r of siete = qpsan’™ mum lief Lay Aster [P.] primus of aise = Buph- thalmum salicifolium L., 414 Aster P. saligneo folio of paend == Inula salicina L., 414 % * oe ee INDEX Aster P. tertius, or Aster P. subhirsuto | salicis folio, of Clusius = Inula hir sical L., 414 eli Peruanus tuberosus of Colonna = flelianthus tuberosus L., 396, 417 Aster pharmacon of Ascheptacis, and Galen, of Tournefort = aertn., be : Ss montanus of Dalech Aster pratensis, etc., Pulicaria dysenterica (L.) G Aster purpureu = A. alpinus L., 417 Aster salicinus Sipe’ = Inula salicina L., 40 Aster Samius, or Samian earth, 83, 67, 28 9 Aster sed non Atticus of Bock, = Paris quadrifolia L., 13, 3 Aster stomachicus of Galen, 89 Aster supinus of Clusius, see A. Att. supi- nus Aster tinctorius Wallroth, = 346 Aster Tripolium L., 70, 75, 76, 77; 79, 244, 327, 357; os 399, 401, bse snditoiis pas y “* Aster unsurpassed, the drug Sleep-pro- ducer,’’ of Galen, 90 Asterchillos = Achillea ? 82 Astercum, see Astericum = Parietaria, 80 Asterias, not A. Alt. = Spergula? 80, 418; as an animal-name, 80, III Astericum, Astercum = Farietaria, 80, 67, 153, 341 Asterion = A. Att., 67, 81, 158, 172, 300, presen foo ty 427 Asteris 2H Rauwolf of Jungermann and Camerarius in 1 sner = ?, 364 af; OF, 10, 1%, 113; 130 (in place of pracins 359 Asteriscus = poppy capsule, 336 Asteriscus in sense asterisk, etc., 67 Asteriscus as a cc S, 3 Asteriscus Hse ws (L.) Moench, 67, 70 Asteriscus latifolius autumnalis of Cornut = Aster cordifolius L., 17 Asteriscus maritimus (1...) Moench, 15, 404, 407, 414 Asteroides, not A. Aft., 362, 363 Asteromoea, 17 Asterope = "Ma rrubium, 81, 359 Astertiphe, Asteriphon, = Chadians: I, 62, 359 Astircoc = Potamogeton, 83 Astresmunim = de chnos, 82, 359 Astria = Flelxine, 81 Astrion = Pladeie Coronopus L., 81, 339, 359 Astro == A. opt 22 posed eomagh Ge, 22. 26 tula regia, not wt zit 258 dthanante, a 156, 3 te ATHENAEUS, 115, 118 Atieirkon =a shite ma Atterberzia = Marrubium, 83 Atirsipte = Plantago Seow L., 83 Atirtopuris = Sedum Telephium L., 83 Atractylis, 87 Atratisus = A. Att., 68, 65, 182, 349 Atropa, 276, see Solanum mortale Attica Stella =A. Att., 68, 382 Atticus sil, 86 Aura Alexandrina, 219, 228 338, 359 Asterion = == Cannabis, 67, 81, 348, 359 sterion = Heracleum Sphondylium L., 67, 81, 350 Asterion = Marrubium? 348 Asterion = Aristerion, Peristereon or Ver- na, I Asterion as name for the starfish, 81; a 81; a lizard, 67, 81, ; a personal name, se 158; ame, 158; place-name Asteris altera species Apula, of Aeadee WS, AVERROES, 186, 97, a 280, 308, 394 AVICENNA, 182, 97, 106, 176, 239, 242, 264, 273, 274, 276, 280, 296, 308, 309, 315, 320, 324, 349, 378, 387 Baccharis, 415, 417, 418 Bacon, RoGER, 98, 282, 284 Balsamita, 191, 225, 203 Lnula odora L., 417 428 INDEX: ee Baltocrates = A. Att., 68, 22 BECHER, 389 ! Bantanica, 415 Bees, Fen a remedy for, 48; a source of BANCKES’ Herbal, 9 honey for, 48.; see Amellus, Barrocus, BAPTISTA DE RAVIZONE, 228, 229 Apiastrum, etc. BAPTISTA FERRAR,, 328 BEJTHE, IOI, 102 BAPTISTA FIERA, 328, 99 Belladonna, see Solanum mortale BAPTISTA Pius, + 99 BELLEVAL, 102 BAPTISTA THEODOSIUS, 328 Ss 70, 258, 333, 3353 and see Marga- Barba Aaron = Arum, 267 Barba nes ee Stoechas DC., ohick BELLONIUS, 100, 329, 368, 410 enedictu, Bennet —= Geum, 27 BARBARUS, 334, see HERMOLAUS BarR- | Benedictus Omnimorbia or Carduus bene- BARUS dictus, 319 Barheng = Bellis perennis L., 334 oo TExTOR SEGUSINUS, 99, 328 BARRELIER, 415 ERNERS, dame Juliana, 3 Barrocus = Melissa, and A. Alt.?, 211, aan RG 215, 97 259, 278 BERTOLONI, 23, 33 age agama ANGLICUS, 284, 98, 203, | BESLER, 363 247, 274, 282, 308, 319, 378. His| Betonica, not A. Att., 47, 224, 263, 334, identity, “he date, 284; pepnalvonn, 335, 380 285, 286; editions, 285, 286, 394; | Binomials of Dioscorides and Plateario,. little-known authors cited by him, 285 ; coe $ his chief sources, 284, 286, 291; in-| Biitum, debtedness to Salerno, 291; to Macer, | BoBART, ae 20, 363; see MORISON 291+; Bartholomaeus a type of the) Bobas = Pallenis, and thought to= 4. mediaeval attitude toward nature, in-| A/ét., 68, 372, 400, 406, 413 a quisitive, childish, and affrighted, 286 + ; | BocHarT, 82 traces of his fondness for nature, 291 ; as| BocK, 342, 12, 13, 99, 100, 328, 333, 363 seen in his Floscudus, 291; Flos campi,| 380, 419 287 ; lilies and roses, 292 ; almonds, 292; | BODAEUS, 23, 113, 114, 132, 372, 378 the violet, 288 ; the violet as also mov-| BOERHAAVE, 369, 374, 37 ing Matthioli to enthusiasm, 289. Bar- | BOLDENSELE, Wm. of, 302 G) tholomaeus’ treatment of Aster relatives, | BoLLAR, NICHOLAS, 98 287 ; of plants confused with igi 288 ;| BoLus MENDEsIvs, 138 : of Aster Samius, 289; medies | Boos OPHTHALMON = Buphthalmon, 68 used in place of eat 289, si Boracho, Melissa oie Li, ait; 37 BARTHOLOMAEUS, other mediaeval writers | Borage, 257, 259, 269, 278 sometimes confused with the preceding, | Bo7anica, Dez, 302 Bo — Gaslen. at EGP 218, 229 BARTOLOMEO, MAESTRO, 222, 249 60, 303; at Pisa, 328, 367; at ee ae MINO DA SIENA, 268, 98, mi 367, 308; at Bologi 367, 369 at Leyden, 369; at Vie 408 ; those been Arum, 314 of the Turks, 368 ; Gaus, s Catalog of Gardens of Germany, 360 | Botanicum, the Marcelline, 217, 206 Baucia = Pastinaca, 260 BAUHIN, CASPAR, 20, 102, 300, 330, 332, 343, 345+ | Boubos, 68 Bavnin, JEAN, 16, 17, 26, 102, 330, 343, | Bovis oculum = Buphthalmon, 68, 336 47 + | BRAITENBACH, 102 ie 347 BEAUVAIS, 292, see VINCENT DE BEAUVAIS | BRASAVOLA, 79, 99, 328, 367 iy : INDEX 429 Brasca, Brassica, 205, 191, 196, 203, 259 | BusBEcQ, 149, 269 Bray, JOHN, 98 BREYDENBACH, 321, 394 inte nia, 224 ritanica, used as A. .4tt., = Inula Bri- tanica L., 69, 403 BRITTON and eae 19 BROHON, Bruchkr ae Att., 69, 44, 331, 339 ulus, 303 Brwntlln, 258, 2 BRUNFELS, 340, a 81, 99, 328, 331-334, c Pa 343, 378 RUNSCHWYZ, Braunschweig, see Hier- onymus Brunsvicensis, 330 ie reat US, IOI mia, 232 0; cenaien 40, 181, 188, 224, 382 Bubon, 69 Bubonion = A. Att., 69, 39, 40, 41, 154, 163, 180, 372, 402, 406, 413 Bubonium of Tabernaemontanus, not 4. Att., 69, 335 Bucxr DER NATUR, 312, see MEGENBURG BucHKRAUT == A. Afét., 69 BULLEYNE, IOI Bumastus virens of Vergil = Anthemis 366 Buphthalmon, = , Anthemis sp. and Crna i: , 107-111, 69, 170, 188, 218, 2 Buphthalmum = paphciatniih % , and the preceding in part, 15, 42, ©9, 79 sae 328, 332, 335» 347) 357: og 374; paphiaines erandifiorum L. = Aste wa corsa Gesneri, 15, 362, 363, 404, ee maritimum L. = Aster su- — of a ae — Asteriscus maritimus | Carduus Cassini, 404, Bupha ahedfiliain see oe 414 Bup mum spinosu Att, verus a Gesner, etc., = Sida. ye Cassini, 190, 372, Buphthaimum nba ‘al Clusius = An- themts tinctoria L., 415 BURGUNDIUS, 297 Butaln em 7 see Buphthalmon. UTANICUS, 223, 97, 218, 301, 324 a= a et gee Byo | peecitine writers, 178, 187 | CAESALPINO, 416, see CESALPINO Calamaris = Aster Tripolium \. Calamint, 226, 258, 290, 404 CALcEoLARIvs, Calzolaris, 23, 33, I Calcitrapa, not A. Ait,, 21, 78, ee ser rae he 1S) 98, 325, 3 ALCOENSIS, 321, 98 Calendula, not A. Ait., 222, 224, 228, 261, 277, 388, 396 prt aaae L., not A. AZt., 23, 416 CAMERARIUS, JOACHIM L., 388. CAMERARIUS, JOACHIM IL., 388, 102, 330, 351, 363 CAMERARIUS, RUDOLF JAcos, 388 Camomilla, see Chamomilla CAMPEGIANUS, 32 CAMPEGIUS os 226-272 napa, 257-28 sai 155 Canesson —= Anthemis Cotula L., 257 Cannabis sativa 1, = Asterion, 67, 81, 159, 348 Cantalidis, 393 CANTIPRATO, 282, 98, 274, 312, 319 Canuca, 27 est a neo, Say Capno cei 261, 258, 290, 325, 333, 342; A | eee = Cabbage, 299 CARDANUS, 100, 329 Cardopants, 325 Carduus, is 278, 319 Theophrasti, not A, Att., 78, 335 re Caricamon = Ast SRS ae | Caristellum = Artem vulgaris L., 258 | Carnation, fajepipinie. Fa-pktlics, 260, see Garophylion, Carpesium cernuum Lat, "418 CARPINI, 302 Anaanraaay 101 | Carrichtera, 233 430 | tenes Carthaginian plant-names, assimilated to ster, 52 Carthamus, 111, 167, 278, 333 ASMA, 330 CassIANus Bassus, 97 asstlago, 225 uae medicine and MSS., 215 CASSINI, 19 Pcoraies: Ages 152 Cassius FELI Castanea, pie pons Pia ie sie 205 Cauda porcina, 106 CAULIACO, pres DE, 98, 326 Caulis, Cavolo = Brassica, 191, 205, 259, | 290, 299 Cavallo, la Coda di = Equisetum, 383 Caxton’s Bartholomaeus ?, 285 CELsus, 133, 85,.5 Cennerugio, Cienerognola = Glaucium, 261, 262 Chanaria: not #., 112, 228, 258, Shahi at 281, *, 298, 325 Ait., Eryngium, 70, on. 179, 1% a, Pe 320, 325 rrieeanlvas ae ‘*< ia II9, 347, 361, 372, 3 Ceterach, 262 Chalcas, Calche = Chrysanthemum corona- rium L., 111, 38 Chamaedrys, 328 Chamaeleon, 370 Chanicients, not A. Att., 416 Chamaemelum, Chamom wittle: Camomil 79, 40, 81, 82, 108, 125, 131, 176, ne 207, 222, 225, 278, 293, 299, 312, 315, 328, 336, 346, 348, 358 Chamaepitys, 90 arlemagne’s Breviaries and Capitularies, I Cheiranthus, 72 Chelidonia herba, Chelidonium, Celen- ‘onia, 72, 41, 147, 165, 222, 224, 228, ode 277, 281, 299, 315, 333 ; used aE ihestvis not A. Att. » = Caltha, 416 Chelidonium minor, not A. Att. = Fic- aria, ee ye rectal = Geum fe) CHRISTOPHORUS DE HONESTIS, 324 Chrysanthemum, 110, 111, 116, 179, 208, coronaria Lessing, 71, 49, 70, 109, I10, rir, Chi siacay Chrysanthus, Chrysiosan- themos, =the preceding, 111 hrysanthemum segetum L., 49, 70, 71, 109, II0, III, 347 Cicer, Brique Cicorea, 135, 191, 218, 222, 61, sing gia fen dh 333, 342, 369; and see its synonyms Endivia, Eliotropia, Silcpiee Sponsa Solis Circa instans of _PLATEARIO, as focal int form, 254; rtance, 254; neglect and eaiason, 255; its codices, 265; printed editions, 265-6.—References to Aster-earths, 256; to relatives of Aster, 256 ; to other plants confused with Aster, 258; comparisons with Macer, bd ‘ P 254; supposed American plan en- tioned in it, 255.—Its traces of the Botanical Garden of Salerno, 260; of flower-culture among the ladies, 261; of fruit-culture, 260 ; culture of medical plants, 260; of use of wild-flowers for certain plants since pagan tim ‘ of Plateario’s pétsonal regard for certain INDEX plants, 261; of his attention to plant- habitats and ecology, 262. of Circa instans, the Giowannigt, 264; print of its names, 2 er eats pe ae based on Circa instans, from 1244 to 1783, listed, 274-275 Cirsium, I19, 141 Citrago, Citraria, 174, 278, 325 Clar 9 Classification or empirical arrangement of plants, by Theophrastus, aes Da- mascenos, Dioscorides, 30, 323; by Isi- dorus, 177; Dodoens continues £ it rides’ mode of classing by properties, 398; Cone s and Lobel pay more at- tention to natural affinity. Alphabetic arrangements of plants, in the alphabetic Dioscorides, 301; the Alphabeta Her- barum, 216, 232; Crescenzi’s Ruralium, 295; the Aggregator Practicus, 305; Buch der Natur, 312; Ortus, 3173 Gart, 3223 in Fuchs, 348. CLAyTon, 18 oral Sys 11254. ON, Cuvstus, fe de I’Ecluse, 405; his and value, 2, 411; friend of d Dodoens, 408, 398, 399; he Vienna, 408, p Leyden, 409; Clusius’ writings, 410-412, 419; his attainments, 411; he begins a new era in plant-description, 0,10; 1 55 contemporary with Cesalpino’s new im petus to botanical phildésophy, 9, 416; he —Recensions | 431 transforms Aster into a polytype genus, 405-412; he is first alpinus L., 412, 40 the eight Asters of Clusius, 414, a eight other Aster-names of Clusius, i ved | COCKAYNE, I71I, 172 seca: 10 N, 239, » 319 cso not = Att., 233, 378 CoLLENUCCIO, ec 98, 327 th, 147 Colombaria, Colubrina = Arum, used as tt., 299, 314 CoLoNNA, FABIO, or COLUMNA, 417, 102, 29, 346, 361 COLUMELLA, 134; celebrates Aster by name Ame//us as source of honey, 134, his reputation and value, 137, I CoOMPOSITOR, 324 ConciLiAToR PADUANUS, 305 CONRAD VON MEGENBERG, 312 Consolida, 258, 260, 34 CONSTANTINUS AFRICANUS, 216, A Se 290, 296, 315; his perso » 233+; — works, 235; hace 12 Conyza, siadel with Aster, 71, 17, 42, 43, 167, 218, 245, 293) 325» 335» 346 62, 404, 415 Conysites, 33, 46 Conyszoides, Aster Conizoides, 361 COPELAND, 100 opHo, elder and younger, 97, 220, 223 CorRBICHON, 286 Corpuws, EvRICIUS, 355, 99 323, 328 Corpus, VALERIUS, 355, 14, 22, 25, 100, me 327, 329, 343» 345, 347 +> 384, eee 339, ae: 180, 326, 391 CorNARO, VINCENZO, 58 CORNUT, 17 CorNELIUS PeTRUS LEYDENSIS, 99; 328 432 INDEX Coronopus, see Plantago Coronopus DINAMIDIT, 230 +- CorRTUSI, 102 DIOocLEs, 107-9, 96 Costus, 46, Dionysia = Cichorium spain 315 19! ore Asal bet 257, 348, 388; see | Dionysius ITyKA0s, 96, I 's Cotu DIOPHANES, 122 eri Be 4 Diosanthus = Dianthus, ae RATEVAS, 118, I1, 43, 84, 96, 156-7, | DIOScORIDES, 138, II, 12, 0, 96, 43, 306, 338, 391 ; names the Mithridation,; 45; 185; his oa pts his de- 5» 53, 119; ascribes fabulous virtues to Aster,| scription of Aster, 141; his mixture 120 ; figures it, 122; his fragments, 121,| with his purple violet, 143 ; his syno- 142-3, 371 nyms, 145; his Dacian name for Aster, CRATO, 335; 3 145; his date, 139; editions, 140; CRESCENZI, /gbtaton 294, 98,173,| codices, 149, 269, figures, 149 +.— 9; 274, 282, 380, 393. Crescenzi’s name, Translations into Latin ; used by Cassio- 294 ; life, 294; editions of his Latin Ru-| dorus, 152, 308 ; by the on 233, by valium, 295; t omnes: 295-6, 419;| Simon Januensis, 233, 301; by the his shies Aeactiindion , 296; his sources, Lombards and by Marcellus ‘Vergitins, 296-7; his fait, 97-9; his Aster} 151 ; the Marcelline abridgment, 217-8; uses, 299; plants confused with Aster, ea Paternian, nail translation by Pe- 299-300 - s Paduan , 326; by Hermolaus Cresctones, Cress, 220, 257 in ae: ; six others, 1516-1598, Cridrium = ?, 233 326. Translations into Syriac, 152, Crithmum, 267 Rabie: 151, 152, 185; Ital., Ger., Fr., Crisomiles, 270 Sp., 326; Annotators on Dioscorides, Crispula = Buphthalmon, 325 1480-1628, 326-331; Saracenus and Crocus, 269, 278, 280, 333, 378 Spren Cus 7 BA, or C’AUB, JOHANN VON, 322, 98, Siaccetnes Paacd; 96, 140 275 DioscoripEs THE YOUNGER, the Glos CULPEPPER, 379 graph, Alexandrinus, 46, 140; citations Cunilago== Inula dysenterica L., 378,| as to Aster Samius, 83 16 Resta Pa Cyclamen, 171 Dipsac Cytisus ae DC., 40 Poste NSAR 223 Diliengene. Gung = A. Att., 374,71, Dacian plant names, 145, 82 373 DALECHAMP, 417, 28, 29, 31, 32, 100,| DopoENs, DoDoONAEUS, 398, 22, 26, 100, IOT, 36%, 372.4 333 +» 406-7 ; Dodoens reproduces ten DAMOCRATES, 65, 118 figures from Codex C of Dioscorides, DANIEL, HENRY, 98 150; his life and works, 398-9, 419; DECANDOLLE, 19, 24 his-Aster figure and description in the DEMOCRATES, 45 ruydeboeck, 398; those in his Pemp- Democritus, 38, 55 0 » 399 DEMOSTHENE ani, DoMIANUS, 266, 2 » 92 Dentelaria sees Bnipiroie acre L., 346 ees, Jacobus de Dondi, ca 98, 286, DESIDERIUS, 216, 2 34 305, 307 De vera herbarum cognitione Appendix, | Dorstenia, 119 ORSTENIUS, 69, 74, 75, 100, 119, 353 Doubling in flowers early recognized, ap- plied to central transformation, 243; t° 341 Dianthus eau ane L., 260, 380 DIERBACH, 103, 16 INDEX we of a second (gamopetalous) corolla, . applied flow chan. 24 % to pe flowers, 2 Takei. Draguncia, Dragontea, Tra- gontea= Arum, not A. Att., 287, 280, 333 395, se 102, 347, 393 yeing, ae , 48 DYNAMES Gy has DYNAMIDHS, 230 Eadgifu’s Salernitan, 217 Ecology, traces in Plateario, 262 Lilder, 39 Chien: 314, 315, see Helleborus Eliotropia = Cichorium, 218, 261, 281, | 287 Ella, Elna, Enula, for Jnula, q. v-, 196, 205, Ellend = Eryngium ; 200, 299 not 4. Aiz., 71 Embryology, human, 227, 280 Encyclopaedists, the; Thomas de Canti- prato "i Bartholomaeus genie 281; en Beauvais, ee: Simon eit 300; Matteo Sipuies a r Endivi Lnula pete see Jnl Epilepsy, Aster as a ee for, 44, 143, 9 dag said to be A. Alt, 22, 46, 70, 147, 184, 256, 277, 279, 280, 293, 297; I, 304, 306, 309, 320, 333 Lrythronium, 119 “aida A. Att., 71, 395 298, 30 5 » 71, Eupatorium, +i: an . cae 257, 278, 325, 32 Lurorisra, 96, 139 EurIPipes to radiate 61, | Fi 433 Eviscum, 176 Eye, plant-names formed from it, 76, Eyes, Aster as a remedy for, 40, 181; others as given by Bartolomeo, 222; Salernus, 224 ; Otho Cremonensis, 225 FALLoptius, 366, 367, 386 FEE, 24 fegatella, 300 FERAGIUM, 182 Ferns, 262 Ferraria = Eupatorium ? 325 FERRARIO, GIOVANNI II, 225, 249; | others, 213, 215 | Ficaria ranunculvides Rth., 23, 384 Filago, 37 ee ae” said to be 4. Att., 71, 373> 375» 37 rserpe phate for, 209, 239 Flora of France, etc., see Local Floras filos ‘Comes —= Tragopogon, 287, 316 Tos forum as the rose, 194, 204, 242, 292 Flos Gariofilus, 380 FLOS MEDICINAE, 2 Flosculus (the ie ee Folk-lore regarding Aster, ‘6 37,38, 39-57 Folk-medicine of Cratevas, 120; of Macer 207 -- ; of Hildegardis, 275 gape IoI FRA pase oe 378, , 13, vend Ae 39, 100, 329 5 Atticus, 350; his description, 351; his Aster Atticus fates, 353 Fumaria, 328, - 335 Fungi, 314; Fuscus dasuaia Fusch, 100, 329 GADDESDEN, JOHN, 98 alatella, 124, 403 Galbanum, 29°, 124, 186 mets 163, 46, 83, 85, 88, 96, 122, 180, 0, 268, 280, 315, 318, 320, 367, 4065 meet s buphthalmon, 107-111; Deriva- » 59 Eusraruius, 58, 160 tive works, 230, 235 434 encore Tetrahit L., 254, 2 alium, not A. Att., 258, ae 343, 346, ne 3 GaRcIA AB Horta, Io1, 408, 410 GARGILIUS MARTIALIS, 96; 137:.2 Garifoli, Gari Garyop ee Mm, Garofallt, Gelofre, pte egies Caryophyllum L., Gillt- Careete, meee eee ee 277, 258, poh 293, 299, naga Gantoronts, ai 97, 225; his person- 8, 230; works once as- cribed to hi, 2133 ‘aron = clove, 16 ESUNDHEIT, 275, 3 Caryophylion, sain lesia = Amarantus tricolor L., 261 GENESIA CLEOPATRA, 220 Genista, 347 Gentian; 87, 90, 91, 224, 289, 299, 316, I GEOFFREY DE VINSAUF, 97 GeEoponica, 39, 46, 97, 166 Georgics of Nicander, 115; of Vergil, 123 8 13 Geranium (not Geum) Robertianum, 275, | GR Gr 337 GERARDE, JOHN, 418, 26, 29, 32, 41, 102, 126, 150, 319, 351, 361, 372, 378, GERARDO DA CREMONA, 227, 264, 279, Po RARDO NOCITO, 327, 98 GESNER, Conrad, 358, 14, 100, 327, 330, 339, 351, 372, 374, 385, 386. Gesner’s works, 353; his nega in the plurality : ter species, 360; his vernacular plan names, 361; his iepite ae! = ; two other ers, 360 ; ; . Suaear Geum urbanum L., a 277, 378, 380 GHINI, 328, 366, 367, 369, 99 INDEX GIACOSA, 218, 215, 217 + GILBERTUS ANGLICUS, 97 GILLES DE CORBEIL, 225; see AEGIDIUS GIOVANNI DA PARMA, 227 GIOVANNI DE LIGNINO, 228 GIOVANNI FERRARIO, L IT, and-Iit, 223 225 GIOVANNI OF BAPTISTA, 228 GIOVANNI PLATEARIO, I, a and III, 246, 249, 252 GIOVANNI SON OF GREGORIO, 224 ladiolus, 115, 134, 194 YANNI'S Cure, 22 278 napha mi Stoechas L., 40, 56 Gods and Goddesses presiding over Aster or plants confused w ; Minerva pre- siding over aise maa Argemon, 80, 155-6; Hera over Asterion, 158-161; Zeus and Ilithyia over Buphthalmon, 178; Aphrodite over Eryngium and Peristereon, 179; Proserpina over An- themis, 176; the gods in general over Aster and Amellus, 116, 125 | Goitre, Aster as a remedy for, 45 , GORDON, BERNARD, 98, 226, 331 GoRRAEUS, 65, 116 10, GREGORIUS RiekiteneAnicn 152 Groin, see Inguinal Remedies a > As Ait. 40; 60, 72 GRONOVIUs, Guamenrus, a 98 GUILANDINI, 386, 23, 101, 330, 360, 367, 86 GUILLERMUS GUERUALDUS, 189 st his mous ae from Penny, 362;| Haier, 171, 180, 365, 369, 371, 380, Sr, Hay, Oy) 274, 2 | HARPESTRENG, 203, 98 INDEX HARPOCRATION, 96, 278 435 pubs salularis = aye 2 E ae7 lear?’ s-ease, 319 erba Proserpinalis —= ffeattu, HAVEN oF, ete. + 3193 see mene | aan Sanctae Mariae = ecu, 263, tatis HECATAEUS ABDERITA, 42 a ed Sancti Joannis = Hypericum, 263 Hedera, 267, 339, 347 @ Sancti Petri= Primula, 265, 324 ee — not 4. Aft., 46, 87, pe Sancti Philippi = Saponaria, 263 116, 232, 307 | Flerba Stella, Herba Stellaria, see ee ee re = Alt., 417 flelichrysum,' 46, 56, 261, 267 flelleborus, 275, 313 Flelxine I, | Herba urceolaris = Paronychia, 80, 114 | Herba Vella = Carrichtera, 233 Hlerba vermicularis = Sedum acre .., 224, 62 2 pies Aster as a remedy for, 43;| Hereaz, the Grete, 273, 99 cl 22 HE ay 98 HENRICUS DE SAXONIA, 280 HENRY OF HUNTINGDON, 97 HENSCHEL, discovers the Compendium Salernitanum, 255, 263; prints a syn- opsis, 263; reviews its plant-names, 2 4 ffepatica stellata of Tabernaemontanus = Asperula; not A. Att., 21, 343 rts, not A, Alt., 344 Herba Aaron = Arum; not A. Att., 275 Herba amorsu co 228 Llerba Apollin os ae 267 flerba hang Herb bennet, = Geum | Hernia, oberg num ie » 260, a7. Herba cani. Mandragora, 177 ee ssaieotie 225 erba Che @ Cimbalaria = Cotyledon, 228 22 373 Herba inguinahs= A. Att., 74 Herba insana = Potengi sy flerba Jovis = Helichrysum, flerba .. ee ES Tetra- hit 267 Saty hie and Herba /unaria, 223 Hlerba Oculus Domini, 22 Herba Paralysis, 72, see Paralysis and Primula Herba Sancti Christophori = Geum, 378 HERMANN, 17 HERMES Miccuiiecs: § 281 HERMOLAUS RBARIUM DIOSCORIDIS, 152 HeERBARIUS, works of this name, 305, 97, I7I, 207, 228; the #réario of Padua, 207, 228; of Pavia, 228, 307; of Castor Durante, 3 Herzarvm of Brunfels, 340 HTERBARUM ALPHABETA, 216, 232 Herbe d’ ancens, 270 Herbier Le aca 272, 98 HIERBOLARIO of Venice, 310, 4 HERBOLARIUM, of Vicenza, oP - Venice, ARBARUS, 334, 98, I12, 129, 326, 327, 37 Aster a remedy for, 44, 338, 391; aced by /nula Helenium L., 341 repla sitios not A. Alt., 44, 78, 156 8 HERRER elidonia, used as 4. AZ. 372; 166 Pecan, 205 Hibiscus, Eviscum, 176 | HIERONYM Boc us Bock, 342, 99, 306; see HIERONYMUS BRUNSVICENSIS, 330, 70, 98, 306, 307, 346+, 393. His identity 330, 332, 333; he is confused with , 333; Bock’s own references to m, 342, 343 ; his plant- — 3353 23 plant- Aistilling, mistakes ong the plants of the ancients, 331 ; bis Distillerung Buch, 331; his Apoaixis, 332; his —— perhaps in- cluded Aster, 333, 334; his Aste emedies, 332; his aie confused with Aster, 333; his Primula, 333-4 436 HILDEGARDIS DE PINGUIA, 275, 37, 378; HILL, 101 Himmelschiiissel, said to include A. Att, 4 HIPPOCRATES, 103, 91, 96, 202, 283, 231, and alleged letter to Cratevas, 103 ; his treatment of inguinal tumors, aah his remedy jpolyophthaimon may in- cluded Asfer as well as Sasihoiees, 104-111 Histories of botany, 10 HosAIscH, 185 HOEFER, I19, 121, - HOLLAND, PHILEMON, HOLZACHIUS, 100, 330 HonaAIN BEN ian Ysaac or Isaac, 185 HORMAN, florminnm, 379 HoRsTIUs, 100, 329 ffortus SANITITIS, 317, see Ortus HRABANUS, ee RHABANU! HuMEL i. i Hunesdarm = Stellaria media L., 276 Huofladtheda major and minor = Tussi- lago, 275 Hydrophobia: Cratevas uses Aster as a remedy, 45; Dioscorides’ 369, 370 213, 243 Brentiks lm 356, 397 Hyoseris = Centaurea nigra L.? 10 Alyoscyamus, Jusquiamus, 109, 176, 177, 207, 281 5, 136 um== A. Att., %0§, 73, 315, Hypericum, 263 Hypocistis, 383 a Jacea = pansy, 289 farus = Arum, 267 beris, 45 Ibn ALABBASZ, 186, 97 Inn ALAWWAM, 186, 97, 419 Ign ALKOTBI, 187, 98 ‘ INDEX Ipn BAITHAR, 186, 97 N DsCHOLDSCHOL, 185, 97 sik GOLGOL, I a RoscHID, 186, see AVERROES BN SINA, a see AVICENNA on WALID 97 Tlithyia ia! S ssastatoon: 178 Imperatoria = Asterion, 81, 206, 213, I Incensaria, not A. Att., 257, 263, 271, 416 Inguinal remedies, 40; Aster so used, 40+; other anny 40, 52, Inguinalis = A +» 74; ne aa 3455 355, 396 Ingninaria=A, Att., 74, 40+, 154, 304, 345, 397, 406 228, 232, 241, 246, 256, 276, ite 293, 304, 312, 348, 378, 384, 396, 4 Inula Britannica L., 69, 79, oe 403 Inula Bubonium Jacq., not A. Ait., 69, 78, 335, 385, 417 sey dysenterica L. == Pulicaria dysen- rica, 378, Seta ae ensifolia Inula hirta L. tg ei x Inula montana L., 79, 4 Inula Oculus Christi L., 379, 415 Lnula odora L., 389, 416 Inula ~~ ria L. = sheer vulgaris 18 403, 416, 417, 418 not A. Att., 372, Gaettn., 415 Inula ca. L., 69, 378, 401, 402, 494, 417 Inula Da Lu, 66, 449; 362, 402 Lnula x partie 130% Jon, 74, 5 ak and Violet, Purple fringio, para Trincii ; held = A. Att.; 74, 184, 277, 297, 309, 325, 3333 S°° Eryngium Iron; antipathy of Argemon (Aster?) to Tavs 543; of Senecio, 211 c BEN Honatn, or Ish’aq; mediaev- zoe Ysaac, q. -v., 1855 translator of Nicolaos Damascenos, 112 fsatis, 196, 207, 304 a INDEX 437 Istporus HIsPALENSIS, Ysyder, 96, 131, 138, 177, 276, 283, 286, 315 Lsopyron, 143 Jacea, Yacea, Taccea = pansy, 289 JOANNES, 280 JOANNES Fittus SERAPIONIS, 96 JOANNES MEDIOLANUS, 236, 216, 220, 223 JOSAN MEDICUS, 21 JoOsEPHUS MEDICUS, 216, 220 JUHASZ, IOI Juncus odoratus, 9O JUNGERMANN, 364 Jusquiamus ( = Hyoscyamus), 176, 281 Jussieu, 24 Justus, 211 KELE, RICHARD, 99 Kiranives, 278, 98, 179 Klein Megerkraut = A. 75 Klein Sternkraut —= Aster ae i 75 Krevrersucn of Pruss, 322; Renatus Beck, 322; Balthasar Beck, 322; Rho- dion, 322, 275 ; Lonitzer, 392, 275, 351; Uffenbach, 393, 275, 351; Ehrhart, 394 275, 351. piety of Bock, SAE Sapeie of Fuchs, 350. poems uch of Tabe bode 417. Cru ae of Dodoens, 398. veienrink of Camerarius, 388; Becher, 389, Ver- zascha, 389 Krottenkrut = A. Att., 75, 322 KYBER, 327, 3 61 Pp Oe and eaeek 36, 179, 278, see KIRANIDES Labor-pains, Aster as a remedy in, 44 Lacroix, 196, 272, 302, 304, 313 Lactuca, 31, 167, 177, 191, 213, 225, 228, 8, 34 78, 288 Left-hand $8 Aster as such, 54; L others, 55, I LELaMaR, 98, a Lemna, 262 Lemnia, Aster Lemnius, Lemnian earth, 5 OI, 320 LEMNIUS, IOI Leo OSTIENSIS, 215 eontodon, 106, 2 67 Leontopodium, 42, ve 78, 119 LERY, IOI LESSING 19 ydiaedswun, 42, 64, 70, 335, 346 LIBER AGGREGATIONIS, 280, 98 LIBER DE SIMPLICI MEDICINA, 97, 223 LIBER GRADUUM, 2 LIBER MEDICINALIS, 97 LIGNAMINE, 172 Ligusticum, 200 Lilium, 66, 194, sige 224, 281 LINACRE, LYNACRO, 199 Linaria, 4 03 LINNAEUS, 18, 20, 129, 323, 363, 376 02 106 LOBEL, 400, 15, 23, 101, 3433 his botani- 401 ; Lobel's eight Aster descriptions, 401-404 ; his value, 404. Local floras, first jeu of, for France, Strasburg, 341 ; Germany at large, 342; Netherlands, 398 ; Austria, 409; of Her- cynia, 416; also of Monte Baldi, 410 ; Mts. Stockhorn and Ness, 353- Lolium, Loglio, 196, 205, 206, 259 LONGIANO, FAusTO DA, 326 pene i, 343 NITZER, LONICER us, Adam, 391, 100, 329, 343, 3513 his father John, 391, 199 Luca GHINI, see GHINI 438 INDEX Luparia (= Aconitum), Lupulus, Lupi- | MAGNOL, 403 M nus, 345 GO, 96, 122, 138 Lybianum, aster-medicament, 92 MAHAFFY, 16: tg 66, 379, 380, 400 MALAJESA, 187, 98 um, 369 Matva, 2 LycomeDes, go MA kien 338; 79, 925°09,: 321; 328 ak swieriat 370 Mandev ille, the Travels of, 302 0, 99, 199 Mandragora, 82, 91, sae; 261, 2675 292, Linas, 378 299, 315 E, 25, 34, Lol, 399 MANFRED DE MONTE IMPERIALI, 380, 98, 324 MAcER, AEMILIUS MACER VERONENSIS, MANLIO, DA, JACOBUS DE MANLIIS, 323, 98, 184, 374, 375, 378, 380 99, 133, ss MAceEr FLoripus, 196, 97, 176, 305, ng | Mannes-trew = Eryngium, 75 395; Macer’ cosaes, 196, 268;name, Manuscripts fh Cratevas, 371; Dioscorides, 107, 227; 225, 268;-374, 306. Sia 149-152; Pliny, 123; Vergil, 129; 197 ; vocation, 198 ; Macer’s poem, 198; — Columella’s copy, 138; Probus’ copy, its MSS., 199, 419; its editions, 198, 125. MSS. of Apuleius Platonicus, 287 ; its translations, 199, 227, 228; its 171; of Serapion, 183 ; Rhabanus, 191; redactors, 200 ; its sources, 300 ; its rarer Strabus, 200, 202; Macer, 199, 419; citations, 200; its reputation, 203; its Plateario, 263 ; Simon Januensis, 300. development at Salerno and Paris and in| —_ Unprinted MSS., 206, 227, Denmark, 203.—Macer’s knowledge of MAPLET, 101 Strabus, 200; Macer’s Magna-Graecian | Maranta, 330, 386 names, 205, 196; his Latin folk-names, LLINE BoTANIcumM, the, 218 . 207; Macer’s peculiar plant-names as | MARCELLINUS, 89, 218 aN SE with the Regimen, 241 ; the) MARCELLUS Empiricus, 168, 96, 231 : Dynam with Ferrario,, MARCELLUS SIDETES, 96, 118, 168 see er Plateciia 259; with Bartholo-, MARCELLUS VERGILIUS, 337, > 38, 99, us Anglicus, 291.—Aster as influ- 326, 334 Scio Macer’s description of Anthemis, Marchantia, 259, 262 207-210; his treatment of Compositae, Marco Poo, 30 210-213 ; of plants confused with Aster, Margarita, 329, 334 211 ; of allied or contrasted plants, 213.— Marcor, Traces of Macer’ Perens feeling for the | | Marigold, Purple A. Att., 75, 336 ancients, 202; for plants, 204.—Trai ces. MARINELLO, 370 of his C Galntidncriotey ar 197 ; of resi- | Ma AROGNA, 330 dence at Salerno, 196, 198; of sojourn | | Marrubium = Asterion, 81, 83, 91, 348 in Liguria and in pleted 201.—Macer | MARSILI, 366, 367 probably not the Salernitan court-physi- | MARTIGNIANO, 3 cian of Charles the ee 217.—Ma-| MARTYN, 33, 5 sh 135 cer not the direct source of the Ortus| MARTYR, PETE or Gart, 306. stein: from Macer | MASCALL, Io1 by the Regimen Salerni, 243; by Plat-| Matersylva, a Asperula, said eario, 262; by Bartolomeo Mino, 268; to be A. Atz,, 171, 222, 258, 325, 333» y Joannes, 280; by Bartholomaeus An-| 342, 343 glicus, 287 ; Macer’s use of Diafeganon, | MATHER, 326 226 Matricaria, 80, 108, 189, 209, 226, 257 MAGISTRI SALERNITANI, 218, 419 278, 388 Ss INDEX 439 MATTEO PLATEARIO, 250, see PLATEARIO, and Cinca instans MATTEO SILVATICO, 303, 22, 98, 184, 227, 301, 305, 308, 319, 320, 323, 374, 375, M1 379, 380 MATTIOLI, MATTHIOLI, 381, 15, 16, 22, > 100, 125, 143, 326, ii ge 343 +; 4+. His life and works, 381; his ii 381 ; his Aster- eae 382- 5;_ his figur ures, 385 ; references to the vio- gers aoe Sleuan nigrum L., 207, 241, 259, 299, 325 MAXIMUS PLANUDES, I12 MEGENBERG, CONRAD VON, 312, 98, 274, 283, 378 Megerkraut = A, Att,, 75, 399 MEGTENBERGER, 98 Melanthium, 241 Melilotus 174, 285, 211, 255,276, 32. ae Melissophylion, said to= Amellus, 23, 45, 46, 75, 174, 211, 281 Melittis ma mipaeye Mella, the lotus, 177 ; the river Mella, 130 MENGE, 30 Mentha, 177, 222, 260 Mentz, in association with botanical and other early tig Ig! a3 the mistletoe, 336; Mer ia titeg: Merida Aster Trigslions i 75 Sar. MEsuE, “, 44, 97, 143 Wace filius, 186, 97, 228, 274, 308, 320 324, 339 METRODORUS, 122 Meu, 81, 341 Meyer’s Geschichte der Botanik, 10; Meyer establishes the true authorship 0 Aristotle’s De plants, and edits it, 112; his edition of Albertus Magnus, 276 MICHELI, MILLENGEN ; his ‘‘ Medical experience,”’ 42, 46, M » 95 ILLER, PHILIP, 27, 30, 32, 35 WVEVILET EL flyoscyamus, 177 aime and Argemon, 155, I ete and As- 80 D, 98 ITHRIDATES, 46, 119 Mithridation, 113 MIZAULD, Io1 MOIBAN, IOI, 330 MOLINES, MOLINAEUS, or Des MouLins, 102, 362, 381 ; see Dalechamp fe) MONARDES, IOI, 410 ra Cassino, 215 TI, a 367 I, 396 prseng see Maurella Morison, - : 363 374, 375, 418 MosEs MAIMONIDES, 186, 274, 320 woos , IOI Muguet petit — A. Alt., 75 officinalis Willd., said to= | MUNDELLA, My 7 DDLETON ; his ‘‘ Properties of Herbes,’’ Pap (2 Myrtle, 52, 54 ES, 18, 19 Nelumbium, 260, 262 NEUENAR, 328, 99, 167 NEWTON, 102 NICANDER, 81, 96, 111, 1355, 356, 392 NIccOLO DA REGGIO, 227, 98 NIcoLAos of Constantinople, 185 sone DAMASCENOS, I12, 30, 42, 96, 100, 2 ort Myrepsos, 189, 81, 98, 227 NICOLAUS PRAEPOSITUS, 223, 97, 225, 228, 266 a plants, 37, 38 NorKER, 193 ae "26033 Nymphaea, aa. ve tis. 11, Oblaodia = Matricaria, 257 Ocsko, ~ Oculcea = Oculus ee —— S pigliakicn. 75, 325 Oculus Christi A. Att., and Pallenis, 379, 76, 224, 373, 378; 379, 406, 413 440 INDEX Oculus Christi minor —= Inula montana L., 76, 379 Oculus Consulis = Tragopogon, 379, an Oculus porci = Tragopogon, 106, 277, 3 3745 375 Oculus vaccae = Buphthalmum, 325 Ocymum, 133 Oeil de Christ, Oecillets Dieu, 76, 379 Opo ; redactors of Macer, 200 Oporic of —— €, 202 Ointment of A OLYMPIAS on Meva 203, 268 ica on, Aang Opti 40, see Eyes OPPIAN, 60 ick 262 Onrmasivs, 163, 91, 92, 96, 231, 382 Origanum, 261 Oriola = Lonicera ? 261 > 98 TUS Senchene 317, 268, 269, 273, aha: 395, 419; comparison with the Ag- gregator Practicus, 305-307 Ostrutium, Strucium, 213, 250 OTHO CREMONENSIS, 225, 97 OvID, 13 OVIEDO, Oxalis, 255, 263 Ox-names for plants, 70, 146, 170, 207 XYOTUS, 100 PAaw, 102 PADUAN ERBARIO, 228 PAEURLE, 100 Palacium leporis or Sparagi, 269 ee 173, 96, 125, 137, 202, 283, Pali spinosa (L.) Cassini, held to— - Att., 371-374, 70, 362, 363, 365, a 385 — 406, 413, 415, 416, 418 PAMPHILIU: PANDECTA, toe 303, see MAr- TEO SILVATICO Pandoria = celandine, 276 Papaver, used as A. Att., 1 56, 214, 258, PARACELSUS, 100 aradel, Paradella, Paradelos, 299, 335 Paralysis, Herba= Primula; and A A, Alt.?, 72, 70, 224, 246, 258, = 332, 335 =| Parsitatta; 207, 228, 259, Parietaria, used as A. ae So. 114, 153, 224, 259, 299 Paris quadrifolia 1.., held a= Aster,s 21, 79, 343 PARKINSON, 396, 26, 30, 41, 150, 351, 362, 373, 378, 379, 401 Paronychia, used as A. Att., 345 Parthenium, 80, 276 PASINI, 102, 330 'ASSIONARIUS, 230, 262 Pastinaca, 27 ATERNIAN TREATISE, 232, 216 PAULUS AEGINETA, 180, 41, yt 96, 225, 226 PENA, 401, 15, 101, 365, Ade 401 chgeie , THOMAS, Ior, 3 @, 315 vires 78, 80, 90, 114, 335 REZ, 102 Pericles and Astericum, 80 Peristereon, 161, 179, 279 Persicaria, 262, 2 Pervinca, Provinca, Periwinkle, 261, 269, 281 Pes pulli= Portulaca, 207 Petasites, 275, 378 Petit E. Petricello’s powder, 262 oe PETRONIO, 222, 230, 249, Fists APONENSIS or Paduanus, 305, 304, 326 PETYT, 100 Peucedanum, 106 PFEIFFER, 312+, 283 PHILAGRIUS, 2 PHILARGYRUS, 125 PHILUMENOS, 92 209, 315 : Puotius, 187 Pappus, 32 | Phyllon, 120 INDEX 441 PHYSICAL PLANTS, 98 | PLATEARIO, MATTEO II, 250, PLATEARIO, MATTEO, PISANUS, 253 Physiology of Plants, Nicolaos Damascenos | on, 112; Albertus Magnus, 276 PLAT RIO, medica, 252, 264 PIETRO SPANO, 226, 9 | PLATEARIO, Socius, 252, 265 GMENTIS, DE, _PLATEARIO, TROTULA, 249, 97 Pilosella, 26 PLATO, the poet, Pinguicula, LUTARCH, 60, 80 - Plant-names from persons, 119; ancient PLINIUS VALERIANUS, 176, 96, 2 binomials, 65, 255; names from me//a, | Puiny, 152, 45, 55, 60, 96, 206, en 285, from viola, 1443 acian| 338, 3433 pore 80, 81, 83, 86, 119, ;| 136, 176.—Pliny’s relation to Dioscori- } oates; F395 an Aster or Bubonion, 153; | his — or /nguinalis, 154; his | Arg 155; his Argemone, 156.— Pliny ¢ iene by Herm 34.5 b Leonicenus, 327; defended by eh Plantago Big ae Li; I; 72, 78, Hep cy 327, 335; 339 Plantago sesibaitads Plantago major L., o) as A. Adt., 43, | 2, 53, 88, 213, 224, 254, 288, 299, | olaus, 300 Poisonous bites, Aster as a remedy for, Plantago maritimum L., = 4 Plasters from Aster leave POLEMOS, 59 Polion, Poly, 76, 256 8, 50 PLATEARIO, Platearius, Pasir Matteo ? 5 eo, Marco, and Nicolo, their Plateario, II, -275, see Circa! Polo, Matteo. imstans.—Plateario as yo r than oe 302 Preposito and Constantinus, 250; as m, 66, 262, 275 instructor and inspirer of Aegidius of mas 3 Corbeil, 250, 251; he is cured of Polyophthaim on = A, Alt., etc., 75, 104 dysuria, 250; erience with ri re 387 i 251 , with antidotes, 222. Pona, I ‘cieipeedaan, apy 19), 17a. 374, 376 a sigh flowers = ; his awe reasons for his long obscurity, 255, 283 saiagienspee to him, 284-291, 297-298, 395, 315, 3 Meili psi I, 246, 97; his Practica, 247 PLAT teans0; Grovann! II, 249 PLaTEario, GIOVANNI III, 252, 97, 264 PLATEARIO, matrona m, 43, 4 — ree i it PLATEARIO, MatrEo I, 249 Populago—{Caltha ; not A. Att, 416 Porcellana = eee 299 > 299, 3 eton = A ao Lie 975 rae 222, = Pomme, 262 PREPOSITO, NICOLO, 223 Primula, 23, 72, 239, 246, 256, 258, 262, 263, 276, 316, 324, 332, 333» 3343 con- fusion with Aster, 332 Prosus, 125 oe a Menici, 305, 98 nthemis, Arum, and Polyg- shew onum, oS is osha 261, see Pervinca and Vinca EMOSTHENES, 301 carat 340 Psyche = Aster Tripolium L., 77 Puleginum, 280 442 PULICARIA ; used as BY;..42,. 7735 | 267 167, 222, 225, pia pi wes 277, 325, | Rose, 194, 204, 224, 281, 292, 383, 4 Ros 353, 384, 404, 4 Pyrethrum, 210, 224, 257, 276, 278 QosTHUS, 183, 9 ~ QUADRAMIO, 368, cus Aegilops L., ger vallonea, 37 ster as a renal for, 45, 181, 320; other remedies, 224, 299, 311, 320, 3 Quisquilia, 286 RAFINESQUE, Ig Raimunvus Lutuus, 278, 98 Rathibida = A. Att., 145, 77, 345 RAUWOLF, 101, 362, 364, 41 5 8 DMAN, 99 REGIMEN SANITATIS SALERNI, = ss 196 RENZI, 246; cf. Salernitan Mas RHAZES, 182, 97, 183, 240, 264, 272, 27 Renn lt 3% 542) 38% 390) 393 RINIus, 98, 228, 269 RIVINUS, 279 ari Ryff, 390, 100, 329, 351 bia = a 299 ones a, Robert adisie 223, 238 Robert Guiscard, 221 RoBERTUs BRITTANUS, I00 ROBERTUS CONSTANTINUS, Bla, 74; 5%; 100, 329, 397 RoBerTus STEPHANUS, 99 Rodd’s Folk-lore of Modern Greece, 37, 555 147 RopioTo, 363, 365 odolf Malcorona at Salerno, 247-248 Roemisch Negelin = A, Att.? 78, 341 omnes LET, st 15, 74, 365, 372, 400, 402, INDEX | Rosemary, 39, strum —— m —= Taraxacum, pete 277, 3 TA, 99, ago N, 363 fete not A. Av » 78,79, Tot, | 224, 258, 276, 290,98, 34 328 353 335» 342, 343, 3 Rubus, 6 | RUELLIUS, 337, 13, 14, 40, 54, 99, 114, | 326, 334, 40 Rurus EPHEsius, 90 uppia, Ruta, Rue, 91, sath gs 297 RyFF, 390, see Riv Sachs’ History of ae. ae Bosco, 283, 309, 313 Il in association with plants, 193 “ Secres de, 270 Salernitan botanical garden, 218, 229, 260, fo) 393 Salernitan flower-culture, 260, 261 alernitan masters and pnts chron no- — list of them and their writings, 216-229; lists of uncertain oo 2275 228 end. Their cure of Bohemond, 221; of Robert of Normandy, 238, 223. Their poisons, 221 224 alernitan masters, writers regarding them ; the Chronicle, 219, 226 ; Leo Ostiensis, 248, 224; Ceonens, 227 5 their face-recipes, 224; they are cited by ees, 249 ; Sichelgaita learns from the Rima. L’ OPERA, 254 SALERNITANA, SECRETA, 229 INDEX SALERNITANI, MAGISTRI NONDUM EDITI, SALERNITANUM COMPENDIUM, 263, 262 SALERNITANUS PRACTICUS, 247 ra 214 US, 224, 264, 379 8 hae , 193 Saliunca, Salviane, Salvida, 74, 75, 270, 29 SALMASIUS, 132, 326 SALMON, 397, 3 Salstfica, 229 Salvia, 146 Salvicula for Valeriana celtica, 233 , c 5, 96 Samos, . the pps from, $3, see Aster acpbse: 193 Sanamunda = SANATIONIS, CLAVIS, 300 SANDYX, 92 Sanguinaria, 91, 171 Sanicula, 298 wera OrTuS, 317; works of similar e, Hortulus — 393; Gart der Goimnahel, 322; Gaertlein der Gesund- heie, 322, 393 erde der Suntheit, I Geum urbanum L., 260 Jardin de Sante, 318; ot reas Regimen sanitatis Salerni, : De onservatione Sanitatis, 327 ; . Cautta of Health, 319; Cogan’s UT Supoario 2 pe see 270 Sap 59, III, pata yA, . 83, 87, 140+, - SARACENUS, Theannebes: a2 Sarcocolla, not A. Att., 169,195, 224, 278, 293 Satyrion, used as A. Alt., 177, 297, 328; 332, 37 Saw-wort, 49 Saxifraga, 379 Scabiosa, mou 324, 403 Sc. ER, Scandix, - 443 Scartenkraut = A. Att., 78, 399 chartenblumen = A 78 Schartenkraut —= A. Att., 48, 346 ENCKIUS, 102, 23 SCHMIEDEL, 363-5, 388 +- enus cans L., 113 SCHOLA SALERNITANA, 236 Sciatica, Aster as a remedy for, 45 ; Jwala, etc, its place, 213, pi 290 Stone ‘ies Las Sclarea, 379 ScOLAPIO, 208, 216 Scolymus, 69, 167, 307, 323 Scordion, 11 Scorzonera, 376, 377, 410 Scotus, 226, 285, 315 ScRIBONIUS LARGUS, 96, 168 Secacul, said to — A. Att., 258, 277, 311, SECRES DE SALERNE, 229, 269, 270; the 226 SECRETA SECRETORUM and similar titles, 29 SecreTis Mutiervm, 280 SECRETORUM, LIBER, 302 Sedum, Sempervivum, 370 Senecio, ort a, 210, 257, 270, 277, 300 Serapias, used as @., 7, tat, 226, 379, 29 SERAPION, 183, 96, 228, 264, 265, 266, 297, 298, 299, 301, 395, 320, 324, 325 382, 384, 394 Serpentaria, Serpentina = Arum, 281, ewort = A. 9 78; 346 Shepherds, their ke of Aster, 36 the survival of their life, 37 Shrubs, ancient conception of, 30, 134 ascii - avy IENNIK ieawenet cat ae, 197, 202, 203 444 SIMEON — 187, 97, 176 SIMLER, SIMON Jahan, 300, 98, 106, 183, 229, aide 8 Riot aap 320, 323, 328, 377: on Janu as an ecclesiastic and a n, 305 elas of Ser- apion and of Abul Qasim, 300, 30 botanical Akay 302 ; investigator of the plants of the ancients, 3023 author the Clavis sanationis, 300 ; its value, 300; its editions, 300; Campanus’ Lost writings used by Simon 00, ie Comparison with Stseleos, 2 odynes, 90 Sleeping-herbs, a 222,/ 225, 25%, 318 SMITH, I00 Smyrnium, 219 Jama Aster as a remedy for, 46, nae ; other plants, 209, 241, 272, 290, Sek driven of by fumes of Aster, 47 ; f galbanum, 290; of arum, 290, 312; ss other plants, 47, 228 Solanum, Solanum nigrum L., used as A. Ait., 170, 177, 206, 207, 218, 233, 2At; oD Solanum quadrifolium = ’ Herb Paris, 34 Solatrum, often== Solanum nigrum L., 224, 259, 299, 312, 325, 333 Soldanella, 270 Solsequium = Cichorium, 261, 315, 333 SOTHEBY, 125 Spanish flora, PEN rudiments, 177 Spergula, 79, Sphonsium = Aderion 159 hragis as er medicament, 86, go SPICZYNSKI, I00 Spiraea, 271 Spiraea Filipendula L., 254, 267 Sponsa Solis = Cichorium, 261, 277, 300, INDEX SPRENGEL, historian of botany, 10 ; student of Punic plant-names, 82; Root Saanietin 140, 326; judgments pro- nounced by Sprengel, 303, 304, 323, a ad OE ie Bereta 311, see Quinsy — ster T7 ripolism T5785 Staphisag: pe Stars, mie inane to Greek thought and ‘arwort = Stella and herba Stella = A, Ait., etc., 78, 335, 338, 339 Stella, Attica = A. Aitt., 78, 382, 404 Stella Attica Monspeliensium of Lobel, Ol, 24, 7 Stella di Athene = A. Ait., 78, 383, 395 Stella maris, 72, 339. Maris stella, 193 Stella marina, the starfish, 81 tella plana, 22 Stellaria = A. Att., 78, 318, 339, 355 _. plants so called, 335, - 78, oe ae te os os erba = A. Att., 73 pee media \.., 91, 276 jet Terra, . +» 79 weal ie vy Altt., 79 Sternkraut = A. Att., 79, 399, 322, 349 rgula, 339, = Paris, 345 Heiies , 79, 399 STEPHANOS ‘ALeeAnta non: 188, 96 STEPHANOS ANTIOCHENOS, 186 STEPHANOS ATHENAOS, 188, 96 STEPHANOS BASILIDES, 185, 97 STEPHANOS MAGNETES, 188, 65 STEPHANUS ROBERTUS, 99 Stignus, 27 Seaman, 39, 222; Aster as a stomachic, * ose sia 241, 320; others of Salernus, , 225; Crescenzi, - oes 192, 97 Strignum, 206, 225, 259, 276, 299 Struthion, 206, 250 trumus ee ba, 170 Strucium, 250, 259, 264 315, 3 Strychnus, 66, 82, 170, 177, 206, 312 INDEX STUPANUS, IOI, 330 Succisa, 403 Rp 188, 256, 259 vba — Dianthus Caryophyllus L., 380 2 Swine, Argemon ae Aster?), a remedy 8 for, 4 Swine names, for plants, 105, 73, 74, 376 Syche, 23 SyLvius, ZACHARIUS, 133, 236, 239, 242 SyYMPHORIANUS CAMPEGIANUS, Lo Symphytum, ~ 170, 224, 2 YNONYMA, 98 "TABERNAEMONTANUS, 417, 102, 339, 343, 16 UTIUS, 99 Voldman. I9l, 226, 277, 324 Ti vile 324, see Rostrum porcinum “TERENTIUS EUVELPISTIUS, 231 Terra Asteris or Terra Samia, 83, 91, 256 Terra sigillata, 86, 256, 278, 289, 320; called Terra stelle, 256 Tetrahit, Tetrahiscus = = Galeopsis, 267, 293, 300 DECTRERAEMACY, 227 US Thapsia garganica L.., 79, 267, 329 Thaspium aureum Nuttall, 219 ‘THEOCRITUS, 42, 126 TuEoporvus Gaza, 113, 98 THEODORUS PRISCIANUS, 167, 96, 328 THROPHRASTUS, 113, I1, 30, 42, 84 85, 266, 343, 384, 408; his pend of Asteriscus, 1133; of Schoenus, 113; his double flowers, 243, 244, 2453 Aster- iscus as interpreted Parielaria, 114; as Aster, 11 "THEVET, Tinctorius —s — A. Att., 345, 79 Tiriaca — Allium, used as A. Alt., 222, 267, 290 ‘Toads said to use Aster asa remedy, 47, 69 Toadwort = A. Alt., 7 445 TOURNEFORT, 16, 121, 343, 363, 374 376, 377, 493 Tragopogon ; not A. Att., 316, 374+ Traguntea, Draguncea = Arum, 314 TRAGUS, — see Bock TRAPP, TRATTATO DELLA Cinsenoue 222 Travellers; botanical or those making references to plants, 293, 301; 323; botanical journeys of Anguillara, 365, 106, 276, 287, Trinitas = pansy, 289; == Hepatica, 259 Tripolium, see Aster Tripolium a3 Trixago, TROTULA, 97, 222 Tuipa, 360 Tumors, Aster a remedy for, 3203 cf. 40, 57> 225 Tunica = Dianthus, etc., 380 Turbith = Aster Tripolium Lies 705235 Turbith = Ipomoea Turpethum Lap ete, 226, 235, 256, jee 329; 339 ero = Melissa, Turpethum, 79 TURNER, 99, 100, 273, 328, 360, 366, 418 TUSSER, IOI Tussilago, 90, 222, 275, 378 TZEIZE UFFENBACH, JOHN, 394 UPFFENBACH, PETER, 392, 339, 332 UFFENBACH, ZACHARIAH, 394 Ulcers; Aster, etc., as remedy for, 40+, 209, 249, Unguents as aster-medicaments, 226 Unguin » 345 Ungula caballina= Tussilago, 222, 228, 277, 288 Unone = Agrimonia, 228 Uranium, an A 92 446 URZEDOW, 102 Usnea, pee - Ova lupin fe toe guadrifolia L., held to be Aster, 177, 344 Uva taminea = Bryonia, 232 VAILLANT, ns 374, 376 Valeri Viauaos ee 125 VALLA, ese: 328, 99 VARRO, a 205 Vella herb wig oe chtera, 233 Veltpluom = Tragopogon, AG 378 Vena tinctorum = Chelidonium ? 277 5 Ventosius = Hyoscyamus ? 28 Veratrum, 66 Verkuil 401 Verbena, 55, 161, 224, 263, 279, 281 Verbkraut = Verbena ? 263 VERGIL, 123, 23, 96, 141 $ cect inter- est in Amellus, 123; ees, 1243 in galbanum, 124 ; the Vergilian Flortulus, eorgi Nic Colu- mella, ee Columella’s MS. of the Georgics, I VERGILIUS, aM see MARCELLUS VERGILIUS = Verbena, 26 rivola = Parietaria, 299 Viaticum, 234, 235 VIGONIUS, 99, 327 Vi 61, see Pervinca DE BEAUVAIS, 292, 98, 203, INDEX suppurationes, 41; for epilepsy, 44, 143, 241, 3%2, 319; called the epileptic’s violet, 312; for labor pains, 57, 2 The Purple Violet with these ventas distinguished from Viola odorata L., by rnal 2+. Violet as a cancer- Kirne paral 281 tees ETA == Lappa, 288 Virolorosa = Matricaria, 257 Viscus, a Vitreola = Parietaria, 2 59 VITRIACO, paw de, 283, 297, 301 Vlachs, is VORCHEMBERG, 327 Vredels ah Vredels sya re 379 207 for, 40 d Apiastrum, 1763. 332; Alchemilla, ze 383; Primula, 332; Rudia, etc., Wagstrow =A. Att., 79, 343, 361 WALAFRID STRABUS, 192, 200, 201, 285 ee = Asperula thought = 4. t.5°33351343 Weise 260 WEDEL, 23, 131, 132, 336 t., 7 Wehdystel = Calcitrapa, 276 ELLMANN, I21, 123, 150 WIELAND, 386, see GUILANDINI WIGANDUS, I02 WILLDENow, 18 INTER, ROBERT, 100 Wolf names, 345 tola, 66, 126, 134, 143, 211, 269, 277, 299, 300 WotrF, CASPAR, 416, 101, 330, 361, 364: 5 278, 288, Viola or Violet, siete so called, 245, 380, | brat WyyKyN DE, 98, 2 144, 167, 17 Violets beloved by Bartholomaeus Anglicus, | 288; by Matthioli, 289; by Grecian women, I51 Violet, the Purple Violet of Dioscorides con- sed with Aster, 74, 79, 143, 242; used for tumors, 312; for hemorrhoids, 73 ; for vulvae procidentias, 40; for vulvae yer’s Herbal, 99 Xanthium strumarium L., 253, 255 XENOCRATES, 90 Yacea, Jacea, laccea, = pansy, 323, 289 Ynguirialis = A,’ Att., 318, 322,°323, 74 Ypoquistidos, 323, 383 Yppia = tansy, 277 INDEX Yringi, Yringus, said to = A, Att., 293, 320; see Eryngium oe spite 185, 264, 272, 273, 285, e ISAA ins op, 287 YsYDER, 486, see ISIDORE Yoo = Taxus, 297 Zacintha, 146 447 | ZALUZIANSKY, 102 Zeitiossen, rere 334 Zinziber, 2 Zizania ae: etc., 299, 314, 26 Zuccarum — Saccharum, 265, oc 273 294, 314 ZWINGER, 389, 393 Zyngiber = Artemisia, 232 Zytvel = Santonica, 275 Memoirs of the Torrey Botanical Club The MEMOIRS are published at irregular intervals and are sold at a uniform price of THREE DOLLARS a volume. 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