THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE, BRITISH REGISTER OF LITERATURE, SCIENCES, AND THE BELLES-LETTRES. PRESENTED Netoftrfe*. -8 DEC 1948 JANUARY TO JUNE. VOL. XI. LONDON: PUBLISHED BY WHITTAKER, TREACHER, AND COV AVE-MARIA-LANE. 1831. LONDON: HENRY BAYLIS, PRINTER, JOHNSOX's-COURT, FLEET-STREET, THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE OP POLITICS, LITERATURE, AND THE BELLES LETTRES. VOL. XL] JANUARY, 1831. [No. 61, MERLIN'S PROPHECY FOR THE YEAR 1831 ! WIZARD ! dreaming in your cave, Twice ten thousand fathoms deep, Where the brothers of the grave Sit enthroned — Time, Death, and Sleep ; Where the bones of Saxon kings Feed your ancient altars' blaze — Tell me what new wonder springs, Wizard ! on your New Year's gaze ? MERLIN. Stranger ! leave me to my slumber — Merlin long is sick of earth; Scoundrels still the soil will cumber, Asses still give asses birth ; Rogues will still be patriot praters, Treasury slaves still sell their wives ; Wigs and gowns will still hide traitors — Polls have pensions for three lives !" Times are coming — times are coming — John Bull, you shall break your fast ; Swords are clashing, drums are drumming — Hours of humbug ! ye are past. Horseguards men their backs are turning — Pensioned beauties are undone ; Ministers' own wigs are burning — Boldly, New Year ! thou'st begun. • Hark, the bells from tower and steeple ! All the locusts of the State, All the feeders on the people, Must no longer dine on plate — M.M. New Series.—Voi,. XL No. 61. B Merlin's Prophecy for the Year 1831 ! [JAN. T»T • ^ • ^ i Must give up their Opera-boxes, Must give up still prettier things- Soft as turtles, sly as foxes, Dear to men of stars and strings ! Down his Highness goes for ever ! Heartless, haughty, hollow, cold ; Scorn has purged Ambition's fever, Ridicule his tale has told. With him sink his slavish rabble — Puny, pettifogging gang ! Fit in Treasury lies to dabble, Fit to cheer their Lord's harangue. Now, Sir Bob, farewell thy proncurs ! Even Bill Holmes will cut thee dead ; All by tricks, and none by honours, Even thy Treasury game has fled. Shelved on Opposition benches, Hume himself o'er thee shall crow — Whig, prig, Russell, storm thy trenches : Go, where thou at last must go ! All ye pets in Treasury chariots ; All ye pampered, would-be queens — Wives of Pilates and Iscariots, Twenty summers past your teens ! On your cheeks your calling painted, Battered, shattered, drunken, old — All ye reputations tainted, — Howl ! your hour of pride is told ! All ye shallow Michael Cassios, All ye men of aiguillettes, All ye genus of mustachios, All ye Hussar dandizettes ; All ye tinselled aides-de-camp, Proud to lick a Marshal's shoe, Scarlet as ye are, ere long, Like your Marshal, ye'll look blue. Ireland, " gem of land and ocean ! Finest pisantry on earth !" Wholesale dealer in commotion ! Soil of murder and of mirth ! Hack for every scoundrel's straddle, Every brawling beggar's dupe ; Dan O'Connell on thy saddle — Anglesey upon thy croupe. Famed for Papists and potatoes ; Famed for patriots, thick and thin ; Crammed with Brutuses and Catos — Every soul a Jacobin ! 1831.] Merlin's Prophecy for I he Year 1831 ! Ireland's bonds shall soon be broken, Spite of Byng, Fitzroy, and Hill ; Patriot lips the words have spoken — Blood and spoil shall have their fill. Sounds are on the tempest winging. What lias spoke them ? Wrath and shame. Memories start, like serpents, stinging ; Searching, wild, and bright, like flame. Europe, from thy deepest prison Rings a voice that earth must hear, When the Spirit once has risen ; — Man ! thy day of grandeur's near ! Italy ! thy pangs are numbered ; Light shall through thy dungeons shine ; Many an age thy strength had slumbered — Freedom's blaze forsook thy shrine. But the reign of blood and plunder — Tremble, Austria ! shall be o'er ; Heaven not yet has lost the thunder- Gore shall yet be paid by gore. Poland ! long baptized in slaughter, To high heaven thy cry is borne, Though thy blood was poured like water, Though thy heart by wolves was torn ! E'en on thee a light is beaming, Light that summons from the grave — Light from lance and sabre streaming, Poland ! thou'rt no more a slave ! Germany ! thou too art waking, Like the giant from his sleep, Heavily thy fetters shaking, Like the heavings of the deep Ere the storm begins to blow ; Like the torrent on the steep, Gathering ere it bursts below ! Who shall stand that torrent's sweep ? Hour of mighty retribution ! Who shall stand when thou art come ? Hour of fiery dissolution ! Strength a cypher, council dumb ! But the tempest shall be chidden, Earth shall shine without a stain ; Guilt beneath its mountains hidden, Man shall be himself again ! B2 [ 4 ] [JAN. VOLAXi), VAST AND Poland in the beginning of the eighteenth century was one of the largest kingdoms of Europe. It was divided into four Grand Districts. —1. Great Poland, bordered by Lithuania, Silesia, and Pomerania. — 2. Little Poland, bordered by Great Poland, Silesia, Hungary, and Red Russia. — 3. Royal Prussia, lying to the north* east of Great Poland, and bordered by Pomerania and Ducal Prussia, which formerly belonged to Poland. — 4. Red Russia, bordered on the east by the Dnieper, on the south by the Dneister and the Crapack Mountains, on the north by part of Lithuania, and on the west by Little Poland. In addition to those was the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, rather an allied principality than a portion of the kingdom. The Duchy furnished one third of the troops composing the army of the crown, and one quarter of the money granted for the support of the monarch. The Duchy of Courland also was under the protection of Poland. The Poles, like all other nations, claim an extravagant antiquity : but the first accounts of the country are from Tacitus, who probably received them from the vague rumours of the Roman soldiery, or the exagge- rated narratives of the Germans at Rome. He tells us that, however derived from the same general stock of the northern nations, their customs differed largely from those of the German tribes, the Poles living in a state of singular rudeness. While he gives testimony to the more regular habits, and even to the lofty and chivalric conceptions of private and public life among the Germans, to their deference for women, their obedience to a chief, their personal rights, and their he- roic faith in battle, he describes the Poles as living almost in a state of nature, and supporting their existence only by the chase and by plun- der. But as they fought on foot, and with the lance and shield, he dis- tinguishes them from the Scythians or Tartars, who fought on horseback. Tacitus speaks of this wild, but not joyless, life of the tribes of the desert, with the natural surprise of a man living in the central region of the civilized earth ; yet who perhaps often envied the naked freedom, where there was no Nero or Domitian, no bloody and malignant despot to embitter existence. " Those barbarians," says he, (f live in a state of liberty ; they have no idea of hope or fear ; and they prefer living in this manner, to cultivating the earth, and taking care of their property, or that of their relations and neighbours." But to this character, in which he probably says all that he dared say of freedom, under the fierce and suspicious tyranny of Rome, he adds — " They have no fear of their fellow-creatures, nor even of the gods ; which is very extra- ordinary in human beings. They are not accustomed to make laws nor vows, because they are not accustomed to desire any thing which they cannot procure for themselves." Such is the contradictory character conjectured, rather than described, by the great historian ; and which, without any idle attempt of our's to vindicate the morals of a nation of the third century, betrays some igno- rance of human nature. If the Poles desired nothing from others, they could not be a nation of robbers. All the Gothic nations, too, had a singular reverence for their gods ; and their defence of them was long and desperate. J831.J Poland, Pad and Present. 5 The great emigration of the Goths from the Baltic provinces to the south left their ancient possessions open to the bordering nations. The Poles took their share of the abandoned territory., and made themselves masters of the north-east portion of what was afterwards the kingdom of Poland. The first mention of this people in modern history is in the year 550, when they formed a government, under Leek, brother of Cracus, or Creek, first Duke of Bohemia, who collected the tribes, and founded a castle, or centre of a city. In this operation one of those omens occurred which paganism always looked on as the voice of fate ; the workmen found an eagle's nest in the wood which they were clearing away for the site of the fortress. The nest was called, in Sclavonic, gniazdo ; from this the new city was named Gnesua ; and the eagle was transferred to the ban- ner of Poland. The history of all the Gothic tribes is the same. Their first state is that of scattered families ; their second, that of a tribe under a military chieftain, elected by the suffrages of the people. The chieftain becomes a tyrant, or transmits his power to a feeble successor. The people then dethrone the race, break up the tyranny., and come back to the old system of free election. The descendants of Leek reigned a hundred years ; but the dynasty was then subverted, and provincial military chieftains were substituted for it. Twelve governors entitled Palatines, or Waiwodes (generals, from Woina war, and Wodz a chief), were created. But their violences dis- gusted the people ; and one of them, Cracus, whose conduct was an exception, was raised to the throne by the elective voice of the nation. In some years after his death his family were displaced by the Palatines, and a civil war followed. The Hungarians took this opportunity to ravage Poland, in A.D. 751; but a peasant, Przemyslas, saved his country. Collecting together the broken forces of Poland, he approach- ed the Hungarian camp as if with the intention of offering battle. With his barbarian courage, he mingled civilized ingenuity ; he fixed branches of trees on a conspicuous point of ground, which he inter- mixed with armed men, so ranged as to give the appearance of a large force, in order of battle. As soon as day broke, and the Hungarians perceived, as they thought, their enemy defying them to the en- counter, they rushed on them with contemptuous rashness. But the Polish post retired, exhibiting what, to the astonished Hungarians 4 seemed a forest suddenly plucked up and moving away. Yet the view of Polish flight overcame the terror at the spectacle. The Hungarians rushed on, until they found themselves inevitably intangled in a real forest. The Polish leader now charged, totally routed the enemy and left not a man to tell the tale. But their camp still stood. Here too his ingenuity was ex- erted. He dexterously clothed his men in the dresses of the dead ; divi- ded his troops into small bodies, and sent them towards various avenues of the camp, as if they were Hungarians returned from the battle. The stra- tagem succeeded, the Poles were suffered freely to enter the Hungarian camp ; once within the rampart they drew their sabres, — fell on their unprepared enemy, and slaughtered the whole remaining multitude, with the exception of a few fugitives, who escaped on the first onset, and who served the Polish cause most effectually by spreading the fame and terror of the national arms through all the countries on the Baltic", 6 Poland^ Paul and Present. [\!AN. The conqueror could now have no competitor at home, and he was soon after chosen Duke of Poland. On his death the Palatines, those ceaseless disturbers, were again in arms, each struggling for the crown. To prevent the usual effusion of blood, an expedient was adopted which displays the Tartar origin of the people. The crown was to be the prize of a trial of speed on horseback. The trial was open to the whole body of the youth. On the day ap- pointed, a multitude of gallant horsemen appeared; but soon after starting, many of their horses fell lame ; to the astonishment of the spectators, more were lamed every moment. Two alone at length con- tended for the prize ; the whole multitude of riders had fallen behind, with their chargers broken down ; " Witchcraft," and " the wrath of the gods," were exclaimed in a thousand furious or terrified voices. But the two candidates still held on fiercely, and it was not till after a long display of the most desperate horsemanship that the conqueror, Lefzek, reached the goal. When he galloped back to lay his claim before the chieftains, and was on the point of being chosen, he was startled by a voice proclaim- ing that he had won the prize by treachery. Lefzek turned pale, but haughtily denying the charge, demanded to be confronted with the ac- cuser. The accuser was his rival in the race, who demanded that the horses of both should be brought into the circle. Lifting up the hoof of Lefzek's horse, he shewed that it was completely covered with iron. " Thus/' said he, " did the traitor's horse escape the treachery/' Then lifting up the hoof of his own horse, and shewing it also covered with iron, " Thus," said he, " was I enabled to follow him." While the assembled warriors were gazing on the discovery, the Pole grasped a handful of the sand, and shewing that it was full of nails, exclaimed, " Thus were your horses lamed. The traitor had sowed the sand with iron spikes, and covered his horse's hoofs that he alone might escape them. I saw the artifice, and shod mine that I might detect him. Now, choose the traitor for your king." Lefzek vainly attempted to defend himself. His crowd of rivals, doubly indignant at their defeat and the injury to their horses, rushed on him with drawn sabres, and he was cut to pieces on the spot. Wild admiration succeeded wild justice ; they raised his detector on their shoulders, and instantly proclaimed him king by the title of Lefzko the Second. In the reign of his successor, Lefzko the Third, the casual evils of an unsettled government were made perpetual by the most fatal of all insti- tutions. The king had a number of illegitimate sons, for whom he pro- vided by giving them Fiefs, held of Popiel, his heir. Those Fiefs were originally but manor-rights ; the people had freeholds in their lands, and voices in the election to the throne : but debt, usurpation, and fraud rapidly converted them into tyrannies, and the people into slaves. The institution of Fiefs, thus commencing in royal vice, ended in national ruin. A new revolution now raised the most celebrated dynasty of Poland to the throne. The son of Popiel had died, execrated by the nation for hereditary crimes. Poland was once more the prey of the Palatines. The great holders of the Fiefs crushed the people. All was misery, until all became indignation. The people at length remembered the freedom of their birthright, and, inspired with the warlike spirit of their 1831.] Poland, Paxl and Present. 7 Sclavonic fathers, rose in arms, disavowed the dictation of the feudal lords, and demanded the right of free election to the throne. The great nobles were awed, and the electors assembled at the city of Kruswic. But in their triumph they had been improvident enough to meet,, with- out considering how they were to provide for the subsistence of so vast a multitude. They must now have dispersed, or fought for their food, but for the wisdom of one man, Piast, an opulent inhabitant of the city. Knowing the rashness of popular haste, and the evils which it might produce, he had, with fortunate sagacity, collected large magazines of provision beforehand. On the first cry of famine, he threw them open to his countrymen. In their gratitude for a relief so unexpected, and their admiration of his foresight, the multitude shouted out that " they had found the only king worthy of Poland." The other candidates were forced to yield. The great feudatories, more willing to see an in- ferior placed above them than to see a rival made their sovereign, joined in the popular acclamation. The citizen Piast was proclaimed king. He justified the choice by singular intelligence, virtue and humanity ; and when, in 861, he died, left his memory adored by the people, and his throne to his son and to a dynasty which was not extinguished for five hundred years. In the reign of his descendant, Miecislaw, Poland was converted to Christianity. The king had married a Christian princess, Dambrowcka, the daughter of Boleslas, Duke of Bohemia; the condition demanded by his queen was, that he should renounce paganism. The condition may have been an easy one to the monarch, whose sense and manliness, if they knew but little of Christianity, must have long scorned the gross vices arid flagrant absurdities of the national superstition. He submitted to all the restrictions of the new faith with the zeal of a determined convert ; dismissed the seven partners which pagan license had given to the royal couch, sent an order through his realm for the demolition of all the idols, and, to the wonder of his people, submitting the royal person into the hands of a Roman monk, was baptized. The former religion of Poland was a modification of the same worship of the elements, or the powers presumed to command the fates of man, which was to be found in every region of the north ; and which, with additional and poetic elegance, was the adopted religion of Greece and Rome. They had their sovereign of the skies, the lord of the thunder, by the name of Jassem. Liada was their ruler of war. To this Jupiter and Mars, they added a Venus, named, less harmoniously, Dzidzielia. Two inseparable brothers, their Lei and ]?ollel, had the history and attribates of the Greek Castor and Pollux. Drie wanna was scarcely more different from the Greek Diana in attributes than in name. They had a goddess of the earth and its produce, Marzanna, their Ceres; and their deity of terrors, Niam, the Pluto, whose oracle at Guesna was the awe and inspiration of the north. They had one deity more which escaped Greek invention, unless it were represented by the " fatal sisters three," Ziwic, the " mighty and venerable," the " disposer of the lives of man." In 1370; by the death of Casimir, the crown of Poland finally past away from the Piast dynasty. They had already worn it for a longer period than any dynasty of Europe, 500 years. Casimir was one of those singular mixtures of truth and error, strong passions, and great n Poland, Pu ai and Present. [JAN. uncultured powers, which are tbinul among the heroes of semi-barbarian lite. The chief p;irt of his reign was passed in war, in which he was generally successful, defeating the Teutonic knights, who invaded him from Prussia, the Russians, and the wild tribes who were perpetually making irruptions into the states of their more civilized neighbours. Casimir was memorable for having been the first to give the Jews those privileges which make Poland their chief refuge to this day. After the loss of his first wife, Ann of Lithuania, he had married the daughter of the Landgrave of Hesse. But like humbler men, he had found the yoke matrimonial too heavy for his philosophy. His queen was a shrew, and in the license of the age he took the beautiful Esther, a Jewess, to supply her place. The Jewess, who was a woman of striking attainments as well as of distinguished personal attractions, obtained an unequalled ascendancy over the king ; he suffered her to educate his two daughters by her, as Jewesses, and gradually gave way to all her demands for pro- tection and privilege to her unfortunate people. But he had the higher merit of being the legislator of Poland, or rather the protector of those feelings by which nature tells every human being that he is entitled to freedom. The abuse and the reform are less a part of the history of Poland than of human wrong and its obvious remedy. For a long course of years the lords of the Fiefs had pronounced the people born on their estates to be slaves, incapable of following their own will, or removing from the Fief without the permission of their masters. Casimir, roused by the complaints of his subjects, and justly indignant at the usurpation, abolished those claims, and declared every farmer at liberty, if injured by the proprietor of the soil, to sell his property and go where he pleased. A formidable part of the abuse was the right claimed by the proprietors of giving their tenants as pledges to each other for their debts; which had produced the most cruel sufferings, for the pledge was a prisoner and an exile, perhaps for life. Casimir indig- nantly broke up this tissue of crime ; framed a code giving the people equality of right writh their lords, and while he made the oppressive nobles his enemies, gained from the nation the patriotic and immortal title of " King of the Farmers/' It had been the custom of the lords to seize the property of a tenant who died without children. The king declared this to be an abuse, and enacted that the property should go to the nearest relative. A depu- tation from the peasantry, who had come to lay their grievances before him, were asked — " Who have assailed you ? were they men ?" " They were our landlords/' was the answer. " Then," said Casimir,, " if you were men too, had you no sticks nor stones ?" As he was without sons, he appointed his nephew Lewis, King of Hun- gary, his successor. The deputation of the nobles sent to convey this in- telligence, exhibited that free spirit of the north, which about a century before, on a day never to be forgotten by Englishmen, the famous 19th of June, 1215, had boldly extorted the great Charter from the fears of the bigot and tyrant John. * Lewis was compelled, as the price of his crown, to sign an instrument, exempting the Polish nation from all additional taxes,, and all pretences for royal subsidies; abolishing the old and ruin- ous custom of living at free choice on the people in his journeys : and as an effectual barrier against kingly ambition, the vice of those days of 1830.] Poland, Past and Present. 9 ferocity and folly, pledging the king to reimburse out of his personal means all the public losses produced by hostilities with his neighbours. The Act was signed by Lewis for himself and his successors, and was solemnly declared to be a fundamental law of the realm. No Act had ever made nearer approaches to laying the foundations of a rational liberty ; yet none was ever more calamitous. It wanted but a degree of property and civilization in the lower orders capable of applying and preserving it. But the nobility were still the only NATION. They seized all the benefits of the law, established an oligarchy, made the king a puppet, the people doubly slaves, the crown totally elective, and the nation poor and barbarous, without the virtues of poverty, or the redeeming boldness of barbarism. Lewis ascended the throne ; broke his promises ; was forced to fly from the kingdom ; entered into a new conciliation, for which he paid by new concessions, confirming the power of the noble oligarchy ; was again driven to Hungary, where he attempted to take his revenge, by dismem- bering the kingdom ; and after giving Silesia to the Marquis of Bran- denburgh, the fatal foundation of the subsequent claim of Prussia, gave some of the Polish frontier provinces bordering on Hungary, to the Empress Queen, the foundation of another subsequent claim. This guilty transaction was the ground of one of those acts of wild justice which are so conspicuous in the Polish history. At the diet held in Buda, where the grant to the empress was made, only fourteen Polish senators could be found to attend ; and of those but one, the bishop of Wadislaw, had the manliness to protest against the treason. He communicated the act to Granowski, the Great General of the kingdom, who convoked an assembly of the states, to which the monarch was invited. The thirteen senators had been seized in the mean time, were instantly beheaded, and their bodies placed round the throne, covered with the tapestry. The monarch, unacquainted with their seizure, was led to his seat in full solemnity. The Great General advanced, and in the name of the states of Poland sternly charged him with the whole catalogue of his offences against the constitution ; declared the compact of the diet of Buda null and void, and then, flinging off the tapestry, pointed to the ghastly circle of monitors there. " Behold/' exclaimed he to the startled king, " the fate of all who shall prefer slavery to freedom ! There lie the traitors who gave up their country to ^terve the caprices of their king \" The lesson was expressive. Lewis resolved to abandon a country in which right was so loud-tongued, and justice so rapid. Naming his son- in-law Sigismond, of Brandenburg, governor in his absence, a heir, he set out for Hungary once more. But, dying on his way, the nobles annulled the choice, and gave the throne to the Princess Hedwige, a daughter of the late king, on condition of her marrying according to the national will. Her marriage commenced the second famous dynasty of Poland, the Jagellons. Jagellon, Duke of Lithuania, was still unconverted to Christianity, but he had been distinguished for the intrepidity and justice which form the grand virtues in the eyes of early nations. The prin- cess selected him, and he soon distinguished himself among the princes of the north. With a magnanimity which seems almost incredible in his age, he refused the sovereignty of Bohemia, from which the people M.M. New Series.— VOL. XL No. 61. C 10 Poland, Vnst and Present. £ JAN. had deposed their profligate king, Wenceslas, and as the unparalleled achievement of northern war, broke the power of the Teutonic knights upon the field ; of their immense host of 150,000 men, slaying 50,000, taking 11,000, and leaving among the dead the grand master and three hundred knights. A striking and characteristic scene, worthy of the finest ef- forts of the pencil, preluded the battle. Jagellon, to draw the enemy off some strong ground, had feigned a retreat. The knights looked on him as already defeated, and the grand master, in the spirit of his Scythian ancestors, sent him as an emblem of his fate, two bloody swords with a message. " Our master," said the deputies, " is not afraid to furnish you with arms to give you courage, for we are on the point of giving battle. If the ground on which you are encamped is too narrow for you to fight upon, we shall retire and give you room." The taunt only inflamed the indignation of the Polish nobles, but Jagellon calmly took the swords, and with a smile thanked the grand master for so early giving up his arms. " I receive them/' said the bold northern, " with rejoicing ; they are an irresistible omen. This day we shall be conquerors : our enemies already surrender their sabres." Instantly rising, he ordered the signal to be made for a general advance ; the army rushed on with sudden enthusiasm ; the boasted discipline of the knights was useless before this tide of fiery valour; their ranks were helplessly trampled down ; and their whole chivalry destroyed upon the ground. The taunt had been proudly answered. The affairs of Poland now became mingled, for the first time, with the politics of western Europe. In 1571 Segismond Augustus died, the last of the race of Jagellon, an honoured name, which had screened the follies of his successors during the long course of two hundred years. The vacancy of the throne was contested by a crowd of princes. But the dexterity and munificence of the celebrated Catharine de Medicis carried the election in favour of her second son, Henry Duke of Anjou, brother of Charles the Ninth. The diet which established this prince's claim, was still more memorable for the formation of the " Pacta Conventa/' or great written convention of the kings of Poland, by which they bound themselves to the commonwealth. The previous bond had been a tacit, or verbal, agreement to observe the laws and customs. But experience had produced public caution ; and by the final clause of the te Padta Conventa/' the king elect now declared, that " if he should violate any of his engagements to the nation, the oath of allegiance was thenceforth to be void." The crown had, until this period, been hereditary, liable, however, to the national rejection. From the era of the Pacta Conventa it became wholly elective; an example single among European governments, and giving warning of its error by the most unbroken succession of calamities in the history of modern nations. Poland was still to have a slight respite. On the vacancy after the death of Wadislas in 1648, Casimir, the last descendant of the Jagellon blood, was found in a cloister ; where he had entered the order of Jesuits. Popular affection placed him on the throne. He governed wisely a state now distracted with civil faction and religious dispute. At length grown weary of the sceptre, he resigned it for the crosier of the Abbot of St. Germain de Pres, in France ; and enjoyed in this opulent and calm retreat a quiet for which he had been fitted by nature, and which he 1831.] Poland, Paul and Prcseiil. 11 must have sought in vain among the furious spirits and clashing sabres that constantly surrounded and disturbed the throne of his ancestors. The hero of Poland, John Sobieski, the next king, fought his way to the crown by along series of exploits of the most consummate intrepidity and skill. His defeat of the Grand Vizier, Kara Mustapha, in Podolia, finally extinguished all rivalry, and he was placed on the throne by accla- mation. All his conceptions were magnificent; on the peace with the Porte, he sent his- ambassador with a train of seven hundred ; a number which offended the pride of the Turk, and gave rise to one of those pithy sar- casms, which enliven diplomacy. The Polish ambassador who had been detained for some days outside the walls of Constantinople, by his own haughty demand, that the Vizier should come to meet him at the gates, required a supply of provisions for his attendants. " Tell the ambassador," answered the vizier, " that if he is come to take Constanti- nople, he has not men enough; but if it is only to represent his master, lie has too many. But if he wants food, tell him that it is as easy for my master the Sultan to feed seven hundred Poles at the gates of the city, as it is to feed the seven thousand Poles who are now chained in his gallies." The ambassador was at length admitted ; and resolving to dazzle the Turks by a magnificence, unseen before, he ordered some of his horses to be shod with silver, so loosely fastened on, that the shoes were scattered through the streets. Some of them were immediately brought to the Vizier ; who smiling at the contrivance, observed, " The Infidel has shoes of silver for his horses, but a head of lead for himself. His repub- lic is too poor for this waste. He might make a better use of his silver at home." But Sobieski' s great triumph was to come. The Turkish army, strong- ly reinforced, made a sudden irruption into the Austrian territories ; swept all resistance before them, and commenced the siege of Vienna. The year 1683 is still recorded among the most trying times of Europe?. The Austrian empire seemed to be on the verge of dissolution. But the fall of Vienna would have been more than the expulsion of the Austrian family from its states; it would have been the overthrow of the barriers of western Europe. All crowns were already darkened by the sullen and terrible superiority of Mahometanism. The possession of the Aus- trian capital would have fixed the Turk in the most commanding position of Germany, Vienna would have been a second Constantinople. The siege was pressed with the savage fury of the Turk. The Em- peror and his household had fled. The citizens, assailed by famine, disease, and the sword, were in despair. Sobieski was now summoned, less by the entreaties of Austria than by the voice of the Christian world. At the head of the Polish cavalry, which lie had made the finest force of the North, he galloped to the assistance of the beleagured city, attacked the grand vizier in his entrenchments, totally defeated him, and drove the remnants of the Turkish host, which had proclaimed itself in- vincible, out of the Austrian dominions. No service of such an extent had been wrought by soldiership within memory. Vienna was one voice of wonder and gratitude, and when the archbishop, on the day of the Te Deum, ascended to preach the thanksgiving sermon, he, with an allusion almost justifiable, at such a moment, took for his text, — " There was sent a man from God, whose name was John." The death of this celebrated man in his 7^th year, and nfter a pros- O 2 12 Poland, Past and Present. [JAN, perous reign of twenty-three years, left Poland once more to the perils of a contested throne. Frederic Augustus, Elector of Saxony, at last was chosen. No choice could have been more disastrous. Augustus had promised to restore Livonia to Poland j but it was in possession of the Swedes, who were now rapidly rising to the highest distinction as a mili- tary power. Charles the Twelfth, the lion of the north, had filled his countrymen with his own spirit ; and the attempt to wrest Livonia from the first warrior of the age was visited with deadly retribution. Augustus had formed a league with the King of Denmark, and the Czar, Peter the Great — a man, whose rude virtues were made to redeem the indolent and sullen character of his barbarian country. The Swedish king rushed upon the Saxon and Polish forces like a whirlwind; they were totally de- feated. In the next campaign, a still larger army was defeated at Clissow with still more dreadful slaughter. An assembly held at Warsaw, under Charles, now declared Augustus incapable of the crown. Charles pro- posed to give the sovereignty to the third son of Sobieski : but the prince magnanimously refused a throne which he considered the right of his elder brothers, both of whom were in a Saxon fortress. Starislas Leizinski was at this period accidentally deputed to Charles on some business of the senate. The king was struck with his manly appearance. " How can we proceed to an election," said the Deputy, (( while James and Constantine Sobieski are in a dungeon ?" — " How can we deliver your Republic/' exclaimed Charles, abruptly, " if we do not elect a new king ?" The suggestion was followed by offering the sceptre to Stanislas, who was soon after., in 1705, proclaimed monarch of Poland. Charles now plunged furiously into Saxony, and broke the power of the Elector. But the caprice of war is proverbial. The Russians had been at last taught to fighfc even by their defeats. The ruinous battle of Pultowa drove Charles from the field and the throne. Stanislas fled ; Augustus was restored in 1710, and Poland was left to acquire strength, by a temporary rest, for new calamities. In the winter of 1735, Russia was delivered from the only enemy that had threatened her ruin — Charles was killed at the siege of Fredericshall. The reign of Peter had raised Russia into an European power. Strength produced ambition, and the successors of Peter began to inter- fere closely with the policy of Poland. The death of Frederick the Third, in 17^4, gave the first direct opportunity of influencing the election, and Couut Stanislas Poniatowski, whose personal graces had recommended him to the empress,, and whose subserviency made him a fit instrument for the Russian objects, was chosen king in 1764. Bribes and the bayonet were his claims, yet there were times when he exhibited neither the dependence of a courtier nor the weakness of a slave. Anew era was now to begin in the history of Poland. Religious per- secution was her ruin. The Reformation had been extensively spread in the provinces. From an early peri-od the Polish hierarchy, devoted to Rome, had always exerted the most rancorous spirit against the Pro- testants. A succession of persecuting decrees had been made^ chiefly from the beginning of the 10th century. But by the general disturb- ances of the government, or the wisdom of the monarchs, they had nearly fallen into oblivion. But in the interregnum between the death of Frederic, and the election of Stanislas, the popish party carried in the convocation-diet a series of tyrannical measures, prohibiting the 1831.] Poland, Past and Present. , 13 Protestants, or dissidents, as they were called, from the exercise of their religion, and from all situations and offices under government. The dissidents, fearful of still more violent measures, appealed to foreign governments. Russia, eager to interfere, immediately marched in a body of troops to support their claims. A popish Confederacy, long celebrated after wards in the unhappy history of the kingdom, was formed in 1767> and from that hour Poland had scarcely an hour's respite from civil war. Poland was now ripe for ruin. In 1769, on pretence of a plague, the King of Prussia advanced a body of troops into Polish Prussia. The possession of this province had long been coveted by the wily monarch. Its position between his German dominions and Eastern Prussia, ren- dered it important. He now found the kingdom in confusion, and he determined to seize his prize. To make it secure, he proposed a par- tition to Austria and Russia ; to the Austrian emperor, at an interview at Niess, in Silesia, in 1769, or in the following year at Newstadt ; to the Empress of Russia, by an embassy of his brother Henry to St. Petersburg. This infamous treaty was signed at St. Petersburg in 1772. Stanislas had no power to resist this tyranny, but he attempted to remove its chief evils by giving his people a free constitution in 1791. The neighbourhood of freedom again brought down the wrath of Russia. A Russian army of 70;000 men were instantly under orders. The Empress's brief commands were, " that the constitution should be abolished.'' The King of Prussia, Frederic William, provisionally seized Dantzic, Thorn, and a part of Great Poland. The Russian ambassador entered the diet with troops, and forced the assembly to comply with his requisitions. The "nation was indignant. Kosciusko, who with the nobles had fled, now returned from Leipsic, put himself at the head of a multitude rather than an army, defeated several bodies of Russians with great slaughter, reinstated the king, and was soon at the head of 70,000 men : with those he also repulsed the Prussian army. But he was suddenly attacked by Suwarrow, and after a long conflict was utterly defeated and taken prisoner. Suwarrow then marched against Warsaw, which he took by storm, murdering in the suburb of Praga upwards of 30,000 human beings of all ages. In 1 795 the third Par- tition of Poland was effected. Stanislas was sent to St. Petersburg, where in 1798 he died. The heroic Kosciusko was subsequently libe- rated by the Emperor Paul, and after residing in France up to the period of the allied invasion, died at Soleure, Oct. 15, 1817, in his 65th year; — a name consecrated to eternal memory. For this hideous conspiracy of ambition and blood, Poland was sternly avenged by the French armies. Her oppressors were broken to the dust. From this period she began to recover. Napoleon raised her to a partial degree of independence. The congress of Vienna made her a kingdom once more, but still a Russian kingdom. The time may be at hand, when she shall have a really independent existence. It will depend on her own virtues, whether the opportunity of this great hour of change shall be thrown away. The narrative of the late insurrection is still confined to a few scat- tered events. On the 1st of December the Russian superintendant of the school for military engineers in Warsaw, where some hundreds of the Polish youth were educated, had the insolence to order two of the young officers to be corporally punished. The students instantly rose against 14 Poland, Pasi and Present. [JAN. the author of the indignity, drove him out, and rushed to the quarters of a regiment of the native guards, calling on them to rise against the oppressors. The troops immediately followed the call, the spirit spread, the Russian soldiery were everywhere gallantly and instantly attacked and routed. The Grand Duke Constantine, the chief object of popular hatred, was assaulted in his palace at night by the troops, was wounded in the head, and escaped with difficulty to the suburb of Praga, at the opposite side of the river, where a Russian detachment had its quarters. A great deal of confused and, as its appears, sanguinary, fighting took place in Warsaw during the night, and an extraordinary number of Russian officers of high rank had fallen, probably surprised in their quarters, or exposing themselves in this desperate state of their affairs. By morning the citizens were masters of Warsaw, the Russians were either expelled or captured ; Constantine had declared his intention of offering no immediate resistance to the public proceedings, a burgher guard had been formed, a provisional government of the first nobles of the country installed, a general appointed, and a national call made to all Poles serving in the Russian, Prussian, and other foreign armies, to join their countrymen. Deputations had been also sent through the provinces, and to St. Petersburgh. And, with the winter to impede the advance of the Russian army, and with the spirit existing in Europe, the Poles contemplated a triumph over their long degradation. We are no lovers of revolutions. We know their almost necessary evil, their fearful summoning of the fiercer passions of our nature, the sullen, civil hatred by which brother is armed against brother, the long ordeal of furious licence, giddy anarchy, and promiscuous slaughter ! Of all this we are fully aware. The crime of the man who lets loose the revolutionary plague, for revenge, love of gain, or love of power, is beyond all measure and all atonement. The first revolution of France, in 1789, was an abhorred effort of an ambition which nothing could satiate, and nothing could purify. The late revolution was a thing of strong necessity, less an assault on the privileges of royalty, than a vindication of human nature. The people who could have succumbed under so base and insolent a violation of kingly promises, would have virtually declared themselves slaves, and fit for nothing but slaves. The Polish revolution is justified by every feeling which makes freedom of religion, person, and property dear to man. Poland owes no allegiance to Russia. The bayonet gave, and the bayonet will take away. So perish the triumph that scorns justice, and so rise the holy claim of man, to enjoy unfettered the being that God has given him. Nothing in history is equal in guilty and ostentatious defiance of all principle to the three Partitions of Poland. The pretences for the seizure of the Polish provinces were instantly the open ridicule of all Europe. But Russia, Prussia, and Austria had the power ; they scorned to wait for the right ; they as profligately scorned to think of the torrents of blood that must be poured out in the struggle by the indignant Poles. Thousands of gallant lives sacrificed in the field ; tens of thousands de- stroyed by the more bitter death of poverty, exile, the dungeon, and the broken heart ; the whole productive power of a mighty kingdom ex- tinguished for half a century ; fifteen millions of human beings with- drawn from the general stock of European cultivation, and branded into hewers of wood and drawers of water, the helots of the modern world ! 1831.] Poland, Past and Present. 15 were a price that the remorseless lust of dominion never stopped to contemplate. Its armies were ordered to march, and the fire and sword executed the law. The change of the duchy of Warsaw into a kingdom by Russia was a royal fraud. The name of independence had none of the realities of freedom. The governor was a tyrant, publicly declared to be unfit even for a Russian throne ! The only authority was the Russian sword. Every act of government emanate'd from St. Petersburg}!. The whole nation was in a state of surveillance. Every man who dared to utter a manly sentiment j every writer whose views did not perfectly coincide writh the dictates of the Russian cabinet ; every mind superior to the brute, was in perpetual danger of Siberia. What would be the feeling of England, if a doubt of the wisdom of a ministry whispered over the table, much more declared in a public journal, would expose the doubter to instant denunciation by a spy, to instant seizure by a police-officer, and then, without further inquiry — without trial, without being con- fronted with the accuser — to banishmeut to the farthest corner of the world, to a region of horrors ten thousand miles from every face that he had ever known ? How is it possible to wonder that men should feel indignant under this hideous state of being? that they should disdain life thus shamed and stung ? that they should rejoicingly embrace the first opportunity to struggle for the common rights of existence, and think all things better than to leave the legacy of chains to their chil- dren ? This is no fancied picture. There is not an individual under any of the despotic thrones of Europe, whose liberty does not depend on the contempt or the caprice of the monarch ; who may not be undone in a moment at the nod of a Minister ; who dares to utter a sentiment doubt- ing the wisdom or integrity of any man in power. Where is the political philosopher of the Continent, the profound investigator of the principles by which nations are made wiser and better, the generous defender of the privileges of the nation, the honourable and manly detector of abuses and errors? No wrhere; or, if any where, in the dungeon. Those characters, by which the whole greatness of England has grown, her past light and strength, and on which she must rest for her noblest dependence in all her future days of struggle, on the Continent are all proscribed. How long would a man like Burke have been suffered to unmask the prodigality of a continental court? How long would a Locke have lived after developing the nakedness of the divine right of kings ? How soon would the dungeon have stifled the eloquence of a Chatham upbraiding the criminal folly of a profligate ministry ! How long since would every leading mind of our legislature, every public journal, and every vigorous and honest writer of England, have been silenced, or persecuted to their ruin, by the hand of power, if their lot had been cast on the Continent ? Hating, as we sincerely do, all unpro- voked violence, and deprecating all unnecessary change, it is impossible for us, without abandoning our human feelings, to refuse the deepest sympathy to the efforts of our fellow-men, in throwing off a despotism ruinous to every advance of nations, degrading to every faculty of the human mind, and hostile to every principle alike of Justice, Virtue, and Christianity. Our knowledge of the preparation of the Polish people is still imper- fect ; but we must believe that they would not have so daringly defied 16 Poland, Past and Present. [JAN. the gigantic power of Russia without already " counting the cost." Hitherto all has been success. The Russian Viceroy has been expelled ; the Russian troops have been defeated. The armies of Russia have not ventured to advance. The Polish provisional government has despatched agents to France, and, we are told, communications have been made to this country. Here they will have the wishes of every honest man ! If the late French Revolution could justify but slight difference of opinions among sincere men, the Polish Revolution can justify none. It is a rising, not of the people against their monarch, but of the oppressed against the oppressor, of the native against the stranger, of the betrayed against the betrayer, of the slave against the tyrant ; of a nation, the victim of the basest treachery and the most cruel suffering in the annals of mankind, against the traitor, the spoiler, the remorseless author of their suffering. Their cause is a triumph in itself; and may the great Being who " hateth iniquity, and terribly judgeth the oppressor," shield them in the day of struggle, and give a new hope to mankind by the new victory of their freedom ! A MOORE-ISH MELODY. OH ! give me not unmeaning Smiles, Though worldly clouds may fly before them; But let me see the sweet blue isles Of radiant eyes when Tears wash o'er them. Though small the fount where they begin, They form — 'tis thought in many a sonnet — A Flood to drown our sense of sin ; But oh ! Love's ark still floats upon it. Then give me tears — oh ! hide not one ; The best affections are but flowers, That faint beneath the fervid sun, And languish once a day for showers. Yet peril lurks in every gem — For tears are worse than swords in slaughter ; And man is still subdued by them, As humming-birds are shot with water ! 1831.J [ 17 ] DEFOE: HTS LIFE AND WRITINGS.* FEW writers have ever lived who have encountered, though in a somewhat limited sphere, more numerous vicissitudes, or been the subject of more undeserved calumny than the author of " Robinson Crusoe." He has touched the highest and the lowest point of honour and disgrace. At one time a companion of the nobility — a counsellor of princes ; at another a man of the people, in bad odour at Court, but whose acquaintance was deemed an honour by the commonalty ; at a third, a proscribed adventurer — a sort of Paine in society — a subject for the pillory — a rebel — and a mark for small wits to shoot at ; the experience of Defoe, throughout an unusually protracted life, has established the fact (were any additional proof needed), that he who presumes to make men wiser or better than they are ; who puts himself forth as a reformer, whether in religion, politics, or morals, must make up his mind to bear in turn the abuse of all parties ; to be the victim of ingratitude proportioned tp the benefits he has conferred on society ; to be kicked — spit upon — and trampled under foot by the lowest of the low, the basest of the base ; to be cursed by those whom he has blessed — in a word, to be anathematized and excommunicated of men. The way to succeed in life is to wink at the vices of the age, to be chary of its errors of thought and practice, to agree with it, to flatter it, to walk side by side with it. The world, like a man with the gout, cannot endure rough usage; hence those have always been in best repute as moralists and men of sense, who have treated it with lenity and forbearance. To walk with the world with an orthodox steady pace, neither hastening before, nor lagging behind it, is in nine cases out often to ensure its favour ; but to step forward, like a fugleman, from the ranks of society, no matter how just be one's claims to such distinction, is at once to rouse, first, the world's attention — next, its envy — and lastly, its bitter, inextinguishable hatred. Defoe, unfortunately, was an aspirant of this class. From earliest life he panted for distinction as a reformer, and paid the penalty of such zeal by an indiscriminate abuse of the age which he endeavoured to improve. But time, the great reformer — time who sinks the falsehood, and draws forth the truth, let it lie deeper than ever plummet sounded — has at last done him justice, and Defoe, so long the mere scurrilous pamphleteer, the trashy novelist — the vulgar satirist — the object of Pope's illiberal sneer — " earless on high stood unabashed Defoe" — has now, by the just award of posterity, taken his station in literature in the very front rank as a novelist, and but a few degrees below Swift as a party- writer. It is of this prolific author that we here intend to say a few words, taking for our guide Mr. Walter Wilson's late able and elaborate biogra- Daniel Foe— or Defoe, as he chose to call himself — was the son of a butcher, and was born in the City of London, A.D. 1661, in the Parish of St. Giles's Cripplegate. Both his parents were Non-conformists, and early in life imbued Daniel with these strict religious principles which gleam like a rainbow through the glooms and the clouds of his polemical writings. When just emerging from childhood, he was placed under * Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Daniel Defoe. By Walter Wilson, Esq. of the Inner Temple. 3 vols. Hurst, Chance, and Co. 1 830. M.M. New Series. VOL. XI.— No. 61. D 18 Defoe: his Life and Writings. [JAN. the superintendence of a Presbyterian minister, the Rev. Samuel An- nesley — an excellent man and a good scholar, to whom in after age he did justice in an elegy, which, however, possesses more affection than poetry. f< As a boy," says Mr. Wilson, " Defoe displayed those light and buoyant spirits, that vivacity of humour, and cheerfulness of tem- per, which rendered him a favourite with his companions. lie seems to have been a boy also of remarkable courage, a feature which strongly marked his future character. We are therefore not surprised that it led him sometimes into disputes and contests with other lads of a similar age ; for he was both from habit and principle an enemy to the doc- trine of non-resistance." It was during the period of his childhood that a circumstance occurred which strongly illustrates the character of Defoe, as also that of his age. During a certain portion of the reign of Charles II., when the nation was under alarm respecting the restoration of a Popish Govern- ment, young Defoe, apprehensive that the printed Bible would become rare, or be locked up in an unknown tongue, applied himself diligently, together with many other Non-conformists, night and day, to the task of copying it out in MS. ; nor once halted in his exertions till he had fairly transcribed the whole book, a feat which at that early age he looked on with enthusiasm, as if thereby destined to be the ark of his religion's safety ; and at a late period of life with satisfaction mixed with surprise, at the extent of his juvenile simplicity. At the age of fourteen, Defoe was for the first time sent from home, to an academy at Newington Green, under the direction of the Rev. Charles Morton. This was one of those schools founded by the Non-conformists, as substitutes for the English universities, from which the law had excluded them. It was conducted on principles pretty similar to those of the present dissenting establishments of Hackney and Mill-hill ; and in its course of education comprised the languages, logic, rhetoric, the mathematics, and philosophy. Divinity was, how- ever, the chief subject of tuition; the Non-conformists made every thing subservient to this ; hence numbers of young men were educated at their schools, who in after years distinguished themselves by their pre-eminent theological qualifications. Defoe's attainments at Newing- ton, though desultory, were of a superior order. He was master of five languages, was well acquainted with the theory and practice of the English Constitution, and had studied with success the mathematics, natural philosophy, logic, geography, and history. His knowledge of ecclesiastical history was also considerable, and such as subsequently rendered him a formidable antagonist to the established church. As his parents intended him for the clerical profession, he remained at Newing- ton the full term, that is to say, five years ; at the expiration of which time he returned home, and being diverted by the activity of his mind from entering the priesthood, turned his attention exclusively to the politics of the day. He was now about twenty-one years of age, and never did an active enterprising youth enter upon life at a period more pregnant with event- ful incidents, and more favourable for the development of political sagacity. Charles II., the traitor — the libertine — the infidel — the pen- sioner of France and Holland — was just closing a reign unredeemed by the slightest public or private virtue. The nation, inured to the doc- trine of passive obedience, slept in a state of sulky tranquillity, trampled 1881.] Defoe: his Life and Writings. 19 under foot by the high churchmen on the one side, and the aristocratic laity on the other. Public morality there was none, of public hypocrisy an abundance ; religion was at a discount, patriotism below par. The exterior forms, however, of worship were kept up with punctilious severity, and of persecution there was quite enough on the part of the high churchmen towards the dissenters to throw the Inquisition into the shade. The bishops, of course, were the first to " beat the drum ecclesiastic" of intolerance ; the magistrates followed ; the constabulary kept them company, passibus cequis ; till at length the whole country — ; priest-ridden and law-ridden, as it ever has been — was persuaded to believe, that to be a dissenter was to be a rogue, a vagabond, and an infidel. On the accession of James II. this intolerant spirit, so far from dimi- nishing, increased, if possible, in acerbity. James himself, though a bigot, was not ill-inclined towards the dissenters, whom he tacitly encouraged, hoping thereby to weaken the power of the church, and so bring forward his darling popery : but though the monarch was thus favourably disposed towards the dissenters, the nation's prejudices against them were artfully kept alive by the clergy, who. in those troubled times, possessed an influence over their countrymen, which it requires no great sagacity to foresee they can never possess again. Defoe was no careless observer of this reign of terror, which he exposed in a manner and with a spirit that soon brought down upon him, that most rancorous of all hatred — the odium theologicum. He enlisted himself in the cause of the dissenters, fought their battles with intre- pidity, exposed the persecutions of their enemies — their folly — their madness — their atrocity — and was recompensed for such disinterested- ness by the meagre consolation, that virtue is its own reward. But not polemics only, politics equally engaged his attention. At the accession of James II., when, in return for his promise of support, the bishops inculcated every where the doctrines of divine right- and passive obedience, Defoe (then but twenty- four years of age) was among the first to fathom the hypocrisy of both parties. With James in parti- cular he was very early disgusted : he could not but perceive, that nothing was to be expected from the liberality or toleration of a monarch to whom a servile parliament, at. the very opening of his reign, was willing to allow two millions and a half annually without check or hin- drance, and whom the high churchmen supported in their pulpits as a direct emanation from the Deity ; and accordingly was one of the earliest to engage heart and soul in that ill-planned insurrection which terminated in the destruction of the Duke of Monmouth and his fol- lowers. It was not without difficulty that, after the disastrous battle of Bridgewater, Defoe escaped from the west of England, and was enabled to resume those commercial occupations by which he had hitherto creditably supported himself. The nature of his business at this period has been variously represented : his enemies were fond of giving out that he was a paltry retail shop-keeper, but it appears that he was a hose-factor, or middle man between the manufacturer and the retail dealer. " This agency concern," says his biographer, " he carried on for some years in Freeman's-court, Cornhill, from 1(385 to 1695. When he had been in business about two years, he judged it expedient to link himself more closely with his fellow citizens, and was admitted a livery- D 2 20 Defoe : his Life and Writings. £JAN. man of London on the 26th of January, 1687-8, having claimed his freedom by birth." We return to the politics of this eminent writer. After the execution of Monmouth, and the utter overthrow of his adherents, James II. no longer scrupled to avow his predilection for popery. His first plan was to raise some new regiments, and officer them by papists : his second, to import Catholic priests from the country ; and his third, to erect chapels and seminaries for the youth of that persuasion, and even to consecrate a popish bishop in his own chapel at Windsor. He published, more- over, a royal declaration, by virtue of which all penal and sanguinary laws, in matters of religion, were to be suspended, all oaths and tests to be suppressed, and all dissenters, whether Protestant or Catholic, to be held equally capable of public employments. This, at first sight, appeared a fine triumph for the non-conformists ; but Defoe soon pene- trated the hypocrisy of the declaration, that it was nothing more nor less than a plan to engraft popery, under the specious form of toleration, on the ruins of the established church. Readers of the present day can scarcely form an idea of the horror with which Protestants of ail persuasions, at this particular epoch, regarded the " damnable and idolatrous" doctrines of Catholicism. It was a perfect mania. The pope was synonimous with anti-Christ ; the mass-houses were Pandeemoniums ; the priests, fiends and sorcerers. Nothing was too absurd to obtain credence, provided it told against the papists. The Jews, during the dynasty of the Plantagenets, never inspired one half the horror that the Catholics excited throughout the brief reign of James II. Defoe, though tolerant and enlightened in other respects, partook largely of this influenza, and, much as he disapproved their conduct, yet joined zealously with the high-church party in their endeavours to dethrone the infa- tuated Stuart. Pamphlet after pamphlet appeared in rapid succession from his pen on this great question, for which he was courted by the more influential ecclesiastics, who, alarmed for the safety of their plura- lities, lowered their usual tone of hostility, and whispered the word of promise in the credulous ears of the dissenters. But Defoe was not duped by this specious conduct. He knew that the church would never condescend to tolerate those of his persuasion, and that the alliance now struck up between them was merely a temporary one, to be dissolved when the danger that threatened both equally, was removed. Still, as he revereneed the constitution more than he disrelished the high-church party, he openly espoused their cause, and with the aid of the seven famous bishops, succeeded in eject- ing the monarch. Mr. Wilson dismisses briefly the share Defoe bore in this great work ; it is on record, however, that his writings contributed in no trivial degree to accelerate its progress, and that he was in consequence looked on for a time as one of the lions of the age. We have mentioned the seven bishops as material agents in the Revolution that placed the Prince of Orange on the throne of England. It may therefore be supposed that we have alluded to them in the light of patriots. Lest any of our readers should be led away by such sup- position, we think it but right to state that the opposition of the bishops to James had its origin in the basest of all passions — the love of gain. So long as the king presumed not to interfere with their pluralities, they allowed him to tax the country at pleasure, to govern without Parlia- 1831.] Defoe : his Life and Writings. 21 ments, to keep up a standing army. They even preached the doctrine of his divine authority from the pulpit, and held, among their leading tenets, that it was impiety to dispute his will. This was their rule of conduct so long as James respected their revenues. The instant, how- ever, that he displayed an inclination to curtail them, their lordships' self- interest took the alarm, and luckily chiming in with that of the nation, the one cheered the other along that broad high-road which is by courtesy called the course of patriotism — but which, in nine out of ten cases, is nothing more nor less than the course of per- sonal aggrandizement — till James had been expelled his throne, and both parties, the churchmen and the nation, had reached the goal at which they aimed, and secured the crown to the Prince of Orange, on the avowed principle of toleration. And here, on dismissing James, we cannot refrain from instituting a parallel between that monarch and the ex-king Charles the Tenth. Both were bigots, and of the gloomiest cast ; both were influenced by bad and interested advisers, and both fell victims to their superstition. The Jesuits were the ruin of James, on the same principle and in the same spirit that they were the ruin of Charles ; though the latter is a thousand degrees less defensible than the former, inasmuch as he was far behind his age in intellect, while James was neither better nor worse than the other public characters of his day. To complete the parallel, both kings had in early life suffered much from the pressure of adverse circumstances, and both had failed to derive wisdom or experience from such adversity. It may be imagined that throughout the eventful period which imme- diately preceded and followed the dethronement of James and the accession of William, Defoe's pen was not idle. He was indeed continually at work in the good cause, and became in consequence so popular with the nation, and even with the court, that he was personally consulted by King William on some public questions of emergency, and rewarded by that monarch — a proof that his advice was of value — with the place of accountant to the commissioners of the glass duty, which, however, he was compelled to relinquish in 1699, about four years subsequent to his appointment. " It was, probably/' says Mr. Wilson, " about this time that Defoe became secretary to the tile-kiln and brick-kiln works, at Tilbury, in Essex, an office which he is reported to have filled for some years. It failed, however, like many of his other projects, but was continued by him, on a restricted scale, after he had lost upwards of three thousand pounds by the speculation, till the year 1703, when the wind of his court-popularity shifting, the current made strong head against him, and he was prosecuted by the government for a libel/' Previous to this, we should premise, Defoe had speculated largely, and with various, but in the main indifferent, success in business. He had embarked with other partners in the Spanish and Portuguese trade, which necessarily led him into those countries, though at what particular period he visited them, cannot now be ascertained. He also had some concern in the trade with Holland, and was in consequence held up to ridicule by his enemies, as a civet-cat merchant, " though it was, probably/' says his biographer, " the drug rather than the animal in which he traded." Besides his visits to Holland, Spain, and Portugal, Defoe made an excursion to France, and appears to have been much struck with the extent, number, and magnificence of the public buildings in Paris. 22 I)c foe : his Life and ll''ntings. £JAN. He even penetrated (a rare occurrence with English authors in those days !) into Germany ; but notwithstanding the vast range and variety of scenery that thus came under his observation, he has left it on record that nothing on the continent was equal, in his opinion, to the various and luxuriant views by the river-side, from London to Richmond. " Even the country for twenty miles round Paris," says he, " cannot compare with it, though that indeed is a kind of prodigy." It is not to be supposed that a man thus desultory and miscellaneous in his speculations — at one time a hose-factor — at another a foreign merchant • — at a third a brick-maker, and throughout his life a confirmed incurable author — an author too, be it remembered, of all work — a satirist — a pamphleteer — an essayist — a critic — a novelist — a polemic — a political economist — and (almost) a poet, at any rate an inditer of much and various verse ; — it is not, we repeat, to be supposed, that so universal a genius would be over-successful in trade; and accordingly we find Defoe, somewhere about the year 1692 — for the exact period is uncertain — - meeting with the fate of most universal geniuses, and figuring in the Gazette as a bankrupt. It is but fair, however, to add, that no sooner was the commission taken out, at the instigation of an angry creditor, than it was superseded, on the petition of those to whom he was most indebted, and who accepted a composition on his single bond. " This he punctually paid by the efforts of unwearied diligence, but some of his creditors — it is Mr. Wilson who is here speaking — who had been thus satisfied, falling afterwards into distress themselves, Defoe volun- tarily paid them their whole claims, being then in rising circumstances, from King William's favour." The annals of literature, though they abound in traits of eccentric, shewy, and comprehensive generosity, yet seldom present us with an instance of such just principle and natural (not high-flown) liberality as this. The munificence of genius oftener affords matter for astonishment than admiration ; it is therefore with no little satisfaction that we have recorded this very noble and unostenta- tious trait of character on the part of an author, who had quite talent enough to entitle him (had he felt so inclined) to take out a patent for eccentricity, and thereby dispense with the necessity of being an honest man. But Defoe's heart and head (especially the former) were always on the right side. It is not known to what part of the kingdom Defoe retired when circumstances compelled him to render himself invisible for a time to his creditors. It is conjectured, that he fled to Bristol, where he used often to be seen walking about the streets, accoutred in the fashion of the times, with a full-flowing wig, lace ruffles, and a sword by his side. As his appearance in public, however, was restricted to the sabbath — bailiffs having no more power on that day than fiends of darkness at the hallowed season of Christmas — he soon became generally known by the name of the " Sunday Gent," and the inn, now an obscure pot-house, is still in existence, where he used occasionally to resort for the purposes of enjoying the pleasures of society, to which (though temperate and abstemious in his habits) he was fondly ad- dicted. It was at this period — or perhaps a little later, for we have no certain data to direct us — that Defoe rendered himself conspicuous by some remarks which he published on the subject of Dr. Sherlock's apostacy. As this divine's conduct excited considerable odium at the time, and has 18,'U.] Defoe: his Life ami W tilings. ^3 found an imitator at thepresent day in the person of thelateDean of Chester; we may perhaps be excused if we enter into a few of the particulars of the case. Dr. Sherlock, who was Master of the Temple, had distinguished himself from the first moment of his entering into holy orders, by his uncompromising zeal in favour of passive obedience, and the divine right of kings. Throughout the reign of James II. the Dr. was one of his staunchest supporters. His submission to the ruling powers knew no bounds, and his preferments bid fair to become equally unlimited, when, unfortunately, in the very meridian of his prosperity, a few incon- venient blunders, made on the part of James, brought in William^ and the astonished, and not a little disgusted, Master of the Temple, suddenly found himself holding pluralities under a monarch whom; according to his principles of legitimacy, and so forth, he could not regard otherwise than as a usurper. Under these circumstances, and as he had always been a clamorous polemic, he could not do less than refuse the oaths of supremacy to William, nor could William, in return, do less than deprive him of his preferments. But such martyrdom never entered into the Dr/s speculations. His zeal was of that peculiarly poetic character, which, being too high-toned for the common-place vulgarities of the world, shines to greater advantage in theory than practice. He began also to reflect that it was exceedingly unbecoming the wisdom and dignity of a sound divine to hesitate at swallowing a few fresh oaths, or recanting a few unfashionable opinions ; and accordingly, with a facility of digestion perfectly miraculous, the Doctor not only dispatched all the oaths necessary to ensure him the new monarch's favour, but recanted also every single word he had uttered from the pulpit and elsewhere on the subject of " the right divine of kings to govern wrong/' Not content with this wholesale recanta- tion, he even went further, and had actually the hardihood to defend his conduct in a pamphlet entitled " The Case of the Allegiance due to Sovereign Powers, stated and resolved according to Scripture and Reason, and the Principles of the Church of England ; with a more particular Respect to the Oath lately enjoined, of Allegiance to their present Majesties, King William and Queen Mary." As this pamphlet was in direct and impudent opposition to one which the Dr. had published some few years before, when James, not William, was on the throne, under the title of " The Case of Resistance due to Sovereign Powers, stated and resolved according to Scripture and to Reason/' it brought down upon him a whole host of enemies, and among them Defoe, who exposed the apostate's conduct in so stinging a manner that, notwithstanding Sherlock's honours and preferments, he never wholly recovered his mortification. In the present day Dr. Philpotts bids fair to become no unworthy successor of Dr. Sherlock, with this exception indeed, that the former's apostacy is incomparably the most flagrant of the two. And yet, for his interested conversion, the traitor has been made a bishop ! The appointment is an ominous one, and to those who read with learned eye the signs of the times, teems with hazard to the established church, of the majority of whose ministers, Louis XIV. formed no incorrect estimate when he observed, in reply to King James, who entreated him to furnish means for an invasion : " As for your English clergy, 1 look upon them much worse than the commonalty, having, not only by teaching and preaching, taught the people to forswear themselves, but shewn ill 24 Defoe : his Life and Writings. [ JAN. examples in themselves by doing the same. They have sworn allegiance to you, and have since accepted of the Prince of Orange, and sworn allegiance to him. But let them swear what they will, and to whom they will, I for one will not believe them, nor put more value on their oaths than they do themselves, which is just nothing at all." The famous Bishop Burnet has borne similar testimony to the character of the churchmen of his own times. We return to Defoe. For some years after the accession of King William he kept himself constantly before the public, and among other able pamphlets, which, however, produced him more or less ill-will at the time, published one entitled " An Essay on Projects," in which he satirized the love of over-trading, which distinguished the majority of the London merchants. For this production, in which he discoursed many home truths, gave much sound advice, and endeavoured to create a reformation in the commercial spirit of the age, he incurred the odium of the vast body of English traders, who, joined with his poli- tical ones, were the means of wreaking on him a world of mischief. About the same time writh his notorious "Essay on Projects," appeared his t( Account of the Massacre of Glencoe," in which he proved to the satis- faction of all unprejudiced readers, but greatly to the annoyance of the Jacobites, that William III. was wholly guiltless of any participation in the atrocities in question. The year 1701 is a memorable one in the life of Defoe. At this period it was that he produced his ft Account of the Stock-Jobbing Elections in Parliament," and put forth certain notions on the subject of a reform in the House of Commons, which gained him ill-will exactly in proportion to their value and good sense. The members were indignant that a mere plebeian pamphleteer should presume to turn reformer. Had he possessed birth, influence, or connections, to give weight to his opinions, the case would have been different ; but truth from a plebeian, and against themselves, too, was more than the House of Commons could put up with, though as yet they had no means of venting their spleen on the ill-starred subject of their indignation. Alluding to the corruption of parliament, Defoe observes, that in his time there was a regular set of stock-jobbers in the city, who made it their business to buy and sell seats, and that the market price was a thousand guineas. This traffic he stigmatizes as fatal to our religion and liberties, and says, t( by this concise method parliaments are in a fair way of coming under the hopeful management of a few individuals." He adds, " that a hundred, or a hundred and fifty such members in a House would carry any vote ; and, if it be true, as is very rational to suppose, those who buy will sell, then the influence of such a number of members will be capable of selling our trade, our religion, our peace, our effects, our king, and every thing that is valuable or dear to the nation." How prophetic these remarks are, recent events have signally shewn, and have yet to shew to a still more signal extent. It was in the same year (1701) that Defoe made his first appearance in public as a poet, or rather, as a satirist, for, in his case, the two characters are materially different. The subject of his poem was " The True-born Englishman ;" and its intention was to reproach his country- men for abusing King William as a foreigner, and to humble their pride for despising some of the newly-created nobility upon the same account. Its success was prodigious, and brought down upon the author's head a 1&31.J Defoe : kin Life and Writings. 25 shower of praise and vituperation. No less than eighty thousand cheap copies were disposed of in the streets of London alone — a success before which even the "Waverley novels" must hide their diminished heads — and of editions, twenty-one were sold off within four years from the date of publication ! It cannot,, however, be denied, that this flattering reception was in many respects undeserved. As a satire the " True- born Englishman" possesses much vigour of thought and expres- sion, but is wholly deficient in ease, grace, and poetical feeling. The language throughout is homely, the fancy bare and meagre to a degree. It must be confessed, nevertheless, that Defoe is a hard hitter, he makes every blow tell, hits out manfully and straight-forward, and never once misses his man. King William, and, of course, his courtiers, were much pleased with the spirit and tendency of this poem, and vied with each other in their testimonies of good- will to the author, to whose satirical abilities may be applied, with peculiar propriety, Pope's phrase, " downright," in that well-known and often-quoted line, "As downright Shippen or as old Montaigne." The same year that gave birth to the " True-born Englishman," rendered Defoe equally conspicuous in a different sphere of action. Reverting to his favourite political topic, the corruption of the House of Commons, he presented an address on the subject to the speaker, signed " Legion," in the disguise of an old woman. In this document he insisted so strenuously, and with so much justice, on the necessity of reform, that the members took the alarm, and would at once have prose- cuted the writer, had not the current of public feeling run strongly in favour. As it was, they contented themselves with abuse and vulgar recrimination. We now come to the most eventful incident in Defoe's life. On the death of King William, Anne ascended the throne, at a period when the nation was convulsed with party-spirit, when the faction of whigs and tories raged with more violence than ever, and when high-church principles were carried to an extent wholly inconceivable in the pre- sent clay. Defoe, as the advocate of the dissenters, against whom the established church projected, and actually attempted to carry into execution, a war of extermination, of course resented with all the energy of which he was capable, this inquisitorial persecution, and, adopting the language of irony, exposed the bigotry of the high-churchmen in a pamphlet entitled the " Shortest Way with the Dissenters/' For this work he was eagerly pounced on by the House of Commons, brought to trial at the Old Bailey, convicted chiefly by the manoeuvring of the attorney- general (who seems to have been the prototype of that recreant whig, Sir James Scarlett), and condemned, to the eternal disgrace of justice, to stand in the pillory. This sentence reflected shame only on those who inflicted it. To Defoe it was a triumph and season of rejoicing, " for he was guarded," says his biographer, " to the pillory by the populace, as if he were about to be enthroned in a chair of state, and descended from it amidst the triumphant acclamations of the surrounding multitude, who, instead of pelting him, according to the orthodox fashion in such cases, protected him from the missiles of his enemies, drank his health, adorned the pillory with garlands, and when he descended from it, supplied him with all manner of refreshments." But notwithstanding this flattering testimonial to his public worth, his punishment, and the M.M. New Series.— VOL. XI. No. 61. E 26 Defoe : his Life and Writings. [JAN. imprisonment and fine, which formed part of it, completely ruined Defoe, who lost upwards of three thousand five hundred pounds — a con- siderable sum in those days — and found himself at a mature age, with a wife and six children, with no other resource for their support than the chance product of his pen. In this desperate condition, the high tory party, who reverenced his abilities while they dreaded his power, endea- voured to enlist him in their service ; but in vain, their victim was proof against temptation, and, wrapt up in the mantle of his integrity, bade defiance to the storms that howled around him. We must now pass over a fe w busy years, during which Defoe took part with his pen in almost every great question that came before the public, particularly in the Union with Scotland, of which he was a staunch and influential promoter, and which procured him the patronage of Harley and Godolphin, and come to a curious feature in his literary life, which Sir Walter Scott has lately brought, in an amusing manner, before the world. It seems that when Drelincourt's book, entitled " Consolations against the Fear of Death/' first appeared in the English language, the publisher was disappointed in the sale, and it being a heavy work, he is said to have complained to Defoe of the injury he was likely to sustain by it. Our veteran author asked him if he had blended any marvels with his piety. The bibliopolist replied in the negative. " Indeed !" said Defoe ; " then attend to me, and I will put you in a way to dispose of the work, were it as heavy to move as Olympus." He then sate down, and composed a tract with the following title: " A True Relation of the Apparition of one Mrs. Veal the Next Day after her Death to one Mrs. Bargrave, at Canterbury, the 8th of Sep- tember, 1705, which Apparition Recommends the Perusal of Drelin- court's Book of Consolations against the Fear of Death/' This tract was immediately appended to the work in question — the public being then, as now, always agape for marvels — and has been appended to every subsequent edition, of which upwards of forty have now passed through the English press. Sir Walter Scott, who has recorded this anecdote, and from whom Mr. Wilson has gleaned it, observes that it is one of the most ingenious specimens of book-making which have ever come within his knowledge. It bespeaks, indeed, ineffable self-pos- session and ingenuity on the part of its author, for " who but a man gifted with the most consummate readiness, would have thought of summoning a ghost from the grave, to bear witness in favour of a halting body of divinity ?" Who indeed ! The trial of the famous Dr. Sacheverell, was another occasion on which Defoe particularly distinguished himself. This fanatic, who had rendered himself notorious by boldly preaching from the pulpit the doctrines of non-resistance, and whose cause was upheld by all the high tories and churchmen in the kingdom ; who was moreover in extreme favour with a vast rabble, hired, of course, to shout him into notice, and make a lion of one whom nature intended solely for a fool, was attacked by Defoe in a manner more remarkable for its zeal than its discretion, inasmuch as it -rendered him for the time the most unpopular man in the kingdom. Wherever he went, whether about the metropolis or in the provinces, his life was in imminent danger ; his attempts to reform the persecuting spirit of the age were met with contumely and ridicule ; his character was impugned, his abilities were decried, his very virtues ministered against him. For every shout of 1831.] Defoe : his Life and Writings. 27 " Long live Sacheverell !" a counter one was raised, of " Down with Defoe I" Even assassination was attempted to be put in force against him ;— so difficult, so replete with hazard is the high task to make men wiser or better than they are. Defoe was full a century in advance of his age, and he paid the penalty of such maturity in the bitter, unsparing abuse of his contemporaries. All parties combined to assail him. The whigs detested him, the Jacobites avoided him, the high tories feared him, and even the dissenters, in whose cause he had perilled his all, for whom he had gone through the ordeal of fine — pillory — imprison- ment— even these for a season stood aloof from him. He was like Cain, branded on his forehead with a mark, that all men might avoid him. Time, however, did him justice: the malice of his enemies slowly abated ; and as the quicksands of party were perpetually shifting, Defoe gained more or less by such change. Still the persecutions he had experienced made visible inroads on his health. In the autumn of life he found himself without a green leaf on his boughs, his spirit blighted, sapless, and ready at the first keen breeze that might blow rudely on it, to fall a ruin to earth. Under these circumstances, in the year 1715, shortly after the accession of George the First to the throne, he pub- lished a pamphlet in defence of his whole political career, which he entitled " An Appeal to Honour and Justice/' Scarcely was this concluded, when its gifted author was struck with apoplexy, from which his recovery was for a long time doubtful. On his restoration to health, Defoe embarked in a new career, and amused himself with the composition of those works of fiction, some of which will render his name immortal. In 1719 appeared " Robinson Crusoe," founded on the true adventures of Alexander Selkirk, who but a few years before had in no ordinary degree excited public atten- tion ; in 1721, the " History of Moll Flanders ;" in 1722, the " Life of Colonel Jack," and the " History of the Great Plague in London ;" in 1723, " Memoirs of a Cavalier," and " Religious Courtship ;" in 1724, " Roxana, or the Fortunate Mistress," and " A Tour through the whole Island of Great Britain;" and in 1726, the " Political History of the Devil," together with a vast variety of other miscellanies, both in prose and verse, of which little now is known except to the hunters after literary rarities. But age and infirmities were rapidly advancing upon Defoe, and putting a stop to the further exercise of his invention. Shortly after the marriage of one of his daughters, in 1729, he was arrested for some trivial debt, and confined in prison till the year 1730, which period was passed in sickness and acute mental anguish. As if to fill up the measure of his suffering, his very children rebelled against him, and on some mean pretext his son found means to deprive his aged and heart-broken father of what little remained to him of the world's wealth. This was too much for Defoe's fortitude. The principle of life within him, already severely tried, now quite gave way : he seldom spoke, was often seen in tears, or on his knees in prayer ; and after some months of intense mental suffering, resigned himself without a struggle to his fate, on the 24th of April, 1731, at the mature age of seventy. Having thus sketched the main incidents in the political life of Defoe, it remains to say a few words of him in that character by which he is best known to posterity, namely, as an author. Of his fugitive tracts, " thick as autumnal leaves that strow the brooks of Vallombrosa," on E 2 23 Defoe : his Life and Writings. £J.VN. the passing topics of the day, as the changed character of the age has consigned them to eternal oblivion, we shall merely observe, that though uninteresting to the mere reader for amusement, they teem with instruction for the historian, the commentator, and the divine. Viewed as literary compositions, they abound in spirit, irony, and occasionally caustic sarcasm. Their style is everywhere homely, not vulgar, clear, explicit, and free from rant or verbiage. In this respect they resemble the political writings of Swift, though they fall immea- surably short of them in terseness, energy, and fertility of illustration. In the " Dean of St. Patrick's" tracts there is ever an appearance of care and attention ; every point, however simply detailed, seems to be made the most of, every fact to be diligently elaborated and insisted on. With Defoe the very contrary is the case. He throws off his opinions on the great leading events of his day, with a carelessness and profusion which superior literary wealth but too commonly engenders ; and if he at times displays the highest and most varied excellences, such ebullitions are the results rather of accident than design. As a political writer Defoe has left behind him no one master-piece, by which he can be at once brought before the reader's memory. His talents are scat- tered over scores of volumes; felicitous passages, whether for thought, sentiment, humour, or fiction, must be sought in a variety of tracts, whose aggregate number might appal the most courageous students. He has written no one work like Swift's ft Public Spirit of the Whigs," Burke's " Reflections on the French Revolution," or Johnson's " Letter on the Falkland Islands," — wherein that stately writer carries the power and dignity of the English language to its very loftiest elevation, — by which a reader of the present day may at once form an estimate of his abilities. Hence his political celebrity is a dead-letter to all but histo- rians and antiquaries. But if Defoe be comparatively unknown as a politician, as a novelist and writer of fiction he has the rare merit of having witched all Europe. His inimitable " Robinson Crusoe" has been translated into every con- tinental language, and has even kindled the enthusiasm of the Arabs, as they listened outside their tents to its incidents, rendered into the vernacular by the skill of the traveller Burkhardt. By more discri- minating and fastidious judges it has been equally well received. It warmed the unsocial heart of Rousseau, and taught him to feel that there were other things in nature worthy consideration besides himself; relaxed the cynical frown of Johnson ; delighted Blair and Beattie ; ai?d in our own days has received the unqualified commendation of such men as Scott, Lamb, and Hazlitt. Public opinion, split into a thou- sand nice distinctions on other literary topics, has been unanimous on the subject of " Robinson Crusoe." It has received the suffrages and interested the feelings of all ages and grades in society, of the school- boy and the man, of the peer and the peasant. The reason of this is obvious. Crusoe is nature herself speaking in her own language on her own most favourite and intelligible topics. Art is no where present, she is dis- carded for matters of higher and more general interest. While the poet and the scholar appeal to the select few, Defoe throws himself abroad on the sympathies of the world. His subject, he feels, will bear him out ; the strongest instincts of humanity will plead trumpet-tongued in his favour. Despite the extraordinary moral and intellectual changes that a new fashion of society, a new mode of writing and thinking, have 1831.] Defoe : his Life and Writings. 20 wrought in England, •" Robinson Crusoe" still retains (though partially dimmed) his reputation, and the reader who can unmoved peruse his adventures, may assure himself that the fault of such indifference lies with him ; Defoe is wholly guiltless. For ourselves, the bare recollection of this tale brings before our minds sympathies long since resigned, and which otherwise might be altogether forgotten. We remember, as though it were an event of yesterday, our first perusal of " Robinson Crusoe." We remember the sloping green in front of the grey abbey wall, where we sate thrilled with wonder and a vague sense of horror, at the print of the unknown savage's feet on the deserted island, which the solitary mariner disco- vered in one of his early wanderings. We remember the strong social sympathies that sprung up within us — the birth, as it were, of a new and better existence — as we read how from being utterly desolate, Robinson Crusoe gradually found himself the companion of one or two associates, rude indeed, and uncultivated, but men like himself, and therefore the fittest mates of his solitude. We remember (and how few tales beloved in boyhood can bear the severe scrutiny of the man !) the generous warmth with which we entered into the feelings of the sailor, as he saw his little colony — including the goats, who were grown so tame that they would approach at his call and suffer him to penn them at night in their fold — gradually augmenting round him, and at last (what an exquisite trait of nature !) following the course of nature, and springing up into a limited monarchy, of which he was the head. We remember too — for no gratification is without its alloy, so true is the exclamation of the poet — • " Inter saluberrina culta Infelix lolium et steriles dominantur avenae" — we remember the acute regret we experienced when feuds and ambitious feelings began to spring up within the bosom of that colony, where Astraea, driven from all other parts of earth, should have taken up her abode, and Peace sate throned as on a sepulchre. Will it be believed that this tale, so perfect in its descriptions — so affecting in its sim- plicity— so entirely arid incorruptibly natural — was refused by almost every bookseller in the metropolis ? Yet strange as it may seem, this was actually the fact. e( Robinson Crusoe" was hawked about through the trade as a work of neither mark nor livelihood, and at last accepted, as a proof of especial condescension, by an obscure retail bookseller. It is singular, but not less true — and we leave our readers to draw their own inference from the fact — that almost every book of any pretensions to originality has been similarly neglected. " Paradise Lost" with diffi- culty found a publisher, while the whole trade vied with each other in their eagerness to procure the works of such dull mechanical writers as Blackmore and Glover ; " Gulliver's Travels" lay ten years in MS. for want of due encouragement from the booksellers ; and in our own times, and in a lighter branch of literature, the (e Miseries of Human Life/* and the still more ingenious " Rejected Addresses," were refused by the trade with indifference, if not contempt. To crown the list of wrorks thus misunderstood, Sir W. Scott has left it on record that " Waverley" was actually declined three several times by the acutest publisher of his day ; and at last ushered into the world, after it had lain twelve years 30 Defoe : his Life and Writings. [[JAN. unnoticed in its author's desk, with doubt, hesitation, and indifference. Crciiilc postcri ! It was objected to " Robinson Crusoe/' on its publication, when to doubt its other merits was impossible, that it had no claims to originality ; that, in fact, it was a mere transcript of the " Adventures of Alexander Selkirk.'* Of all objections to books of value, none are more common, none more vulgar than this. True originality lies not in the mechanical invention of incident and circumstance — else who more original than a high-flown startling melodramatist ? — but in creating new matter for thought and feeling ; in exploring the untried depths of the heart ; in multiplying the sources of sympathy. Whoever excites a new emotion ; whoever strikes a chord in the world's heart never struck before ; he is the only inventor, the only sterling original. It is in this sense that we style Shakspeare — for all his plots, and the ground- work of the majority of his characters, are borrowed — a creator ; in this sense also we give Wordsworth, and Scott, and Hazlitt, among the moderns, credit for the same high attribute. To invent is to look into oneself, to draw from one's own heart materials for the world's sympathy. This Defoe has done throughout his " Robinson Crusoe." The " Adventures of Alex- ander Selkirk" are the mere pegs on which he has hung his painting ; the grouping on the canvass itself — the light and shade of character and description — the development of incident — the fine tone of feeling and simplicity that pervades and mellows the entire composition — these are all essentially his own. Of Defoe's minor works, such, for instance, as his " Singleton," " Moll Flanders," " Colonel Jack," &c., we shall say little, as we have but an imperfect recollection of them, but we cannot prae- termit his " History of the Plague in London," to which Professor Wilson has been so largely indebted in his splendid, but somewhat verbose dramatic poem of " The City of the Plague." Defoe's narrative of this awful visitation is, from first to last, as impressive a piece of writing as any in the annals of literature. It is superior to the record, by Thucydides, of the same pestilence at Athens ; because, though less a model of composition, less terse, less polished, less equable in its classical spirit, it has incomparably more nature, more feeling, a more rigid air of reality. Whoever has read this striking fiction (for fiction it really is) will allow that it is one never to be forgotten. The very opening, where Defoe tells us with an air of the most perfect unconcern, as if unconscious of what is to follow, that " towards the close of the summer of 1665, a report was spread throughout the parish that three men had died of some strange disorder in Long- Acre," excites curiosity, and rivets attention. But when he proceeds through the different phases of his narrative — when he glances at the grass growing in the streets — at the strange prodigies that harbingered the visitation — • at the death of the first man who was indubitably proved to have fallen a victim to the plague — at the sound of the dead-cart at night, and the houses marked by the fatal cross — and, above all, when he sketches one or two individual portraits, such as those of the mother and daughter who were found dead in each others' arms, we feel the mastery of his genius, and acknowledge, with mingled awe and wonder, that we are indeed under the spell of the necromancer. We have little to add. " The History of the Plague," and the " Ad- 1831.] Defoe: his Life and Writings. 31 ventures of Robinson Crusoe/' are the works to which Defoe is indebted for his immortality. As a political writer he has perished from among us; as a novelist his spirit yet walks the earth. His present biographer has done him justice in both characters; and has, besides, thrown so much light on the age in which Defoe flourished, so fully illustrated its nature, its manners, and more par- ticularly its moral and religious cast of thought, that we know not which most to admire, his power of amusement or instruction. In every sense of the word, even with Clarendon and Gibbon in our recollection, we may style Mr. Wilson a historian. His " Life and Times of Defoe" — of that extraordinary man who exceeds Cobbett in the number and variety of his political tracts ; who beats Thucydides on his own Vantage ground ; almost equals Sir W. Scott as a novelist ; and who, in the aggregate amount of his works, surpasses any author that ever lived, having written upwards of two hundred volumes ! . — Mr. Wilson's Memoirs of that extraordinary man are volumes that no student, nay, no gentleman, should be without. A library that does not possess them is incomplete. FROM Tangiers we proceeded overland to Tetuan; the distance is about thirty English miles, through a most luxuriant and romantic country. Hitherto the Moors of this place have been considered so untractable, that, notwithstanding the great allurements of situation,, Europeans could not continue their residence in this part of the country. In the year 1770 the Consuls withdrew from Tetuan, and fixed them- selves at Tangiers. Within the last few years the English have again succeeded in opening an intercourse with this city, by establishing a Mr. Price as vice-consul in this town — a gentleman in whose hands English interests are sure to be promoted. t The bashaw of Tetuan is only visible to those who are disposed to pay for the indulgence, and will at any time gratify the curiosity of strangers * In continuation of the article on Tangiers, at page 543 of our last volume. •f- It would be scarcely fair to pass over this gentleman's name with so slight a notice. The manner in which he conducted himself in his consulship is worthy of imitation. Although the only European consul in Tetuan, his attentions and services were available to all nations. Many were the odious disabilities against Europeans he contrived by his firmness to abolish. It was he who first insisted that Englishmen should not submit to the degradation of dismounting at the city-gates, and leading their horses through the town, as had hitherto been the practice. I could mention numerous instances, in which his humanity and good-heartedness have been equally conspicuous ; but can pay him no better tribute than to record the conduct of Sidi Hash Hash, the bashaw, on his depar- ture. So averse was this man to the sight of an English consul, that his intrigues pre- vented Mr. Price from commencing the duties of his office for upwards of ten months. In one of the bashaw's communications to the sultan on this subject, he reminds him " that his forefather, Sidi Mohammed el Grande, had vowed by his beard (a most sacred vow amongst the Moors) never to allow a Christian to set foot in Tetuan;"— yet, on the departure of Mr. Price, three years afterwards, he addressed him in terms of the greatest amity, and told him that, by his conduct, he had laid the foundation of a future good understanding between the Moors and the Christians, whom, previous to his acquaintance, he had ever held in dread, and that it was now his only wish to be better acquainted with Englishmen. The English flag, for the first time since the year 1770, now floats on the Consular-house of Tetuan — a sight which the population of that place thronged to see during several days. 32 A Glance at Tetuan. [JAN. for a few loaves of sugar, or a few pounds of tea or coffee. In this respect he may be compared to. some strange beast kept for exhibition; nor is his appearance likely to dispel the idea, being dreadfully afflicted with the elephantiasis in both legs, so that he is confined to the range of his own garden. It was, however, a pleasing disappointment to find, by his conversa- tion, that he possessed a little more sentiment than his appearance would establish credit for. In being conducted round his garden and orchard of pomegranates, 1 observed, amidst a great deal of order and regularity, a moss-covered fountain, which had ceased to play; the patch of ground which environed it was uncultivated ; the shrubs and flowers grew in wild contrast to the care observed in every other part. On noticing this partial neglect, he explained — " that the fountain had belonged to a favourite wife, who had been accustomed to drink of its waters, and to cultivate with her own hands the plot of ground now in such disorder, — but the fountain should never play again, and the garden might run to waste, for she whom it pleased might take delight in it no more !"* The melancholy humour of his excellency had that day been increased by a request he had received from the emperor to forward a large sum of money to Morocco, which he could find no pretext to withhold much longer. In this exigency, he sent for the elders of the Jews (that never- failing philosopher's- stone), and politely requested to know if they would furnish him with a small loan. The great financier — the Roths- child of Tetuan — now stood boldly forward, and, with a courage worthy of his rich London relation, told the bashaw " that his brethren could not be expected to pay the deficiencies of his accounts with the sultan, especially after his excellency had so often and so ungraciously inflicted stripes on their backs, for which they had paid so dearly, both in coin and flesh, that they had now scarcely any of either to call their own." Such extraordinary language was naturally ill-brooked, and, at any other time, might have cost the offender a severe punishment ; but the Jews, aware of the impending disgrace of the bashaw, determined on this occasion to make a stand against his oppressions, and accelerate his fall by refusing their assistance, which they calculated would get him imme- diately removed from the bashalick. The governor was evidently labouring under great uneasiness of mind, which the numerous changes of his countenance betrayed ; nor could he help giving vent to his spleen in sundry ejaculations, during a repast of coffee, biscuits, and conserve of orange-flowers, which his kindness had provided for us. The town of Tetuan is extensive, and contains about 30,000 inhabi- tants. From situation, it is the most advantageous spot in the empire of Morocco for extending our commerce with Barbary ; but that perpetual obstacle in these kingdoms — the sand-bars at the mouths of the river — does not allow any vessel to enter that of Tetuan of above eighty tons burthen. Tetuan is in the vicinity of the beautiful mountains of Rif, * Another observation which my friend, the bashaw, lately made, in conversing on the fall of Algiers, will perhaps not be considered unamusing. . At first, hearing that this city had surrendered, he declared it was nothing but " mala fama — evil report ; that the Moors were much superior to the French in point of valour." On the subsequent confirma- tion of the news, and the dethronement of Charles the Tenth, he, however, exclaimed — " Al^ Dios es grande ! whilst the French took Algiers, Mahomet was asleep; but, on awaking, he became angry at what had been done, and in revenge drove the king of France from his kingdom." iaSl.] A Glance at Tetuan. 33 whose miserable half-clad inhabitants are the terror of the town. The guards who accompanied us over the country refused to enter the mountains, saying, " The Rifians had, on the previous evening, forded the river at dusk, and had carried off' some Moorish women from a douar, and would most likely think we were come in search of them." The view southward of Tetuan reaches along a ridge of the lower Atlas mountains. At sight of this mighty chain, the heart throbs to trace the links whose delightful dyes vie with the bright hues of heaven. The broad expanse over which the eye runs is intersected with vineyard- valleys embosomed between the hills ; — in the distance, the mountains shoot their blue heads into the skies, and close the extent of horizon. To the lover of field sports, this part of Barbary is a most delightful country ; for it is impossible to stir a step without starting game of some species. The Moors have no idea of shooting birds flying, and generally take partridges by hunting them down till they are exhausted. There is no obstacle to sporting here all the year round, save the respect naturally paid by sportsmen to the breeding season ; but the great quantity of eggs eaten and exported annually, shew that the Moors have no consideration of this sort. The wild boar, which Mussulmans are not allowed to eat, are here most numerous. Higher up the coast, towards Oran, the wild antelope and gazelle become plentiful ; the latter are not easily domesticated ; they never live long when taken from their native woodlands; the beautiful eye and symmetrical form, the jet-black tongue and spicy smell of this delicate little animal, has induced many to endeavour to transplant it, but with- out effect. Except in a state of nature, it is not choice of its food, and generally dies of indiscriminate feeding. During our stay here, the whole coast was a scene of extraordinary activity. A Genoese vessel was waiting outside the bar at the mouth of the river, to take a freight of pilgrims to Alexandria. Detained by adverse winds, the Moors had encamped themselves on the sea-beach. The general equipage which serves them throughout their long pilgri- mage (which, with the visit to Medina and Jerusalem, lasts a year), is seldom more than the carpets on which they sleep. Those who cannot afford a marquee, sling one of these carpets across a pole, like a gipsy's tent. A leathern scrip and a small bundle contains the remainder of their necessaries. They are generally under the command of a scherif, who regulates the march of the party when they land. Their method of cooking meat is such as to dispense with the use of many utensils. An oblong square hole is dug in the ground, in which a wood fire is lighted ; a stick is then cut of sufficient length to reach across the cavity, upon which the meat is stuck as on a spit, one end of which is twirled by the hand until the joint is well roasted. The force of the Mahommedan religion is perhaps in no instance so clearly seen, as in the number of votaries it leads to the shrine of the prophet at Mecca. From the peasant to the prince, all are filled with the same hope, the same wish of performing that pilgrimage which is to smooth their path to the grave, to absolve them from their sins in this world, and to be the means of their salvation in the next. The name of hadjee is to them a title of nobility, or reverence, which all are anxious to acquire, and to attain which they will employ the savings of whole years of toil. A great number of stragglers always join the troop of hadjees on their M.M. New. Series.— Vol.. XL No. 61. F 34 A Glance at Tctuan. [JAN route to the port of embarkation, and await the moment of the vessel's departure to surround and forcibly cling to its sides or rigging,, imploring their countrymen,, for the love of the holy prophet, not to hinder their pious intention of doing penance for their sins at his tomb. Too late to remonstrate — the vessel is perhaps already under weigh — the poor wretches must either be plunged into the waves, or admitted. The voyage being one of penitence, harsh feelings are seldom exercised towards brethren in distress. Various are the grounds upon which they claim the charity of their more fortunate companions. One declares he is a scherif,* with royal blood in his veins, and no money in his pockets ; — one, that he has committed crimes the guilt of which must fall on the head of the person who repels him ; — another, that he has an aged father, blind and leprous, whose only hope of cure is the accomplishment of the vow of his son — all irresistible arguments, put forward at a moment they cannot be discussed, but which generally saddles the captain of the vessel with double the number of passengers he has agreed to take. Those alone who have witnessed a scene of encampment of hadjees, can form an idea of what a pilgrimage must be, or what is the confusion and inconvenience of this prelude to their task — a sea-voyage. They inevitably endure all the difficulties of long and painful marches, fastings and toil beneath a burning sun, and which nothing but the hope inspired by religion could enable them to support. The fatigue of the journey through Arabia alone would cause Europeans to fall victims to a want of comforts they despise. A caravan sets out yearly from Morocco by land, across the desert of Angad, passing by Oran, Algiers, and Tripoly, where they are joined by all the Moors who proceed from each of these places. This, of course, is a much more serious undertaking, and requires still greater strength and fortitude to bear than those who proceed by sea to the mouth of the Nile. The pilgrims are likewise often obliged to fight their way through the deserts, as the Bedouin Arabs always reckon upon the robbery of a caravan as they do on a harvest. All these troubles are braved for the mere love of kissing a black stone, and drinking a pitcher of water at the well of Hagar. Royalty itself does not disdain to participate in the difficulties of these pilgrimages. It is incumbent on every one who can afford the expense to perform the journey to Mecca at least once in the course of his life ; but many who have acccumulated sins of which they repent, perform it several times ; its efficacy in such cases none attempt to deny ; and those who cannot go in person, commission others to pray for them. The return of the pilgrims is an event dreaded by all the European consuls in Barbary, who cannot persuade the Moors of the propriety of putting their vessels into quarantine. Neglect of this precaution has frequently introduced the oriental plague into Barbary, which has often depopulated the country, and, about fifteen years ago, carried off a great number of the inhabitants of this part of the coast. Amongst any other people but Mahommedans, the ravages of the plague might be easily averted ; but the Moors think it a sin to avoid any such evil. " Allah Aikbar ! — God's will be done !" is always their cry ; and this they repeat whilst they steal the pestiferous clothes from the dead bodies. — S. B. * The respect due to a schdrif is very great ; the anxiety to kiss the skirts of their gar- ments is such, that the Moors will steal along behind them to press the bernoos to their lips, or snatch a kiss of their hands. 1831.] [ 35 J ST. CROIX ; A TALE OF THE DAYS OF TERROR. I HATE heard it asserted that England is pre-eminently distinguished amongst other countries for the individual eccentricity of many of its inhabitants ; but whether this peculiarity is attributed to the influence of climate,, government, or phrenological organization, I at this instant utterly forget, nor is the fact of much importance, as whatever the theo- retical cause, I deny the supposed result. Oddities, as these deformed combinations of human intellect are commonly called, are to be met with every where, and in France, not less than England, as I can attest from personal experience. Monsieur St. Croix was the very prince of the whole tribe : a strange compound of the misanthrope and philanthropist, the miser and the fop, fermented by a strong leaven of the irritability and waywardness of insanity. And this man dwelt, three years ago, and probably still dwells, in the most profound seclusion, though in a fashionable street, in the gayest quarter of Paris, where thousands are thronging daily past his abode of misery, unconscious of the existence of such a being, and the fair and the dissipated are hurrying after pleasure to some soiree, or reunion, which to their bounded vision appears the world. St. Croix was a man of territory ; he was the proprietor of five hotels, or moderately-sized houses, calculated for the accommodation of a single family (such as Englishmen delight to inhabit), agreeably situated between a court-yard and a garden in the Rue . But these mansions added little to their possessor's wealth, for three of them, after having been long uninhabited, were fast falling to ruin ; the fourth, which looked as desolate and forsaken as the others, was occupied by himself alone ; and of the fifth, by some strange chance, my family were the last tenants. It was one of this eccentric man's peculiarities, that the love of money, which would have made others eager to see their houses inhabited, was the cause of his preferring that they should crumble to decay. He detested tenants, he said, gentlemen particu- larly, for they were continually demanding repairs and alterations, to all of which, though the rain might pour in torrents through the roofs, and the wind whistle in at every corner, he was invariably inexorable, till one by one his tormentors were fairly driven from their quarters, and he was left in undisturbed possession of his domain. The gardens belonging to these deserted mansions, which were only divided from each other by low walls, became from that time his great source of amusement and occupation. I was told that, when he first began his labours, they were as pretty as any thing of the kind can be— luxuriant with the vines and laburnums, lilacs, acacias, and Judah trees, which flourish in the very centre of Paris ; but when I knew them, his industry had left neither tree, nor shrub, nor blade of grass, on the whole territory. He boasted with delight that he had levelled every tree with the ground, lest their damp exhalations should injure those buildings which time and neglect were fast hurrying to annihilation. A few stunted miserable cabbages were the only green things visible over the irregular heaps of fresh-turned, or well-trodden earth, which replaced the parterres and grass-plots of former days ; but these were the especial objects of his care, and often have I been awakened at four o'clock on a summer morning, by a broken voice singing La belle Gabriclle at the height of its pitch, before I discovered that Monsieur P 2 3(3 Monsieur St. Croix ; QJAN. St. Croix was, even at that early hour, busily engaged in the culture of the favourite vegetable, upon which he chiefly depended for nourish- ment. When I first beheld my musical neighbour, he was running backwards and forwardsjjetween the corners of the desolate garden, car- rying earth in a wooden spoon to refresh the roots of his wretched cab- bages ; and though the sun was burning with cloudless splendour in the sky, he wore no hat upon his highly-dressed head, whose formal curls and tightly-tied tail, bore record of the ancient time. These identified the man ; for though no servant ever set foot within his doors, though neither fire nor candle were ever known to illumine his dreary dwelling, though he had never possessed a scrap of linen for years, save one shirt, which he bought in the linen-market, and wore thenceforward, without washing, till its very existence became an airy nothing, yet, strange con- tradiction in human nature, he paid an annual stipend to a perruquier, to come every morning and dress his hair ! A brown frock coat, whose rags betokened its length of service, a dirty white neckcloth, most care- full tied, grey worsted stckings drawn tightly over a beautifully formed leg, with a pair of strong leather shoes, completed his costume. But though thus attired, it was impossible to doubt for an instant that Mon- sieur St. Croix was a gentleman. The stamp of nobility was upon his lofty brow ; and though age, or perhaps sorrow, had silvered his hair, it had neither bent his tall and finely-proportioned figure, nor wrinkled the face which in youth must have been pre-eminently handsome. We became intimate ; our daily conversations between my window and his garden appeared not less agreeable to my neighbour than to myself. One great reason for the kindness he invariably manifested towards me, and the interest he took in my welfare was, I verily believe, that in whatever society or place I met him, whether with a gay party in the Louvre, where it was his daily habit to walk in the winter, for the benefit of the fires which never gladdened his home, or in the crowded malls of the Tuileries and Boulevards, I invariably acknow- ledged the acquaintance of my venerable friend with a courteous salu- tation. After an acquaintance of several months, I was agreeably surprised by a request from the old man to visit him : an honour never antici- pated ; for not once in a year was a human being known to have been admitted into his mysterious dwelling. I was shewn into a square oak- floored room, with two windows looking towards the street, and two towards the garden. The shutters of the former were closed, and the cobwebs and dirt which had been accumulating for years upon the latter, dimmed the bright light of the glorious sky without. There were faded portraits of his ancestors, in flowing wigs and glittering breast-plates, hanging round the walls, which the recluse pointed out with manifest pride ; but there was one object which excited my curio- sity more than all the rest. Above the fire-place, suspended by a broken fork on one side, and a rusty nail on the other, hung a faded silk win- dow-curtain, and though in spite of all my hints, Monsieur St. Croix had forborne to raise it, I felt certain I could distinctly trace the outline of a large picture-frame beneath. I had been struck by the agitated expression of his countenance when I alluded to this curtained depart- ment of the wall ; and an opportunity afforded by the absence of my host was too tempting to be lost. I lifted a corner of the silken veil, and had scarcely time to perceive beneath the portrait of a young and 1831.] a Tale of the Days of Terror. 37 lovely female, in the dress of a Carmelite nun, whose full dark eyes as they met my gaze, beamed with more of tenderness than devotion, ere the returning footsteps of Monsieur St. Croix were audible in the pas- sage. I dropped the curtain, and saw it no more. I often discerned St. Croix afterwards as I returned home late from the Champs Elysees or the Boulevards, seated at an open upper window, upon a dirty striped pillow, reading in the moonlight ; and our conver- sations from his garden were continued without interruption till my return to England. I know not wherefore, but the old man grew attached to me as to a child, and to my great surprise, the day before my departure, I saw him hastily crossing the court of our little hotel, and in another moment he entered, unannounced, into the salon where I sat. He held a scroll of papers in his hand, but, as usual, he was without a hat. " My young friend," he said, and he smiled, though tears were in his eyes, " you are about to depart, and with God's pleasure I shall not be long here. You have been kind to a poor desolate old man, and I thank you. You have not mocked my infirmities like the rest of the world, you have been indulgent to them, though you know not their cause. It is time you should learn the dark events which made me what I am — a scorn and a laughing-stock to fools. You have spoken with a voice of kindness to my broken spirit ; it was long since I had heard such tones from any human being, and they were very sweet. In your own land you will read these," he continued, giving me the roll of papers he held, and pressing both my hands convulsively between his as he did so ; " you will there learn the fatal tale I have not power to relate, which, thank God, I sometimes forget ; my mind is not what it was, but I have had cause for madness. I shall miss you much ; but it will be a pleasure to me to think that you will pity me when you know all, and that though you are far away, you sometimes offer up your prayers for a solitary and forsaken being who hath great need of them/' He then darted from my presence even more abruptly than he entered. It was the last time I beheld Monsieur St. Croix ; and as I have never since returned to Paris, I know not whether he is still in existence. The following narrative is extracted from his roll of papers : — NARRATIVE OF MONSIEUR ST. CROIX. My father was one of the haute noblesse ; it had been better for me if he had been a beggar. I should never then have been a slave to the leaden bondage of pride ; idleness would never have nourished the seeds of all the evil passions which, wretched victim ! I inherited from a long line of corrupted ancestry ; they would have had no time to bud and blossom in the hot- bed of sloth ; I should have been compelled to labour for my daily bread ; hunger would have tamed my wandering thoughts, and I might have been a happy and an honest man. My father and mother lived as many other French couples do at the present day, and many more did then ; they dwelt under the same roof, met seldom, but with perfect politeness on both sides ; hated each other with all their hearts, and spoke of each other (whenever such a rare occurrence did take place) with the tenderest affection. Sentiment covers a multitude of sins. They had two sons, an elder brother and myself, who were 38 Monsieur St. Croix ; [JAN. born in the first two years of their marriage, but since that time no prospect of a family had ever existed. Alphonse, the first-born, was destined for a military life, war being considered the only admissible profession for the eldest son of a count <7 /><•/•<•. I who, unluckily for myself, came into the world a year later, was, even before my birth, condemned to the church. In fact there was nothing else for me. The chief part of my father's income was derived from places under government, and that died with him ; his estates were inextricably involved by the dissipations of his youth and the vanity of his old age ; and at his death, it would be incumbent on my brother to support the family dignity. For the young count to do this upon nothing was as much as could reasonably be expected ; and my father prudently resolved to make the church provide for the rest of his progeny. He had more than one rich benefice in his eye, which he felt certain he had interest to procure ; and I was scarcely released from swaddling clothes before I went by the name of the little Abbe. To all appearance at the time, this decision gave me many advantages, for whilst my brother was left for many years entirely to the care of servants, and at length transferred to that of an ignorant tutor, who took care that he should learn little, but how to ride, dance, dress, and intrigue, I was duly instructed, by a learned churchman, in Greek, Latin, and theological science ; but at the time I loathed such learning, and it has since proved but useless furniture to an overburthened brain. There never existed any affection between my brother and myself, and as we grew older, the coldness of our childhood deepened into actual hate. The study of divinity had not tamed my spirit ; I was young, ardent, and full of hope, and the little I had seen and heard of the world made me think it Elysium ; perhaps the consciousness that I was condemned to forswear it lent it redoubled lustre. I regarded Alphonse as the being who doomed me to be for ever debarred from its pleasures ; was it wonderful then that I detested him? whilst the handsome person which I inherited from my mother, made me the object of his envy and malevolence. Time wore away ; but though I assumed the dress of the priesthood, and was subjected to all the discipline of the cloister, .my heart was not in the calling. I incurred penances more than a dozen times a month, for irreverence of manner, and absence without leave ; I was condemned to fast on bread and water for thirty days, oirconviction of the heinous offence of having written a love-lelter on the altar, and then thrown it, wrapped round a sous-piece, over a wall to a young lady in a garden adjoining the seminary ; but all this severity did but drive the flame inwards, to corrode my heart, and burst forth at a future period with renewed fury ; it could not still the imagination, which flew for ever from the page of learning, and the empty ceremonies of religion, to luxuriate in a forbidden world. I was one with whom kindness might have (lone much, though tyranny nothing. But the reign of my oppres- sors was drawing fast to a close. It was a time when a spirit of libera- lity and inquiry on every subject was spreading widely abroad, and the old, alraid of the insubordination of the young, took the very way to drive them to rebellion. Opinions were no longer received upon trust even in cloistered walls ; many like myself detested the whole system of hypocrisy, sloth, and superstition of which we were made abettors ; and my feelings had numerous participators amongst my young com- 1831.] a Tale of the Days of Terror. 39 panions, who thought with me, that the meanest toil in freedom would be preferable to the drudgery of fasting and prayer to which we were subjected. There was one older than ourselves in the convent, and better acquainted with what was passing in the world, who encouraged our awakened ardour for a change of things. He furnished us in secret with the forbidden works of Voltaire, Rousseau, and all whose daring- spirits were gradually arousing our nation to shake off the chains of superstition and despotism under which they had lain benumbed for centuries. I was too young and too ardent to distinguish accurately what was false in these productions ; but their eloquence fascinated my imagination, and I adopted every opinion as a truth which differed the most directly from all the dogmas I had been taught to believe. My own sacrifice to the shrine of my brother's greatness was to me sufficient argument in favour of equality ; and by the time the States General were convened at Versailles, there could not have been found in all France a more violent advocate of the rights of the people than Auguste St. Croix. Many of the clergy under the influence of the Abbe Sieyes, and, from a love of novelty, joined the tiers-clat, when that assumed the name of National Assembly ; but their zeal for liberty was soon annihi- lated by the seizure of the church property, and the suppression of all monastic establishments, on the 13th of February, 1790. It was not thus with myself. I felt like a slave whose chains have been miracu- lously struck off, or a corpse re-awakened into life and bursting from the imprisonment of the grave. My father and brother had already fallen sacrifices to the fury of the ancient misused dependants of their house, whilst endeavouring to save their castle in Franche-Compte from plunder and destruction ; and my mother, terrified by their fate, had escaped into Flanders. But my violent republican principles accorded well with the mania of the time ; and though I could not recover my inheritance, I had no want of friends, who supplied my daily necessities, until fortune should reward my exertions in the cause of liberty. I became a member of one of the most violent of the clubs, an intimate with several members of the National Assembly, and a constant attendant on its debates. But amidst all my Eolitical enthusiasm, my appetite for pleasure was undiminished ; and at jngth I had none to check me in its indulgence, whilst thousands emu- lated me in the pursuit. Men in those days appeared to live in a con- tinued delirium ; murder was no more to them than the phantom of a dream. Tumults and bloodshed were in the streets one hour, and danc- ing and revelry the next. Even females might be seen tripping smilingly with their gallants to the public walks, in the evening, over the sawdust sprinkled above the moist blood which had flowed from the morning's guillotine. It was like a time of pestilence, when men eagerly plunge into the wildest dissipation to forget the uncertainty of life. But no terror operated with me ; I was young, fearless of death, and looked on the revolution and its horrors as the noblest efforts of human wisdom and magnanimity. I loved pleasure for itself alone. It was a lovely summer-evening towards the end of June, when I set off with a party of friends, in pursuit of this delusive deity, to the little village of Anniere, situated below Montmartre, on the opposite si(7e of the river Seine. It was the village fete, and even the troubles of the times failed to interrupt these simple festivities of my countrymen. Never shall I forget that evening ; yet why should I say so ? I have forgotten 40 Monsieur St. Croix ; [\!AN. it a thousand times, and would that I could for ever ! The sun was sinking bright and cloudlessly towards the western horizon as we crossed the broad fields of La Planchette from the Barrier Courcelle, and we lin- gered awhile in our little boat on the Seine, to watch its golden beams reflected in the -stream, and listen to the softened hum of festivities on its banks. It was the last time I ever experienced the consciousness of happiness. Dancing had already commenced when we reached the village-green, and many happy groups were seated around the space left for the rustic performers, sharing their bottle of indifferent wine, and knocking their glasses together with jovial salutations. Black eyes without number were levelled at my companions and myself, as soon as we pushed our way through the moving crowd, and they were not long in choosing partners for the dance. I was no lover of the pastime ; early education had made it awkward to me, and having no desire to exhibit before so large an audience, I sought amusement in the contemplation of the busy scene of happy faces around me. But my attention was soon entirely absorbed by one object. Immediately opposite to me, and surrounded by a group of persons, who, though dressed with republican simplicity, were manifestly of the highest class, sat a young female of extraordinary beauty : she might be about nineteen. But why should I attempt to describe what no language nor limner's art could ever paint ? Poor Claudine ! Can it be that I survive to write thus of thee ? Can it be that my mind can contemplate thy perfections without being lost in madness ? Yes, she was perfection ! — and from the instant I beheld her, on that village-green, with the full light of the sinking sun irradiating her calm and gentle beauty, the conviction that she was so, sunk deep in my heart. None but a madman could ever have doubted it for an instant. I was like one planet-stricken from the moment I beheld her ; I could not remove my gaze ; the crowd and their sports became alike invisible ; their sounds of mirth, and the discord of their rustic music, were equally inaudible to my ear ; I saw only the lovely being before me ; I heard only the magical sweetness of her voice, when she occasionally addressed her companions. At length I thought she remarked my admiration ; for when her eyes met mine for an instant, a deep colour mounted to her temples, and she turned aside to speak to a gentleman near at hand. I would have given all I possessed at that moment, to have been him whom she thus addressed and smiled upon, though he was old enough to have been my grandfather. The jokes of my friends on my abstraction, at the end of the dance, first aroused me from my trance ; but it was not till another set was nearly formed, that I remembered the possibility of obtaining the goddess of my idolatry as a partner. My hatred of danc- ing was instantly forgotten. I advanced towards the beautiful unknown with a palpitating heart, and in an agitated voice requested that honour. I was refused with the utmost politeness ; but firmly and decidedly I was refused. There was nothing astonishing in this ; for she had not danced during the evening with any, even of her own party : but I was offended, irritated, and annoyed ; I was disappointed. In spite of my enthusiasm for liberty, the pride of my ancestry mounted in my heart, and I felt a haughty consciousness that if she had known who I was, I should not have been thus rejected, though I thought that my personal advantages might have exempted me from the insult. 1831.] a Tale of the Days of Terror. 41 By a strange chance, I was at this instant recognized by a gentleman who had just joined the party ; and in another moment I was formally introduced to Claudine, and her father, Monsieur de Langeron, the sieur of the village. He had known the elder members of my family well and long ; and an invitation to spend the remainder of the evening at his chateau,, whither he was just retiring with his party, was politely given, and joyfully accepted. His daughter said little ; but that little was so soft and gentle, as soon to dispel my displeasure, and her sweet smile was more expressive than words. Though dancing was renewed in the interior of the mansion, I observed she did not join in the amusement, nor did any one present invite her to do so. I was selfish enough no longer to regret it. Seated by her side, for a time I had nothing more to desire. The moon had replaced the glowing sun, when I recrossed the Seine that night; but though the calm splendour of heaven was unbroken by a single cloud, the tranquillity of my mind was gone. Thenceforward I became a daily visitor at Anniere ; but no one seemed to remark or regard my attentions to Claudine, though we were almost constantly together, and frequently alone. She had no mother ; and an old aunt, her only female companion, unlike most of her age and sex, seemed to entertain not the least suspicion of the consequences of our intercourse. She left us unmolested, to take long walks by the retired banks of the river, and to sit for hours on the terraced garden of the chateau. Such an intimacy added burning fuel to my passion; and as Claudine gradually lost her timidity in my presence, every day dis- closed to me the additional charms of her unsullied mind. Though unaware of it herself, it was impossible for me to remain long unconscious that she loved me with all the intensity of a first affection. I never uttered a syllable that I did not meet her glance of approbation ; I never departed that tears did not stand in her eyes, nor was met with- out blushes on my return. Every thought, feeling, hope, and fear of the unfortunate girl, were mine for ever. Selfish even in my love, I saw and exulted in all this before I disclosed the secret of my affection. We were seated on the margin of the river, nearly on the same spot where I landed on the first evening I beheld her, and the sun was shin- ing in the western sky as brightly as then, when I whispered the story of my passion in her ear. Her hand trembled violently in mine as she listened, but in vain did I beseech her to reply to my passionate decla- rations. She gave no answer but by tears. I entreated her by every tender appellation to give me some slight token of her love, but she neither moved nor spoke — she even ceased to weep. She did not with- draw her hand from mine, but it grew icy chill, her head drooped upon her bosom, and she fell back lifeless in my arms. I was horror-stricken, and it was some time before I recovered suffi- cient presence of mind to lay her gently on the grass, whilst I brought water from the neighbouring river to bathe her hands and forehead. Slowly, and after a long interval, she revived ; but no sooner was she conscious that my encircling arms were around her than she shrunk from me with convulsive horror, and struggled to arise. She was too feeble to accomplish her purpose, and wildly and passionately I detained her, as I entreated her to disclose by what fatal chance I had become the object of her hatred. " My hatred, dear Auguste ! would that you were !" she murmured, in almost inaudible accents ; and then fixing her full dark eyes upon me M.M. New Series.— VOL. XI. No. 61. G 42 Monsieur St. Cruix ; QJAN. for an instant, before she buried her face in her hands, she added, in a voice tremulous from excess of emotion, " Is it possible you have yet to learn that I am a nun ?" I started as these fearful words fell dull and cold upon my ear, but it was long before I made any reply. Early pre- judices arose like phantoms before my sight ; I remembered, for the first time since our intercourse, that I too was bound by a sacred vow to celibacy, and for a time I beheld in these trammels of bigotry the fiat of interminable misfortune. But vows, whether sacred or profane, are feeble against the tempest of passion ; and when the mind is once resigned to its despotic influence, principles, and prejudices, are equally swept away by the whirlwind. I did not long yield to despair ; the new doc- trines I had adopted in casting aside my priest's frock, though for a moment forgotten in the turbulence of excited feeling, soon came to my assistance. According to these, Claudine and I were as free as at the moment of our birth to follow the guidance of the feelings which nature had implanted in our hearts ; and I endeavoured to convince the inno- cent girl, with all the fervour and eloquence of which I was master, that she was no longer the bride of heaven, and that her vows had ceased to be binding, when formally annulled by the National Assembly. The next day I returned again to the charge, and though she remained unconvinced, my vehemence silenced all opposition. I saw that she wavered between a sense of duty and the passionate feelings of her heart, and I redoubled the earnestness of my supplications. I painted wildly the horror and despair which awaited us should she persist in her resolve, and doom us to an eternal separation ; whilst I described, with all the enthusiasm which the joyful hope inspired, the felicity attending our union. Gentle being ! it was no sin of thine that thou clidst yield to the burning words and delirious eloquence with which I tempted thee to thy ruin ! mine only was the guilt, and mine alone be the long, the never-ending punishment. That night she slept not beneath her father's roof. Trembling and breathless with agitation, I drew her towards the brink of the river, and though, even at the last, she struggled faintly to return, I heeded it not, and lifting her on board the little bark which had borne me from the opposite shore, I dipped my oars in the stream and. rowed rapidly with the current towards St. Denis. We reached Paris before sunset, and to tranquillize the conscience of poor Claudine, as much as in my power, we were united before nightfal, by such ceremonies as the National Assembly had thought proper to substitute for the ancient marriage- rites. My passion thus gratified, I could, for a time at least, have been per- fectly happy, but I saw that Claudine was not so. She had acted under the influence of my overwhelming feelings, not her own, and her reason was never for a moment silenced. Though she complained not, she drooped under the sense of the mighty weight of guilt she had incurred ; the bloom faded from her cheek, and the roundness of her form gra- dually wasted away. The state of the times, and the interest which my necessities compelled me to take in public affairs, caused me to be fre- quently absent from my home ; on my return I invariably found her in tears. She shrunk from all society but mine, she refused to join in every amusement, and each day deepened a gloom which all my efforts were unable to dispel. It was about this period that a young priest, of the name of Bernis, 1831.J a Tale of the Days of Terror. 43 who had formerly studied in the same seminary with myself, claimed my protection from the persecution instituted against all his profession who refused to take the oaths prescribed by the Assembly. Before my change of principles, there had been a great intimacy between us,, and I still liked the man, whom I thought kind-hearted and generous, though I disapproved his doctrine. I did not hesitate, therefore, when his life was in danger to afford him a retreat even in my own house, where, from my well-known republican principles, he esteemed himself in perfect security. Domesticated under the same roof, he was of course much in my wife's society. With horror be it spoken, I grew jealous of that man. I frequently surprised him in close and earnest conversa- tion with Claudine. I saw that she regarded his slightest wish with deference, whilst I could not help imagining that her manner towards me became gradually more cold and estranged. There was evidently a violent struggle at work in her breast ; her cheek, by day, burnt with the hectic of fever, and by night, amidst her troubled and broken sleep, long sighs frequently heaved her bosom, and I more than once heard her murmur, in fearful accents, the names of Bernis and myself. Suspicion once aroused in my headstrong nature, it soon assumed the energy of truth ; and at length, after a night little short of the tortures of the damned, I arose, resolved to expel the priest from the shelter of my roof. As if to justify my worst imaginings, he was already gone — and Claudine had likewise disappeared. Then did the fatal malady, which for successive generations had asserted its black dominion over my race, first take possession of my brain. I swore, I blasphemed, I denounced the bitterest curses against the guilty pair. Had boiling lead been coursing through my veins, it could not have surpassed my agony. But there was a method in my madness. When the first burst of my fury passed away, I began sedulously to seek out the abode of the fugitives. Step by step I traced them, as the blood-hound follows his prey ; but when I learnt the secret of their hiding-place I was satisfied. I did not intrude myself on their privacy, for reproaches and upbraidings would have afforded no relief to my overburthened soul. No ! I had a deeper, a darker, a more satisfying revenge in store. Coldly and calmly, as a sleep-walker, but with fiend- like pleasure, I went and denounced Claudine and her seducer to the revolutionary tribunal, as aristocrats and non-conformists. Yes, I delivered my innocent, my confiding, my adored Claudine, to the blood-thirsty vengeance of those inhuman vampires, and exulted in the deed! I have an indistinct remembrance of lingering in the street till the minions of the law bore her forth in their arms to the carriage which was to convey her, with the unfortunate Bernis, to the prison of the Abbey, and of struggling vainly to rescue her from their grasp ; but it is like the confusion of a dream. The first circumstance which I clearly recollect, after a fearful chasm of many days, was the receipt of a letter, the direction of which, though written with a trembling hand, I instantly recognized as my wife's writing ; and eager to snatch at anything which might prove the fallacy of the thoughts fast thronging on my brain, I tore it wildly open. It was dated from the prison to which I had doomed her. But though thirty years have rolled their dark current above my head since that hour — though every word has been since then like the sting of a serpent to my brain — -I would, even now, rather die G 2 44 Monsieur St. Croix ; a Tale of the Days of Terror. f JAN. than transcribe it. It convinced me of her innocence and her love. I gathered from its details that the reproaches of Bernis had deepened her repentance of our unholy union ; till at length,, guided by his advice, she had sacrificed the best affections of her heart at the shrine of ima- ginary duty, and torn herself from the only being she loved to expiate the guilt of that affection in the seclusion of a foreign convent. Poor victim ! she prayed him, who had sacrificed her peace and her life to his diabolical passions, to use his influence to procure the liberation of herself and her holy director from their fearful prison. ^ Let me briefly pass over the narrative of that day. I started up, flew to the tribunal of the commune, attested the innocence of the accused ; and my intimacy witli the chiefs of the democrats sufficed to make my word a law, and procured for me without delay a warrant for the libe- ration of Claudine and the priest. I hurried with breathless speed along the streets towards their prison, but crowds at every turning impeded my progress. Murder was already abroad in the city. It was the 2d of September, 1792 — that day which has fixed for ever one of the blackest stains on the history of my country. As I passed the prisons of the Chatelet and La Force, I heard the groans and supplications of the dying, ming- ling fearfully with the demoniac yells of an infuriated mob ; women's screams arose wildly on the air, and blood came flowing past me, down the channels of the streets. Every thing betokened that the prisons were burst open, and their unfortunate inhabitants massacred by inhuman ruffians. Dark and fearful were the forebodings which thronged upon my mind, as, on approaching the Abbey, the same sounds of tumult and murder burst upon my ear. I hurried on, in spite of every obstacle, with a velo- city which only madness could have lent me, till I reached the front of the building ; and there such a scene presented itself as my soul sickens to think on. The armed multitude of men and women of the lowest class resembled in their fury rather fiends than human beings — but I heeded them not ; I sprang over the dying and the dead ; I escaped from the grasp of the assassin — for there was yet hope that I might not be too late j and, though I recognized the mangled body of Bernis amidst a heap of slain, I relaxed nothing of my speed — for my wife, my adored Claudine might yet survive his destruction. My suspense was soon at an end. Yes, I saw her, and yet I survived the sight. I saw her, at a little distance ; she was kneeling with clasped hands at the feet of an infuriated ruffian, whose weapon was already at her breast. At that moment she recognized my cry of agony, sprang wildly on her feet, and called with an imploring voice on my name. It was the last word she uttered. The steel struck her ere she could escape into my arms. It struck deeply and fatally — yet well for her. — But for me ! H.D.B. 1831.] [ 45 ] LORD BROUGHAM S LOCAL COURTS. NOTHING but the most imperative causes can justify abrupt revolu- tions, political or judicial. The course of human affairs — stability and security are valuable qualities — requires, when changes must be made, that they be gradually made. Institutions of any considerable standing, get worked into the frame of society ; associations couple with them ; habits accommodate ; occasional inconveniences are practi- cally remedied or relieved, or when they grow into incumbrances, can generally be cut away, like other excrescences, without taking with them the life of the plant. It is better to make the best of human imperfections than to speculate upon " absolute wisdom." It is better, usually, to pare down superfluities, and do what you can to obviate defects, than to sweep away at once good and bad, and replace them by some new fangled structure, just to shew your architectural dexterity, by something which is strange to every body, and against which the very strangeness excites prejudice, and indisposes every body. More grave- ly, it is better, all allow, to bear the ills we have, than to go to others that we know not of; and at all events, it is safer to remove what we see and feel to be bad, than rashly, by slashing novelties, to incur the risk of creating new ones. Every one sees the evils of our Courts of Juris- diction, but every one, at the same time, recognizes the stuff and tex- ture of them to be good. Improvements might doubtless be made in the machinery, and more perhaps in the working of it — then why should not these be first attempted? What is Mr. — , we beg his lordship's pardon — what is Lord Brougham and Vaux about in this matter ? Op- posing, in the very teeth of his own maxims, arrangements which he has long been urging, and trampling upon principles which none more than he has been forward to inculcate. But Mr. — , pish ! — Lord Brougham, is a lawyer; the yea and the nay of a question are equally familiar ; he is a ready scribe as well as speaker ; words cost him no- thing ; and there are few subjects — from that of the slave-trade — upon which he may not be quoted on both sides. " The best and most effica- cious plan of improvement — (we quote him, or the Edinburgh Review) — is that which does the smallest violence to the established order of things ; requires the least adventitious aid, or complex machinery, and as far as may be executes itself. It is from ignorance of this principle that the vulgar perpetually mistake a great scheme for a good one ; a various and complicated, for an efficacious one ; a shewy and ambitious piece of legislature, for a sound and useful law/' Lord Brougham, as well as others, has for years been projecting law reforms ; many of these reforms, as they are called, have been put into practice, sometimes with good, and as often perhaps with question- able effect ; but what is a very remarkable peculiarity, come from what quarter they will, they all end — we must use a plain term — in jobs ; not in reduction of courts and judges, arid expence, but in augmenting all— law-reform is a synonyme for new law-offices. The increase of law-patronage of late years, accomplished, or con- templated, is prodigious. Not long since we had a new Chancery judge; more recently a whole set of judges for circuit insolvent-courts, commis- sioners for charities, commissioners of inquiry, secretaries, &c. An exchange of Welch judges for English ones, fewer in number, it is true, 46 Lord Brough&m's T^ocal Courts. Q.TAN. but at a higher cost — to say nothing of compensation-pensions — was the fruit of the last session, with we know not how many projects, under the same auspices, for fresh offices. Among them was another equity judge — a creation of registrars' places for younglings at the bar — an extension of jurisdiction for bankrupt commissions from forty to eighty miles of town, implying of course an addition in numbers or emolu- ments— bankrupt commissions in provincial towns, at the will of the chancellor — more commissions, at the will again, of the chancellor, for the examination of witnesses; — and now from the new chancellor him- self, the crowning blessing for this lawyer-ridden country — a whole regiment of new judges to preside over new courts in every county town of the kingdom. Whig or Tory, no matter, lawyers are all alike ; — ex- tension of professional employment, at least in the higher departments of the law, is the one absorbing object that fills the heads and hearts of every man among them. No matter, neither, how contradictory or incompatible the tendencies of these reforms — for they are all reforms — they create office ; in that they all agree ; there, there is no discrepancy. Good-natured souls, who are ready to confide on the virtues of all who lay claim to virtues, give the proposers credit for meaning all they profess ; and the blame of in- congruous and clashing institutions, if blame be cast any where, is thrown upon those who have had nothing to do with the matter. Here are a half hundred new courts going to be instituted, the object of which, it is said, is to relieve the upper courts, and that just as three of the most expensive class of judges have been added to these very courts, and just as more schemes are on the anvil for facilitating and abridging their labours. Here are a set of stationary courts, or courts confined to one unvarying circuit, just as the Welsh judges have been gotten rid of, expressly because they were attached to the same circuit, and so, liable to form slippery connections. Just, again, as arrests for debt are on the point of being abandoned, because the power of arrest gives encouragement to credit, these courts, in the expectation and avowed design of the author, are to accelerate the process of recovering debts, and by that means, so far, encourage the destructive system of credit. But what is the especial, or, more to the purpose, what is the alleged ground for the proposed change ? The overburdenings of the superior courts. What advantages are specifically aimed at and looked for ? Despatch — a saving of time and money — cheap justice, and justice at your own doors. Well, but these are good things. Thousands are said to abandon their rights through the dread of asserting them. Thousands submit to wrong, because the remedy is worse than the disease. In the recovery of debts, good money is often thrown after bad ; and valuable time is lost in the pursuit of inadequate satisfaction. Therefore, if Lord Brougham facilitates redress — saves time and money — and secures a remedy for grievances not now to be attained, he is a benefactor and a reformer in the best sense, and we hail such a measure with joy and gratitude. Very well, but let us not be precipitate ; to talk and do are two things, one of which all the world knows the Chancellor can do admirably, but unhappily that is no better than a shadow, if we can imagine such a thing out of the regions of diablerie, that has no cor- responding substance. Let us cast a calm, but it must be a brief, look at the evil and the remedy. The evil is an excess of business, and the expense and delay occasioned by attendance on the central courts of 1831.] Lord Brougham's Local Courts. 47 Westminster, and the assizes in the country. Two thirds of the causes that come before them — no matter for nicety — certainly more than half, are relative to sums below £50. Now these, if not in their nature, in their importance are too contemptible, it seems, for the superior courts, and cost more than they are worth to prosecute ; these, then, are to be turned over to resident judges, whose courts are always open — are at every man's door — where justice is retailed at a cheap rate, with de- spatch, and no superfluous waste of time or trouble. This is the remedy. These courts are to be put to the proof of their efficiency at first only in a couple of counties, but as it is confidently anticipated they will finally be sown over the whole country, and the apparatus in each county will be the same, we shall take our glance at the effect of the whole. And the first thing that strikes is the formidable expense of the machinery. Fifty — for the sake of round numbers — fifty of these judges, each at an amount, including salaries and fees, not exceeding £2,000, — as many registrars each, including, as before, salaries and fees, at £700, with an establishment of clerks, messengers, ushers, &c., at least, at as much more., will together swell to a sum not much short of £200,000 a-year. Now this, be it observed, is proposed by a man who, not long ago, talked so earnestly, as of a matter of serious importance, of the savings attending the removal of the Welsh Judges. The £9,800, says he, taken from the Welsh judges, with £500 from each of the twelve Westminster judges, will make £15,800, which will pay the three new ones, who are to be thoroughly effective. The salaries of the twelve, however, were not clipped — the three new judges were added at the full price — the Welsh judges, who survive, have their compensation-pensions; and here is to be an entire addition of a sum not much short of £200,000 for fifty new judges, as like the old Welsh ones as one pea is like another. Such will be the public share of the expense. That, however, if any real and adequate advantage resulted, might be bear- able, though in common equity, in the existing state of society, the liti- gants themselves should pay the charges of justice. The main con- sideration, still, is the expense to the actual litigants ; and how far that is likely to be reduced by the new arrangements, we shall see better, after we have considered, what the author lays the chief stress upon — the expedition — the despatch, in the transaction of causes — which he regards as the best characteristic and glory of his plan. Now this acceleration consists in justice being brought home to the parties — to their own doors, is the favourite phrase. But how, in the name of common sense, is this to be managed? There is but one judge to a county. But he can move about, and he is to move about. He is to hold his court every month — eleven out of the twelve — he is to go from town to town, to one four times in the year, to some twice, to others once. On the average, then, justice can be administered but twice in the year, and that it is already everywhere, and in town, almost at all times. So here is no gain whatever in point of time, and some loss. Now, as to the expense to the litigants, plaintiffs and defendants do not always live on the same spot, so that should justice be brought to the door of one party, the chance is very small of its being so brought to the other, — and that is precisely the case at present. But under the existing system, the defendant follows the plaintiff; while under the new arrangements the plaintiff must follow the defendant, which is a 48 Lord Brougham's Local Courts. [JAN. most serious grievance, for common experience proves the plaintiff to be generally in the right. Here then the plaintiff is placed in a worse con- dition than before, and this is called reform, and the admiration of the world is challenged for so ingenious an improvement ! We see then how expense is likely to be saved; the defendant is spared at the cost of the plaintiff, or in other words, in nine cases out of ten probably, the offender at the cost of the sufferer. Suppose the plaintiff to be a dry-salter in London, who has furnished articles in the way of his trade to a customer at Morpeth. The defendant's residence is within the district court of Northumberland, and the cause comes on for trial at Newcastle. The plaintiff, to prove his case, is obliged to carry from London to Newcastle his books, the person who made the entries, the packer, the porter who delivered the goods to the carrier, and pos- sibly somebody to prove the quality and value of the goods — the whole of which expense and inconvenience might have been spared, by laying his action, .as he could now do, in London. Well, but if the expense attending the bringing up witnesses cannot be materially reduced, that of lawyers will be. They are on the spot, and charges of travelling are spared. No such thing — the supposition shews the author of the plan knows little of the actual practice of business. Had he consulted the first solicitor that fell in his way, he might have learned better. The country attorney rarely attends the Westminster courts ; he transacts the whole through his London agent, and the difference of expense to the suitor amounts to a trifling postage. No additional fees are charged : the fees are shared between the tow.n and country attorney in some fixed pro- portion. It is as easy to act through the metropolis, as through a county town. In most legal matters the course and management of men of business has made it actually more so. The facilities, too, of convey- ance, now-a-da}rs, annihilates both space and time, and cheapens expense accordingly. But under this new and choice arrangement, how is the plaintiff to act who has debtors at a distance ? Why naturally he con- sults his attorney where his case is, where his cause of action arose, and his witnesses live. Must that attorney have an agent in every dis- trict town ? If he has not, how is he to serve notices, and to be served with them ? And if he has, at once the new system is worse and more expensive than the old, for certainly the quantity of business will never enable him to make the same arrangement that is now made between the country attorney and the central practitioner in town. Justice, then, accessible, prompt and cheap — the promises which these new institutions hold out — they will not be able to furnish more success- fully than the existing courts, — especially with the curtailments sug- gested by the law commission, at once easy to be accomplished, and not likely to meet with insuperable obstructions. The matter must not be dismissed, however, so abruptty. Turn we for a moment to the business of these courts. They are intended, it seems, to relieve the courts of Westminster and the assize Nisi Prius j and, of course, whatever comes before them, comes before these district judges — within certain circumscriptions. All actions of debt, trespass, or trover not exceeding £100 ; and all actions of tort, or personal wrongs, where the damages are not beyond £50. All actions, again, for breach of agreement, whether under seal or not, where damages are within £100 — though, by consent, the court may try these to any amount of damages. The judges are not to anticipate an idle life, their creator 183J.] Lord Broughams Local Courts. 49 has cut out other work for them ; they are to be not only judges, but arbitrators — not only arbitrators, but conciliators. Even these offices will not fill up their time sufficiently ; and they must occupy their spare hours with a little equity practice, for the recovery of legacies, &c., just to tax the versatility of their powers. Rarce aves must these new judges be ; and where in the world are fifty of them to be found ? But supposing them to be found, will their courts be acceptable, at last, to the suitors ? We say boldly they will not. They are inferior courts, and will inevitably share the fate and fortunes of other inferior courts. Such courts never have been respected. Courts for determining small causes — involving, we mean, small sums — are numerous enough already in this country ; but they are little used — reluctantly resorted to — and falling off in practice year by year. Law is cheap enough there, but, whatever may be its quality, nobody believes it good ; and Lord Brougham himself has told us, that though cheap justice is a very good thing, yet costly justice is better than cheap injustice; — ay, and people will never believe otherwise. Inferior courts abound in America, and every body has heard with what effect. In France, too, the courts of the Juges de Paix are as thick as hops, and as little respected as the pied-poudre ones of our own fairs. It becomes disgraceful to appeal to them — it is like dragging a man through a horsepond — creditable to neither party. It is not, in short, in the nature of man to be satisfied with an inferior article where a better is attainable, or supposed to be so. Nobody buys willingly what is bad in his own town, when he can get the good at the same price, or nearly so, by sending to the capital. But the respectability of the new judges — the rank they hold in the profession — the very amount of income, will give weight to their deci- sions, will invest them with an authority that no other inferior courts ever before possessed, and, therefore, by no principle of sound logic can similar conclusions be drawn from premises so unlike. Well, then, let us reconsider these judges invested with the paraphernalia of superior authority — stuck up in a bit of a room at some paltry inn. Are they superior in standing or station to the late Welsh judges — to existing recorders in corporate towns — to commissioners of bankruptcy, or even to the commissioners of insolvent courts ? No, they will not be supe- rior, for instance, to the Welsh judges, the best of these classes. Now on what ground did you get rid of them ? " Because" — we quote the Chancellor — he is always at hand — among other objections — " they never change their circuit j one, for instance, goes the Carmarthen cir- cuit, another the Brecon circuit, and a third the Chester circuit — but always the same circuit. And what is the inevitable consequence? Why they become acquainted with the gentry, the magistrates, almost with the tradesmen, of each district, the very witnesses who come before them ; and intimately with the practitioners, whether counsel or attor- neys. The names, the faces, the characters, the histories, of all these persons are familiar to them ; and out of this too great knowledge grow up likings and prejudices, which never can, by any possibility, cast a shadow across the open, broad, and pure path of the judges of West- minster Hall." Now the new judges are precisely the Welsh judges — they are run in the same mould ; they are eternally in the same circuit, and must be liable to the very same objections — though some of those objections are M.M. New Series.— Voi. XI. No. 61. H 50 Lord Brougham's Local Courts. QJAN. mere sarcasms and insinuations, little applicable to the honourable men at whom they were levelled. But a much more serious objection will apply, from which the Welsh judges were most of them exempt. Most of them practised in the superior courts, and though we do not much admire seeing the same individuals, now judges, now advocates, they were at least familiar with the practice of those courts ; they caught the current tone of those courts ; they kept up with the latest decisions ; and, at all events, if improvements were made, they took them with them to their own tribunals. But the new local judge never stirs from his circuit; he never visits the Westminster Courts ; he has nothing to do there ; lie has no intercourse or communion with his brethren ; and the stock in trade he takes with him must last him, whether it grows stale and out of date and application or not. Books to be sure are accessible ; bifc all these judges will not be readers ; and if they were, does any person imagine reading reports will supply the want of personal ac- quaintance with the superior courts ? Few consultors of reports, we believe, are inclined to value them as highly as their own experience in courts, where they see, hear, and estimate upon the fullest grounds. What, in fact, gives superiority to the supreme judges of the land but their intercommunion — their interchange of sentiments ? — they consult each other ; one is a check upon the other, and a stimulus ; and a pro- gressive improvement in practical knowledge, and, above all, uniformity is the useful result. But these local judges will be the Jupiters of their own circuits; they will bear no rivals near their thrones, and will have none. They will have no one to check their decisions, and will naturally play the tyrant, controllable only by appeals. The inevitable and speedy consequence will be, that what is law in one county will not be law in another. The judge of Canterbury will differ from the judge of York, and each of them from his brother of Bristol, and neither even know of the dis- crepancy. Points of difference will multiply insensibly and abundantly, and the only remedy will be appeals ; and appeals there will doubtless be to such an extent, as quickly to extinguish all hope of any useful result from these courts. The only advantage will be, the superior courts will have to try the judges instead of the causes — the value of which the country will soon estimate. A mighty emphasis is laid upon their efficiency as arbitrators, and still more as conciliators. Now arbitration, on the order of a court, is notoriously an unpopular expedient. To make it indeed acceptable, it must be the free choice of the parties. No good is likely to be accom- plished by adding more compulsion to what we find described, and justly, as a sort of mixed bully-and-coax system of tactics, by which judge and counsel combine to force reluctant parties to submit to the decision of somebody, of whom they know nothing, and in whom they have no confidence. But the conciliatory functions of the courts seem to be the favourite contrivance of the author of them. Here the judge is to play the adviser ; and the object is to spare the embryo litigant the expense of consulting an attorney. In France similar courts have utterly failed, and why should we expect a different effect here ? A French authority thus laments over the failure. — " Que cette idee etait philosophique et salutaire de n'ouvrir Tacces des tribunaux qu'apres I'epuisement de toutes les voies de conciliation ! pourquoi faut-il qu'- une si belle institution n'ait pas produit tout le bien qu'on devait en attcndre, and que les effets aient si peu repondu aux esperances?" 1831.] Lord Broughams Local Courts. 51 But in nothing will these courts fail in point of attraction and effi- ciency so much as in the want of counsel of approved ability. You cannot have a body of intelligent counsel attending these courts ; and without counsel, who will regard them ? The court is constantly on the move ; every month the judge changes his position, and often twice ; for instance, he sits at Dover, and adjourns the same month to Canter- bury— at Rochester, and adjourns to Ramsgate — at Hythe, and adjourns to Romney. Conceive the expense of this eternal itinerancy ; no fees can ever meet the expense. At Maidstone, the court sits four times. Maidstone will, of course, be the judge's home, and there may collect two or three counsel, who will also travel occasionally to other towns, when they scent a quarry that will pay. But if a decent pleader should grow up among them, like country actors, he will not be content till he gets upon the London boards. But the fact will be, the business of the barrister must drop wholly into the hands of solicitors; and will the suitors be content with solicitors' law ? It may be as good, but they will not think so. The courts, in short, if they begin respectably and with favour, will fall off with the novelty ; they will degenerate in pub- lic estimation — will be scouted, and every evasion will be practised to swell causes to an amount to entitle them to go into the superior courts. After all, our objection to the new arrangements, at the bottom, is, that they are really and truly superfluous, and this may readily be shewn. Supposing them to be fully effective — and if they are not effective, why think of them for a moment ? — what is to become of the time of the superior judges? According to the Chancellor's own data — of the 93,375 affidavits filed in the courts in 1827, no less than 78,000 were below £100 — so that one-sixth only of the usual business would be left for the Westminster Courts. Again, the business at the London sittings, before Lord Tenterden, in 1829, four-fifths of the cases were for sums below £100. So that the fair inference is, that not more than a sixth, or at most a fifth of the business would be left for the old courts. But it is quite manifest, at the same time, that these old courts have not now more to do than they might easily manage, to the perfect satisfaction to the country. As to their actual business, some have too much perhaps, and some certainly too little. But, in the name of com- mon sense, why should this inequality longer exist? We know the immediate causes are, difference of process — privileges of the solicitors of the courts — monopoly of Serjeants, &c. ; but what is to prevent, where the interests of the country demand them, the sweeping away of every one of these impediments ? Place the three courts perfectly upon an equality— with appeals, not to one of them, but to the whole body of the judges — and we are quite confident, the practice of the courts would speedily equalize. If one were from any cause, to get a super- abundance of business, it would quickly be reduced, by the prospect of an earlier decision in the leisure court. The business would have a con- stant tendency to equalize — counsel, who of course, must be at liberty to practice in all, or a favourite pleader would break in upon the natural adjustment. But such equalization will not be thought perhaps to remove the great evils which the local courts are established expressly to remove — expense and delay. We are persuaded it will do both, especially when the charges suggested by the law commission are carried into effect (and really Lord R. ought to wait and see how these will operate), with some others that would prove equally effective. The sweeping away of the H 2 52 Lord Brougham's Local Courts. [[JAN. rubbish of ' pleading,' and useless formalities will do wonders. What is done now with difficulty at Westminster, may obviously be done with ease, and a considerable reduction of delay and expense. And as to the nisi prius of. the assizes, the existing obstructions may be obviated, partly by a third assize, of which the chancellor himself has been an advocate, in favour of criminal business, and partly by a different arrangement of place, and an extension of time, in the circuits. Even with only two assizes there is little need of remands ; for why should not the courts be kept open till the cause-list is exhausted ? A complaint was made the other day in the House of Lords, that the Norfolk spring assize never gets but one judge, though two are of course appointed. The conse- quence is, naturally, that much of the business is left unheard, for the time is limited and every thing gives way, when that time expires. The chancellor answered, that if he had any influence in the matter, and chancellors usually had, the good people of Norfolk should have two in future. To be sure — and not only they, but every other circuit that now gets only one. To be sure — let the best — let full use be made of the existing judicial machinery, and little will be left to complain of, and least of all, will any new court be required. MRS. JORDAN AND HER BIOGRAPHER.* THE Town is a monster. We are afraid that i all that can be said upon the subject. But the monster must be fed. Anecdotes, private histories, biographies of the weak, the wicked, the merry, or the wise, are its favourite food ; and it will find feeders as long as there are those who can make pence or popularity by the office ; and food, as long as there are noble lords, or fallen statesmen, royal dukes, or clever actresses, in the world. A part of this is according to a law of nature — and must therefore be submitted to as to any other necessity. But a part of it belongs to that law by which a man sometimes thinks himself entitled to make money in any mode that he can ; a law which we punish in the case of highwaymen, the keepers of Faro-banks, quacks, and impostors of all kinds. The quocunque modo rem has been the code of those active classes from time immemorial, and they have been hanged, dun- geoned, and banished accordingly. We by no means desire to see the Biographical School extinguished, though unquestionably its prevalence in the present day must make many an honest man shiver at the thought of what is to become of him, when he falls into the hands of his friends a week or two after he has lost the power of bringing an action for defamation in this world. What is life good for, unless it be an easy life ? and what life can be easy while a man is perfectly convinced that some literary undertaker is waiting only for the moment the breath is out of his body to pounce upon his " Remains ;" run away with his tf Recollections ;" and by advertising his (< Life," the dearer part of him, his reputation, justify a regret that the sufferer had not adopted the anticipatory justice of taking his ? The whole process tends to the treason against human nature, of giving an additional care to the cata- logue of human cares. All life is at best but a field of battle, and what soldier goes into the battle more cheerfully by knowing that he has, in the rear of the line, a suttler who follows him with no other purpose than to make the most of him when he is down, to strip him of coat and waistcoat, and sell every thing saleable about him to the best bid- * The Life of Mrs. Jordan. By James Boaden, Esq. In 2 vols, 8vo.— BulL 1831.] Mrs. Jordan and her Biographer. 53 der? The crime is one clearly of lese majeste, and we must so far denounce it as worthy of the severest penalties of Parnassus. But this anecdote trade does more than torment the easy part of mankind. It maddens the ambitious. The whole tribe of those living nuisances, the wits by profession, the " enliveners," the " embellishers/' the laborious students of the art of shining, the inveterate getters-by-heart of acci- dental good things, the whole prepared-impromptu, dull-brilliant, and pains-taking idle race, who flourish through literary dinners, and are announced as the lamps and lustres of conversaziones, are absolutely encouraged in their pernicious practices by the belief that somebody or other may yet embalm them in a biography ; that even at the moment of delivering his most obsolete absurdity, some man of the tf ever- pointed pencil and asses' skin" may be gleaning their words ; that their " Life and Sayings" may be already half way through the press, and that they may live in three octavo volumes with all their bons-mots in full verdure round them at the first blush of the " publishing season." But the present work lays claims to public curiosity on peculiar grounds, and we are sorry to be compelled to say, that it furnishes one of the most repulsive examples of the worst taste in those matters that even the avidity of the modern press has ever displayed. Mr. Boaden is a man of literary character, of long experience in literary history, and abundant in striking anecdote relative to that part of life to which a general interest is attached — the drama. But he has here chosen a topic to which no interest can belong except that of a degrading desire for prying into the habits of high life : the subject of his Memoir is an unhappy woman, whose name had long since sunk into oblivion ; and the object of his book is still more humiliating ; the universal voice has pronounced that such a work could not have been produced at such a period but for one purpose ; the very advertisement that accounted for the delay of its appearance, more than hinted that it was retarded by the expectation of its being bought up. The author's preface speaks the same language, and Captain Swing himself could not commence his career with a more direct threat than the whole tissue of this writer's explanation of his motives. We have in his preface that constant allusion to Mrs. Jordan's private life, which was meant to startle other ears than those of the people. What do the public care about the private life of any actress ? Or who can be fairly interested in the tedious details of difficulties and incumbrances, or the darker story of excesses and follies which ought never to have existed, or existing, ought never to have seen the light ? But, throwing aside all consideration of the unhappy woman who forms the subject of these volumes, how is it possible that the writer should not have felt the respect due to the possessor of the throne ? We are as far, as British freedom can be, from either flattering or disguising the crimes of men in high authority. But this writer should have known, that when the errors are no more, it is idle and offensive to bring them again before the world ; that the reserve due to every man in private life is at least due to the throne ; and that, in all cases of this volunteer scandal, the writer lays himself under the direct imputation of being actuated by either malignant or mercenary motives. But a publication of this kind is disrespectful, not merely to those whom we are bound to honour, but cruel to those for whom we are bound to have the common sympathy due to individuals conducting themselves without offence in society. The surviving family of Mrs. Jordan ought to have been secured from the publication of details in 54 Mrs. Jordan and her Biographer. QJAN. which they had no share, which they could not help, and for which, however painful to themselves, they can have no blame. They have an undoubted right to complain of the rashness or cupidity which has forced their history thus rudely before the world; and in the as-ertion of that right they will be accompanied by the feelings of every man of delicacy and honour in the empire. It is only justice to the Fitzclarence family to acknowledge that none have kept themselves clearer from public offence ; and that they have not been implicated in any of the excesses for which high connections and courts offer such ready temptation. But the chief fault which we have to find with the writer is his injury to the cause of British author- ship, by setting an example of that literary menace, which, however it may have failed in the present instance, will find imitators among classes destitute of even his portion of reserve, turn biography into a public shame, and inflict, of all others, the most fatal blow on the national literature. Having given our decided reprobation to the principles of such works in general, we shall now glance over the general features of the volumes. Mrs. Jordan was born in Ireland, about 1762, near Waterford; the daughter of Mrs. Bland, an actress. Her first engagement was under the name of Francis, at Daly's theatre in Dublin, in her sixteenth year; Henderson, the actor, saw her play in the Romp, at Cork, where she was engaged at twenty shillings a week ; and spoke so highly of her talents, that on her return to Dublin, her salary was raised to three guineas a week. Daly the manager of the theatre was a character — " He was born in Galway, and educated in Trinity College. As a preparation for the course he intended to run through in life, he had fought sixteen duels in two years, three with the small sword, and thirteen with pistols, and he, I suppose, imagined like Macbeth, that he bore a charmed life, for he had gone through the sixteen trials of his nerve without a single wound or scratch of consequence. He therefore used to provoke such meet- ings upon any grounds, and entered the field in pea-green, embroidered, ruffled, and curled, as if for a very different ball, and gallantly presented his full front, conspicuous, finished with an elegant brooch, quite re- gardless how soon the labours of the toilet might soil their honours in the dust. In person he was remarkably handsome, and his features would have been agreeable, but for an inveterate and most distressing squint, the consciousness of which might keep his courage on the look- out for provocation. Like Wilkes, he must have been a very unwelcome adversary to meet with the sword, because the eye told the opposite party nothing of his intentions." We have then a sketch of Mrs. Abington, which has some value, as from the personal observation of one familiar with the stage : — " Mrs. Abington unquestionably possessed very peculiar and hitherto unap- proached talent. She took more entire possession of the stage than any actress I have seen. The ladies of her day wore the hoop and its con- comitant train. Her fan exercise was really no play of fancy; shall I say that I have never seen it in a hand so dexterous as that of Mrs. Abington. She was a woman of great application; to speak as she did, required more thought than usually attends female study. Common place was not the station of Abington. She was always beyond the sur- face ; and seized upon the exact cadence and emphasis by which the point of the dialogue is enforced. Her voice was of a high pitch and not very powerful ; her management of it alone made it an organ. Her deportment is not so easily described ; more womanly than Farren, fuller 1831.] Mrs. Jordan and her Biographer. 55 than Younge, and far beyond the conception of modern fine ladies, Mrs. Abington remains in memory, as a thing for chance to restore to us rather than design, and revive our polite comedy at the same time." Mr. Boaden is mistaken here. The revival of polite comedy will not depend on any performer. The revival of dramatic authorship must be the previous discovery, and until we have polite comedy written, there might be fifty Abingtons playing to empty benches. At York Miss Francis was introduced to Tate Wilkinson, that eternal nuisance of every dramatic biography. The very name makes us sick, and accord- ingly we have a vast deal about this maudlin manager. Here she changed the name of Francis for Jordan, why, is not told, and nobody can care. At Sheffield she had a narrow escape from closing her labours and her fame. The beam of the stage curtain fell within a few feet of her, a weight sufficient to have crushed a whole stage-full of comedians. The opera in which this occurred had a worse fate for the unlucky author Pilon. He had promised to pay the composer ; the opera fell profitless ; the composer demanded his hire, and the author, pennyless, was forced to fly. The world has been so often called a stage, that the stage, as if entitled to retaliate, often exhibits a ludicrous " picture in little" of the world. The boards of a country theatre, with its dozen wanderers playing every thing from the king to the lamp-lighter, exhibit as much extravagant am- bition, empty rivalry, bitter vanity, and laborious nothingness, as the most brilliant court in existence. We have thus, en passant, the history of a Mrs. Smith, who ruled and grasped characters with the vigour of a Catherine the Second, seizing provinces from the Grand Turk. Being a wife, she was, from the increase of her progeny, liable to interruptions, which she made hazardously brief, lest a rival actress should appear in any of her favourite parts. Her confinement took place on the 2d of October in a remarkably wet season. The troop were to march on the 13th to Sheffield, eighteen miles off. And this Thalestris was so deter- mined to exclude any competitor for the good graces of the Sheffield critics, that she began to exercise daily in a damp garden, in order to qualify herself for the journey. She accomplished one part of her pur- pose, the journey, but paid for it by a lameness in the hip, which threat- ened to disable her for life. The poor creature had now better have gone to bed ; but Mrs. Jordan must, in that case, have been her double ; rather than suffer this triumph, she insisted on playing in the " Clan- destine Marriage," hobbled through it as crippled as Lord Ogleby, and having achieved this point, was rendered by the effort incapable of ap- pearing on the stage for some months after. The personage is not of much historic importance, we will allow. But we presume that the caution was well meant, te under existing circumstances/' and will be attended to upon due occasion. Mrs. Jordan was now rising into notice, but opinions differed formi- dably on her powers. Dick Yates, the actor, pronounced at this period, of the three ornaments of the York stage, that Miss Wilkinson (after- wards Mrs. Mountain) was " very pleasing and promising ; Mrs. Brown the height of excellence; and Mrs. Jordan, merely apiece of theatrical mediocrity!" The Siddons herself was not much luckier in her decision; for, on seeing the young actress at York, in 17&5, she said, " She was better where she was, than to venture on the London boards/' The sentence is furiously slipslop, and unworthy of the utterer ; though, perhaps, it was modified by Tate Wilkinson, who transmits it. Of course Mrs. Jordan had no mercy shewn to her in her own theatre ; there, 56 Mr*. Jordan and her Biographer. |[JAN. her manager was told, that " when he had lost his great treasure (his term for Mrs. Jordan), it would soon be turned back upon his hand, and it would be glad to come, if he would accept it" Siddons herself was not without her prophets ; and William Woodfall, who seems to have delighted to be busy in every thing, from politics to plays, ad- vised her, on her first appearance, — " to keep to small theatres in the country, where she could be heard; she was too weak for London stages." The same authority had decided on Sheridan's first speech, with equal success, and recommended to him " to give up all expectation of being a public speaker, and stick to some trade in which he would not have to open his mouth." In 1785, Mrs. Jordan, by the recommendation of " a gentleman," Smith, was engaged at Drury-lane. Siddons was then the rage. The world of fashion would look at no one else. She had two benefits a year, which swept away all their patronage. On the benefit nights of other performers, the answer of the " highest world" was, — ff You know we must go on Mrs. Siddons's night, and then we leave town immediately." When she did not play, no person of ton would be present ; and when she did, it was the etiquette for all who professed taste, to run away the moment the performance was over ! We are afraid all the coxcombry of the world was not reserved for the present age. Mr. Boaden's observations on his heroine's debut also shews us that in some things we have refined on our ancestors. She was not much puffed previously. The affair was not dandled with the dexterity so fa- miliar to our time. All was cold ; the " first authorities," even those admitted behind the scenes, were unprepared writh anything more predisposing than — "I think she is clever." — " One thing I can tell you, she is like nothing you have been used to." — " Her laugh is good, but then she is, or seems to be, very nervous — we shall see ;" concluding with that humblest of all assumptions — "I am sure we want something." Mrs. Inchbald's account is, "that she came to town with no report in her favour to elevate her above a very moderate salary (four pounds), or to attract more than a very moderate house when she appeared. But here all moderation stopped. She at once displayed such consummate art, with such bewitching nature, such excellent sense, and such innocent simplicity, that her auditors were boundless in their plaudits, and so warm in her praises when they left the theatre, that their friends at home would not give credit to their eulogiums." This was Mrs. Jordan in the " Country Girl." — a per- formance which we confess that we have never seen without disgust, as a vulgar exhibition of the most vulgar of all hoydens, an exaggeration of a she clown engrafted upon a she rake. Yet Mrs. Jordan's powers certainly made it popular, and, so far as a mere evidence of powers, nothing can be more decisive. Her display in male attire in the latter part of the play, however, greatly added to her success, for her figure at that period was beautiful. Mr. Boaden tells us that the "great painter of the age (Sir Joshua of course), pronounced it the neatest and most perfect in symmetry he had ever seen." Her face was expressive, bnt at no time handsome. Still the portrait in the front of the volume is, even of that face, a caricature. We have then a few lines on Sheridan's theatre, descriptive enough. He had the two wonders of the day — Siddons and Jordan — but his intolerable negligence suffered them both to weary the town with repe- titions of their characters. " He would undertake every thing and do nothing. There was a committee of proprietors who attended only to ]83L] Mrs. Jordan and her Biographer. 57' the economy of the wardrobe, and they could not be tempted by all the eloquence of Tom King (the manager) to venture on the smallest outlay without the consent of Sheridan, who was always too busy either to give or refuse it. Thus it was that Harris, at the other house, beat him, with all the cards absolutely in their hands " One of the oddities of theatrical life is that all the leading actors origi- nally mistook their talents. John Kemble began in comedy, and the delusion lasted with him longer than with most of them ; for, to his dying day, he thought he could flourish in Charles Surface. Jones, the gayest of actors, and whose absence from the stage has left it sombre, began in the most formal tragedy ; Listen played Othellos and Julius Ccesars ; and Fawcett is here recorded as having began with Romeo — a character which, when we recollect Fawcett's granite physiognomy, must have been one of the miracles of love-making. Fawcett's voice, which Colman compared, with the happiest accuracy, to something generated between the grinding of a corn-mill and the sharpening of a saw, must have been an incomparable illustration of " How silver sweet are lovers' tongues by night ! Like softest music to attending ears." But, after his Romeo exhibition, he was brought to his natural line by Miss Farren ; to whose Violante he played Colonel Britton, and had the felicity of being pronounced, by that fashionable authority, tf a very pro- mising young actor." Peeping Tom decided his forte, and the Hull audience gave their fiat to the comedian, if Peeping Tom, the most vulgar of grotesques, could entitle him to such fame, and Fawcett flew, on the breath of country applause, up to London. We then have a sketch of one of those only sure events in the History of Theatres, a conflagration. " I was coming across the Park, from Pimlico, on the night of the 17th of June, when, on turning the corner of the Queen's house, this dreadful conflagration burst upon my eye. It seemed as if the long lines of trees in the Mall were waving in an atmosphere of flame. The fire ap- pears to have commenced in the roof, and its demonstration to have commenced rather earlier than the incendiary had calculated. The dancers had been rehearsing a ballet on the stage that evening, and sparks of fire fell upon their heads, as, in great terror, they effected their escape. Madame Ravelli was with difficulty saved by a fireman. Madame Gui- mard lost a slipper ; but her feet, as they ever did, saved her. " There never was the least doubt that the malignity of some foreign miscreant had effected the destruction. The whole roof was in combus- tion at one moment ; a cloud of heavy smoke, for a few seconds, hung over the building, succeeded by a volume of flames, so fierce that they were felt in St. James's Square, and so bright that you might have read by them as at noon-day. A very excellent artist, who had been many years connected with the Opera House, told me, that Came vale, upon his death-bed, revealed the name of the incendiary. As was customary in those days, the Bridewell boys served their great engine, with the vigour of youth, and the sagacity of veterans. Burke might have come out of Carltori House ; he was standing before it, and anxiously directing the attention of the fireman to its preservation. Mr. Vanbrugh, a de- scendant of Sir John, was in the greatest peril of all the sufferers ; he had an annuity of eight hundred pounds upon the building. At the back of the ruins, the fire was burning fiercely, though low, at twelve o'clock the next day. The books of the theatre were saved, so was the M.M. New Series — VOL. XI. No. 61. I 58 Mrs. Jordan and her Biographer. ^JAN. chest, in which there were about eight hundred pounds, and this was nearly all that was preserved. Never was devastation more complete. However, Novosielsky erected on its site, a theatre really suited to its object, admirably calculated for sound; and afforded a magnificent refuge to the Drury-lane Company : which, perhaps, disposed both our ma- nagers to erect playhouses which were fit for nothing but Operas." Why did Mr. Carnevale reveal the name of the incendiary ? or did he manage the office himself? The present King's Theatre has had a mar- vellous longevity, and half-a-dozen still more marvellous escapes from fire in its time. One of Mrs. Siddons's sentiments on the difference between a town and a country audience is remarkable, besides being strikingly expressed. We should have thought the country audiences not quite so fastidious. " Acting Isabella, for instance, out of London, is double thefaiigiie. There the long and loud applause at the great points and striking situa- tions invigorate the system ; the time it occupies recruits the breath and nerve. A cold, respectful, hard audience chills and deadens an actress, and throws her back upon herself; while the warmth of approbation confirms her in the character, and she kindles with the enthusiasm she feels around her." It is a misfortune to the readers of this Memoir, as it was an infinite one to the unhappy subject of it, that she seems to have been educated with no sense whatever of that which has been called " woman's first virtue and her last." Her parentage was a bad example. It is not known whether her mother was ever married, and there seems certainly that she was not married at the time of her daughter's birth. That daughter, in the very beginning of her professional life, was charged with being the mistress of Daly, the Irish manager. She was subse- quently known on the London stage as the mother of children by Ford, afterwards one of the police magistrates; and, in 1792, began that royal connection, which, to the crime and shame of both parties, lasted for twenty years. It is said — as if that were any palliation — that Mrs. Jor- dan proposed to Ford to make her his wife, and that only on his refusal she adopted her alternative. But the whole of her conduct was in such utter carelessness of every pretence to female virtue, that the only way in which it can be mentioned is with regret that so gross and painful a topic should ever have been forced again upon the public. The town expressed great offence at her conduct on this change of circumstances. She wrote an Amazonian letter to the newspapers, which produced no effect. Her next appeal was in person to the audi- ence. They had hissed her in Roxalana. She came to the front of the stage, and assuring them upon her HONOUR (which the volume gives in capitals), " that she had never been absent one moment from the stage but through real indisposition, placed herself under the public protection." Different as the cause of the displeasure might be, the audience received the apology ; — the handsome actress was a favorite, she had made a spirited speech, they were amused by the display, and with the consi- deration for the morals of the boards, gave her their applause. Her life henceforth was in a higher sphere. But perhaps there were few women who could less deserve to be envied, even in the enjoyment of the luxuries of her situation. By the errors and vices of some of her connections by her former friends, she was always kept poor, and was sometimes reduced to very painful difficulties. At length, on the mar- riage of his royal highness, she necessarily retired, and attempted the stage 1831.] The Last Words of a Moth. 59 for a while in the midst of the vexations of decaying powers and de- clining health. She finally went to France to escape some of those em- barrassments which appear to have strangely gathered on her, notwith- standing the liberal allowance from the purse of the royal duke, which he with great punctuality paid to the last. She died at St. Cloud, nervous and wretched, and alone, which she ought not to have been, while she had either a Son or Daughter in existence ! There is no effort which the natural affection and duty of children to a Mother, let her be what she might, should not have been made, to soothe the dying hour of this un- happy woman ! But poverty was not added to her evils, for, besides a sum of money, she had on her finger at the time of her death a diamond ring, worth £400. But the sooner the subject is sunk in oblivion the better. The name had passed away, and it ought to have slept for ever. THE LAST WORDS OF A MOTH. I BURN — I die — I cannot fly — Too late, and all in vain ! The glow — the light — charmed sense and sight — Now nought is left but pain ! That wicked flame, no pencil's aim, No pen can e'er depict on paper; My waltz embraced that taper waist, Till I am wasted like a taper. Worthy the brightest hours of Greece Was that pure fire, or so / felt it ; Its feeder towered in stedfast peace, While I believed for me it melted. No use in heighos ! or alacks ! My cure is past the power of money ; Too sure that form of virgin wax Retained the bee's sting with the honey. Its eye was blue, its head was cold, Its round neck white as lilied chalice; In short, a thing of faultless mould, Fit for a maiden empress' palace. So round and round — I knew no better — I fluttered, nearer to the heat ; Methought I saw an offered letter — Now I but see my winding-sheet ! Some pearly drops fell, as for grief — Oh, sad delusion ! — ah, poor Moth ! I caused them not ; 'twas but a thief Had got within, to wrong us both. f. Now I am left quite in the dark, The light's gone out that caused my pain ; Let my last gaze be on that spark — Kind breezes, blow it in again ! Then snuff it well, when once rekindled, Whoe'er about its brilliance lingers, But though 'twere to one flicker dwindled, Be careful, or you'll burn your fingers. It sought not me ; and though I die, On such bright cause I'll cast no scandal— I fled to one who could not fly — Then blame the Moth— but not the Candle ! I. H. I 2 [ 60 ] QJAN. MISMANAGEMENT OF THE COLONIES JAMAICA, &C.* IT would seem to be a very proper conclusion, that the government of a country which stands pre-eminent as a colonial power would, at all times, be anxious to maintain that pre-eminence by just and wise colonial laws and regulations, not founded upon theory, but practically adapted to the actual wants of each particular colony, so that the colonists might feel satisfied that their enterprise and industry were fostered and protected by the parent state, and that they might assuredly calculate upon ultimately enjoying the fruits of their labours. A strong feeling of this kind undoubtedly existed at the peace of 1815 ; and, accordingly, when Great Britain thought proper to retain many of the conquests made during the war, extensive capital was directed towards their cultivation, and, at the same time, the people of the old colonies naturally enough expected that their priority of settlement, and long tried attachment to the mother country, would entitle them to addi- tional indulgence, or, at least, that their local experience would not be derided, nor their just privileges be borne down and contemned. Unfortunately, however, a policy the reverse of what might have been expected has been adopted ; and the consequences are visible in the decrease of capital and decay of industry in the old colonies, accompanied by irritation, dissatisfaction, and discontent in all ; and it is evident that, unless a very different policy be speedily adopted, the entire ruin of our West India possessions, or their " emancipation" from the control of the mother country, must be the inevitable consequence. In either case we shall, in the downfal of our naval supremacy, the decay of our manufactures, and in great financial difficulties, find ample cause to regret the unhappy consequences of our mistaken policy. To enter fully into a discussion of colonial grievances would occupy more space than we can at present devote to the subject. We gave a general view of it in our Number for February, and have occasionally since then adverted to particular points of the case. Our readers are aware of the opposition which the legislature of Jamaica have repeatedly experienced in establishing a law to regulate and ameliorate the condition of the slave population of that island. Anxious to comply with the spirit of the regulations of parliament of 1823, they have repeatedly made enactments approximating as nearly to the complete fulfilment of the wishes of the government at home, as they considered consistent with the safety of their persons and pro- perty ; but as they found it absolutely necessary to check the dangerous and deteriorating machinations of the Wesley an s and other sectaries, to whose domination they do not choose to submit, their humane regula- tions have been rejected at home ; and, in violation of legislative rights, conferred by express act of parliament, his Majesty's representatives have been ordered not to sanction the passing of any bill, unless it be framed in direct compliance with the dictum of ministers at home ! We need only instance, in proof of this, the disallowance of the Act passed by the Assembly of Jamaica in 1826, which had met the express approbation of his Grace the Duke of Manchester, Governor of the Island ; and which conferred on the slave population many privileges to which they were not previously entitled by law : and the recent Act, viz. that passed in December 1829, which, in the words of the Earl of Belmore, the present Governor, who approved of it, was upon the whole more favour able to the Slave than that of 1826 ; also peremptorily rejected at" home ! This Act, amongst a multiplicity of other humane regulations, provides »; Parliamentary Paper. Sess. 1030. 1831.] .Mismanagement of the Colonies — Jamaica, fyc. 61 " that all owners, proprietors,, and possessors, or, in their absence, the ma- nagers or overseers of slaves, shall, as much as in them lies, endeavour to promote the instruction of their slaves in the principles of the Christian religion, thereby to facilitate their conversion, and shall do their utmost endeavours to fit them for baptism, and cause to be baptized all such as they can make sensible of a duty to God and the Christian faith ; which ceremony the clergymen of the respective parishes are to perform when required, without fee or reward." " Any Slave or Slaves, who is or has been baptized, who may be desirous of entering into the holy state of matrimony, to apply to any clergyman of the Established Church to so- emnize such marriage, who is hereby required to perform the same without fee or reward" &c. No Sunday markets after 11 o'clock, under a penalty of 51. from free persons, and forfeiture of the goods exposed by Slaves. " Slaves to be allowed one day in every fortnight, besides holidays, to cultivate their grounds ;" and whereas it may happen, that on some plantations, &c. there may not be lands proper for the cultivation of provisions, or where, by reason of long continuance of dry weather, the Negro grounds may be rendered unproductive, then, and in that case, the masters, &c. do, by some other ways and means, make good and ample provision for all such slaves as they shall be possessed of * * in order that they may be properly supported and maintained, under a penalty of £50. " Every master, &c. shall, once in every year, provide and give to each slave they shall be possessed of, proper and sufficient clothing, to be approved of by the justices, &c. under a heavy penalty ; and shall be obliged upon oath, under forfeiture of £100. to give an account of the clothing so furnished ; and that the Negroes have had sufficient provi- sions, according to the regulation thus established/' By another clause, no Slave's property can be taken from him by his master or any other person, and the same clause enumerates " horses, mares, mules, asses, cattle, sheep, hogs, and goats," as a part of such property usually held by Slaves. " Any pecuniary bequest or legacy of a chattel to a slave shall be deemed and considered to be a legal and valid bequest or legacy;" and the executor or executors are bound to pay it. Females with six children are exempt from hard labour in the field or otherwise. Slaves who by reason of age, infirmity, or sickness, are unfit for la- bour, cannot be turned off, but must be properly taken care of by their master ; or, if manumitted, he is bound to allow them ten pounds per annum for their support. Every field-slave shall on work-days be allowed half an hour for breakfast, and two hours for dinner. No work to be done before Jive in the morning, or after seven at night, except during time of crop. Ample provision is carefully and anxiously made for the protection of slaves against cruel or unjust punishments, the penalties being fine and imprisonment, and in some cases the manumission of the slaves; as well as for the regulation of their various interests, the recovery and care of runaways, the regulation of workhouses, &c. — " If any negro or other person taken to the workhouse as a runaway, shall allege himself or her- self to be free, a special sessions shall be held, carefully to investigate the case; and if it shall appear that such person is free, he shall be forth- with discharged." In short, by a variety of clauses the property and person of the slave is Carefully provided for; and in order to prevent any 62 Mismanagement of the Colonies — Jamaica, fyc. [JAN. dealing in slaves, it is specially provided, that if any person or persons shall be found travelling about from place to place, exposing or offering for sale any negro, mulatto, or other slave or slaves, such slaves shall be taken from him, and sold ; one-half of the price to go to the seizer, the other to the poor of the parish. — " Obeah or Myal men or women, pre- tending to have communication with the devil and other evil spirits, and shall use such pretence in order to excite rebellion or other evil purposes, shall be severely punished." — " And whereas it has been found that the practice of ignorant, superstitious, or designing slaves, of attempting to instruct others, has been attended with the most pernicious consequences, and even with the loss of life," slaves so teaching, without permission from their masters and the quarter sessions, are to be punished. We now come to the clauses which strike more particularly at the in- fluence arid extensive emoluments of the sectarian preachers ; and we entreat the particular attention of our readers to these clauses, and to the reasons assigned as rendering their enactment necessary ; because, it is owing to them that this humane and liberal bill has been disallowed, and that the present outcry has been raised against the colonists by the dis- appointed sectaries. — " And whereas the assembling of slaves and other persons after dark, at places of meeting for religious purposes, has been found extremely dangerous, and great facilities are thereby given to the formation of plots and conspiracies, and the health of the slaves and other persons has been injured in travelling at late hours in the night ; — from and after the commencement of this act, all such meetings between sun- set and sunrise be held and deemed unlawful; and any minister, or other person professing to be a teacher of religion, MINISTERS OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH EXCEPTED, who shall, contrary to this act, keep open any place of meeting between sunset and sunrise for the purpose aforesaid, or permit or suffer any such nightly assembly of slaves therein, or be present thereat," shall forfeit twenty or not exceeding fifty pounds for each offence, one-half to the poor, the other to the informer. It thus appears that no impediment whatever is thrown in the way of the established clergy, on whose discretion the proprietors in Jamaica place implicit reliance. The next clause enacts, that from and after the commencement of the act, it shall not be lawful/or any person whatsoever to demand or receive any money or other chattel whatsoever, from any slave or slaves within this island, for affording such slave or slaves religious instruction, by way of offering contributions, or under any pretence whatsoever, under a penalty of twenty pounds, to be applied as above mentioned. It is by this clause that the methodists and others find themselves cut off from these comparatively enormous emoluments derived from the poor igno- rant slaves in exchange for tenpenny tickets, and under various pre- tences ; and the proprietors justly complain that such contributions were carried to such an improper extent as to have become the cause of great poverty and discontent in the slave ; that his improvement was thereby retarded, his health injured, and his master's work neglected. Not con- tent with these emoluments the missionaries are said to have, in too many instances, improperly interfered between master and servant, and, independently of the calumnious misrepresentations sent home to this country, began to assume a tone and authority not warranted by their holy calling, nor compatible with the peace and safety of the planters. When we look at the state of affairs at Otaheite, and other islands in the Pacific,* where these men have had their own way, we cannot doubt * Kotzebuc's Voyage in the Years 1823, 4, 5, and 6. 1831.] Mismanagement of the Colonies — Jamaica, fyc. 63 the propriety of this timely interference to check their indiscreet zeal. By the remaining clauses of the bill, slave evidence is to a consider- able extent admitted, and it only requires to be read attentively to satisfy every unprejudiced mind, that the assembly of Jamaica are perfectly desirous of going as far in complying with the wishes of the mother country as is consistent with their own safety and " the well being of the slaves themselves/' " I regret extremely/' says the Earl of Belmore, in transmitting this bill to Sir George Murray, " that one clause has been left, creating a more marked and invidious distinction between sectarians and ministers of the established church, than those which occasioned the rejection of the act of 1826. However," adds his lordship, " as the bill upon the whole is certainly more favourable to the slave than that of 1826, I COULD NOT FEEL MYSELF JUSTIFIED in refusing my assent to it." We would ask, in reference to the more il marked and invidious distinction" in this bill, whether the secretaries, by the whole tenor of their conduct since 1826, have not amply justified — nay compelled the people of Jamai- ca to make this more marked distinction, and whether they would not in fact, have been justified in even adopting more severe measures? Sir George Murray is however of a different opinion, and expresses displeasure that Lord Belmore assented to this Bill, referring him to former positive instructions on the subject; and adds, " I can only ex- press the deep regret which is felt by His Majesty's Government, that the unfortunate introduction of the clauses to which I have referred (namely, those last above mentioned), should continue to deprive the slave population of the many advantages which the wisdom and humanity of the colonial legislature have proposed to confer upon them ; benefits, the value of which I do not the less readily acknowledge, though the Act, in many important respects, falls short of the measures which his Majesty has introduced into the Colonies, which are subject to this legis- lative authority in his Privy Council." In this singular situation the matter rests ; but it must be obvious to every person, of common understanding, that not only the welfare of the Slave (in so far, at least, as that may depend upon legis- lative enactments), but also that the feelings of the whole community of one of our oldest and most influential colonies have been egregiously out- raged, and their discontents augmented, by endeavours to force upon them unsuitable and unpalatable theories of religious toleration. The legislative measures which have been forced upon the Crown Colonies have also produced much opposition and discontent ; we fear they will continue, generally speaking, to be productive of more harm than good. The official document before us shews ample proof, that at least in one of the new colonies — viz. Mauritius, these measures have been met by general opposition, and open remonstrance. What is at this moment passing in every part of the world, may ulti- mately involve this country in very serious difficulties, and should lead practical statesmen to a serious consideration, not only of the prudence and necessity of conciliating all classes of people in the empire ; but also of concentrating the energies of the country so that we may be ready to await, with confidence in our own strength and resources, the approach of any struggle that we may be forced to encounter. How that can be done by obstinately adhering to our present colonial policy is, in our opinion, beyond the comprehension of any sober-minded person in the United Kingdom. [ 64 ] [JAN. THE EPITAPH OF 1830. HERE lie, although shorn of their rays, In the family-vault of old Time, Three hundred and sixty -five days Of folly, pride, glory, and crime. You may mourn o'er their miseries still, You may dance o'er their desolate bier ; You may laugh, you may weep, as you will — Eighteen-Hundred-and-Thirty lies here ! It brought us some good on its wings, Much ill has it taken away ; For it gave us the best of Sea-Kings, And darkened the Conqueror's day. It narrowed Corruption's dominion, And crushed Aristocracy's starch, Gave nerve to that giant, Opinion, And spurred up old Mind on his march. It drew a new line for Court-morals, Laid hands on the Pensioner's treasure, And told us — we'll crown it with laurels — Reform is a Cabinet-measure. It brought, to the joy of each varlet, Both sides of a coat into play ; For it stripped off the faded old Scarlet, And turned the court-livery Grey ! It set all the Sycophants sighing, And taught them to blush and look shy ; It made, though unfitted for flying, Proh pudor ! a Marchioness fly. How many it found looking big, Till it plucked out the feathers they wore ! On the woolsack it placed such a Whig As had ne'er graced the woolsack before. It brought Captain Swing in a flame, With his wild ghme of fright to our cost : While, skilled in a different game, Surgeon Long played a rubber — and lost. It gratified Hunt in his thirst To sit as a patriot member; And it brought us back April the First, When we thought it the Ninth of November. And oh ! it made Freedom the Fashion In France — who can ne'er have too much, And who put all the rest in a passion — The Russians, Poles, Belgians, and Dutch ! Let this be the end of its story : May the Year that now breaks o'er its tomb, Have a gleam or two more of its glory, A shade or two less of its gloom ! B. 1831. J [ 65 ] NOTES OF THE MONTH ON AFFAIRS IN GENERAL. A short time will shew whether the government are sincere in their promises of economy: those promises which have been so often broken, but which now must be and shall be kept, whoever may be minister. We are willing to give Lord Grey credit for his intentions, and all will go on well, if he shall realize them by vigorous performance. We agree per- fectly with the observations of the ' ' Times " on the subject. After mentioning that the salary of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland has been reduced by government from £30,000 to £20,000, — that is to say, has been docked of one part in three, a reduction which it is only justice to the Duke of Northumberland to say, had been in some degree anticipated by himself, he having given up £7>000 a-year — it proceeds to observe : " We do not say that this ratio, which is applicable only to salaries of very high amount, should be adopted in all ; but that the principle of diminution should be carried into effect is highly necessary ; and, above all, it was most gratifying to be assured by such a man as Lord Althorp, in the name of the government, that ' all places, whether high or low, were to be abolished which were held by individuals performing no duties.' For our own parts, in looking over those pension lists which have been recently brought to light, we cannot help thinking, that if substantial justice were dealt out to the parties therein, it appears, en- joying pensions, nine- tenths of them ought to be sent to the tread-mill for the plunder they have committed, and were intending to commit, upon the public purse." The truth is, that the nation will tolerate those plunderings no longer Mr. Horace Twiss tells us, to " pause before we plunge noble families into distress !" But we say, if noble families are to keep their nobility only by living on the public, perish their nobility ! What right have they to any rank above other paupers ? What claim have the Lady Bettys and Jennies of any titled beggar to the money wrung from the labours and necessities of the industrious and now deeply depressed people ? If they think carriages and fine clothes, titles and fine houses essential to their existence, let them pay for them out of their own purses ; if they cannot pay for them, what right have they to them ? or what right have they to make the people pay for them ? The whole affair is a gross insult to common sense; and those silken creatures, and their dandy brothers, aetherial and exquisite as they may be, must do like others, earn their bread by honest industry, or have no bread to eat. We have not time now to enter into that national insult — the Pension List ! We shall return to it before long. But we warn Lord Grey that, upon the candour and strict sincerity of his conduct in extinguishing every sinecure, and cutting off every shilling, unearned by distinct and plain public services, and that immediately, the continuance of his administration must altogether depend. We must have no more noble paupers. If they are paupers let them descend from their fictitious rank, and learn the duties of their true station in society. They will gain a great deal by the change, in point of usefulness, lose nothing in point of real dignity — for what can be so degrading as to live on the charity of the public ? — and probably gain much in point of real comfort, for what bread is more destitute of comfort than the bread of idleness, even if it were eaten by the sons and daughters of a Duke ? But the affair will not, and cannot, be borne any longer. The House of Commons have already taken it up, and on the sincerity with which M.M. New Series—Voi.. XI. No. 61. K tJfi Notes of the Month OH [JAN. ministers do their duty in this point, will depend their existence for six months to come. In the debate, on the 23d of December, " Mr. Guest moved that there be laid before the House the warrant, dated 5th Janu- ary, 1823, by which a pension of £1.200 per annum was granted to Mrs. Harriett Arbuthnot. He conceived that the pension granted to Mrs. Arbuthnot could not be defended. The next pension to which he should call the attention of the House was that granted to Lady Hill, of £467 12s., which made the total received by Sir George Hill and his lady amount to ±'7,347 a-year. A pension was granted to Earl Minto in April, 1800, of £938 8s. 9d., from which he had since received above £30,000— he (Mr. G.) was ignorant for what public services. The pensions granted to the family of the Grcnvilles were particularly deserving attention. Mr. C. Grenville, as Comptroller of Cash in the Excise, was in receipt of £600 per annum ; he was allowed moreover £600 a-year as Receiver- General of Taxes at Nottingham, and had also £350 a-year as Secretary of the Island of Tobago. It was plain that some of these offices, if not all of them, must be sinecures. There were several pensions granted to the Cockburn family. The first bore date 1798, for £184 granted to Jean Cockburn. Three other members of the family had pensions of £97 each, granted in 1791. There was also in the document laid on the table, a pension to Mary Penelope Bankhead, in October, 1825, for £350 7s. 5d. What were the services for which such a pension was granted ? The Countess of Mornington was in receipt of a pension of £600 a-year since 1813. He concluded by declaring, that whenever pensions were to be voted and placed on the civil list, which were not granted for some services performed to the State, he should feel it his duty, even if he stood alone, to vote against such fgrants. He thought members of that House obtaining pensions for any members of their family, especially for their wives, virtually vacated their seats. — Mr. Alderman Waithman said that there were pensions granted to Jive persons of the members of the family of Lord Bathurst, although that nobleman had been long in office, holding two sinecure places, and receiving twelve thousand a-year. — Mr. Courtenay said Lord Bathurst was appointed to one of his offices by his father, when Lord Chancellor !" Mr. Courtenay's excuse only aggravates the evil. It is the baseness of providing, as it is called, for their families by lordly knaves, or impudent beggars, that makes one of the grand sources of public plunder. Why should not the Lord Chancellor Bathurst have provided for his son, without feeding him out of the pockets of the people? We have those Bath- ursts, a family absolutely undistinguished by any kind of talent, or any kind of public service, placemen and pensioners for the last eighty years ! How many tens of thousands of pounds have those persons drawn from, the industry of the people in that time, that they forsooth might ride in their coaches and call themselves noble ! How long ago would they have been compelled to walk a foot, and perhaps take to some manual trade, if they had not been thus fed. There must be an end, and a speedy end of all this. The confessions of the Polignac ministers give a striking illustration of the old maxim of Oxenstiern. Three fourths of the public wisdom of the highest ranks are folly. In France the other fourth was a guilty love of place. Every one of the ministers seems to have perfectly known that he was acting contrary to his duty as an honest man. But then, " he must obey his king," which means in all instances, tc he must keep his place." If any one of those men had listened to the common 1 83 J.] Affairs in General. 67 dictates of conscience, he would have refused to join in the criminal measure, but then he must have resigned ; which seems to be an im- possibility, so far as it depends on the individual. The French minis- ters might have been turned out by their master ; but the idea of turn- ing themselves out, merely because conscience remonstrated against their staying in, was evidently a matter not to be thought of. Thus we find Peyronnet, Chantelauze, and the rest, with the single exception of Polignac, (and he refuses, apparently that he may not be obliged to name the king as the criminal,) profuse in their declarations, that they disapproved, foresaw, reprobated, regretted, and so forth ; which hav- ing done, they set about bringing the criminal matter into shape ; and put it into action : the alternative being, that if they did not share the guilt, they must lose their places, a sacrifice totally out of the question. Marmont was exactly in the same condition. Arago, a member of the Institute, gives us a curious view of Marmont's feelings. He says — " On Monday the 26th of July, the day on which the fatal ordinances were published, the marshal came to the Institute, and seeing how greatly I was affected by the perusal of the Moniteur, he said, ' Well ! you see that the fools have pushed things on to extremities, just as I told you. At least, you will only have to lament such measures as a citizen and a good Frenchman ; but how much more am I to be pitied, — I who, as a soldier, shall be obliged to get my head broken in the support of acts that I abhor, and of persons who have long seemed determined to give me as much annoyance as possible ?' " The idea of giving up his employments, was too horrid for his susceptibility. We are to recollect that Marmont was not simply a marshal, but a peer of France, and therefore entitled to a deliberative opinion. Though even as a marshal he had a right to refuse a service which he knew to be that of crime and massacre. For whatever may be the necessary submission of the private soldier, it is not to be supposed with common sense, that the conduct of a commander-in-chief is not to be regulated with reference to his per- sonal sense of justice. But the marshal, so delicate towards his king, plunged himself headlong into civil blood ; laid thousands dead for a punctilio, and now expects commiseration. He has found his reward in exile ; and can be now remembered only as a warning to men in his rank, that conscience is not to be insulted, and that there is nothing more short- sighted than a base love of power. The last accounts from Paris state the sentence of the ex-ministers, Polignac, Peyronnet, Chantelauze, and Ranville. Omitting the mere technicalities, it is as follows : " SENTENCE. — ' The Court of Peers having heard the commissioners of the Chamber of Deputies in their arguments and conclusions, and the accused in their defence : " ' Condemns Prince de Polignac to perpetual imprisonment in the conti- nental territory of the kingdom; declares him deprived of his title, dignities, and orders ; declares him civilly dead. " ' Condemns Count de Peyronnet, Victor de Chantelauze, and Count Guernon de Ranville, to perpetual imprisonment; and declares them also deprived of their titles, dignities, and orders. " ( Condemns the Prince de Polignac, Count Peyronnet, Victor de Chan- telauze, and Count Guernon de Ranville personally and jointly in the costs of the proceedings.' " The populace received the account of this proceeding with great re- sentment, and collected in multitudes demanding the blood of the prisoners. But the national guard repelled them without violence, and K 2 68 \utes of the Month on [_JAN. the king riding through Paris after dusk on the same evening, and using all his good sense to conciliate the people, succeeded for the time. When the question of the fatal year 1829 was before the legislature, the friends of Christianity and the constitution exclaimed to the wretched and apostate ministry, " Can you possibly be blind to the immediate consequences of the guilty measure that you are now supporting ? You surrender to clamour what could never have had a claim in reason, and to make the mischief still surer, you actually profess to surrender it to clamour. You declare, that you give Catholic emancipation to quell the agitation of Ireland, that you give it through fear of violences, that the time is come when it can be delayed no longer." The guilty measure was accomplished, and now what is the language of the Irish agitators ? Demanding a measure which will create civil war, destroy Protestantism in Ireland, make Protestant property not worth a shilling, and turn the whole population of Ireland into the slaves of a Roman Catholic faction , and which will be carried ! " Agitate more and more, my boys ; for the more you agitate the more you will get, and by agitation you will get as much as you please." This is the language of popery now. Every man of common sense in England exclaimed, that the first popish triumph over the Protestant constitution would be followed by a second, or by a hundred, until there was a complete dismemberment of the empire. The Union will be repealed. A parliament entirely popish will be chosen ; feelings utterly hostile to England and Protestantism will be the very breath and life of that parliament. England will resist the con- spiracy. The resistance will be met by force. Allies for Ireland will be sought among the popish powers of the continent. France will declare the principle of non-intervention as in the case of the Netherlands. Spanish and French gold and troops will be ready on the first emer- gency. The money of all popish Europe, of every province, and every Driest owing allegiance to popery, will be poured in to sustain what they will proclaim a persecution on the part of England, and a crusade on heir own ; and the British empire will, if not undone, be a theatre of blood and flame. And this was openly predicted, and will be fully borne out by the inevitable results of the guilty measure. We have at this moment Mr. O'Connell actually turning by his presence the Irish govern- ment into a cypher, and detailing to the maddened populace, views, whose expression astonishes us equally at the supineness of law, and the daring defiance of the speaker. On his arrival in Dublin a week since, he was received by all "the trades" in marching order, with banners and emblems ; and a concourse of all the populace, never equalled, as we are told, but on the entrance of the late king. " About six o'clock the procession reached Mr. O'Connell's house in Mer- rion-square ; and he addressed the assembled multitude, which amounted to not less than 50,000, from the balcony. After assuring1 them that they would certainly achieve the repeal of the Union, he concluded as follows: — 'France waded to liberty through blood — the Poles are wading to liberty through blood — but mark me, my friends, the shedding- of one drop of blood in Ireland would effectually destroy all chance of repealing the Union. I wear round my neck the medal of the Order of Liberators, suspended from a riband of orange and green. I press the Orange to my lips— I press it to my heart. I have abused the Orangemen — on my knees, in the presence of God — I beg their pardon/ Great part of the City was illuminated, and bonfires blazed in various places." This is but a fragment of a speech filled with the bitterest gall against all that we revere. But what are we to think of his wily appeals to the French and Flemish revolutions ? " They both waded to liberty through Jh31.] Affairs in General. 09 blood." And of course this example is not to be followed by the Irish, if England should refuse to give way. No, the agitator, who rode through the country creating an Order of Liberators, has no idea that blood can ever be in the thoughts of he, who deprecates all force. Doubt- less he would seriously deprecate his own seizure by an attorney-general. And so far as words go, he will study innocence. But how did the popu- lace understand the speech ? Why was the example of civil blood quoted ? why were the populace told that blood was in other countries the price of liberty ? He has since repeated the topic at one of those public meetings which are in direct defiance of the law, according to every conception of right reason. With 2,000 people for his hearers at the tavern, he tells them that " the repeal of the Union is a question of life and death, combining within itself the existence of our country as a nation — involving at once the charities of public and private life, the support of our labouring poor, and the employment of our wretched artizaris ; it is one so great, so vast, and so important, that in it (it cannot be wondered at) all others should, for a time, be absorbed." He then tells them that he has no hope in the ministry : "As to Earl Grey, I declare that I have not the least confidence in him. He was a democrat in early life— he became a lord, God know how or in what Whig revolution, and he now begins to talk of ' his order/ [[hear, hear !] He will be obliged to do something for England — he must do some- thing for Scotland — and with respect to Ireland, what does he do ? — he threatens us with Proclamations and Algerine Acts. Earl Grey, I defy you !" [[cheers. 3 What is to be done by a nation with a ministry who sends them nothing but acts fit for Algerine tyrants to send ? The populace are left to draw their own conclusion. The populace are then summoned to an universal call for parliamentary reform and voting by ballot. How much does the orator care for the purity of the English constitution ? But whatever may be his objects, he tells them now is their time. " Let it be done now ; England is rocking to its centre ; the sound of the approaching hurricane can he already heard ; the ground is trembling under their feet ; the volcano is about to burst beneath them ; the storm that has been raised by the intelligent mass of the English people is about to sweep over them. Where is the ' master-spirit' to rule that storm? That master- spirit is not Lord Grey, who, at such a crisis, could have the folly to threaten us with Proclamations and Algerine Acts." [[cheers.]] He then prohibits the spilling of blood : " In the struggle which our country is about to make for freedom, neither force nor violence shall be used/' Of course, the people, with all their Catholic emancipation, are still slaves, and have still to make a national struggle for freedom, which is not, like the " glorious struggles" of France and Belgium for freedom, to be one of blood. The people are then directed not to form conspiracies for the purpose of the repeal, that " question of death and life," that giver of wealth to the poor, and of freedom to every body. our acquaintance with facts augmented more remarkably than Avith respect to the ha- bits of foreign countries. Half a century ago, only, any extraordinary occurrence Avas set down without ceremony as a traveller's tale; and such a caricature as Munchausen was relished as an ad- mirable satire — called for by the licence of travellers, and calculated to check their intolerable indulgences. To such a pitch had grown this distrust — begun Avith reason, but ending with none — that but few had pluck enough to tell of facts at once novel and singular ; — Dr. Shaw was afraid to tell the AA'orld boldly in his narrative, that he had seen M'oors eat lions' flesh, though he ventured to hint at the matter in his appendix. But none perhaps — since the days of Mendez Pinto, and he proves not to have been a " liar of the mag- nitude" Shakspeare makes him — fared worse than Bruce. He had visited a strange country — quite unknown to Englishmen — he had many extraordi- nary things to tell — he was of too bold, perhaps of too vaunting a spirit, to with- hold any of his wonders — he dared the world's laugh of ignorance, and Avas uni- versally scouted. Dr. Johnson froAvned (this must have been at the reports of Bruce's confidents) ; Peter Pindar mock- ed, and multitudes of others Avho had ne- ver left the chimney corner, joined in the general derision. Even later, many who from their own experience might have known better, retained their home pre- judices, and laboured to confirm, what they were of themselves all but able effectually to confute. Lord Valentia, on his return to India, coming up the lied Sea, stopped at the port of Masuah — even he cavilled about Bruce's want oi correctness, and doubted if he had ever been down to the Straits of Babelman- del ; while his OAvn Captain, Avho might be supposed to be as good a judge of the matter, adopted Bruce's observations, because he had uniformly found them correct. By the aid of his telescopes, Lord Valencia descried the mountains of Abyssinia, and upon the strength of this distant vieAv, announced in the\itle-page of his book his traA^els in Abyssinia, and had the temerity to question Bruce's veracity. Mr. Salt, his secretary, it is true, made tAvo attempts to reach the capital of Abyssinia, but did not get more than half way ; and even he, to please his superior apparently, sneers at Bruce's " falsehood and exaggera- tion ;" and though subsequent informa- tion substantiated Bruce in numerous particulars, he never had the manliness to justify the man he had helped to calumniate. Clarke, Belzoni, and the 1831.] Domestic and Foreign. 97 officers of Sir David Baird's expedition, with many others, recently, bear testi- mony to Bntce*s correctness on the Red Sea, tend within the sphere of their ob- servation. Into the heart of Abyssinia nobody has penetrated but Pearce, the sailor, and Coffin, a boy in Lord Va- lentia's service. Pearce returned to Cairo in 1818, and wrote an account, drawn up under the auspices of his old patron, and printed in the Transactions of the Literary Society at Bombay. Coffin returned to London only about three years ago, and has been in com- munication with Major Head ; and both Pearce and Coffin confirm many of the more extraordinary circumstances. Others were of a nature not to occur to every body — not to say that changes in forty or fifty years may occur there as well as here. Major F. B. Head— of galloping no- toriety along the Pampas of South Ame- rica— has compressed the contents of Bruce's seven quartos within the com- pass of one of Mr. Murray's nice little volumes — something stouter than usual — and has entered zealously into a de- fence of Bruce's general veracity. The man was manifestly high-spirited, and above the paltry lies attributed to him. Major Head himself is no'stranger to foreign and tropical scenes ; and the bet- ter able to estimate the descriptions of others. He has made a very agreeable narrative, and one fit to be put into any body's hands — Bruce himself was not fastidious. Though not very precise ourselves in matters of mere language, we must protest against Major Head's freedoms — he is much too familiar— he indulges occasionally in the colloquial, till his phrases are sheer slang, and his sentiments the flippancy of a boy. A tra- veller and a soldier is not required to be intimate with literary history, but if he does venture into such quarters, he should make due inquiries before he enters — he should reconnoitre at least. John- son, it is very well known, translated Lo- bo the Jesuit's Travels into Abyssinia, very early in life, and in the preface, he commends Lobo, ore rotundo, for his mo- dest and unaffected narrative — 'he meets with no Basilisks that destroy with their eyes ; his crocodiles devour their prey without tears, and his cataracts fall from the rocks without deafening the neigh- bouring inhabitants.' These, Major Head tells us, these round rigmarole phrases were rolled against Bruce ; — but Bruce's books were not published till after Johnson's death, and Johnson wrote his preface fifty years before, with a very different class of travellers in his eye. Conversations of James Northcote, Esq., R.A., by William Hazlitt.— This is as MM. New Series VOL. XI. No. 61. amusing a volume as anything of the kind since Boswell's, and shews either how much better Northcote can talk than write, or what a capital reporter Hazlitt made — it is one of the best things he ever accomplished. The con- versations are between Northcote and Hazlitt, where Northcote plays first fiddle ; and though Hazlitt occasionally puts forward his own sentiments, always worth attending to, he is for the most part either listener or pumper. Of course they are the pith .of the talk, but the mode of reporting gives them an air of literal reality; even when dis- cussions occur, they 'are obviously col- loquial, and not beyond the extempore effusions of intelligent men, of frank habits, and a free tongue. Painting, literature, and character, form the sta- ple ; but there occurs much of another caste — the results of a long life in the world — the maxims of his personal ex- perience. Northcote takes a tone of superiority, to which his age entitles him ; but every thing he says is stamped sterling by good sense, directness of purpose, and a love of plain-speaking. We had marked some passages by way of specimen of the manner, and as a taste of the quality ; but they will tell better each in its place ; and to the book we refer any reader whose curiosity we may have excited. Constable's Miscellany. — War of Inde- pendence in Greece. Vol. I. By Thomas Keightley, Esq. — Events of nearer in- terest, and affecting larger masses of people, for the last few months, have thrown the Greeks and their affairs com- pletelv into the shade. Scarcely a syl- lable lias been heard about them since Prince Leopold — with other prospects in view, perhaps — refused a sceptre which the Greeks would never have allowed him to wield, and which the president must desire to retain in his own keeping. Nor will Capo find it difficult, we take it, to deter any future competitor. The Eu- ropean powers are little likely to enforce their orders with their swords — they will have occasion for them elsewhere — and the Turks have not vigour enough to seize the tempting opportunity pre- sented by the times, for recovering their authority- The struggle for command will thus be confined to the Greeks them- selves. In the meanwhile the War of Independence is over, and any body may write its history. Abundance of mate- rials is afloat in the writings of English, French, and Greeks, and sonje common sense is all that is wanted to balance opposing biases and conflicting state- ments. Information is yet attainable from living sources, and many obstacles are now removed, which some time ago stood in the wav of a fair estimate of the O 98 Monthly Review of Literature, [JAN. whole affair. The conduct and charac- ters of 'the chief agents may be readily measured. The hotter patrons of the Greeks have long since cooled, and the Turks on their side, since they could not maintain their own authority, have lost most of their admirers. More than one writer is engaged in the task, and those, too, personally acquainted with the scene — Mr. Keightly is not ; but he is beforehand with his' volume. Whether he will keep possession of the field the merits of his competitors will determine. It will not be easy to surpass him in industry, as to the collecting of mate- rials ; rior difficult to class them with more effect. It is true, that though the field of action was small, the forces em- ployed were widely scattered — the points of activity numerous and little connected — the chiefs independent and transient— and at no time was there a commander -in-chief to concentrate the interest ; but, nevertheless, there must be fewer details and more general views, if the historian of the war expects to be read. The attention is distracted — me- mory confounded — one impression is driven out by another for the want of more skilful linking. At the present rate of march, too, the thing will be intermin- able. The explosion commenced only in March, 1821, and the narrative ad- vances scarcely beyond the capture of Tripolitza in the following October. Too large a portion of the volume is occupied with the story of Ali Pasha, and especially his conquest of the Sou- liotes — a very interesting tale, and well told, but what has it to do with the Greek war ? It was not till the very last year of his atrocious reign — when the revolt had already begun — that Ali allied himself with the Greeks — and such were his own embarrassments, that he can scarcely be said to have had any in- fluence on the fortunes of the war. Mr. Keightley's account of the attempt of 1770 — encouraged by the Russians, and basely abandoned by them— is more to the purpose. The condition of the Greek population under the tyranny of the Turks ; the formation, again, of the Hetairia— a society instituted among the more cultivated Greeks for the re- covery of independence — the story of its leading members — the state also of the is- lands engaged in the carrying trade of the Mediterranean through the revolution- ary wars of France — these all are pro- perly preparatory matters, and are, in general, well described. The first year of the war was, doubtless, the most active ; and it will probably be found easier to concatenate the events of the succeeding campaigns, to the unques- tionable improvement of the work in point of effect. If the writer desires to be read, he must take a tetter measure of his readers' patience— their powers of endurance. Classing events, too, is one thing — stringing tliein, like beads, another ; the first is history, the other memoir-writing. Since the notice, above, of 'Mr. Keight- ley's first volume was written, the se- cond has been published, in which, to the sacrifice of all proportion in the de- tails, he completes his History of the War. Nearly up to the fall of Misso- longhi he prosecutes the subject in the spirit of his first volume, leading the reader a dance round all points of the compass by sea and by land — fighting,de- bating, plotting, in eternal alternations — and plunging from one topic to ano- ther in contempt of all concatenation. Too many names by half are introduced both of places and persons, but espe- cially of persons. The very subalterns are all enumerated, when, of course, the attention should be fixed upon the lead- ing and influential personages, and the more prominent events. From the fall of Missolonghi — compelled plainly by the circumscription of his pages and the commands of his employers — every thing is suddenly all huddled together, and wound up with some rambling rhetoric about Mr. Canning and his classics. Yet, generally, the writer's judgment — shewn in the selection of authorities, and the estimate he forms on characters and events — is sound enough ; but, unlucki- Iv, he began to write before he had digested his materials He had no bird's eye view of the whole, or he would have better discerned the points, and con- nected the events. There would have been something like a stream, and now there is nothing but broken rills and isolated pools. Constable'1 s Miscellany, Vols. 57, 58, and 59. — These volumes of Constable's Mis- cellany are filled with Bourienne's Me- moirs of Bonaparte — the character of which is generally, we believe, estimated as highly to the very fullest as they deserve. A great parade has been made by the author's friends, and especially publishers, who are, by the way, the great misleaders of the literary world — about this Bourienne's extraordinary opportunities of information, and with some reason as to certain periods in Na- poleon's earlier career. But it is not sufficiently borne in mind that Bouri- enne never even saw him but twice after his dismissal in 1802. He was employed, it is true, afterwards but that was at Hamburgh, and his very correspon- dence was, of course, wholly with the minister. Yet no difference is obser- vable in Bourienne's tone from the beginning to the end — he is as well informed at one period as at another — as peremptory as to what could be only Domestic and Foreign. 99 hearsay, as about his own personal knowledge. We have already had a translation, and the name of the new translator cannot, that we know of, have any weight. Assurances, however, are given in the preface of extensive re- searches on the part of Mr. M ernes, employed in comparing the statements of the last volume, especially with the evidence to be obtained from the works of others, and with information col- lected, in many instances, on the spot. Much fuss is made about these re- searches— they are even assigned as the ground of some unusual delay in the periodical publication. " Such investi- gations require time ;" — doubtless, they do, and the common result of such re- searches is something beyond a general assurance — a bare testimony, that " never was a more veracious historian than Bourienne." The translation is not at all superior to the old one, which by mere chance we happened to read — it is even fuller of Gallicisms and mis- conceptions. Liberties, too, are taken with the original text by both parties, which, of course, depreciates the value of both. The reader, who recurs to translations, requires, like a judge in a court of justice, the writer's sentiments, his ii'hole sentiments, and nothing but his sentiments ; and we are quite sure neither translation will answer these demands. Edinburgh Cabinet Library. VoL I. — Competition in book-making, as Paine said of paper money, is strength in the beginning, and weakness in the end. It begets a few good articles to begin with, but by overstocking the market, quickly terminates in monopolies, and monopo- lies, of course, in idleness and deterio- ration. All these libraries, as the publishers style them, can never find a market. Murray, and Lardner, and Constable, have got possession — the rest must go. The first volume of the Edinburgh presents a fair sketch of the different attempts that have been made to traverse the Polar Seas, from the days of poor Sir Hugh Willoughby to our own — but not superior, and scarcely equal, to a similar sketch in the Cabinet Cyclopaedia — perhaps, however, by the same Hugh Murray. He seems to hold a patent for the execution of these sub- jects—he is every where, with his name or without it. Two Scotch professors of authority discuss the climate and geo- logy of the polar regions, and Hugh Murray has had his own chapter on zoology overhauled by some other doughty professor — so that the volume is quite a pic-nic concern. Too many cooks, they say, spoil the broth, and we are sure both the climate and the geo- logy are defective for want of data, or to prosecute the metaphor, of ingre- dients. The volume is handsomely ^ot up; and the series is to be occupied solely with realities, in contradiction to works of fiction, on which the editor sarcastically includes history and bio- graphy, and especially that of statesmen, or we misunderstand the prospectus. The publishers do not .subject them- selves to the mechanical necessity — base mechanics — of a monthly periodical issue. We scarcely expect to hear of them again. By the way, it grows late to hope for Captain lioss's return this season. Family Library. Dramatic Series. Vol. II. — After a long delay — not occa- sioned, apparently, by any arduous la- bours on the part of the editor— we have a second volume of Massinger, embrac- ing the Duke of Milan, the City Ma- dam, and the Picture, with but little mutilation, together with a couple of acts of the Unnatural Combat, and a scene or two of the Roman Actor. The Unnatural Combat is curtailed, " as notwithstanding very forcible and elo- quent passages, the tenor of the inci- dents is offensive and disgusting, and every reader of good taste and feeling will be thankful for being spared the pevu- sal of them"— which is a sort of Irish con- ception, for it, in fact, implies a perusal ,• and if it did not, cannot readers be suf- fered to judge for themselves^ and throw the book aside, when the subject really gives offence and disgust ? The Roman Actor is still more curtailed of its pro- portions, and with less reason — "the main plot is unpleasing, and the piece has the air of detached scenes," and so the editor resolved to give it the reality, and print scarcely one-fifth of it. Ac- cording to the original prospectus, in. decorum — and the sense of the word is specific enough— was to be the sole ground of omission ; but now the offensive, the disgusting, the unpleasing, and even the unskilful, all very indefinite terms, are new causes for clipping. By the way, the editor must have been napping when he suffered a passage in the Picture, page 356, to be reprinted — it is as coarse as" any thing that has been cut out. The few notes are generally Gifford's. The editor gives one of his own upon the word petard — thus, "i. 0., an engine, containing gunpowder, used in blowing up towns ." In the same speech occurs basiliscos, which is left unnoticed, though certainly a term less familiar than pe- tard ;— it is better to be silent than to blunder. Divines of the Church of England, by Isaac Barrow — Of all the indefatigable men our literary annals can furnisn, none ever came near to Isaac Barrow. 100 Monthly Review of Literature. [JAN. But the most remarkable point about him was the elasticity of his intellect. It is a perfect marvel that his imagi- nation was not smothered beneath the mass and weight of his acquisitions — had he studied others less, and trusted more to his own resources, he had been a Milton. Though dying at forty- seven, he was successively eminent, among eminent cotemporaries, as a scholar (in the university sense), a ma- thematician, a theologian. He has left proofs of extensive acquirement in each department, though making no disco- veries, nor in any shape enlarging the borders of science, system, or criticism. Of his command of the Latin language, his communications to his college, dur- ing his tour, which extended to Con- stantinople, in prose and verse, afford ample testimony; and as to Greek, he was appointed professor, on the special recommendation of the very learned Duport, who had been driven from the office for political reasons, and might have been replaced at the Restoration. publis tion of Euclid, and a volume on Optics, which was not quite useless to Newton. Of his theology, the dissertation on po- pery is evidence enough ; it attests his labour, if not his skill, in polemics ; while his sermons are still read for their eloquence by those who care nothing for the topics, nor the spirit which ani- mated their excellent, and amiable, and harmless author. Charles called him an unfair preacher, for he left nothing for any body else to say — which marks, hap- pily enough, the wit of the speaker, and the peculiarity of the preacher. Born in 1630, of a good family, on both sides, though his father was a man of business in the City, Barrow was educated at the Charter-house, Felsted, and Trinity, Cambridge, of which he became a fellow, immediately after tak- ing his bachelor's degree. After spend- ing some years on the continent, with very straitened means, he returned to England at the Restoration, when he took orders — was successively Greek and mathematical professor ; and, in 1G72, master of his college — a situation which he held but five years — with a modesty and moderation singularlv contrasted with Bentley, whose contentious pro- pensities have so recently been brought to our notice by Bishop Monk's intelli- gent biography. Barrow was wholly a man of letters, and his sermons — by which he is now best known — have more of the speculations of a recluse than knowledge of life and manners. He talks rather of what may by possibility —judging from given characteristics of men — influence mankind, than what no- toriously does — what men of experience expect to meet with, and rarely miss. He is rather amu ing and amazing than useful — clever and dazzling than pre- cise or skilful — the target is filled with his arrows, but few or none will be found in the bull's eye, or indeed very near it. The Classical Library, Vols. X. and XI. — Of this cheap, and, beyond all cavil, useful series of translations of the classics, one of the volumes before us contains Pindar and Anacreon — new ver- sions of them. Of the former volumes the translations were old ones, and we have been disposed to grumble at some of them, not at their not being the best possible, but at their not being the best attainable. This was strictly the_ case with Herodotus. Beloe's is a pitiful performance— it is full of misapprehen- sions. Beloe had what is called Greek enough, that is, he could construe his author so far as his lexicon enabled him, but he had not brains to comprehend him. He had no notion of simplicity, and wanted common sense to catch the meaning of a man eminent for the pos- session of that valuable quality. If he even got scent of his author, he was always in danger of losing it in chace of a phrase. Isaac Taylor's version, pub- lished two or three years ago, would have been an ornament to the series ; he has generally caught the plain sense of Herodotus, and for the most part conveyed it successfully and forcibly, without any of the frippery of superflu- ous verbiage. Mr. Wheelwright's Pindar is obvi- ously superior to West's, and is indeed, upon the whole, as effective as any ver- sion is ever likely to be, though it is easy to conceive a better. He has fol- lowed the example set by Heber in an ode or two, in rejecting the form of strophes and antistrophes, and breaking the whole into paragraphs. The pre- vailing fault is mcumbrance of words. More terseness of phrase, and vivacity of manner would have brought the ver- sion nearer the characteristics of the original. But every thing is against a successful version of Pindar. The very topics find no sympathy in the poetical associations of Englishmen. No racing in the world can ennoble sentiment or illustrate morals. Steeds and drivers are unused among us to the stilted eulo- giums of ancient days ; nor uncoupled with divinities, as they are with us, can they sustain the solemnity of even serious description. The first half-dozen lines is a fair specimen. The original is —Water is the best (liquor, apparently), and gold is as conspicuous among noble wealth (metals) as glowing fire in the night (darkness). 1831.] Domestic and Foreign. 101 itely the degree of expansion, the tour- ure, and unluckily the languor of the Water with purest virtue flow* ; And as the fires' resplendant litfht Dispels the murky gloom of ni)srht, The meaner treasures of the mine With undistinguished lustre shine, Where gold irradiate glows. These few lines measure pretty accu- rat nure, whole. Anacreon's pieces are short, and better submit to a paraphrastic ver- sion. Mr. Bourne is often felicitous enough. The eleventh volume contains a por- tion of Tacitus — a reprint of Murphy's translation — certainly one of the most readable versions of a Latin author we have. Hejfgenerally hits the sense, but he does it mainly by doubling the phrases, and certainly nobody ever got over difficulties with more dexterity. Serious Poems, comprising the Church- yard, Village Sabbath, Deluge, fyc., by Mrs. Thomas. — This is a neat collection of moral and reflective poems, written, we are assured in a very unpretending preface, for the amusement and instruc- tion of the author's family, and without any view to publication. It will be readily imagined that in compositions originating in such a feeling, a more than usual amount of carelessness must be discerned ; we accordingly find in this volume passages which would have been much improved by a little thought and labour, and lines that would cer- tainly have pleased us better if the mu- sic had been attended to as well as the moral. The principal point, however, in works designed in a great measure, as this is, for the perusal of the young, is to be unexceptionable in point of feeling and sentiment ; and here Mrs. Thomas exhibits no want of care or correctness, having scrupulously omitted every thing that could offend the taste of the most fastidious reader. The longer poems, such as the Deluge, &c., are evidently the first productions of a pious and well- intentioned mind — some of the miscel- laneous pieces are upon lighter subjects, and may be more generally approved. FINE ARTS' PUBLICATIONS. THE ANNUALS. WE have already touched upon the beauties — and they are many — of the embellishments of the French Keepsake and the Talisman ,• and we need only refer to them again by saying, that as they now lie beneath our eyes, inter- secting the gilt leaves of these elegant volumes, and enveloped in all the charms of green and crimson silk— associated on the one hand with the best and brightest names of modern French literature — and on the other with some of the most sparkling productions of our own — we cannot help relishing them a great deal better than when they first courted our glances in a portfolio. The literature and the embellishments shed a mutual Xupon each other. To the French ing we would willingly, were it possible, devote a more extended space ; it has no inconsiderable portion of the lighter graces of song and sentiment, mixed occasionally with more solid pre- tensions. In many respects it is supe- rior to most of our own ; and our coun- trymen— or rather, as it is upon the ladies, that the annuals must chiefly rely for justice, our countrywomen — will best evince their taste and libera- lity by shewing that they are not slow to appreciate those of their sprightly and fascinating neighbours. With respect to the Talisman, we are at a loss to discover the trickery which some critics have detected, in collecting the most favoured pieces, in prose and verse, from obscure or forgot- ten quarters, and bringing them toge- ther in one bright cluster. Many a sketch, many a scrap of verse have we wished to possess — though we scarcely felt tempted perhaps to buy the volume that contained one solitary treasure, and nothing else that we cared for. The trickery is at least acknowledged, both in the advertisement and the preface, so that the purchaser is cheated with his eyes open. Mrs. Watts has executed her task very tastefully. There is to us much that is new even among the selec- tions ; and if there are one or two pieces that are too good to have been forgot- ten, we cannot surely be displeased at seeing them once more in such a shape as this — such as the pleasantries from the Indicator , and others equally fami- liar to us. It would have been as well if the original papers had been particu- larized— but as long as the path be a pleasant one, we shall never stay to ask ourselves whether we have trodden it before ; or if we do, we shall not be less delighted with it upon that account. The first of the comic annuals hap- pens to be the last of them this year. Mr. Hood has however at length made his appearance, to the great delight no doubt of the lovers of good old jokes, and a few intolerable new ones. In say- ing that he has nothing to apprehend from his rivals, we say but nttle for 102 Fine Arts1 Publications. [JAN. him — and, indeed, after all, little can be said. The volume, with three or four very good points, and twice that number of passable ones, presents many that are lamentably poor. A considerable part of the effect of some of his previous cuts consisted in the extreme badness of them — they were neither works of art nor any thing else ; but they are growing somewhat better — and, consequently, worse. Of course we have laughed over several of them — such as the Eagle Assurance, the Step Father, London Fashions for November, and (loud and continued laughter here) Kirk White- winch is a fancy portrait of the poet, the features formed of the Gothic win- dows of a church, with an ivy wig. Of the literature, several of the smart things are in the preface; the Parish Revolution contains some eccentricities, bordering upon nonsense ; and Domestic Asides, not very new in idea, is hu- morously executed. The best thing of all, perhaps, is the Ode to N. A.Vigors, Esq., which is full of point of a peculiar kind. But we must turn from these to ask Mr. Hood whether he can possibly have mistaken the idea of " Picking your way" — which represents a fellow hooking another's eye out with a pick- axe as he passes— for fun ? By what asso- ciation of ideas are agony and amuse- ment so frequently identified in his mind ? We should also be doing Mr. Hood an injustice if we were not to ex- press our disgust at another engraving — " Going it at five knots an hour" — which exhibits five very comical look- ing criminals suspended from a gallows, kicking and struggling of course in the most facetious and good-humoured way in the world. We have seen few in- stances of so depraved a taste, and can only entertain the charitable surmise that the author was reduced to the very dregs of his invention, and had no re- source but to be either dull or disgust- ing. He has chosen the greater of the two evils. The only name we find in this volume besides the editor's is that of Miss Isa- bel Hill, who has contributed a " May Day Vision" worthy of the day. Mr. Hood, however, has had assistance in his cuts, which he has not thought pro- per to acknowledge. The original of the vignette on the title-page — The Merry Thought— we happened to see some time ago, treated in a spirit so di- rectly similar, as to induce us to regard it as something more than a mere coin- cidence of ideas. To be sure, this is one onlv out of fifty ; but it is an evi- dence, if we are correct in our suspi- cion, of the same principle in Mr. Hood which he complains of mother people. The Bengal literati, in order to keep up with the spirit of the times, have produced an Annual of their own. It is edited by Mr. D. 1,. Richardson ; who in his preface intimates that as India has not the advantage of the presence of any professional engraver, " the embellish- ments of the volume are the friendly contributions of amateurs." We must take the editor's word for their being " far from deficient in taste and spirit" — the volume before us not happening to contain an engraving. The list of contributors is rather numerous, and comprises several names, besides the editor's, that are not unknown, if they cannot boast of being very distinguished at home. The volume is an interesting one even to us — at Calcutta it must have created a sensation. In poiut of type and paper the annual does credit to tne Indian press, and is altogether " as well as could be expected." Some of the poetry is of a superior character. The " Scenes of the Seven Ages" is, as far as we are aware, an original conception, and in many passages is spiritedly exe- cuted. The Sketch of British Indian Literature is interesting; and several other papers would do honour to a work that had laboured less under disadvan- tages of all kinds — for in addition to other deficiencies, the volume has been brought forth in haste. We can con- gratulate the English circle at Bengal upon the talent that exists in it, and are glad to see that there are such " livers out of Britain." Affection's Offering for 1831, is a pretty little volume for the young — a book, as it is called, " for all seasons." It is adorned with wood-cuts, and promises some tempting prizes for essays upon certain subjects, to be written by little authors under sixteen. This, we be- lieve, has already been attended with useful effects. The literature of the volume is of a pleasing and appropriate character, by writers whose pens have frequently yielded both amusement and instruction to the young mind. At the head of the list are the names of Mrs. Hall and Mrs. Opie. Sketches in Italy, drau-n on Stone by W. Linton. — This work, handsomely " got up," will comprise twelve folio numbers, each of which is to contain eight drawings, or fac-similes of the sketches made by Mr. Linton during his recent tour. The number, amount- ing to nearly a hundred, as well as the size, of these sketches, will thus admit of a complete series of all the most pictu- resque and interesting views that Ita- lian landscape can supply. They will be selected from various parts of the Piedmont — the Milanese, Roman and Venetian States — Tuscan}', and Naples. The artist refers to the unaffected style of execution in the pencil sketches 1831.] of Claude, Wilson, and Gainsborough, in contradistinction to what is called "• high finish :" and observes that having adopted a similar style, the most effi- cient means are afforded of imitating his sketches, by drawing in lines mi stone with the lithographic chalk. This plan he has rendered to a considerable extent successful ; though we fear that there are many even among those who are not infected with a false taste for finish, that will think these sketches somewhat too slight or too coarse to admit of the re- quisite effect. Mr. Linton's observa- tions are worth looking at — but we must look to his drawings. The views, we have no doubt, are well selected, and are in detail faithful copies of what the art- ist saw and admired in nature ; but ta- ken as a whole, they do not convey to our minds an adequate idea of the va- riety, loveliness, and luxuriance of Italian scenery. They are in parts bold and characteristic — but the effect is not entire. They are too cold — in short too sketchy. We like Lugano, San Mar- tino, Tivoli, and Subiaco, in preference to one or two of the others— rather per- haps with reference to the scenes them- selves than to any superiority iu point of execution, which is throughout clever ; but, as we have hinted, calculated ra- ther to please the lover of this species of art, than to delight the enamoured eye of the student of nature. What a ludicrous contrast to these sketches are Mr. Cruikshank's new ones — twelve of them — illustrative of Sir Walter Scott's Demonology and Witch- craft. Cruikshank's store of extrava- gance is inexhaustible; he never fails to throw his humour into some new shape or situation, whatever his subject may be. His last sketches are thus as original as the first. Whatever he sends forth, we despair of ever again seeing anything so irresistible — and we never do, till he publishes something else. These are excellent, and are worthy ac- companiments for Sir Walter. The " Corps de Ballet"— a gentleman haunt- ed by his furniture, the backs of his fashionable chairs taking the semblance of heads, the chairs themselves dancing about, and the whole room rolling in a superabundance of horrors— this is su- perb. The Spectre Skeleton looking over the doctor's shoulder, at the foot of the sick man's bed, comes up to the sub- ject. Elfin Tricks, and the Persecuted Butler, are as good. Black John and the Witches is even better ; the group of hags is appallingly ludicrous. And the Witches' Frolic is equal to it, with the huge undefined figure of the fiend rolling in the water, and the witches sailing in their sieves, some on the waves, some in the air. The book is al- Fine Arts1 Publications. 103 most too cheap ; it is an amusement for a long Christmas evening. One of the most interesting ornitho- logical works that have hitherto appear- ea to illustrate a most important depart- ment of zoological science — a publica- tion which promises to become as valu- able in science as it is beautiful in art — is A Century of Birds from the Himalaya Mountains* hitherto unfigured, by John Gould, A.L.S. The work will comprise twenty folio numbers, each of these num- bers containing four or five plates, but invariably five birds— in most instances, the size of life. Here, then, are a hun- dred birds, inhabitants of the unexplored districts of the great mountain-chain of Central Asia, all of them probably in- troduced for the first time into this country, certainly for the first time fi- gured, and many of them interesting as connecting groups, or exhibiting affini- ties where none have hitherto existed. Such a circumstance as this must tend to make the work valuable in a scientific point of view ; and as productions of art, these drawings equal, perhaps ex- ceed, all ornithological illustrations that we have yet seen. It is remarkable in- deed how little, until within these few years, science has been indebted to art. In these figures upon stone, brilliantly coloured, we find the two excellences combined — accuracy and fidelity in pre- serving not only the general character of the bird, but its more minute though not less important characteristics ; and, united to this, all the beauty, freedom, and finish of drawing that are indispen- sable to an adequate and satisfactory representation of nature. Of the five figures that compose the first number, the Tragopan Hastingsii — named after Lord Hastings — is unquestionably the most splendid in point of colouring; but it will scarcely be found more attractive than the delicate plumage of the beauti- ful jay, or the quiet dignity of the owl — who is sitting, enveloped in his soft feathery robe, with a gravity worthy of his wisdom, and looks as much like a Lord High Chancellor as if the branch that supports him were the woolsack. — The white-crested pheasant (Phasianus albo cristatus}, of which we have been favoured with a specimen, intended for the ensuing number, seems almost supe- rior to these. They are drawn, of course from nature, by E. Gould. Descriptions of the subjects illustrated will be sup- plied by Mr. Vigors, the Secretary of the Zoological Society. The twentieth number of the Spirit of the Plays of Shakspeare is devoted to the second and third parts of Henry the Sixth ; the second affording eleven, and the third eight subjects for illustration. They evince the same degree of spirit, 104 Fine Arts' Publications. [JAN. knowledge, and discrimination in the choice of subject, that has characterized the work from its commencement ; and to artists and lovers of art, they will prove, no doubt, at least as interesting as any of the preceding illustrations. The Shaksperian student, however, in addition to the comparative want of at- traction in the general character of these plavs, and in many of the points selected for embellishment, will find the same deficiencies in all. The fault of them is, that they are not Shaksperian ; nor does it seem possible to convey any thing resembling the spirit of Shakspeare in any set of outlines however excellent in execution. Mr. Howard might as well hope to paint the rainbow with a single colour, or to afford an idea of the beauties of a country by exhibiting a map of it. We admit that several of the designs are spirited and tasteful, and have little doubt that there is a consider- able number of persons to whom they will prove acceptable and interesting. Our own sense, however, of the wonders of the great poet of human nature leads us to regard most of the illustrations of his works that we have seen, as common- place and contemptible. It is surpris- ing, among such a multitude of attempts, how few have succeeded ; and how much yet remains to be done in a field open to all. Another number — the eighth — of the Landscape Illustrations of Waverley, has appeared; — we can only describe it by saying that it is ecjual to its fellows. When so much care is employed in the production of a uniformity of beauty, it is seldom that we can point out one view that surpasses the rest. Dumbarton Castle, by Roberts, and Inverary Pier, by Daniell — the one from the Heart of Mid Lothian, the other from the Le- gend of Montrose — are the most spark - ng. Thev are all from the graver of E. Finden." Of the twentieth number of the Na-> tlonal Portrait Gallery, the three engrav- ings are — the late Duke of Kent, the present Earl of Harewood, and the late Archdeacon Nares. The Duke of Kent's portrait, by Scriven, from Sir William Beechey's picture, is bold and charac- teristic ; and that of Archdeacon Nares is worthy of its pious arid excellent sub- ject. The fourth part of this highly in- teresting and beautiful work contains, like its precursors, three engravings. Perawa, by I. S. Cotman and W. Le Petit, is an extremely brilliant and sunny view of a fine picturesque old fort. The Caves of Ellora, by G. Cat- termole and W. Woolnoth, is, though sweetly engraved, somewhat deficient in effect as a view of those architectural singularities. Shuhur, by W. Purser and P. Heath, is a scene of extraordi- nary beauty ; the castellated buildings, touched with a broad bright light, the clear unruffled water enveloped in deep shadow — the banks, and those that are upon them— all are beautiful, and form a most delightful view, at once quiet and animated, simple and luxuriant. We close our list with Tlie Cypress Wreath for an Infant's Grave — a beauti- ful little volume, addressing itself prin- cipally to the sympathies oi' mothers on the loss of infant children. It comes in, among the numerous embellished books which the season has produced, like a moral commentary on their pride and pleasures. Perhaps the cheerful bind- ing hardly prepares us for what is to fol- low;—or rather the piety which per- vades these pages is too entirely mingled with mournful feelings, and its clouds and tears are not sufficiently relieved by the light of hope and cheerfulness. There are one or two essay? by the editor, the Rev. John Bruce; and the poetry consists of selections from various moral and religious writers. WORKS IN THE PRESS AND NEW PUBLICATIONS, We are informed that Mr. Thomas Campbell has entirely withdrawn him- self from the editorship of the New Monthly Magazine. WORKS THE PRESS. The following are in a course of preparation : — By Thomas Moore, Esq. : The Life and Death of Lord Edward Fitzgerald. By the Bishop of Chester : Lectures, practical and expository, on the Gospels of Matthew and Mark. Vegetable Cookery; with an intro- duction, recommending abstinence from animal food and intoxicating liquors. By Col. Napier : The third volume of his History of the Peninsular War. By the Rev. Wm. Phelps : The His- tory and Antiquities of Somersetshire. Voyage to the Pacific and Behring's Straits. By Wm. Godwin, Esq. : Essays on the faculties and economy of the Mind. By Walter Crum, of Glasgow : An Inquiry into the Theory of Colours, with reference to the Newtonian Doc- trine. Reflections on the causes which have 1831.] List of New Works. 105 overturned that self-elected vestry of St. Marylebone. By the author of the Castilian, £c. : A Spanish tale, to be entitled, the In- cognito, or Sins and Peccadillos. Thoughts on Reform, by an M. P. Remarks on the Representative Sys- tem in Parliament, with a glance' at those Acts in the Statute Book supposed to have their origin in corruption. By Professor Me. Cullock : A theore- tical and practical Dictionary of Com- merce and Commercial Navigation. By the author of Select Female Biography : Annals of My Village, a Calendar of Nature for every month in the year. By the same author : Surveys of the Animal Kingdom, and Sacred Melodies, suggested by natural objects. The Spirit of Don Quixote ; with coloured engravings. By dipt. Thomas White, R.N. : Na- val Researches ; or a candid inquiry into the conduct of Admirals Byron, Graves, Hood, and Rodney, in the actions of Grenada, Chesapeak, St. Christopher's, and. 9th and 12th of April, 1782. By the author of the Prophetic Mes- senger : A volume to be called Ra- phael's Witch ; with illustrations. By W. Dunkin : The History and Antiquities of Bicester; with an inquiry into the history of the Roman Station at Alchester. By the Rev. Richard Lee, B.A, : An Analysis of Archbishop Seeker's Lec- tures on the Church Catechism. By J. L. Drummond, M. D. : Letters to a Young Naturalist. By the Rev. Humphrey Lloyd, F.T. C.D. : A Treatise on Optics ; "the first volume containing the theory of un- polarized light. By Mr. Jones Quain : Two Lectures on the Study of Anatomy and Physio- logy- By Mr. Rowbotham : A course of Lessons in French Literature, on the plan of his German Lessons. By William Woolley, Esq. : A Col- lection of Statutes relating to the town of Kingston-upon-Hull. LIST OF NEW WORKS. POLITICAL. Minutes of Evidence and Report taken before the Select Committees of both Houses of Parliament on the Af- fairs of the East India Company. 2 vols 8vo. £2. 2s. Cases and Remedies of Pauperism. By the Rt. Hon. R. Wilmot Horton. 8vo. 12s Patroni Ecclesiarum, a list of Patrons of Church Dignities, &c. Roval 8vo. 18s. M.M. New Series.— .VOL. XI. No. 01. A Letter to the Earl of Wilton, on a Graduated Property and Income Tax ; and a Plan of Parliamentary Reform. By an Englishman. 8vo. 2s. An Attempt to prove that Lord Chat- ham was Junius. By John Swinden. 8vo. 3s 6d. A Country Rector's Address to his Parishioners at the close of the twenty- fifth Year of his Residence among them. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY. Dr. Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia, Vol. XIII. ; being the History of the Western World, Vol. I.— United States of America. 6s. Romance of History. Third series. Romantic Annals of France. 3 vols. £1. 11s. 6d. Lingard's England, Vol. VTII. 4to. 35s. ; same in 8vo. 2 vols. 24s. Nicolas's Observations on Historical Literature. 8vo. 7s. Gd. Household Book of Elizabeth of York. 8vo. 21s. Anecdotes of Napoleon. 3 vols. 18mo. 9s. Constable's Miscellany, Vols. 60 and 61— History of the War of Indepen- dence in Greece. 7s. Vol. 62 — History of Peru. 3s. 6d. The History of the First Revolution in France, from 1787 to 1802. By John Bell, Esq. 8vo. 12s. A Narrative of the Peninsular Cam- paigns, from 1808 to 1814. By Major Leith Hay. 2 vols. 12mo. 21s. Memoirs of the Affairs of Greece ; containing an Account of the Military and Political Events in 1823 and fol- lowing Years. By Julius Mullingen. 8vo. The History of Chivalry. ByG.P.R. James, Esq. "l2mo. 5s. Murray's Family Library, Vol. 18 — The Life of Bruce, the African Travel- ler. By Major Head. 5s. The Political Life of the Right Hon. George Canning. By Augustus Gran- ville Stapleton. 3 vols. 8vo. 36s. The Life and Correspondence of Ad- miral Rodney. 2 vols. 8vo. 24s. Memoirs of the Life, Writings, and Correspondence of James Currie, M.D. Edited by his Son, W. Currie. 2 vols. 8vo. The Life of Mrs. Jordan. By James Boaden. 2 vols. 8vo. 28s. The Scottish Gael; or Celtic Man- ners, as preserved among the High- landers in Scotland. By James Logan. 2 vols. 8vo. 30s. POETRY. Beauties of the Mind. By Charles Swain. 12mo. 6s. Poems. By Mrs. I. S. Prowse. 12mo. 6s. Serious Poems. By Mrs. Thomas. 6s. High -met tied Racer; with designs by Geo. Cruikshank. Is. 6d. P 106 List of New Works. [JAN. RELIGION, MORALS, &C. The Literary Policy of'the Church of Rome. Bv the Rev. Joseph Mendham. 8vo. lOs.Cd. The Law of the Sabbath, Religious and Political. By Josiah Condei. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Harrison's Protestant Instructor. 8vo. 5s. 6d. A Manual of the Rudiments of Theo- logy. By the Rev. J. B. Smith. 12mo. 9s.* The Errors of Romanism traced to their Origin in Human Nature. By Richard Whately, D.D. 8vo. 10s. 6d. Travels and Researches of Eminent English Missionaries, including an His- torical Sketch of the Progress of Mis- sions of late Years. By Andrew Picken. 12mo. 7s. 6d. Trial of the Unitarians. 8vo. 8s. Morrison's Counsels to Sunday School Teachers. 32mo. Is. Practical Lectures on the Historical Books of the Old Testament. By the Rev. Henrv Lindsay. 2 vols. 12mo. 10s. Sermons on various Subjects and Oc- casions. By the Rev. W. Jones, of Nay land. 2 vols. 8vo. 21s. Now first published. Sermons on the Sacraments and Sab- bath. By the Rev. Mr. James. 8vo. 8s. 6d. The Book of Isaiah, translated from the Hebrew text of Van der Hooght. By the Rev. John James. 12mo. 5s. Sermons at the Temple Church. By the Rev. Mr. Rowlatt, 8vo. 12s. Massillon's Select Sermons, frcm the French. By II. Morris. 8vo. 10s. 6d. SCHOOL AND JUVENILE BOOKS. A New Complete Greek Gradus, or Poetical Lexicon of the Greek Lan- guage. By Edward Maltby, D.D. 8vo. 24s. A Grammar of the German Language. By C. F. Becker, M.D. 8vo. 8s. 6d. Key to the Rev. Dr. Butler's Latin Praxis. 8vo. 6s. Art of Correspondence in English and French. 2 vols. 18mo. 5s. 6d. General System of Mercantile Book- keeping. By L. Morrison. 4to. 10s. 6d. Rask's Anglo-Saxon Grammar. By Thorpe. 8vo. 15s. 6d. Juvenile Encyclopaedia, Vol. I. — Voyages, &c. 18mo. 3s. 6d. Little Library. By the late Isaac Taylor. Vol. Ill — The Forest gene- rally. 3s. 6d. Tales of a Grandfather ; being Stories taken from the History of France. By Sir Walter Scott, Bart. 3 small vols. with plates, uniform with Tales from Scottish History. 10s. fid. Strawberry-Hill and its Inmates ; an instructive Book for Children. 18mo. 2s. 6d. half-bound. Ringlbergius on Study. Translated by G. B. Evap. 12mo. *4s. NOVELS AND TALES. Letters from a Peruvian, in English. 3s. An Only Love; a Narrative. By the author of My Early Days. 12mo. Pen Tamar; or the Historv of an Old Maid. By the late Mrs." H. M. Bowdler. 8vo. 10s. Cs. Classical Cullings and Fugitive Ga- therings. Hood's Comic Annual for 1831. 12s. Affection's Offering ; a book for all seasons. 18mo. 4s. Fortune's Reverses, or the Young Bernese ; from the French of Mdme. Julie de la Faye. By Elizabeth Bowles. 2 vols. 18mo. 7s. fid. The Military Bijou ; being the Glean- ings of Thirty-three Years' active Ser- vice. By John Shipp. 2 vols. 12mo. 15s. The Persian Adventurer; forming a Sequel to the Kuzzilbash. By James Frazer. 3 vols. £1. Us. 6d. Stories of American Life, by Ame- rican Writers. Edited bv Mary Russell Mitford. 3 vols. 12mor £l.lls.Gd. The Vizier's Son, or the Adventures of a Mogul. 3 vols. 24s. Exiles of Palestine. By John Carnes. 3 vols. £1. lls.Cd. Warvay of the World ; a Novel. 3 vols. post 8vo. £\. Us. 6d. Undine ; a Romance. Translated from the German. 12mo. 5s. 6d. The Talba, or Moor of Portugal ; a Romance. By Mrs. Bray. 3 vols. 27s. MEDICAL AND CHEMICAL. The Female's Medical Adviser ; with Observations on the Treatment of the Diseases of Children. By Archibald M. Adams, M,D. 8vo. 9s. Estimate of the Value of Vaccination as a security against Small Pox, and the danger of encouraging the Inoculation of the latter. By Samuel Plumbe. 3s. 6d. Elements of Pathology and Practice of Physic. By John Mackintosh, M. D . Vol. II. 8vo. 14s. Cases Illustrative of the Efficacy of various Medicines administered by In- halation in Pulmonary Consumption. By Sir Charles Scudamore, M.D. 8vo. Leach's Selections from Gregory's Conspectus and Celsus. 18mo. 7s- MUSICAL. The Cadeau; or Cottage Lyrics for 1831. 4to. 12s. Love's Offering, or Songs for Happy Hours ; a new Musical Annual. Imp. 4to. 12s. Apollo's Gift, or Musical Souvenir. 4to. 16s. New System for Learning and Ac- quiring Extraordinary Facility on all Musical Instruments. 10s. Gd. 1831.] List of Patents. 107 MISCELLANEOUS. A Century of Birds, from the Hima- laya Mountains. By John Gould, A.LS. Parti. 4to. 12s. The System of the World, by M. le Marquis de Laplace. Translated by the Rev. H.H. Harte, Fellow of Tri- nity College, Dublin. 2 vols. 8vo. 24s. Transactions of the Plymouth Insti- tution. Royal 8vo. 15s. Nichols, Priestley, and Walker's new Map of the Inland Navigation, Canals, and Rail-Roads. By J. Walker. Ac- companied by a Book of Reference, compiled by Joseph Priestley. Six Sheets, £3. 3s. Book of Reference, 4to. £2. 2s. in boards. Annual Peerage for 1831. 2 vols. 28s. East India Register for 1831. 10s. Green's British Merchants' Assistant. Royal 8vo. £1. 11s. 6d. Time's Telescope for 1831. 12mo. 9s. A new mode of Ventilating Hospitals, Ships, Prisons, &c. By George Haw- thorn, M.D. 8vo. 2s. Gd. A Visit to the Zoological Gardens. 12mo. 6s. Hobler's familiar Exercises between an Attorney and his Articled Clerk. 12mo. 3s. 6d, Wickstead's Exchequer of Plea Costs. 12mo. 3s. 6d. PATENTS FOR MECHANICAL AND CHEMICAL INVENTIONS. New Patents sealed in November, 1830. To Henry Calvert, Lincoln, gentle- man, for an improvement in the mode of making saddles so as to avoid the danger and inconvenience occasioned by their slipping forward.— 26th October; 2 months. To Jeffrey Shores, Blackwall, Mid- dlesex, boat builder and shipsmith, for an improvement or improvements on tackle and other hooks which he deno- minates u the Self-relieving Hooks." — 1st November; 2 months. To John Collinge, Lambeth, Surrey, engineer, for an improvement or im- provements on the apparatus used for hanging or suspending the rudders of ships or vessels of different descriptions. — 1st November; 6 months. To Benjamin Cook, Birmingham, Warwick, brass-founder, for an improved method of making a neb or nebs, slot or shells, or hollow cylinders of copper, brass, or other metals for printing ca- licoes, muslins, cloths, silks, and other articles. — 4th November ; 6 months. To Lewis Aubrey, Two Waters, Herts, engineer, for inventing certain improvements in cutting paper. — 4th November ; 6 months. To John Bowler, Castle-street, South- wark, Surrey, hat manufacturer, for certain improvements in machinery em- ployed in the process of dying hats. — 4th November ; 2 months. To Joel Benedict Nott, Esq., Schenec- lady, New York, but now of Bury-street, St.* James's, Middlesex, for certain im- provements in the construction of a fur- nace or furnaces for generating heat and in the apparatus for the application of heat to various useful purposes. — 4th November ; 6 months. To Thomas Bramley, gentleman, and Robert Parker, lieutenant in the Royal Navy, both of Mousley Priory, Surrey, for certain improvements on locomotive and other carriages, or machines appli- cable to rail and other roads, which in%. provements, or part or parts thereof, are also applicable to moving bodies on water and working other machinery. — 4th November ; 6 months. To Alexander Bell, Chapel - place, Southwark, engineer, for certain im- provements in machinery for removing wool or hairs from skins. — 4th Novem- ber ; 6 months. To Augustus Whiting Gillet, Birm- ingham, Warwick, merchant, for an im- provement in the construction and application of wheels to carriages of pleasure, or of burden, or to machines for moving heavy bodies. — 4th Novem- ber ; 2 months. To George Givinett Bompas, Esq., M.D. of Fishponds, near Bristol, for an improved method of preserving copper and other metals from corrosion or oxidation 4th November ; 6 months. To Joseph Gibbs, Esq., of Crayford, Kent, for improvements in evaporating fluids, applicable to various purposes. — 6th November; 6 months. To John Hall, the younger, of Dart- ford, Kent, engineer, for a machine upon a new and improved construction for the manufacture of paper.— 9th November ; 6 months. To George Minter, of Princes-street, Soho, Middlesex, upholsterer, cabinet and chair manufacturer, for an improve- ment in the construction, making, or manufacturing of chairs. — 9th Novem- ber ; 2 months. To Henry Pratt, of Bilson, Stafford, miller, for certain improvements in the making and manufacturing of quarries, applicable to kilns for drying wheat, malt, and other grain, and to various other purposes. — llth November; 6 months. To Sir Thomas Cochrane, Knt, com- T> fi 108 Biographical Memoirs of Eminent Persons. [JAN. monly called Lord Cochrane, of llegent- street, Middlesex, for an improved rotary engine, to be impelled by steam, and which may be also rendered appli- cable to other purposes. — llth Novem- ber ; 6 months. To Charles Stuart Cochrane, Esq., of Great George-street, Westminster, for certain improvements in the prepar- ing and spinning of cashmere wool. — 13th November ; C months. To John Tyrrell, Esq., barrister-at- law, of St. Leonard's, Devon, for a me- thod and apparatus for setting sums for the purpose of teaching some of the rules of arithmetic. — 13th November ; 6 months. To Thomas Sands, Liverpool, mer- chant, for certain improvements in spinning machines. — 18th November ; 6 months. List of Patents which having been granted in the month of December, 1816, expire in the present month of December, 1830 : 10. Richard Wright, London, for an improved method of constructing and pro- pelling ships. 14. William Dean, Manchester, /or an improved machinery for leading calico or cloth previous to glazing. 19. Samuel Brown, London, and Philip Thomas, Liverpool, for an im- proved method of manufacturing chains, chain-cables, fyc. BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS OF EMINENT PERSONS. GENERAL VANDAMME. Vandamme, Count of Unebourg, a dis- tinguished officer of the revolution, whose death recently occurred, was the son of an apothecary of Cassel, in the department of the north, where he was born on the 5th of November, 1771- Having entered the army at an early period of life, the inflexible courage which he displayed, obtained for him an unusually rapid advancement. He was placed at the head of a light troop, which received the complimentary desig- nation of the Chasseurs of Mont Cassel. In 1793, he was with the army of the north ; and, in the course of the three succeeding campaigns, he acquired great distinction at the commencement of the campaign of 1797, he commanded the advanced guard, with which he sustained the attack of the enemy, while the grand body of the army effected the passage of the Rhine. On this occasion, his horse was killed under him. In 1799, Vandamme was appointed General of Division, and he received the command of the left wing of the army of the Danube. He afterwards passed into Holland, under the orders of General Brune, then at the head of the French army in that country, and assisted in van- quishing the Anglo-Russian forces, under the Duke of York, at Alkmaer. For a time, his wounds and his fatigues having im- posed on him the necessity of quiet, he retired to his native town. However, in April, 1800, he returned; took the com- mand of a division of the army of the Rhine, and acquired new glory, at the pas- sage of that river between Stein and SchafF- hausen, and on various other occasions. From Buonaparte, at that time first consul, he received several marks of distinction, and was named grand officer of the Legion of Honour. With the command of the Wurtemburg troops against the Austrians, in the campaign of 1809, he obtained the decoration of the grand cross of Wurtem- berg. In many instances — particularly at the battle of Urfar, where he completely routed three columns of Austrian troops — he greatly distinguished himself. In 1811, General Vandamme was ap- pointed President of the Electoral College of Hazebruk. Serious misunderstandings between him and Jerome Buonaparte pre- vented his having any command in the expeditions against Russia, in 1812. He was disgraced, and ordered to retire to Cassel. However, in February, 1813, he was called to the command of a division of troops. On the 25th of August he made himself master of Pirna and Hohendorf ; and, on the 29th, he passed the great chain of the mountains of Bohemia, and marched upon Kulm, where he found 10,000 Russians commanded by General Osterman. He fought with his accustomed bravery ; but General Count Keish de Nollendorf de- bouched by the mountains and fell upon his rear— he found himself assailed at all points — he lost the whole of his artillery and 6,000 troops — and was himself taken prisoner. Pie was, in consequence, marched to Moscow and Wralka, to the north of Kasan, and within twenty leagues of Siberia. In other respects, also, he was treated with ungenerous severity, the Grand Duke Con- stantine having deprived him of his sword, which had been returned to him by order of the Emperor Alexander himself. At the battle of Leipsic, in 1813, he sustained a reverse from his old opponent, General Kleist. It was not until the first of September, 1814, that he again reached France. In Paris, he was the object of personal insult from various quarters. At length, he was ordered, by the minister of war, to quit the capital within twenty- four hours; and, accordingly, on the 20th of March, 1815, he was found in the repose of private life. When the news arrived of Buonaparte's landing from Elba, General Vandamme made a tender of his services to Louis 1831.] Biographical Memoirs of Eminent Persons. 109 XVIII. They were not accepted. Afte* the king had left Paris, Vandamme re- paired thither, and presented himself before Napoleon, who made him a peer of France, and commandant of the second division of the army. Subsequently, in June, 1815, he commanded the third corps cTarmte, under General Grouchy, whose conduct became the object of heavy suspicion and censure. Vandamme, however, was emi- nently successful at the attack of Wavres, after the battle of Fleurus, and his troops were in actual pursuit, ^Vhen intelligence reached him of the defeat of Buonaparte at Waterloo. The tables thus turned, he was in danger of being crushed by superior numbers ; but with excellent conduct, he effected his retreat, sustaining scarcely any loss. General Vandamme occupied Mont- rouge, Meudon, Vanvres, and Issey. Some of the generals offered him the command of the army, which he declined, and afterwards retired behind the Loire. There he mounted the white cockade, and exhorted his troops to submission. The ordonnance of January 17th, 1816, having obliged General Vandamme to quit France, he retired to Ghent, the birth-place of his wife. Afterwards, he resided on his own beautiful estate at Cassel ; where, a few years since, he erected an asylum for old men, and restored several tracts of land to husbandry purposes in that neighbourhood, by the construction of dykes. Latterly, General Vandamme's residence was again at Ghent. About three weeks previously to his death, and shortly before the commence- ment of the revolution of 1830, he went to France for the purpose of exercising his rights as an elector. ADMIRAL SIR C. M. POLE. Sir Charles Morice Pole, Bart., of Al- denham Abbey, Herts., Admiral of the Red Squadron, and Knight Grand Cross of the Bath, was a member of the noble house of Pole, baronets of Shute, in the county of Devon. His grandfather, the Rev. Carolus Pole, rector of St. Breoek, in Cornwall, was the fourth son of Sir John Pole, third baronet of Shute, by Anne, youngest daughter of Sir William Morice, Secretary of State to Charles II. His father, Regi- nald Pole, Esq., of Stoke Damorrell, in Devonshire, married Anne, second daugh- ter of John Francis Buller, Esq., of Mervell, in Cornwall. By this marriage Sir C. M. Pole was the second son. His elder brother, Reginald Pole, who assumed the additional surname of Carew, in compliance with the will of Sir Coventry Carew, of Anthony, in Cornwall, who filled the office of Under Secretary of State for the Home Depart- ment, during Mr. Addington's adminis- tration. Charles Morice Pole was born on the 18th of January, 1757 ; and, having been educated at the Royal Naval Academy, at Portsmouth, he entered the naval service of his country. Through the various sub- ordinate ranks of that service, he passed with great credit : he was a lieutenant early, and a post captain in 1770' During the American war, he commanded a frigate, in which, by the capture of numerous valu- able prizes, and by other services, he greatly distinguished himself. In 1792, Captain Pole married Henriette, daughter of John Goddard, Esq., of Wood- ford Hall, Essex, and niece of the wealthy Henry Hope, Esq., of Amsterdam ; who, on his death, left Sir Charles a noble legacy, and a large fortune to each of his two daughters, Henrietta Maria Sarah, and Anna Maria. Of these, the elder was mar- ried, in 1821, to William Stuart, Esq., only son of his Grace the late Hon. and most Rev. William, Archbishop of Armagh, and grandson of John, Earl of Bute. In 1795, Captain Pole was promoted to the rank of Rear-Admiral ; in 1801, to be a Vice-Admiral, and, in 1805, to be Ad- miral of the Red. In consideration of his professional services — as much, perhaps, in consequence of his high ministerial and other connections — he was, on the 12th of September, 1801, advanced to the dignity of a baronet. In 1803, he was brought into parliament for the borough of Newark, in Nottinghamshire; and, in 180G, during Earl St. Vincent's presidency at the Ad- miralty Boards, he was one of the junior lords. He was then appointed president of a board to reform the naval expenditure, and he brought in, and carried through par- liament a bill to remove the chest at Chat- ham, (an institution and fund for the relief of wounded seamen,) to Greenwich ; a measure of great importance to the navy. In 1807 and 1808, Sir Charles was member of parliament for Plymouth ; and, after- wards, he sat for Yarmouth, in the Isle of Wight. On the establishment of his pre- sent Majesty's household, as Duke of Cla- rence, Sir Charles Pole was appointed one of the grooms of the bed-chamber to His Royal Highness ; an office whjch he con- tinued to hold till the accession of Wil- liam IV., when he was appointed Equerry to his Majesty, and immediately afterwards, naval Aide-de-Camp to the King, and Master of the Robes, vice Lord Mount- charles. Of these honours, Sir C. M. Pole had but a brief enjoyment. He died on the Cth of September, at his seat, Aldenham Abbey, in the 74th year of his age. LADY THURLOW. Mary Catherine, Lady Thurlow, died at Southampton, on the 28th of September, having survived her husband, Edward, second Baron Thurlow, only about fifteen months. This lady — remembered by many of our readers as Miss Bolton, an actress of no mean celebrity — was the eldest daughter of Mr. James Richard Bolton, a wine-mer- chant, if we forget not, somewhere not far 110 biographical Memoirs of Eminent Persons* [JAN. from the theatres. She was born about the year 1 789 ; and, having received a musical education under Mr. Lanza, she sang with much success at the Hanover-square and Willis's Rooms' concerts. It is said that, when at the age of seventeen, she made her first appearance on the stage (October 8, 1 806), she had witnessed only five drama- tic performances ; three during her child- hood, and two in the winter of 1805. Mr. Lanza introduced her to Mr. Kemble and Mr. Harris ; and the character selected for her dtbut was Polly, in the Beggar's Opera. In this she was brilliantly successful ; the piece was repeated many times during the season; Love in a Village was revived, specially .for the purpose of introducing her to the public in that opera ; and, in many other pieces, she was received with equal favour. Miss Bolton retained her station with eclat, for seven years ; when, after a court- ship of some length, she was married to Lord Thurlow, at" the church of St. Mar- tin's in the Fields, on the \ 3th of Novem- ber 1813. It has been stated that, previ- ously to her marriage, she obtained from Lord Thurlow an annuity for her father and mother, to whom she was deeply and affectionately attached. Lady Thurlow ap- pears to have been one of the very few actresses who, having by marriage been elevated to the peerage, have proved them- selves capable of sustaining a high charac- ter in private equally as in public life. We have never heard her mentioned but in terms of respect — as a pattern of conjugal duty and domestic happiness. Her lady- ship has left three sons ; of whom, Edward Thomas, the eldest, succeeded to the family title and estates, on the death of his father, June 4, 1829. LORD BLAXTYRE. The Right Hon. Robert Walter Stewart, Lord Blantyre, of the county of Lanark, who accidentally lost his life during the disorders at Brussels, in September last, was of a branch of the ancient and noble family of Stewart, or Stuart, Dukes of Lenox. His lordship was a major-general in the army, and a knight companion of the order of the Bath. He was also lord-lieu- tenant of the county of Renfrew. This no- bleman was born on the 10th of June, 1775; and he succeeded his father, Alex- ander, tenth Lord Blantyre, on the 5th of November, 1783. His lordship was bred to the army, into which he entered young. He served in the Duke of York's expedi- tion to Holland, in 1 799 ; in Egypt as aide- de-camp to General Stuart, in 1801 ; in the expedition to Pomerania and Zealand, in 1807 ; and with the Duke of Wellington in the Peninsular war, in 1809. Lord Blantyre married, on the 26th of February, 1813, Frances, second daughter of the Hon. John Rodney, of the Island of Ceylon (son of Admiral Sir George, first Lord Rodney, K.B.), by his first wife, by the Lady Catherine Nugent, sister of the late Earl of Westmeath. A sister of Lady Blantyre is married to the Hon. Major- General Patrick Stewart, next brother to her late husband. Lady Blantyre is also half-sister to Lady George Lennox, and to Miss Eliza Rodney. By this marriage Lord Blantyre has left a son, George, his successor, bom in 1818, and a family of seven or eight other children. His lordship had been some time residing at Brussels, where, from a local accident, he was confined to his chamber. To obtain a view of the proceedings of the mob in their attack upon the town, he unfortunately chanced to put his head out- of the window of the hotel — whence he had just before removed a maid-servant — and was instantly shot. There does not, however, appear to be any ground for the belief in the report that he was the victim of assassination. His lordship was a man of high reputation — of quiet, domestic habits, and was greatly beloved. THE DUKE OF ATHOL. His Grace, John Murray, Duke, Marquis and Earl of Athol ; Marquis and Earl of Tullibardin ; Earl of Strathsay and Stra- therdale ; Viscount Glenalmond, Balquhi- crir, and Glenlyon ; Baron Murray, of Tul- libardin ; Lord Belvemere and Gask, in North Britain ; Earl Strange, Baron Strange, and Baron Murray, of Stanley, in the county of Gloucester, in the Peerage of the United Kingdom ; K. T. ; F. R. S. ; Lord Lieutenant and Hereditary Sheriff of the county of Perth ; Captain-General and Governor of the Isle of Man ; was the Re- presentative of the family of Murray, which derives its origin from John de Moravia, Sheriff of Perthshire in the year 1219. William, grandson of John de Moravia, was one of the Magnates Scotice sum- moned to Berwick by King Edward I., in 1292 ; and, by marriage with Ann, daughter of Malin, Seneschal of Strathan, he acquired the lands of Tullibardin, of which his des- cendants were nominated Barons. In 1736 the absolute sovereignty of the Isle of Man devolved upon James, second Duke of Athol, as the heir of the Stanley family, to which it had been granted by King Henry IV. in 1406. By his nephew and successor, John, third Duke of Athol, and father of the late Duke, to whom this no- tice refers, the sovereignty of the Isle of Man was transferred to the British govern- ment for the sum of £70,000 ; the family, however, reserving their landed interest, with the patronage of the bishopric, and other ecclesiastical benefices, on payment of the annual sum of £101. 15s. lid. and rendering two falcons to the Kings and Queens of England upon the days of their coronation. His Grace, the late Duke, was born on the 30th of June, 1755 ; he succeeded to 1831.] Biographical Memoirs of Eminent Persons. Ill the Scottish honours of his family, at the decease of his father, on the 5th of Novem- ber, 1774 ; he obtained the English earl- dom of Strange, and Barony of Murray, of Stanley, by creation on the 18th of Au- gusr, 1780; and he inherited the Barony of Strange, at the decease of his mother, who was Baroness of Strange in her own right, in 1805. His mother was the Lady Charlotte Murray, only daughter of James, second Duke of Athol. His Grace mar- ried, on the 26th of December, 1774, Jane, eldest daughter of Charles, ninth Lord Cathcart, by whom he had two sons and three daughters. His eldest son, John, born in 1778, has for some years been an inmate of a lunatic asylum, at Kilbourne, a circumstance which proved a source of deep and permanent affliction to his father. His malady is said to have originated in a brain fever, consequent on imprudent bath- ing. From the unhappy state of his intel- lect, his brother, James, born in 1782, supersedes him, by virtue of an act of par- liament, and succeeds to the family honours and estates, as fifth Duke of Athol, &c. This nobleman married, in 1810, the Lady Emily Frances Percy, sister of the present Duke of Northumberland ; and, in 1821, he was created Baron Glenlyon,of Glenlyon, in the county of Perth. The Duke's eldest daughter, Charlotte, was married, first, to the late Sir John Menzies, Bart. ; secondly, to Rear-Admiral Adam Drummond, of Meginch : his second daughter, Amelia Sophia, is married to Viscount Strathallan ; and his third, Elizabeth, to Sir Evan John Macgregor Murray, Bart. His Grace's first wife dying in 1790, he married in 1704, Margery, eldest daughter of James, sixteenth Lord Forbes, and relict of Macleod, by whom he had several children, all now deceased. For thirty-six years the Duke of Athol had enjoyed the office of Lord Lieutenant of his county ; in which, too, the greater part of his life had been spent. As a spirited and enterprising landed proprietor, his loss there will be deeply felt. His Grace died at his seat, Athol House, Dun- keld, Perthshire, on the 29th of September. His funeral took place on the 18th of Octo- ber, in a manner strictly private, and void of ostentatious ceremony. According to his express wish, his body was deposited hi a coffin made of one of his own larch trees, without any covering, but highly polished and varnished, that thus another trial might be given of the durability of his favourite timber. The funeral service was read by the Bishop of Rochester ; and a mournful procession, consisting of the members of the family, and the immediate relations and friends of the deceased, conveyed his re- mains to the burial-place of his fathers. ADMIRAL SIR JOHN NICHOLLS, K.C.B. This officer, born in 1758, died early in September, at his residence in Somerset- shire. According to the custom formerly prevalent with those who had interest, he entered the service in his childhood ; and, after passing through all the respective gra- dations of rank, he was made Post-Captain in 1788. In the war that broke out after the commencement of the French Revolu- tion, he, in 1793, commanded the Royal Sovereign, of 100 guns, at that time bear- ing the flag of Admiral Lord Graves ; in 1807, he commanded the Marlborough, of 74 guns ; in 1810 he was made Rear- Admiral; in 1820, K.C.B. ; in 1825, Vice- Admiral of the Blue ; and in 1830, Ad- miral of the White. He was some time Comptroller of the Navy. MONTHLY AGRICULTURAL REPORT. AT this season of the year, our Correspondents have little to communicate on the ordinary occupations of husbandry ; their letters at the present turbulent crisis, are filled with very different, indeed, disheartening subjects, with the con- solation, however, that a stop has at length been put to the horrible devastations which have prevailed almost throughout" the country, and that great numbers of misguided and revengeful delinquents have been apprehended. In those fortunate districts which escaped the dreadful visitations, among which Herts, as in other respects, formerly adverted to, stands most memorably and creditably prominent, the arrears of cultivation have been completed in a style considerably superior to expectation for times like the present ; in those most subjected to the recent calamities, so much cannot be expected, and great interruption must have there been experienced to the completion of the year's business, as well as derangement and deterioration of the prospects of the year ensuing. The wheats in the southern and forward counties, are generally above ground, and upon dry and wholesome soils, have as fine and promising an appearance as could possibly be expected, upon lands in their notoriously neglected state. Our late letters make no further men- tion of the slug, the forwardest wheats probably getting beyond its powers, and a frost of some length will prove the only radical remedy. It was stated in our last, that the kindliness of the season had induced many farmers to extend their breadth of wheat. We have since been informed, in fact, several instances have come under our own observation, that many others have been deterred from risk- ing a wheat crop on part of their lands, both from the unfortunate experience of their two last crops, and the deplorably foul and exhausted state of the soil, much 112 Agricultural Report. [JAN. of which it will be to their obvious advantage to throw out of culture. Wheat continues to rise gradually at market, and the quantity of home grown is gene- rally small ; so premature and erroneous was the public calculation on the late crop. In the poor land counties, little has been hitherto threshed, beyond the demand for seed, and the surplus, which want of money must soon bring to market, is reported to be low to a disheartening degree ; a still advancing price must be expected. Thus the country can ill afford the waste and destruction which has been made. Barley, though a defective crop, is heavy of sale, as are oats from their superior plenty. Pulse hold their price, with an inclination to advance. Wheat seed has been fortunately got in, throughout the great corn county of Norfolk, where the superior culture of the dibble has prevailed to a great extent: subject, however, to (the usual disadvantage of that mode,) insufficient clearing of the soil from weeds, which can only be effected through wide rows. The markets for store cattle are on the advance, and good wedders and ewes — but the markets have been glutted with ordinary and unsound mutton : of the latter, lots have been burned in Smithfield. Great complaints from Wales, of the low prices of stock, where pigs of six months are selling at four or five shillings each. The price of store stock has been there calculated throughout the summer and autumn, at forty per cent., in proportion, below the price of corn. Gene- rally, however, in the country, complaints are made that fat stock has produced no profit, and that the prospect for winter feeding is discouraging. Horses for saddle and quick draught, are lower than during many years past. Wool continues rather on the decline, the buyers in the first months of its revival, having so amply stocked themselves. It will probably start again in the spring. The whole duty on hops for the present year, amounts to £153,125 18s. 6d. The trade continues very dull, with little or no change in the price. The thirty-second anniversary of the London Cattle Show has just passed. The exhibition consisted of the usual articles, and the only novelty which occurred, were the extension of it to four days, and the distribution of gold and silver medals. Except on the last day, it was not so numerously attended as formerly; and, for some years past, few men of rank have been seen there. Public opinion has gone generally against the farmers, whose complaints formerly were not deemed just ; but their justice has been of late too pointedly proved ! Their losses have been progressive from year to year ; their returns, instead of affording them a living, being inadequate to the expences of culture, and the payment of rent, tithes, poors' rates, and taxes. These must undoubtedly be reduced, and that to a considerable extent, before British farming can flourish as heretofore. This necessity, ultimately pressing on the landlords, will compel their votes for the lowest p'ossible reduction of taxes. Tithes seem to present the greatest difficulty ; no mode of commutation hitherto proposed, appearing to be satisfactory, and tl the general opinion for their entire abolition gradually gaining ground. A letter, however, has lately appeared in the County Chronicle, with the averment that the farmer profits from forty to cent, per cent., by the present tithing system ; yet with such notable acquisitions the farmer cannot live. Never were complaints better grounded, or more truly affecting, than those of the agricultural labourers. They have been oppressed, neglected, starved, in a land of superabundance, flowing from their own labour. But whatever the farmers may have to answer for originally, it has been obviously out of their power, of late, to increase labourers' wages, or even afford employment for the numbers depending upon it. This can only be effected by the landlords and the legis- lature. It is revolting to find a considerable part of the public, safe and comfortable at home by their fire-sides, defending the conduct of the peasantry, since it must l>et productive ultimately of public benefit — thus, as of old, the end sanctifies the means. The cry against threshing machines is hollow and absurd ; were farming productive, the tenantry would be able to employ a fair complement of labourers, and yet keep their machines, since threshing with the flail is by no means a favourite branch of labour with the husbandmen. In reality, to talk of the disuse of machinery in this manufacturing country, is to talk without book. But it is satisfactory to conclude, that effective measures are in operation, for ameliorating the condition of the whole body of the peasantry. ^ Smi&fteld—E&iS, 3s. to 4s.— Mutton, 2s, lOd. to 4s. 6d Veal, 4s. 6d. to 5s. Cd. —Pork, 3s. 8d. to 5s.— Hough fat, 2s. lOd. Corn Exchange.— Wheat, 56s. to 76s. — Barley, 28s. to 53s Oats, 19s. to 32. — London 41b. loaf, lOd — Hay, 45s. to 105s.— Clover ditto, 50s. to 110s.— Straw, 30s. to 36s. . Coals in the Pool, 30s. to 42s per chaldron. Middlesex, Dec. 20th. 1331.] [ 113 ] MONTHLY COMMERCIAL REPORT. SUGAR.*— A general and extensive demand for Muscavadoes continued during the last week ; extensive purchases would have taken place, but owing to a short supply of the qualities most in demand, which were strong for refining and very low brown, the prices were, 6d. to Is. per cwt. higher ; estimated sales, 3,300 hhds. and tierces. The stock of West Indian Sugars is now 40,064 hhds. and tierces, being 4,606 less than last year. The delivery of West India Sugars last week was, 3,275 hhds. and tierces, being, 341 more than last year; the delivery of Mauritius last week, 3,003 bags, being 560 more than the corresponding week of 1829 ; the market is firm at the improvement we have stated. Good new Sugars brought forward have sold freely. The refined market Was more firm last week ; no brown lumps offered under 62s. ; they have been selling at 61s. and 61s. 6d. ; nearly all the lumps are cleared off the market. The prices of refined free on board are now 2s. or 3s. lower than last year, 62s. readily realized for low lumps from the great improvement in the Sugar Market ; Mauritius and East India Sugars have com- manded a profit, Is. or Is. 6d. per cwt. ; Siam Sugar sold at the advance of Is. per cwt. COFFEE.— The public Sales of Coffee last week, were confined to small par- cels of Jamaica, Demerara, and Berbice ; a few lots of Jamaica ordinary sold, Is. and 2s. higher ; the demand for foreign Coffee has been general and extensive ; about 1,700 bags Brazil, sold chiefly at 33s. and 34s.; parcels of St. Domingo, 32s. 6d., and Cheribon at the same price. The Coffee Market is unvaried. RUM, BRANDY, HOLLANDS. — The demand for Rum continued general and extensive last week ; nearly 1,200 puncheons have been sold at a further advance of ^ to Id. per gallon ; in Jamaica Rum there are no sales. Brandy and Geneva are neglected. HEMP, FLAX, AND TALLOW. — The Tallow Market continues firmly advancing, the late imports are on the most extensive scale. Flax is firm, Hemp a shade lower. Course of Foreign Exchange. — Amsterdam, 12. 1. — Rotterdam, 12. |. — Hamburgh, 13. 13. Altona, 13. 13^.— Paris, 25. 35 — Bordeaux, 25. 70 — Frankfort, 15. 0. — Petersburg, 10. 0. — Vienna, 109. 0 — Trieste, 109. 0 — Madrid, 36. ^. — Cadiz, 36. Oi— Bilboa, 36. 0|.— Barcelona, 36. 0.— Seville, 36. 0^.— Gibraltar, 47- 0|.— Leghorn, 47. 0^.— Genoa, 25. 75.— Venice, 46. 0.— Malta, 48. O^.— Naples, 39.0. —Palermo, 118. 0.— Lisbon, 45. 0.— Oporto, 45. £.— Rio Janeiro, 18. 0.— Bahia, 25. 0.— Dublin, 1. OJ.— Cork, 1. 04. Bullion per Oz. — Portugal Gold in Coin, £0. Os. Od.— Foreign Gold in Bars £3. 17s. 9d.— New Doubloons, £0. Os. Od.— New Dollars, £0. 4s. 9id.— Silver in Bars (standard), £0. Os. Od. Premiums on Shares and Canals, and Joint Stock Companies, at the Office of WOLFE, Brothers, 23, Change Alley, Cornhill.— Birmingham CANAL, (\ sh.) 284J.— Coventry, 850/. — Ellesmere and Chester, 73/. — Grand Junction, 2457 — Kennet and Avon, 25J/. -Leeds and Liverpool, 395J.--Oxfbrd, 500/.~Regent's, 18±/.— Trent and Mersey, (\ sh.) 600/. — Warwick and Birmingham, 280/. — London DOCKS (Stock) 67 i/.— West India (Stock), 170/.— East London WATER WORKS, 120/.— Grand Junction, OO/ — West Middlesex, 76/.— Alliance British and Foreign INSURANCE, 8J/.— Globe, OOW.— Guardian, 251.— Hope Life, 5fJ.— Imperial Fire, OOO/.— GAS- LIGHT Westminster, chartered Company, 54/.— City, 19 1/.- British, 1| dis — Leeds, 195/. M.M. NeiD Series. -VOL. XL No. 61. C [JAN. ALPHABETICAL LIST OF BANKRUPTCIES, Announced from November 23d, to December 22d, 1830, in the London Gazette. BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED. J. Lee, Brighton, victualler. J. E. Rose, Bath, linen-draper. J. Kinsr, Lamb's Conduit-street, draper. J. F. Pan-is, Maula Hill, brick-maker. H. J. Torrington, Battle-bridge-wharf, builder. P. Shadrack, Brighton, plumber. W. Locke, Pury-street, Edmunds, innkeeper. BANKRUPTCIES. [This Month 140.] Solicitors' Names are in Parentheses. Atkinson, J., Cock -lane, brass-founder. (Norton, Jewin-street. Andrews, J. N., Northampton, victualler, (Vin- cent, Temple ; Cooke, Northampton. Adron, W. and C., St. Pancras, stone-masons. (Philby, Charlotte-street. Ardenne, R. H., Southwark, cabinet-maker. (Dover, Great Winchester-street. Allen, S., Stratford, coal-merchant. (Hilleary, Stratford. Alewvn, J., Fenchurch-street, merchant. (King, Token-house-yard . Bayes, W., Gainsburgh, iron-founder. (Dawson and Co., New Boswell-court ; Codd and Co., Gainsburgh. Bell, M., Great Surrey-street, victualler. (Nind and Co., Tlirogmorton-street. Bed ford, T., Wantage, post- horse-master. (Hague, Nelson -square. Bray, W. F., Liverpool-street, builder. (Atkins, Fox Ordinary-court. Bedford, 1)., London-wall, victualler. (Parnell, Spitaltields. Boone.G., Well?, innholdcr. (Blake, Palsgrave- place ; Lax, Wells. Briscoe, R., Manchester, shopkeeper. (Alding- ton and Co., Bedford-row : Dean, Manchester. Bell, H., Crown-court, Threadnecdle-street, mer- chant. (Nind and Co., Throgmorton-street. Brown, J., Old Kent-road, victualler. (Young and Co., Blackman-street. Bragg, J., Harrington, shipowner. (Norris and Co., John-street; Wilson, Liverpool. Bragg, J., Aketon, Spofforth, York, bleacher. (Dawson and Co., New Boswell-court; Gill, Knaresborough. Bricknell, J. P. A., Exeter, haberdasher. (Ad- lington and Co., Bedford-row ; Furlong, Exeter. Brooks, T., jun., Hunter-street, music-seller. (Aston, Old Broad-street. Bristow, W., Lambeth, baker. (Hill, Alderman- bury. Boot, J., Nottingham, bleacher. (Kniield, Gray's, inn ; Eufield and Son, Nottingham. Beddall, J. and P., High Holborn, carpenters. (Williams, Aifred-placo. Bagley, !>., Sedgeley, pig iron-maker. (Barber, Fetter-lane. Brooks. T., Manchester, haberdasher. (Hurd and Co., Temple ; Booth and Co., Manchester. Cansdell, W., Bishop.«gate -street, auctioneer. (Towne, Broad-street-buildings. Chapman, R., Islington, builder. (Ashley, Old- street-road. Colson, H., Clapton, coach-proprielor. (Randall, Bank-chambers. Collett, H., Cheltenham, grocer. (Bousfield, Chatham-plate; Winferbotham, Cheltenham. Cullingford, R., Marylehone - lane, victualler. (Smith, Basinghall-strcet. Clarkson, J., Kinpston-upon-Hull, airent. (Rush- worth, Symond's-inn ; Brown, Kingston-upon- Hull. Cope, H., Mile-end-road, cattle-dealer. (Darke, Red Lion-square. Corden, W. J., Manchester, warehouseman. (Hindmarsh and Son, 3Ianchester, and Crescent, Jewin-strect. Cope, H. Barnet, tailor. (Bousfield, Chatham- place. Cross, R., Manchester, publican. (Adlingtoa and Co., Bedford-row; Morris and Co., Man- chester. Dickins, W., jun., Northampton, tailor. (Vin- cent, Temple ; Cooke, Northampton. Delves, R., Tunbridge Wells, lodging-house- keeper. (Burfoot, Temple ; Sprott, Tunbridge Wells. Drysdale, J., Wapping, ship-chandler. (Dods, Northumberland-street. Dayus.H., Southwark, engineer. (Briggs, Lin- coln's-inn-tields. Donald, J., Hayton, cattle-salesman. (Chisholme and Co., Lincoln's-inn-fields ; Fisher and Son, Cockertnouth. Emden, S.,Bncklersbury, merchant. (Bourdillon, Winchester-street. Earl, J., Hackney, cheesemonger. (Dods, North- umberland-street. Fielding, J. and J., Catterall, calico-printers. (Ellis and Co., Chancery-lane; Dixon and Co., Preston ; Brackenbury, Manchester. Fossick, S., Mumford-court, Milk-street, ware- houseman, and Gracechurch-street, umbrella- manufacturer. (Holt, Threadneedle-street. Friend, E. A., Cambridge, livery-stable-keeper. (Robinson and Sons, Half-moon-street ; Robin- son, Cambridge. Fogg, J., Manchester.surgeon. (Willettand Co., Essex-street ; Babb, Manchester. Fenn, W. H.. Old Change, tea-dealer. (Starling, Leicester-square. Garraway, J , Batheaston, baker (Williams and Co., Lincoln's-inn-iields ; Mochey, Bath. Gamble, J. and T., Kidd, Sutton-in-Holderness, wood-sawyers. (Rosser and Son, Gray's-inn ; England and Co., Hull. Glover, S., Poitland-road, bricklayer, (Chester, Newfngton. Glover, J., Wigan, draper. (Armstrong, Staple- inn ; Grimshaw and Co., Wigan. Kodsoll, W., jun., South-Ash, paper - maker. (Davies, Devonshire-square. Hebeit, H., Lcman-street, wine-merchant. (Holt, Threadneedlp-slreet. Holland, T., Birmingham, japanner. (Burfoot, Temple ; Page, Birmingham. Harrison, H., Manchester, merchant. (Adlington and Co., Bedford-row; Houghton and Co., Liverpool. Harrold, E., Wolverhampton, cotton-spinner. (Austen and Co., Gray's-inn ; Palmer, Coleshil!. Humfrey, J., Manningtree, wine - merchant. (Bromley, Gray's-inn ; Notcutt, Ipswich. Henn, A. H., Holborn, hatter. (Heard, Greut Prescot-street. Hodsoll,J., Farringham, miller. (Fox and Co., Fred crick's- place. Hayden, W., Oxford-street, haberdasher. (Gar- grave, Buckingdam-street. Husail, J., Lawrence-lane, tea-dealer. (Hill and Co., Gray's-inn. Hawes, R. B. and C. Smith, Walvvorth, builders. (Watson and Son, Bouverie-street. He.ldon, J. and H., Lambeth, linen-drapers. (Jones, Sise-lane. Hall, H. B., Minories and Bow, merchant. (Ja- cobs, Crosby-square. Jenkins, J., Marsbneld, dealer. (Evans and Co., Gray's-inn; Perkins, Bristol. Joseph, A., Penzance, flour-dealer. (Price and Co., Lincoln's-inn ; Emonds, Penzance. Jackson, D. and P., Manchester, carvers and gilders, (Makinson and Co., Temple. Johnson, L., York, linendraper. (VVilson, South- ampton-street ; Payne and Co., Leeds. Kettel, G., Tunbridge Wells, corn - dealer. Brou^h, Fleet-street. Kctel, C., Tunbridge Wells, brewer. (Davie*, Devonshire square. 1831.] List of Bankrupts . 115 Knight, C., Basinghall-Btreet, dealer. (Fisher, Wai brook. Kelly, T., Liverpool, grocer. (Willet and Co., Essex-street. Killam, W., Kirton-in-Lindsey, victualler. (Eyre and Co., Gray's- inn ; Nicholson and Co.,Glam- lord Brings. Lock, H. A. U., Lower Thames-street, Custom- house agent. (Gregory, Clement's-inn. Larkaii, S. Greenwich, victualler. (Gamlen and Co., Furnival's-inn. Laing, J., Collcgdean, and Stanmore, graziers. (Crosse, Surrey-street. Lewis, J., Tenby, draper. (Blower, Lincoln's- inn-fields ; .Daniels, Gregory, and Co., Bristol. Langf'ord, J., Dorrington grove, and Poolquay, farmer. (Clark and Co., Lincoln's-inn-fields ; Williams, Shrewsbury. Marshall, J., Dartford, paper - mould - maker. (Richardson and Co., Bedford-row. Matthews, J., Bristol and Bath, picture dealer. (Jones, Crosby-square. IVioody, G., Lincoln, coach-maker. (Ellis andCo., Chancery-land ; Bromehead and Son, Lincoln. Mumford, S., Stanstead - street, corn - dealer. (Taylor and Co., Temple; Foster, jun., Cam- bridge. Muston, P. I., and T. P. Barlow, Austin-friars, commission-merchants. (Swain and Co., Fre- derick's-place. Manley, T., Wentworth-street, merchant. (Gre- gory, King's-anns-yard Mackenzie, W., Regent-street, wine-merchant. (Wolston, Furnival's inn Malyon, J., Old Kent-road, pawnbroker. (Wat- son and Sons, Bouverie-street May, J., Fenchurch-strect, victualler. (Hailstone, Lyon's-inn Neil, W., Rowsey, brick burner. (Roc, 'Temple- chambers ; Footner, Romsey Nokes, W., Rotherhithe, medicine-vender. (Bull, Holies-street Nicoll, J., Liverpool, sail-maker. (Tavlor and Co., Temple OMham, M., Stock-port, innkeeper. (Milne and Co., Temple; Wood, Bullock Smithy Owen, W., Speke, farmer. (Norris and Co., John- street ; Toulmin, Liverpool Pronchett, C. P., Jewry -street, iron-founder. (Haddan and Co., Angel-court Pongerard, Fv, Fenchurch-street, merchant. (Not- tey, Thanet-place Parkin, J., Sheffield, fender-manufacturer. (Tat- tershall, Temple; Tattershall and Co., Sheffield. Preece, T., Lyecourt, Hereford, farmer. (Smith, Basinghall-street ; Coates and Co., Leominster Peskett, G., Peckham, surgeon. (Thornbury, Chancery-lane. Pluminer, J., and W.Wilson, Fenchurch-street, merchants. CLeblanc and Co., New Bridge- street. P.idley, W., Tetford, brewer. (Eyre and Co., Gray's-inn ; Selwood.Horneastle. Paare, W., Clerkenwell, victualler. (Willis, Sloane-square. Parkin, J., E. R. Thomas, and J. D. Walford, Fenchurch-street, brokers. (Keavsey and Co., Lothbury. Price, G., Chippen Campden, coal - merchant. (Sharpe and Co., Old Jewry ; Willdns and Co., Bourton-on-the-Water. Prior, W., Charlotte-street and Tottenham-court- road, brewer. (Aldridge and Co., Lincoln's- inn. Price, J., Manchester, paper-dealer, (Milne and Co., Temple ; Bent, Manchester. Rayner, J., Clerkenwell, iron-founder. (Wathen, Gray's-inn. Rinder, H., Leeds, victualler. (Strangewayes and Co.,Barnard's-Jnn ; Robinson, Leeds. Renriv, J. H., Threadneedle-street, merchant. (Oliverson and Co., Frederic-place Shacklefoni, P., Andover, draper. (Evans and Co., Gray's-inn. Spittle, J., Francis-street, horse-dealer. (Rey- nolds, Golden-square. Shipman, R., Mansfield, grocer. (Parsons, Mans- field. Sindrey.W., Fish-street-hill, victualler. (Birket and Co , Cloak-lane. Shirreff, M. A., Mount-street, milliner. (Dufour, Old Mihnan-street. Smith, G. B., Bristol, corn-factor. (White, Ljn- coln's-inn ; Bevan and Co., Bristol. Sweetapple, B. and T., Godalming, paper-manu- ^ facturers. (Pontifex, St. Andrew's-court Scbofield, W., Clerkenweil-close, silver-spnon- manufacturer. (Templer and Shearman, Great Tower-street. Smith, B., jun., Birmingham, factor. (Adlington and Co., Bedford-row. Shaw, J. and J. Wood, Dukinfield, cotton-spin- ners. Hampson, Manchester. Seaman, J., Tooting, brewer. (Capes, Gray's- inn. Scholes, J., J. Broughton, and R. Scholes, Sad- dle worth, calico-printers. (Adlington and Co., Bedford-row; Morris and Co., Manchester. Taylor, J., St. George's-fields, cheesemonger. (Wright, Little Aylie street. Taylor, J., Green-Arbour -court, type-founder. (Gadsden, Fnrnival's-inn. Thomson, G. and H., and J, Clarke, Liverpool, merchants. (31 akinson and Co., Temple ; Ogden, Manchester. Tristram, W., Willenhall, butcher, (Hunt, Craven-street ; Willirn and Son, Bilston. Timms, S., Ashby-de-la-Zouch, confectioner. (Austen and Co., Gray's-inn ; Green, Ashby- de-la-Zouch. Thompson, R., Leeds, grocer. (Atkinson and Co., Leeds. Thick, T., Camden-town, plasterer. (Gwle, Iron- monger .lane. Tfrpin, J. and A. G., Doncaster, coach-makers. (Galsworthy, Cook's-court ; Heaton, Doncaster. Tillman, J.,Exmouth, glazier. (Tiileard and Co., Old Jewry. Upton, G., Queen-street, cheapside, colourmaH. (Tucker, Bank-chambers. Varley, J., Manchester, machine-maker. (Back, Gray's-inn; Winterbottom and Co., Heaton- Norris. Whare, J., Leeds, hatter. (Shaw, Ely-place ; Richardson, Hull. Watkinson, J., Manchester, warehouseman. (Per- kins and Co., Gray's-inn ; Lewtas, Manchester. Whit.bourn, D., Darkhouse - lane, fishmonger. (Hailstone, Lyon's-inn. Wills, J. H..Bath, baker. (Williams, Gray's-inn ; Watts and Son, Bath. Willder, J., Birmingham, victualler. (Clarko and Co., Lincoln's-inn-n'elds ; Colmore, Bir- mingham. Whereat, J., Romsey, ironmonger. (Sandys and Sons, Crane-court; Holmes, Romsoy. Walker, J., Portsmouth, merchant. (i3urt, Mitre- street. Webb, S., Reading, builder. (Eyre and Co., Gray's-inn ; Whateley, Reading- Wilkinson, G. C., Bristol, confectioner. (Poola and Co., Gray's-inn ; Cornish and Son, Bristol. Wernham, G., 'Wallingford, victualler. (White, Lincoln's-inn ; Hedges, Wallingford. Walters, J., Worcester, shoe-maker. (Hamilton and Co., Southampton-street. ECCLESIASTICAL PREFERMENTS. Rev. T. Grantham, to the "Rectory of Barmborough, Sussex. — Rev. C. j". C. Bulteel, to the Vicarage of Holbeeton, Diocese of Exeter.— Rev. F. H. Pare, to the Vicarage of Cranborne, Dorset. — Rev. H. P. AVilloughby, to the Rectory of Marsh Baldon, Oxon. — Rev. C. Richards. Jun , to the Rectory of Chale, Q 2 116 Ecclesiastical Preferments,, [JAN. Isle of Wight.— Rev. T. Morgan, to the Parish Church of Walterstone, Here- ford, and Old Castle, Monmouth.— Rev. C. M. Mount, to the Prebend of Coombe, Wells Cathedral.— Rev. T. H. Humphreys, to the Rectory and Vica- rage of. St. Mary's, Tenby, Pembroke. — Rev. R. Wrottesley, to the Rectory of Himley, Stafford. — Rev. C. Smear, to the Rectory of Sudburn cum Capella de Orford, Suffolk.— Rev. R. H. Chapman, to the Rectory of Kirkby Wiske, York. —Rev. R. Metcalf, to be Minister of the Parish of Sunk Island, York.— Rev. D. G. Norris, to4he Vicarage of Kessing- land, Suffolk.— Rev. W. D. Thring, to the Vicarage of Fisherton, Delamere. — Rev. J. Parsons, to the Vicarage of Sherborne, Dorset.— Rev. C. Buck, to the Rectory of St. Stephen's, Bristol.— Rev. H. Clissold, to the Rectory of Chelmondiston, Suffolk.— Rev.F. Faith- ful, to the Rectory of Headley, Surrey. • — Rev. E. Richardson, to the perpetual Curacy of St. George, Kendal — Rev. T. J. Theabald, to the Rectory of Nunny, Somerset. — Rev. R. B. Buckle, to the Rectory of Moreton, Somerset.— Rev. J. Smith, to a Prebendal Stall, St. Paul's Cathedral. — Rev. F. Cunningham, to the Vicarage of Lowestoff, Suffolk. — Rev. J. Lubbock, to the Vicarage of Potter Heigham, Norfolk.— Rev. E. J. How> man, to the Rectory of Gunthorpe cum Bale. — Rev. E. Hill, to the perpetual Curacy of Hindley, Lancashire.— Rev. R. Robinson, to the Evening Lecture- ship of Wolverhampton Collegiate Church. — Rev. W. Le Poer French, to a vacant Stall, and Living of Cleon, Leitrim. — Rev. M. Geary, to the Vicar- age of Sherborne, Dorset. — Rev. C. Tur- ner, to the Rectory of Eastham, with the Chapelries of Hanley William, Han- ley Chime, and Oreleton, Worcester. — Rev. G. Burmester, to the Rectory of Little Oakley, Essex.— Rev. W. K. Fer- gusson, to the Rectory of Belaugh, Nor- folk.—Rev. C. Codd, to the Rectory of Clay next the Sea.— Rev. T. W. Gage, to theVicarage of HighamFerrers, and Rev. R. A. Hannaford, to the Vicarage of Ir- thingborough, Northampton. — Rev. S. H. Alderson, to be Chaplain to the Lord Chancellor. — Rev. T. Evans, to be a Minor Canon of Gloucester Cathedral. —Rev. J. W. King, to be Chaplain to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. — Rev. J. Aspinall, to the Curacy of St. Luke, Liverpool. — Rev.W. Seaton, to the Rec- tory of Lampeter Velprey, Pembroke. — Rev. R. A. Arnold, to the Rectory of Ellough, Suffolk.— Rev. E. Bullen, to the Rectory of Eastwell, Leicester. — Rev. J. Bredin, to the Precentorship of Leighton, Rectory of Nunney, Ireland. —Rev. A. Colley, to the Rectory of Tullamoy, Ireland —Rev. S. B. Ward, to the Rectory of Teffbnt Evias, Wilts. —Rev. O. Sergeant, to be Chaplain to the Marquis of Stafford. — Rev. J. Cle- mentson, to the Vicarage of Wolvey, Warwick. — Rev. W. L. Townsend, to the Living of Alderton, Gloucester. CHRONOLOGY, MARRIAGES, DEATHS, ETC. CHRONOLOGY, Dec. 5. Report made to his Majesty of seven prisoners convicted at the last Admiralty Sessions, when two were or- dered for execution. 8. Nearly 8,000 of the Societies of Trades, headed by their delegates, went in grand procession, with several bands of music, and a variety of emblematical banners, to present a humble and loyal address to. his Majesty, which was most graciously received ; it was signed by upwards of 37,000 mechanics. 9. Sessions commenced at the Old Bailey. — . Chancellor of Exchequer stated in House of Commons that the present go- vernment were inimical to plurality of offices in the church, and they had de- termined not to issue the ad commendum on Dr. Philpotts' appointment. — . His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex took the chair as President of the Royal Society. He thanked them for the great honour they had conferred upon him in electing him president, and assured them that he should use everv endeavour in his power, not only to ad- vance the interests of science and of the society, but also of every individual member, who should be alike welcome to him, and his house should be thrown open, alternately on the forenoons and evenings of Wednesdays, for the recep- tion of the Fellows and men of science. — . Common Council of City of Lon- don voted rescinding the inscription on the Monument reflecting on the Roman Catholics. 11. Motion made in House of Com- mons by Chancellor of Exchequer, for Accounts " of the population of each city and borough in England now re- turning members to Parliament, to be prepared from the parliamentary Census of 1821— Of the population of each city and town in England, not now returning members to parliament, which amounted in 1821 to 10,000 or upwards— Of the population of each county in England and Scotland, to be prepared from the same census. — A similar return of the population of each royal burgh in Scot- land, now sharing in the return of a 1831.] Chronology. 117 member to parliament, and each city not so sharing, the population of which in 1821 exceeded 8,000." 13. Chancellor of Exchequer said in House of Commons that his Majesty's ministers were determined, whenever they had the power to do so, to abolish offices which had no duty attached to them. " Thank God !" he exclaimed, " the time at which this country could be governed by patronage is past" ! ! ! 15. Seventh Anniversary of London Mechanics' Institution held, and very numerously attended. The Lord Mayor was present, and lit. Hon .R. Wilmot Horton promised the Institution a Series of lectures on statistics and political economy, especially as affecting the con- dition and interests of the operative and labouring classes. — At a meeting of the Freeholders of Middlesex held' at Hackney, resolu- tions were unanimously passed on the alarming state of the country, distress of the working classes, oppressive weight of taxation, defective state of the representation of the people in Parlia- ment, and petitions founded thereon were voted to both Houses of Parlia- ment. Mr. Byng, member for the coun- ty, said, " sinecures should be abolished, and the children of the aristocracy should not be any longer quartered on the pub- lic." 16. Two convicts executed at Execu- tion Dock for piracy. — . Sessions terminated at the Old Bailey, when 1 5 pi*isoners received sen- tence of death : a considerable number were transported and imprisoned for va- rious periods. — •. The Duke of Northumberland in- troduced to the King at the levee, on returning from the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland. 22. Lecture delivered at the Mecha- nics' Institution, London, by the Rt. Hon. It. AVilmot Horton, on the state of the Country and its Taxation. He was attended by several noblemen and gen- tlemen. 23. Parliament adjourned to Feb. 3, 1831. — . News arrived from Paris of the condemnation of the Ministers of the late King Charles X. to perpetual im- prisonment, — . Papers ordered in House of Com- mons for explanation of the Sinecures, unmerited Pensions, &c. &c. MARRIAGES. Hon. and Rev. John Vernon (brother to Lord Vernon), to Frances Barbara, second daughter of T. Duncombe, esq — H. W. Chichester, esq., to Miss Isabella Manners Sutton, daughter of the late Archbishop of Canterbury. — Patrick Persse Fitzpatrick, esq., commissioner of Excise in Ireland, to Margaret, third daughter of J. Godmar, esq.— Lord Louth, to Miss Anna Maria Roche; they were married at Sto. George's, Ha- nover-square, by the Bishop ot London, and previously, according to the Roman Catholic church, by Prince Charles Abbe de Broglie. — Earl of Jermyn, el- dest son of the Marquis of Bristol, to Lady C. Manners, daughter of the Duke of Rutland. — Hon. G. Anson, second son of late Lord Anson, to Hon. Isabella Elizabeth Annabella, third daughter of fhe late Lord Forrester.— J. B. Tre- vanion, esq. to Susannah, second daugh- ter of Sir Francis Burdett, Bart — Rev. C. H. John Mildmay, brother to Sir H. St. J. Mildmay, Bart., to Hon. Caroline Waldegrave, youngest daughter of the late Admiral Lord Badstock. — Capt. A. Wathen, to Lady Elizabeth Jane Leslie, youngest daughter of the Earl of Rothes. DEATHS. At his seat at Castle Bernard, the Earl of Bandon. — Admiral Robert Montagu. — Alderman Crowder, late Lord Mayor of London ; and J. Peshlier Crowder, esq., his brother, two days previous. — • Lord Henley, 70.— Hon. Hugh Elliot, 80, formerly governor of Madras ; he has left nineteen children. — The Dow- ager Lady Lushington. — Amelia, widow of the late Admiral Sir R. Calder.— Rear Admiral Stiles, 7^.— Lieut. Col. Barton, 2d Life Guards.— Very Rev. E. Mellish, Rector of East Tuddenham, Vicar of Honingham, and Dean of Here- ford.—At Misterton, R. Astley, esq. 87. DEATHS ABROAD. At Rome, His Holiness Francois Xa- vier Castiglione, Pope Pius VIII. — At Paris, Mr. Benjamin Constant, 65, member of the Chamber of Deputies. —At Nice, Mrs. Kelly, of Castle Kelly; and Sir Robert Williams, Bart., M.P. MONTHLY PROVINCIAL OCCURRENCES. NORTHUMBERLAND.— At a nu- merous and highly respebtable meeting of the inhabitants of NeAvcastle-upon- Tyne and its vicinity, held in the Guild- hall, December 21st, the Mayor in the Chair, it was Resolved, amongst other resolutions — " That to the imperfect state of the representation are mainly to be ascribed the excessive evils with which the country is afflicted ; among which we may enumerate — unjust mo- nopolies— oppressive and vexatious laws 118 Provincial Occurrences : Yorkhire, Norfolk, fyc. [JAN. pay great attention to the Natural His- tory, Natural Philosophy, and Minera- logy of the county ; and to collect, if possible, portraits of all eminent men of the county. — and a most profligate waste of the public money ; forming a train of evils, threatening, in their consequences, to involve in distress and ruin every class of the community." YORKSHIRE.— A meeting was held at Leeds, on Tuesday evening last, of the labouring classes, when it was deter- mined to form a junction with the " Na- tional Union" among all trades, the ob- ject of which was to prevent, by every legal means, any further reduction of wages. Resolutions were passed to the effect that the general distress among the working classes is attributable to un- necessary reduction of wages ; that the remedy lay in national unions for the .protection of labour and independence of working "people; and that a new weekly paper be established, that the poor might be certain of seeing their real situation truly represented. This " Na- tional Union" already consists of 100,000 workmen, and its funds amount to a con- siderable sum. — Leeds Intelligencer, Dec. 9. At a recent meeting of the inhabitants of Dewsbury and the neighbourhood, se- veral Resolutions were unanimously passed for Reform in Parliament ; the following is the 3d Resolution — " That, without stating instances of wasteful profligacy more determined in their cha- racter, this meeting cannot but have no- ticed a statement made in the House of Commons, that 210 placemen receive annually among them nearly £1,000,000. of the public money, which sum is equi- valent (as this meeting may be admitted to suppose each labourer to have a wife and two children) to what is allowed for the sustenance of 217,000 individuals for for the same space of time, or one place- man receiving annually so much of the public money as is paid as wages in the disturbed districts to 216 working men and their families, amounting to nearly 1,000 persons!!! NORFOLK.— By the Abstract of Receipts and Disbursements of the trea- surer of this country, from Midsummer 1829 to Midsummer 1830, it appears that the sum of £19,873. 3s. 5d. was col- lected and expended, almost the whole of it, in criminal jurisprudence, prisons, &c., and the Lunatic Asylum buildings and repairs ; the cost of 'the latter was upwards of .£3,000. — county bridges not quite £400. — for burying dead bodies washed on the shore, £25. 3s. The sixth annual meeting of the subscribers to the Norfolk and Norwich Museum has recently taken place, when the report was made, and ordered to be printed ; many valuable donations have been received'in the different branches of Natural History. It was suggested at the dinner held on the occasion, to A large fish, of the genus Delphinus, has been taken by six fishermen at Lynn, having grounded itself on the sands ; it required six horses to drag it on shore — its length was 22 feet— its circumfe- rence 13. WORCESTERSHIRE. — By the treasurer of the public stock of this county's abstract amount of receipts and expenditure, from Michaelmas sessions 1829 to Michaelmas sessions 1830, it ap- pears that the sum of £9,164. 8s. 5d. was collected and expended — £8,000. of which was wanted for jails, prisoners, prosecutions, transports, clerk of the peace, vagrants, lunatics, and coroners — £6. 10s. was only required for repairing the county bridges. LANCASHIRE.— Dec. 4. The Pla- net locomotive engine took the first load of merchandize which has passed along the Railway from Liverpool to Man- chester. The train consisted of 18 wag- gons, containing 135 bags and bales of American cotton, 200 barrels of flour, 63 sacks of oatmeal, and 34 sacks of malt, weighing altogether 51 tons 11 cwt. 1 qr. To this must be added the weight of the waggons and oil-cloths, viz. 23 tons 8 cwt. 3 qrs. ; the tender, water, and fuel, 4 tons ; and of fifteen persons upon the train, 1 ton — making a total weight of exactly eighty tons, exclusive of engine (6 tons). The journey was performed in 2 hours and 54 minutes, including 3 stoppages of 5 minutes each for oiling, watering, and taking in fuel ; under the disadvantages also of an adverse wind, and of a great additional friction in the wheels and axles, owing to their being entirely new. The train was assisted up the Rainhill inclined plane, by other engines, at the rate of 9 miles an hour, and descended the Sutton inclined plane at the rate of 1C| miles an hour. The average rate on the other parts of the road was 12^ miles an hour, the greatest speed on the level being 15!j miles an hour, which was maintained for a mile or two at different periods of the jour- ney. Plans for no less than fourteen rail-roads, all more or less within the limits of the county of Lancaster, have last week been deposited in the office of the clerk of the peace, in Preston. At a meeting of the rate-payers, re- cently held at Liverpool, it was unani- mously resolved, " That the town ard immediate vicinity of Liverpool com- prise a population of about 180,000 souls. That the number of burgesses who polled at the late election, including out-voters, was 4401, consisting principally of per- 1831.] Hampshire, Warwickshire, Herefordshire, fyc. sons dependent for support on their daily wages, and, therefore, from their station in life, liable to be actuated by every variety of undue influence, while nine-tenths oJthe substantial household- ers have no voice in the election of their representativ2s. — That the continuance of such flagrant abuses in the system of representation, in an age and country ce- lebrated for liberal views and free insti- tutions, is an outrage on the common- sense of mankind, and a lamentable in- stance of the difficulty of getting rid of enormities, however gross, when sanc- tioned by time and blended with the question of alleged municipal rights and immunities." HAMPSHIRE.— The general annual statement of the Portsmouth and Port- sea Savings' Bank, made up to the 20th November 1830, shews the amount of receipts to that period to be £79,363. 19s. 4d. ; the number of depositors, 1,673 ; charitable societies, 7 ; and friendly societies, 20. The inhabitants of Gosport and Ports- mouth, at separate meetings, have pe- titioned parliament for a reform in the representation of the people, a reduction of the public burden, by uncompromising economy, and a diminution or abolition of those taxes which press on the mid- dling and labouring classes. And " The humble Petition of the Owners and Occu- piers of Land and Tithe, of Hambledon, to the House of Commons, sheAveth, — That the labourers, who have for many years been reduced to a state too misera- ble for Honest and Laborious Men to bear, have now, being unable to endure their sufferings longer, risen and de- manded an augmentation of wages ; that the farmers are unable to comply with their demand without utter ruin to them- selves, because the heavy taxes on the necessaries of life take from them the means of paying adequate wages : they therefore pray for the repeal of those taxes. At Winchester assizes several prison- ers have been convicted of arson and destruction of agricultural property. WARWICKSHIRE.— The exhibi- tion of the works of modern artists at Birmingham is closed. The number of season tickets sold, we understand, ex- ceeded 900 ; and the total receipts, inde- pendent of Sir Robert Peel's donation of £100., amounted to £840. 10s. 6d. The exhibition has supported the pre- vious high pretensions of the Society of Arts. The conversaziones have been eagerly and numerously attended, and have tended not a little to advance the general popularity of the institution. HEREFORDSHIRE. ~ Hereford County Meeting. — A meeting of the ma- gistrates of this county was held at the 119 Shire-hall, Hereford, on Saturday last, by desire of Earl Somers, the Lord Lieu- tenant, and the precautionary measures recommended by government were then unanimously adopted. It was, however, expressly stated by the assembled ma- gistrates, that no act of outrage or vio- lence was apprehended, the people of the county appearing to be animated by the best feelings and the most peaceable dis- position. The 31st exhibition of the Ross Hor- ticultural Society took place Decem- ber 1, and notwithstanding the wea- ther was not very favourable, there was a large attendance of subscribers and their friends. Previous to the opening of the show-room, the annual meeting was held at the Swan hotel, when the present officers were re-elected for the year ensuing. The grand stand was extremely well coloured with all the varieties of hardy evergreens, and being well mixed with chrysanthemums of various colours, the effect was pleasing and generally admired. The long table contained upwards of 200 plates of the choicest apples and pears, and consider- ing the scarcity of fruit this season, the quantity exhibited was truly surprising. The chrysanthemums were in fine trusses of bloom, and nearly every known va- riety graced the exhibition. The num- ber of specimens ticketed and entered amounted to 434, and the evening sale of unremoved fruits amounted to £3. 7s. 7d. SOMERSETSHIRE.— The inhabi- tants of Creech St. Michael, North Pe- therton, and vicinity, following the ex- ample of the Freeholders of Devon, have lost no time in addressing the House of Commons on the important subject of Parliamentary Reform, in consequence of the numerous and very heavy bur- dens which have fallen on the people by Misrepresentation in the Commons' House of Parliament. — 1. As to inordi- nate Taxation to support a standing army in the time of Peace, and for the needless purpose of supporting Sinecu- rists and others, who hold Unmerited Pensions. — 2. As to the severe, and, at present, almost overwhelming pressure of Tithes, both Lay and Ecclesiastic, upon the depressed and overburdened Agriculturist. — 3. As to the Abuses that exist in our Courts of Law and Equitv, and whereby the Poor Man is entirely shut out from any fair competition with the Rich — -And, lastly, they earnestly call attention to that upon which hinge's the whole, and without which all other minor alterations will be of little or no avail — namely, a full, fair, and free Representation of the ' Whole' of c the People,' in the Commons' House of Parliament." — Somersetshire Gazette. 120 Provincial Occurrences : Dorsetshire, Kent, fyc. [JAN. DORSETSHIRE.— The inhabitants of the island of Portland have returned thanks to his Majesty for his donation of £25. per annum, granted from his private purse, towards supporting a surgeon on the island so long as he re- sides there, and the Dispensary remains on its present footing. KENT — Three convicts tried by the Commission, have suffered the last pe- nalty of the law at Maidstone for burn- ing agricultural property. SUSSEX. — Several prisoners have been convicted at the winter assizes, held at Lewes, for setting fire to barns, ricks, &c. One miserable object con- fessed having set fire to five different places out of eight that happened near Battle. SURREY.— A meeting has been held at Croydon of the freeholders of the county, when resolutions were unani- mously voted for a reform of Parliament, and for the disfranchisement of the four rotten boroughs of Haselmere, Reigate, Gatton, and Bletchingley, and for trans- ferring the elective franchise to eight of the most largely populated and unre- presented towns and hundreds in the county, also for a reduction of taxation. CHESHIRE.— The Spinners work- ing in the 52 mills at Ashton-under- Line all left their employment on Sa- turday, and the mills are at a stand. The men who have thus turned out for ad- vance of wages, with the women, chil- dren, and others dependent upon them, amount to about 20,000 persons. The distress in which the district will be plunged by this event will consequently be exceedingly severe, particularly at this inclement season. — Macclesjield 'Cou- rier, Dec. 18. The Stockport paper says, " The men parade every day with music and flags ; and there is no doubt that many hun- dreds of fire-arms and other weapons are in their possession, as they are occasion- ally partially displayed. Some of the flags are tri-coloured, and bear the following inscriptions: 'He that lead- eth into captivity shall be led into cap- tivity.'— ' He that killeth b}' the sword shall also be killed by the sword.' — ' A living for our labour, or no labour at all.' — ' The labour of a nation is the wealth of a nation.' — 4 Free Trade.' — ' Liberty or the Sword,' &c. &c." WALES Dec. 13 — A meeting of the county of Montgomery, the High Sheriff in the chair, was held at Welsh Pool, when several resolutions were en- tered into for Reform in the Parliamen- tary Representation, for Rigid Economy in Public Expenditure, and for Abolition of Improper Pensions, and Useless Places. '» It is only by the adoption of such measures," says one of the resolu- tions, u that the loyalty of the people can be retained, the durability of the constitution ensured, and the peace and happiness of the kingdom pre- served."— Petitions to Parliament were passed ; that to House of Lords to be presented by Lord Chancellor, and that to House of Commons by Chancellor of Exchequer. — Shrewsbury Chronicle. SCOTLAND.— The inhabits of Edin- burgh have unanimously voted, in an assembly held recently in the Assembly Rooms, petitions to Parliament for Le- gislative Reform, " praying for such an extension as may include a fair propor- tion of the Property and Intelligence of Scotland !" The Merchant Company have also passed resolutions to the same effect, as have also the inhabitants of Leith— while theTown Council of Edin- burgh have voted the following resolu- tions, carried by 21 voices against 10— " That while it appears to the Town Council of Edinburgh that the Constitu- tion under which we live has been the most perfect that any country has ever been blessed with, yet there can be no doubt that, from the length of its endur- ance, abuses may have crept in, and al- terations unsuitable to the present time may have been made on it ; but as his Majesty's Ministers have pledged them- selves to amend and renovate such parts of the Constitution and Representation as may stand in need of it, — Resolved, that under such circumstances, and until they are made acquainted with the de- tails of the reform to be brought forward in Parliament, it behoves the Town Council to delay taking any further steps on this difficult and important question." IRELAND. — An extraordinary case was lately brought before the Court of King's Bench, Dublin. Counsel applied on the part of a female, named Jane Dar- ley, for the renewal of an order which had been granted by the Court for her discharge from the custody of the City Marshal, in which prison she had been confined for the extraordinary period of thirty four years, for a debt of no more than eleven pounds!!! Her creditor and his attorney, and all parties interested in the debt, had been dead for a consi- derable period. The Court inquired why its former order had not been acted on. Counsel replied, that the Marshal had refused to liberate her until she dis- charged certain claims for fees and rents he had on her. The Court said, if the officer of the prison had a right to detain her, they should not interfere. Counsel agreed to receive a conditional order to be served on the Marshal, who might then shew cause. She has since been liberated. — Dublin Morning Register. THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE OF POLITICS, LITERATURE, AND THE BELLES LETTRES. VOL. XL] FEBRUARY, 1831. . [No. 62. EUROPE AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE YEAR 1831. THE past year exhibited a state of affairs unexampled since the fall of the Roman empire — the supremacy of the multitude ! The origin of all the modern dominations of Europe was in the power of the armed people. The northern tribes who broke down the Roman empire were a populace, warlike, yet but half-armed, and accustomed to obey princes and chief- tains, yet possessed of rights which made them almost independent of authority. They fell upon the tottering mass of the Roman empire with a weight which crushed it ; and from the ruins they raised kingdoms and principalities, in which the sovereign was little more than the chief magistrate, and the government little more than a republic of soldiers. In 1 830, the French returned nearly to the model of their ancestors in the sixth century ; by an insurrection of the armed multitude, overthrew the monarchy ; and established a sovereignty in its stead, in which the governor is but the chief magistrate, and the form of the government is, in all but name, republican. The example of this powerful and leading people rapidly produced imitators. The people of Brussels mastered the government, defeated its forces, and, establishing the independence of Belgium, fully declared their right to a separate government, a new-modeled constitution, and the choice of a king. The next demand of those popular rights was in Switzerland. A peasant army rose, marched into Berne, and obtained all their demands. The facility of their success has made their insurrection obscure ; but the principle of the exertion of popular power to obtain popular rights was amply established. The flame now spread to the north ; and, on the 29th of November, the people of Warsaw rose, drove out the Russian garrison, formed a government, and declared the independence of Poland. In the minor German States, the popular spirit not less displayed itself. The people rose in Brunswick, expelled their Duke on the ground of personal inju- ries, and have since finally given over his authority to his brother. The same effervescence exhibited in several of the other principalities, without proceeding to the same length, produced, at least, promises of constitu- tional rights, which, if not performed, will, in all probability, produce M. M. New Series.— Voi. XL No. 62. R 122 Europe at the Commencement of the Year 1831. [[FEB. revolutions. Even in England, a new and angry feeling had begun to spread. The abettors of popular violence, excited by the success of the French and Belgian insurrections, became more daring, A blind and fierce system of outrage was put in practice; and the breaking of machines, and the burning of farm-yards, menaced the destruction of agriculture. A new year is before us ; and it may exceed human sagacity to anti- cipate the nature of the changes which shall occur before its close. But some extraordinary changes in the condition of the continental govern- ments must be apprehended. In England — strong in her constitution, in her position, in the power of her middle class, and the consciousness of all wise and honourable men, that the principles of the monarchy can- not be changed for the better — we have no reason to fear revolution. But it is possible that a multitude of the abuses, which time or corruption has drawn round the government, will be tolerated no longer. The first object which stings the public feeling is, of course, the Public Expenditure. England is taxed to ten times the amount of any other European State. It has been computed that, in one shape or other, every article which belongs to the support, the civilization, or the enjoyment of life, contributes three-fourths of its value to the State ; that, in fact, every tax-paying individual in England pays £75. out of every £100. of his income ! The question is loudly asked — why, with the pro- ductive soil, the temperate climate, and the singularly advantageous geographical position of England, are the means of life more difficult to be provided here than in any other country of Europe ? — why the same quantity of bread which costs one penny in France — but fifteen miles from England — should in England cost three ? — why all the other necessaries of life are in the same proportion? — why the labourer on the Continent lives in comfort and plenty, while the English labourer lives in penury, and is driven to poaching, smuggling, and the parish ? — why the incomes of the great landholders, the church, and the farmers, are all sinking, and yet no other class is the richer ? The general answer assigned to those queries is the inordinate taxation which goes to support the inordinate expenditure of Government. - The public investigation is now turned keenly on the ways in which the national property is expended ; and the strongest anxiety is already directed to the measures to which Parliament is pledged on the subject of retrenchment. A topic of peculiar offence is the Pension-List. The crowd of names which that document exhibits as sharing the public money, has been already severely investigated, and will be brought into inquiry with still more unsparing determination. The popular writers demand, by what service to the State, or personal virtue, or meritorious claim of any kind on the public, have three-fourths of those pensioners been fixed upon the national purse? They state that, in a crowd of instances, the only grounds which they can even conjecture are of a kind which it is not consistent with decorum to name. In other instances, they find the families of men who had long enjoyed highly lucrative employments, and who, though with the most obvious means of pro- viding for the decent subsistence of their families, preferred leading a life of show and extravagance, living up to the last shilling of their income, and then fastening their wives and children upon the State. Others, who, having not even the claim of such service, contrived, merely by some private interest, to secure this provision, and thus sup- port individuals in rank and luxury, whose natural place, whatever their 1831.] Europe at the Commencement of the Year 1831. 123 titles may be, would be in the humblest ranks of society, and whose bread must be earned by the far honester labour of their own hands. Other objects of investigation must be the Sinecures, Pluralities^ and Reversions. It is stated that the Privy Council receive, on an average, £5,000. per annum each, or the enormous total of upwards of £000,000. a year ! — that, of course, many of those individuals hold two, three, or four places ; — that the land is eaten up with sinecurism ; — and that, on this system, the worthless branches of noble families, the dependents of ministers, and the general brood of the idle and useless, are fed out of the earnings of the people. It is obvious, however, that these charges fall entirely short of strik- ing at the Constitution ; that they merely advert to abuses, and leave the principles untouched ; that the British Constitution is still the first object of political homage ; and that even the most violent advocates for public change declare that their views are directed, not to the overthrow, but to the greater activity and supremacy of the Constitution. The state of property, as it refers to Agriculture, the Church, Manu- factures, and Commerce, presents some new and anxious aspects. Throughout England, the agricultural interests are in a state of de- pression. Rents have generally fallen, or been voluntarily lowered. The poor-rates have increased ; labour is failing ; and the agricultural population is either in open riot, or latent discontent. The most singular feature in all this, is the utter difficulty of ascertaining its cause. None of the great casualties of nations — famine, war, sudden loss of market for manufactures or produce, have occurred ; yet, undoubtedly, the crisis is now more severe than at any former period. The political economists have, of course, all failed in discovering either cause or remedy. The theory of one is, that the distress is owing to the return to a circulation in coin ; but that return is now half-a-dozen years old, and it is totally impossible to perceive how, by giving the extraordinary power to coin, to every man who chose to call himself a banker, any end could follow except that which has followed in every instance of the experiment — an infi- nite quantity of fraud, of baseless speculation, of loss among the poor, of forgery and its consequent loss of life among the wretched people tempted by the facility of the practice, and — as a result of the whole — a trembling credit, which the first accident would throw into universal bankruptcy. As matters proceed now, every man who has value can obtain gold ; the circulation is unchecked by any paucity of the precious metals, and the only sufferers on the subject are the country dealer in paper, which he can now no more manufacture into pounds, and millions of pounds, on his sole credit, which has so often proved not worth sixpence ; or the speculator without capital, who is ready to embark in any des- perate enterprize, and borrow at any interest, in the hope of realizing something or other in the chances of the world. We are told, too, that the restricted issues of the country bankers, by preventing the farmers from being able to obtain notes by mortgaging their crops for the time, prevent them from keeping back their produce until the season of the highest prices. But why should the farmers, or any other men, be aided to keep up the market thus artificially, and extract an inordinate price from the public necessities, by the help of fictitious money?* Thus, * Somo remarks on this subject, from an intelligent correspondent, will be found at p. 164. R 2 124 Europe al the Commencement of the Year 1831. CFsB. according to the advocates for the one-pound note, public prosperity is to depend on two fictions — paper-money, without funds — and a mono- poly price for corn. This is evidently against common-sense and the nature of things ; and the cause must be sought elsewhere. The true cause of the public pressure is, beyond all doubt, the Taxation. No nation was ever exposed to such tremendous imposts. The taxes of England amount to not much less than seventy millions sterling a-year ! Twenty millions to the government; twenty to the local expen- diture, poor-rates, highways, watching, lighting, £c. &c. ; and nearly thirty millions to the interest of the national debt. We are to recollect too, that this enormous sum is paid by a population of twelve millions, of whom one half are females, and about one half of the remainder infants and old people, classes from whose labour little can be raised ; in other words, that about three millions of men pay upwards of twenty pounds sterling each ! In America the taxation is nine shillings and threepence a-head ! We certainly pay rather high for our privilege in living at this side of the Atlantic. This frightful taxation must be diminished within reasonable bounds by some means or other ; the fact is beyond all dispute. The people of England cannot be rationally expected by any government to see them- selves reduced to extremity by enormous imposts, for the vanity, the improvidence, or the vice of others, let them bear what name they may. It is monstrous to conceive, that about two hundred individuals, three-fourths of whom are almost totally unknown as public servants, and of whom not one fiftieth ever performed any service to the State worth fifty pounds, should yearly be suffered to draw from the exigencies of the country upwards of £600,000 ! It is monstrous that for fifteen years of Peace, and with the most constant assurances from the Throne that there was not the slightest probability of War with any power of Europe, * we should have been keeping up an army of upwards of 100,000 men ! and paying for them at three times the rate of any European power besides ; namely, eight millions a year ! To the advocates of this most unwise expenditure we unhesitatingly say, that this support of a standing army is among the most extraordinary instances in which a people of common sense have ever suffered themselves to be misled. In all countries a standing army is a declared evil. On the continent the only result of the system has been to inspire kingdoms with mutual jealousy, make military habits supersede those of all the purer, more healthy, and more productive classes of society ; set a coxcomb with a pair of epaulettes above the man of science, the merchant, the scholar, the agriculturist, above every body who has any better employment than strutting in moustaches and a laced coat. It prompts princely cupidity to aggression on the neighbouring states, just as when every man wore a sword, every word produced a deadly quarrel. It im- poverishes the nation, and, after all, when the time of Invasion comes, the only period in which it can be important for any people to have an army, it is generally found inefficient, and the true defence of the country is found in the multitude who have never received a shilling of pay, and whose natural intrepidity serves their country better than all the drilling and parading of their coxcomb hussars, lancers, life-guards, and the whole haughty and costly crowd of encumbrances of tlie land. But in England, with her Cliffs for an insurmountable rampart, and the 1831.] Europe at the Commencement of the Year 1831. 125 Sea for an impassable ditch ; with the most compact and vigorous popu- lation on earth to man this mighty fortress ; with Fleets for her outposts, invincible by human force ; with the power of sending a force on the wings of the wind to attack any kingdom of the earth on the most vulnerable side ; — what necessity can we have for a Standing Army ? When all our colonies are fatal to European life, ho «r shall the pretext be advanced, that we require this army for our colonial possessions ? It is notorious that a militia raised in the colonies, of men seasoned to the climate, and acquainted with the habits of the natives, and the face of the country, is the only description of force that common sense would think of using. The hideous mortality of the British troops in the West Indies should have long since taught us, on the mere ground of humanity, the senselessness of giving the defence of the West Indies to the raw recruits of England. We are not to be told that the state of Ireland requires a standing army. Our answer is, that the Irish yeomanry would be more than equal to put down any papist insurrection ; that it put down a papist insurrection be- fore ; and that from its cheapness, its constitutional nature, and its adap- tation to the circumstances of Ireland, it is of all forces the fittest to put down Irish disturbance. To advert to other points. The burnings have been repressed for the moment in some degree; but they have not been put an end to. The capital condemnations have neither deterred the incendiaries, nor detected the principals. It seems unquestionable that there are some individuals, at least, of wealth, be- hind the curtain, and neither public justice nor private security will be attained until those criminals, tenfold more guilty than their wretched tools, shall have fallen into the hands of the law. The state of Ireland is the next that forces itself on our contemplation. That country exhibits a scene which must make the members of the late ministry cover them- selves with sackcloth and ashes, if they were capable of either shame or repentance. The " healing measure," the " measure of unanimity," the " infallible conciliation," has turned out to be a firebrand, as every friend of the protestant religion and constitution told the Duke of Wel- lington, Sir Robert Peel, and the rest of the Cabinet. They were told as distinctly as words could tell them, " You are blindly holding out a premium by this Emancipation, to a gang of disturbers, who live by disturbance ; youi measure is actually alienating the whole respectable portion of Ireland, taking the sword out of the hand of the protestant, and stimulating the rude passions, and brute ambition of every low mob- hunter, broken-down political gamester, and characterless hanger-on upon the skirts of life in Ireland. Do you expect to conciliate such men as the Irish demagogues by concession ? You might as well extinguish a mid- night conflagration by thrusting fuel into the hand of the incendiary. You might as well turn the robber or the cut-throat into an honest man, by shewing him gold, or throwing the object of his hatred and revenge into his power \" But we find it next to impossible to give any man credit for the sim- plicity of believing that this measure would produce any fruits, but those which it is producing at this hour. Ignorant as ministers might be, we could not imagine them ignorant enough for that. Yet on what grounds the offence was committed, we will not even conjecture. The mystery is one of bosoms that we disdain to fathom. There let it lie, among the dreams of baffled politicians : and lie only to embitter the re- ]2(J Europe at the Commencement of the Year 1831. [[FEB. flections of men driven out of power by national scorn. But, for this blunder, if to them it were a blunder, we are paying severely now ; and well may we execrate the " Measure," which has caused a state of Ireland, unexampled in the history even of Irish turbulence, and which will speedily, unless changed by some interposition little short of miracu- lous, cover the land with civil blood. Yet in the midst of all this regret, it is scarcely possible to suppress a bitter and contemptuous joy at the recompence which the crowd of Irish Protestant abettors of the party are undergoing clay by day. We now see the popularity-hunters trembling at the work of their own hands, attempting to put down by their silly signatures the fierce spirit which they raised by their own miserable partizanship, and scoffed at for the attempt. We see the whole tribe turned into cyphers. The Viceroy received in silence, or in sneers, by the mob, to " conciliate" whose huzzas this personage stooped to the flattery of the populace ; and we see him treated with the most insolent defiance by the leader of that populace. We well remember his letter to Dr. Curtis, telling the papists to " agitate, agitate, agitate ;" and we contemptuously exult that the in- dividual who dared to utter this advice, is now compelled to witness the result of this "agitation." But, enough of such triflers. A sterner time is coming. To repel the? storm is now all but impossible, at all events it will never be repelled by weak counsels, nor feeble instruments. The fate of kingdoms is not to be averted by such means as reside in the hearts and heads of the present administrators of Ireland. Their arrest of O'Connell betrays the tardiness of their sense of their situation. They have not ventured to seize the disturber on the ground which would be intelligible to all men, that of conspiring to rouse the populace against the'" Incorporation" of England and Ireland, a portion of the Constitution as distinctly declared by law to be irrevocable, as the establishment of a house of peers, or the throne. But they have dwindled down the charge into a legal subtlety, which will be sure to sink under them before a jury ; and the defeat of this frivolous attempt will only inspirit the disturbance, and place the disturber beyond all control. " Evading a proclamation !" what is this, but what O'Connell has declared it to be, " giving no opportunity for the proclamation to seize on him ?" The very words imply that he has not come within the grasp of the proclamation ; and he is now to be seized, in virtue of that pro- hibition which he is acknowledged not to have violated. But the error lies even deeper. By making O'Connell's crime to be against a procla- mation of a Viceroy, and not against the Constitution of the Empire, it makes the charge degenerate at once into a squabble with an official, whose own wrords are on record, advising " agitation." It opposes O'Connell, not to the majesty of British justice and the established rights of the empire, but to a viceroy who scribbled an actual exhortation to the populace to " agitate ;" and to a secretary whose parliamentary harangues were directed against the spirit of the acts which he is now promulgating with his pen. To the principles of the governors, let them throw in the principles of Lord Plunkett, and we shall see how the scale will vibrate. But the contest will be one of mere person. The crime against the Constitution will be merged in the contest with the indi- vidual ; it will be altogether an affair of character ; and no man will care a straw how it is decided. But this state of things cannot last; popular fury will not be calmed by thq flimsy contrivances of lawyers. The 1031.] Kin-ope at the Commencement, of the Year 1831. 127 first spark will awaken the whole mass of combustibles into a flame, and the flame will sweep the land. The aspect of the Continent is calculated to excite the strongest anxiety in every mind that feels peace to be essential to the good of nations. France, at all times the prime-mover of the Continent, is gradually sinking from its monarchical attitude. Every hour gives some new evidence of the growing force of Republicanism. Lafayette's abandon- ment of the king, and his open declaration that he is dissatisfied with the royal measures, on the ground that they are not sufficiently repub- lican ; the rapid changes in the cabinet, all tending to Republicanism ; the haughty and domineering spirit of the populace, who palpably consider themselves as the ruling power of France ; and the fiery generation of clubs in the capital and in the provinces, holding doctrines directly subversive of royal authority, all combine to predict the erection of a great Republic in the centre of Europe. The Republicanism of Belgium is still triumphant. Belgium, secretly sustained by France, has wrested the recognition of its independence from the European powers ; and is, like France, propagating its principles through the entire extent of Europe. Touching the dominions of Prussia in so many points, the influence is already felt there, and the Prussian troops are kept perpetually in readiness for the field, the Prussian court is kept in constant alarm ; and the most trivial squabble of the populace throws the whole government into tremors. Even in the Hanoverian territory the revolutionary spirit has broke out. On the 8th, 9th, and 10th of January, a crowd of the citizens and students of Gottingen, arming themselves as a Burgher guard, rushed through the streets, and demanded a " New Constitution/' The Duke of Cambridge was sent for, and his arrival was alone awaited, to decide the complexion of this extravagant proceeding. The cause of Poland is still undecided. The people are enthusiastic, but powerless against the gigantic force of Russia. The Czar's mani- festo leaves no hope of reconciliation, and he has directed upon this most unhappy and long injured of all countries, an army to which, humanly speaking, it can offer no resistance. But a formidable obstacle has already interposed, in the season; whose singular mildness has hitherto checked the movement of the Russian troops. The roads are rivers of sleet and mire, the country is a deluge, the artillery and waggons are fixed to the ground, and the campaign, which would have been favoured by the keenest violence of winter, has been hitherto defeated by a softness like that of spring. Another obstacle, whose name itself strikes terror, is reported to have arisen to repel the invader. The Cholera ! is said to have dis- played itself in the Russian cantonments. This dreaduil disease, acting upon the crowded population of a Russian camp, would speedily unstring all the sinews of war. But we may well tremble for all Europe, at the announcement of an enemy that, if the sword slew its thousands, would slay its ten thousands. Negociations on the Polish affairs have been already announced by the French minister at war. French officers have already taken service in the Polish levies, the popular feeling of France is eagerly turned on Polish liberty, and it can scarcely be doubted that if the invasion be deferred for a few months more, or if the Poles are able to resist for a 128 En raps at the Commencement of the Year 1831. [FKB. while the impression of the Russian armies, they will receive direct assistance from France. But, whatever direction may be given to the Continent, one fact is unquestionable -that no year, since the commencement of the first French revolution, ever opened with such universal preparations for War. France is already forming immense camps on her frontiers, and raising her regular force to nearly half a million of men. Austria is arming new levies, remounting her cavalry, and sending troops by the ten thousand into Italy. The Piedmontaise army is to be instantly raised to 130,000 men. Poland is, naturally, exerting all her strength, and ordering every man into the field. Russia has ordered a levy through- out her whole empire. Every manufactory of arms in Europe rings day and night with the note of preparation. Every Cabinet is holding anxious deliberations. Every continental king is alarmed for his throne. Of all the powers of Europe, the only ones who seem to be beyond the sphere of this terror, are Sultan Mahmoud, and our own Monarch. Yet the Sultan is incessantly labouring to reinvigorate the national strength, and prepare, by the full development of the remaining ener- gies of Moslemism, for the storm of war which hangs over him from the North. Our country is still a fortunate exception. Yet, if we can have no fear of foreign conquest, nor of domestic revolution, we have our trials too, and we shall see them deepen from day to day, unless the old spirit of England return, and we meet the evil by that fearless determi- nation to extinguish abuses, to purify the conduct of public affairs, and at all risks to do our duty, without which the fate of all governments tells us there is no substantial power. TO A LADY, READING. OH ! while polluted lips impart High virtue's maxims, boasts, professions, Which wake no echoes in the heart, And leave on our's but cold impressions, — While in thy life a model shines, Of all that's innocent and holy, AH nature prompts, and truth refines, In mind so wise, in heart so lowly ; — 'Tis strange to hear thee breathe the names Of faults which thy pure soul is scorning ; Such zeal thy blest example claims, We scarce require, from thee, such warning. Wanderers, who long to find the right, Need but be told thine own sweet story ; And none but fiends, who fear the light, Would cast one shadow on thy glory. I — who on none, save thee, e'er gazed With envy — daring not, nor deigning— Still love thee more than I have praised, Feel more than are thy flatterers feigning. Speak what thou wilt, our smiles and tears " Chast'riing, by pity and by terror" — And Heaven preserve thy future years, As free from sorrow as from error! I- H. 1831.] [ 129 ] ANECDOTES OF BRAZIL. ONE thing above all others which extends our acquaintance with hu- man affairs, and enlarges and enlightens the mind — what most eminently distinguishes the present age from every other, is the facility of loco- motion. As little is thought now-a-days of circumnavigating the globe, as was formerly of travelling to the northern extremity of our island. In fact, no one can pretend to the rank of a traveller who has not either pic-nicked at the foot of the Pyramids., climbed the heaven-kissing peaks of the Himalaya range, hunted the ostrich on the Pampas, or listened to the deafening roar of Niagara. With what ineffable contempt will this superb locomotive creature look down on his fellow, who merely tours over the European Continent, dreaming away his life amidst the frivolities of its numerous capitals, but deriving no more information of men and manners than what strikes his organs of vision through the windows of his well-padded travelling- carriage ! Who would now, with a grain of the odi profanum vulgus in his composition, condescend to ascend Mont Blanc, vulgarized as it has lately been by the profanation of Cockney footsteps ! The exclusive has now literally nothing left but a voyage to the North Pole, or an attempt to discover the course of the mysterious Niger. The country that, more than any other, has engaged the attention of mankind in our day, is South America. We do not say that the people of this continent are either, on account of their character or their actual achievements, the most interesting 011 the face of the globe ; but, in their accidental position, they unquestionably are so. Their grand experiment in government and social regeneration ; their trial in their voyage onwards to a mighty fulfilment, or a still mightier failure, we cannot but feel places them as no other nation is, for concentrating on them the gaze of a liberal and philosophical curiosity. So far back as the days of old Montaigne and Montesquieu, the inde- pendence of the Spanish- American colonies was a political problem, the solution of which had occupied the attention of speculative politicians ; while of late years the revolution which had taken place in men's minds on the subject of colonies, had enabled the practical statesman to demon- strate the event with mathematical certainty. The boundless extent of these magnificent colonies — the colossal proportions of .their natural fea- tures— their riches, real or fabulous — added to the romantic halo shed around them by the history of their early conquest — had, in every age since their first discovery powerfully inflamed the imagination of men, and generated a wild and chimerical spirit of adventure. It is not, there- fore, singular that, at the earliest dawn of independence in the Western World, men of every rank and denomination should have looked towards it as an extended field, for the development of some long-cherished scheme of daring ambition, or all-grasping avarice. The martial spirits of Europe, whose sphere of action had been nar- rowed by the setting of the sun of Napoleon, flocked in crowds to the patriot standards. The speculative politician dreamed that the moment for the realization of his Utopia was at length arrived. It was, however, in the mercantile world that the vibrations of the chord excitement was felt with the most powerful effect. The Spanish El Dorado, so long closed to the other nations of the world by the singular system of colo- nial policy of the mother-country, was at length brought within the M.M. New Series.— Vol. XI. No. 62. S 130 Anecdotes of Brazil. [[FEB. grasp of British enterprise; and, in the blind infatuation of the moment, they wildly imagined that the dream of poetry and romance — the golden age — was about to be substantially realized in the nineteenth century. It is easy, I am aware, to reason after an event ; for the causes and effects being then developed, there remains only to place them in their juxtaposition to arrive at the wished-for result. The history of this singular period, unparalleled in the annals of human folly, will be pointed at by the future historian as a faro on the ocean-rocks of time — a salutary warning to after ages. As a climax to this mania, there was wanting but the formation of a company, whose object was, Titan- like, to scale heaven by piling the huge mass of Cotapayi on the giant Chimborazo. But the illusion has passed away. This fata morgana of the mind, like its prototype in the natural world, after dazzling the imagination with its fantastic imagery, has disappeared. Spanish- America, the sub- ject of so many magnificent aspirations and conceptions, has proved a failure. A fearful reaction has been felt through every gradation of life. The soldier found there a grave — the merchant, ruin ; while the political projector has heard the death-knell of his hopes in the words of the master-spirit of the revolution : — " After twenty years' struggle," said the Liberator Bolivar, " we have obtained our independence, but at the sacrifice of every thing else !" While the tide of public attention was setting with headlong current towards Spanish-America, Brazil — in whatever point we view her — indisputably the most valuable and important part of this vast continent, attracted to itself none of the capital or enterprise so prodigally lavished on the sister colonies. This may, in some measure, be accounted for from the barrenness of her early history, and the absence of all that could gratify the high-seasoned and romantic taste of the present age. What the sagacious mind of the great Pombal was unable to carry into execution, the terror of Napoleon's arms finally accomplished. Threat- ened with the fate of the Spanish monarchy, the house of Braganza transferred the seat of their empire from Portugal to their extensive transatlantic dominion. Although our commercial relations with Brazil have, ever since this event, been on a most extensive and important scale, it is really singular how little we yet know of the interior of this beautiful country. Thinly scattered along an immense line of maritime coast, the English residents in Brazil, with very few exceptions, were all engaged in commercial pursuits, and were composed of a class of men who, from their previous habits of life, were as little gifted with the requisite powers of observation and deduction, for forming just and ade- quate ideas of the vast resources and capabilities of the country in which they resided, as they were formed by education and intellectual attain- ments for inspiring the Brazilians with any more elevated ideas of our own national character, than such as the plodding virtues of a counting- house could convey. But a new era has dawned: the vast mineral resources of this country are on the eve of rapid development, by the combined operations of British science and enterprise, assisted by a train of favourable circumstances, that must ensure the most splendid success. In this early stage of her history, it would be as futile as vain to spe- culate on the future destinies that await Brazil. I am well aware that it may be alleged, that all improvement is there personal, and that, in fact, 1831.] Anecdotes of Brazil. 131 the whole social system is dependent on so frail a tenure as the existence of one man. "What countervailing chance," it maybe asked, " does there exist for this country, that, in the event of the present emperor being snatched from this life ere he has consolidated the disjointed parts of his immense empire, a similar reaction to that which, in the Spanish colonies, has reduced every thing to a chaos of confusion, may not happen ?" On a superficial view, it will perhaps be difficult satisfac- torily to answer these objections. But it must be recollected that the Brazilian people are eminently monarchical in their habits and prejudices — that, for upwards of twenty years, they have been accustomed to the residence of a court— that the example of the Spanish colonies, so far from proving alluring, will operate as a salutary warning to them — to say nothing of the difference of caste and colour — an insuperable obsta- cle to a republican form of government wherever it exists. What most forcibly strikes the stranger in Brazil, is the extraordinary melange of antitheses in the character of its people. Singularly blen- ded with the most artless simplicity he discovers consummate hypocrisy, the basest superstition with the most frightful latitudinarianism, and abject servility with an impatience of control bordering on savage indepen- dence. Unlike the old countries of Europe, morality in Brazil is at a lower ebb in the country than in the towns, in the interior than on the sea-coast. In the latter, by means of commerce, the inhabitants have been kept up to a certain degree of civilization, though, it must be con- fessed, of the lowest ebb ; but in the interior, where the restraints of religion can no longer be observed, the only preservative has failed, and the descendants of the first settlers have fallen into a state infinitely below that of the aborigines they have displaced. Accustomed, almost from the cradle, to wander at will over their extensive and boundless plains, they naturally imbibe ideas of independence, which spurn at all social control, and which but too often betray them into fits of lawless passion, productive of the most fatal results. Of this singular state of manners, I had myself a melancholy example, while in the interior of the province of Bahia. A Senhor d'Eugenho (a planter), of high rank and influence, on his return from the chace, stopped at the house of a lavrador (a farmer), and requested refreshment and shelter from the burning heat of a vertical sun. The farmer was from home ; but he was, in the mean time, hospitably received by his wife, who adminis- tered to his wants with the best her humble residence could afford. The senhora was a remarkably pretty woman, and her interesting appearance caused her guest to forget the better feelings of his nature. The propo- sals thus made were indignantly repelled : and, baffled in his criminal designs, the brutal ruffian precipitately quitted the house, breathing revenge — which he was not long in executing ; for, on the night of the same day, he returned at the head of a band of hirelings, set fire to the house, inhumanly butchered the husband, and carried off the unfortunate wife. His high rank and influence locked the wheel of justice, and enabled him to enjoy in triumphant impunity the fruits of his atrocious crime. In this world, the merits of every human conception, whether on a narrow or an extended scale, must be measured by the success of its prac- tical application. Those institutions which, in the improved state of European society, are found to be so prejudicial to its best interest, and dangerous in their operation, were, at the hour of their birth, and during S 2 132 Anecdotes of Brazil. [FEB. a long subsequent period of years, attended with results as beneficial as they afterwards proved vicious. No one, who is not blinded by bigotry or hurried away by feelings of romance, will regret the abolition in Europe of the Society of Jesus ; but I know not if he can view with equal complacency the abolition of this celebrated order in South America. The many vices so justly charged to the disciples of Loyola must not prevent our acknowledging the numerous benefits which both literature and science have received from them. It is here, in South America — for the discovery of most of the valuable productions of which Europe is indebted to the Jesuits — that the lover of humanity may be permitted to mourn over their fall. Their singular system of government at the missions — the subject of such contending opinions — will be best estimated by comparing the present deplorable state of morals in those districts with the period when they were subject to the jurisdiction of their order. To the absence of all religious instruction is to be attributed the singular state of manners which so strongly marks the interior province of Brazil. The clergy are in numbers few, while their flocks are scattered over benefices which in extent, at least, will rival a European province. Although I have witnessed some splendid instances of religion and piety among the clergy, the major part of them are totally indifferent to the spiritual weal of their flocks. Thus it but too often happens that those great scenes of life — birth, marriage, and death — pass unhallowed by the rites of religion, and fail to excite those finer feelings which embellish our existence. If the interior provinces of the empire are so miserably provided with spiritual pastors, the remark does not apply to the sea-coast, in the towns of which the church militants, from the haughty Dominican to the dirty Franciscan, literally swarm. I have often been forcibly struck with the exquisitely fine taste for the picturesque displayed by these rever- end fathers in the choice of the sites of their convents. In fact, all the ceremonies of the Romish church are on a scale of gorgeous magnifi- cence, admirably calculated for the purpose of dazzling the imagination of an ignorant people. On one occasion, I lionized, in company with a party of British officers, the city of Bahia. Among other objects, we visited the convent of St. Francis, which, for its extent and the splen- dour of its internal decorations, powerfully elicited the admiration of the late king on his first arrival at Brazil — a sovereign whose ideas of con- ventual magnificence were certainly fixed at an elevated point. After devoting some time to its numerous chapels and richly-decorated shrines, our attention was forcibly arrested by a most singular spectacle. In a small glass case was a wax figure of the infant Jesus, but dressed in a style so singularly outre, as Avould have provoked the risibility of a San- ton. Picture for a moment the infant Saviour in a wig a I'aile de pigeon —a court-dress of la vieille COM/% blazoned with stars and orders — a cocked-hat and sword completed the toilette! — certainly calculated to produce a laugh at the expense of our cicerone, who apparently guessed what was passing in our minds ; for he said to us — " Senhores, in religion, as in every thing else, fashion will assert her empire. Formerly, the image of the Saviour, arrayed in the simple tunic of the East, was sufficient to command the reverence of the multi- tude ; but now," he added, with a smile, " nothing goes down with them but a full court-dress/' 1 831 .] Anecdotes of Brazil. 133 The revenues of the convent would, I have no doubt, have borne ample testimony to the justice of the reverend father's remark. As we were quitting the convent, one of our party, a youngster, indulged in a jest on the ridicule of some passages in the life of St. Francis, which were rudely delineated in Dutch tiles on the walls of the corridors. To our surprise, he was sharply rebuked — though I thought, at the moment, more in jest than earnest — by the lay-brother, in our own vernacular tongue. On our eagerly questioning him as to where he had acquired his knowledge of English, he told us that he had been for ten years a mizen-top-man in the British navy j and, at the close of the war, being paid off, he returned to Portugal, where he exchanged the blue jacket for the flowing robes of St. Francis. Judging from his appearance, he had no reason to be dissatisfied with his new mode of life. As the door of the convent swung heavily on its hinges after us, the aphorism "from the sublime to the ridiculous" forcibly occurred to me. To one accustomed to the gaieties and amusements of European society, nothing can be imagined more dull and insipid than life in Brazil. The existence of the Brazilian may be likened to a stagnant pool, unmarked by any thing to enliven its undeviating monotony, or embellish its career. In most of the large towns there are theatres, many of them really handsome structures ; but the artists are execrable — while their performances consist of a few miserable translations from the French and Spanish dramas. During Lent, sacred pieces — termed, during the middle ages, " Mysteries" — are still performed, arid, in the shape of dramatic representation, were decidedly the best things I saw. Familiar intercourse between families is almost totally unknown j their indolence and the intense heat of the climate render visiting too great an exertion. The vrais spectacles du pays are the churches, which, on the high festivals, are sure to be crowded. In the cool of a moonlight even- ing, so beautiful in a tropical climate, a Brazilian family will sometimes sally forth. Their order of march is conducted according to all the rules of the military art ; — their advance-guard formed by a sable- coloured duenna and her attendants ; at some distance follow the young senhoras, in pairs, according to age — their rear scrupulously guarded by the elder branches of the family. In spite of all their vigilance, how- ever, I have often observed a group of gallants hovering, like guerillas, on the flank of the column, succeed, by a dashing manoeuvre, in con- veying some love-token into the hands of a pretty brunette, whose dark gazelle eye danced with joy at their success. At others, they may be seen inhaling the evening breeze in their spacious verandahs ; the mother engaged in animated colloquy with a solemn friar ; the father discussing the politics of the day ; while the younger branches of the family form a beautiful group in the fore-ground of the picture, and sing to a guitar accompaniment some of their sweet modenhas, with all the impassioned tones of their sunny climes. The political independence, while it cost the Spanish-American colonies a twenty years' struggle to effect, was in Brazil achieved in only as many months — a result, produced rather by the operation of intrigue than the force of arms. The constitutional system of Portugal, proclaimed in Brazil in 1821, was a prologue to the grand drama of independence. Previous to the dawn of this eventful period, the poli- tical condition of this extensive colony had been as still and unruffled as a mountain-lake. Unlike the neighbouring Spanish colonies, she had 134 Anecdotes of Brazil [FKB. not been systematically debased by a tyrannical system of colonial government; but, on the contrary, had enjoyed, ever since the removal of the seat of empire from Europe, all the privileges and advantages of an independent kingdom. Under the mild and paternal government of the house of Braganza, she was silently making gigantic strides in the march of civilization. The political horizon, hitherto so bright and serene, now became clouded ; the flood-gates of ambition were burst open, and a torrent of new opinions deluged the country. Liberty, inde- pendence, the rights of man, and the dignity of human nature, with other abstract metaphysical questions — the very names of which they were previously unacquainted with — now engrossed the minds of the Brazi- lians to the exclusion of every other subject. In the blind infatuation of the moment, they enthusiastically dreamed that the golden age was about to be substantially realized ; and that, too, without any other exer- tion on their part than vociferating from morning till night, " Viva a const it H cid !" — though, unfortunately, we can discover nothing of his indignation in these pages. U 2 14fl Byron's Memoirs. QFEB. The letter is a specimen of that comic mixture of melancholy in phrase, and practical indulgence in matters of pleasure, which so happily con- trives to make the sentimental reader grieve over the sorrows of a volup- tuary, revelling at the moment in the grossest excesses : — " It is ray intention to remain at Venice during- the winter, probably as it has always been, next to the East, the greenest island of my imagination. It has not disappointed me, though its evident decay would perhaps have that effect upon others. But I have been familiar with ruins too long to dislike deso- lation." He then drops into the practical portion of the tale : — Hatton Garden ! Without noticing this apparent defiance of government, let us proceed to 182 Evil Consequences of' Sectarian Influence in [[FEB. the distinct charges above mentioned. The committee, in a subsequent letter, offer to submit such particulars of these cases as they have re- ceived from their correspondents, if it be the wish of government ; to which Mr. Horace Twiss replies, in substance, that they may exercise their own discretion, and that due attention will be paid to any state- ments they may send. In reply to this letter, the missionary committee wrote a few days afterwards to say — " The case of the punishment of slaves in Jamaica for attending the mission chapel in St. Ann's parish were not made matter of complaint," &c., but they send, for the perusal of Sir George Murray, such extracts from the letter of Mr. Whitehouse (the accuser) as relate to the cases referred to, " which are not, however, the only instances which have occurred of the punishment of slaves for attending the ministry of our missions." Then comes long extracts from the letters and journal of Whitehouse, containing such a mass of contemptible tittle-tattle, alleged to have passed between him and various negroes, his confidants, as we are sure must disgust every man of common sense who reads them; — but, at the same time, throwing out the most bitter calumnies against Mr. Betty, a magistrate, and the Rev. Mr. Bridges, the rector of the parish. (< I lately fixed," says he, " on Henry Williams for a leader or catechist." This man it appears is a slave on an estate of which Mr. Betty had the management as attorney, and Whitehouse does not pretend to say he ever asked Mr. Betty's consent to Henry's becoming a catechist, a matter which, in common courtesy and seeing that it was very likely to intefere with his duty on the estate, he certainly was bound to do. Mr. Betty is alleged to have said to Henry, "I hear you are becoming a great preacher at the chapel, but if I hear that you ever go there again I'll send you to Rodney-hall workhouse." " This is a place," says Whitehouse, " of extraordinary punishment," and negroes are sent from different places of the island " to this seat of darkness," because it is generally known that they are treated with the greatest severity. Mr.. Betty, it is said, (for all this is the mere ipse dixit of Whitehouse) — visited the estate next day, and threatened the negroes with the sever- est punishments 'if ever they wrent to the chapel again, and hearing one of the women (Henry's sister) sigh, said, " Lay her down, she is one of the preachers too." She, although a free- woman, was immediately laid down, says Whitehouse, and received a very severe flogging ! An al- leged conversation between the rector and this slave Williams, is next detailed, wherein, " his reverence," as Whitehouse ironically denominates him, is described as telling Henry, " there is an account, in the last week's papers, of the Methodists in England being hanged by hundreds." After a good deal of going backward and forward between Whitehouse's resi- dence, and that of another missionary — Mr. Martin, one of the servants of the latter, is said to have told Whitehouse, that he had met the slave Wil- liams going to the workhouse — lashed round, and his arms bound with new ropes, although he was ready to go unbound. " I felt/' says Whitehouse, " how necessary it was to act with prudence ; but as I am fully sensible that one poor man in the course of the last year died from punishment which he received in the St. Ann's workhouse, for coming to our chapel, I felt it to be my duty to endeavour at least to prevent a second death of this kind." — And what does he do ? He rides off to ask Mr. Betty about it, and what was the result ? why, " Mr. B. was from home/'!!! In another letter from Whitehouse, a long, rambling account is given 1831.] Colonial Affairs. 183 of conversations with Henry's sister, who is made to call Mr. Betty, " a great fish who would swallow her up," but not one word is said of the flogging she is alleged to have got. And this letter concludes with re- flections on the interference of the Rev. Mr. Bridges : " May I not say he is the mainspring in this machine ? He says, he is sorry for Henry Williams to be in such a dismal place as the Rodney-hall, alias St. Thomas-in-the Vale workhouse ; and yet this reverend gentleman has two slaves at this moment in this wretched place." The next extracts are given from a letter, dated 4th November, 1829, wherein Whitehouse says, in reference to Williams, (( Such was his punishment in the Rodney-hall workhouse, that in a few weeks he be- came so ill, that the manager had the chains taken from him, and placed him in the hospital, where it was expected he would give up the ghost." " Mr. Betty became exceedingly angry that the manager of the work- house had released him of his chains, said that his sickness was feigned, and that he would remove him to the workhouse of St. Thomas-in-the- East." " His poor wife begged I would undertake the cause of her nearly murdered husband." " I knew of a friendless individual who was thus being literally butchered for no other offence than that of coming to our chapel," — and what is now done by this intrepid defender of the oppres- sed ? let him speak for himself. " I sat down and wrote a letter to the editor of the Watchman, under the signature of a subscriber !" In a few days Henry was let out of prison in a very pitiable state. There is yet another paper, entitled, " entry in the journal of White- house," of a date prior to that of the last letter, containing a great deal of gossip about an elderly white lady, a Mrs. S., and her methodist slave, George, who was to be summoned as a witness against Henry. " He (George) is a man of an excellent character, as is known to the white people in this neighbourhood, but his offence, like that of Henry, is coming to our chapel. Not long ago he happened to be passing the residence of the rev. rector of this parish, who ordered him to be laid down and flogged ; the order was obeyed, and he received such a severe flagellation that it was with great difficulty lie walked home afterwards, which was not more than a mile distant ; Mrs. S. became indignant at this abominable conduct of the parson, and some time after, as soon as George was able to leave home, she sent him to his honour the custos, with a letter of complaint against the Rev. Mr. Bridges. His honour wrote a letter to Mr. Bridges on the subject, and appointed a day for inquiring into his conduct. The day arrived, and several gentlemen were assembled, whose professed object was to investigate the business, but the rev. gentleman employed a friend of his (?) to compromise the matter with George, which he did, by giving him a trifling sum of money, which he told him he was to consider as satisfaction for the injury Mr. Bridges had done him. This happened but a short time before this rev. gentleman was publicly tried by a special vestry for maltreating a female servant !" — But, as if to shew more clearly the animus by which he is governed, Mr. Whitehouse charitably omits to mention that on this charge Mr. Bridges was acquitted ! ! It has been with feelings of immeasurable disgust that we have waded through the tissue of cant and malignity exhibited in these papers, and compressed it into as short a statement as possible. Let us now see the proceedings adopted to refute or substantiate these charges. On the 6th of May, 1830, Sir George Murray transmits them to the Earl of Belmore, who, on the 10th of August, writes that he had 184 Evil Consequences of Sectarian Influence in [[FEB. received the answers of Mr. Betty and Mr. Bridges, which he had placed in the hands of the Attorney-General, for the purpose of con- sidering whether any, and what further investigation may be neces- sary in regard to Mr. Whitehouse' s statement; and, on the 27th of August his lordship transmits the report of the Attorney-General (Hugo James, Esq.), with the answers alluded to; and states that, in com- pliance with Mr. James's advice, he should ' ' call upon Mr. Whitehouse to substantiate his complaint against Mr. Betty, by transmitting au- thentic documents, verified on oath, to the Crown Office, when proceed- ings will be adopted, consonant with the principles of British judicature, to obtain a full and impartial investigation of the matter, so as to ensure a legal conviction or acquittal/' This, our readers will say, was the straight-forward, the English course of proceeding. But before we see how Mr. Whitehouse contrived to evade it, let us look at the explanations of the accused, and the Attorney- General's opinion thereon. That gentleman reports to the governor, that as both MY. Betty and Mr. Bridges decline to enter into any discussion whatever with Mr. Whitehouse, (as, indeed, what gentleman placed in their situation, and possessing the slightest degree of honourable feeling, would ?) on the merits, or demerits, of the complaint preferred by him against them, (e I am unable to form any opinion on the statement of Mr. Whitehouse, uncorroborated, as it were, by the oath of the accused himself, or by the testimony of others who are competent to substantiate the same before the ordinary tribunals of the country ;" and he therefore recommends, that Mr. Whitehouse be called upon to substantiate his complaint against Mr. Betty, and points out the course which it was competent for him to pursue, as already above stated in Lord Belmore's despatch. — ec As far as the Rev. G. W. Bridges is implicated," says the At- torney-General, t( it is but justice that I should convey to his Excellency my humble opinion, that he has refuted the charges which tend to cast a reflection on his character as a clergyman, by the unjust insinuation of harshness and severity of the confinement of two of his domestics in the Rodney-hall workhouse, which is designated by Mr. Whitehouse as the f. seat of darkness/ Whereas it appears, that ONE is A CRIMINAL SEN- TENCED BY THE LAWS OF THE ISLAND TO IMPRISONMENT FOR LIFE, AND THE OTHER 13 EMPLOYED AS A HIRED DOMESTIC BY HER OWN FREE WILL AND CONSENT." " The alleged punishment of a slave of Mr. Bridges is distinctly denied, and it relates to an occurrence which took place several years back, when he was ordered off the property, where he was detected trespassing on the provision grounds of Mr. Bridges' servants, since which period Mr. Bridges states he has evinced towards the same individual trifling acts of kindness,* which Mr. Whitehouse has illiberally converted into measures of compromise to avert a prosecution." Here we have the unbiassed opinion of the Attorney-General on the subject of these accusations, and surely no opinion could place the conduct and veracity of Whitehouse in a more contemptible light. Although active enough in preferring underhand charges against his neighbours, Mr. Whitehouse seems to have made very little open exer- tion in favour of his suffering disciple. Why, we would ask, did he not go repeatedly to Mr. Betty until he received a distinct answer ? or if investigation was denied, why not have applied to the custos or * " I have since," says Mr. Bridges, "married that man, and had the opportunity of rendering him trifling services; but nothing in the shape of compromise." 1831.] Colonial Affairs. 185 another magistrate? But this, we presume, would not have answered the purpose of the sect of which Mr. Whitehouse is a member ! We consider it unnecessary to give at length the manly and straight- forward defence of Mr. Bridges. We believe the above declaration of the Attorney-General in his favour, will be sufficient for his exculpation, in the mind of every honest man. He does not deny, that he used fair endeavours to rescue Williams from what he calls the trammels of the missionaries, " but I used no threat, no compulsion, nor indeed could I use any with those who were not under my control. When I observe around me many who were once contented, now poor, spiritless, and dejected, I cannot, as a Christian clergyman, behold the progress of such extensive mischief, without employing my humble, but zealous en- deavours, to save my flock from wholesale misery ; but I have never controlled their religious feelings by unfair means; my house is open to family prayers every evening, but I have confined my interference to inviting them there, and to the offer of my best advice/' With regard to the maltreatment of a female servant, Mr. Bridges alludes to it as a former effort of sectarian malignity, perpetrated through the artful accusation of a suborned slave, and " defeated only by the fortunate circumstance of my possessing European domestics :" and he justly complains of the prejudice and injury done to him in his profes- sional character in England, and the ruinous expense entailed upon him in consequence of these unjust accusations. The letter of Mr. Betty is equally manly and straightforward, although written with a degree of heat which, perhaps, under the cir- cumstances of the case were justifiable, or at least excusable. After deprecating the interference of the sectaries between master and servant, he says, " I certainly did confine Henry Williams in the St. Thomas-in- the-Vale workhouse, for disobedience of my orders, in fact, openly setting me at defiance before the rest of the slaves. I had an undoubted right to do so, and I do not consider myself responsible for that act. That he became sick there, and that I removed him, is equally certain ; and had he died there, these canting hypocrites would have reproached me with having been the cause of his death, although an able medical person regularly attends the establishment. Twenty-three years' experience, and the visible alteration in the manners and habits of the slaves teach me," says he, " that these dissenting preachers will inevitably bring the country to ruin ; especially if their most improbable calumnies are cou?t- tenanced by the highest authorities in the State." He states, as a proof of the mildness of his treatment of the slaves, that in every property under his management, the numbers have in- creased ; and, finally, he indignantly adds, " Conscious that I have done nothing deserving of reproach, I am ready to meet any charge which may be preferred against me in a court of justice, where my actions will be investigated before a legal tribunal of twelve honest men ; but with all the deference I feel for the Colonial-office, I never will consent to answer interrogatories." — A resolution which appears to have given great offence in Downing-street ! These communications from the Earl of Belmore were followed by a very long letter from Lord Goderich, who had now become Colonial Secretary. We have read over that letter most attentively, and we profess ourselves totally unable to discover any thing like that liber- ality and fair consideration, and support, to which Mr. Betty, as a M.M. New Series. VOL. XL— No. 62. 2 B 18G Evil Consequences of Sectarian Influence in Colonial Affairs. Q FEB. magistrate, and the Rev. MY. Bridges, as a clergyman of the Church of England,, were, injustice, entitled to expect under all the circumstances: on the contrary, the letter evinces a captious disposition to consider them guilty, to bear them down by the weight of authority, and to involve them in the trouble and obloquy of further discussion. In short, we do not think Dr. Townley himself, the organ of the Wesley ans, could have written a letter calculated to give a stronger impression of undue bias in favour of the sectaries ! " With the most conclusive moral evidence," says his lordship, "he (Whitehouse) might be defeated, if his witnesses were slaves," (a matter likely enough, if the facts are as we believe them to be !) "or in the humble condition of life to which he belongs, Mr. Whitehouse may not have the funds necessary for conducting a prosecution." — A gratuitous supposition, especially Considering that Whitehouse would have had the support of ample funds at the disposal of the Wesleyan methodists ! ! In short, Mr. Whitehouse refused to attempt to establish his charge, upon oath, or otherwise ; and, in reply to his letter declining to proceed, the governor's secretary tells him, " You had two courses to pursue, had you been able to substantiate your charge against Mr. Betty. One would have been by referring the case to a council of protection, for which you might have called all your witnesses, and their attendance would have been enforced by the magistracy. This course you did not think proper to adopt, and it is now too late to resort to it ; and the other, by placing documentary evidence in the Crown-office. But you cannot be ignorant, that it is not in the Attorney-General's power to adopt any criminal proceeding, unless the charge is preferred upon oath." This letter is followed by another explanatory one from White- house, and the correspondence is closed by Lord Goderich's letter to the Earl of Belmore; the character of which is, in our opinion, much of the same complexion as the former one ; inasmuch as it evinces a very unfair disposition to consider one party guilty and another innocent, although the charge rested entirely upon the ipse dixit of a man who had, at the same time, made several distinct charges against another gentleman, which charges, according to the letter of the Attorney- General, appear to have been malicious and entirely unfounded. In the interim Mr. Betty died, and, of course, all proceedings have been dropped. We are sorry this parliamentary document will go out to the colonies ; for we are satisfied it is only calculated to inflame the minds of the colonists, and to destroy all confidence or cordiality of co-operatiori with his Majesty's present colonial minister. The unfounded accusations brought by Whitehouse, have in the mean- time, however, answered every purpose of the sectaries. They have been trumpeted fortli at every anti-slavery meeting throughout the country, as undoubted facts. They have served as the groundwork for declamation, and for raising up those numerous petitions for the destruc- tion of West India property, which have been poured upon the tables of both Houses of Parliament, from the sectaries in all parts of the kingdom ; and now that the mischief is done, and after the parties accused, although innocent (for it is but fair to suppose, under all the circumstances, that Mr. Betty was so}, have been held forth to public execration in every quarter of the United Kingdom — forth comes the refutation ! ! Further comment seems unnecessary : we leave it to our readers to draw their own conclusions. 1831.] [ 167 ] MACHINERY. THE economists seem at their last gasp — glaring, staring facts are driving them to their wits' end, and in the extremity of despair, they have issued, under the high and mighty sanction of the Diffusion-Society, a manifesto, declaratory of the blessings, the irresistible, the illimitable, the universal blessings of machinery. Seizing upon a few favourable circumstances — upon advantages which, undoubtedly, flow readily enough towards those who can command them — in spite of every hour's experience, they insist that the diffusion reaches every class of society, and every soul partakes of them ; that because a few are benefited, all must be ; because the man with money gets more for it, the man who has none does as much because articles are cheaper, they must be to every body more accessible ; because machinery once made more work, it must still make more and more. Rags, hungry faces, and empty pockets are not worth remarking amidst the splendour, and sleekness, and abundance of aristocratic prosperity. The great wants to the labouring man are of course good wages — which implies plenty of work, if plenty of work does not imply good wages — and low prices. The society tells them machinery universally lessens the cost of production and augments the demand for labour. These are the very things the labourer desires ; but he finds the promise is not made good — it " palters with him in a double sense" — his expe- rience contradicts the assurance. As machinery has advanced, his wages, at least of late years, have regularly fallen; the cost of produc- tion may have lowered, but his wages have lowered more ; if labour in some instances has been more abundant, it has universally been worse paid ; generally, where he works more, he earns less, and his command over the conveniences and even the necessaries of life is incomparably less than before. If the blessings were really such as the economist holds out to the labourer, is it not singular that he, the labourer, should not himself find it out? Is it not incredible that the philosopher in his studio should be the first to discover what fails to strike conviction upon the man himself, in matters too which must come most home to him ? If the labourer suffers, no words will blunt the edge of his feelings, or reverse his convictions — it must be idle to tell him, in the teeth of his own knowledge, his situation, upon the whole, as to the conveniences of life, is vastly amended ; and if it were indeed so amended, nobody, he must feel, would think it worth his while to urge upon him so plain a fact. This anxiety, therefore, on the part of the fe school- masters/' is good evidence on the face of it, not merely of their own misgivings, but of absolute consciousness of mistake, while their per- severence in wrong is only a proof of a common resolution to go to the stake, and die in the profession of the pure economical faith. The attempt then to control the convictions of the labourer in what he must be the best judge of, is idle or superfluous. He will be influenced by facts, and not by theories. It will not be any mitigation of his suf- ferings to learn that the rich revel at his cost, nor will he require sympathy or relief if he can live in tolerable comfort by the labour of his own hands. But our business just now is more with the rich, or rather with the economists, who have been their teachers, and well represent the senti- 2 B 2 168 Machinery. ments of the aptest of their pupils. We quarrel with the economists, in the first place, because they attempt to identify the workings of artificial society with the laws of nature, and represent what is essen- tially changeable, and has been changed a thousand times by the caprices of rulers, as the inevitable results of uncontrolable circum- stances. Capital is power, and those who have it will use it to their own advantage, and those who have it not must submit to its dominion. This is the very shibboleth of the party. The labourer, in the eyes of the economists, is only a more dexterous animal than a horse, or a machine of blood and bone less manageable than one of wood and iron, and it is the interest of the employer to make the most, at the least cost, of his or its qualities. When he has exhausted them he has done with him, and he is only prevented by certain restraints, which he has not yet been able to throw off, from shooting him out of the way, as he does any other worn-out and useless brute. Most of these economists, nevertheless, are constitutionalists in politics — a party which profess to consider all as free, and all as pos- sessing an interest in the welfare and government of the society of which they form a part. But in reality they are as tyrannical at the bottom, and as resolved, as the most impudent of the opposite faction, to sacrifice the interests of the governed to those of the governors. Government with them, indeed, is an institution not merely for the protection of a man's own, but of all he can, by possibility, make his own. His own is something so sacred and divine, that the common good of society must not touch it; must not, in the slightest degree, interfere with it ; must not check his enlargement of it to the most pernicious extension. And in fact the overgrown possessions and power of ten or twelve individuals already are capable of controlling the government, and resisting regulations, which the mass of society re- cognize as generally desirable. We quarrel, again, with the economists, because on the ground of the early and partial advantages of machinery, they represent them as illimitable and universal. Machinery ministers to the wants of men, and they are illimitable, and every man has them. But what then — what is this to the purpose, if the results of this machinery are inac- cessible ? if the means of attaining them do not grow with them ? But they do grow with them, exclaims the economist j if an article becomes cheaper, the difference in the price is thus set at liberty, and is avail- able for other and new purchases. No, no ; do you not see that this advantage is applicable only in the cases of those who have fixed re- sources ? Is it not a well-known and general fact, that the resources of the majority diminish, first or last, every where, with diminished prices ? Are not most men not their own masters, but in the employ- ment of others ? And in proportion as the prices of provisions and conveniences fall, are not wages and emoluments reduced ? If so, and who will controvert it ? the power of purchase, in all dependents, is also proportionally diminished. Are we not even now endeavouring to get the salaries of public functionaries cut down, precisely on the ground that they were raised because prices rose, and ought to be lowered again, because those same prices have fallen ? The fact, indisputably, is that the diminished cost of production — the boasted result, and in some instances justly so, of machinery — benefits only those who have fixed incomes, or those who can resist encroachments and invasions on 1831.] Machinery. 169 their resources, or indemnify themselves from other quarters. It is the great, and the great only — the commanding and employing portion of society, who are essentially benefited by the diminished cost of pro- duction. And this is the great cause of the gross and growing inequa- lities in the extreme class of society ; it is the main and predominating cause that is daily widening the space between the great and the little ; the great source of their irrectncileable interests and of alienated feel- ings ; of haughtiness on the one hand and exasperation on the other, and which, if not timely prevented by some relaxation of power, must terminate in struggle and violence. How does the economist account for the productions of his machinery becoming comparatively every day more and more, drugs ? How is it, in his opinion, that, cheap as they are, they cannot find purchasers ? Oh ! he cries, it is merely a temporary suspension of activity in the market. There have always been these little interruptions ; they are of short duration, and experience shews a re-action will soon take place, and make up, and more, for all. Doubtless, there have been periods of glut and consequent distress, and they have ceased ; — but have they not been followed, along with renewals of what has been called prosperity, almost uniformly by diminished wages to the labourer ? Nor is there any reason, notwithstanding the most confident assertions as to the prin- ciples and progress of civilization, that it should be otherwise. People's means do not, for the most part, grow with the occasion, but are governed by the interests of employers. Nor need they so grow, breaks in the economist, because machinery reduces the " cost of production." Well, but people's means do not even continue stationary, and that at least is indispensable for enabling them to share in the beneficial results of ma- chinery— verily, they obviously fall in proportion, and that must surely prove a check to consumption. In short, the commanding portion alone of society can in the long-run benefit, and be the purchasers, and they are too few in numbers, with all their capacities, to promise any long continuance to the reign of machinery. Indeed, when goods begin to sell below the cost price, that reign is all but at an end. But there is the whole world for extending the market. There is not the whole world. Europe and America are manufacturing for themselves ; they will soon supply their own wants ; they will soon be — in many instances they already are— rivals in the same market. Then how, in the teeth of these facts, can the economists, as the unqualified eulogists of machinery, maintain, that if machinery were to go on for five hundred years, at the rate it has done for the last century, it could be productive of no possible harm ? There is a point, we doubt not, up to which machinery is productive of general and permanent good ; but that point, with our institutions, has been passed over some considerable time. To make machinery a blessing to the country, all must partake of the good results. How can men, with hearts in their bosoms, seethe few in luxury, and the many in beggary, and talk, at the same moment, of prosperity, and the happy and glorious effects of machinery ? What blessing can it be, if stockings are two-thirds cheaper than they were, if the makers of them do not get one-third of their former wages ? What advantage is it to them, that cottons and woollens are cheaper, if the price of bread swallows all their wages, and meat is utterly inaccessible? For years now, none of our manufactures — cried up as they have been — have paid wages sufficient to 170 Machinery. [FEB. krcp up the health and strength of the labourer: nor is there a shadow of probability to expect matters will mend. The very masters complain they cannot get remunerating prices — no adequate return upon their capitals, with all their pinching and screwing of the workmen. This, however, only means that they can no longer get so large a return ; but that is* surely an indication that they have overdone the thing — have gone beyond the mark. In the midst of our gloomy view of these matters, here, however, springs up a ray of cheering light. In proportion as great capitals fail of producing great returns, will the owners of them be prompted to with- draw from the conflict, and then the sovereignty of machinery drops the sceptre. It is great capitals that have done the mischief — yes, mischief we repeat, in spite of contemptuous smiles; — without enormous capitals, machinery could never have spread to the pernicious extent it has done, nor could monopoly have scourged the nation so unmercifully. But the only direct remedy is legal restriction ; — and what is a govern- ment for, but to prevent, or restrain, one class from injuring another? Do not we English folks, especially, glory in a constitution made, as every body says, for the common good ? Well, then, when one class is getting every thing to itself, and another losing its all — is it not a time for this superintending government to step in with the exercise of its delegated functions ? But you interfere with freedom! Whose freedom ? That of the capitalists. What freedom ? That of grinding the poor ; and should not such freedom be interfered with ? There is interference enough, Heaven knows, on the part of this Government, with our pockets to raise a revenue for extravagant and profligate purposes ; and shall there be no interference for the just purpose of rescuing a whole class, and one which outnumbers all the rest, from unparalleled misery and unprovoked oppression ? What would we do then ? Would we interpose with acts of legis- lation ? To be sure we would. Are we of the British isles so new to acts of legislation, that we should startle at any fresh application of them ? Is there any thing the legislature does not, at times, take under its direction ? Is there any institution, however venerable, however old or young, that has not of late been interfered with ? Any principle, however respected of old, that has not been handled with authority, or treated with contempt ? The will of one party has trampled upon the acts of another ; and shall not a legislature chosen for common interests, interpose to check tyranny, and protect its victims ? Would we then break up machinery, and do that for which we have just been hanging we know not how many ? No, we have another remedy — apparently a favourite one for a century past — taxation. Taxation on machinery, and a minimum of wages — Oh ! oh ! this is breaking in upon all the best recognised principles of government — upon what are the best and brightest proofs of intellectual advancement in modern times ! That we cannot help. The existing circumstances of society compel us to break in upon them. They may once have been good — they are so no longer. Expediency is the test ; and that has, since the world stood, varied with circumstances. Have the economists themselves any principle more fixed and permanent ? They have advocated freedom of trade on the ground of expediency — but in whose favour ? The capitalists, and the capital- ists only. But in whose favour, they will reply, do we advocate restriction ? The workmen, and the workmen only, do we not ? — and 1831.] Machinery. 171 that to the sacrifice of the capitalists ? No : we only check the capitalist. He will go on no longer than while he makes some gain, and we only force him while he goes on — he can quit the field when he pleases — to assign a reasonable share to the man without whom he can gain nothing. He is at liberty to withdraw his capital when he likes. Well, but he will withdraw it speedily, and then what becomes of the labourer ? He will be thrown upon society — upon the poor's rate ; and the capitalist, in his capacity of householder, must help to support him. But England will not be worth living in — then let the capitalist leave it. Better he leave it who has something to take with him, than he who has nothing. But, after all, we do not think there is yet a peremptory occasion for having recourse to this act of expediency, which, however, if the same career is persisted in, will, doubtless, finally become imperative. There is yet the land, and the relief which the owners of that land can command. The great mass of agricultural labourers are in as miserable — as oppressed a condition, and perhaps more so — than the manufacturing. What is the immediate cause of this? Diminished wages. What the cause of that ? High rents. And what of that ? The exactions of landlords. Well then, if the landlord exacted less, could the farmer pay his labourers more ? Certainly, and the landlord would soon force him, or renew his old exactions. But the case is this— the landlord exacts from the tenant a rack rent, and in return, gives up the labourer to the tender mercies of the tenant. And what then ? The labourer has no longer any one to appeal to, because the landlord has sunk into a grasping trader, and has parted with his best rights — the right of protection. The farmer, thus freed from restraint, reduces wages below the lowest necessaries of life, and throws the labourer upon the parish, for the miserable remainder, and thus also forces others, who have no interest in the labour, to help him to pay his exorbitant rents. Landlords are making a grand parad- ing, and get the facts blazoned in the papers, if they reduce their rents ten per cent ; whereas, in many cases, a reduction of a hundred per cent, would not bring their rents to what they were, forty years ago. It is true, that landlords have ennobled their style of living vastly within that period, and cannot, upon old rents; maintain the new scale of ex- pence ; — it is true also, that the farmer, imitating, often at no humble distance, the magnificence of his landlord, has done the same thing, and is still less able, at present rents and prices, to keep up his rate of expen- diture— but is all this show and finery, all this ambition and extrava- gance to be supported at the cost and sacrifice of the miserable labourer? No, no — this is not to be tolerated longer. If a sense of common jus- tice will not alter matters — violence, we may be sure, will. The relief of the country is wholly in the hands, and within the power of the landlords— the relief not only of the agricultural, but also of the manufacturing labourer. And why do we say all is in their hands ? Because the condition of the farm- labourer is directly under their con- trol, and if his condition be once brought back to the state it has been in, and to which, in common humanity, it should with all speed be brought, an improvement in the condition of the manufacturing labour- er must immediately follow ; for the agricultural labourer will thus be- come again a purchaser of manufactures, and the workman in his turn, by the consequent advance of his wages, become also a fellow-con- sumer of the labours of his own hands — and that at present he is not. Exportation abroad, till lately, was greatly inferior to home-consump- 172 Machinery. £FEB. tion — the best market— and would,- with this change, quickly be so again. This is our resource, and these our anticipations of its effects. But we have no notion there is virtue enough in the country to work with full efficiency to the extent such a remedy demands. The landlord clings per- tinaciously to his seeming advantages. His friends, the economists, lend him their sophistry. They tell him, emigration is the proper relief for the country. There are too many poor — ship them off to the Antipodes or to the Poles — no matter where — and things may go on as before. No unwelcome changes need be thought of. The landlord of course — not caring one straw, as he has long ceased to do, about the welfare of those who were once regarded as his dependants — a dependency that bound the parties together, and kept alive a great deal of good feeling — of course, he hails with delight a scheme which is calculated to remove a painful sight, (it must be such) and not encroach upon his rents. Mr. Wilmot Horton, in prosecution of the same object, is lecturing the me- chanics— not the country labourer — upon the charms of emigration, and has also, his friends state, great success in his wranglings with them — that is, it must be supposed, he reduces them to a tacit, or even a verbal acquiescence. He argues them down, which of course a man of any cultivation may do without difficulty, but we do not find that his hearers are at all more disposed to push his plans into practice, than he is him- self to set the example. Mr. Horton is an admirer of existing arrangements, and interested in their continuance. He is himself a landlord, and naturally, in his debates and discussions with the mechanics, says nothing about the great and adequate power actually in the hands of landlords, " for the relief of the country." Taking it for granted that the existing state of things is essentially good, and that all our difficulties originate in excess of popu- lation— which is excess of nonsense at most times, as well as in these times — emigration is precisely the remedy. We give Mr. Horton full credit for sagacity and consistency ; but for our own parts, we are for confining emigration to those who are themselves so strenuously recom- mending it, and certainly not for enforcing it upon others. Let them — as Canada is so enchanting a spot, notwithstanding its six-months' snows — by all means enjoy the blessing ; but let those who are at home, and like home, be permitted to make the best of home. Besides, if occupying waste lands abroad be so very desirable, why should it not be equally or nearly so to occupy them at home ? Mr. Horton's parochial loans would at least be spared, though there is no danger of such loans, in any event, being raised. But we have no waste lands to occupy. Nay, are there not, according to Mr. Horton's own reports, 15,000,000 acres, and profitable acres too? — for in the same reports stand fifteen millions more, designated, in express contradistinction, as unpro- fitable. Yes, but this waste land is all appropriated — every acre has its owner. What then? If it be left waste — that is, actually uncultivat- ed— the extremity of the occasion generates, again, a right of expe- diency ; and we should not hesitate to recommend the resumption of this land, in order to divide some of it among the poor who have none, and are in want, and whom the economists wish to banish to the other side of the globe — to cultivate wastes. It is as easy to cultivate wastes at home as abroad. We repeat it, the power relief is with the landlords themselves, 1831.] Machinery. 193 and will be, till violence wrench it, or wisdom withdraw it from them, to make something like an equitable distribution. Let them, moreover, give their tenants an interest in the land, something that deserves the name of interest — leases — they may be made conditional and equitable— and tenants will soon again cultivate in a very different style from what they now do, and employ, we verily believe, little short of double the labour on the same space. There is nothing like high- farming now-a- days. Let them, also, reduce the size of farms ; for adequate capitals for small farms may far more readily be found than any thing like a competent capital for a large one. Two or three hundred acres, perhaps, should be the very maximum — a, size which comes within the grasp of easy management too, and is useful alike to the tenant, the labourer, and, ultimately,, to the landlord himself. Let them, also, take the labourer — who, under heaven, has none else to help him— under his especial protection, and assign him, in addition to his amended wages, small patches of land, on which he can spend his own hours, and his family Contribute their aid. Machinery has stript of their wonted employment the wives and children of the country labourer, and what can be done in the way of compensation should in common equity and humanity be done. Let them, above all, not listen to farmers and agents in their opposition ; one will tell him, as Cobbett was told at Waltham Chase in one of his laudable attempts, it will make the labourer "saucy ;" another, he will demand higher wages; a third, he will only breed more children. Let them not heed these things, but rather look at the deplorable state of dependence and misery to which they have suffered them to be sunk, by abandoning them to the uncontrolled dominion of their merciless tenants. Wretches ! we once heard one of them boast of his ability to take the strength of a labourer out of him in three years, just as he did out of his horses — but what else do the econo- mists ? Here is much of the abnormis sapientia, and we are driven to it by the force of facts, which conflict irresistibly with the dicta of our pestilent philosophers. They have tak,en their" own imaginations for realities ; their own maxims for the laws of nature ; Capital is their idol, and the first duty of their new worship is to develope to their full extent its hidden -powers in production, while they let distribution take its own course. It is matter- of entire indifference to them whether the labourer, the instrument, eat or not, so that he contributes to produce, and adds to the capital of the employer. They affect to con- sider the labourer as not coming at all within the pale and protection of government. Nobody employs a labourer for the sake of the labourer, but for his own sake — what then has a government to do with the matter ? Much ; it is not optional with capital to employ labour or not. To make any thing of capital the owner must employ labour ; in that employment he may oppress, and the duty of government is to protect, or what is the good of it ? The distress of the country, for we must regard the people, p.s a portion of the country, is immeasurably great. Much of it is the result of excess of machinery ; much of it arises from pushing erroneous theories into practice ; much of it from bad exercise of power, and a worse conception of the best objects of society ; much of it from grasp- ing passions and unfeeling haughtiness ; — but it is not yet past a quiet or at least a legal remedy. Let landlords cease to lend a ready ear to M.M. New Series.— VOL. XI. No. 62. 2 C 194 Machinery: [FE«. economists, and they will discover, sud Minerva, that they have only to retrace their steps for the last forty years ; and if that will not re- move all grievances, let them, as legislators, lay a firm and strong hand upon machinery. The country can never be in a safe or a sound state while the people are in a state of pauperism. Let them return to their estates and abide there, and abandon the foolish ambition of figuring in Courts and London drawing-rooms. Let them, finally, provide for their own families from their own resources, and cease to be grasping for place, and then they will be ready enough to lend their powerful aid to check public extravagance by clipping the source of it — taxation. It is all in their own hands, and high time it is that they should think of the poor, not vaguely as men like themselves, but as placed by the laws of eternal Providence, specifically under their protection. TO A SPIRIT OF THE PAST. ONCE, and yet once again, While my full heart beats heavily along1, Will I to thee awake a gentle strain, A melancholy song. For though thou art far away, Like a bright star in th' enamelled skies, Still on my soul there gleams one sunny raj, Whose home is in thine eyes. And in the silent hour, When the heart communes with itself alone, Thy voice falls on my ear with that deep power That dwells in every tone. Then, like a magic scene, Memory recals her treasures of the past ; Raising the shadows of what once hathibeen, 'Ere life was overcast. And then, thou true of heart ! I bless thee for the tears that thou hast shed, When, like a seraph, peace thou didst impart To the uncomforted. I bless thee for the wrong, Thou hast endured for my unworthy sake, From those who found thy stedfast love too strong, For pride or power to break. I bless thee for thy truth, Thy faith— thy constancy, and gentleness ; The light that shone upon thy early youth, Each smile, and each caress. But more than all, I yet Must bless thee for thy long-tried love for me— Bright as the pearl that in its shell is set In the unfathomable sea ! R. F. W. 1H3J.J [ 195 ] NOTES OF THK MONTH ON AFFAIRS IN GENERAL. The Russian manifesto has at length 'been published, and it is as ferocious a declaration as ever issued from the councils of a despot. The Czar threatens vengeance of all kinds ; but there may be a long interval between the threat and the power to execute it. His force is immense, and probably the Poles will not be able to meet him in the field; but an united people has been often shewn to be a hazardous antagonist ; and if injuries could make a nation united, what people can have a larger or gloomier retrospect than the unfortunate Poles ? There have been no fewer than three partitions of Poland. The first was in 1772, when a small portion of her territory only was taken. The next in 1793, and the final partition in 17^5, which was not, however, accom- plished until after the infliction of the most inhuman atrocities on the part of the Russian army, under Suwarrow. In 1815 the allies erected a portion of the territory, of which Warsaw was made the capital, into a nominal kingdom, under the sovereignty of Russia. The independence thus pretended to be given was, in every sense, illusory. What could be the independence of Poland, when it was merely a Russian viceroyalty, a place where such a fellow as the Archduke Constantine was left to play his furious vagaries ? We have lately seen an account of this Tartar's ordering, at a moment's notice, every person newly arrived in Warsaw to be summoned from his bed at four in the morning, in November, and, no matter what their country or condition, their health or their merits might be, all marched side by side, gentlemen and criminals, merchants and deserters — side by side through the streets in the depth of a Polish winter ! — to the antichamber of this man, there to be asked half a dozen insolent questions, and then turned out ; some with ridicule, some with orders to leave the realm within twenty-four hours, and some sent under arrest. And who can wonder that any nation, with the hearts of men in their bosoms, should be indignant at these furious caprices, and long for security of person and property ? So far as public privileges are concerned, the Poles have been sub- jected to the treatment of an enslaved people. The public voice has, upon all occasions, been stifled — in the senate, in the theatres, and at every place of public congregation, this course has been pursued. From Alexander they received a constitution, the provisions of which they were not allowed, however, to put in force. Thus, dispossessed of the substance of liberty, the shadow only remained, to perplex and embit- ter the national feelings. As serfs and bond-slaves, they would have been happier. Some of our contemporaries are predicting that France will subside into quietness, and be a model of good government, and so forth. On this point we are thoroughly sceptical. The matter may go on plausibly for awhile ; but there are circumstances in the French position, which, by the course of nature, must make France revolutionary in a few years. In the first place, whatever religion the people had, is gone. Even the feeble display of it that was to be found among the gewgaw-exhi- bitions of popery, is gone. The religion of the state is abolished. The government are no longer pledged to provide any worship for the people; and now every man may worship any whim that comes into his head in 2 C 2 106 Soles of I he Monfh on C^K*?. nny way he likes, and be discharged from any support of any regular place of worship. Of course, in a few years the buildings for national worship must go to decay ; and if a few spruce chapels be raised by a few speculators or devotees, they will not contain a thousandth part of the population, even if they were willing to go to church, which they will not be. In a few years, the young generation will start into man- hood ; and as they have been educated without the decent habits of religious observance, they will not begin to learn them then. Even for the last ten years,, scarcely any MEN went to church : the seats were occu- pied by women, and the men went whistling about the streets, or went to their regular weekly labours, on the Sunday. The preachers sent by the government through the provinces to recal the peasantry to their former habits, were generally a mere matter of scoffing and insult, though many of the " missionaries/' as they were termed, were able men, and some, of singular eloquence. In the course of a few years, if those feelings continue, France will be a nation of atheists, which, by all accounts, it very nearly is already ; and as the atheist acknowledges no restraint of conscience, and can have no fear of a superior power, or of a future, the only question will be of force against force : in other words, civil war, terminating in convulsions of all kinds. Another source of the impending ruin is, the state of property. In France the law of primogeniture is abolished, and every man is com- pelled to give an equal portion of his property to each of his children. By this means, the disobedient child is just as much encouraged as the obedient. And, as the money laid out on a child's education, or advanced for putting him into any peculiar line of life, professional or otherwise, is not allowed in the distribution of the property, but each demands his equal portion still, it is almost the interest of a parent to give his children no education or employment that can cost any thing, as it is giving him his portion twice over. But the evil operates inevitably in a national scale, by utterly destroying all the higher order of France. In England, by giving the estate to the elder son, that estate is kept together; an aristocracy is formed, by which the peerage is supplied, and a most important branch of the legislature, as a protection between the power of the crown, and the rashness of a merely popular assembly, is kept in existence. But even to the younger children of the peer, the existence of a certain rank and estate in the family, is of the first importance. By having a brother a man of acknowledged rank, the whole family share his distinction in society ; they are also supported in their several pur- suits by his influence ; and they make more honourable connections ; and, as in general, the estate is liable to pass from one branch to another, the youngest brother of a great family has his chance of attaining the hereditary honours. Thus the great families are preserved from being lost, by the preservation of their properties under one head ; and the estate which, frittered away among a dozen children, would make for each but a pitiful provision — perhaps just enough to keep them in idle- ness, and thereby preclude them from any honourable exertion — becomes a source of present rank and assistance to. every member of the family, and frequently of future possession. But, in France, all the great families must, before a quarter of a cen- tury, be extinguished, if the present law continues. A duke with but £1,500 a-year, is no duke at oil, but a beggar; and if he expects to 1831.] Affairs in General. 197 enjoy even his £1,500 a-year, he had better lay down his title. And, in Diet, all the nobility of France are thus perishing as fast as they can. It happens, oddly enough, that no nobility of Europe have so few children as the French; a second child being no common instance in the higher ranks ; and thus, by the interdict of nature, the evil of the law may be restrained for a while. But the evil will finally overcome. Even now, all the residences of the nobles in the country are falling into ruin. The proprietors are too poor to live in them, or to repair them, and they fall. In another generation this subdivision will go on, and still proceed until every acre is cut into fragments for younger children ; and France, with increasing multitudes, will shew but a great mob, a nation of paupers ; and of course discontented with all order, and mad for change. But the disturbance is not likely to wait even for this. The French themselves tell us that Paris teems with disaffection, -which marshals itself under five different banners. The old royalist, the old jacobin, the Buonapartist, the idealist, the polytechnic and school party. It is true, that out of this multitude of parties may proceed the security of government; which would doubtless be more endangered by one strong coalition. Still, here is the material of mischief to any extent, and there is nothing in the character of France to resist the mischief in any shape that it may assume. There is no peerage of any weight whatever, there is no established religion, and there is no force at the direct command of government • for it would be a burlesque to call the present French king the master of any thing, either military or civil ; his dominion is during pleasure, and his kingdom is the Palais Royal. Lawyers are famed for making good bargains for themselves. Old Lord Nor bury a year or two since, worn out in office, contrived to make the most of his remaining years after 80 ! by bargaining for a huge re- tiring allowance and an earldom, he having obtained a peerage before for his wife, which descended to his second son ; thus having obtained in fact two peerages for his family. We now have another Irish lawyer contriving to escape from the labours of office on nearly the same terms. O'Grady, the Irish Chief Baron gets a viscounty and barony on his re- tirement, an honour rarely conferred on an individual in similar, circum- stances. He is to be Viscount Cahirguillimore and Baron Rockbarton. The first will be as great a puzzler to the Herald's College to pronounce as was that of Lord Skelmersdale, who, on his elevation to that title, was said to have absolved his godfathers of the original name given him of Bootle Wilbraham. The barbarian name of Cahirguillimore, if he have been foolish enough to take it, may also absolve Mr. O'Grady of some of the merit of his bargain. Yet the public have a right to ask, for what eminent public services is this lawyer to have a viscounty and barony, and a pension of £3,500 a-year besides ? he having already received about £150,000 ! He was probably well acquainted with his profession ; and if he were, he was paid for his knowledge by a huge salary of £6,000 a-year (besides other emoluments) ; which any other man at the bar would have considered an equivalent for all his law and labours. Why then heap on him the supernumerary reward of the peerage, which, we must observe, not merely gives the man himself an. undue elevation, but lifts up his descendants, who may not have the slightest of his merits, and who certainly are not likely to render any professional service ? The point is, what could have made it necessary to prompt l^y 198 Notes of the Monlh on [FEB. a peerage the retirement of a judge, who was reported to have been calling ont for retirement before ; or who, if he were not calling out, ought to have been left to do his duty, until he had arrived at the period when he would have retired of his own accord ? If the business was hur- ried on to find a bench for some partizan, the ground is changed, but the difficulty is not. However, there is one fact, that no reason exists for making so many lawyers peers ; they are generally bad " parliament men," from their previous habits, and seldom add anything to the wis- dom or eloquence of the House. Lawyers, with but few exceptions, make an unlucky figure in debate. And, unless in individual instances of peculiar moral dignity, they generally exhibit themselves the slaves of party, which means personal interest ; the whole proposition meaning, that lawyers are in the best place, when they are attending to their own profession, and that they are fitter for advocates than for legislators ; that their integrity on the bench ought not to be exposed to the tempta- tion of a minister with a peerage in his hand : and, in conclusion, that Chief Baron O'Grady has established no more claim to a peerage, how- ever barbarous its name, by receiving £6,000 a-year as a judge for twenty years, than if he had sat on his bench for six minutes, and then vacated it to give rest to the fluctuations of Lord Plunkett. Fortunate lord, the latter has been. His chancellorship has anchored him at last secure in the harbour of partizanship. His compatriots lately calculated his provision for himself and his family out of the pub- lic purse, at £J 6,000 a-year. His new office swells the united price of his genius to £20,000 ! Who shall reproach the country with neglecting great men, or great men with neglecting themselves ? As astronomers, we were delighted with the following intelligence : " Eclipses in 1831. — During the present year there will be four eclipses, viz., two of the sun and two of the moon. Those of the former occur on Febru- ary 12 and August 7, and will be invisible at Greenwich; and of the latter on February 26 (partly visible) and on August 23, which will be invisible. Here, for our good, we are informed of the coming of three eclipses which we are not to see at all ; a piece of knowledge, which thus seems of no great productiveness. But the fourth eclipse is to be partly visible ; that is, we are partly to see it, and partly to see it not ; a species of optics which does not come within our science, but which we abandon to the Sir Janies Souths and other new illuminators of our darkened age. " Amelia Opie is at Paris, and a constant visitor at the soirees of General Lafayette, where this celebrated female always appears in the simple garb of a rigid Quak' ress, forming a striking contrast to the gay attire of the Parisian ladies." Poor Amelia, worshipping at the shrine of revolution ; past her grand climacteric, and lowering the drab to the tri-colour, the dove-coloured poke to the bonnet-rouge. But Genlis is dead, and the world solicits a successor. " For a few days past an omnibus has been seen at Paris, on the Boule- vards, between the Porte St. Martin and the Madelaine, suspended on a new principle. It is much lighter arid more elegant than the former ones, and the great advantage of it is that the carriage has no disagreeable motion, and the passengers ride at perfect ease." All this may be so in Paris, though we entirely disbelieve it. But 1831.] A fairs in General. 199 no part of it exists in London, -where all the names of inconvenience are tame to the annoyance of the omnibus, as all the names of insolence are weak to the habits of the fellows that attend them. Oi' course, there are some better than others ; and where the proprietor himself takes any trouble about the matter, they may be more endurable. But there was some promise last session, of a change in the whole stage- coach system. What has become of it ? We were to have had stages running in all directions through the streets., and thereby undoubtedly adding greatly to the ease and quickness of passing the enormous dis- tances of London. But all this seems to have died away. We call upon Lord Althorp to tell us, why ? Will " flattery soothe the dull, cold ear of death ?" We answer, that the times when such things were done are with the years beyond the flood. Flattery is too valuable a thing to be thrown away ; and we send those who doubt our assertion to the histories of all " eminent person- ages/' lately deceased. The disembowelling by the surgeons is only a feeble type of the keen ransacking of every part of their existence the moment that they are fairly out of sight, and gone where they can take no actions of battery. Friends, relations, loving acquaintances, all the world, and the newspapers besides, pounce upon them before an hour lies between them and the sunshine; and they are torn, dissected, extra- vasated, and epigrammatized into a thousand pieces, before even the Magazines can make a grasp at the remains of their reputation. But, in some cases, the operation commences before the " brains are out," and the reputation is flayed from the living subject. How would the French Ministers, even so lately as the memorable 27th of July, be astonished to find the knife employed on their physiognomies in this style ?— f( Appearance of the Ministers on their trial. — De Polignac, who is very far from corpulent, is rather above the middle stature, has a great nose, and a bloodless, disagreeable countenance. He has a very low forehead, an expres- sion of insignificance, and, even when he looks most gracious, his manner is by no means pleasing. He cordially accosted De Martignac while the trial was proceeding — De Martignac, whom he formerly denounced to Charles X. as an ' apostate.' He is entirely wrapped up in his own case, and in that of his party, and if his life be spared, will deem himself happy." With what astonishment would a premier in any land find his portrait drawn in that style ! — unless he should have found some balm to his feelings in seeing his fellow-minister excoriated in this style : — The appearance of De Chantelauze is most unprepossessing. He gives one the idea of a short, ill-favoured, diseased, petty tradesman, and is attired in black." The French Attorney- General, however, is treated a little more ten- derly. The terrors of office protect him still : — " De Peyronnet has a plump visage, is inclined to corpulency, is rather pale, almost bald, and takes much snuff. He is thought to resemble the late Mr. Huskisson in manner." Guernon de Ranville — a nobody — escapes with the observation due to that marked personage : — tc He looks young', slender, and seems much frightened !" 200 Soies of Ike Month on [FEB. They are all now quietly transferred to the castle of Ham, in Picardy, where, by the last accounts, they had began to talk politics, hold cabinet councils on their own blunders, and quarrel so fiercely, that at length they could agree only in a petition to be sent to separate prisons ! Some of our papers mention, that if Prince Polignac, senior, is uncom- fortable, his family contrive at least to make themselves happy ; and quote the instance of his son, who, a few evenings ago, distinguished himself as a performer of the waltz, at some West-end rout. But as all Frenchmen are philosophers by nature, why — as the papers observe — should not a son dance when a father is in prison for life ? It may sound very well for Mr. Herries to start up for the royal rights in the Pension List; but all men know that the royal rights were untouched, and that the " ministerial patronage" was the true reading. We cannot help agreeing with the language of an intelligent contem- porary : — " Let no meritorious servant of the State be deprived of what he had a right to expect would solace his latter days ; but, on the other hand, let no undeserved pension be held sacred, because some pretty lady, or convenient sycophant, may have in its confidence a ' vested interest.' It has been urged that not to respect pensions which have already been granted, will distress individuals. This may be matter of regret ; but while the public at large lament the pressure of the times, why should not those, who have too long enjoyed affluence, to which they had no just claim, suffer with the rest? All we call for is, that the. grants which have .been made shall be explained and vindicated. Mrs. Arbuthnot can have no objection to let it be known what are the services which she has rendered to the State, in the cabinet or the field, to entitle her to more than £900. per annum ; and Mr. W. Dundas will, of course, be delighted to prove that his a mall pension of £4,500. a year is far from being- a sufficient reward for merit like his. Then the female Bathursts can favour us with the grounds on which they claim the several sums which appear against their names in the Civil List. These ladies, by the way, it has been stated, are members of the family of Mr. Bragge Bathurst." But to one pension we have peculiar objections. We now see the Scotch Lord Advocate receiving a pension of £600. a year for his wife. The salary of the Lord Advocate is £1,500.; but his emoluments are £4,000. a year. Yet this man, after receiving the large sum of £5,500. a year for several years, comes with a petition for £600. a year, or the alienation of a principal of about £12,000. from the country for his wife ! Why did he not provide for her out of the profits of his highly-lucrative office ? Or why not out of the regular income of his profession, like other barristers ? If he had never tasted the sweets of office, he must have done like the rest of his profession — lived within his means, and taken care, by due economy, that his family should not come upon the public. But the very thing which should prevent his degrading them to this expedient^ becomes the ground of his adopting it ; his receiving £5,500. for a succession of years, substantiates the pauperism of his ivife, and his rank entitles him to fix her on the public as in want of public bounty. Another pension of some notoriety seems to have escaped the general purview. Who has not heard of Lady Hester Stanhope? This lady has had no less than £1,200. a year for at least twenty years — or has received £24,000. sterling. And to what purpose ? The descriptions of our travellers represent her as leading a life of the most singular arid • 1831.] Affairs in General 201 repulsive nature. We do not deal in scandal ; and we, therefore, leave the details to others. But we have her galloping about Syria in men's clothes, praising Mahometanism, and indulging in all sorts of extra- vagant and foolish eccentricities; and this woman's fooleries we are forced to pamper at the rate of £] ,200. a year ! Infinitely better would it be for her, if she were compelled by necessity to recollect that she had other matters to do than indulge in her foreign vanities and Mussul- man nonsense, and make herself a show and burlesque to strangers. The instant stoppage of her pension would be the most salutary lesson that she could get ; and if she wore fewer pairs of Turkish trowsers, or rode astride on a less imperial stud, she would be only the better for the restriction. But the whole system must be revised. It is a curious circumstance that in the Law Establishment, if we may so call it, of England, which ought to be the defence against all abuses, there are perhaps more abuses, more licensed and long-standing sources of public plunder, than in any other department of public administra- tion. The Commission on the Irish Law Courts and their sinecures, a few years ago, disclosed abuses of such an inordinate nature, that the public were in a state of general indignation ; and the prominent pecu- lations were obliged to undergo some kind of deduction. The state of the English law sinecures, the great clerkships and reversions, the Doctors' Commons,, and Testamentary Offices, still affords a fine field for revision ; and we hope that some member of Parliament will be found honest and active enough to sift the business to the bottom. But the Bankrupt Commissioners are now the more immediate griev- ance. The subject was largely discussed in a late meeting of merchants and traders, at the London Tavern, for the purpose of bringing some proposition on the subject before Parliament. Mr. Bousfield observed, " That, in the first place, though some of the commissioners might be able men, most of them were unfit, by age, &c. for their offices. — That their charges were enormous for their work ; the number of bankrupts, between 1 824 and 1830 inclusive, being averaged at 7^7 a year, while the sums received by the commissioners, in pay and fees, were £40,000. a year ! The meeting declared the system to be ruinous to the trader, as involving both unnecessary expense and loss of time. — That the bankrupt fees, from 1811 to 1826, amounted to £114,000! and, more- over, that the fees of the Secretary of Bankrupts, for 1830, amounted to £10,000. ! — That in nine cases out of ten, the effects of debtors were swallowed up by law proceedings." All this argues an intolerable system ; but then we are to recollect that there are fourteen sets, or " Lists," of Bankrupt Commissioners, amount- ing to, we believe, about seventy persons, who receive, as the least salary, £300. a year, to say nothing of the fees. Will this patronage be given up without a struggle ? We strongly doubt. Well, then, those who are on the right side must only struggle the more. In one of the multitude of duodecimo-libraries we find the following apocryphal story : "In 1534 Blasco de Garay, a captain of a ship, offered to the Emperor Charles V. to construct a machine capable of propelling large vessels even in a calm, and without the aid of sails or oars. In spite of the opposition which his project met with, the Emperor consented to witness the experiment, and M.M. New Series— VOL. XI. No. 62. 2 D 202 Notes of Ike Month on [FEB. it was made accordingly, in the port of Barcelona, on the 17th of June, 1543. Garay would not uncover his machinery or shew it publicly ; but it was evi- dent that it consisted of a caldron of boiling water, and of two wheels set in motion by that means, and applied externally on each side of the' vessel* The experiment was made on the Trinidad, a ship of 200 tons, laden with corn. The persons commissioned by the Emperor to report on the invention, in general approved of it, and praised, in particular, the readiness with which the vessel tacked about. The treasurer, Ravage, however, who was hostile to the plan, said, that a ship with the proposed machinery might go at the rate of about two leagues in three hours ; that the apparatus was complex and expensive ; and, finally, there was great danger of the boiler bursting. The other commissioners maintained, that a vessel so equipped might go at the rate of a league an hour at the least, and would tack about in half the time required by an ordinary ship. When the exhibition was over, Garay took away the apparatus from the Trinidad. The woodwork was deposited in the arsenal at Barcelona : the rest of the machinery he kept himself. Not- withstanding the objections raised by Ravago, the Emperor affected to favour the project of Garay ; but his attention at the time was engrossed by other matters. He promoted Garay, however; gave him a sum of money, besides paying the expences of the experiment made at Barcelona, and shewed him other favours." So much for philosophy in the 16th century ! But how can any body publish such things as possessing the slightest probability ? Can any engineer of the present day believe, that steam was ever so applied three centuries ago ? Or that a vessel of boiling water in those days could have been applied to move a boat, or anything, or do any thing beyond washing a shirt, or scalding the philosopher's fingers ? The Local Law Bill, on which we made some observations in our last number, continues to excite a great interest among lawyers. The Lord Chancellor's zeal and experience are on the one side, and the alarms and experience of the practising members of the profession are on the other. No?i nostrum est. But we give a remarkably striking and manly letter from one of the most intelligent individuals of that profession or of any other, which to us seems to set the question in a clear point of view, and which must go a great way to decide the controversy. The letter, it will be seen, was written a short time previously to the Lord Chancellor's appointment to office. " To Henry Brougham, Esq., M. P. " Dear Sir, — I have carefully read and re-read your Local Jurisdiction Bill and abstract, with a view to draw the account of fees by way of schedule, as desired. But I have been unable to do so on a scale of any in the least degree adequate remuneration for any practitioner of liberal education, and desirous of holding a decent situation and honest character in society. " Under this aspect, I cannot but consider your measure as calculated to become the greatest civil scourge ever inflicted on this country, by creating an indefinite and universal appetite for litigation, with no other break or interval in the exercise of it than the halcyon month of August. This immediate effect of the act will be industriously promoted and extended with corres- ponding energy by an accession to the profession in increased numbers, of that class of practitioners designated as pettifoggers, whom to discountenance and extinguish has been a primary object with all the best and leading solicitors of the present day. "It appears to me utterly inconsistent with the avowed purposes of the Common Law Commission, the repeal of the Law Taxes, the appointment of additional judges, the intended laying open of the Court of Exchequer, and the 1831.] Affairs in General 203 facilities afforded to practice in the superior courts, thus at once to withdraw from them two-thirds at least of their ordinary business, subjecting it to a new and experimental tribunal, and superseding much of the labour derived from the elaborate machinery of Westminster Hall, \yith no compensating reduction in the expense of working it. " Although personally, after a drudgery of nearly thirty years, much with- drawn from active practice, and meditating at no distant day entire secession from it, I feel too much sense of gratitude, and I hope a laudable esprit da corps in favour of an employment which has afforded me the means of com- petence and independence ; to be altogether insensible to the degradation to which the profession of an attorney will be reduced by the operation of your proposed new bill, which, 1 repeat, will necessarily bring into action a large class of low practitioners, who, having no fair means of adequate remunera- tion, must and will resort to trick, if not to fraud, to supply the deficiency of profit, no reasonable allowances for which (in keeping with the general pur- view of the bill) will afford a return for the education, skill, and attention the conduct of the business of the local courts will require. " While on this subject, it is with great regret I would allude to the tenor of your speech, as reported in the Times, on the occasion of your giving notice of your plan ; you in it assumed a tone of unmeasured contempt for the at- tornies, imputing to them, in the aggregate, and without exception, gross ignorance, and the most selfish motives, while you at the same time, in equally unmeasured terms, lauded the bar as actuated by the highest, noblest, and most liberal principles, with a possible exception of one in a hundred as not quite perfect. ce Both positions, to your knowledge and mine) are equally unfounded ; for while, as regards one of them, I can name a Frere, a Swain, a.Freshfield, a Vizard, a Teesdale, an Amory, with scores of others of equal claim to con- fidence and respect, and a fair promise of succession to them from a large body of liberally educated and intelligent articled clerks, now deriving improved instruction from the law-lectures at the University of London, I could, in contravention of your other position, name scores of barristers influenced by the most sordid motives, and seeking and promoting multiplication of fees with the most heartless rapacity. " If I could for a moment think it possible that the Local Jurisdiction Bill could pass into a law, in anything like its present shape, I should observe on the preposterous amount of salary to the judge of £2000 per annum, thus constituting a valuable object of ministerial patronage and borough influence, like a Welch judgeship, rather than having the direct view of getting some useful plodding man for the situation, as is the case in the County Palatine Court at Preston, where Mr. Addison, for £400 per annum, does as much, and as well, as can be expected from any county judge. " The total absence of qualification for the office of registrar is fraught with liability to abuse ; some son or nephew of the judge will hold it in sinecure ; and the duties will be performed by the clerk, who will make it pay better than is in the contemplation of the act. " The registrar, to give knowledge, experience, and efficiency in the conduct of the business, ought to be an attorney of at least five years certificated standing, and strictly debarred from practising directly or indirectly. "The summary jurisdiction of the judge over the attorneys exceeds that of the superior jurisdiction ; and the power of mulcting them is an arbitrary novelty, fraught with the most mischievous consequences of subjection and oppression, and only of a piece with the whole apparent scheme for degrading to one uniform standard of low cunning and subserviency the great bulk of country practitioners.— I remain, dear Sir, £c.— WILLIAJI TOOKE." " 12, Russet Square, June 23rd, 1830." The last year has been unusually marked by the deaths of Sovereigns. Europe has lost George the Fourth"; the King of Naples ; Pope Pius VII.: 2 D 2 204 Notes of the Month on [FEB. the Grand Duke of Baden ; and the Queen of Portugal. No man of remarkable science has died in this country but Major Rennel. Nor do we know of any distinguished scientific deaths on the continent. Among a crowd of women of rank, none of distinguished beauty or public merit, have died, and among the leading artists, but one, Law- rence, the leader of them all. The well-known Beckford is selling off again. Why, in this life- writing age, is so capital a subject left without a record? Let the biographer give but a chapter each to his Italian, his French, and his Portuguese palaces, and he would make enough even out of those for a modern quarto. His English career may be reserved for his own pen, for whose else could do justice to it ? We can scarcely believe that this extraordinary and eccentric personage has become a house-jobber. But his buildings and furnishings, and frequent change of place ; and his regularly recurring sales of books, pictures, and bijouterie of all odd and costly kinds, greatly favour the idea. Fonthill was a piece of architectural coxcombry, which, however, he contrived to turn to the best advantage by the help of as dexterous a manager of such things as any man in trade, George Robins. It tumbled down soon after the sale. But the whole affair was only the more in character. Fantasy was the spirit that presided at its birth, and fairyland was the region round ; and as something equally out of the world was the proprietor, it was only natural that the whole should vanish like a castle in the air. His next sojourn was at Bath, where he astonished all mankind, in- cluding the fashionable inhabitants of Lansdowne-crescent, by pur- chasing two houses, and living in them at once. This, however, he contrived, though having them at opposite sides of a street, by building a handsome Italianized corridor, so as to secure an internal communi- cation between the two houses, and in line with the drawing-rooms : — one house was devoted to domestic purposes, the cooking being per- formed in it, and Mr. Beckford resided in the other, so that the smells of all culinary preparations were cut off from his apartments. This was the object of having two residences, and the communicating corridor ; the dinner and other provisions being brought along the passage. Both houses were furnished in the most splendid style, so much so as to draw forth the marked admiration of all the Bath connoisseurs in buhl, or molu, and glittering absurdities of all kinds. Even Prince Leopold's philosophy was moved by the detail ; and he condescended to acknow- ledge, that if Mr. Beckford and he gave pretty much the same number of dinners, which was equivalent to none, the hermit of Bath had the advantage in meubles, over the hermit of Claremont. But all this finery is to come to the hammer again ; and we have no doubt that it will bring in a handsome return. The owner's next remove is now awaking the queries of Bath again. Where will he next build his house-to-let ? Where shew off his next purchase of old cabinets, figured crystals, cracked china, and very odd books with very odd mottoes in them from the pen of the learned and curious owner. Bets, to the largest amount allowable among the card- table ladies, have been laid, that his next journey will be to Pimlico, there to erect a palace, which shall throw the Nash-building out of all fame. Others, that he means to go to Constantinople, and offer himself 1831.] Affairs in General. 205 as successor to Sultan Mahmoud. Others, that, having lately taken to his devotions, he means to go forthwith to Italy, take advantage of the papal decease, and by a present of his snuff-boxes among the cardinals, win his way to the papal chair ; while others say, he contemplates residing at the Saxon Tower built by him on Lansdowne-hill, two miles off, filled with splendid gewgaws, and commanding extraordinary views of the surrounding counties. But the furniture, as well as the residence in Lansdowne-crescent, is also to be sold by auction. Amongst the furni- ture there are " superb cabinets of black and gold japan; beautiful square boxes of the richest japan ; a superb and matchless buhl and tortoise-shell cabinet (formerly belonging to Louis the Fourteenth) ; black and gold japan screens ; an ebony cabinet ; oa/c book-cases, of amazingly elegant designs, exquisitely enriched with gold mouldings and ornaments ; im- mense looking-glasses," &c. &c. The frippery of a sale-room will make as good a figure in the present auction as the last ; and so we shall have Mr. Beckford gathering toys, and selling them, to the end of the chapter. When will the Bourbons be convinced of the truth, that they have played their last card in France ? that the palace of Holyrood is their natural dwelling, and that the day is gone by, when a speech or a smile from royalty could have more effect upon the Parisians, than upon a regiment of nightmares ? Yet, on the sale of the Duchess of Berri's books here, lately, a rather undignified transaction too, since the Duchess is said not to be in pecuniary distress — and the books came over, duty free — we have the following flourish, worthy of the days of Louis the Fourteenth. "It having been stated that the fHenriade/ presented to the Duke of Bordeaux by the city of Paris, had been sold by the Duchess of Berri, Mr. Evans, of Pall-Mali, has given the paragraph a strong contradiction. He says— " ' No inducement could ever persuade the Duchess to part with this vo- lume, in her eyes inestimable. She will frequently recommend it to the perusal of her son, to animate him to imitate the illustrious example of his great progenitor in bearing adversity with equanimity, and enjoying triumph with moderation. She would particularly point out to the Duke of Bordeaux the conduct of Henry IV. after the capture of Paris — a generous oblivion of political differences.' " Mr. Evans, of Pali-Mall, is of course, no more the author of this fine affair than Mr. Alderman Hunter, or any other illustrious author, east of Temple Bar. The performance is French all over. But if the Due waits until he takes Paris by siege, we are afraid he will never enjoy the opportunity of displaying his moderation in triumph. Much the better study for him is patience in adversity : for he may rely on his never sitting on the throne of the Gauls. There must have been some extraordinary mismanagement, or some extraordinary influence busy in the Sierra Leone matters. The settle- ment is now announced to be on the point of being dissolved, by order of ministers. Yet for the last twenty years the loudest outcry on the mortality, waste, and utter hopelessness of this settlement has been un- attended to. At length, without any additional facts, and in the teeth of a declaration of a few months old, the Colony is to be left to the wild beasts. The recent change of ministers is not sufficient to account for 206 Notes of the Month on [FEB. this : for the business of Colonies and remote dependencies, is generally left as it is found; and in the present instance, the principal ministers have long since exhibited as Sierra Leonists, or protectors of the king- dom of Macauley, as some of the wits term this sepulchral region. The Colonists, and the machinery of government, are to be removed to Fernando Po. But this new empire labours under a bad name already. One of the papers tells us, with the aid of a comparison,, more expressive than poetical : — " Accounts from Fernando Po describe the mortality there to be dreadful. The removal from Sierra Leone to that island is like jumping out of the frying-pan into the fire." By all accounts, there never was a finer spot for terminating all the crimes and troubles of our criminal and troubled world. There con- spiracy conspires no more ; but is reconciled to all things within a week, or, at the farthest, ten days. There ambition burns in no man's breast, longer than he has time to write his will. There litigation loses its chief terror, its length — for all the parties are out of court before the proceed- ings can be indorsed. There war is unheard of, or never flourishes beyond the first half-dozen drills ; there corn-laws, excisemen, assessed-taxes, vested interests, and the other plagues of a long-lived community, perplex no man, but life escapes from the fangs of all, and the dweller of Fer- nando Po soon defies alike the taxman, the judge, and the jail. But why, we must ask, unless such settlements are reserved for the younger sons of nobility, half-pay subalterns of the Guards, or ex-mem- bers of Parliament, should Fernando Po be settled at all ? Have we not the West Indies ? The name is enough. The only intelligible purpose would be the discovery of some entrance into Central Africa, by some great river. For this, possibly, Fernando Po might be a favour- able point. But we see no attempt made towards such discovery. From time to time, some beggarly German, or half-mad Frenchman^or English rambler, eager for employment at all chances, makes the attempt by land ; thus setting out alone for a walk of five thousand miles a head, through countries of savages, epidemics, tigers, slave-traders, and sand as hot as a baker's oven. He begs his way a few hundred miles, writes a jour- nal, to tell the world that he has been buffeted, dungeoned, detected in his mispronunciation of the Moorish, is starved, and is dying. The next post, in the shape of some grim son of blackness, who had run him through with his lance, and robbed him of his rescript and rags, comes to say that he is dead ; and claim the reward for his news. Thus have gone, and thus will go all the African travellers : all of whom might with equal profit to the nation, and much more comfortably for themselves, have jumped off the centre arch of London Bridge, at high water, and so have gone straight to the mermaids. But the only discovery worth making would be that of a great river from the interior to the coast ; and the only mode by which that disco- very will ever be made, will be by the steam-boat. Of the half dozen rivers which fall into the great Bay of Benin, how many have been ever explored by us half a dozen leagues up ? The old Portuguese mariners talked of having sailed up some of them for slaves 300 miles, and found them still navigable. The steam-boat would make the trial swiftly, securely, and effectually. And Africa, brutal and burning as it is, may be well worth the trial. Its principal region is still altogether 1831.] Affairs in General. 207 vmtraversed by an European foot. We know even the coasts but im- perfectly, but the centre of this singular Continent is one mighty table- land,, temperate in its climate, and probably abounding in vegetable and mineral wealth and wonders. We may shew what a field is open for discovery, when we state that this table-land contains not less than two millions and a half of square geographical miles. It is bordered by immense acclivities, supporting ranges of mountains, towards the Indian Ocean, the Atlantic, and the country of Nigritia. With what beds of minerals may not those moun- tains be expected to abound, when the plains at their feet are the sands from which a large portion of the gold of Europe is gathered ? Of the variety of valuable woods, and healing plants, to be found in so vast a region, we can form a conception only from the prodigality of nature in all climates where sun and water combine to fertilize the soil. It is to reach this enormous region that our efforts should be directed ; and the attempt should be made from the Bight of Benin by water, and the Cape of Good Hope by land. In South Africa, the natives are gentler, and the difficulties to a traveller would be fewer, from the ease of procuring attendants, from the known power of the English settlement, and the respect for the English name ; and from the mere circumstance of starting at once, without the delay of a voyage from England, and with- out the hazards of an unhealthy coast. But the attempt should in neither direction be made by a solitary traveller, nor by any half-dozen. An expedition complete in all its parts; consisting of scientific men, interpreters, and soldiers enough to protect them from any, at least, of the roving-bands of the Desert, should be sent from the Cape ; and the whole power of the government there should be exerted to provide for their safe conduct, and their ultimate success. The steam-boat, on the Atlantic-side would, of course, have a company strong enough for all the purposes of discovery. There must be something which we cannot comprehend, in our nego- ciations with America. Either Jonathan has the organ of bargaining developed to a degree that throws our diplomatic bumps into eclipse, or we are peculiarly unlucky in our envoys across the Atlantic. We never remember a negociation, in which it was not declared by all sorts of persons, from the London capitalist to the Canadian back-woodsman, that Jonathan had outwitted his fathers on this side of the Atlantic. There is always a discovery, after the treaty has been signed and sealed, that we have been hoodwinked out of some millions of acres of barren land, that a swamp of a hundred square miles has been cruelly extorted from us, or that a measureless range of rocks, on which a goat would not find enough for a day's browsing, has been swindled away from the supremacy of Britain. How all this comes, we know not. Nor are the Canadians, who are eye-witnesses of the transaction, at all likely to help us to the elucidation. With the dweller on the north of the St. Lawrence, Jonathan is the perfection of craft ; and he couches his fear and his wonder under an apologue worthy of JEsop himself. " The beavers on a certain stream are said to have once proposed, in a treaty with the fish, that the beavers on their part should have free liberty to enter and use the waters ; and the fish on theirs, to come on shore. Nothing could appear more reciprocal. Some old sea-fish indeed had got an idea that it might intercept the communication between them and their young fry, in the lakes above ; but all the gudgeons, boobies, noddies, to a great majority, 208 Notes of the' Month on [FEB. were in favour of the bargain, being- principally directed by cerain flat-fish, who, having always been in the habit of creeping to the bottom, which they justly said was a mere continuation of the shore, possessed some experience of the measure, and declared that by such a treaty food would be obtained cheaper and better, and more abundant. The treaty was accepted. The beavers entered, dammed the stream, and preyed upon the fish. But whether the fish derived much advantage from the reciprocity on their part, remains yet to be discovered." Yet with all this hoodwinking Canada thrives. England has more land than she can sell even with the help of her joint-stock companies; and we may make Jonathan a present of the swamps, the rocks, and the pine- barrens, for a thousand years to come. The universal argument for the increase of public salaries within the last few years, has been the rise of price in the articles of life, &c., &c. But whatever may have been that rise, the rise in the value of the cir- culation, or the difference between the value of the war paper, and the peace coin, is much more than an equivalent. Notwithstanding which, amounting as it does to little less than four per cent, on every guinea, the rise of salaries must be seen to be believed. It has been shewn from official returns, that in 1797 the whole expense of the Treasury was £44,000, and that in 1828 it was £80,000 ; that at the former period the Foreign-office cost £34,000, and in the latter £65,000 ; the Colonial office, at the same periods respectively, £9,000 and £39,000. The half- pay and salaries in all our public departments (the pay of army, navy, and ordnance, of course, not included), was in 1797 £1,370,000, and in 1827 £2,780,000, — as nearly as possible two to one ; while the number of persons employed in the said departments had increased from 16,000 to 22,000 only, or in the proportion of 11 to 8. Having disposed of the question of value given, the next is, that of value received. Have our Statesmen within the last ten years, been wiser, or more active, personages than in 1797? or have they had weightier interests to manage, or a more formidable enemy to combat ? We had then War ; France in hostility, and Napoleon at its head. We have since had Peace, and nothing to contend with except the Hunts, Watsons, and other mob-leaders. Captain Swing lias at last entered the lists ; and he has been a tough antagonist. But still, wre think Napoleon's opposers and conquerors as well deserved their pay as the Peels or Dawsons, let their prowess be what it might. — But those things have had their day, and must have their conclusion. Mr. Sadler has just appeared in the controversial field again, by a pamphlet entitled " A Refutation of an Article in the Edinburgh Review." The article was a bitter attack on his treatise on the