‘QK | J 59G4 JOURNAL (af) F ETHNOBIOLOGY African Traditional Plant Knowledge in the Circum-Caribbean Region - Carney Knowledge of Traditional Medicines and Veterinary Practices Used for Reproductive Health Problems - Lans, Brown, Borde, and Offiah Food and Medicinal Plants Used for Childbirth Among Yunnanese Chinese in Northern Thailand - Wang, Nanakorn, and Fukui Exotic Drift Seeds in Norway: Vernacular Names, Beliefs and Uses - Aim Traditional Phenological Knowledge of Aboriginal Peoples in British Columbia - Lantz and Turner Secondary Biodiversity: Local Perceptions of Forest Habitats, the Case of Solferino, Quintana Roo, Mexico - La Torre-Cuadros and Ross Volume 23, Number 2 Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL STAFF EDITOR: Naomi F. Miller, University of Pennsylvania Museum-MASCA, 33rd and Spruce Sts., Philadelphia, PA 19104 (nmiller0@sas.upenn.edu BOOK REVIEW EDITOR: Darron Collins, Amazon Conservation Team, 4211 /N. Fairfax Dr., Arlington, VA 22203 (dcollins@amazonteam.org) SOCIETY OFFICERS PRESIDENT: Jan Timbrook, speed Sein a of ators History, Santa - PRESIDENT-ELECT: Eugene Hu University of cia Sigs Seattle, WA sueguuier lr REASURER: C. Maia Scarry, Department of ‘Anthropology, University of North Carolina, Chapel 1, NC (scarry@email.unc.edu) BOARD OF TRUSTEES Leslie Main Johnson, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada John D. Speth, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI Dana Lepofsky, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, B.C., Canada SOCIETY COORDINATORS iconic ve COORDINATOR: Mollie S. Toll, Museum of New Mexico,.Office of Archaeological Studies, Box 7, Santa Fe, NM 87504 wane ra acon. Douglas Trainor (trainor@ethnobiology.org) Ex Officio Past sagen Steven A. Weber, Amadeo M. Rea, Elizabeth S. Wing, Paul E. Minnis, Cecil Brown, Catherine S. er, Nancy J. Turner, Deborah M. Pearsall, and Karen R. Adams Permanent ssl ard member Steven D. Emslie Editor, conference coordinator, and website co-ordinator EDITORIAL BOARD Eugene N. Anderson, Sepp heinat ne Canines, anlage He oo — a Scott sae Deland Fran 1g oecolo Ogy, CO, gni ti y psy hol ZY, history of agen “Middle le East William Balée, Tulane University, New neon a: historicns ecolagy.. rs ge —— Brent Berlin, University of Georgia, Athens, G 1g i botany Robert A. Bye, Jr., Jardin Botanico, Universidad Nacional Aut6noma de Mex xico, México; D-F.: atlmobotany, Mexico-. Roy Ellen, University of Kent, Canterbury UK: soba beens aamitie pais felemeste George Estabrook, University of Michigan, Ann 8 peaking world, culturally informed technology, cout methods Nina Etkin, rsity of Hawaii, Honolulu, HI: tany, ethnopk logy, ethnobiology of food, West Pacific Gayle Fritz, Waington University, St. Louis, MO: paleoethnobotany, agricultural-origins.and developments, North Am Brian Hesse, Fein State University, University Park, PA: haeology, animal domestication, pastoral systems, Near East, Andes Eugene sere ‘University of speiagh ab Seattle, WA: ethnobiological classification,-ethnoecology, Sahaptin and Zapotec. languages, subsistence use of pa Timothy ‘lee. Macdonald College of ane University, Montreal, Quebec: Africa and the Americas, ethnobotany, medicinal plants, nutrition Harriet V. Kuhnlein, McGill University, Quebec, —- Ethnofltuman nutrition; dengan sip Indigenous pies David L. Lentz, Chicago Botanic Garden, Glencoe, IL Meso a, North America, Central Asia Brien Meilleur, CNRS, Paris, France: ethnoecology, ination knowledge and sn conservation, Alpine Europe, Polynesia Elizabeth Reitz, University of Georgia, Athens: zooare ology: Editorial consultant: Elia San Miguel Gpenieh), Real Jardin Botanico de Madrid, Spain The Journal of Ethnobiology is published semi-annually by the Society of peeemiiony ere ehmckiclogy. ore Manuscripts for publication and book reviews should be sent to th ck cover of this issue. ee © Society of Ethnobiology ISSN 0278-0771 COVER ILLUSTRATION: Woman collecting medicinal plants, Thailand (Wang et al., this issue Figure 1) Journal of Ethnobiology MISSOURI BOTANICAL DEC 1 & 2003 GARDEN LIBRARY VOLUME 23, NUMBER 2 FALL/WINTER 2003 wax id Pik seta & Ee Bw fe a CONTENTS ETHNOBIOTICA AFRICAN TRADITIONAL PLANT KNOWLEDGE IN THE CIRCUM-CARIBBEAN REGION Judith A. Carney KNOWLEDGE OF TRADITIONAL MEDICINES AND VETERINARY PRACTICES USED FOR REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH PROBLEMS Cheryl Lans, Gabriel Brown, Gustave Borde, and Veronica N. Offiah FOOD AND MEDICINAL PLANTS USED FOR CHILDBIRTH AMONG YUNNANESE CHINESE IN NORTHERN THAILAND Wang Liulan, Weerachai Nanakorn, and Katsuyoshi Fukui EXOTIC DRIFT SEEDS IN NORWAY: VERNACULAR NAMES, BELIEFS, AND USES Torbjorn Alm TRADITIONAL PHENOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE OF ABORIGINAL PEOPLES IN BRITISH COLUMBIA Trevor C. Lantz and Nancy J. Turner SECONDARY BIODIVERSITY: LOCAL PERCEPTIONS OF FOREST HABITATS, THE CASE OF SOLFERINO, QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO Maria de los Angeles La Torre-Cuadros and Norbert Ross BOOK REVIEWS 167 187 209 auf 263 287 309 3 7 a xi a yAACACIIC ay shee Journal of Ethnobiology 23(2): v—vi Fall/Winter 2003 ETHNOBIOTICA In an attempt to serve you better, Karen Adams and I organized two ques- tionnaires about a year ago. Douglas Trainor put them on our website, and re- sponses came rolling in. Karen’s questionnaire (ethnobiology.org/surveys/) con- cerned careers in ethnobiology. She canvassed the Society membership, and re- ported her findings at our annual meeting in Seattle. She has been kind enough to summarize some highlights based on 70 completed questionnaires: We are a diverse group, educated in a variety of disciplines and employed in both academic and non-academic institutions; others find it hard to pigeonhole us; we find our careers fulfilling; our major successes are quite varied; our major hurdles are shared, and include receiving funds for our projects and getting appropriate recognition for our contributions; men- tors have made a real difference in our professional careers, and we in turn mentor others; many of us feel fairly compensated for our efforts; senior ethnobiologists can offer those interested in or new to the profes- sion some very good career advice. My questionnaire concerned the journal—new to the position of editor, I was curious to find out what people are interested in. Eighty-nine members and three non-members responded, all but a couple by e-mail. Ethnobiology attracts people with broad interests. To the question, ‘Which aspect of ethnobiolgy is of primary concern to you? (i.e., which aspect of the articles do you find most interesting and/or useful?—please check no more than three),’”” only eight people checked a single box. Most of us are coming to ethnobiology with (prorated) interests in anthropology (all subfields combined—38%), botany (25%) , ecology (20%), and zoology and medicine (7% each). Geographically, North America (46%) and Latin America (26%) are the predominant research areas, not surprising given the his- tory of the Society. Our environmental interests are broad, although temperate climes (27%) received the plurality of responses. For scoring the topical question (“within ethnobiology, what are your particular areas of interest; check all that apply”), I gave equal weight to all checked boxes. The order of interest reported was plants, ethnoecology, animals, cognition/classification, and fungus. The main demographic question I asked (out of idle curiousity) concerned educational back- ground. Over half of those answering the questionnaire (53) have doctorates of one sort or another, but many people gave their background as cross-disciplin- ary—anthropology and botany, biochemistry and microbiology, Classics and com- munication, geography and history; you get the picture. As for work setting, most respondents put simply “university,” but here, too, there were responses like “university, museum, rural medical facility” and “government and ecotourism.” Of those who answered the location question, most (68) are based in the US., eight are in Canada, and one each are in Austria, Brazil, Kenya, Korea, Nigeria, Norway, the United Kingdom, and Venezuela. vi ETHNOBIOTICA Vol. 23, No. 2 Thanks to everyone who contributes to the journal, whether as author, edi- torial board member, or reviewer, the Journal of Ethnobiology manifests the interests and values of the Society and its members. In this issue alone, the articles easily incorporate our interests: subject area—anthropology, botany, zoology, ecology, history, medicine, food; geographical focus—North America, Latin America, Af- rica, Europe, East Asia; environment—tropics, savanna, temperate, island; topical focus—plants, animals, cognition/ classification, ethnoecology. But nothing is per- fect. If you feel the journal underrepresents your interests, there is an obvious solution: submit articles yourself or get your colleagues to do so! The Journal is only one of approximately 350 faces of the Society. The best way to meet the rest of them is to come to the twenty-seventh annual meeting at the University of iaiaibleetab a 24-27, 2004. Check out the conference website at etl 004Conference/ or turn to page 319 of this issue for details. I hope to see you there! A final note: I would like to thank the conscientious Chris Healey for all his hard work as a member of the editorial board. He is stepping down as of this issue, and we are fortunate that Roy Ellen has agreed to take his place for the next few years. Tasne~ Journal of Ethnobiology 23(2): 167-185 Fall/Winter 2003 AFRICAN TRADITIONAL PLANT KNOWLEDGE IN THE CIRCUM-CARIBBEAN REGION JUDITH A. CARNEY Department of saat) University sh reg Hr Los Angeles, Angeles, CA 9 ABSTRACT.—The African diaspora to the Americas was one of plants as well as people. European slavers provisioned their human cargoes with African and other Old World useful plants, which enabled their enslaved work force and free m roons to establish them in their gardens. Africans were additionally familiar with many Asian plants from earlier crop exchanges with the Indian subcontinent. Their efforts established these plants in the contemporary Caribbean plant corpus. The recognition of pantropical genera of value for food, medicine, and in the practice of syncretic religions also appears to have played an important role in survival, as they share similar uses among black populations in the Caribbean as well as tropical Africa. This paper, which focuses on the plants of the Old World tropics that became established with slavery in the Caribbean, seeks to illuminate the botanical legacy of Africans in the circum-Caribbean region. Key words: African diaspora, Caribbean, ethnobotany, slaves, plant introductions. RESUME.—La diaspora africaine aux Amériques ne s’est pas limitée aux person- nes, elle a également affecté les plantes. Les traiteurs d’esclaves ajoutaient a leur cargaison humaine des plantes exploitables d’Afrique et du vieux monde pour les faire cultiver dans leurs jardins par les esclaves ou les marrons libres. En outre les Africains connaissaient beaucoup de plantes d’Asie grace a de précédents échanges de cultures avec le sous-continent indien. Grace a leurs efforts, ces plan- upent maintenant une place importante dans la flore des Caraibes. La reconnaissance par les esclaves de plantes de genres pan-tropicaux ayant des va- leurs nutritives, médicinales, et religieuses, semble également avoir joué un réle important dans la survie des esclaves; les populations noires des Caraibes et d’Afrique tropicale utilisent ces plantes de la méme fagon. Cette étude, consacrée aux plantes tropicales du vieux monde introduites aux Caraibes par l’esclavage, a pour but de mettre en évidence |’héritage botanique des africains dans la région. RESUMO—A diaspora africana nas Américas constituiu-se de um processo de dispersdo tanto de pessoas quanto de plantas. Juntamente com os carregamentos de escravos os exploradores europeus abasteciam suas naus transatlanticas com plantas origindrias da Africa e do Velho Mundo; isto permitiu que tanto escravos quanto negros libertos as cultivassem em suas hortas e pomares. Os africanos tinham familiaridade, também, com muitas das espécies de plantas e especiarias utilizadas no fluxo de trocas comerciais e culturais com a India. A pertindcia e o ardil dos povos africanos contribuiriam para a incluso destas plantas na botanica contemporanea do Caribe. O reconhecimento de espécies pantropicais de valor nutritivo, medicinal e religioso parece, também, ter desempenhado um papel im- portante na sobrevivéncia deste legado botanico. Sao exemplos disto as aplicagdes e usos de praticas culturais semelhantes, tanto no Caribe quanto na Africa Trop- 168 CARNEY Vol. 23, No. 2 ical. O presente artigo, o qual focaliza as plantas dos trépicos do Velho Mundo que foram estabelecidas no Caribe pelas populag6es escravas, visa resgatar esta contribuicao histérica dos povos africanos a regido caribenha. INTRODUCTION One legacy of the Atlantic slave trade is the lingering failure to consider its victims as deliberate botanical agents. Yet the African diaspora was one of plants as well as people. European slavers relied upon African and other useful Old World plants to provision their ships, which provided the means for the arrival of these species in the Americas where they were grown by enslaved Africans and free maroons (Carney 2001b). On plantation subsistence fields and in their garden plots, New World Africans grew African plants valued for food, medicine, religious practices, cordage, and dyes. They also established plants of Asian origin that had long been used by African societies. Their botanical knowledge addi- tionally extended to the recognition of pantropical genera, known for healing in Africa, which provided similar properties for treating illness in the Americas (Lowe et al. 2000:2). The role of African plants and the ethnobotanical legacy of enslaved Africans is especially evident today in the Caribbean. More than forty percent of enslaved Africans over nearly four centuries of transatlantic slavery landed in the circum- Caribbean area, a higher percentage than anywhere else in the Americas (Curtin 1969:268). Foods of African origin serve as the culinary touchstone of the region, while native African species figure prominently in herbal pharmacopoeias. The early extermination of the Caribbean’s native populations by epidemics and geno- cide did not result in irrevocable loss of Amerindian botanical acumen, as many neotropical endemics are found in contemporary folk medical traditions (Brussell 1997). New World Africans became the custodians of Amerindian botanical knowledge (Laguerre 1987:23). Plantation reliance upon forced migration of en- slaved Africans delivered a steady infusion of African plant knowledge in the region, where two indigenous ethnobotanical systems met and hybridized through the conscious efforts of survivors. Since the abolition of plantation slavery in the early nineteenth century, im- poverished black majority populations of the Caribbean have relied upon the folk medical heritage their enslaved, maroon, and free black forebears passed on to them. Lack of access to safe and reliable health care by the poor has contributed to the persistence of folk pharmacopoeias and the use of plants to treat illness (Laguerre 1987). The materia medica of many rural Caribbean people continues to rely upon the roots, leaves, bark, fruits, and gum resins of diverse plants for healing. This alternative medicinal system is especially valued in contemporary Cuba. The collapse of the Soviet Bloc in 1989 placed the country’s faltering econ- omy in ever-deeper crisis, resulting in scarcity and rising costs of imported drugs. As a result, the government began promoting green medicine (medicina verde) for the treatment of non-life threatening ailments through a network of alternative pharmacopoeias (Carney fieldwork 1999). In dispensing herbs and roots to pre- pare decoctions long recognized for their healing properties, Cuba's medicina verde Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 169 pharmacies are drawing upon a medical tradition that New World Africans de- veloped during the era of plantation slavery. Because of its tangled cultural antecedents, the role of African plants and the agency of New World Africans in the development of Caribbean botanical re- sources remains understated in the literature (Lowe et al. 2000). The objective of this article is to draw attention to this heritage by focusing on the ethnobotanical knowledge that accompanied the African diaspora to the circum-Caribbean re- gion. While the essence of the African botanical legacy is the experimentation and plant adoptions that accompanied forced migration, this article’s focus on the African plants and ethnobotanical knowledge of New World Africans underscores the magnitude of their contribution. Divided into three parts, the discussion begins with European perceptions of African plant knowledge during the era of transatlantic slavery. The discussion provides the context for illustrating the botanical knowledge of the Africans they enslaved. The next section identifies this plant heritage in the circum-Caribbean region. Included are plants native to tropical West Africa as well as Old World species whose presence in the Americas likely resulted from the efforts of New World Africans.’ Plant genera of pantropical distribution serving identical pur- poses in Africa and the Caribbean are also noted, because it suggests a broader pattern of African botanical knowledge throughout a region that can be termed the Black Atlantic (Gilroy 1993). The third section draws attention to specific plants, their use in the African diaspora, and the role of New World Africans in their establishment. HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS OF TRADITIONAL AFRICAN PLANT KNOWLEDGE Most plant species used for food and medicine owe their broader distribution to introduction by human beings (Carney and Voeks 2003; Voeks 1997). One no- table historical example of plant dispersal by people is known as the Columbian Exchange, which refers to the monumental diffusion of plant species that followed European maritime expansion from the fifteenth century (Alpern 1992; Crosby 1972). While the literature on the Columbian Exchange emphasizes the revolu- tionary role of Amerindian and Asian crop introductions by Europeans on other societies, there is little attention to African botanical transfers and the role of New World Africans in establishing the continent's native plants elsewhere (Carney 2001a, 2001b). The emergence of three centers of plant domestication in sub-Sa- haran Africa (two of them in tropical West Africa) added more than 115 endemic species to global food supplies, while laying the foundation for an ongoing pro- cess of experimentation and crop exchanges with other Old World societies (Har- lan 1975; NRC 1996). Enslaved Africans and free maroons continued this process in the Caribbean. African plants entered the Americas repeatedly over the 350-year period of the Atlantic slave trade, which delivered at least ten million persons into bondage (Curtin 1969). Arriving aboard slave ships as food and medicines, the plants were grown by New World Africans on plantation provision fields, dooryard gardens, and subsistence plots. In this manner, more than fifty species native to Africa 170 CARNEY Vol. 23, No. 2 became part of circum-Caribbean botanical resources. An additional fourteen spe- cies, of Asian origin but grown in Africa since antiquity, also were established. While the role of African crops in Atlantic history is reviewed elsewhere (Car- ney 2001b; Grimé 1979), there is as yet no systematic overview of the medicinal species of African origin that are widely used in Caribbean folk pharmacopoeias (but see McClure 1982). However, the dozens of compendia of herbal medicines now published for the Caribbean and tropical West Africa offer a point of de- parture for the study of African plant cures traditionally valued by Black Atlantic populations. Along with China and India, west-central Africa represents one of the world’s most developed ethnomedical traditions. European slavers repeatedly noted the skills of Africans in effecting cures with plants and the expertise of specific ethnic groups—such as the Fulani, Yoruba, Dahomean, and Ashanti—who were regard- ed as especially skilled with herbal medicines (Mouser 2002:85; Olmos and Par- avisini-Gebert 2001:xviii-xix). Whites resident along the West African coast oc- casionally resorted to African healers to treat illness and fevers (Mouser 2002:53- 54, 66, 85; Svalesen 2000:70-71, 75). But paranoia also accompanied European perceptions of African plant skills. Resident European slave traders appear to have lived in constant fear of being poisoned by their mainland hosts. Jean Barbot, who made a slaving trip to the Guinea coast between 1678 and 1679, claimed that “poisoning is so common among the blacks and they are so skilful at it that there is much risk to whites” (Hair et al. 1992: 1,129). Samuel Gamble, who captained a slave ship ca. 1793, added that merchants living in West Africa had adopted the practice of having servants taste food and never eating alone (Mouser 2002:67). Slaving illegally off the coast of Guinea in the 1820s and 1830s, Theodore Canot warned that the Mandingo were especially adept at food poisoning (Cowley 1928:83). Taking an African ‘wife’ was thought to keep Europeans residing along the Guinea Coast from being poisoned, for if a man died mysteriously she could be charged with his death (Svalesen 2000:97). Despite such fears, captains of Portuguese slave ships often hired African healers as nurses and surgeons to treat the captives and to act as spies across the Middle Passage (Miller 1988:409). The dual perception of African botanical skills was similarly present in plan- tation societies. Enslaved medical practitioners—variously referred to as ‘root doctors,” “conjurers,” nurses, and midwives—relied upon pharmacopoeias of roots and herbs and occasionally, spirit possession, to treat medical problems of physical and psychological origins (Laguerre 1987; Pollitzer 1999; Savitt 1978). Writing in the 1780s, Nicholas Bourgeois noted ‘‘the marvelous cures” found on the island of Saint Domingue (Haiti), observing that “the negroes are almost the only ones who know how to use them.” He added that the “negroes and ne- gresses who practice medicine . .. brought their treatments from their own coun- tries” and “were more ingenious than we [Europeans] in procuring health .. .” even ‘the most dangerous [plant] poisons can be transformed into the most sa- lubrious remedies when prepared by a skilled hand” (Schiebinger forthcoming). But the ethnomedical knowledge of New World Africans continued to arouse the suspicion of whites, who feared being poisoned by those they held in bondage (Aptheker 1970:192, 197-198, 241-242; Genovese 1972:224-225, 363; James 1963: Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 171 16-17). Planters viewed African traditional religions as exercises in black magic, witchcraft, or sorcery. They attributed several attempted slave revolts in the Ca- ribbean to the use of poisons provided by practitioners of Afro-syncretic religions (Rashford 1984:67). The famed eighteenth-century Jamaican maroon leader, “Queen Nanny,” reputedly used her mastery of medicinal herbs to kill soldiers sent to re-enslave fugitive blacks (Gottleib 2000:49). She was skilled in Nigerian obeah, which was widely practiced throughout the English-speaking Caribbean: During slavery days the practice of Obeah was rampant in all the West Indian Colonies, and laws were passed to put it down, and combat its baneful influence. There were few of the large estates which had not one or more Obeah men among their slaves. They were usually the oldest and most crafty of the blacks; those whose hoary heads and harsh and for- bidding aspect, together with some skill in plants of the medicinal and poisonous species, and in the superstitious rites, which they brought with them from Guinea and Congo, qualified them for successful impositions on the weak and credulous. A great loss of slave property was caused by their poisonings through their use of poisonous roots and plants un- own to science, found in every tropical wood (Stark 1893:165). In making the practice of “black magic” a criminal offense by 1760 (Lowe et al. 2000:3; Schiebinger forthcoming), the English and French plantation economies in the Caribbean recognized the potential of such practices for organizing resistance to enslavement. But the botanical knowledge of enslaved Africans was also sus- pect. It is now known that African floras contain a multitude of drug plants and alkaloid poisons (AEN 2000; Ayensu 1978; Oliver-Bever 1986). Many belong to pantropical genera with similar properties that were also endemic to the Carib- ean. Whether real or imagined, whites’ fear of poisoning was such that they often turned to New World Africans for treatment of suspected cases. At times, this could lead to freedom, such as occurred with the ‘“Negro Caesar,” mentioned in the South Carolina Gazette (1750). Caesar’s manumission in 1750 resulted from his reputed antidote for poisoning and for developing an herbal remedy for rattle- snake bite. This avenue to freedom in the U.S. South, however, was seldom offered to enslaved women. Their skills in botanical remedies remained so valued that they were retained as plantation nurses (Fett 2002:64 Thus, in spite of their worries about plants being used for poisons, sorcery, or resistance, plantation owners continued to rely upon the ethnomedical knowl- edge of New World Africans to treat the illnesses of their enslaved workers. In their use of plants, African practices differed dramatically from those then favored by European slavers and plantation owners. Herbal treatments were often pre- pared from living plants, rather than the dried concoctions favored in white med- icine (Pollitzer 1999:99). Vitamin-rich greens formed a central component of the diet of New World Africans, and roots and herbs made into infusions (‘bush teas’) remain to this day central to the traditional cures of the Caribbean (Ayensu 1981; Dean 1995). Tropical West Africa’s rich tradition of using bush or herbal teas and greens for both food and medicine was undoubtedly the source of their continuing importance in the African diaspora. In West Africa, the leaves of at 172 CARNEY Vol. 23, No. 2 least 150 species of plants are used as food, with 30 cultivated and some 100 gathered (Irvine 1952:32-34). These herbal cures stood in sharp contrast to the invasive treatments of venesection, cupping, blistering, purging, and leeching practiced by Europeans of the plantation slavery era. While such techniques have largely vanished, African herbal remedies endure to this day in the Caribbean folk healing system. The survival of an African ethnomedical tradition results in part from its capacity to deliver both physical cures as well as psychological solace to New World Africans. Plants native to the Old World tropics and Africa played a direct role in healing diseases whose origins are attributed to a spiritual origin (Rash- ford 1984). Jamaica to this day memorializes the ethnomedical skills of New World Africans. ‘“[M]ost of the herbs, barks, and roots” used in folk medicine ‘originally bore African names, which suggests the handing down of traditions from one generation to the next’ (Barrrett 1976:68). Plants associated with obeah are named “John” or “Jumbie”’ and known as “duppy” plants, for their linkage to the world of spirits. These include the African native, ‘‘Duppy Cotton’ (Calotropis procera (Ait.) Ait. f.), “John Crow Bead” (Abrus precatorius) of Old World tropical origin, the pantropical edible spinach ‘‘Duppy Calalu” (Amaranthus spinosus), and the silk cotton tree (Ceiba pentandra), where ““duppies” live at its roots (Perkins 1969; Rash- ford 1984). Species known in Africa figured in the pharmacopoeias that presumably in- duced trances or death-like states that mirrored the social death of slavery, epit- omized by the ‘“’zombie” in Haiti. One notable botanical component is Mucuna pruriens (Davis 1983). While of Asian origin, its prominence in the ‘“zombie” de- coction suggests prior botanical familiarity with the plant in Africa. Besides Hai- tian voodou, African plants also figure importantly in the liturgical practices of other syncretic religions such as Brazilian candomblé, Cuban santeria, and Ja- maica myal, derived from Nigerian obeah (Brandon 1993; Lowe et al. 2000; Olmos and Paravisini-Gebert 2001:xviii; Voeks 1997). Plants of African origin used in Brazilian candomblé include Garcinia kola, Aframomum melegueta, and Cola acumi- nata, while Newbouldia laevis is known in Brazil only by its Nigerian Yoruba lexeme, akoké (Voeks 1997:29-31, 45). AFRICAN TRADITIONAL PLANT KNOWLEDGE It is often forgotten that the vanishing Amerindian population of the Carib- bean was replaced with forced African migrants who originated in tropical so- cieties. Research attention has yet to elucidate how New World Africans—the ma- jority population in plantation societies—drew upon their knowledge of tropical botanical resources for food, healing, cultural identity, and survival. Slaves land- ing on Caribbean shores, however, would have recognized many of the plants they encountered. Some specimens floated across Atlantic currents independently of human agency; birds likely dispersed others. The inherent dispersal capabilities of maritime and air currents, for instance, are believed responsible for the intro- duction of the African bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria) and Raphia taedigera to the Neotropics and Ceiba pentandra of the Americas to Africa (Burkill 1985:281, 591; Otedoh 1977).? Other genera share a Caribbean and tropical West African bio- Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 173 geographical distribution (e.g., Acacia, Dacroydes, Dorstenia, Quassia, Strychnos), in- dicative of their pantropical origin (Thorne 1972). The anthropologist Brent Berlin (1992) observes that folk societies across the world recognize taxa with desirable properties at the level of genus, even if they do not always distinguish among species. That foundation in tropical botanical knowledge provided Africans forc- ibly relocated to the Caribbean the critical knowledge for shaping Afro-Caribbean plant resources. The plants used by New World Africans that reveal an African legacy are identified in Table 1. One hundred and twenty-five genera and species are in- cluded, representing fifty-two botanical families. Nineteen genera from fifteen families occur in both Africa and Latin America and are believed to share a common origin in West Gondwana prior to continental separation (Gentry 1993: 512). The table draws upon the species lists of more than three dozen sources to indicate whether the plant was used nutritionally, medically, or culturally (eg., religious practices, construction, dyeing, fiber), as well as geographical origin. Of the 91 species listed, 52 are native to Africa. The remaining 39 include some plants of Old World (chiefly Asian) origin that were already present in Africa prior to transatlantic slavery, thereby illuminating the significance of Af- rican knowledge for their establishment in the Americas. One cultivated medicinal of Caribbean origin, Spondias mombin, also appears on the list for its centrality in African medicinal plant use and uncertainty as to whether it is also indigenous to West Africa (Burkill 1985:92). Nearly two dozen plants listed in Table 1 belong to genera of pantropical distribution; however, they too bring attention to the role of New World Africans, since the genera are used for identical medicinal purposes in the Antilles and tropical West Africa. Over the 350-year period of plantation slavery, the human population flow across the Atlantic went chiefly from Africa to the Caribbean. If Amerindians independently knew the medicinal value of these taxa, the persistence of such plants to this day in the Caribbean pharmacopoeia ultimately depended upon transmission by New World Africans, as the Amerindian population ceased to exist in most Caribbean plantation societies by the eighteenth century (Crosby 1972; Watts 1987). To clarify African agency and ethnobotanical knowledge, plant species en- demic to the New World, and probably originally used by Amerindians, have mostly been excluded from the table. Neotropical plants naturally dispersed (by wind, ocean currents, or birds) to Africa in antiquity and widely used by Africans prior to the Atlantic slave trade, however, are included. Some African plants float- ed across the Atlantic on their own and were already established in the Caribbean before the arrival of enslaved Africans. But most of the plants listed in Table 1 depended upon deliberate introduction and the arrival of those familiar with their properties. NEW WORLD AFRICANS AS ACTIVE FLORISTIC AGENTS Carried aboard slave ships, African plants contributed to survival, health, and economy in the Caribbean. The journey across the Middle Passage introduced African grasses (Panicum maximum, Brachiaria mutica), possibly for bedding but certainly as fodder for cattle (Parry 1955; Parsons 1972). James Barbot's slaving 174 CARNEY Vol. 23, No. 2 TABLE 1.—Plants used by New World pens that have analogous uses in the circum- Caribbean region and tropical West Afric Taxon aa Use§ References] origi Amaranthaceae Amaranthus dubius Mart. et Thell. NW EM FFB 515 A be idess L. sp. hybridus/A. viridis Afr EM 5, fy 20) A. ae. L rL EM 1/45, 8,11, 21, 20,32 Amaryllidaceae Crinum zeylanicum (L.) L. Afr M 5,8 Anacardiaceae Spondias mombin L. NW B,M 12.7.8 15, 16.17, 32 Annonaceae Annona glabra L. EL M 5B .21, Monodora myristica Blanco Afr B,EM 8,14 Apocynaceae Nerium oleander Med M,P $1255).778,15)18) 22,52 Rauwolfia serpentina (L.) Benth. ex B,D, M 8,22, 32 R. vomitoria Afzel. Afr M,P AG i PO OE. Rauwolfia spp. OW M, P 5, 8, 34 Tabernaemontana spp. PT M 2,4 o 15,32 Araliaceae Polyscias guilfoylei (W. Bull) L.H. OW M 5,8 Bailey Asteraceae Ambrosia spp. PT M 5,8 Artemisia spp. PT M Lo S732 Eclipta alba (L.) Hassk. PT M 1,2) 5, 8,22) 52 Emilia coccinea (Sims) G. Don OW EM 4:15,7,8 enecio spp. Afr M 53 Vernonia spp. Fr EM 9.4, 7.5, 19,20, 2232 Begoniaceae Begonia spp. PT 5, 8,15 Bignoniaceae Newbouldia laevis (P. Beauv.) Seem. Afr M,R 8,35 ex Bureau Bombacaceae Adansonia digitata L. Afr Fb, EM 1, 5:5,20,22, 29, 32 Ceiba pentandra (L.) Gaertn. NW Drro,M .1,243,5,7,5:2nee.0r Boraginaceae ia spp. Fr B,EM hie 1D; 20; 32 Heliotropium indicum L. Afr M 12,0, Gpo2. 00 Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 175 TABLE 1—(continued) Taxon Geographical Use§ References] origint,{ Brassicaceae Brassica inch age (H. West) Rupr. Afr F 20 B. olerac OW F 20 et a OW F 20 Burseraceae Dacryodes spp. PT M 5, 8;15 Cannabaceae Cannabis sativa L. OW M 5, 8, 12,15, 16, 22; 23 Caryophyllaceae Drymaria cordata (L.) Willd. ex 128 & M 5, 8,32 Schult. Celastraceae Maytenus spp. OW M 34.5 Clusiaceae Garcinia kola Heckel Afr R Ka) Combretaceae Conocarpus erectus L. rr M 2,00 Commelinaceae Commelina diffusa Burm. f. PT EM 4,5,7,8, 20 Convolvulaceae Argyreia spp. rs M 5,8 Evolvulus spp. Pi, M 5, 8, 32 Crassulaceae Bryophyllum pinnatum (L. f.) Oken Afr M 5, 8, 22 Kalanchoe integra (Medik.) Kuntze Afr M,R §, 23,50 Cucurbitaceae Citrullus sobre (Thunb.) Matsum. Afr EM 5, 8,18 a Cucumis as OW EM 5,8 12.46 Lagenaria siceraria (lina Standl. Afr M,R 2,8, 21, 32 Luffa cylind Fb 7,8 Momordica hate : Afr EM 42.0; 7, Bo bOp 00-42, 18, 20, 23; 22, 23/32 34 Cyperaceae Cladium mariscus (L.) Pohl Pr M 5, 8, 36 Cyperus articulatus L. PT M 5,8 C. rotundus L. Fr M,R 5, 8, 35 Dioscoreaceae Dioscorea cayenensis Lam Afr EM 5. &, 12, 14,22 D. rotundata Poir. Afr EM 5,8 176 CARNEY Vol. 23, No. 2 TABLE 1—(continued) Taxon Geographical Use§ References] origint,J Euphorbiaceae Acalypha spp. OW M 5,8 Alchornea spp. PE M 45,8 Croton lobatus L. OW M 15,8 °52 Croton spp. PY M 57.5 Euphorbia hirta L. OW M 45,8: 22 E. hyssopifolia L. Afr M 5,8 E. thymifolia L. PT M 5, 22 E. tirucalli L. Afr M, P 5, 7,8121,:22 Phyllanthus amarus Thonn. Afr M 4,5,8, 18 Phyllanthus spp. OW EM 2,5,7,40: 92 Ricinus communis L. Afr M, P 2; 07,6. Lo 7 fo, 19, 22, 30,32, 50; 30 Brsiediinaniae <> wed Bauhinia spp. OW M 5,8 Caesalpinia bonduc _ ) Roxb. PT M,P Le ge Ae A | Tamarindus indica EM JT, 2,5, 7,/8017,:18;32 BS GB neta Acacia spp. Pr B, Pb,M,P 5,7,8;19 Fabaceae—Papilionoideae Abrus precatorius L. OW M,R hb: 2i 4:5°7.,8,18, 22. 30, 32 Cajanus cajan ie ) Ape aa Afr EM 7,8, 18 Crotalaria incan Afr M 5.8 Crotalari OW M 5,8 Derris OW M 58,22 Desmodium adscendens (Sw.) DC. Afr M 5,8 D. incanum (Sw.) DC. Pi. M 5, 8, 34 D. triflorum (L.) DC PY M 5, 8, 36 Indigofera s rr D ey Fe) Lablab purpureus . ) Sweet Afr DENLY’ Ss Mucuna pruriens (L.) DC. OW EM 1, 2, 8, 10, 20, 32 Vigna subterranea (L.) Verdc. Afr D, Fb, E 8, 2 M,P V. unguiculata (L.) Walp. Afr EM 8 20 Flacourtiaceae Oncoba spp. Afr m 5, 6, 22 Lamiaceae Hyptis spp. PT M 5, 8, 16, 18, 19, 22 Leonotis nepetifolia (L.) R. Br. Afr M 1,5, 7)3;15; 18,2; 32, 34 Ocimum basilicum L. PT EM 1.2, 4 56,15, 27 32 O. gratissimum L. Afr M 1 4,59,8, 18, 22, 3 Lauraceae Cassytha filiformis L. Afr M 37,021 Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY TABLE 1—(continued) Taxon Geographical Use§ References] origin Loganiaceae win spp. PE P 3, 8) 23,2435 Malvacea Atetnncditi esculentus (L.) Moench. Afr EM 2,5, 8, 20,382 ine, sabdariffa L. Afr Fb, EM 5.7; 820; 21 Hibiscus spp. OW Fb, FM 5, 8/47 ge at Burm. f. PT M 5, 8,15 : pe FY M 5,8 strc bie i. il M 5,8, 15,20 Meliaceae Carapa spp. Fr M 5, 8, 22 Menispermaceae Cissampelos spp. OW M 4,5, 8, 18, 19, 34 Moraceae Dorstenia spp. Afr M 5,8 Moringaceae Moringa oleifera Lam. OW EM 9,5 7, 6:18, 19; 20 N —— havia diffusa L. PT M 58.15.22 Ochnaceae Sauvagesia erecta L. unkn M 5S, 15,21 Oxalidaceae Oxalis corniculata L. PT M § 8.21 Pedaliaceae Sesamum alatum Thonn. Afr F 8,12; 16 S. radiatum Schum. & Thonn. Afr EM,R 8,12 Piperaceae Peperomia prea (L.) Kunth PY M 5, 8, 15, 18, 20, 21,32 Plumbaginace Plumbago AOS Thunb. Afr M Dy tate Poaceae Andropogon spp. OW M Dy 8, 42 Brachiaria mutica (Forssk.) Stapf Afr Fr 2 Cynodon dactylon (L. s Afr M oT aR Eleusine indica (L.) Gaertn Afr EM 2 7,815 Oryza glaberrima Steud. Afr EM 27 Panicum maximum : Afr Fr,M - 8 15,18, 25 Pennisetum glaucum (L.) R. Br. Afr Fr, F 8,9 P. purpureum Schumach. Afr Fr,EM,R 8,13 Sorghum bicolor Kuntze Afr 8, 14 Vetiveria zizanioides (L.) Nash OW Fb, M 37,0 178 CARNEY Vol. 23, No. 2 TABLE 1—(continued) Taxon Geographical Use§ References] origint,J Rhizophoraceae Rhizophora mangle L. PL B, M 538; 21 Rubiaceae Coffea arabica L. Afr EM 1}-2,;5, 8;32 C. liberica W. Bull ex Hiern Afr EM We Oldenlandia corymbosa L. Afr M 5,8 Rutaceae Zanthoxylum spp. unkn D,M 5758 Sapidaceae Blighia sapida K.D. Koenig Afr EM,P Ly4por7 Oe al deo? Cardiospermum halicacabum L. Afr M Lutes Simaroubaceae Quassia spp. PE M 25,0, 9) 22. Sterculiaceae Cola acuminata (P. Beauv.) Schott Afr BMLR 4,5,6,8) 19; 21, 23/35 & Endl. C. nitida (Vent.) Schott & Endl. Afr EM 1,02 Waltheria indica L. PT M 45,6, 15,2134 Tiliaceae p- OW Fb, EM | 5,8, 20, 23, 34 Triumfetta spp. of 8 M 5,8 Zingiberaceae Aframomum melegueta K. Schum. Afr EM,R S7o,5, 14,19, 35 + Afr = Africa; Med = Mediterranean basin; NW = New World; OW = Old World; PT = Pantropical; = own in. § B = Building; D = Dye; Fb = Fiber; Fr = Forage; F = Food; M = Medicine; P = Poison; R = Ritual. { Books consulted, References Books Consulted for Geographical Origin of Plants: Burkill 1985-2000; Hickman 1993; Hutchinson and Dalziel 1954; Huxl References: 1-Abbiw 1990; 2—Aces 1939; 3-AEN 2000; 4-Ayensu 1978; 5-Ayensu 1981; 6-Brandon 1993; 7-Brussell 1997; 8-Burkill 1985-2000; 9-Coe and Anderson 1996; 10—Davis 1983; 11-Dean 1995; 12-Grimé 1979; 13-Hair et al. 1992; 14-Hall 1991; 15-Honeychurch 1980; 16-Irvine 1952; 17-Jordan 1986; 18-Lowe et al. 2000; 19-Madge 1998; 20-Martin et al. 1998; 21—Mors et al. 2000; 22—Oliver-Bever 1986; 23-Olmos and Paravisini-Gebert 2001; 24-Otedoh 1977; 25-Parsons 1972; 26—Perkins 1969; 27- Portéres 1955; 1960; 28—Price 1991; 29-Rashford 1987; 30—Rashford 1993; 31-Rashford 2001; 32—Roig ee 33-Schery 1965; 34-Thomas et al. 1997; 35-Voeks 1997; 36-Wanderlin 1998; 37—Warner- ewis : voyage along the Guinea Coast in 1699-1700 commended the Portuguese for us- ing coarse, thick mats as bedding on slave ships, which were changed every few weeks (quoted in Dow 1927:82). Guinea grass (Panicum maximum) was reported in Barbados in 1684 and introduced to Jamaica in 1745, where it “gave a great impetus to cattle raising” (Parry 1955:11). Many crops provisioned the enslaved aboard slave ships, providing the means for New World Africans to establish them in plantation subsistence fields and their dooryard gardens. These included African rice (Oryza glaberrima), yams (Dioscorea cayensis, D. rotundata), cow [black- Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 179 eyed] peas (Vigna unguiculata), pigeon [congo] peas (Cajanus cajan), melegueta peppers (Aframomum melegueta), palm oil (Elaeis guineensis), sorrel /roselle (Hibiscus sabdariffa), okra (Abelmoschus esculentus), sorghum (Sorghum bicolor), millet (Penni- setum glaucum, Eleusine coracana), and the Bambara groundnut (Vigna subterranea) (Berleant-Schiller and Pulsipher 1986; Carney 2001b; Chaplin 1993; Fredrich 1976; Parry 1955; Pollitzer 1999; Price 1991; Pulsipher 1994; Wilson 1964). One African plant, the castor bean (Ricinus communis), was used for lamp oil, medicine, and even as a hair tonic (Fredrich 1976:192). Prominent African medic- inal plants introduced during the era of transatlantic slavery include Momordica charantia, Kalanchoe integra, Phyllanthus amarus, Leonotis nepetifolia, Cola acuminata and Corchorus spp. (Burkill 1985:558; 1994:119; 1995:14-15; Price 1991; du Toit 2001:21). The curative value of Kalanchoe is reflected in its common names, “long- life’ and “‘never-die,” while “maiden apple’ or the “African cucumber” (Momor- dica charantia) ranks as the single most important medicinal of African origin in the Black Atlantic. It is used as an aphrodisiac as well as an abortifacient, to treat snakebite, pain, high blood pressure and as an anti-inflammatory for rheumatism and arthritis (Lowe et al. 2000:123). Another Old World plant esteemed for healing among populations of the African diaspora is Abrus precatorius, a venerable South Asian ayurvedic medicine that had already diffused to the African subcontinent from India long before the onset of the transatlantic slave trade. Used as a febri- fuge and expectorant by Caribbean diasporic populations, A. precatorius remains an esteemed herbal remedy throughout the Black Atlantic (Ayensu 1978, 1981; Coe and Anderson 1996; McClure 1982). Other plants of African origin established in the Caribbean materia medica are wrongly attributed an Asian origin, thereby obscuring the African floristic con- tribution to regional folk pharmacopoeias. Tropical Old World plants formed part of an ancient history of exchanges between Africa and Asia (notably, with India and China). Tamarind (Tamarindus indica), castor bean (Ricinus communis), and okra (Abelmoschus esculentus), for example, provide examples of crops that origi- nated in Africa and diffused to Asia between one and three thousand years ago (Alpern 1992; Harlan 1975; Kiister 2000:431-437; Vaughan and Geissler 1999). Oth- er African domesticates, such as sorghum (Sorghum bicolor) and millets (Pennisetum glaucum, Eleusine coracana), became the subjects of intense plant breeding in India thousands of years ago before returning again to Africa as new varieties (NRC 1996:189; Vaughan and Geissler 1999:10; Watson 1983: 9-11). Still other plants of Old World origin were long established in Africa prior to their dissemination across the Atlantic by slave ships. These include mustard greens and kale, introduced from the Mediterranean, and sesame, originally of Asian origin but so long used in Africa that it bears the name, benne, which became the plant's name in the U.S. South (Bedigian 2000:418-419; Irvine 1952; Zohary and Hopf 2000:140-141). Plant exchanges between India and Africa by maritime and overland routes had been underway for millennia before Europeans began enslaving Africans in the fifteenth century (Alpern 1992; Harlan 1975; Mc- Clure 1982). Taro (Colocasia esculenta), lime (Citrus aurantifolia), the luffa sponge (Luffa spp.), an edible green (Celosia argentea), and banana and plantain (Musa spp.) offer examples of Asian crops that diffused to Africa in prehistory (Alpern 1992; 180 CARNEY Vol. 23, No. 2 Burkill 1985:53-55; McNeill 2000; Russell-Wood 1998:148-182; Vaughan and Geis- sler 1999; Watson 1983). Marijuana (Cannabis sativa) provides yet another example of a plant of Asian origin that likely arrived in the American tropics via Africa. While marijuana is of ancient Asian origin, it followed two divergent paths of co-evolution with hu- man beings in prehistory. Its movement west from ancient China into northern Europe involved the plant's selection for cordage, especially the strength and length of the fibers, a use for which it would become known as hemp. Along another path of diffusion—from central Asia, into India and onward to Africa— cannabis was selected for its medicinal properties. It is believed to have entered the Americas as a medicinal on slave ships (Pollan 2001:157). The nineteenth-century Brazilian name for Asian soybeans, ‘Angola pea- nuts,” also suggests a transcontinental transfer via Africa as does the initial name given to eggplant in the U.S. South, ‘‘Guinea squash’”” (Dean 1995:127).? Despite the significance of plant transfers between Africa and Asia in the millennia prior to European maritime expansion, emphasis remains on the Columbian Exchange and the role of Europeans in transcontinental dispersion. Following McNeill (2000), this earlier, and ancient, period of plant transfers between two parts of the world that were subsequently enslaved and/or colonized by Europeans could be termed the “Monsoon Exchange” (Russell-Wood 1998:33-40). Among the medicinals of tropical Asian origin listed in Table 1, Mucuna pru- riens has long been valued in the Black Atlantic. It traditionally served as an aphrodisiac, as a substitute for coffee, as a cure for syphilis, and as a component of the concoction said to produce the Haitian “zombie” (Davis 1983:89; Fredrich 1976:61). The significance of many Asian medicinals in Afro-Caribbean folk med- icine began with their previously established value to Africans long before the wave of Asian and Chinese immigration to the Caribbean that dates to the nine- teenth century. With the exception of the coffee plant and the oil palm, Europeans were not much interested in plants of African origin (Chaplin 1993:156). While these two valued tree species would become plantation crops in the Caribbean, most plants indigenous to Africa depended upon New World Africans for their establishment, as whites did not consume them. African domesticates that became important in Caribbean cuisines include the ackee apple (Blighia sapida), which is cooked with salted fish in Jamaica; wild spinach or pigweed (Amaranthus hybridus, Amaranthus spp.) that gives calalou, the region’s popular “pepper pot” soup, its distinctive flavor along with bitter leaf (Vernonia spp.) and Brassica spp., the “greens” favored in diaspora dishes. Other African introductions include the baobab (Adansonia digitata), whose fruits are still consumed in St. Croix, and the kola nut (Cola ac- uminata, C. nitida), a non-alcoholic stimulant with medicinal properties that was especially valued by Muslim slaves (Ayensu 1981; Rashford 1987, 1993, 2001). The kola nut was also used to make a refreshing beverage, which Barbot described in late seventeenth-century West Africa: There is also a fruit called ‘cola’ and by others, ‘cocters’, which quenches the thirst and makes water delicious to those who make use of it. It is a kind of chestnut, with a bitter taste. The blacks assured me that they did Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 181 great trade with these in the upper parts of their country, where they sold them to people who are almost white, who come there expressly at certain times (apparently these are Egyptians or Moroccans). Here is a drawing, showing it both whole and cut open down the middle. I give it natural size. The outside is red mixed with blue and the inside violet and brown. (quoted in Hair et al. 1992:I, 188). Fieldwork suggests the nut may have been similarly used in the Americas; in Belize today it is prepared as a beverage by New World Africans.* An ingredient of medicinal tonics in the southern U.S. during the nineteenth century, kola nut would join the coca leaf in the making of the world’s most famous beverage, Coca- Cola (Pendergrast 1993). Perhaps no other concoction better celebrates the mar- riage of the Amerindian and African ethnobotanical heritage of the Americas.° New World Africans also recognized genera whose attributes were known in Africa. The genus Strychnos, for instance, served as a poison throughout the Black Atlantic. Rauwolfia spp., which act as tranquilizers, were commonly used in Africa as well as by diasporic populations in the Caribbean. Euphorbia spp., which pro- vided relief from colds, indigestion, and pain, are found in traditional pharma- copoeias of both areas. Another genus, Quassia, is the source of a valued febrifuge in the tropical Black Atlantic. This is the only genus that specifically recognizes the plant contribution of a New World African to the Americas. It is named after Quassi, a slave, healer, and “‘sorcerer,’” who was carried off from West Africa to Suriname, and became famous for promoting the plant's curative properties around 1730 (Grimé 1979; Stedman 1963 [1777]). When a specimen of the plant was brought to the attention of Linnaeus in 1761, he named the genus after Quas- si, thereby immortalizing the contribution. The use of the genus as a febrifuge continues to this day in eastern Nicaragua by the Gar’funa, descendants of New World Africans and Carib Indians (Coe and Anderson 1996:75). CONCLUSIONS While recent decades have advanced our understanding of the Amerindian contribution to New World botanical resources, the African plant heritage remains obscured (Carney and Voeks 2003). In botanical knowledge and agricultural do- mestication, African accomplishments were every bit as advanced as those of Am- erindians and Asians, whose contributions are celebrated as part of the Colum- bian Exchange. This article's examination of the plants of the African diaspora shifts the focus from the European role in intercontinental plant exchanges to that of New World Africans in the circum-Caribbean where they remain the majority population. The plant exchanges, botanical gardens, and scientific societies that accom- panied the European Enlightenment drew upon the botanical resources of those they colonized and enslaved while privileging European agency. Yet in subsis- tence fields, gardens, and forested tracts of plantation economies, New World Africans and their descendants were engaged in a parallel paths of botanical experimentation and plant exchange that were equally profound. They established favorite species of African origin as well as those from other parts of the Old 182 CARNEY Vol. 23, No. 2 World long appreciated in African societies. Their efforts safeguarded for poster- ity some of the botanical accomplishments of Amerindians as they vanished from Caribbean islands. In promoting survival, cultural identity, spiritual succor, and resistance, the ethnobotanical knowledge of New World Africans laid the foun- dation for the rich traditional healing system still practiced in the Caribbean to this day. This article offers a preliminary effort towards the recovery of their ethnobotanical legacy. NOTES 1 Following Burkill (1985) and Oliver-Bever (1986), tropical West Africa refers to the region from Senegal south along the coast to Cameroon and inland to Chad. 2 Raphia taedigera is the only New World example of a large African genus that is likely related to R. vinifera in West Africa (Otedoh 1977). It occupies a disjunct Neotropical dis- tribution from eastern Nicaragua south to the Amazon estuary (Carney and Hiraoka 1997). Recent palynological research establishes its presence in eastern Nicaragua about two thou- sand years ago, supporting the likelihood that the pine cone-shaped fruits floated across the Atlantic independently of human introduction (Urquhart 1997). However, the African hornbill disperses R. vinifera in Cameroun (Tom Smith, Professor of Biology, University of California, Los Angeles, in a conversation, October 5, 2003) * see also Karen Hess, unpublished manuscript, ““Mr. Jefferson’s Table: the Culinary Legacy of Monticello” (n.d.). * T.H. Culhane, University of California, Los Angeles, personal communication. ° This insight was offered by doctoral student T.H. Culhane, conversation, January 24, 2001. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author would like to acknowledge the invaluable assistance of Richard Rosomoff, Lisa Chaudhari, Emerio Morej6n, Tom Gillespie, Barry Prigge, and T.H. Culhane in the manuscript’s preparation. This article benefited a great deal from the engaging comments and thoughtful suggestions provided by the journal’s editor and anonymous reviewers. The author, however, assumes sole responsibility for the argument advanced and the in- terpretation of the plants listed in Table 1. Fieldwork for this project was funded by a grant from the Latin American Studies Center at the University of California, Los Angeles. REFERENCES CITED pesgee Daniel K. 1990. Useful Plants of Gha- bd Central and West Africa. Bulletin a: West African Uses of Wild and Culti- is. 2. inal Plants. Intermediate Technology pens Stanley B. 1992. 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OFFIAH? *Department of Sociology, University of Victoria, B.C., V8W 3P5 School of Veterinary Medicine, Faculty of Medical Sciences, The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago ABSTRACT.—This paper explores links between women’s health knowledge, cul- tural practices, and traditional veterinary medicine by focusing on nine plants used in both folk medicine and traditional veterinary medicine for reproductive health conditions. These taxa (Spondias mombin L., Senna occidentalis (L.) Link, Pe- tiveria alliacea L., Ruellia tuberosa L., Curcuma longa L., Abelmoschus esculentus (L.) Moench., Bambusa vulgaris Schrad., Oryza sativa L., and Stachytarpheta jamaicensis (L.) Vahl.), identified in the course of ethnoveterinary research conducted in Trin- idad and Tobago from 1995-2000, are a small part of the 180 plants recognized locally to have medicinal value. Non-experimental validation of the nine plants indicated that they show intermediate to high levels of validity and merit further investigation. This investigation could include further study into the efficacy of the methods of administration of the plants. Key words: folk medicine, traditional veterinary medicine, Trinidad and Tobago, reproductive health. RESUMEN.—Fste articulo explora las relaciones entre el conocimiento sobre salud femenina, las practicas culturales y la veterinaria popular referidas a problemas de salud reproductiva. Para ello se centra en nueve plantas utilizadas a la vez en medicina y veterinaria para tratar las condiciones sanitarias de la reproduccion. Estos taxones (Spondias mombin L., Senna occidentalis (L.) Link, Petiveria alliacea L., Ruellia tuberosa L., Curcuma longa L., Abelmoschus esculentus (L.) Moench., Bambusa vulgaris Schrad., Oryza sativa L., y Stachytarpheta jamaicensis (L.) Vahl.), identifica- dos durante un estudio etnoveterinario llevado a cabo en Trinidad y Tobago entre 1995-2000, son una pequefia parte de las 180 plantas reconocidas localmente como medicinales. La valoracién no experimental de las nueve plantas indicé que mues- tran niveles intermedios a altos de validez y que merecen una investigaci6n mas profunda. Esta investigacién podria incluir un estudio mas profundo de la eficacia de las formas de administracién de las plantas. RESUME.—Cet article explore les liens entre les connaissances gynécologiques, les pratiques culturelles, et la médecine vétérinaire ancienne, a travers l’exemple des neuf plantes suivantes: Spondias mombin L., Senna occidentalis (L.) Link, Petiveria alliacea L., Ruellia tuberosa L., Curcuma longa L., Abelmoschus esculentus (L.) Moench., Bambusa vulgaris Schrad., Oryza sativa L., et Stachytarpheta jamaicensis (L.) Vahl. Ces taxons sont utilisés traditionnellement dans les soins relatifs 4 la reproduction 188 LANS et al. Vol. 23, No. 2 pour les étres humains et les animaux. Ces plantes, identifiées par une étude ethnovétérinaire menée a Trinidad et Tobago de 1995 a 2000, ne représentent qu'une modeste partie de la collection de 180 plantes médicinales utilisées par la population locale. La validation non expérimentale de ces neuf plantes indique une validité de niveau intermédiaire 4 élevée méritant une investigation plus poussée qui pourrait inclure une étude supplémentaire sur |’efficacité des méth- odes d’administration. INTRODUCTION Research into traditional veterinary practices typically seeks practical options for the provision of livestock health care that can be of use to farmers with limited resources (McCorkle et al. 1996). Traditional veterinary medicine includes local descriptions of diseases and knowledge of how to treat or avoid them. Vaccina- tions and brandings have not been observed in Caribbean traditional veterinary medicine, but tools, technologies, and magico-religious beliefs are found. There is potential for locally available herbal medicines to be used in primary health care and agricultural development. In Trinidad and Tobago traditional veterinary prac- tices and beliefs are based on Caribbean folk medicine, which incorporates know]- edge from Africa, Europe, India, and South America (Longuefosse and Nossin 1996). Knowledge of folk remedies is transmitted orally from generation to gen- eration, often from grandparents to the grandchildren who live with them or from elder female relatives to the young (Lans 1996; Longuefosse and Nossin 1996). Folk knowledge exists in (marginalized) parallel to western science but is often tried first, especially for minor conditions (Laguerre 1987; Lans 1996). In this paper we focus on the non-experimental validation of nine plants used for reproductive health by women and for animals. This study is part of a larger one concerned with the documentation and non-experimental validation of tra- ditional veterinary medicine in Trinidad and Tobago (Lans 1996, 2001). The first phase of the larger research project involved data collection carried out for five months in 1995 by Lans. This data collection was divided into four parts. A method called the school essay was used initially. This involved 242 students from nine secondary schools (age 12-15 years) who interviewed friends and neighbors on their use of folk medicine and then wrote essays that identified 28 respondents knowledgeable about traditional veterinary practices. Lans then held group and individual interviews with the 28 local experts, 30 veterinarians, 27 extension officers, 19 animal health assistants (AHAs), and 7 additional local experts that the AHAs identified. Five focus group workshops were then conducted with 55 of the non-veterinarians interviewed in order to validate and verify the data. An information seminar was also given at the veterinary school of the University of the West Indies. In the second phase of the research, 1997-2000, Lans worked through previ- ously existing social networks to build a purposive sample, which maximized the number of knowledgeable respondents. The respondents in the second phase in- cluded 23 people involved in the horse-racing industry, five involved in both horse racing and cockfighting, two involved in cockfighting who did not claim horse- racing involvement, one group of seven hunters, and ten individual hunters. Thir- Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 189 ty other respondents were interviewed who knew of folk remedies but did not admit to any knowledge of traditional veterinary remedies. The study results were divided into nine case studies: pigs, commercial poultry, gamecocks, ru- minants, ruminants and reproductive health, pet dogs, hunting dogs, horses, and folk medicine. The case studies of pigs, commercial poultry, ruminants, pet dogs, and hunting dogs have been published. 1995, Lans noticed that male and female farmers were using certain plants to assist in the health care of their animals and it became evident that the know]l- edge of these plants came from the reproductive knowledge of female farmers or the female relatives of the male farmers (Lans 1996). The administration of the plant remedies was different for humans and animals. In order to examine this discrepancy as part of the non-experimental validation of the plants we felt it necessary to incorporate women’s reproductive knowledge (and all its ramifica- tions) into a study on animal health. Several ethnobotanists now recognize that the parameters used to validate ethnomedicines cannot be derived only from the objective sciences, as sickness and health incorporate social, cultural, and psychological as well as biological phenomena (Weniger 1991). Our non-experimental validation methodology was adapted from the social sciences and from the ethnopharmacological literature (Browner et al. 1988; Heinrich et al. 1992). Heinrich et al. (1992) have claimed that ethnobotanical investigations have resulted in a large body of descriptive data, which should now be evaluated in order to select those plants that should be submitted to further investigation. Several scientists have begun the task of em- pirically evaluating indigenous medicine (Ankli et al. 1999). Like them, we do not assume that the number of users of the plants is a guide to their merit; instead the non-experimental validation of the plants determines which of the plants is likely to be effective and thus worthy of further investigation (Eigner and Scholz 1999; Elisabetsky and de Moraes 1990). Incorporating cultural details into the study of traditional veterinary medicines ensures that future scientific validation is not wasted on plants that are used only for cultural or religious reasons (Etkin 1993). This is important not only because of the waste of resources, but because negative results can destroy confidence in a field already struggling for recogni- tion (Eigner and Scholz 1999). Non-experimental validation of the traditional veterinary medicines was un- dertaken in recognition of the fact that western science has become the benchmark by which other cultures’ knowledge is evaluated (Watson-Verran and Turnbull 1995). Many anthropologists and social scientists claim that scientists should not decide whether indigenous beliefs and practices are or are not scientific, as this has colonialist overtones (Hastrup and Elsass 1990), or that indigenous know]- edge systems represent the cultural dimension of development and cannot be reduced to the empirical knowledge that they contain (Warren et al. 1995). These anthropological reservations have some merit, yet validation of traditional vet- erinary medicines is important. Many local people no longer treat themselves or their animals with folk medicines because they have not been validated by any recognized ‘scientific’ body, yet some of these medicines may indeed be efficacious. 190 LANS et al. Vol. 23, No. 2 Non-experimental Validation—The traditional validation process used in the devel- opment of synthetic drugs can be described as drug discovery, drug design, and pre-clinical and clinical studies (Schuster 2001). The process requires screening an average of 10,000 active compounds to find a single compound that successfully makes its way through validation to drug approval and then prescriptions and sales; this process is time consuming and too expensive for most developing coun- tries (Elisabetsky and de Moraes 1990). Well-controlled clinical trials are used to evaluate the efficacy and side effects of herbal medicines before they are accepted for use in allopathic medicine. This process of randomized, double blind, multi- centered trials with standardized extracts is protracted and expensive (Bodeker and Chaudhury 2001). Non-experimental validation seeks to reduce the time and expense of evaluating medicinal plants by providing a preliminary review of the plants. This review indicates whether the plants merit the time and expense of the traditional investigation described above. The first step of the non-experimental validation involved a review of a variety of published literature to gain an understanding of Caribbean, Asian, African, and Latin American concepts of reproductive health, especially those related to the use of medicinal plants. This step served to establish whether the plants were used for cultural reasons, medicinal reasons, or both. The second step involved searching for information on the plants’ known chemical constituents and phar- macological effects. The third step built on the first two and was an evaluation of the claims of the respondents. In other words, is there a plausible biological mechanism by which the plant chemicals and known or possible physiological effects could achieve the results that they described? Heinrich et al. (1992) assume that the more information there is that validates the popular use of a plant in treating a certain illness, the more likely it is to be effective. If sufficient data are available, one of four levels of confidence can be assigned to the plant appraisal: 0) If no information supports use, it indicates that the plant may be inactive. 1) A plant (or closely related species of the same genus) used in geographi- cally or temporally distinct areas in the treatment of similar illnesses at- tains the lowest level of validity. 2) If phytochemical or pharmacological information also validates the tradi- tional use, the plant is assigned level one validity. 3) If ethnobotanical, phytochemical, and pharmacological data supports the folk use of the plant, it is assigned level two validity and is likely to be effective. Relevant Medical Terms.—The medical terms used in this article are defined below. In a normal menstrual cycle there is a balance between the hormones estrogen and progesterone. These hormones regulate the buildup of the endometrium (uterine lining of blood and tissue) that is shed each month during menstruation. Dysmenorrhoea is the medical term for pain in the lower abdomen at the begin- ning of menstruation. Menorrhagia is excess bleeding during menstruation, which may result from insufficient secretion of progesterone, the release of estradiol from fat tissue due to obesity, or recent significant weight loss; as a result the endometrium keeps adding layers, and when it is eventually shed there is sub- stantial bleeding. Estradiol is a steroid produced by the ovarian follicle. Emmen- Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 191 agogues are agents that promote menstrual flow and abortifacients are agents used to terminate pregnancy (Conway and Slocumb 1979; Ososki et al. 2002). Lactogogues are drugs or herbs that cause milk secretion or which are believed to increase milk production (Browner 1985). Ruminant Reproduction—Ruminants in this paper include cattle, sheep, and goats. In sheep the length of estrus or time between periods of standing heat (when the animal is willing to be bred) varies between 14 and 19 days. Estrus or standing heat lasts about 24 to 36 hours with ovulation occurring approximately 24 hours after the beginning of estrus (Mason and Atkins 2002). The ovaries release the ova (eggs) at 17-day intervals during the breeding season or until the ewe becomes pregnant. The ovaries and ruminant placentae produce the following hormones during pregnancy: estrogens, progesterone and other progestins, and placental lactogen (Mason and Atkins 2002). Cows have an estrus cycle of 17 to 25 days. In the week before a cow comes into heat a dominant follicle develops on one of her ovaries. When she comes into heat and is willing to be bred, the follicle ruptures, shedding an egg into the oviduct. Gonadotropin releasing hormone (GnRH) stimulates the rupture of the follicle and the release of luteinizing hormone (LH) at ovulation. Follicle cells secrete estrogen until just before ovulation occurs when they begin to secrete progester- one. After ovulation the capsule of the follicle develops into a corpus luteum (CL), which matures for the next 12 to 13 days of the cycle, producing progesterone (Mason and Atkins 2002). Progesterone prevents the development of new follicles and keeps the uterus in a receptive state for conception and also sustains preg- nancy if the ovulated egg is fertilized. If conception does not occur, oxytocin from the CL stimulates the release of prostaglandin (Prostaglandin F2-alpha) from the uterus on days 16 to 18 of the cycle, which causes the regression of the CL. A new dominant follicle then develops. In the pregnant cow, the embryo secretes proteins to block oxytocin from generating secretions of Prostaglandin F2-alpha from the uterus, thus maintaining the CL and pregnancy. Progesterone also plays a role in protecting the embryo from immunological rejection by the mother. Gen- ital tract infections can occur due to the immunosuppressive actions of proges- terone. Reproduction and Culture—As usefully stated by Castefiada et al. (1996), programs aimed at improving reproductive health can only be successful when they take into account the customs, values, and beliefs associated with fertility, pregnancy, and birth. Previous studies have contributed enormously to the elaboration and discussion of the strong cultural traditions that underlie the use of medicinal plants for reproductive health (Bayley 1949; Brody 1981; Browner et al. 1988; Conway and Slocumb 1979; Etkin 1988; Landman and Hall 1983; Nations et al. 1997; Newman 1985; Sobo 1996; Weniger et al. 1982). Before any definitive testing takes place it is often difficult to distinguish between amenorrhoea (absence or suppression of menstruation due to illness, depression, or malnutrition) and early pregnancy. Knowing this difficulty, women deliberately or unconsciously blur the differences between abortifacient and menses-stimulating effects. This gives them some control over reproduction in countries that have strict social, religious or legal restrictions against abortion. Etkin (1988) claims that the Native American 192 LANS et al. Vol. 23, No. 2 literature contains similar obfuscation. This obfuscation has been called cognitive ambiguity or a “hidden reproductive transcript’ that is an unconscious or artful manipulation by poor, otherwise powerless women against their culture's anti- abortion ideology and a protest against a lack of family planning facilities (McClain 1989; Nations et al. 1997). In practical terms this cognitive ambiguity means that there can be no clear operational distinction between emmenagogues (agents used to bring on delayed menses) and abortifacients (agents used to ter- minate pregnancy) other than the dosage and the timing. Treating a ‘‘late’’ or “missed” period rather than a possible pregnancy helps these women avoid the dilemma of possibly inducing an abortion (Conway and Slocumb 1979). METHODS Data Collection.—The previous study (Lans 1996) had noted a difference in the way farmers treated their animals (that is, farmers used plant knowledge learned from their wives or female relatives, but administered the herbal remedies as decoctions rather than as steam). To find out if women would consider decoctions an effective way to treat the animals, Lans conducted interviews with six older women (>50 years) over a six-month period during 1996 and 1997 who were chosen from the group of key informants interviewed during the 1995 traditional veterinary research and from a larger ongoing research project. The sample con- sisted of a female farmer, two healers, and three housewives who had more than the average amount of knowledge of common remedies or core traditions and were therefore expected to know about and have used the plants previously iden- tified as those utilized for reproductive health. The six women were located in Mason Hall (in Tobago), Paramin (in north Trinidad), San Fernando (in south Trinidad) and Talparo (in central Trinidad). The women were asked specifically about the plants used during childbirth and for reproductive problems and associated cultural practices. They had used these medicinal plants for their own reproductive health; two had also assisted other women (Lans 1996, 2001). The healers were interviewed three times, but the others only once since they had fewer experiences to relate. The following information about each plant was collected: common name, uses, part(s) used, mode of preparation, time and duration of application, doses, and expected biological action of the plants (Table 1). This information was doc- umented and categorized. Women were also asked to reconstruct the circumstanc- es and contexts of the plant uses so that the means of administration of the plants could be identified. A qualitative, conversational technique was used in preference to a more formal interview schedule. Plants were collected when available to verify that the common names used by each respondent were the same in each ethnic group as those recorded in the literature. The plants described in this paper were authenticated at the University of the West Indies Herbarium.' Published sources such as journal articles and books and databases on phar- macology and ethnomedicine available on the internet were searched to identify the plants’ chemical compounds and clinically tested physiological effects. These data were incorporated with data on the reported reproductive folk uses and their preparation and administration in Latin America, the Caribbean, Asia, and Africa. Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 193 These preliminary results were then presented by Lans to two groups of women in 1998. The presentations included draft versions of Tables 1 and 2 and discus- sions of the local use of the plants by farmers for their animals and by women for themselves. The first group consisted of 35 rural Indo- and Afro-Trinidadians attending a seminar on women’s health at a community center in Todd’s Road (central Trinidad). Five members of this group spoke up in the question period following the presentation to confirm knowledge of the plants and their uses for women and animals, while others nodded agreement. The same presentation was made four months later to 15 Indo-Trinidadian rural women attending a training session in Biche (south-eastern Trinidad). Lans was conducting participant obser- vation with these women as part of a separate research project. Seven of these women gave verbal confirmation of the knowledge of the plants and their uses in humans and in animals. RESULTS The nine plants used in traditional veterinary medicine for reproductive pur- poses and corresponding uses by women are presented in Table 1. They come from eight different families. Leafy branches of hogplum (Spondias mombin L., Anacardiaceae) are fed for retained placenta. Decoctions of leaves and roots of wild coffee (Senna occidentalis (L.) Link, Caesalpiniaceae) or gullyroot (Petiveria alliacea L., Phytolaccaceae) or a root decoction of minny root (Ruellia tuberosa L., Acanthaceae) are used to induce estrus. A decoction or infusion of the grated rhizome of turmeric (Curcuma longa L., Zingiberaceae) is given to increase milk production and for retained placenta. Green pods and leaves of okro (Abelmoschus esculentus (L.) Moench, Malvaceae) and rice paddy (Oryza satim L., Poaceae) are fed for retained placenta. Bamboo (Bambusa vulgaris, Poaceae) leaves are fed to ruminants for fever, after parturition, for milk let-down, and for retained placenta. A decoction of plant tops of vervine (Stachytarpheta jamaicensis (L.) Vahl., Verben- aceae) is given to animals to increase milk production. All the farmer respondents interviewed in 1995 indicated that the plants used for retained placenta were given to their animals immediately after parturition. Farmer respondents described rice paddy as a “‘heated substance’ that was used for retained placenta but not recommended for pregnant animals. One respondent explained the term “heated substance” by claiming that the “heat of the rice paddy would help break down the uterine lining.” Both male and female farmers and women use the term ‘clot blood’ to refer to the blood clots and haematomas associated with birth. Besides the nine plants evaluated in this paper, women use 31 additional plants for reproductive problems but these others were not de- scribed as traditional veterinary plants during the five-year research period (Lans 1) Forms of Administration—The preliminary work was presented to the two groups of women in order to get an indication of whether the plants were widely used or known to be useful for reproductive conditions. The circumstances and con- texts of the plant uses as reconstructed by the women in the individual and group sessions corresponded with the descriptions obtained from the literature. How- Vol. 23, No. 2 LANS et al. 194 yyru uoyonpoid yyTU asearduT 0} pasn THRA (TD) yUsDYJNsUL puke UMOP-ja] 4]TUE = ‘sjeuTTUR 0} UaATS sdo} yuRTd Jo UOTDOSap OUTAIOA avIIeUIGIoA, sisuanwuunl vjaydavjhyIv4s eyuad Jasueep umnzs1edysod -ejd pauteyas 10 pay are sayoueiq Ajeay urnyd3oy avaovIpreoeuy ‘7 uiquioum seipuods Jasueayo umn}1edjsod ev se pasn eyusoryd poautejza1 uOTIOIap JOOI puR Feat (q = OJ Palpuarp uOTIOSap /uoTIsNjur Jeay (q snijsa sonpul Jasuvap> winziedysod (e 0} UaATS S}OOI puk saAva] Jo UOTIOIap (ke daJjOD pjiM _— avadevTuTdyesaey = =—- Yur] (J) stpvjuapia20 vuuas vaoysousue /eaoytiouauIsAp —- SN.jsa BONpPuUT 0} UBATS s}OOI JO UOTIODap —_- joo AUT avaoeyyURIy "| vsosaqny viyjany sn.ijsa aonp vaoysousure /eaoysiouawushp = -UI 0} UaATS S}OOI pu sadve] JO UOTIODap —«- joo _AT[N3 avaovooejoyAyg "| vaouiyy wisaatjad eyuaoed poure} — -dI JOJ syueUTUINI 0} pay st Apped jo ‘sq] ¢ 9011 aeaoevog "| ways vzhiQ eyuaoeld paurejar 10J pue uogonposd yyrur asevasout 0} uaArs Jasueap> wuny1edysod awoztys paye13 JO UOTSNJUI 10 UODODap O19ULINY avaovIaqIsurz “| vsuo, vuinz4ny eyusoryd pourejai IOAVJ JoJ pue UMOP-}9] YIU OJ “UOTLINy1ed ‘TpuaM IO} pasn saavey Jo UOTIOSap Jaye “IaAaj JOJ syURUTUINI 0} Pay SaAvaT ooquieq aeaovog Xa “‘pesryps stuv3jna vsnquvg eyuaoeyd pus0j — paurejai Jo} pay saava, pue spod usaai3 oro aeaoeareP ~—s (J) SNJulajnasa snyosomjaqy uoyeasturupe ‘pasn sjred aureu asn JeuDIpow euonTpesy, ‘asn AreULIOJaA [RUOHIPes], uoUuO> Ayrure,y aUIeU IBUIIS ‘oSeqo], pue pepruny ut asn jueyd jeuprpewt pue AzeutsajaA TeuonIpesy jo uostedwoy—'| AIAVL Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 195 ever, the main reason to present the work was to clarify how the plants are ad- ministered and therefore resolve the previously noted differences in administra- tion. Very few of the non-farming women interviewed during the study said that they utilized the plants as decoctions; rather, in previous times midwives attended women during childbirth and put these plants in a tub of steaming water. The women would then sit over the tub on a stool for up to nine days (Herskovits and Herskovits 1947). This implies that active plant compounds are volatile sub- stances that would be carried by the water vapor. As indicated previously, male and female farmers used decoctions of these plants for their animals, however women rarely used decoctions of the plants for themselves. When queried about plant preparation for animals, the farmer respondents described boiling the plants for 20 minutes and then allowing this decoction to cool. The term “draw” typi- cally means steeping the plant parts in boiling water for about fifteen minutes (an infusion). When a small plant is involved, these respondents used the above- ground part, which they call the “leaves” of a particular plant. Dosages were non- standard. We can recapitulate here that women use different forms of adminis- tration for some of these plants than the farmers. Women used the leafy branches of hogplum, a decoction of roots of wild coffee or leafy branches of bamboo for their own health care. These plants were put in a tub of boiling water and the women then sat over the tub or a stool or over what is called a utensil (‘tencil) in Tobago. Women made a decoction of ground turmeric with massala, ginger and salted butter for their own use, to “bring down everything” after parturition. Women used decoctions of turmeric with vervine to “clean out” their bodies. DISCUSSION The two presentations of the data to the groups of women in Biche and Todd’s Road did not produce new data or insights but indicated that both groups knew of the nine plants and their reproductive uses. This suggests that this particular plant knowledge is not restricted to a certain section of Trinidad’s female popu- lation. This is important because plants that are known to a large number of informants have a higher ethnographic validity and should be investigated before plants that are known to two or fewer informants (Bourdy and Walter 1992; Hein- rich et al. 1992). Presenting findings to research participants as done in the work- shops and presentations is useful to assess the credibility of the research account to the respondents and to verify preliminary results (Green and Britten 1998; Mays and Pope 1995; Nations et al. 1997). The reactions of the respondents are often used to reduce errors and to help refine researcher’s explanations, and they are incorporated into the findings. Members of both groups of women confirmed the information given in the presentations of the cultural and social reasons for the use of the plants as well as confirming that these were the plants used. There- fore no corrections to our findings were necessary. Reproductive Health and the Use of Cleansers.—The following section gives a brief description of Latin American and Caribbean views of reproductive health, which provides a partial explanation for the use of plants by the women. Readers are referred to Longuefosse and Nossin (1996) for further details on Caribbean con- 196 LANS et al. Vol. 23, No. 2 ceptualizations of popular medical concepts. Women in the Caribbean squat over a vessel of hot water filled with medicinal plants because of their belief that the steam enters the body and “melts” all recalcitrant matter, which then slides out (Herskovits and Herskovits 1947; Sobo 1996; Weniger et al. 1982). This practice may derive from the Amerindian belief that the essence of the plant is inhaled through the “steam” and serves as a curative or prophylatic for the condition being treated (Dennis 1988). This form of “steaming” is of little value in treating animals. More relevant is the Caribbean belief that birth, defecation, and men- struation are cleansing processes; therefore mild purgatives are given to induce the quick delivery of the placenta and pregnancy-related waste matter through the vagina (Sobo 1996). Abortifacients “make baby turn to blood and wash out” (Sobo 1996; Weniger et al. 1982). Emmenagogues are used in Latin America and the Caribbean to restore the menses, to ‘clean out’ the womb, and to restore vitality after preg- nancy (Sobo 1996). Purgatives are called ““washout’’ and many women use “wash- out” ingredients like senna (Senna occidentalis and Cassia obovata) as emmena- gogues and abortifacients (Browner et al. 1988; Kay 1996; Morton 1980; Sobo 1996). This suggests that cultural reasons may explain the inclusion of vervine (Stachytarpheta jamaicensis) in abortifacient recipes although its traditional use is to “wash out” worms and ‘‘cold’”” (mucous) (Sobo 1996). The use of vervine to facilitate milk let-down in women and livestock can be interpreted as cultural since the original Amerindian use of Stachytarpheta species was as one of eight plants added to special baths given eight or nine days after childbirth to the mother and to the newborn (Hodge and Taylor 1957). The use of Abelmoschus esculentus to facilitate delivery by Jamaican women has been re- ported (Landman and Hall 1983). This study found that one-quarter of 125 preg- nant Jamaican women used okro (Abelmoschus esculentus) as one of four teas to speed up delivery, induce labor, ease the pain of delivery, or to ‘free the birth canal.” Bayley (1949) reported on the use of Petiveria alliacea for reproductive rea- sons in Barbados. Hot-cold Valence—Latin American and Caribbean women choose plants for repro- ductive conditions based on the properties that correspond to the hot-cold valence, irritating action, emmenagogic, oxytocic, anti-implantation, and/or abortifacient effects (Browner 1985; Etkin 1988). It is useful to consider these beliefs since they play a role in plant choice. The hot-cold valence in the context of reproductive health refers to the traditional belief that heat opens the body and facilitates the blood’s free flow, whereas cold causes the blood to stop flowing and clog the arteries, veins, and womb (Coe and Anderson 1996). The body of a menstruating or pregnant woman is considered extremely hot (Nations et al. 1997). One cause of infertility is termed ‘‘cold in the uterus” and fertility enhancers are considered to be “hot” (Ankli et al. 1999; Browner 1985; Cosminsky 2001; Kay 1996). Two studies explain the use of rice paddy by the respondents. Harrell (1981) documented that Taiwanese villagers provided a “hot” diet consisting of only chicken, sesame oil, wine and rice for a month after childbirth in order to replace the energy lost with the mother’s blood at delivery. For traditional veterinary medicine, IIRR (1994) recommends a uterine tonic containing five types of grains Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 197 including rice mixed with six ingredients like black pepper and fennel seeds. This tonic is reputed to help cleanse the uterus, expel the placenta, and dispel gas from the rumen of the dam. Table 2 summarizes Caribbean, Asian, African and Latin American ethno- medicinal literature. This summary indicates that all the plants attain the lowest level of validity established by Heinrich et al. (1992) in that they were used for similar reasons elsewhere. Therefore, a review of the phytochemical literature is warranted. Evaluating Plant Components to Assess the Validity of the Traditional Veterinary Uses.— Uteroactive plants used in Mexico are described in metaphorical terms of ““warm- ing” or “irritating” (Browner et al. 1988). ‘“Warming”’ the body, blood, and womb, causes the womb to ‘open’ to release detained menstrual flow or expel a full- term fetus or unwanted embryo and associated tissues (conceptus). Uteroactive plants are said to cause stronger contractions and shorten delivery times. “Irri- tating’ plants “open’’ the uterus and stimulate contractions that will release blocked menstrual blood or push out a full-term fetus or unwanted conceptus. Table 3 shows the chemicals in the plants that fit the Latin American descriptions of “irritating” and “warming.” Chemical constituents that correspond to the term “warming” are those that cause in vivo or in vitro uterine contractions. Relevant uterine stimulants for this paper are acetylcholine, serotonin (5-hydroxytryptamine), prostaglandins, and oxytocin (Uguru et al. 1998). Acetylcholine and serotonin are neurotransmitters concerned with the transmittal of nerve impulses; serotonin is involved in the regulation of moods and behavior. Prostaglandins are produced in many cells of the body by the action of enzymes on essential fatty acids and have a wide range of functions: in ovulation, reproductive tract motility, transport of sperm to the oviduct at estrus, egg transport, implantation, parturition, and CL regression. The thick middle layer of the uterus (the myometrium) is composed of smooth muscle. Plants that induce smooth muscle contractions or have oxytocic effects may im- prove sperm transport and conception. Oxytocin is a hormone produced by the ovary that directs behavior such as nest building and acceptance of offspring, pairing of couples, and is responsible for stimulating milk ejection during lacta- tion and uterine contractions during birth. Oxytocic effects would include hasten- ing or assisting childbirth by stimulating contractions of the uterus. An aqueous extract of Stachytarpheta jamaicensis showed spasmogenic activity on the ileum of guinea pigs (Robineau 1991). Further study would be needed to ascertain if extracts of Stachytarpheta jamaicensis could also cause uterine contrac- tions. Petiveria alliacea seed methanolic extract causes contraction of the rat uterus and this action may involve prostaglandin synthesis (Oluwole and Bolarinwa 1998; Robineau 1991). Petiveria alliacea extracts have caused abortions in cattle (Morton 1980). Extracts of Spondias mombin produced relaxant activity on smooth muscle and uterine stimulant activity (Robineau 1991) and induced abortion in vivo in rats and mice (Offiah and Anyanwu 1989). Spondias mombin contains sa- ponins; some saponins have been shown to be uteroactive (Browner et al. 1988). Bambusa bambos fresh leaf juice produces uterine stimulation (Kapoor 1990). The anthraquinone glycosides in Senna occidentalis are responsible for its laxative action TABLE 2.—Comparison of plant use for female reproductive problems in different geographical locations. Scientific name Ethnoveterinary use Ethnomedicinal use Location Abelmoschus esculentus Bambusa vulgaris Curcuma longa Oryza sativa Petiveria alliacea Senna occidentalis retained placenta retained placenta retained placenta retained placenta estrus induction estrus induction decoction of young okro used as a demulcent to soothe genito-urinary complaints, speed up deliv- ery, induce mei facilitebe abortion or ease the pain of deliv a) leaf Sesiction used as a remedy for fever, stom- ach upsets and nervous conditions; root decoction is an abortifacient b) leaves used as emmenagogues and as a febri- fuge; the fresh juice of the leaves of the plant has a weak ecbolic action, and leaves are also used for diarrhoea, fever, infections, skin rashes and re sores a) used with Trianthema portulacastrum L. for wounds an b) dried root powder mixed with water or rhizome; juice drunk as a postpartum medication rice water drunk to relieve leukorrhea and vaginitis a) leaves boiled with Phyllanthus amarus Schum. & Thonn., bark of Swieteria mahogoni Jacq., and the pulp and seeds of Crescentia cujete L. for abortions b) gully root plant parts used as emmenagogues, for menstrual difficulty, womb inflammation, and as abortifacients c) slaves used a decoction of the roots of Petiveria alliacea after eating large amounts of okro in order a) large handful of ground leaves mixed in water and drunk to induce birth, to “cleanse’’ the in- sides, prevent haemorrhaging, Ae the lochia, and ‘draw organs back to normal’ Philippines (Morton 1990), Trinidad (Wong 1976), Ja- maica (Landman and Hall 1983 a) Latin America and the Ca- ribbean (LAC) (Morton 1981 b) India (Kapoor 1990), Nica- ragua (Coe and Anderson 1996) a) India (Nagaraju and Rao 1990) b) Indonesia, Malaysia (Gros- Nepal (Bhattarai 1994) a) Latin America and the Ca- ribbean (LAC) (Morton 1981 ) b) LAC (Morton 1981; Ososki et al. 2002; Wong 1976) c) LAC (Duke 2000; Morton 1981) a) Vanuatu (Bourdy and Wal- ter 1992), Nicaragua (Bar- rett 1994; Coe and Ander- son 1996) 86L Te? SNVI Z “ON ‘€Z TOA Ethnomedicinal use Location b) decoctions and infusions of leaves, leafy stems and flower spikes or roots used for womb inflam- ation, abortifacients, emmenagogues, purgatives, for menstrual pain, an P epurants; use of 5 g of roots in 300 g of water can cause abortion a) leaves boiled with Cordia cylindrostachya (Ruiz Pav.) Roem. & Schulkt., , Manger indica L. and ae acardium occidentale e decoction taken for 9 days after confinement b) aqueous extract of leaves with leaves of Alchornea cordifolia (Schumach. & Thonn.) Miill. Arg. used to clean cuts, sores and burns; an aqueous extract of the Spondias os en bark used as a vaginal wash for treating infections and haemorrhages a) plant ee used as a lactogogue and em- menagogue, to clean the system, and relieve pain- ful menstruation; root decoction used as an abor- b) a “bitter plant’ used to treat gastrointestinal pain; used for childbirth and pregnancy, fever, re- spiratory conditions, worms, venereal disease, as a purgative or a laxative b) Caribbean (Morton 1981), Nicaragua (Coe and Ander- son 1996; Dennis 1988) a) Caribbean (Morton 1981) b) Pasig — et al. ke Latin America (Ayala Fl res 1984; Coe and pone son 1996; Hazlett 1986) a) Middle America and the Caribbean (Eldridge 1975; Morton 1981; Wong 1976) b) Mexico and Haiti (Heinrich et al. 1992), Nicaragua (Coe and Anderson 1996) €007 293UILM / Te ASOTOISONHLA JO TYNYNOL 661 200 LANS et al. Vol. 23, No. 2 TABLE 3.—Evaluation of the plant remedies for reproductive purposes. Oxytocic/uteroactive chemicals tating and properties, maintenance of Scientific name chemicals reproductive health Abelmoschus esculentus — Bambusa vulgaris — acts on paige receptors; leaves have weak ecbolic acti: — Bris. —_ camphor, terpenene, borneol Oryza sativa — oestrone, vitamin E Petiveria alliacea wen induces smooth muscle contractions Ruellia tuberosa ~ beta-sitosterol, stigmasterol, purgative action Senna occidentalis — anthraquinone glycosides Spondias mombin tannins saponins Stachytarpheta jamaicensis tannins — and also have oxytocic properties (Robineau 1991). Oestrone is an estrogenic hor- mone secreted by the ovary in mammals. The oestrone in Oryza sativa may ac- count for any role that Oryza satim plays in inducing ovulation (Oliver-Bever 1986). Stachytarpheta jamaicensis and Spondias mombin contain the irritating chemical compounds called tannins. Curcuma longa contains the irritating compounds cam- phor, borneol (very similar to camphor), and terpenene (Duke 2000). These three compounds are commonly found in essential oils. Ruminant Reproductive Disorders——In polyestrus animals and some ruminants, in- fertility is defined more broadly than just failure to conceive. Infertility includes a subnormal number of offspring, in addition to failure to produce any offspring, failure to cycle, aberrations of the estrus cycle and estrus period (based on ovarian and other dysfunctions), and prenatal and perinatal death (Merck 1986). Three basic physiological functions must be maintained during the periparturient period if metabolic diseases like retained placenta and retained fetal membranes are to be avoided: the rumen needs to adapt to a high energy lactation diet, the concen- tration of calcium in the blood needs to be maintained at normal levels, and the immune system needs to be strong (Goff and Horst 1997). Increased incidence of retained placenta is associated with many causal fac- tors but the role that each of these factors plays in causing retained placenta is still under investigation (Laven and Peters 1996). Retained placenta is defined in this paper as the presence of fetal membranes 24 hours or more postpartum (Lav- en and Peters 1996). The delivery of the placenta postpartum is a physiological process, involving the loss of feto-maternal adherence in combination with uterine muscular contractions (Laven and Peters 1996). There is inconclusive evidence that infection of the genital tract with pathogenic organisms or the build-up of viru- lence of the organisms which are normally present in ruminant housing (Group C Streptococcus, Escherichia coli, Pseudomonas, and Corynebacterium pyogenes) may lead to retained placenta (Arthur et al. 1989; Laven and Peters 1996). An increase in blood selenium is associated with a decrease in all infections especially those caused by Corynebacterium species (Jukola et al. 1996). Selenium is found in rice (Karita et al. 2001). Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 201 Increased estrogen has a positive effect on uneventful placental delivery in cattle because estrogens play an important role in the maturation of placentomes and in uterine contractility (Zhang et al. 1999). Placentomes are knobs of tissue connecting the placenta and uterus that exchange nutrients and wastes. When the uterus is undergoing contractions during labor the blood flow between the pla- centa and uterus decreases and detachment and expulsion of the placenta occurs. Statistical differences were found in the activities of various enzymes in cows with retained placenta and cows without the condition (Brzezinska-Siebodzinska et al. 1994; Kankofer et al. 1996a; Kankofer et al. 1996b; Mahfooz et al. 1994). Other studies showed that the metabolism of amino acids may be altered in cows with retained placenta and there may be an imbalance in free radical generation and neutralization and lower levels of fast-acting antioxidants in plasma in cows with retained placenta (Brzezinska-Siebodzinska et al. 1994; Kankofer and Maj 1997). These studies imply that the incidence of retained placenta could be re- duced by reducing oxidative stress or by boosting the immune system (Kankofer 2002; Miyoshi et al. 2002). Oxidative stress results in cell deterioration. Feeding rice, turmeric, okro, or other plants with antioxidant properties could therefore play a role in reducing the incidence of retained placenta (Araujo and Leon 2001; Jariwalla 2001; Lee et al. 2002; Lin et al. 2002; Osawa 1999; Xu et al. 2001). Dietary polyunsaturated fatty acids and their role in the synthesis of prosta- glandin and provision of energy before calving may be related to retained pla- centa (Chassagne and Barnouin 1992; Nakao et al. 1997). Some studies show that cows with retained fetal membranes had lower fatty acid content except for lin- oleic acid (Chassagne and Barnouin 1992; Kankofer et al. 1996a; Kankofer et al. 1996b). Since okro has appreciable levels of 17 amino acids including linoleic acid it may reduce the incidence of retained placenta (Duke 2000). Inadequate food can prevent ovulation by reducing the amount of circulating luteinizing hormone (LH) below the level needed to stimulate maturation of the ovulatory follicle (Rhodes et al. 1996). Dietary deficiencies can also increase oxi- dative stress and production of lipid peroxides (Brzezinska-Siebodzinska et al. 1994; Laven and Peters 1996; Michal et al. 1994). Inadequate dietary antioxidants, including beta-carotene/vitamin A and vitamin E, and deficiencies in selenium, iodine, magnesium, copper, zinc, and iron have also been linked to retained pla- centa and problems with onset of postpartum cyclicity (days to first estrus, days to first service and conception rate). Some studies have found significantly lower serum values for glucose and protein in cows with retained placenta (Choudhury et al. 1993; Mahfooz et al. 1994). These studies substantiate the claim of Barnouin and Chassagne (1991) that old cows fed diets in the prepartum period that are rich in green fodder and calcium but low in cereal content (a description that fits many ruminants and ruminant diets in Trinidad and Tobago) are at maximum risk for retained placenta. To summarize: a complex sequence of events leads to retained placenta, starting with an imbalance of antioxidant capacity of the pla- centa and followed by a decline in production of estrogen, which results in an accumulation of arachidonic and linoleic acid in placental tissues (Wischral et al. 2001). evidence presented in the previous discussion and the chemical constit- uents of the medicinal plants used for reproductive conditions may provide an 202 LANS et al. Vol. 23, No. 2 empirical basis for their use. For example Curcuma longa (turmeric) is reported to contain 6.3% protein, 5.1% fat, 69.4% carbohydrates, and carotene calculated as vitamin A (50 IU/100g) on a fresh weight basis (Kapoor 1990). When farmers feed ruminants turmeric after parturition they may add to the vitamin A, protein, and glucose in the diet. The plant also has anti-inflammatory and uteroactive effects that may also be effective for retained placenta. Abelmoschus esculentus (okro) contains antioxidants, tryptophan, niacin, and thiamin (pain relieving, mood altering), arginine (antifertility, spermigenic, pi- tuitary stimulant), linoleic and oleic acids (anti-inflammatory, immunostimulant), pectin (antibacterial, fungicide), amino acids, and most of the minerals and vi- tamins whose deficiencies are implicated in retained placenta (vitamins E and C, calcium, magnesium, zinc, and copper) (Duke 2000). Linoleic acid plays a positive role in ovarian and uterine function (Staples et al. 1998). Abelmoschus esculentus is active against Stapylococcus aureus (Verpoorte and Dihal 1987) Bambusa vulgaris and Senna occidentalis are fed to animals within hours after birth and are classified as ecbolics by Duke (2000). This practice matches claims in the literature that ecbolics are only effective for retained placenta if given im- mediately after parturition (Peters and Laven 1996). Ecbolics are used to treat retained placenta because they are drugs or compounds that increase uterine con- tractions and physically aid the expulsion of membranes (Peters and Laven 1996). Spondias mombin is also fed within hours. This plant has uteroactive effects and its antibacterial, antifungal, and anti-inflammatory properties may play a limited role in controlling the genital tract infections that may lead to retained placenta (Arthur et al. 1989; Lans 2001; Laven and Peters 1996). The vitamin E and estrone in rice paddy may play a role in reducing retained placenta since increased es- trogen has a positive effect on uneventful placental delivery in cattle (Zhang et al. 1999). Deficiency in tocopherols (vitamin E) is associated with gestation prob- lems (Oliver-Bever 1986). Rice paddy would also increase the animals’ energy and selenium levels (Karita et al. 2001). Extracts of the rhizome of Curcuma longa showed antifertility activity in rats from an anti-implantation effect (Oliver-Bever 1986; Robineau 1991). There are also several analgesic, antibacterial, and anti-inflammatory components in Cur- cuma longa (Araujo and Leon 2001; Duke et al. 1998; Kapoor 1990; Oliver-Bever 1986). Infections are common causes of female infertility (conception failure, early embryonic death, and anestrus). The antibacterial and antifungal properties of Curcuma longa, Abelmoschus esculentus, and Spondias mombin may alleviate any in- fections present and the affected animal may then return to a fertile estrus. Stachytarpheta jamaicensis contains irioids that are reported to be mildly laxa- tive and anti-inflammatory. The plant also reduces fever. These plant properties may indirectly reduce fear and stress by relieving pain and helping alleviate pain- ful conditions like udder edema and assisting milk let-down (Heinrich et al. 1992; Melita Rodriguez and Castro 1996; Misra et al. 2001; Robineau 1991; Schapoval et al. 1998). Research conducted in 1990 did not find the antilactogogue com- pound dopamine in Stachytarpheta jamaicensis (Robineau 1991). Ruellia tuberosa may contain compounds like those found in Ruellia praetermissa (luteolin, apigenin, and iridoid glucosides) that are reported to be purgatives (Sa- lah et al. 2000). Senna occidentalis, Petiveria alliacea, and Ruellia tuberosa are used to Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 203 induce estrus. These plants have anti-inflammatory, oxytocic, and abortive prop- erties (Benevides et al. 2001; Lopes-Martin et al. 2002; Queiroz et al. 2000). Ruellia tuberosa contains stigmasterol and beta-sitosterol, which are phytosterols or nat- ural plant estrogens. Decoctions of various parts of Petiveria alliacea have been widely used to treat dysmenorrhoea, and as abortifacients and emmenagogues (Oluwole and Bolarinwa 1998). CONCLUSION This paper presents the current state of academic knowledge of the plants used for reproductive health in Trinidad and Tobago and the folk medicinal and cultural explanations for their use. It contributes to the development of methods of validation for traditional knowledge that are affordable and feasible in devel- oping countries. The non-experimental validation of the nine plants indicated that they show intermediate to high levels of validity and merit further investigation. This investigation could include further study into the efficacy of the methods of administration of the plants. Although cultural factors may underlie the tradi- tional veterinary practices found in Trinidad and Tobago and the folk medicines used by women in the Caribbean, India, Africa and South America, the plants are not used solely for these reasons and the symbolic aspects of plant use do not limit their biomedical efficacy. NOTES 1 The plants described in this paper were authenticated at the University of the West Indies Herbarium. Voucher specimens were not deposited because the plants are common. The plants were compared to existing collections (hogplum TRIN# 31573,28045; minny root TRIN# 19343; vervine TRIN# 19347; kojo root 32379#; wild coffee 32787# and bamboo 31914#). Stachytarpheta jamaicensis is similar to Stachytarpheta cayennensis (rat tail vervine), which is also used for milk let-down but not as frequently. Senna occidentalis is distinguish- able from Senna alata, whose leaves are used for ringworm; S. alata becomes a tree. Spondias dulcis (pomme cythere) is easily distinguished from Spondias mombin and has fruit that is eaten more often than Spondias mombin, whose fruit is often left to rot or fed to pigs. Spondias purpurea var. lutea differs from Spondias mombin because it is a smaller tree with red flowers that loses its leaves in the dry season. Petiveria alliacea and Ruellia tuberosa have no similar varieties. Bambusa vulgaris is the largest and most common of the many Bambusa species and the most frequently used in folk medicine. Abelmoschus moschatus is never eaten and rarely used in folk medicine. Its fruit is a different color and texture than Abelmoschus esculentus. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The data collection was part of a larger study for a Ph.D. at Wageningen UR, the Netherlands. The fellowship support provided is appreciated. The Herbarium staff of the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, provided essential plant identifica- tion. Dr. Lionel Robineau of Enda caribe helped with the database searches. Dr. A.J.J. van den Berg provided invaluable editorial help and supervision. Dr. E. Mathias and Dr. Yuri Kagolovsky, Professor Cecilia Benoit, and Rachel Westfall also provided editorial help and 204 LANS et al. Vol. 23, No. 2 general guidance. Thanks are also due to all the respondents who shared their information and gave permission for it to be published. REFERENCES CITED Ajao, A.O., O. Shonukan, and B. Femi-On- akedo. 1985. Antibacterial effect of aqueous and alcohol extracts of Spondias bin and A ifolia—two lo- cal antimicrobial remedies. International Journal of Crude Drug Research 23:67-72. Ankli, A., O. Sticher, and M. Heinrich. 1999. tative criterion. Economic Botany 53:144— 160 Aratijo, C.A.C. and L.L. Leon. 2001. Biolog- ical activities of Curcuma longa L. Me- morias do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz 96:723- 728. Arthur, G.H., D.E. Noakes, and H. Pearson. 1989. Veterinary Reproduction and Obstet- rics, 6th Ed. 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Animal 117-124. Reproduction Science 54:169-178. Journal of Ethnobiology 23(2): 209-226 Fall/Winter 2003 FOOD AND MEDICINAL PLANTS USED FOR CHILDBIRTH AMONG YUNNANESE CHINESE IN NORTHERN THAILAND WANG LIULAN,* WEERACHAI NANAKORN? and KATSUYOSHI FUKUI: *Graduate School of Human and Environmental Studies, Kyoto University, Kyoto 606-8501, Japan ’Queen Sirikit Botanic Garden, Chiang Mai 50180, Thailand ‘Graduate School of Human and Environmental Studies, Kyoto University, Kyoto 606-8501, Japan ABSTRACT.—This paper describes the folk knowledge of medicinal foods and plants used for childbirth care by Yunnanese Chinese in northern Thailand. A characteristic of folk medicine for childbirth in the communities studied is the practice of taking an herbal steam bath. Little attention has been paid to this practice in the Chinese literature. More than 40 species of steam bath herbs, xizao yao, were collected and identified. This herbal therapy is practiced side by side with food therapy after birth in order to restore women’s health and prevent future diseases. Yunnanese are especially concerned with ‘wind’ diseases after birth. Therefore, food and herbal therapy emphasizes prevention of ‘wind’ rather than balancing ‘hot’ and ‘cold’ as is commonly found in other Chinese commu- nities. This paper also makes an initial ethnobotanical comparison with steam bath herbs among other ethnic groups in northern Thailand. Key words: steam bath herbs, Chinese folk medicine, childbirth, comparative eth- nobotany, Yunnanese Chinese. RESUMEN.—Este articulo describe el conocimiento popular de los alimentos medicinales y las plantas utilizadas para el cuidado del parto por los chinos Yun- naneses en el norte de Tailandia. Una caracteristica de la medicina popular apli- cada al parto en las comunidades estudiadas es la utilizacién de bafios de vapor con hierbas. La literatura china ha prestado escasa atencién a este tipo de prac- ticas. Se recogieron e identificaron mas de 40 especies de hierbas para banos de vapor, xizao yao. Esta terapia a base de hierbas se practica paralelamente a otra de tipo alimentario tras el parto, para restaurar la salud de la mujer y prevenir enfermedades futuras. Los Yunnaneses estén especialmente preocupados de las enfermedades de ‘viento’ tras el nacimiento. Por ello, la alimentaci6én y la terapia basada en hierbas enfatiza la prevencién del ‘viento’, en vez de equilibrar el ‘calor’ y ‘frio’ como es comin en otras comunidades chinas. Esta articulo hace ademds una comparacién etnobotdnica inicial con las hierbas para bafios de vapor utili- zadas por otros grupos étnicos en el norte de Tailandia. RESUME.—Cet article décrit le savoir traditionnel des Chinois du Yunnan en Thailande du nord en matiére d’aliments et de plantes médicinales pour les ac- couchements. La coutume des bains de vapeur aux plantes est caractéristique de la médecine traditionnelle pour les accouchements dans les communautés étu- diées. Ce sujet a fait l'objet de peu de recherche dans la littérature chinoise. Plus de 40 espéces de plantes utilisées dans ces bains, xizao yao, ont été recueillies et identifiées. Cette phytothérapie est pratiquée de concert avec un régime alimen- 210 WANG et al. Vol. 23, No. 2 taire aprés l’accouchement pour rétablir la santé des femmes et éviter de futures maladies. Les populations originaires du Yunnan redoutent particuligrement les ‘maladies du vent’ aprés la naissance. En conséquence, les traitements a base d’aliments et de plantes privilégient la prophylaxie du ‘vent’ plut6t que l’équilibrage du ‘chaud’ et du ‘froid’ généralement pratiqué dans d’autres com- munautés chinoises. Cet article présente également une comparaison ethnobota- nique initiale des bains de vapeur aux plantes dans d’autres ethnies de la Thai- lande du nord. INTRODUCTION In Chinese culture, food and plants have long played an important role as medicine, and both are used in various kinds of health care activities. During the critical period of childbirth, Chinese women pay special attention to their health. Folk medicine involving food and plants for childbirth therefore plays an impor- tant role in maintaining women’s health in Chinese communities This study is an initial report on the ethnobotanical knowledge of food and plants used for childbirth by Yunnanese Chinese in northern Thailand. Yunna- nese Chinese are one of the subgroups of Chinese migrants in Thailand who came overland from Yunnan province in China and from Myanmar. They have lived with other hill people in mountainous areas of northern Thailand for about 40 to 50 years. Although Yunnanese have a rich knowledge of plant use and foods for childbirth, few studies have been reported in the ethnobotanical works of northern Thailand. Previous ethnobotanical studies in this area have been done on hill people such as the Akha, Hmong, Lahu, Karen, and Mien (E.E Anderson 1986a, 1986b, 1993; Pake 1987). Brun and Schumacher (1994) have described traditional herbal practices among northern Thai peoples. Previous research on Chinese folk medicinal practices relating to menstruation or childbirth has been done in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Singapore, and North America (Anderson and Anderson 1978; Dunn 1978; Fishman et al. 1988; Furth and Ch’en 1992; Kleinman 1980; Ngin 1985; Wu 1979). These studies have explained the logic of diagnosis and health care for women, including childbirth, by applying the widespread notion of humoral theory based on ‘hot’ and ‘cold’. According to humoral theory, women are generally more prone to coldness be- cause of their predominantly yin nature, and women after birth are prone to overcooling because of loss of blood and energy (E.N.Anderson 1980; Furth and Ch’en 1992). Therefore, women after childbirth are encouraged to take ‘hot’ foods and ‘strengthening’ or ‘supplementing’ (bu) foods to balance the insufficiency of yin and yang, vital energy, and blood. Based on field work in the Yunnanese communities, however, the Yunnanese way of treating the new mothers is differ- ent from those found in previous studies. Contrary to our initial assumption, for childbirth care the Yunnanese are much more concerned with preventing diseases caused by ‘wind’ (feng) than with balancing ‘hot’ and ‘cold’. In ese medicine, ‘wind’ is regarded as one of the six natural environ- mental energies, which also include cold, heat, dampness, dryness and fire; an excess of any of these “six evils” (Reid 1994:67-68) is regarded as a pathogenic factor in exogenous diseases. Symptoms such as chills, fever, hot spells, profuse Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 211 sweating, chronic cough, and stuffy nose can be caused by ‘wind’ or by the mix- ture of ‘wind’ and other evil natural elements (Ou 1988; Reid 1994). If one is in a healthy condition, vital energy stored in the body can function to combat evil ‘wind’. If, however, a person is sick or in a weakened condition, he or she is easily invaded by ‘wind’ (Reid 1994). In this sense, the role of ‘wind’ in health and illness is very different from the western attitude about illness, which considers germs to be the cause of many diseases and treatment aims at combatting the specific germs which cause the various symptoms. Previous literature on folk knowledge of childbirth in Chinese communities has not reported the relationship between childbirth care and the concept of wind. In this paper, we discuss food and herbal therapy for childbirth in relation to the concept of wind among the Yunnanese Chinese in northern Thailand. We focus on the use of herbal steam baths, which play an important role in fighting the wind-related diseases of postpartum women. We also compare the use of steam bath herbs among different ethnic groups in northern Thailand. SETTING AND METHODS Northern Thailand is composed of long north-south mountain ridges and narrow alluvial valleys. It covers an area of approximately 138,000 km’. The Ping, Wang, Yom, and Nan rivers are the main tributaries which flow southwards be- tween parallel mountain ranges and join to form the Chao Phraya river. The monsoonal climate of the region is characterized by a distinct rainy season in July, August, and September, followed by a cool dry season and then a hot dry season, ending with the return of the southwesterly monsoon rains in May or June (Smi- tinand et al. 1978). The forests of northern Thailand are classified into two main categories: evergreen and deciduous (Smitinand et al. 1978). The research sites of the Yunnanese villages are located in deciduous forests, situated about 500 m to 1000 m above sea level. The Yunnanese are one of several ethnic groups in northern Thailand that originally migrated from Yunnan province in southwestern China. They are re- ferred to as Ho or Chin Ho by the Thai. Yunnanese in Thailand include both Muslims and Han Chinese, but this paper deals only with the latter. The Han Yunnanese population is composed of ex-soldiers of the Yunnan-based Nationalist Kuomintang Army (KMT) and civilian refugees from China and Myanmar. The KMT fled from Yunnan after defeat by the Communist Party in China in 1949 and the ex-soldiers settled in northern Thailand from the early 1950s to the 1960s. The migration of civilians both from Myanmar and China has not been thor- oughly studied, but they started to live in Thailand from at least the beginning of the 1950s and their migration has continued up to recent years. This paper deals with the civilian Yunnanese who were born in Myanmar and escaped to Thailand because of political turmoil and economic instability in Myanmar since the 1970s. A population census of the Yunnanese (including Muslims) is not available because of their status as illegal migrants and the reluctance of government au- thorities to release census information. An informant who is one of the leaders of the Yunnanese communities in Chiang Mai, however, estimates that about 70 212 WANG et al. Vol. 23, No. 2 Yunnanese villages exist and more than 80,000 Han Yunnanese people live in northern Thailand. Their villages are located along the national border, in areas such as Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai and Mae Hong Son Provinces. The first generation of Yunnanese use the Yunnan Chinese dialects for daily conversation and most of the second generation can speak both Thai and standard Chinese. Yunnanese young people study Thai at Thai school, and take supple- mentary lessons in standard Chinese at Chinese school, before and after Thai school. At present, their subsistence economy in the villages is mainly based on cultivating cash crops. These crops include corn (Zea mays L.), common beans (Phaseolus vulgaris L.), cabbage (Brassica oleracea var. capitata L.), garlic (Allium sa- tivum L.), and litchi (Litchi chinensis Sonnerat). Litchi is the most important for cash income and has the highest value of all cash crops. Its price per kilogram was 30 baht in 1995. Medicinal plants in Yunnanese villages are collected from disturbed habitats such as paths, field margins, and the fields themselves. People say there are many more rare species of medicinal plants as one goes to higher places in the moun- tains or to the forest. Many medicinal plants are collected in the wild to be re- planted in the home garden. In one of the Yunnanese villages, there are small shops which sell Chinese medicinal plants such as fu zi (Aconitum sp.) and chuang xiong (Ligusticum chuanxiong Hort.), and also spices used both for daily cooking and medicine, such as cao guo (Amomum tsao-ko Crevost et Lemaire), sha ren (Amo- mum xanthioides Wall.), ba jiao (Illictum verum Hook.f.), and hua jiao (Zanthoxylum bungeanum Maxim.). The first stage of field research was conducted in two Yunnanese villages located in Pai District, Mae Hong Son Province, and Fang District, Chiang Mai Province. Research was carried out from June to October 1995, in March 1996, and in May 1998. The main informants for this paper were two Myanmar-born Yunnanese women who migrated to Thailand; one lived there for about ten years and the other about twenty-five years. For the field survey, Wang Liulan was the main field worker and Katsuyoshi Fukui participated as a research leader, giving field work assistance and advice; botanical identification was done by Weerachai Nanakorn and the staff of the Queen Sirikit Botanic Garden, Chiang Mai and Royal Forest Herbarium, Bangkok. Specimens of all plants discussed in this paper were collected in the field, and all were shown to informants during interviews. Yunnanese were interviewed in standard Chinese but informants referred to some plant names using their own dialect. Thus the vernaculars shown here principally followed pet pronunciation. Interviews with the Lisu and Karen were conducted in standard Thai RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Food and Plants Used in Pregnancy and Childbirth.—Rules about food and plant use are not strict during pregnancy and childbirth. Among Yunnanese, pregnancy is not regarded as a disease, and maintaining health by following ordinary eating patterns is considered sufficient for a normal delivery. As Yunnanese are less concerned about health before childbirth, information on folk medicine used be- fore and during childbirth is scarce. Some people do not believe in any kind of Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 213 restrictions on food and medicine. But some folk knowledge of food and plant use was collected from interviews and botanical investigation. The followings are some examples. The leaf of zhu ma (Laportea sp.) is boiled and drunk to stimulate delivery when a woman has suffered long, serious labor pains. The root of zhi jia hua or jing feng hua (Impatiens balsamina L.) is boiled and drunk to prevent early delivery. Ren shen (ginseng, Panax ginseng C.A.Mey.) is useful to supplement energy and increase strength for delivery, so chewing it is encouraged during labor. A mixture of rice wine and pepper is also used to ease pains during delivery. Boiled eggs are believed to give a newborn baby handsome looks and coconut juice is drunk to make the baby’s skin smooth and its hair shiny. From these observations it seems that knowledge of folk medicine concerning childbirth is not consistently shared by the Yunnanese. The knowledge they have is more or less applied to cure particular symptoms or diseases of the mother or to choose foods that may be good for the new baby. Folk Medicine after BirthCompared to folk medicine practiced during pregnancy or delivery, health care after birth is more or less the same in the Yunnanese communities. After childbirth, Yunnanese are very cautious about diseases caused by wind (feng). They think a woman after giving birth lacks enough energy (qi) and blood (xue) to combat evil wind. Wind is considered to invade the human body not only through the skin, mouth, and nose, but also through food. Symp- toms caused by having too much wind inside the body are expressed as ‘heaviness caused by wind energy’ (fengqi zhong) by the Yunnanese, and if too much wind accumulates in the body, it is believed to cause hemiplegia. Therefore, after deliv- ery, Yunnanese mothers have one month’s rest, called zuo yuezi ‘doing the month’, to prevent wind-related illness and restore their health. ‘Doing the month’ is a typical practice of women in Chinese communities who have just given birth; the women lie still without doing any labor or housework and eat ‘supplementing’ (bu) foods to regain their health and inner balance (E.N. Anderson 1996). In Yun- nanese communities, women will stay home, taking care of the newborn baby, and will not engage in any kind of housework or labor in the field. The husbands or relatives will carry out the wives’ usual work, such as cooking, washing clothes, and cleaning. At home, women will concentrate on healing their body by wearing long shirts, long pants, socks, and a hat, so as to prevent wind entering the body. In addition, women are encouraged to take some food and herbal therapies, as explained below, in order to regain their health and prevent wind-related illness. Food Therapy After Childbirth.—Some foods are classified as having a wind attri- bute. They are regarded as poisonous (du) to postpartum women and are therefore avoided for a month after childbirth. They are called foods with ‘big wind’ (feng da) or ‘heaviness caused by wind energy’ (fengqi zhong). According to the Yun- nanese, green leafy vegetables, eggplant, pumpkin, taro, and pork are classified as food with big wind, and regarded as especially poisonous after birth. Green leafy vegetables are believed to cause diarrhea in both the mother and baby. Eggplant, potato, and bamboo shoots will cause muscle cramps and pains in the joints; pumpkin and taro will cause itching of the skin. As for pork, some say it should not be eaten during the postpartum period because it has big wind, and 214 WANG et al. Vol. 23, No. 2 others say that certain kinds of pork are less harmful to a woman's body. For example, the meat of adult pigs is avoided because it may cause convulsive fits leading to death in a new mother. Young and castrated males or young and virgin females are acceptable, however, as it is believed that these are feng xiao ‘food with small wind’, which is less harmful to a woman's body. After giving birth, women mainly eat chicken meat and hens’ eggs. Chicken, one of the basic and popularly eaten ‘supplementing’ foods, is high in protein and rich in mineral nutrients (E.N. Anderson 1988), and is thus favored after birth among Chinese communities (E.N. Anderson 1980, 1996; Anderson and Anderson 1978; Fishman et al. 1988). Yunnanese also take it to supplement vital energy and blood, to activate blood circulation, and to strengthen resistance to evil wind entering the body. Chickens with black feathers and dark-colored meat (hei ji) are considered the best to supplement vital energy, and are made into chicken soup. As chicken is so important, some new mothers pay special attention when choos- ing chicken meat. Some believe that cocks are poisonous and will cause cramps. Other will not eat a chicken with yellow legs or a yellow beak because it may lead to jaundice in the baby. Eggs are boiled with rice wine called baijiu in order to make a dish called jidan baijiu ‘rice wine with eggs’. Rice wine is also used as a ‘supplementing’ food in other Chinese communities, such as in Singapore (Wu 1979). This jidan baijiu will warm the inside of the body and make blood circulation more active. One informant ate jidan baijiu five times a day after childbirth. It seems that blood stasis and depletion are major concerns for women after birth. There are even some women who drink fresh urine of young boys aged about one to three years old, mixed with san qi (Panax notoginseng (Burk.) EH.Chen) for its tonic effect, to tackle blood depletion and stasis (Geng et al. 1991). Along with these ‘supplementing’ foods, they eat non-glutinous rice, rice noo- dles, and vegetables such as wan dou (pea, Pisum sativum L.). These foods are considered to be less harmful to the body and are categorized as ‘food without wind’. Pisum sativum is mixed with pork bone broth and is also good for pre- venting constipation. Besides wind related food therapy, some ‘cooling’ (liang) foods, which include the fruits mango and papaya, are also prohibited. Fresh water must be boiled once before drinking. Although this practice may be related to what is known as hot and cold theory, villagers do not emphasize this concept; they just know that eating ‘cooling’ foods will cause stomachache. Strong spices and sour foods are carefully avoided, too. Some people use cao guo (Amomum tsao-ko) and sha ren (Amomum xanthioides) or pepper instead of chillies (Capsicum annuum L.). Others avoid using cao guo for a month after delivery because they believe it can cause disease in the testicles of a new male baby. There are also some mothers who soak salt in hot water or boil it before using it. They believe that if they use salt that has not been heated, the salt will cause kidney trouble. Steam Bath Plants.—While she was collecting medicinal plants in one of the Yun- nanese villages, Wang came across a plant category with which she was unfa- miliar, called xizao yao ‘plants for bathing’. Through interviews, she learned that plants in this category are used for steam baths and are an important part of folk Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 215 medicinal therapy especially after childbirth. According to the Yunnanese, taking herbal steam baths after childbirth is indispensable and new mothers have been encouraged to follow this practice for generations. The steam bath itself is called yao zao. Women take herbal steam baths after delivery because they believe vapor from the herbs will activate blood circulation as well as dispersing (san) stagnant blood after delivery. They strongly believe that activating blood circulation in- creases a woman's resistance to evil wind, and therefore can prevent wind-related conditions caused by birth, such as pains in knee and elbow joints, muscle pains, and chronic backache. Steam bath herbs are also appropriate for washing newborn babies and for curing and preventing skin diseases in both sexes. During fieldwork, various kinds of medicinal plants used for steam baths were collected (Table 1). These medicinal plants were located along the paths to the fields, field edges, in the fields, and along roadsides, both in and outside the villages (Figure 1). Some were also planted in the home gardens of the villagers. When the Yunnanese use steam bath herbs as medicine, they usually use whole plants, but the separated leaves and sometimes flowers are also used. Yunnanese believe that the more diversified species they use, the more effective it will be. Although people differ somewhat in their choice of medicinal plants for steam baths, some steam bath herbs are commonly believed to be more efficacious than others. These plants are bing ping ye (Blumea balsamifera DC.), da feng cao (Viburnum inopinatum Craib), lin zhi cao (Andrographis paniculata Wall. ex Nees), man jin zi (Vitex sp.), wu jia (Acanthopanax aculeatum Seem.), and xianig cai (Elsholtzia sp.). In particular, wu jia and xiang cai are good for knee and elbow joint pain, so while new mothers are bathing, they are encouraged to rub them on the knees and elbows. Steam Bath Method.—Herbal steam baths are usually taken two. or three times during the month after delivery. One informant took herbal baths on the third, fifteenth, and thirtieth days after giving birth. Another informant took herbal baths on the seventh and last days of the postpartum period. Suitable times must be chosen for taking these baths. Morning is preferred to afternoon if the weather is too hot to take a steam bath. In this case, a woman may take a bath between nine and ten o'clock in the morning. On May 17, 1998, an informant aged around forty who lived in Ban Yang village, Fang District, Chiang Mai Province, demonstrated how to take an herbal steam bath. Wang and her informant went into the field and collected steam bath herbs. The following brief explanation of how an herbal steam bath is prepared and taken by Yunnanese women is based on the information collected on that day. 1) First, a square or triangle-shaped tent is made using poles and pieces of cloth. The pieces of cloth should be thick enough to prevent wind entry. The pole frame is usually wrapped with cloth two or more times. — 2) Selected plants were washed with water to remove insects and soil, and were then divided into two parts—leaves and others (Figure 2). This di- vision was made because leaves are best used as fresh as possible, and are more easily boiled than other parts of the plants. : 3) Leaves were boiled in a small pan and the other parts of plants in a big TABLE 1.—Steam bath plants used by the Yunnanese. 9IC Scientific name Family Local name Thai name Part(s) used Other Acanthopanax aculeatum Seem. — Araliaceae wu jia phak paem pit, lvs, stm edible Ageratum conyzoides L. Asteraceae xiang yin cao, yun saapraeng saapkaa pit stops bleeding nan cao, chou cao Andrographis paniculata Wall. ex Acanthaceae ling zhi cao fa thalaai lvs gore “hotness in the mach” Bidens p Asteraceae lao wa ca puen noksai plt “otned in the stomach” Bischofte oni Bl. Bischofiaceae yang gan mu guo lvs edible Blumea balsamifera DC. Asteraceae bing ping ye naat yai lvs, stm sore throat, “hotness in the stomach” Clerodendrum fragrans Willd. Verbenaceae chou mao dan naang yaem lvs Clerodendrum paniculatum L. Verbenaceae jin xin mao dan sawan lvs heart beat irregularity Clerodendrum — Wall. Verbenaceae mg mao dan phumphee daeng It heart beat irregularity Commelina bengalensis Commelinaceae —_ zhu jie jie phak plaap lvs, stm Crotalaria MS ~ Fabaceae da xiang lin i lvs, stm urinary trouble Cuscuta reflexa R Cuscutaceae huang teng khruea khao kham pit edible Cymbopogon nite Rendle Poaceae yin xiang cao ta khrai hom lvs sore throat, edible (for mak- ing tea) : Cyperaceae huang deng jia yaa rangkaa khaao plt fever Elsholtzia sp. Lamiaceae xiang cai pit Equisetum debile Roxb. Equisetaceae bi guan cao yaa thot bong plt Eupatorium odoratum L. Asteraceae ri ben cao saap suea lvs stops bleeding Euphorbia heterophylla L. Euphorbiaceae ging du zi cao yaa yaang lvs ree “hotness in the stomach” Hedyotis cf. coronaria Craib Rubiaceae pu pu cao wang ot plt Impatiens balsamina L. Balsaminaceae zhi jia hua, jing feng —_thian dok plt promote delivery a Iresine herbstii Hook. f. Amaranthaceae ding ye, hong ding phak phaeo daeng lvs excess of the 7 in the body, blist Kalanchoe pinnata Pers. Crassulaceae da bu si khwam taai ngaai lvs bruises, ny baile (leg, pen etc.) Lagenaria agg Stand. Cucurbitaceae huo lo naamtao lvs Lantana camari Verbenaceae xi long gu phakaa krong pit tonic for blood circulation, delay of menstruation Te 39 ONVM Z ON “EZ ‘TOA TABLE 1—(continued) Scientific name Family Local name Thai name Part(s) used Other Microstegium > A. Camus Poaceae ma ku cao yaa sooran lvs Mikania cordat Asteraceae mon ton khee kai yaan lvs Mimosa put * Mimosaceae hai xiu cao yaa pan yot pit stomachache, uterine trouble Morus alba Moraceae mon lvs liver trouble Oxalis cornicu Oxalidaceae suan mu gua cao phak waen pit bruises, bloody excrement Pedilanthus ‘thera Poit. Euphorbiaceae wu ming zho du k lvs external injury, pains in th Plantago major L. Plantaginaceae lai he ma mo noi pit sore throat Psidium guajava L. lao mian tao farang Ivs arrhea Rhinacanthus nasutus Kurz a hua thong phan chang lvs, stm swelling of hands, face Ricinus communis L. — tian ma zi ye hung Ivs headache Siegesbeckia pubescens Makino _ Aster gai fang jun cao sa phaan kon Ivs Solanum nigru Scuncess ku cai ma waeng nok pit “hotness in the stomach” Solanum trilobatum L Solanaceae ku gian qian ma waeng khruea lvs “hotness in the stomach” Tagetes patula L. steraceae po long hua daao rueng noi pit Talinum paniculatum Gaertn. Portulac ye yang s khon lvs Thunbergia laurifolia L. Thunbergiaceae —_ ao wa zui ba cao raang chuet Ivs, stm Torenia fournieri Lind. ex Fourn. Scrophulariaceae a da wu cao,a mele —waen mayuraa cao Viburnum inopinatum Craib Caprifoliaceae da feng cao uun paa lvs, stm, fls Vitex sp. erbenaceae man jin zi , lvs Note: plt = whole plant, lvs = leaves, stm = stem, fls = flowers. ADSOTOISONHLA JO TYNINOf C007 497UIM / TPA Z1z 218 WANG et al. Vol. 23, No. 2 FIGURE 1.—Woman collecting medicinal plants along the roadside in Chiang Mai, a Yun- nanese village in Fang district. Photograph by Wang Liulan. Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 219 FIGURE 2.—Informants washing and selecting the parts of plants used for steam baths. Photograph by Wang Liulan. pan, for about an hour, until the “essence” of the plants came out. Eggs were also placed in the boiling water (Figure 3). These eggs were to be eaten later by mothers while in the steam bath tent. The hot water and medicinal plants were poured into a basin and taken into the tent. Two pieces of board were placed on the basin, so that the new mother could sit over it. Figures 4 and 5 show the appearance of the tent and a woman who is sitting inside the tent. At first, the water was too hot to use for washing the body, but the vapor from the herbs was aromatic. When the water was cool enough to touch, fresh leaves were used to wash the body from the top downward, exclud- ing the hair on the head. Small, young leaves were used for washing and rubbing the body. Leaves of wu jia (Acanthopanax aculeatum) and xiang cai (Elsholtzia sp.) were used to wash knee and elbow joints because they are considered especially effective in preventing pain in these parts. While sitting inside the tent, the mother drank once-boiled water, as the heat inside the tent made them thirsty. They also ate the eggs that were earlier boiled with the herbs. They believe eggs boiled with medicinal plants can strengthen the body of the new mother. However, not all moth- ers eat eggs while in the steam bath tent. 7) The bath ended when the water was no longer hot. In general, the bath lasted about one to two hours, and not more than two hours. s,—From field surveys in northern Thai- aths as — Ol ~~" ON — Comparison with Neighboring Ethnic Group land, other ethnic groups such as the Lisu and Karen also take herbal steam b 220 WANG et al. Vol. 23, No. 2 ¢ FIGURE 3.—Steam bath herbs being steamed with eggs in a pan. Photograph by Wang Liulan. Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 221 FIGURE 5.—Informant preparing to take a steam bath inside the tent. Photograph by Wang Liulan. 222 WANG et al. Vol:.23; No; 2 TABLE 2.—Steam bath plants used by the Lisu. Scientific name Family Local name Part(s) used Ageratum conyzoides L. Asteraceae bao mu ceng r, lvs, fls Buddleja asiatica Lour. Buddlejaceae da li zi r, lvs, fls, stm Clerodendrum serratum Moon Verbenaceae amasaza r, lvs, fls Clerodendrum cf. villosum Bl. Verbenaceae phikola r, lvs, fls Costus speciosus Smith Costaceae hamamachi r, lvs, fls Elsholtzia kachinensis Prain Lamiaceae xiang cai lt Morus macroura Miq. Moracea' da su i Spilanthes acmella M Asteraceae ti fu jiao r, lvs, fls Paederia cf. linearis Hook. f. Rubiaceae gi qun zi P Phlogacanthus curviflorus Nees Acanthaceae izina r, lvs, fls Vitex sp. Verbenaceae a jia ho lo Note: plt = whole plant, lvs = leaves, stm = stem, fls = flowers, r = root. after birth. Both of these groups speak languages of the Sino-Tibetan family. Lisu are migrants from Yunnan through Myanmar, and their entry into Thailand start- ed at most 150 years ago, with the most recent migration taking place after World War II (Schliesinger 2000). Although the origin of the Karen is not clear, they came to Thailand from Myanmar in the eighteenth century (E.E Anderson 1993). Research was conducted for about a week at the end of October/beginning of November, 1997, in two Lisu villages located in Pai district, Mae Hong Son Prov- ince, at elevations of 960 m and 1200 m above sea level, respectively, and in a Karen village, also in Pai district, at 960 m above sea level. Steam bath plants used by members of these two ethnic groups are listed in Tables 2 and 3. Lisu who were interviewed said that after childbirth, they too consider evil wind of most concern during one-month postpartum period, and call it mihi. They believe wind will come into the body through the nose, ear, or mouth after birth, and cause headaches, loss of energy, and dizziness. Therefore, they also use steam baths after birth. The Lisu take herbal steam baths on the seventh and thirtieth days after delivery. Each time, about 10 to 15 minutes is spent inside the tent (fu ni) until sweat comes out of body. Steam bath herbs are called na ci si du, and taking a steam bath is good for clearing eyes, stimulating appetite, activating blood circulation, and expelling ‘wind’ inside the body. Eating ‘food with wind’ such as pork, water buffalo and beef is also forbidden. Instead, vegetables such as hiwo (Solanum nigrum L.), a ho wan dou (Pisum sativum), and xiang cai (Elsholtzia kachinensis Prain) are used to rid the new mother’s body of wind. Black chicken and eggs are considered the most important foods for strength- ening the new mother and child. They are called ce foods by the Lisu. Ce foods are similar to Chinese ‘supplementing’ foods, and are used to strengthen mother TABLE 3.—Steam bath plants used by the Karen. Scientific name Family Local name Part(s) used Elephantopus aveed L. Asteraceae te si phokle pit Euodia triphylla Rutaceae te si se so lvs, stm Micromelum cf. a BL. Rutaceae te si poklo 1 t Phyllodium longipes Schindl. Fabaceae te si zohome a stm, fls Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 223 and child, activate blood circulation, and maintain a mother’s milk supply. Usually Lisu women prefer to make a black chicken soup mixed with the leaves of xiang cai (Elsholtzia kachinensis Prain), the fruit of cao guo (Amomum tsao-ko), pepper, and salt. It is worth noting that among both the Yunnanese and Lisu, Elsholtzia sp. is called xiang cai and is also used for combating ‘wind’ after birth. Yet Yunnanese use it for steam baths and Lisu eat it to expel ‘wind’ inside the body. Steam bath plants shared by the Yunnanese and Lisu include Ageratum conyzoides L., Elsholtzia sp., Clerodendrum sp., and Morus sp. It appears from present fieldwork that the Karen and the Yunnanese share no medicinal plants. However, this may be due to the lack of botanical specimens collected in the Karen village. Further collection of Karen medicinal plants for steam baths is needed to improve this comparative study. Based on previous ethnobotanical studies in Thailand, the hill people of Lahu and Akha and Thai lowlanders also use steam baths or a similar practice for women after birth. The Lahu boil the leaves and bark of Cinnamomum tamala Th. Fries in steam baths to give the new mother resistance and protection from wind and heat (E.E Anderson 1993:142). The Akha mix together the leaves of Blumea balsamifera, Careya arborea Roxb., Clerodendrum colebrookianum Walp., and Croton ob- longifolius Roxb. and heat them. A new mother sits over this bath to heal her body quickly after birth (EE Anderson 1993:142). The Akha also use steam baths for reducing swelling (E.E Anderson 1986a:51). Thai lowlanders use herbal steam baths to alleviate respiratory complaints, skin diseases, muscle stress and strains, the common cold, and other ailments (Chuakul et al. 1997). In Thai folk medicine, steam baths are also used by women after childbirth. Women will take a medicinal herb steam bath after birth to improve the complexion, clear blemishes on the face, and prevent lymph-related diseases. These plants are Acacia concinna DC., Acorus calamus L., Cymbopogon citratus Stapf, Citrus hystrix DC., Citrus maxima Merr., and Ipomoea aquatica Forsk. (Rajadhon 1965). There are 23 species listed as steam bath herbs used by Thais in Chuakul et al. (1997). Previous studies mention Blumea balsamifera and Clerodendrum sp. as common- ly used by Akha, Thai, and Yunnanese (E.F. Anderson 1993; Chuakul et al. 1997) and Cymbopogon sp., Rhinacanthus nasutus Kurz, and Ricinus communis L. are shared by Thai and Yunnanese (Chuakul et al. 1997). Efficacy of Common Steam Bath Plants—As E.N. Anderson (1984:759) points out, any folk medicinal practice that is widespread across different cultures might have some biological effects; that is, it might actually work. Some steam bath plants that are shared by different ethnic groups (Table 4) have been proven to have bioactive ingredients. Blumea balsamifera is an aromatic herb; its leaf is recognized as containing cryptomerdiol (Ponglux et al. 1987:49), considered to be the active principle that is a smooth muscle relaxant and bronchospasm reliever (Chuakul et al. 1997:40). This plant is also said to have diuretic, tranquilizing, hypotensive, vasodilating, and sympatholytic properties (Ponglux et al.1987:49). Yunnanese also consider Blumea balsamifera efficacious in curing ‘hotness in the stomach’ (duzi re) that derives from an excess of heat inside the body, with symptoms such as sore throat, headache, sore eyes, toothache, and urinary disorder. People experi- 224 WANG et al. Vol. 23, No. 2 TABLE 4.—Steam bath plants commonly used by three ethnic groups. Scientific name Yunnanese Lisu Thai* Ageratum conyzoides x x : Blumea balsamifera * x Clerodendrum fragrans x . : Clerodendrum inerme ; ; x Clerodendrum paniculatum x Clerodendrum serratum ; x Clerodendrum urticaefolium x Clerodendrum cf. vellosum ; x : Cymbopogon citratus : x Cymbopogon nardus x ‘ Elsholtzia sp. x Elsholtzia kachinensis : x Morus alba x : Morus macroura : x : Rhinacanthus nasutus x F x Ricinus communis % : x Vitex spp. x x * Chuakul et al. (1997). ence these symptoms frequently, so it is planted around the house or kept dried at home. Cymbopogon sp., Cymbopogon citratus, used by the Thai, is also an aromatic herb with various constituents, particularly essential oils (Ponglux et al. 1987:107) that possess antifungal and antibacterial properties (Saralamp et al. 1996:79). Rhinacanthus nasutus is recognized as having rhinacanthin and oxymethy] lan- thraquinone and other bioactive constituents with antifungal properties (Ponglux et al. 1987:227; see also Saralamp et al. 1996:162). These results may indicate that plants used across ethnic groups are effective on biological systems. They are employed and accepted by cultures that have their own traditional knowledge of childbirth health. CONCLUSION Childbirth is fundamental to human survival. This study has documented some of the previously unstudied folk knowledge of food and medicinal plant use among Yunnanese Chinese in northern Thailand. Earlier studies on Chinese folk medicine for childbirth tended to emphasize the folk system of diseases in relation to hot and cold theory; however, Yunnanese pay much more attention to evil ‘wind’, which may affect a new mother by causing diseases after birth. For the Yunnanese, the herbal steam bath plays an important role in strengthening resistance to wind-related ailments by activating blood flow and releasing blood stasis through sweating caused by the vapor. Along with this herbal therapy, eating ‘supplementing’ food and avoiding food with wind also contributes to strengthening resistance and to supplementing blood as well as vitality, all of which help the new mother regain a balance of health after birth. Ethnobotanical data on folk medicine for childbirth in this region has not yet been gathered comprehensively. We know, however, that the practice of herbal Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 225 steam baths for postpartum care is not limited to the Yunnanese, but is also a popular folk therapy across different ethnic groups in northern Thailand. Further collection of basic data in this field is needed. What are the differences and sim- ilarities in the use of medicinal plants for childbirth care? Is there any common standard in selecting medicinal plants for the steam bath across various ethnic groups? Is there any interethnic relationship in the practice of folk medicine in this region? This study is still at a preliminary stage and there are still many questions to be considered, especially concerning the relationship between folk use of steam bath plants and the plants’ biochemical constituents. Finally, ethnobotanical collection and investigation of the pharmacological characteristics of steam bath plants would be a fundamental contribution to wom- en’s reproductive health. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work could not have been undertaken without the generous support of informants in the field. Many thanks to Prof. Sadao Sakamoto of Ryukoku University, Dr. Hatta Hiroaki of Tsukuba Botanical Garden, Japan, and Dr. Yukino Ochiai, who was at Kyoto University during Wang’s field work, for their support and conscientious critique. 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Ethnic Groups of Thailand: Non- Tai- -Speaking Peoples. White Lotus, Bangko Smitinand, T., S. Sabhasri, ‘and P. Kunstad- ter. 1978. The environment of northern Thailand. In Farmers in the Forest: Eco- opment and Marginal Agricul- Peter Sabhasri, pp. 24-40. University Press of Hawaii, Honolulu. Wu, David Y. H. 1979. spa ag Chinese pore. Occasional Paper No. 55, In of Southeast Asian Studies, Sites Journal of Ethnobiology 23(2): 227-261 Fall/Winter 2003 EXOTIC DRIFT SEEDS IN NORWAY: VERNACULAR NAMES, BELIEFS, AND USES TORBJORN ALM Department of Botany, Tromse Museum, University of Tromso, N-9037 Tromso, Norway ABSTRACT.—Seeds of some West Indian plants are sometimes transported across the Atlantic and deposited along the coast of Norway. The seeds of some Fabaceae species are sufficiently large and conspicuous to be noticed by the layman, in- cluding those of Dioclea reflexa, Entada gigas and Mucuna sloanei, which are the only “common” drift seed species in Norway. Such seeds have found a position in the folklore of all the ethnic groups living in Norway, especially among the Norwe- gian and Sami inhabitants, but also among the Finnish and Gypsy (Romany- and Rodi-speaking) minority groups. Norwegian vernacular names reflect their sup- posed origin (e.g., sjabenner ‘sea beans’) or uses (e.g., lasningsstein ‘loosening stone’ and bustein ‘cattle stone’). In Norwegian folk tradition, the seeds have been used mainly as an aid during childbirth and to cure various diseases in cattle. In Sdmi tradition the seeds seem to have been used only for humans, both during child- birth and to cure various diseases. In all ethnic groups, the seeds were considered rare and precious objects, as revealed both by some of their vernacular names and the strict traditions related to the way of handling and storage of such seeds. Key words: drift seeds, Norwegian, Sami, vernacular names, folk medicine. EN.—En ocasiones, las semillas de algunas plantas de las Antillas son transportadas a través del Atlantico y depositadas en las costas de Noruega. En el caso de algunas especies de leguminosas (Fabaceae), las semillas son suficiente- mente grandes y conspicuas para que los lugarefios reparen en ellas. Entre ellas, las de Dioclea reflexa, Entada gigas y Mucuna sloanei son las unicas especies con semillas de deriva ‘“‘comunes’” en Noruega. Estas semillas han hallado un lugar en el folklore de todos los grupos étnicos que viven en Noruega, especialmente entre los habitantes noruegos y SAmi, pero también entre los grupos minoritarios de finlandeses y gitanos (de lenguas Romani y Rodi). Los nombres vernaculos en Noruego reflejan su supuesto origen (por ejemplo sjabenner ‘alubias marinas’) 0 sus usos (como lasningsstein ‘piedra de aflojar’ o bustein ‘piedra del ganado’). En la tradicién popular noruega, las semillas se han utilizado principalmente como ayuda al nacimiento de nifios y para curar varias enfermedades del ganado, En la tradicién SAmi las semillas parecen haberse utilizado exclusivamente para hu- manos, en el parto y para curar varias dolencias. En todos los grupos étnicos las semillas se consideraban objetos escasos y preciosos, como lo revelan algunos de sus nombres vernaculos y estrictas tradiciones en lo referente a su manipulaci6n y almacenamiento. RESUME—Des graines de plantes des Antilles dérivent parfois sur l’Atlantique et échouent sur les cétes de Norvége. Les graines de quelques espéces de Fabaceae sont assez grandes et distinctes pour attirer l’attention des profanes, y compris celles de Dioclea reflexa, Entada gigas et Mucuna sloanei, les seules graines ordi- 228 ALM Vol. 23, No. 2 naires” 4 dériver jusqu’en Norvége. Ces graines font partie du folklore de toutes les ethnies de Norvége. On les trouve en particulier dans la tradition des Sames, et dans celle des minorités finlandaises et Roms/Tsiganes de langues romani et rodi. Les noms vernaculaires norvégiens reflétent leur origine supposée (par ex- emple sjebenner ‘haricots de mer’) ou leur utilisation, (par exemple lasningsstein ‘pierre a dégager’ et bustein ‘pierre a bétail’). Dans la tradition populaire norvé- gienne, les graines étaient surtout utilisées pour faciliter les accouchements et soigner diverses maladies du bétail. Dans la tradition des Sames, il semble que les graines étaient utilisées uniquement pour les étres humains dans les soins lors des accouchements et pour des affections variées. Pour toutes les ethnies ces grai- nes étaient rares et précieuses ainsi que le révélent certains de leurs noms ver- naculaires et les régles anciennes strictes concernant leur utilisation et leur stock- age. INTRODUCTION Norway has one of the longest coastlines of any country in the world—57,258 km—extending from 57°58’ to 71°11’ north latitude (excluding the arctic archi- pelago of Spitsbergen). It is also blessed with an unusually mild climate for its latitude, due to an extensive northwards transport of warm waters in the Nor- wegian coastal current, itself an extension of the Atlantic current, which crosses the North Atlantic from the Gulf of Mexico. In addition to warm waters, this large-scale transport across the Atlantic brings flotsam from the West Indies and adjacent areas. Drift seeds of about a dozen tropical and subtropical species have been recorded along the coast of Norway (Alm and Nelson 1998, 2003; Nelson 1998a, 2000). Of these, the beans of Dioclea reflexa Hooker f., Entada gigas (L.) Fawe. & Rendl. and Mucuna sloanei Fawc. & Rendl. (Fabaceae) are the most frequent. Their seeds, ranging in size from 3-4 to 5-7 cm (Entada) are sufficiently large, attractive, and durable to arouse the interest of any finder. This has secured them a place both in Norwegian folk tradition and the scientific literature. At an early date, drift seeds caught the attention of Norwegian scientists. The first mention is in Peder Clausson Friis’s topographical description of Norway, written in the late sixteenth century, but first published by Ole Worm in 1632 (and more readily available in a late nineteenth-century edition by Storm 1881). Drift seeds were also mentioned by Pontoppidan (1752), who considered but re- jected the possibility that they could derive from the Americas; in his opinion, the stranded seeds were simply too well preserved. Strom (1762), in his topo- graphical description of Sunnmere, western Norway, noted several species, and was convinced of their American origin. Only three years later, the bishop and scientist Johan Ernst Gunnerus wrote a paper on drift seeds, assembling data on species, records, and uses (Gunnerus 1765). Some further comments are found in Strom (1779, 1784). A century later, Schiibeler (1873-75) compiled data on drift seeds in Norway. He included a list of specimens then found at the Botanical Museum in Oslo (herb. O), many of which now seem to be lost, and added some ethnobotanical data. More comprehensive surveys of drift seeds in Norway were given by Lindman (1883) and Helland (1905). Fall/Winter 2003 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 229 Sources.—No previous attempt has been made to assemble the full body of evi- dence, scattered over (and often concealed in) a wide variety of topographical, folkloristic, botanical, and other literature. This paper reviews folk tradition re- lated to drift seeds in Norway, including both Norwegian and Sami ethnobotany, and some data on the traditions of the Finnish and Gypsy (Romany- and Rodi- speaking) minority groups. My study is almost entirely based on written sources. Although I have carried out extensive ethnobotanical field work in north Norway, I have so far failed to find more than a dozen persons who had firsthand know]- edge of drift seeds and their traditional uses. Most data relevant to Norway are found in Norwegian-language sources, al- though there are also a number of interesting references in Danish, Icelandic, Swedish, Finnish, German, French, English, and Latin. Unless otherwise noted, quotations from non-English sources have been translated from Norwegian. Translations or glosses are given in the style: bustein ‘cattle stone’. Ethnobotanical aspects of drift seeds in Norway were commented on in many of the early publications, including Gunnerus (1765), Pontoppidan (1752), and Strom (1762, 1779, 1784). Minor compilations are also found in Helland (1905) and Schtibeler (1873-75), and a few notes on vernacular names in Lindman (1883). Some comments are also found in Nelson (1983, 1998a, 2000). Except for some brief, popular accounts of drift seeds written by Norwegian botanists (Danielsen 1952; Gjzerevoll 1976; Ronning 1955), there are few twentieth-century reports on drift seeds in Norway. Alm and Nelson (1998) made a preliminary survey of north Norwegian records of some species, including maps. A full revision of the Nor- wegian material, with maps for selected species, is forthcoming (Alm and Nelson 2003). Some data from recent interviews are included in relevant sections; these are indicated as “interview + year’’ below. Interviews were carried out partly during a course on traditional plant uses given in Finnmark in March 2001, as some of the participants (all women, in their thirties to sixties) recognized a drift seed shown during the lectures. A newspaper note asking for information on drift seeds (Alm 2003a) yielded some response by mail, e-mail and telephone. The people who responded were mostly elderly, but ages ranged from about 40 to 95 years. Transcripts of the interviews are stored at Troms@ Museum, Department of Botany (TROM). DISTRIBUTION OF DRIFT SEEDS IN NORWAY Exotic drift seeds of at least eleven species have been recorded in Norway. Six or seven of these are seeds of legumes (Fabacace s.1.), including the three most frequent seashore finds, Dioclea reflexa, Entada gigas, and Mucuna sloanei. A map showing records of these three species (based on extant herbarium specimens only) is included here (Figure 1); numerous further records from the scientific literature and herbarium specimens now lost are discussed by Alm and Nelson (2003). The other Fabaceae species recorded as drift seeds in Norway are all rare seashore finds: Caesalpinia bonduc (L.) Roxb. (four records), Cassia fistula L. (three records), and Mucuna macroceratides DC. (a single record). An old record of Ery- 230 ALM Vol. 23, No. 2 - » Ae s \ r ' A \ ‘ \ \ ' oon i Pd AS - oe ea Pte a ' 1 aire eee win, ot _ op ‘ ’ Sa ene