WORKS ISSUED BY j&orfetg. THE NATURAL AND MORAL HISTORY OF THE INDIES, No. LX. THE NATURAL & MORAL HISTORY OF THE INDIES, FATHER JOSEPH DE ACOSTA. REPRINTED FROM THE ENGLISH TRANSLATED EDITION OF EDWARD GRIMSTON, 1604. AND EDITED, Notes anU ait KntroDuctwn, CLEMENTS 11. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S, VOL. I. T 11 K X A T U 1! A L 11 1 S T O R \ (BOOK.S j, u, in, A.ND iv). LONDON : PRLS'TKl) FOR HIE 1IAKLUYT SOCIETY . SO T. KICIIARUS, 37, GREAT QtTElilf STJJEKT, >V.C. COUNCIL THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. COLONEL H. YULE, C.B., PRESIDENT. ADMIRAL C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B. \ {-VICE-PRESIDENTS. MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HENRY RAWL1NSON, K.C.B. j W. A. TYSSEN AMHERST, ESQ., M.P. REV. DR. G. P. BADGER, D.C.L, J. BARROW, ESQ. WALTER DE GREY BIRCH, ESQ. E. A. BOND, ESQ. E. H. BUNBURY, ESQ. ADMIRAL SIR RICHARD COLL1NSON, K.C.B. THE EARL OF DUCIE. AUGUSTUS W. FRANKS, ESQ. LIEUT.-GENEHAL SIR J. HENRY LEFROY, C.B., K.C.M.G. R, H. MAJOR, ESQ. COLONEL SIR WM. L. MEREWETHER, C.B., K. C.S.I. ADMIRAL SIR ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B. LORD ARTHUR RUSSKLL, M.P. THE LORD STANLEY OF ALDEHLEY. EDWARD THOMAS, ESQ. LIEUT.-GENERAL SIK HENRY THUILL1ER, C.S.I. CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., HONORARY SECKETAKI. 997422 CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. PAGE INTRODUCTION ... . i DEDICATION TO THE INFANTA ISABELLA . . xix TRANSLATOR'S DEDICATION TO SIR ROBERT CECIL . xxiii ADDRESS TO THE READER . . xxiv ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS . xxvii THE NATURAL HISTORY. First Book . 1 „ ,, Second Book . 73 ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER . .103 THE NATURAL HISTORY. Third Book . 104 Fourth Book 183 NOTICE. The two Volume* are paged throughout, and the Index will be. at the end, of the Second Volume. INTRODUCTION. THE Natural and Moral History of the Western Indies by Acosta, which has been selected to form two volumes of the Hakluyt Society's series, is a valu able work for two reasons. It contains an exposition of the ideas of learned men of the sixteenth century on physical geography, and it is one of the leading authorities on the ancient civilisations of Peru and Mexico. Our chief knowledge of the author is derived from his published works, only a few facts being forthcoming from other sources. His parents lived at the town of Medina del Campo, the city of the plain, about twenty- four miles from Valladolid, in Old Castille,1 on the left bank of the swampy river Zapardiel,2 and overlooked by the old castle of La Mota.3 They had five sons, named Geronimo, Christoval, Joseph, Diego, and Ber nardo ; and at least two, if not more, of these boys joined the Society of Jesus. Joseph de Acosta was born in the year 1540, and he was devoted to the Society before he had completed his fourteenth year. Bernardo de Acosta entered upon the same career, and 1 Between Valladolid and Salamanca. 2 A southern affluent of the Douro. 8 Where Queen Isabella died in 1504. b 11 INTRODUCTION. probably Christoval1 also. The Acostas were fellow townsmen of that charming old soldier Bernal Diaz, who told the story of the conquest of Mexico, but they were many years his juniors. Joseph de Acosta became a Jesuit in 1553, and for the next eighteen years he must have devoted him self to the study of sacred and classical authors, for he was a man of very great learning, when, at the age of thirty-two, he sailed for the New World, in company with several brethren of the same Society. Acosta left Spain in the year 1570, touched at the Canaries, and made a rapid passage across the Atlantic ; which, he tells us, would have been still more rapid if the manners had made more sail.2 He landed at Car- thagena, and finally at Nombre de Dios, whence he journeyed through eighteen leagues of tropical forest to Panama.3 Here he enjoyed the beauties of the glori ous scenery, the novel sights at every turn, and was interested, at Capira, in the clever antics of troops of monkeys.4 From Panama the Jesuit, in pursuance of his missionary work, embarked for Peru, looking for ward with curiosity, and some dread, to the passage 1 But this is not the Christoval de Acosta who wrote the well- known book on the medicines and drugs of India. He was a native of Burgos. His work (Tractado de las drogas y medicinas de las Indicts Orientates con sus plantas debuxadas al vivo por Christoval A costa medico y cirrejano que las vio ocularmente : en el qual se veri- Jica mucho de lo que escrivio el Dr. Garcia de OrtaJ was published at Burgos in 1578. It contains plates of the spice-yielding and other plants. Dr. Acosta, called El Africano, suffered captivity in Africa, Asia, and China. His work completed what the learned Portuguese, Dr. Orta, began. 2 Page 5G. 3 Page 2G3. 4 Page 285. INTRODUCTION. Ill across the equinoctial. For he was steeped in all the lore of the ancient philosophers concerning the un bearable heat of the burning zone. He crossed the line in March, and, to his surprise, it was so cold that he was obliged to go into the sun to get warm, where he laughed at Aristotle and his philosophy.1 On his arrival at Lima, he was ordered to cross the Andes, apparently to join the Viceroy in the interior. He took the route, with fourteen or fifteen companions, across the mountainous province of Huarochiri, and by the lofty pass of Pariacaca,2 where the whole party suffered severely from the effects of the rarified atmo sphere.3 Acosta describes these sufferings, which he tells us were renewed on the three other occasions that he had occasion to cross the cordillera, by Soras and Lucanas,4 by Collahuas,5 and by Cavanas.6 He also mentions an attack of snow-blindness, and the way in which an Indian woman cured him.7 Acosta arrived in Peru at an important time. Don Francisco de Toledo, second son of the Count of Oro- pesa, a man advanced in years and of great adminis trative experience, had come out as Viceroy two years before, in 1568. He was a stern man, capable of com- 1 Page 90. 2 Pariacaca is over 14,000 feet above the level of the sea. 3 Page 130. 4 The road through the districts of Soras and Lucanas leads to the coast valley of Nasca. 5 Collahuas is further north, in the modern department of Ancachs, province of Huari. 6 Cavanas, in the department of Puno. This was one of the routes from the Collao to Arequipa. 7 Page 288. IV INTRODUCTION. mitting unjust and cruel acts to secure the success of a policy ; but, on the other hand, he was conscienti ously anxious to settle the government of the country with a view to the well-being of the people, and his energy and industry were marvellous. He was one of the most prolific legislators in history, and his regu lations were suited to the wants of the time and were enduring. In 1571 he had committed a great politi cal crime, in order to secure tranquillity, by beheading the unfortunate young Ynca Tupac Amaru. He then devoted five years to a tour through every part of the Viceroyalty of Peru ; and to a settlement of the coun try, in which he was aided by the Licentiate Polo de Ondegardo, the Jesuit Acosta, and the Judge Mati- cnza. His labours were successful, and the Indians themselves acknowledged that the land had not been so well governed since the days of the good Ynca Tupac Yupanqui.1 Toledo was practically the founder of the University of St. Mark at Lima. This Viceroy saw what were the true sources of wealth of the country he governed. He did not name silver and gold. But he said that "the two things which Peru had that were rich and of great nourishment — the two staples — were maize and llamas," corn and wool.2 Our author accompanied the Viceroy to Charcas,3 and was with him during his unsuccessful expedition against the fierce Chirihuana Indians.4 The principal seat of the Jesuits was, at that time, in the little town of Juli, near the western shores of Lake Titicaca. 1 " Desde el buen Tupac Yupanqui no hab'ia estado la tierra tan bien gobernada." 2 Page 256. 3 Page 155. 4 Page 151. INTRODUCTION. V Here a college was formed, the languages of the natives were studied, and eventually a prio ting-press was established. Acosta probably resided much at Juli during his stay in Peru. It was here, in all like lihood, that he observed the famous comet of 1577, from 1st November to 8th December, which extended like a fiery plume from the horizon nearly to the zenith.1 Here, too, he devoted much of his time to the preparation of several learned works, which he took home with him in manuscript, including the first two books of the Natural History of the Indies.2 The particulars respecting the religion and festivals of the Peruvians, in the work of Acosta, are chiefly derived from the Licentiate Polo de Ondegardo.3 Several of Acosta's brethren at Juli have been made known to us through their works. Among these were Bias Valera, whose valuable writings have been partially preserved by the Ynca Grarcilasso ; Dr. Francisco de Avila, who wrote on the folk-lore of Huarochiri ; Pablo Jose de Arriaga, the extirpator of idolatry in the Peruvian coast valleys ; the half-caste, Diego de Alcobaca, who wrote religious confessionaries in the native languages ; and the learned Dr. Gonzalo Holguin, who composed a valuable Quichua grammar. A few years later, the college at Juli was the residence of Ludovico Bertonio, who compiled a copious Aymara dictionary ; and it was at Juli that this dictionary was printed in 1611, as well as a Life of Christ in the same language. At Juli, Father Acosta received information respecting the river Amazon from a brother who had formerly been in the famous piratical cruise of Aguirre.4 1 Page 122. 2 Page 103, 3 Page 391. 4 Page 82. VI INTRODUCTION. Towards the close of the viceroyalty of Toledo, Father Acosta appears to have moved from the interior of Peru to Lima. Here he mentions having been en gaged in superintending the casting of a great bell, and that there was difficulty in getting fuel for the furnace, which made it necessary to fell some great trees in the valley of the Eimac.1 He mentions also that he saw camels in Peru,2 which had been brought from the Canaries ; and that the Viceroy Toledo sent home seeds of the beautiful white datura, which grows round Lima, as worthy of a place in the royal gardens.3 In 1579 Sir Francis Drake was on the coast, and the Viceroy dispatched a fleet under Don Pedro Sarmiento, partly to chase the English pirate, and partly to ex plore and survey the Straits of Magellan. Acosta had conversations with the pilot of Sarmiento's fleet, and was allowed to inspect his chart, thus obtaining much hydrographical information, and particulars respecting the tides in the straits. He also conversed with the new Viceroy Henriquez on the same subject.4 Don Francisco de Toledo returned to Spain in 1579, and was succeeded by Don Martin Henriquez, a younger son of the Marquis of Alcanises, who had previously been Viceroy of Mexico. Don Martin made his entry into Lima on May 4th, 1581. Three weeks afterwards the new Archbishop, Dr. Toribio Mogrovejo, was installed, and commenced his saintly and active career ; which acquired for him so great a name for purity and holiness that he was eventually i Page 308. 2 Page 272. 3 Page 255. 4 Pages 133, 140, H3, 145. INTRODUCTION. Vll canonised as St. Toribio. In 1582 a Provincial Council was called to meet at Lima, consisting of the Archbishop and the Bishops of Cuzco, Imperial, Santiago de Chile, Paraguay, Quito, Charcas, and Tu- cuman. Don Martin Henriquez opened the third Council of Lima in person. He also founded the College of St. Martin, to be managed by the Jesuits, and was active in promoting useful measures ; but his career as Viceroy of Peru was cut short by death on March 12th, 1583. The Council proceeded with its sittings, and got through a vast amount of work. Full instructions were drawn up for the guidance of parish priests, and catechisms were prepared for the instruction of the In dians. It may be observed that the proceedings of these Lima Councils throw much light on the religion and folk-lore of the people. For they enter into many minute details respecting the customs and superstitions which the priests were to suppress, and have thus pre served an invaluable record of the beliefs of the ancient Peruvians. Father Acosta was very busily employed during the sessions of the third Council of Lima, and he was its historian. The last sitting took place on October 18th, 1583, on which important occasion the Jesuit Father Joseph de Acosta delivered an eloquent and learned oration.1 The proceedings were forwarded to Spain, and received the royal assent on September 18th, 1591, having pre viously been confirmed by the Pope. The Papal approval was announced by Cardinal Caraffa, in 1588, 1 " Una elegante y docta oracion." — Montalvo, page 214. Vlll INTRODUCTION. to the Archbishop of Lima.1 Shortly after the close of the last session of the Council, Acosta embarked, with all his valuable manuscripts, representing the literary labours of about fifteen years, and commenced his voy age to Mexico. He shows himself, in his remarks during the passage, to be a shrewd observer of nature, and an eager seeker after knowledge.2 During this, or the subsequent voyage home, he learnt from an expert Portuguese pilot that there were four points of no variation on the earth, and that one of them was the island of Corvo in the Azores.3 Acosta landed, after a long voyage, at the port of Guatulco,4 at the western end of the Gulf of Tehuantepec, in the Oaxaca province, whence he journeyed by land to Mexico, where he resided in 1586.5 In this country he had opportuni- 1 There are two lives of Archbishop Toribio Mogrovejo. One is by the learned Don Antonio Leon-Pinelo, entitled Vida del Ilus- trissimo Reverendissimo D. Torijjio Alfonso Mogrovejo, Arcobispo de la ciudad de los Reyes (1653). The other is by Dr. Juan Francisco A. de Montalvo, and has a quaint title-page — El Sol del Nuevo Mundo idea Jo y compuesto en las esclarecidas operadones del Biena- venturado Toribio Arcosbis2)o de Lima (Rome, 1683). Leon Pinclo gives very full particulars of the Archbishop's family and ancestry. The work of Montalvo is valuable because it contains notices of the lives of many Peruvian authors. 2 Page 127. 3 Page 52. 4 Page 400. Sir Francis Drake, during his famous voyage of circumnavigation, arrived at Guatulco on April 15th, 1579. Here he got provisions, and also " a certaine pot full of rials of plate which \ve found in the towne, together with a chain of gold, and some other jewels, which we intreated a gentleman Spaniard to leave behind him, as he was flying out of towne." (Drake's Worlde Encompassed, p. 113.) Here Drake landed a Portugal pilot whom he had captured out of a vessel at the Cape Verde Islands. This man is mentioned by Acosta; sec page 140. 5 Page 454. INTRODUCTION. IX ties, of which he diligently availed himself, for collect ing information touching the natural products, and the civilisation and ancient religion of the Aztecs. His chief informant, respecting the rites and festivals of the Mexicans, was a brother of the Company of Jesus named Juan de Tobar, who was then a Prebend in the church at Mexico.1 He also enjoyed the pleasure of seeing his brother Bernardo once more, a Jesuit who died at Mexico on May 29th, 1613. Acosta went home to Spain in the fleet of 1587, which had a most precious cargo. It contained twelve chests of gold,3 each weighing 100 Ibs. ; 11,000,000 pieces of silver;3 two chests of emeralds,4 each weighing 100 Ibs. ; 22,053 cwts. of ginger,5 50 of sarsaparilla, 48 of cassia fistula, 350 of lignum sanctum, 1309 of Brazil wood,6 and 99,794 hides from St. Domingo.7 When they unloaded at Seville, he says that it was a wonderful thing to behold'*Bfe£ river and the arsenal, with such piles of hides and merchandise.8 The first object of Acosta, after his return to Europe, appears to have been to make arrangements for the publication of his manuscripts. In February 1588 he was in Madrid, at which place he wrote the dedication to Philip II of the two books on the Natural History of the Indies, and of his work on the Conversion of the Indians, which were published in Latin at Salamanca in 1588 and 1589. He then went to Eome, where his theological works saw the light. His De Christo 1 Page 391. 2 Page 194. 3 Page 204. 4 Page 226. 5 Page 239. 6 Page 2GO. 7 Page 271. s Page 271. X INTRODUCTION. revelato appeared in 1588, and his De temporibus novissimis in the same year. His Concilium Limense appeared shortly afterwards, and his Concionum in 1596. His complete work on the Natural and Moral istory of the Indies was published at Seville in 1590. Acosta was head of the Jesuits' College at Valladolid, and Visitor in Aragon and Andalusia. Finally, he was appointed to the charge of the College at Salamanca, where he died1 on the 15th of February 1600, in his sixtieth year. The theological works of Acosta give evidence of great learning. The De Christo in scripturis revelato consists of nine books, dedicated to Cardinal Caraffa. They are intended to prove that Christ is the centre of all scriptures, the Saviour whose coming was announced by the Baptist, and that heretics twist the words of revelation to their own purposes.2 This work was pub lished at Rome in 1588, and again in 1590, in quarto. Other editions appeared at Paris in 1592, at Sala manca, at Venice; and, finally, at Paris in 1841. 3 The 1 But not in the grand college of the Jesuits (La Clericia) which may new be seen at Salamanca. It was not built until 1614. In the time of Acosta the Jesuits occupied another build ing, now the cemetery ; and it was here that Acosta died. See Mad oz. 2 Lib. i. Universurn scriptursc scopum esse Christum, n. Falli Hsereticos que scriptures sensem facilem jactant. in. Recte divi- nam scripturam tractari cum ad Dei dilectionem dirigetur. iv. Jesus verus. v. Jesus salvator. vi. Jesus Mater Maria supra omnes Deo grata et nostrse salutis administra electa divinitas. vn. Jesum Joannes Baptista Precursor annuntiat. vui. ix. 3 In the Scriptures Sacrce cursus completus ex commentariis om nium perfectissimis unique kabitis, et a magna parte episcoporum INTRODUCTION. xi De temporibus novissimis is usually bound up with the De Christo revelato. It consists of four books on the prophecies, and on the latter days, with specula tions on the coming of the day of the Lord.1 The Concionum, in three volumes, was published at Sala manca in 1596, at Venice in 1599 (4to.), and at Cologne in 1600 (8vo.). The Concilium Limense, a record of the proceedings of the Council of Lima in 1583, was composed in three books, in Latin. The results of Acosta's South American researches first saw the light at Salamanca in 1588 and 1589, the two works being usually bound up together. De natura novi orbis, libri duo, et de promulgation Evangelii apud barbaros, sive de procuranda In- dorum salute, libri sex. The De natura is the first two books of the Natural History in Latin. These books were written in Peru. A second edition was published at Salamanca in 1595, and again at Cologne in 1596. The De promulgation is an interesting essay on the conversion of the Indians. Acosta here maintains that the salvation of the people of Peru must not be des paired of, on account of the difficulties which surround the missionaries. He urges the importance of study- necnon theologorum Europce Catholicce universim ad hoc interroga- torum designatis unice confletus. Tom. ii (Paris, 1841); 398 pages, beginning at page 698. It is preceded by a short life of Acosta, and is furnished with a good index. 1 Lib. i. Sacris literis trade, Diem Judicii propinquare. n. De magna tribulatione snb Antichristo futura deinceps dicendum. in. Ecclesiam non esse Antichrist! quamvis valida persecutione superandam. iv. An Dies Domini repentinus an potius vehementer formidatus veniat. Xll INTRODUCTION". ing the native languages, and gives advice on the various details of a well organised parochial system. Acosta then translated the two books of the De natura from Latin into Spanish, and added five others, which completed the Historia natural y moral de las Indicts. The first four books are devoted to the natural history, the last three to the moral history, of the Indies. In the former, the learned Jesuit touches upon all points of interest relating to physical geo graphy as it was then understood, comparing the knowledge of his time with the opinions and beliefs of ancient philosophers and Fathers of the Church. In this spirit he discusses the form of the earth and of the heavens, the distribution of land and sea, the habitability of the tropics, and the way in which America may have been peopled. In the first two books the discussion is more general, while the • next two treat especially of the JNew World and its produc tions. Chapters are devoted to the winds and tides, and to the fisheries, others to the lakes and rivers, to the varied aspects of the lands, to volcanoes and earth quakes, to the mineral resources, and to the vegetable and animal kingdoms. The last three books, including the " Moral History of the Indies", give an interesting account of the religion and government of the people of Peru and Mexico, and form a valuable body of in formation respecting those ancient American civilisa tions. Acosta was a man of great learning ; he was an intelligent and indefatigable observer, as well as a very diligent collector of information, and he had ex ceptionally good opportunities ; so that his work will INTRODUCTION. Xlii always rank high as an authority on the subjects of which it treats. The Historia Natural, in its complete form, was first published at Seville in 1590 (4to.), next at Barcelona in 1591 (Svo.). The Madrid editions appeared in 16081 and 1610. An Italian translation, by Giovanni Paolo Gallucio, appeared in 15962 at Venice. The work of Acosta was translated into Dutch by the great traveller J. Huyghen van Linschoten, and published at Enckhuysen in 1598 (Svo.), and at Am sterdam in 1624 (4to.).3 The French translation was by E. Kegnauld, and two editions appeared at Paris in 1597 and 1600.4 De Bry published the work in Latin at Frankfort in 1602 (fol.) and 1603, and a German edition in 1601 (fol.) : being Part ix of his America.5 A compilation from it was published by De Bry at Frankfort, in Latin in 1624, and in German in 1623;° 1 It is with the Madrid edition of 1608 that the translation, now reprinted, has been collated. 2 Historia naturale e morale delle Indie, novamente tradotta deJle lingua Spagnuola nella Italiana de G. P. Gained. (Venetia, 1596, 4to.) 3 Historic naturael ende morael van de Wester 'sche Indien nu eerstmeal uyt den Spaenschen overgheset door J. Iluyghen van Lin schoten. (Enckhuysen, 1598, 8vo.) 4 Histoire naturelle et morale des Indes . . . traduite par R. Reg- nauld. (Paris, 1597, Svo.) 5 Theodor de Bry. Americas novae pars . . . de novis orbis naturae. Acosta. America, Pars ix. (Francoforti, 1602, fol.) Von gelegenJieit der Elemente natur — de Neiver Welt J. H. van Linschoten. De Bry. (1601, fol.) 6 Paralipomena Americce, hoc est discursus accurataque America? descrirjtio. T. de Bry. America, Pars xn. (Frankfort, fol., 1624.) XIV INTRODUCTION. and it also appeared in Dutch, in the collection of P. van der Aa, in 1727.1 The English translation of Acosta, which is reprinted in the present volume, was first published in London in 1604. On the title-page only the initials of the translator are given — " E. G." But it has been ascer tained that this was Edward Grimston, a writer and translator of note, during the reigns of Elizabeth and James I. Edward Grimston belonged to an Essex family, which sprung originally from the Grimstons of Grimston Garth, in Yorkshire. Edward served in the wars, was made prisoner at Calais in 1558, and after wards escaped from the Bastille. Besides translating Acosta, he wrote a history of France, and a general history of the Netherlands. The latter work, published in London in 1609, is a translation of the History of Jean Francois le Petit (Dordrecht, 1601), with addi tions from the manuscripts of Sir Koger Williams, and brought down to 1608. Edward Grimston, who is said to have lived to the age of ninety-eight, was the grandfather of Sir Harbottle Grimston of Bradfield, a well-known politician during the civil wars, and an cestor of the present Earl of Verulam. Grimston's translation of Acosta is, on the whole, creditable and trustworthy. There are some omissions, and occasional blunders, especially as regards proper 1 Ontdekking -van West Indien vlijtig ondersogt, aangeteekend door J. D'A. op sign Reys Togl derwaarts gedaan. Anno 1592 en ver- volgens . . . uyt het Spaans vertaald. In P. van der Aa. De AanmerJcensivaardigste Zee en Landreizen der Portugeezen, etc. Deel 8. (1727, fol.) INTRODUCTION. XV names and native words, which have been carefully corrected in the present edition. The Natural History of Acosta has been much used by subsequent writers on Peru and Mexico. It is quoted twenty-seven times in the Royal Commentaries of the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega, and sometimes these quotations consist of long passages. I have given a list of them in the index to my translation of the first part of the Royal Commentaries .* A full notice of Acosta and his works is given by Antonio.2 Purchas, in his Pilgrimage, quotes largely from Acosta, in his account of the Mexican superstitions and sacrifices, and of Peruvian religious ceremonies and government.3 An abstract of the Natural and 1 ii, page 547. 2 " Josephus de Acosta. Medinensis, postquam in sodalitio So- cietatis, cui se puerum Salmanticse tradidit, omni disciplinarum genere, indefessi virlaboris, ingenium prestans atque acre judicium instruxisset, in occidentalem Indiam delatus, provinciam ibi Peru- anam sodalium rexit praepositus, septemdecimque totos annos cora- moratus est, ea curiose observans et in commentaria digerens, qu8G hodie magno cum fructu atque operse pretio de rebus Indias ab eo extant. Inde reversus visitatorem egit in provinciis Aragonise ac Bceticse, necnon et aliquando procuravit Bomse promovitque salutis Indorum spiritualem causam ; quod postremum ab eo impensum officium Bibliothecse Societatis scriptorem fugit. Sexagenarius tandem e vita migravit munus gerens rectoris in Salmantino col- legio, pluribus scriptis clarus, superstesque anno 1599." Then follows a list of his works : JSibliotheca Hispana Nova sive Hispan- orum Scriptorum qui ab anno M.D. — ad M.V.C.LXXXIV jloruere notitia : auctore D. Nicolao Antonio Hispalensi, J. G. (Madrid, 1783, fol., i, page 800.) 3 Puichas, Pilgrimage (1623), lib. v, page 869; and lib. vi, page 931. XVI INTRODUCTION. Moral History is given in Harris's voyages,1 and in other similar collections, and the work is much relied upon as an authority by Robertson, and by Prescott in his histories of the conquests of Peru and Mexico. Mr. Prescott quotes Acosta nineteen times in his Con quest of Peru, and nine times in his Conquest of Mexico. Adopting Mr. Prescott's Peru as a test, Acosta takes the fourth place as an authority. Garcilasso de la Vega is quoted eighty-nine, Cieza de Leon forty-five, Polo de Ondegardo forty-one, and Acosta nineteen times. Then follow Pedro Pizarro, Montesinos, Zarate, Hcrrera, and Gomara. 1 Harris's Voyages, vol. i, lib. v, cap. xiii, pages 751 to 799. [ Translation of the Spanish Title page of the yd Edition. THE NATURAL AND MORAL History of the Indies. In which are discussed the notable things of the heavens, the elements, metals, plants, animals ; and the rites,- ceremonies, laws, government, and wars of the Indians. COMPOSED BY THE FATHER JOSEPH DE ACOSTA (A Priest of the Company of Jesus). DEDICATED TO THE MOST SERENE INFANTA DONA ISABELA CLARA EUGENIA DE AUSTRIA. In the Year With Licence. 1608. Printed in Madrid, in the house of Alonso Martin. At the charges of Juan Berrillo, seller of books. C To the Most Serene Infanta Dona Ysabela Clara Eugenia de Austria.1 LADY, — The King's Majesty, our Lord, having given me permission to offer to your Highness this small work, entitled The Natural and Moral History of the Indies, it should not be attributed to me as want of consideration, to desire to occupy the time which is so fully spent by your Highness in matters of importance, by diverting it to subjects which, in treating of philosophy, are somewhat obscure, and, as describing barbarous races, may seem out of place. But as a knowledge of, and speculations con cerning the works of nature, especially if they are remarkable and rare, causes a feeling of pleasure and delight in refined understandings, and as an acquaintance with strange cus toms and deeds also pleases from its novelty, I hold that this work may serve as an honest and useful entertainment to your Highness. It will give occasion to consider the works which have been designed by the Most High in the machinery of this world, especially in those parts which we call the Indies, which, being our territory, give us more to consider, and being the abode of new vassals, whom the Most High God has given to the crown of Spain, a know ledge of it is not altogether strange to us. My desire is that, during some spare moments, your Highness should amuse yourself with the reading. With this object it is 1 Daughter of Philip II, by Elizabeth of Valois, and afterwards wife of the Archduke Albert, and sovereign of the Spanish Netherlands. She was married in 1595, went to Brussels in the following year, and died in 1633, without children. c 2 XX DEDICATION. written in the vulgar tongue, though, if I do not deceive myself, it is not for vulgar understandings. It maybe that, as in other things so in this, your Highness showing a liking for it, this little work may be favored so that the King our Lord may choose to pass a short time in the con sideration of affairs and of people so nearly touching his royal crown. I dedicated another book to his Majesty, which I composed in Latin, touching the preaching of the evangel to those Indians. I desire that all I have written may serve, so that the relation of what God, our Lord, de posited of his treasures in those kingdoms, may cause the people of them to receive more aid and favor from those to whose charge His high and divine providence has entrusted them. I entreat your Highness that if some parts of this little work are not agreeable, you will not desist from passing your eyes over the rest, since it may be that other parts may please, and, if so, they cannot fail to be highly profitable; for this favor will be beneficial to people and countries sorely needing such favor. God, our Lord, preserve and prosper your Highness for many years, as is the daily and earnest supplication of your servants to the Divine Majesty. Amen. In Seville, the 1st of March, in the year 1590. JOSEPH DE ACOSTA. THE N ATVRALL and Morall Historic of the East and West Indies. Intreating of the remarkeable things of Heaven, of the Elements, Mettalls, Plants, and Beasts which are proper to that Country : Together with the Manners, Ceremonies, Lawes, Governements, and Warres of the Indians. Written in Spanish by Joseph Acosta, and translated into English by E. G. LONDON Printed by Val. Sims for Edward Blount and William Aspley. 1604. To the Right Honorable Sir Robert Cicill, Knight, Baron of Essingden, Vicount Cranborne, principall Secretary to his Maiestie, master of the Court of Wardes and Liveries, and one of his Highnesse most honourable Privie Counsell. EIGHT HONOEABLE, — If it appeare presumption in me to shew my love, my dutie betraies me to it. The advantage I have gleaned from idle houres, in. exchanging this Indian History from Spanish to English, is commended to your Honors Patronage, whose first father loseph Acosta, hath with great observation made worthie the over-looking. A greater motive then that you are your selfe, needed not to excite me to this dedication. I beseech you, my good Lord, take it into shelter, and receive that which is not, for that which I would it were. Let my insuflficiencie be measured by my good will. So shall my poore abilities thrive vnder your incouragement, and happily leade me on to some stronger vndertaking, wherein I shall bee bound to thanke you for mine owne paines, and for ever remaine Your Lordships most devoted, E. G. The Authors advertisement to the Reader. MANY have written sundry bookes and discourses of the New World at the West Indies, wherein they describe new and strange things discovered in those partes, with the actes and adventures of the Spaniards, which have con quered and peopled those Countries. But hitherto I have not seene any other Author which treates of the causes and reasons of these novelties and wonders of nature, or that hath made any search thereof. Neither have I read any booke which maketh mention of the histories of the antient Indians and naturall inhabitants of the New World. In truth, these two things are difficult. The first being the works of Nature, contrarie to the antient and received Philosophy, as to shew that the region which they call the burning Zone is very moist, and in many places very tem perate, and that it raines there, whenas the Sunne is neerest, with such like things. For such as have written of the West Indies have not made profession of so deepe Philoso phic ; yea, the greatest part of those Writers have had no knowledge thereof. The second thing it treats of is, of the proper historic of the Indians, the which required much conference and travaile among the Indians themselves : the which most of them that have treated of the Indies could not doe, either not vnderstanding the language or not curious in the search of their Antiquities ; so as they have beene contented to handle those things which have beene most common and superficial!. Desiring, therefore, to have some more particular knowledge thereof, I have TO THE EEADER. XXV beene carefull to learn e from men of greatest experience and best seene in these matters,, and to gather from their discourses and relations what I have thought fit to give knowledge of the deedes and custonie of these people. And for that which concern es the nature of those Countries and their properties, I have learned it by the experience of many friends, and by my dilligence to search, discover, and con- ferre with men of iudgement and knowledge. In my opinion, there are many advertisements which may serve and benefit better wits for the seaching out of the truth, or, to proceede farther, in finding that pleasing which is conteined herein. So, as although this new World be not new, but old, in respect of the much which hath beene writ ten thereof; yet this historic may, in some sort, be held for new, for it is partly historicall and partly philosophicall, as well for that they are the workes of nature as of free will, which are the deedes and customes of men, the which hath caused mee to name it the Naturall and Morall Historie of the Indies. Containing these two things : In the first two bookes mention is made of that which concernes the heavens, temperature and habitation of the world, which books I had first written in Latine, and now I have translated them into Spanish, vsing more the liberty of an author then the strict bonds of a translator, to apply my self the better to those for whom it is written in the vulgar tong. In the two fol lowing books is treated of that which concernes the Ele ments and naturall mixtures, as Mettalls, Plants, Beasts, and what else is remarkable at the Indies. The rest of the bookes relate what I could certainely discover, and what I thought worthie memory of the Indians them selves, their Ceremonies, Customs, Governments, Wars, and Adventures. In the same Historie shall be spoken (as I could learne and comprehend) of the figures of the antient Indians, seeing they had no writing nor characters as we have, which is no small industry to have preserved their XXVI TO THE READER. Antiquities without the vse of letters. To conclude, the scope of this worke is, that having knowledge of the workes of nature, which the wise Author of all nature made, we may praise and glorifie the high God, who is wonderfull in all things and all places. And having knowledge of the Indians customes, we may helpe them more easily to follow and persevere in the high vocation of the Gospel; to the knowledge whereof the Lord would draw this blinde nation in these latter daies. Besides al these things, every one may sucke out some profit for himselfe ; for that the wise do alwaies draw forth some good out of the smallest sub- iect, as we finde deepe Philosophie in the least and basest creatures. I must only advertise the reader, that the two first bookes of this historie or discourse were written in Peru, and the other five since in Europe, dutie binding me to returne into these partes : so as some speake of matters of the Indies as of things present, and others as being absent. And therefore I have thought it good to advertise the Reader heereof that this diversitie of speach may not be troublesome vnto him. Farewell. ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE DEDICATION TO THE INFANTA ISABELA xix TRANSLATOR'S DEDICATION TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR ROBERT CICILL, KNIGHT - xxiii To THE READER - - xxiv NATURAL HISTORY. BOOK I. CHAPTER 1. — Of the opinions of some authors which supposed that the Heavens did not extend to the new found land. View of St. Chrysostom 1 Opinions of Theodoret and Lactantius - 2 „ St. Jerome and St. Augustine 2 Fathers of the Church may err 3 CHAPTER 2. — That the Heaven is round, on all parts moving in his course of itself. Opinion of Aristotle correct - 4 The Author's own experience 4 Proofs that the earth is round 5 Motions of the stars 6 Void places in the Heavens - 7 CHAPTER 3. — How the Holt/ /Scripture teacheth us (hat the earth is in the middest of the world. Roundness of the Heavens 8 The waters 9 The earth rests upon nothing . 10 Wisdom of the Creator 1 1 XXV111 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER 4. — Containing an ansivere to that which is objected out of the Holy Scripture against the roundness of the earth, Explanation of St. Paul's words 12 The letter kills; the spirit quickeneth - 13 CHAPTER 5. — Of the fashion and forme of Heaven at the new found land. Comparison of stars in North and South 14 The Southern Cross 14 Art of navigation - 15 Milky Way 15 CHAPTER 6. — That there is Land and Sea under the two Poles. Men as near Heaven in Peru as in Spain 15 The Pole Antarticke 16 Distribution of land and sea - 17 Land and sea at the Poles 18 Question of a North West Passage 18 CHAPTER 7. — To confute the opinion of Lactantius, who holdes there be no Antipodes. Lactantius and St. Augustine on the Antipodes - 19 Reason corrects imagination 20 The use of imagination 21 CHAPTER 8. — The reason why St. Augustine denied the Antipodes. Opinions of St. Augustine 22 His difficulty in the greatness of the ocean 23 Concurrence of St. Gregory Nazianzen - 23 The Scriptures speak only of the then known world 24 CHAPTER 9. — Of Aristotle's opinion touching the new Worlde, and what abused him to make him deny it. Opinions of the ancients as to heat of the burning Zone 25 Aristotle's opinion 25 Want of knowledge among the Ancients 26 Extreme cold and heat of Arctic and Torrid Zones 27 The southern Zones - 29 ANALYTICAL TABLE OP CONTENTS. XXI K CHAPTER 10. — That Plinie and the auncients held the same opinion ivith Aristotle. Pliny thought the tropics uninhabitable 29 Arguments of the ancients 30 CHAPTER 11. — That in ancient Bookes ive finde some knowledge of this newe world. Voyage of Han no - -32 Voyage of Eudoxus - 33 Ancient knowledge of the East Indies - - 33 Sumatra and Malacca - 33 - Prophecy of Seneca 34 CHAPTER 12. — Of the opinions which Plato held of the West Indies. Timeeus and Critias - 36 Interpretation of sayings of Plato 36 CHAPTER 13. — That some have held opinion that in places of Holy Scripture, ivhereas they speake of Ophir, is to be understood of our Peru. Hispaniola said to be Ophir - 37 Whether Peru be Ophir 37 Fancied resemblance of names 38 Ophir was in the East Indies 39 CHAPTER 14. — What Tharsis and Ophir signify in the Holy Script ures. Identification of Tarshish 40 Tarshish has divers meanings 41 A general term 42 CHAPTER 15. — Of the Prophecie of A bdias, which some doe interpret to be the Indies. The discovery of America said to have been foretold in Scripture 42 Prophecy of Obadiah 43 Sepharad (Zarephath) supposed to be Spain 43 XXX ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Cities of the South may be the Indies - 43 Prophecy of Isaiah 44 Many nations to whom Christ has not yet been preached 44 CHAPTER 16. — By what meanes the first men might come to the Indies, the ivhich was not willingly nor of set purpose. The New World not peopled by a miracle 45 Opinion of the Author 46 Passage in ships considered - 46 New World not reached in ships 47 The ancients were ignorant of the compass 48 CHAPTER 17. — Of the properties and admirable virtue of the Adamante stone for navigation, wliere<*f the Ancients had no knoivledge. Use of the compass in navigation 50 Virtues of the load stone - 50 Time of its discovery uncertain 51 Variation of the compass 52 Four points of no variation - 52 CHAPTER 18. — Wherein an answere is made to them that say that in times passed they have sailed through the Ocean as at this day. Long voyages not proved by Scripture 53 In ancient books no proof of long voyages 54 The ancients only coasted along the shore 54 CHAPTER 19. — That ive may conjecture how the first inhabitants of the Indies came thither by force of iveatker and not willingly. Story of the discovery of America by a nameless pilot 54 Most new countries discovered by chance 55 Wonderful voyage recorded by Cornelius Nepos - 55 Ship of Carthage driven to the New World 55 Giants said to have landed in Peru 56 People of Yea and Arica sailed in South Sea 56 Most discoveries due to chance 57 ANALYTICAL TABLE OP CONTENTS. XXXI CHAPTER 20. — Notwithstanding all that hath bene said, it is more likely that the first inhabitants of the Indies came by land. The beasts could not have come by sea 57 No new creation in America 58 Beasts could not have swum to the New World - 59 Belief of the Author in a narrow strait 60 CHAPTER 21. — By what means tame beasts passed to the Indies. The Indians could only make short voyages 61 No beasts on the West Indian Islands 62 Animals reach islands by swimming 63 CHAPTER 22. — That the lineage of the Indians hath not passed by the Atlantis Island as some do imagine. The Atlantis of Plato 64 Atlantis a fable 66 Pliny on Mount Atlas and Atlantis 66 CHAPTER 23. — That the opinion of many which hold that the first race of the Indians comes from the Jews is not true. A text of Esdras applied to the Indies 67 Resemblance between dress of Jews and Indians - 67 Points of difference 68 The opinion confuted 69 CHAPTER 24. — The reason why we can find no beginning of the Indians. The peopling of the Indies was gradual 69 The first arrivals savage and hunters • 70 CHAPTER 25. — What the Indians report of their beginning. Tradition of a deluge 70 Origin of the Yncas 71 Origin of American civilizations 72 XXX11 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. BOOK II. CHAPTER 1. — That it is not out of purpose, but necessarie to treate of the nature of the Equinoctiall. The Equinoctial defined 73 CHAPTER 2. — For what reasons the ancients held that the burning Zone ivas not inhabitable. Effect of Sun's motion on temperature . 74 The further a country is from the Sun's course the colder - 74 The hottest near the Zodiacs 74 Dryness and moisture caused by the Sun 75 Hence Aristotle's opinion of the Southern heat . - 75 CHAPTER 3. — That the burning Zone is very moist, contrary to the opinion of the Ancients. Yet the burning Zone is inhabited 76 The seasons occur, but at different times 76 Seasons of greatest moisture 77 CHAPTER 4. — That in the Regions which be without the Tropicks there is greatest store of waters whenas the Sunne is farthest of, contrary to that under the burning Zone. Climate of Chile 78 Cause of inundation of the Nile 78 Inundation of the Paraguay or river Plate 78 CHAPTER 5. — That betwixt the tivo Tropicks the greatest aboundance of raine is in Summer, with a discourse of Winter and Summer. Winter and Summer in the Tropics 79 Seasons in Peru 80 CHAPTER 6. — That the burning Zone abounds with waters and pastures, against the opinion of Aristotle ivho holds the contrarie". Abundance of Water in the Tropics 8 1 The yrreat river Amazons - - 82 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXX111 Lake Titicaca 83 Question of drainage of Titicaca 84 CHAPTER 7. — Shewing the reason ivhy the Swine without the Tropicks causeth greatest quantitie of ivaters when it is farthest off ; and contrariwise within them it breedeth most ivhen it is nearest. Rain caused by heat of the Sun 84 Effect of the Sun on vapour 8,5 Effect of heat on moisture 87 Dry regions in the tropics . 88 CHAPTER 8. — How wee should understand that which hath been formerly spoken of the burning Zone. Dry region on the coast of Peru 88 Exceptions to natural rules 89 CHAPTER 9. — That the Burning Zone is not violent/// hotte, but moderate. Moderate heat in the tropics 90 The Author's experience 90 CHAPTER 10. — That the heat of the burning Zone is temperate, by reason of the rayne and the shortness of the da yes. Heat tempered by rain 91 Length of days and nights 92 Causes for moderate heat in the tropics 93 CHAPTER 11. — That there be other reasons besides the former men tioned^ which shew that the burning Zone is temperate, especially alongst the Ocean. Causes for temperate climate in the tropics 94 The sea tempers the heat 95 CHAPTER 12. — That the highest lands are the coldest, and the reason thereof. The middle region of the air the coldest 9G Nature of the elements 97 d XXXI V ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER 13. — That the colde windes be the principall cause to make the burning Zone temperate. Coolness of the night not sufficient to moderate Sun's heat - 99 Effect of winds in the tropics 99 Land and Sea Breezes 100 CHAPTER 14. — That they which inhabite under the Equinoctiall lire a sweet e and pleasant life. Importance of healthy air 101 A healthy life possible in the tropics 103 These two books written in the Indies. The five following in Europe 103 CHAPTER 1. — That the natural! Historic <>/ the Indies is pleasant and agreeable. He that takes delight in the works of nature shall taste the true pleasure of Histories 104 The Author will write briefly 105 CHAPTER 2. — Of the windes, their differences, properties, and causes in general!. Properties of the winds 106 Names of winds - 107 CHAPTER 3. — Of certaine properties of wiudcs which Uowe at the new worlde. Origin of the south wind 110 Winds in Peru - 111 CHAPTER 4. — That in the burning Zoue the JSrisas, or Easterly windes do continually blowe, and without the Zone the westerne, and that the Easterly are ordinarie alwaies there. The trade windes - - 113 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXXV Voyages of the Spanish fleets 114 Navigation in the South Sea 115 Winds without the tropics 116 CHAPTER 5.— -Of the differences of the Brisas or Easterne windes, find the West-erne t and likewise of other windes. Direction of the trade winds 1 1 7 Names of the winds 119 CHAPTER 6. — What is the reason why, sailing under tJie burning Zone, we finde alwayes Easterly windes. Cause of the trade winds 121 Motion of the Comet of 1577 122 Father Alonzo Sanches on trade winds - 124 CHAPTER 7. — Why, without the Zone, in a greater altitude, we finde alwai/es westerly w hides. Explanation of westerly winds outside the tropics 1 25 Variable winds in 40° N. Lat. 125 CHAPTER 8.—- Of the exceptions to the foresaid Pules, and of the Windes T- the end they grant that the world is round. It is true that S. Ambrose doth not yeelde to this quintessence1 which Amb.,iib.y Hexam., Aristotle attributes to the heavens, without doubt it is a caij- G- goodly thing to see with what a grace and excellent stile the holy Scripture treates of the scituation and firmenes of the earth to breed in vs a wonderfull admiration, and no lesse content to behold the vnspeakable power and wisedome of the Creator. For that in one place God himselfe saies J^. that it was hee which planted the pillers which support the earth ; giving vs to vnderstand (as S. Ambrose doth well Amb- *» tLcxsi. expound it) that the vnmeasurable weight of the whole earth is held vp by the hands of the divine power. The holy Scripture doth commonly so call them, and vseth this phrase, naming them the pillers of heaven and earth, not those of Atlas, as the Poets faine, but of the eternall word of God, who by his vertue supports both heaven and earth. Moreover, the holy Scripture in an other place teacheth, Job ix, 20. that the earth, or a great part thereof, is ioyned to and com passed in by the Element of water, speaking generally, that God placed the earth vpon the waters. And in another Heb> L place, that hee framed the roundnes of the earth vpon the Sea. And although S. Augustine doth not conclude vpon this text, as a matter of faith, that the earth and the water make one globe in the midst of the world, pretending by this meanes to give another exposition to the words of the Psalm e ; yet notwithstanding it is most certaine that by the words of the psalme we are given to vnderstand that we haue no other reason to imagine any other ciment or vniting to the earth then the Element of water, the which although it be pliant and moveable, yet doth it support and inviron this great masse of the earth, the which was wrought by the wisedome of that great Architect. They say, the earth is built vpon the waters and vpon the sea ; but contrariwise, the earth is rather vnder the waters ; for according to com- 1 " Quin ta substantial' 10 THE EAETH RESTS UPON NOTHING. LIB. i. mon Judgement and imagination,, that which is on the other part of the earth which we inhabite seemes to be vnder the earth, and so by the same reason, the waters and sea which doe compasse in the earth on the other part should be vnderneath and the earth above ; yet the very truth is, that what is properly beneath that is alwaies in the midst of the vniversall; but the holy scripture frames it selfe to our manner of conceiving and speaking. Some may demaund (seeing the earth is set vpon the waters, as the scripture sayeth) whereon the waters are placed and what support haue they ? And if the earth and the water make one round globe, how can all this monstrous masse be sustayned? To this the holy scripture answereth them in another place, giving vs greatest cause to admire the power of the Creator, and job xxvi. saith in these wordes, " The earth extends towards the North vpon the Vast, and staves hanging vpon nothing." The which in trueth is very well spoken, for that really it seemes this heape of earth and water is set vpon nothing, when we describe it in the middest of the ayre, as in trueth it is. But this wonder, which men so much admire, God himselfe hath not layd open, demanding of the same lob in these termes — " Tell mee if thou canst, who hath layd the lyne or cast the lead for the building of the world, and with what morter the foundations have beene layed and ioyned." Finally, to make vs vnderstand the fashion and modell of this admirable frame of the world, the Prophet Dauid, accustomed to sing and praise his divine works, saies very well in a Psalrae made of this subiect in these wordes, (( ^hou which hast built the earth vpon firmenes it selfe, that it cannot stagger nor move for ever and ever." Meaning to shew the cause why the earth set in the midst of the ayre falleth not, nor staggereth from place to place, for that by nature it hath sure foundations, layed by the most wise Creator, to the end it might sustaine it selfe without any other support. Mans imagination is therefore WISDOM OF THE CEEATOK. 11 deceive 1 in this place, seeking other foundations of the LlB- r- earth, and for want thereof, doth measure divine things according to humaine reason. So that we neede not to feare (how great or heavy soever this masse of earth then hanging in the aire seemeth to be) that it can fal or turne topsy turuy, being assured vpon this point; for that the same Psalmist saieth that it shall neuer be overthrowne. Truly Dauid with reason (after he had beheld and sung the wonderfull workes of the Lord) doth not cease to praise him in the same, saying, " O, how great and wonderfull are the workes of the Lord." It appeares that all spring from psai. cm. his knowledge. And in truth (if I shall freely speake my opinion touching this point), often in my trauell passing the great gulfes of the Ocean, and marching by other regions of so strange lands, staying to behold and consider the greatnes of these workes of the Lord, I felt a wonder- full consolation of the soveraigne wisedonie and greatnes of the Creator, who shines in his works ; in comparison whereof all the Pallaces, Castells, and princely buildings, together with all the inventions of man, seeme nothing, yea, are base and contemptible in respect thereof. O how often hath come into my minde and mouth that place of the Psalm e which sayeth thus — " Great comfort hast thou given me, 0 Lord, by thy workes ; I will not cease to reioyce in the con templation of the workes of thy hands." E-eally and in truth the workes of God haue (I know not what) secret and hidden grace and vertve ; the which although they be often beheld, yet do they still cause a new taste and content, whereas contrariwise, the workes of man, although they be built with exquisite art, yet often seene, they are no more esteemed, but breede a distaste ; be they most pleasant Gardins, Pallaces, or stately Temples, be they Piramides of proud buildings, Pictures, carved images, or stones of rare worke and invention, or whatsoever else adorned with all the beauties possible. Yet is it most certen that viewing 12 ANSWEK TO OBJECTIONS. LlB- x- them twice or thrice with attention, the eye presently turnes away, being glutted with the sight thereof. But if you be- holde the sea with attention, or some steepe mountain e growing from a plaine to a strange heigth, or the fieldes clad in their naturall verdure with pleasant flowres, or the raging course of some river beating continually against the rocks, finally , what worke of nature soever, although it bo often viewed, yet doth it still breede a new content, and never gluttes the sight ; the which is like vnto a stately bancket of the divine wisedom, which doth alwaies cause a new consideration without any lotting. CHAP. iv. — Containing an answcre to that wliich is objected out of the holy Scripture, against the roundnes of the earth. Returning then to the figure of heaven, I know not out of what authentic of the holy scripture they can prove that it is not round, nor his motion circular: neither do I see (whereas S. Paul calles the heaven a Tabernacle, or a Tent wliich God made, and not man:) how can it be applied to this purpose: for although he telleth vs that it was made by God, yet must we not therefore coniecture that the heaven covereth the earth like to a roofe on the one part only, neither that the heaven was framed without motion, as it seemes some would inferre. The Apostle in this place treated of the conformity of the auncient Tabernacle of the lawe, saying therevpon, that the Tabernacle of the new law of grace is heaven: into the which, the great Priest lesus Christ, entred once by his bloud: and thereby is vnderstood, that there is as great preheminence of the new aboue the old, as there is difference betwixt the author of the new, which is God, and of the olde which was man: although it be most certcn, that the olde was built by tho ANSWER TO OBJECTIONS. 13 wisedome of God, who instructed his workman Bezeleell. LlB- T- Neither must we imagine that these comparisons, parables, EXO. xxxvi. and allegories, doe in all things agree with that wherevnto they are applyed, as the happy Crysostome hath learnedly chnsost. in spoken vpon this point. The other authoritie (which S. Augustine saies is alleaged of some to shew that the heaven is not round) is this, skin." Whereby he concludes that it is not round, but flat on the vpper part, wherevnto the same Doctor doth an- swere verie well and familiarly, giuing vs to vnderstand that that place of the Psalme is not properly to be vnder- Gen'acnft- stood of the figure of heaven, but onely to shew with what JJram-> c- facilitie God built so great a heaven, being no more paine- full for him to build so huge a couer as the heaven is, then to vnfould a double skin. Or else the Psalmist pretending to shew vs the great maiesty of God, to whome the heaven, with his greatnes and beautie, doth serve in like manner as our tents and pavilions in the field. The which was well expressed by a Poet calling it, " The Tent of the cleere heaven''. In like sort, the place of Isaii, which sayeth, " Heaven serves mee as a chaire, and the earth for a foote- isaieixvi. stoole^. But if wee follow the error of the Antromorphites, which did atribute corporall members vnto God, according to his divinitie, we should haue occasion vppon this last text, to examine how it were possible the earth should be a foote-stoole to Gods feete, and how the same God could hold his feete of the one part and the other, and many heads round about, seeing that hee is in all partes of the world, which were a vaine and ridiculous thing. Wee must therefore conclude, that in the holy scriptures we ought not to follow the letter which killes, but the spirit which quickneth, as saith S. Paul. 2Corint.u. 14 STARS IN THE SOUTHERN HEMISPHERE. CHAP. v. — Of the fashion and forme of Heaven, at the new found world. LIB< *• _ Many in Europe demaund of what forme and fashion Heaven is in the Southerne parts, for that there is no certaintie found in ancient bookes, who,, although they graurit there is a Heaven on this other part of the world, yet come they not to any knowledge of the forme thereof, although in trueth they make mention of a goodly great pn-22lb'V1' Starre seene in those partes, which they call Ganopus. Those which of late dayes have sayled'into these parts, have accustomed to write strange things of this heaven; that it is very bright, having many goodly starres: and in effect, thinges which come farre are commonly described with encrease. But it seemes contrary vnto me, holding it for certaine, that in our Region of the North, there is a greater nomber and bigger Starres: finding no starres in these partes, which exceed the Fisher or the Chariot in bignesse. It is true, that the Crosse in these partes is very fayre and pleasing to behold: wee call the Crosse, foure notable and apparant starres, which make the forme of a crosse, set equally and with proportion. The ignorant suppose this Crosse to be the southerne Pole, for that they see the Navigators take- their heigth thereby, as we are accustomed to doe by the North starre. But they are deceyved, and the reason why Saylers doe it in this sorte, is for that in the South parts there is no fixed starre that markes the Pole, as the North starre doth to our Pole. And therefore they take their heigth by the starre at the foot of the Crosse, distant from the true and fixed Pole Antarticke thirtie degrees, as the North starre is distant from the Pole Articke three degrees or little more. And so it is more difficult to take the heigth in those parts, for that the sayd starre at the foote of the Crosse must bee THE SOUTHEEN HEAVENS. 15 right, the which chanceth but in one houre of the night; LlBt T- which is in divers seasons of the yeere in divers houres, and often times it appeareth not in the whole night, so as it is very difficult to take the heigth. And therefore the most expert Pilots regard not the Crosse, taking the heigth of the Sunne by the Astrolabe, by which they know in what height they are: wherein commonly the Portugals are more expert, as a Nation that hath more discourse in the Arte of Navigation then any other. There are also other starres in these southerne parts, which in some sort resemble those of the North. That which they call the Milken way, is larger and more resplendent in the viaiactea. south parts, appearing therein those admirable blacke spots, whereof wee have made mention. As for other particularities, let others speake of them with greater curiositie, and let this which wee have sayd suffice for this time. CHAP. vi. — That there is Land and Sea Under the two Poles. It is no smal labour to have vnfolded this doubt with this knowledge and resolution, that there is a Heaven in these parts of the Indies, which doth cover them as in Europe, Asia, and Affricke. And this point serveth often against many Spaniards, who beeing here, sigh for Spaine, having no discourse but of their countrie. They wonder, yea, they grow discontented with vs, imagining that we have forgotten and make small accompt of our native soyle. To whom we answere, that the desire to returne into Spaine doth nothing trouble vs, being as neere vnto Heaven at Peru, as in Spaine : as saint lerorne saith well, writing unto Paulinus ; That the gates of Heaven are as neere vnto Brittanie, as to lerusalem. But although the Heaven doth compasse in the world of all parts, yet must 16 THE POLE ANTARTICKE. » anil 11?' LIB. i. we no£ imagine that there is land necessarily on all parts of the world. For being so, that the two elements of earth and water make one globe or bowle, according to the de °pini°n °f the most renowmed ancient authors, (as Plutarch testifieth) and as it is prooved by most certaine demon strations, wee may coniecture, that the sea doth occupie all this part, which is vnder the Antartike or southerne Pole, so as there should not remaine any place in these partes for the earth, the which saint Augustine doth very learned]y hold against them that maintaine the Antipodes, saying, that although it bee prooved, and wee beleeve that the worlde is round like to a bowle, wee may not therefore inferre, that in this other part of the worlde, the earth is vncovered, and without water. Without doubt, saint xvfde0' Augustine speakes well vpon this point; and as the con- «. ' trary is not prooved, so doth it not follow, that there is any land discovered at the Antarticke Pole. The which experience hath now plainely taught vs, for although the greatest part of the world vnder the Pole Antarticke be sea, yet is it not altogether, but there is likew'se land, so as in all parts of the world, the earth and water imbrace one another, which truely is a thing to make vs admire and glorifie the Arte of the soveraigne Creator. We know Genes, i. then by the holy Scripture, that in the beginning of the worlde, the waters were gathered together in one place, so as the earth remayiied vncovered. Moreover, the same holy Writte doth teach vs, that these gatherings together of the water were called Sea; and as there be many, so of necessitie there must be many Seas. And this diversitie of seas is not onely in the Mediterranean Sea, whereas one is called Euxine, another the Caspian, an other the Ery- threan or redde Sea, another the Persian, an other of Ttalie, and so many others. But also in the great Ocean, which the holy Scripture doth vsually call a gulph : although really and in trueth it be but a Sea, yet in many and divers DISTRIBUTION Or LAND AND SEA. 17 manners: as in respect of Peru and all America, the one is LlB- T- called the North Sea, the other the South ; and at the East Indies, the one is called the Indian sea, the other that of China. And I have observed, as well by ray owne naviga tion, as by the relation of others, that the Sea is never divided from the Lande above a thousand Leagues. And although the great Ocean stretcheth farre, yet doth it never passe this measure. I will not for all this affirm e that wee sayle not above a thousand leagues in the Ocean, which were repugnant to trueth, being well knowne that the shippes of Portugal have sailed foure times as much and more, and that the whole world may bee compassed about by sea, as wee have seene in these dayes, without any further doubt. But I say and affirme, that of that which is at this day discovered, there is no land distant from any other fir me land, by direct line, or from some Islands neere vnto it above a thousand leagues ; and so betwixt two firme lands there is no greater distance of sea, accompting from the neerest parts of both the lands : for, from the ends of Europe or Affricke and their coastes, to the Canaries, the Isles of Azores, Cape Verd and others in the like degree, are not above three hundred leagues, or five hundred from the Mayne land. From the saide Hands running along to the West Indies, there are scant nine hundred leagues, to the Hands of saint Dorninick, the Virgins, the Happy Ilandes and the .rest; and the same Hands runne along in order to the Ilandes of Barlovent1 which are Cuba, Hispaniola, and Boriqueu ;2 from the same Hands vnto the Mayne land are scarce two or three hun dred leagues, and in the neerest part farre lesse. The firme land runnes an infinite space ; from Terra Florida to the land of Patagones, and on the other side of the South, from 1 Barlovento, windward; and sotaccuto, leeward. 2 Boriquen or Brieque Island, also called Crab's Island, is one of the Virgin Isles, two leagues from Porto Rico. 1.8 LAND AND SEA AT THE POLES. LlR- *• the Straight of Magellan/ to the Cape of Mendoce,2 there runnes a long Continent but not very large ;3 for the largest is here in Peru,4 which is distant from Brazil about a thousand leagues. In this South Sea, although they have not yet discovered the ende towards the West, yet of late they have found out the Hands which they call Salomon/ the which are many and great, distant from Peru about eyght hundred leagues. And for that wee finde by observa tion, that whereas there bee many and great Ilandes, so there is some firme Land not farre off, I my selfe with many others doe beleeve that there is some firme land neere unto the Hands of Salomon, the which doth answere vnto our America on the West part, and possibly might runne by the heigth of the South, to the Straightes of Magellan. Some hold that Nova Guinea is firme Land, and some learned men describe it neere to the Hands of Salomon ; so ns it is likely, a good parte of the world is not yet dis covered, seeing at this day our men sayle in the South Sea vnto China and the Philippines ; and wee say, that to go from Peru to those parts, they passe a greater Sea, then in going from Spaiue to Peru. Moreover, wee know, that by that famous Straight of Magellan these two Seas doe ioyne and continue one with an other (I say the South sea with that of the North) by that part of the Antarticke Pole, which is in fiftie one degrees of altitude. But it is a great question, wherein many have busied themselves, whether these two Seas ioyne together in the North part; but I have not heard that any vnto this day could attayne vnto this point : but by certaine likelihoods and coniectures, some affirmo there is an other Straight vnder the North, opposite 1 " Magallanes." 2 Cape Mendocino, on the coast of California. 3 "No muy ancha", not very wide. 4 »' Aqui en esta parte del Peru." 5 Discovered by Alvaro Mendafia in 1567. ARGUMENTS OF LACTANTIUS. 19 to that of Magellan. But it sufficeth for our subiect, to LlB> r< knowe that there is a firme Land on this Southerne part, as bigge as all Europe, Asia, and Affricke ; that vnder both the Poles we finde both land and sea, one imbracing an other. "Whereof the Ancients might stand in doubt, and contradict it for want of experience. CHAP. vn. — To confute the opinion of Lactantius, who Jwldes there Le no Antipodes. Seeing it is manifest that there is firme land vpon the South part or Pole Antartike, wee must now see if it' be inhabited : the which hath bene a matter very disputable Lact-' lib- * i vn, mst. in former times. Lactantius Firmian and S. Augustine 33™'' cap' mocke at such as hold there be any Antipodes, which is as Aug.,ii ib. xvi de much to say, as men marching with their feete opposite to Suitale>c-9- ours. But although these two authors agree in theis ieasts,1 yet doe they differ much in their reasons and opinions, as they were of very divers spirits and iudgements. Lactan tius followes the vulgar, seeming ridiculous vnto him that the heaven should be round, and that the earth should bee compassed in the midst thereof, like vnto a ball, whereof he writes in these tearmes : " What reason is therefor some to affirme that there are Antipodes, whose steppes are opposite to ours ? Is it possible that any should bee so grosse and simple as to beleeve there were a people or nation marching with their feete upwardes, and their heades downwardes, and that thinges which are placed heere of one sort, are in that other part hanging topsie turvie ; that trees and corne growe downwards, and that raine, snow, and haile, fall from the earth upward."" Then, after some other discourse, the same Lactantius vseth these words : y reason whereof, Plinie writes as a a certain e tructh, that the seas whic'i are betwixt two lands take from vs a iust moitie of the habitable earth. For, saith he, we cannot passe thither, neyther they come hither. Finally, Tullie, Macrobius, Pomponius Mela, and the ancient Writers, hold the same opinion. CHAP ix. — Of Aristuilcs opinion toucJiiny the new }\rurldc, and what abused him to malic him deny it. Besides all the former reasons there was yet an other, which mooved the Ancients to beleeve it to be impossible for men to passe to this new world ; the which they held, for that besides the vastnesse of the great Ocean, the heate of ARISTOTLE. 25 that Keg-ion, which they call the burning Zone, was so ex- LlB- *• cessive, as it would not suffer any man, how venturous or laborious so ever, to passe by sea or land from one Pole to an other. For although these Philosophers have themselves affirmed that the earth was round (as in effect it is), and that vnder the 2 Poles there was habitable land, yet could they not conceyve that the Region, containing all that lyeth betwixt the two Tropickes (which is the greatest of the five Zones or Regions by the which the Cosniogra- phers and Astrologers divide the Woiide) might be inha bited by man. The reason they give to maintaine this Zone to be inhabitable was, for the heat of the Sunne, which makes his course directly over this Region, and ap- procheth so neere as it is set on fire, and so by consequence causeth a want of waters and pastures. Aristotle was of this opinion, who although he were a great Philosopher, yet was hee deceyved in this poynt ; for the cleering whereof it shall be good to observe his reasons, and to note wherein he hath discoursed well, and wherein he hath erred. This Philosopher makes a question of the Mori- Amt., «, dionall or Southerne winde, whether wee should beleeve it 5- takes his beginning from the South, or from the other Pole contrary to the North, and writes in these termes : " Reason teacheth vs that the latitude and largenesse of the habitable earth hath her boundes and limits, and yet all this habitable earth cannot bee vnited and ioyned one to the other, by reason the middle Region is so intemperate. For it is certain that in her longitude, which is from East to West, there is no immoderate cold nor heate, but in her latitude and lieiglith, which is from the Pole to the Equi- noctiall Line. So as we may well passe the whole earth in her longitude, if the greatnesse of the Sea, which ioynes lands together, were no hinderance.^ Hitherto there is no contradicting of Aristotle, who hath great reason to affirme that the earth in her longitude, which is from East to West, 26 WANT OF KNOWLEDGE AMONG THE ANCIENTS. LIB. i. runnes more equaly and is more proper for the life and habitation of man then in her latitude from North to South. The which is true, not onely for this foresaid reason of Aristotle, that there is alwayes one temperature of the Heavens from East to West,, being equally distant both from the Northerne colde and the Southerne heate. But also for an other reason, for that travelling alwayes in longitude we see the dayes and nights succeed one another by course, the which falleth not out going in her latitude ; for of necessitie wee must come to that Region vnder the Pole, whereas there is continuall night for sixe Moneths, a very inconvenient thing for the life of man. The Philo sopher passeth on further, reprooving the Geographers, which described the earth in his time, and saith thus, " Wee may discerne the trueth of that which I have sayd, by the passages which may be made by land, and the navi gations by sea, for there is a great difference betwixt the longitude and the latitude, for the distance from the pillars of Hercules at the Straight of Gibraltar, vnto the East Indies, exceeds the proportion of about five to three, the passage which is from Ethiopia to the lake of Meotis in the farthest confines of Scythia, the which is confirmed by the account of iourneys by land, and by sayling, as we do now know by experience ; we have also knowledge of the habitable earth, even vnto those partes which are inhabit able/' And truely in this point wee must pardon Aristotle, seeing that in his time they had not discovered beyond the first Ethiopia, called the exterior, ioyning to Arabia and Affricke ; the other Ethiopia being wholy vnknowne in his age. Yea, all that great Land which we now call the Land of Prete Ian, neyther had they any knowledge of the rest that lyes vnder the Equinoctiall, and runnes beyond the Tropicke of Capricorne vnto the Cape of good Hope, so famous and well knowne by the navigation of Portugals ; so as if wee measure the Land from this Cape vnto Scythia OPINIONS OF AKISTOTLE. 27 and Tartaria, there is no doubt but this distance and lati- LlB- I- tude will proove as great as the longitude, which is from Gibraltar vnto the East Indies. It is certaine the Ancients had no knowledge of the springs of Nilus, nor of the ende of Ethiopia, and therefore Lucan reprooves the curiositie T^ucan> x- of lulius Caesar, searching out the springs of Nilus in these verses : " O Romaine, what availes thee so much travell,1 In search of Niles first source thy selfe to gravell." And the same Poet speaking to Nile sayth : " Since thy first source is yet so unrevealed, Nile, what thou art, is from the world concealed."2 But by the holy scripture we may conceive that this land is habitable, for if it were not, the Prophet Sophonias soph., ca. would not say (speaking of these nations called to the Gos- pell), " The children, of my dispersed (so he calleth the Apostles) shall bring me presents from beyond the bancks of Ethiopia". Yet, as I have said, there is reason to pardon the Philosopher who beleeved the writers and Cosirio- graphers of his time. Let vs continue and examine what followes of the same Aristotle. "One part of the world (saith he) which lieth towards the North, beyond the tem perate zone, is inhabitable for the exceeding cold j the other part vpon the South is likewise inhabitable beyond the Tropicke for the extreame heate. But the partes of the world lying beyond India on the one side, and the pillars of Hercules on the other, without doubt cannot bee ioyned and continued one with the other; so as all the habitable earth is not conteined in one continent by reason of the sea which divides it.;' In this last point he speakes truth. Then hee continues touching the other partes of 1 u Que tienes tu Romano quo ponerte A inquirir de Nilo el nacimiento ? " 2 u Pues es tu nacimiento tan oculto Que ignora el mundo todo cuyo seas." 28 THE SOUTHERN ZONES. LIB. i. ^Q world, saying, " It is necessarie the earth should have the same proportion with the Pole Antarticke, as this our part which is habitable hath with the North ; and there is no doubt but in that other world all things should be ordred as in ours, especially in the growing and order of the winds. " And having alleaged other reasons to no purpose, he concludes, saying, " We must confesse of necessity that the Southerne wind is that which blowes and comes from the burning zone, the which being so neere the sunne wantes water and pastures". This is Aristotles opinion, and in truth mans coniecture can hardly passe any farther. So as I do often consider, with a Christian contemplation, how weake the Philosophic of the wise of this world hath beene in the search of divine things, seeing in humaine things (wherein they seeme so well read) they often erre. Aristotle holds that the habitable earth of the Pole Ant- artike in longitude from East to West is very great, and in latitude from the Pole Antartike to the Equinoctiall is very small ; the which is so contrary to the truth, that in a maner all the habitation on this side the Pole Antartike is in latitude (I meane from the Pole to the line), and in longitude from East to West it is so small, as the latitude exceede it three partes or more. In his other opinion he affirmes, that the middle region is inhabitable, being vnder the burning zone, burnt up by the excessive heate caused by the neereness of the sunne, and by this reason hath neither waters nor pastures. The which is in like sort contrary ; for the greatest part of this new world is scitu- ated betwixt the two Tropickes vnder the burning zone, and yet it is found very well peopled arid inhabited by men and other sortes of creatures, being a region of all the world the most fruitful! of waters and pastures, and very temperate in the greatest part, which the will of God hath so appointed, to shew that even in natural! things he hath confounded the wiscdome of this world. To conclude, wee OPINION Or PLINY. Z.J must beleeve that the burning zone is well inhabited, Lin- T< although the auncients have held it impossible. But the other zone or region, which lyeth betwixt the burning zone and that of the Pole Anturtike, although it bee in a climate more commodious for the life of man, yet it is smally peopled and inhabited, seeing wee know no other dwelling in it but the Kingdom of Chile and a small portion ioyning to the Cape of good Hope, The rest is possessed by the Ocean. Although many be of opinion, the which I likewise hold, that there is much more land not yet discovered, the which should be fir me land opposite to the Kingdom of Chile, which runnes beyond the circle or Tropicke of Capricorne. And if there be any, without doubt it is a land of an excellent temper, being in the midst of two extrearnes, and scituate in the same climate with the best regions in Europe. And in this regard Aristotles coniecture was good. But speaking of what is discovered at this day in this zone, it is little in regard of the large countries inha bited vnder the burning zone. CHAP. x. — Tlu:d Plinie and the auncients held the same opinion with Aristotle. This opinion of Aristotles, hath bene held by Plinie, who Piin., m>. saith thus : " The temperature of the middle region of the world, where the sunne continually runnes his course, is scorched and burnt vp as with a neere fire." Ioyning to the same region, there are two others of eyther side, which (lying betwixt the heat of this burning zone and the cruell cold of the other two extreams) are very temperate, and can have no communication one with another, by reason of the excessive heate of the heaven, which hath bene the opinion of the Ancients, generally described by the Poet in these verses : 30 VIEWS OF THE ANCIENTS. LlB- *• " Heavens circuit is of flue zones, one whereof,1 Viro-ii in Which still the sunne burnes, makes tlie earth below Gcorg. With flames intempestiue red hotte to glow." And the same Poet in another place, Eneid- " Heare this, if any harbour in that seate2 Whose quarter vnder that large zone is set Amidst foure others by the sunne enlightned." And another Poet speakes more plainely, Ovid, Mcta. u As many regions are there on the ground, As are in heaven, wherein fine parts are found, Whereof the midst, through heate raisd from the raycs Of scorching sunne, inhabitable staies." The Auncients have grounded their generall opinion vpon one reason, which seemed to them certaine and not to be confuted; for finding that the more a region drew neere vnto the South, the hotter it was ; the proofe whereof was so infallible in those regions, as by the same reason in Italie, Apulia is hotter then Tuscane, and in Spaine Andaluzia then Biscaie. A thing so apparent, that although there bee but eight degrees difference or lesse betwixt the one and the other, yet do wee finde the one extreame hotte, and the other very colde, whereby they did infer re that the region so neere the South, having the sunne so directly for zenith, must of necessity bee continually scorched with heate. They did likewise see, that the divers seasons of the yeere, as the Spring, Summer, Autumne, and Winter, were caused by the neerenes and distance of the sunne, finding also that although they were farre from the Tropicke, by which the sunne doth passe in 1 " Quinque tenent coelum zonse : quarum una corusco Semper sole rubens, et torrida semper ab igni." Geonj., lib. i, 1. 233. 2 " Audiit, et si quern tellus extrema ref uso - Submovet Oceano, et si quern extenta plagarum Quatuor in medio dirimit plaga solis iniqui." /Enid, lib. vii. 1. 225. FOEMER OPINIONS RESPECTING A NEW WORLD. 31 summer, yet when it approached neere vnto them, at the LlB- r< same season they felt great heate. Whereby they did coniecture that if they had had the sunne so neere vnto them as to go directly over their heads, the heate would have bene so insupportable, as it would burne and consume men with the vehemency thereof. The same reason moved the Auncients to thinke that the middle region was not habitable, and therefore they called it the burning zone. And in truth, if visible experience did not vnfold this doubt, we should yet confesse that this reason were very peremptorie and Mathematicall j1 whereby we may see how weake our vnderstanding is, to comprehend these naturall things. But wee may say, it is fallen out to the great good and happiness of our age, to have the knowledge of these two great wonders, that is, to know how easily we may saile through the great Ocean, and that vnder the burning zone men inioy a very temperate heaven, the which the Auncients could never beleeve. Of the last of these two wonders, touching the qualitie and habitation of the burning zone, by the grace of God we will discourse amply thereof in the next book. I thinke it therefore fit in this booke to treat of the maner of sailing through the Ocean, for that it imports vs much for the subiect of this worke. But before wee come to this point, it shall be good to shew what the Auncients thought of these new men, whoine we call Indians. CHAP. xi. — That in ancient Bookes we finde some knowledge of this newe world. Let vs returne to that which hath beene formerly spoken. Wee must necessarily conclude that the Ancients did be leeve that eyther there were no men beyond the Tropicke 1 u Que era razon concluyente y Matematica." LIB. i. 32 RECORDS OF VOYAGES OF THE ANCIENTS. of Cancer, as S. Augustine and Lactantius doe affirm e, or , if there were any, at the least they did not inhabite betwixt tusphii., the two Tropicks. as Aristotle and Plinie have maintained, cap. 11. and before them the Philosopher Parmenides, the coutrarie whereof is before sufficiently prooved, both for the one and the other. But many through curiositie may demaund, if the Ancients had no knowledge of this trueth, which to vs is now so apparent; seeing that in trueth it seemeth very •strange that this newe worlde which is so spacious as we doe visibly see it, should be hidden from the Ancients by so many ages. But some at this day, seeking to obscure the felicitie of this age and the Glory of our Nation, strive to proove that the new-found world was knowne to the ?uper°™p Ancients. And in trueth wee cannot deny but there was i.adEphes. gome apparency.1 S. lerome writing vpon the Epistle to the Ephesians, sayth : " We seeke with reason what the Apostle meaneth in these wordes, where he saith : you. have walked for a season according to the course of this world, whether he would have vs to vnderstand that there is an other world, which neither is nor depends of this world ; but other worldes, whereof Clement writes in his Epistle, the Ocean and the worldes which are beyond the Ocean". These are the wordes of S. lerome, but in trueth I cannot finde this Epistle of S. Clement cited by S. lerome, yet I beleeve vndoubtedly, that S. Clement hath written it, seeing S. lerome maketh mention thereof. And with reason saint Clement saith, that beyond the Ocean there is an other worlde, yea, many worldes, as in trueth there is ; seeing there is so great distance from one newe worlde to an other new world (T meane from Peru and the West Indies, to China and the East Indies). Moreover, Plinie, who hath beene so curious a searcher out of strange things, reportes in his naturall Historic, that Hannon, a Captaine of the Carthaginians, sayled through the Ocean, from the 1 u y realmente no se puecle negar, que ay a desto algunos rastros." KNOWLEDGE OP THE ANCIENTS. 33 Straight of Gibraltar, coasting alongst the land, even vnto LlB- T- the confines of Arabia, and that hee left this his Naviga- pim.,m>. ii, c 67 tion in writing. If it bee as Plinie writes, it followes that Hannon sayled as farre as the Portugals do at this day, passing twice vnder the Equinoctiall, which is a feare- full thing. And the same Plinie reports of Cornelius Nepos a very grave Authour, who saith, that the same course hath beene sayled by an other man, called Eudoxus, but by contrary wayes, for this Eudoxus, flying from the King of Latyros, passed by the redde sea into the Ocean ; and turning backe, came to the Straight of Gibraltar, the which Cornelius Nepos affirmes to have happened in his time. And also other grave Authors do write, that a ship of Carthage driven by force of winde into the Ocean, came to a Land which vntill then was vnknowne ; and returning to Carthage, kindled a great desire in the Citizens to dis cover and people this land ; the which the Senate per- ceyving, did forbid this navigation by a rigorous decree, fearing that with the desire of new lands they should leave to love their owne Countrie. By all this wee may gather that the Ancients had some knowledge of the new world, yet shall you hardly finde in the bookes of Ancient writers any thing written of our America and all the West Indies ; but of the East Indies, I say, there is sufficient testirnonie, not only of that on the other side, but also of that on this side, which then was farthest off, going thither by a contrary way to that at this day. Is it not easie to find Malaca in ancient bookes, which they called the golden Chersonese ; the Cape of Comorin, which was called the Promontorie of Cori, and that great and famous Hand of Sumatra, so well knowne by the ancient name of Taprobana. What shall wee say of the two Ethiopias, the Brachmanes, and that great Land of the Chinas ? Who doubtes, but there was often mention made thereof in ancient bookes ; But of the West Indies, we find not in Plinie, that in this navigation Vi, cap. 32, 34 PROPHECY OF SENECA. LIB. i. they passe(^ the Hands of the Canaries, which he calleth Fortunate ; the principal whereof is sayd to be called Canarie, for the multitude of dogs which are in it. But there is scarce any mention in ancient books of the voyages which are made at this day beyond the Canaries, by the Gulph which with reason they call great. Yet many hold opinion that Seneca the Tragedian did prophecie of the West Indies, in his Tragedie of Medea, which translated, saith thus : Senec. in u An age shall come, ere ages ende, Med. Act., , . , . ii, in ain. Blessedly strange and strangely blest, When our Sea farre and neere or'prest, His shoare shall farther yet extend. " Descryed then shall a large Land be, By this profound Seas navigation, An other World, an other nation, All men shall then discovered see. u Thule accounted heretofore The worldes extreme, the Northcrne bound, Shall be when Southwest parts be found, A neerer Isle, a neighbour shoare." This, Seneca reports in these verses ; and we cannot wel deny, but (vnderstanding it litterally) it is very true ; for if we reckon the many yeeres he speakes of, beginning from the time of the Tragedian, it is above a thousand and foure hundred yeeres past ; and if it were from the time of Medea, it is above two thousand yeeres, the which we see plainely now accomplished ; seeing the passage of the Ocean so long time hidden, hath beene found out, and that they have dis covered a great land and a new world inhabited, more spatious then all the Continent of Europe and Asia. But therein may a question with reason be made, whether Seneca spake this by divination, or poetically and by chance. And to speeke my opinion, I beleeve hee did divine, after the manner of wise men and well advised ; for that in his time they vndertooke newe voyages and navigations by sea, PROPHECY OF SENEGA. 35 hee knew well, like a philosopher, that there was an other LlB- r- land contrary and opposite vnto vs, which they call Antich- thon.1 And by this ground he might conceyve that the Industrie and courage of man might in the ende passe the Ocean, and discover new lands and another world, for that in Senecas time they had knowledge of the Voyage which Plinie speaketh of, whereby they passed the great Ocean. The which seemes to bee the motive of Senecas prophecie, as he giveth vs to vnderstand by these former verses, after the which having described the carefull life of the Ancients, free from malice, he followeth thus : " Now is it not as earst it was, For whether the Ocean will or nill, He traverst is by hardy will : Which pastime makes time so to passe." And a little after he saith thus : " Now every boate dares swimine, and sport On surging Seas, fearing no wrack e ; Passengers seeking what they lacke, So long a voyage thinke but short. " Nothing is no we more to discover, No place is now left to surprise, Townes now that for defence devise, With new fortifications cover. " All in the world turn'd round about, No thing in place as 'twas enured, Nothing vnseene, nothing assured This Circle universe throughout. " The Indian, whom at home heate fries, Drinkes of Araxis waters cold : The Persian, rich in gems and gold, Wash in the Rhine and Elbe likewise." Seneca did coniecture this by the great courage of men, as that which shall happen last, saying, It shall fall out in the latter age, etc., as hath bin before mentioned. 1 Antictonft. D2 36 OPINION OF PLATO CHAP, xii. — Of the opinion which Plato held of the West Indies. LIB. i. If any one hath treated more particularly of the west ~ Indies, the honor belongs to Plato, who in his Timoeus saith thus : " In those dayes they could not sayle this Gulph" (meaning the Atlantike Sea, which is the Ocean which ineetes at the Straight of Gibraltar) " for that the passage was stopped at the mouth of the pillars of Hercules" (which is the same Straight of Gibraltar) " and this Hand was in those dayes ioyned to the foresaid mouth, and was of that bignesse as it exceeded all Asia and Affricke together ; and then was there a passage to goe from these Hands to others, and from those other Ilandes, they went to the firme Land, the which was neere invironed with the very Sea". This is reported by Critias in Plato. And such as beleeve that this narration of Plato is a true Historic, delivered in these terrnes, say that this great Atlanticke Hand, the which did exceed both Affricke and Asia in greatnesse, did then com prehend the greatest part of the Ocean called Atlantike, which the Spaniards nowe sayle in ; and that those other Hands, which, he sayde, were neere vnto this great one, are those which wee now call the Hands of Barlovento j1 that is, Cuba, Hispaniola, S. lohn de Port ricco,2 lamaica, and other Hands of that Countrie ; and that the rnaine Land whereof hee maketh mention, is the same wee now call Tierra Firme, that is, Peru and America ; and that Sea, which he sayth is adioyning to the Tierra Firme, is the South Sea, the which he calleth the very Sea, for that in comparison of her greatnesse, all other Seas, both Mediterranean, yea and the Atlantike Sea, are small in regard thereof. Hereby in trueth they give a cunning and wittie interpretation to these words of Plato. But whether this interpretation should be held for true or not, I am resolved to declare in another place. 1 The AYindwiird Islands. * Porto Rico. WHETHER OPHIR IS PERU. 37 CHAP. xiu. — That some have held opinion that in places of holy Scripture, whereas they speake of Ophir, is to l>e vnderstood of our Peru. Some hold opinion that mention is made of the West LlB- Indies in the holy scripture, taking the region of Peru for that Ophir which they make so famous. Eoberto Stefano, or to say more truely Francisco Batablo, a man well scene in the Hebrew toug (as I have heard our master report, who was his disciple) saith in his annotations vpon the 9 chapter of the 3 booke of Kings, that the Hand of Hispaniola which Christo pher Colornbus found out, was that of Ophir, from whence Solomon caused to bee brought foure hundred and twentie ^J1-;1"' lib- or foure hundred and 50 talents of most fine and pure golde, for that the golde of Cibao which our men bring from Arias Mon- *•* tanus in Hispaniola, is of the same fashion and qualitie. And there p£2g!;uin are many others which affirme that our Peru is Ophir, ca- 9- deriving one name from another, who beleeve that when as the booke of Paralipomenon1 was written, they called it ^Paraiip., Peru, grounding it vpon that which the holy scripture saith, 3 that they brought from Ophir pure gold, precious stones, and wood which was rare and goodly — which things abound in Peru, as they say. But in my opinion it is farre from the truth, that Peru should be Ophir so famous in the Bible. For although in this Peru there be good store of gold, yet is there not yet such aboundance as it may be equalled with the fame of the riches that was in auncient time at the East Indies. I finde not that in Peru there are 2 Para.,™. 4 Reg., xxii. such precious stones, or such exquisite woods, as the like 3 Res-, ix- have not been seene at lerusalem. For although there be ex quisite Emeralds, and some hard trees of Aromaticall wood, yet do I not finde any thing of so great commendation as the scripture giueth vnto Ophir. Moreover it seemes not 1 Chronicles. 38 FANCIED RESEMBLANCES OF NAMES. LlB- '• likely that Solomon would leave tlie East Indies, most rich and plentiful!, to send his fleetes to this farther land, whether if they had come so often, as it is written, we had surely found more signes and testimonies thereof. Moreover the Etimologie of the name of Ophir, and the change or reduc tion thereof to Peru, seemes to me of small consideration, being most certaine that the name of Peru is not very auncient, nor common to all that couiitrie.1 It hath beene vsuall in the discoverie of the new world, to give names to lands and portes of the sea according to the occasions pre sented at their ariuall ; and I beleeve that the name of Peru hath bene so found out and put in practice ; for we find heere that the name hath bene given to all the countrie of Peru, by reason of a river so called by the inhabitants of the eountrie, where the Spaniards arrived vpon their first dis coverie. Whereby we maintaine that the Indians them selves bee ignorant, and do not vse this name and appella tion to signifie their land. It seemeth moreover, the same Authors will say, that Sefer spoken of in the scripture, is- that which we now call Andes, which are most high moun- taines in Peru. But this resemblance of names and appel lations is no sufficient proofe. If that were of force, we ifebel- clou* mi'g^^ as we^ Sa7 that Yucatan is lectan mentioned in the LJcsan holy scripture. Neither may we say that the names of Abraheex Titus and Paul, which the Kings Inguas2 of Peru do vse, Gen. 'x'xv. come from the Romans or Christians, seeing it is too weake an argument to draw a conclusion of great matters. We see plainely that it is contrarie to the intention of the holy scriptures, which some have written, that Tharsis and Ophir were one Province or were reached in the same voyage, con ferring the 22 chapter of the 4 booke of the Kings, with the 1 See my translation of the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso de la Vega, i, p. 27, for the derivation of the word Peru. 2 Titu and Paullu are names of several Yncas. Titu means "august" or "magnanimous". — Royal Comm., i, p. 145. OPHIE WAS IN THE EAST INDIES. 39 20 chapter of the second booke of Paralipomenon, for that LlB- r- in the booke of the Kings, it is said that losaphat prepared a fleete of shippes in Asiongaber to fetch golde at Ophir ; and in Paralipomenon, it is written, that the same fleete was furnished to go vnto Tharsis. Whereby it may be supposed that in these fore- said bookes, where the scripture speakes of Tharsis and Ophir, that it meanes one thing. Some one may demaund what region or Province that Ophir was, whether Solomons fleete went with the Mariners of Hyram King of Tyre and Sidon to fetch gold. And whether King Jjj^'* losaphats fleete, pretending to go, did suffer shipwracke and perish in Asiongaber, as the holy scripture doth testifie. In this I do willingly agree with the opinion of losephus, in his books of Antiquities, where he saith that it is a Province of the East Indies, the which was found by that Ophir the sonne of lectan, whereof mention is made in the 10 of'GGn-x- Genesis; and that Province did abound with most fine gold. Thereof it comes, they did so much extol the gold of Ophir or of Ophas, or as some wil say, this word of Obrise, is the same with Ophrise, for finding there seven sortes or kindes of gold, as S. lerome reportes, that of Ophir was held for the most fine, as heere we esteem e the gold of Yaldivia and Caravaya. The chiefest reason which moves me to thinke that Ophir is at the East Indies and not in the West, is, for that Solomons fleete could not come hither without passing the East Indies, all China, and a great part of the sea ; being vnlikely they would passe all over the world to come thither for gold, that continent especially lying in that sort, as they could not come to the knowledge thereof by any voiage by land. And hereafter we wil shew that the Ancients had never knowledge in the arte of Navigation, without the which they could not runne so farce into the sea. Finally, in these matters (when as there appeares no certaine proofes, but onely light coniectures) we are not bound to beleevc but what we shall thinke 40 IDENTIFICATION OF TARSHISH. CHAP. xiv. — What Tharsis and Opliir signifie in the holy Scripture. LIB. i. if evcly mans coniecture and opinion may be allowed, for my part I hold that in the holy scripture these words of Tharsis and Ophir most commonly do not signifie any certaine place ; but it is a word and signification generall to the Hebrewes, as in our vulgar tongue this word of Indies is generall vnto vs in our vsuall maner of speech ; for wee meane by the Indies those rich countries which are farre off, and strange vnto vs. So we Spaniards do in differently call Indies, the countries of Peru, Mexico, China, Malaca, and Bresil ; and from what parts soever of these any letters come, wee say they bee from the Indies, which countries be farre distant and different one from another. Yet we cannot denie but that name of Indies is properly to be vnderstood of the East Indies. And for that in olde time they did speake of these Indies as of a countrie farre off, so likewise in the discoverie of other remote lands, they have given them the names of Indies, being distant from the rest, and held as the end of the world. Even so, in my iudgement, Tharsis in the holy scripture doth not signifie any certaine and determined place, but onely regions a farre off, and according to the vulgar opinion, very rich and strange ; for that which losephus and some others would affirme, that Tharsis is Tarsus, according to the meaning of the scripture, in my opinion hath bene well a?-ceMn refuted by S. lerome, not onely for that these wordes are tomo. written with divers letters, the one with an aspiration, the other without ; but also that many things are written of Tharsis, which cannot agree with Tarsus, a Citie in Cilicia. It is true, that in some places of the scripture, Tharsis is said to be in Cilicia, the which you shall find in the booke :dith ii. of ludith, speaking of Holophernes, who having passed the MEANING OF THE WORD TAKSHISH. 41 limits of Assyria, he came to the great mountaines of Ange, LlB- *• which perchance is Taurus, which hilles be on the left hand of Cilicia, and that he entred into all the Castells, where he Lege nine, assembled all his forces ; having destroyed tha.t famous Citie 27. of Melithi, he ruined all the children of Tharsis and of Israeli, which were ioyning vnto the desart, and those which were in the South, towards the land of Cellon, and from thence passed Euphrates ; but as I have saide, that which is so written of Tharsis, cannot be applied to the Citie of ^^OTin Tarsus. Theodoret and some others, following the inter pretation of the 70, in some places they set Tharsis in Affrike, saying it was the same Citie which was aunciently tLnus^iMd", called Carthage, and is now the kingdome of Tunis ; and they say that lonas ment to go thether, when, as the scrip ture reports, that he fled from the Lord into Tharsis. Others pretend that Tharsis is a certaine countrie of the Indies, wherevnto it seemes that S. lerome is inclined. I will cei.' ad not now decide these opinions, but I holde that in this case the scripture doth not alwaies signifie one region or certaine part of the world. It is true that the wise men or Kings that came to worship Christ were of the East; and the scripture saith they were of Saba, Esia, and Madian. And some learned men holde that they were of Ethiopia, Arabia, and Persia ; and yet the Psalmist and the Church sings them, te The Kings of Tharsis shall bring presents." Wee agree then with S. lerome, that Tharsis is a word that hath many and divers significations in the scripture. Sometimes it signifies the Crisolite, or lacinth stone, sometimes a certaine region of the Indies, sometimes the sea, which is of the colour of a lacinth by the reverberation of the sunne. But the same Doctor doth with reason deny that Tharsis is any region of the Indies whither lonas would fly, seeing that parting from loppa, it had beene impossible to saile vnto the Indies by that sea, for that loppa, which at this day wee call laffa, is no port of the red Sea, ioyning to the 42 TAESISH A GENERAL TERM. LlB- *• East Indian Sea, but of the Mediterranean Sea, which hath no issue into the Indian. Whereby it doeth plainely ap- peare that the voyage which Solomons Fleet made, parting from Asiongaber (whereas the shippes of king losophat were lost), went by the redde Sea to Tharsis and Ophir, the which is directly testified in the Scripture. The which voyage was very different from that which ionas pretended to Tharsis ; seeing that Asiongaber is the port of a Cittie of Idumea, seated vpon the Straight, whereas the red sea ioynes with the great Ocean. From this Ophir and this Tharsis they brought to Salomon gold, silver, Elephants teeth,1 Monkies, Indian Cocks,2 and their voyage was of three yeeres ; all which without doubt ought to bee vnderstood of the East Indies, which is fruitfull and aboundant of all these thinges, as Pliuie testifieth, and our owne experience doth witnes. From our Peru doubtlesse they could not bring any Ele phants teeth, those beastes beeing vnknowne there; but they might well bring gold, silver, and pleasant monkies.3 Finally, the holy Scripture, in my opinion, doth commonly vnderstand by this word of Tharsis, eyther the great Sea, or farre and strange Regions. So as he supposeth that the prophecies which speake of Tharsis (seeing the spirit of Prophecie may comprehend all things) may often be applied to things of our new world. CHAP. xv. — Of the Propliecie of Aldias, which some doe interpret to be the Indies. Many say and affirme that in the holy Scripture it was foretold long before that this new worlde should be con verted to lesus Christ by the Spanish nation, and to this purpose they expound the text of the Prophecie of Abdias, which say th thus : " And the transmigration of this host of 1 "Marfil." 2 u Paves/' 3 " Monos muy graciosos." THE PEOPHECY OF OBAIUAH. 43 the children of Ishmael shall possesse all the dwellings of the LTB- *• Cananites vnto Sarepte, and the transmigration of Jerusa lem, which is at Bosforo, shall possesse the Citties of the South, and they that shall save, shall come vp to the hill of Sion to iudge the mount of Esau, and the kingdom e shall bee the Lordes."1 There is no sufficient testimony of the Ancients, nor pertinent reasons to proove that Sepharad, which S. lerome doth interpret the JBosphor or Straight, and the 70 Interpreters Euphrates, should signifie Spaine, but onely the opinion of some who hold it. Others alleage the Caldean Paraphrase, which is of this opinion, and the ancient Rabbins, which .expound it on this sort ; as also that Zarphat is France, which the vulgar and the 70 Interpreters call Sarepta. But leaving this dispute, which belongs to men of more leisure, what necessitie is there to beleeve that the citties of the South or of Negeb (as the 70 write) be those of this new world? Moreover, what need is there to beleeve and to take the Spanish Nation for the transmigration from lerusal.em to Sapharad, vnlesse we will vnderstand lerusalem spiritually, and thereby the Church? So as by the transmigration from lerusalem to Sapharad, the holy spirite shewes vs the children of the holy Church, which inhabit the ends of the earth and the banks of the Sea, for so is Sapharad vnderstood in the Syrian tongue, and doth well agree with our Spaine, which according to the Ancients is the ende of 'the earth, beeing in a manner all invironed with Sea. And by the Citties of the South we may well vnderstand these Indies, seeing the greatest part of this newe worlde is seated in the South, and the better part looks to the Pole Antartike. That 1 "And the captivity of this host of the children of Israel shall possess that of the Canaanites even unto Zarephath, and the captivity of Jerusalem, which is in Sepharad, shall possess the cities of the south. And saviours shall come up on Mount Zion to judge the Mount of Esau ; and the kingdom shall be the Lord s." — Obadiah, verses 20, 21. 44 PROPHECY OF ISATAH. LIB. i. which followeth is easie to interpret, viz., " They which. procure Salvation shall ascend the hill of Sion to iudge the mount of Esau". For wee may say they vnite themselves to the doctrine and strength of the holy Church, which seeke to breake and disperse the prophane errors of the Gentiles, for that may be interpreted to iudge the mount of Esau, whereby it folio wes that in those daies the Realme shall neyther bee for the Spaniards nor for them of Europe, but for lesus Christ our Saviour. Whosoever shall expound the Prophecie of Abdias1 in this sort ought not to be blamed; being most certaine that the holy Spirit did vnderstand all secrets long before. And it seemes j there is great reason to beleeve that mention is made in the holy Scripture of a matter of such importance as the discoverie of the Indies, of the new world, and their conversion to the faith. Isaias ta^oin- sa^h in these wordes : t: Oh the wings of ships which come p. from the other part of Ethiopia."2 Many learned Authors hold that al this Chapter is vnderstood of the Indies ; and y. ixvi. that same Prophet in an other place saith : " Those which shall escape out of Israel shal goe farre off to Tharsis and to remote Hands, where they shal convert many Nations vnto the Lord." Amongest the which hee names Greece, Italie, Affricke, with many others ; the which without doubt may well bee applied vnto the conversion of the Indies. Being most certaine that the Gospel shall be preached generally throughout the world, as our Saviour hath promised, and then the ende of the world shall come. It followes then, and so we ought to vnderstand it, that there be many Nations vpon the face of the earth to whom lesus Christ hath not yet been preached. Whereby we may gather that there remained a great part of the world vnknowne to the Ancients, and that yet at this day there is a good part to discover. 1 Obadiah. 2 " Woe to the land shadowing with wings, which is beyond the rivers of Ethiopia." — Jaaiah xviii, 1. THE PEOPLING OF THE NEW WOULD. 45 CHAP. xvi. — By wliat meanes the first men might come to the Indies, the which was not willingly, nor of set purpose. Now it is time to make answer to such as say there are !*">• i. no Antipodes, and that this region where we live cannot bee inhabited. The huge greatnes of the Ocean did so amaze S. Augustine as he could not conceive how mankind could passe to this new-found world. But seeing on the one side wee know for certaine that many yeeres agoe there were men inhabiting in these parts, so likewise we cannot deny but the scripture doth teach vs cleerely that all men are come from the first man, without doubt we shall be forced to beleeve and confesse that men have passed hither from Europe, Asia, or Affricke, yet must wee discover by what meanes they could passe. It is not likely that there was an other Noes Arke by the which men might be transported into the Indies, and much lesse any Angell to carie the first man to this new world, holding him by the haire of the head, like to the Prophet Abacuc ; for we intreat not of the mightie power of God, but only of that which is conform able vnto reason, and the order and disposition of humane things. Wherefore these two things ought to be held for wonderfull and worthie of admiration, yea, to bee numbred among the secrets of God. The one is, how man could passe so huge a passage by Sea and Lande ; the other is, that there beeing such multitudes of people they have yet beene vnknowne so many ages. For this cause I demaund, by what resolution, force or Industrie, the Indians could passe so large a Sea, and who might be the Inventer of so strange a passage ? Truely I have often times considered thereof with my selfe, as many others have done, but never could I finde any thing to satisfie mee. Yet will I say what I have conceived, and what comes presently into my minde, seeing that testimonies faile mee whom I might follow, 46 PEOPLING OF THE NEW WORLD. LlBtI> suffering myselfe to be guided by the rule of reason, although it be very subtill. It is most certaine that the first men * came to this land of Peru by one of these two meanes, either by land or by sea. If they came by sea, it was casually, and by chance, or willingly, and of purpose. I vnderstand by chance being cast by force of some storme or tempest, as it happens in tempestuous times. I meane done of purpose, when they prepared fleetes to discover new lands. Besides these two meanes I see it is not pos sible to find out any other, if wee will follow the course of humane things and not devise fabulous and poeticall fictions; for no man may thinke to finde another Eagle as that of Uanimede, or a flying Horse like vnto Perseus, that should carie the Indians through the aire ; or that peradventure those first men haue vsed fishes, as Mirtnaids, or the fish called a Nicholas,1 to passe them thither. But laying aside these imaginations and fopperies,2 let vs examine these two meanes, the which will bee both pleasant and profitable. First, in my iudgement, it were not farre from reason to say that the first and auncient people of these Indies have dipcovered and peopled after the same sort as wee do at this day, that is, by the Arte of Navigation and aide of Pilots, the which guide themselves by the heigth and knowledge of the hea vens, and by their industrie in handling and changing of their sailes according to the season. Why might not this well be ? Must we beleeve that we alone, and in this our ao*e, have onely the Arte and knowledge to saile through the Ocean ? Wee see even now that they cut through the Ocean to discover new lands, as not long since Alvaro Men- dana and his companions did, who parting from the Port of Lima came alongst the West to discover the land which lieth Eastward from Peru ; and at the end of three moueths they discovered the Hands which they call the Hands of 1 " Pexes Syrenas y Nicolaos." * " Platicaa de burlas." PEOPLING OF THE NEW WORLD. 47 Salomon,1 which are many and very great, and by all likele- LlB- T- hood they lie adioyning to new Guinnie, or else are very neere to some other firme land. And even now by com- inandernent from the King and his Counsell they are re solved to prepare a new fleete for these Hands.2 Seeing it is thus, why may we not suppose that the Ancients had the courage and resolution to travell by sea, with the same intent to discover the land, which they call Anticthon, oppo site to theirs, and that, according to the discourse of their Philosophie, it should be with an intent not to rest vntill they came in view of the landes they sought ? Surely there is no repugnancie or contrarietie in that which wee see happen at this day, and that of former ages, seeing that the holy scripture doth witnes that Solomon tooke Masters and Pilots from Tyre and Sidon, men very expert in Naviga- 1 ^™"xi tion, who by their industry performed this voiage in three yeeres. To what end thinke you doth it note the Arte of Mariners and their knowledge, with their long voiage of three yeeres, but to give vs to vnderstand that Solomons fleete sailed through the great Ocean ? Many are of this opinion, which thinke that S. Augustine had small reason to wonder at the greatnes of the Ocean, who might well coniecture that it was not so difficult to saile through, con sidering what hath been spoken of Solomons Navigation. But to say the truth, I am of a contrary opinion, neither can ^ I perswade my selfe that the first Indians came to this new world of purpose, by a determined voiage ; neither will I yeeld, that the Ancients had knowledge in the Art of Navigation, whereby men at this day passe the Ocean, from one part to another, where . they please, the which they performe with an incredible swiftnes and resolution ; nei ther do I finde in all Antiquities any markes or testimonies of so notable a thing and of so great importance. Besides, 1 In 1567. 4 The second expedition of Mendaiia sailed from Peru in 1595. 48 THE ANCIENTS IGNORANT OF THE COMPASS. LIB. i. I finde not that in ancient bookes there is any mention made of the vse of the Tinan or Loadstone,1 nor of the Com- passe to saile by ;2 yea, I beleeve they had no knowledge thereof. And if we take away the knowledge of the coin- passe to saile by, we shall easily iudge how impossible it was for them to passe the great Ocean. Such as haue any knowledge of the sea vnderstand me well ; for that it is as easie to beleeve that a Mariner in full sea can direct his course where hee please without a compasse, as for a blinde man to shew with his finger any thing, be it neere or farre off. And it is strange that the Ancients have been so long ignorant of this excellent proper tie of the load stone ; piin.,iib. for Plinie, who was so curious in naturall causes, writing1 of in, cap. 6; fc> xxxivbcap ^is load stone, speakes nothing of that vertue and pro- lib! Vii,acap. pertie it hath, alwaies to turne the iron which it toucheth towards the North, the which is the most admirable vertue Dios.,iib. it hath. Aristotle, Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Lucretius, v, cap. 10. Lncret., nor any other Writers or naturall Philosophers that I have scene, make any mention thereof, although they treat of the AIIP:. do ]oa(j stone. Saint Augustine, writing many and sundry ^vbunuit"' properties and excellencies of the load stone in his bookes e' of the Citie of God, speakes nothing thereof. And with out doubt all the excellencies spoken of this stone are nothing in respect of this strange propertie, looking alwaies towards the North, which is a great wonder of nature. pun., lib. There is yet another argument, for Plinie, treating of the first in venters of Navigation, and naming all the instru ments, yet he speakes nothing of the cornpasse to saile by, nor of the load stone. I say onely, that the art to know the starres was invented by the Phceniciens. And there is no doubt but whatsoever the Ancients knew of the Art of Navigation was onely in regard of the starres, and observing the Shoares, Capes, and differences of landes. 1 "Iman" — the load stone. 2 " Aguja de Marear" — Mariner's compass. THE ANCIENTS IGNORANT OF THE COMPASS. (-0 And if tbey had once lost the sight of land, they knew not LtB- r- which way to direct their course, but by the Stars, Sunne, and Moone, and that failing (as it doth often in a darke and cloudie season) they did governe themselves by the qualitie of the winds, and by coniecture of the waies which they had passed. Finally, they went as they were guided by their owne motions. As at the Indies, the Indians saile a long way by sea, guided onely by their owne Industrie and natural instinct. And it semes greatly to purpose that which Plinie writes of the Handlers of Taprobana (which at this day we call Sumatra), speaking in this sort, when as he treates of the art and Industrie they vse in sailing.