THE GIFT OF MAY TREAT MORRISON IN MEMORY OF ALEXANDER F MORRISON NATURE AND MAN BY THE SAME AUTHOR. Mesmerism, Spiritualism, etc.. Historically and Scientifically Considered. i2mo, cloth, $1.25. Principles of Mental Physiology. With their Application to the Training and Dis- cipline of the Mind, and the Study of its Morbid Conditions. i2mo, cloth, $3.00. D. Appleton and Co., Publishers, New York. '''^y>^?a^^^y;,' f^A-^^ ^^ ,J^/t/97.^Z'?t' S^, y^^ix^^. ^. &A^i^^^^^ji^ ' '.":.':> '.'^ N NATURE AND MAN ESSAYS SCIENTIFIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL BY WILLIAM B. CARPENTER C. B., M. D., LL. D., F. R. S. WITH AN INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR BY J. ESTLIN CARPENTER, M. A. • 9 • • • ■' J J J J i i J* J3JJ J J NEW YORK D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 1889 Authorized Edition. • « • • •• : • • • *■ • e • • • • • • • • • ■ • & « • e • » « • « • • • • • • • « « • • • « « • • « -.• ••• • V 3D CONTENTS. MEMORIAL SKETCH. PAGE I. Early Life ... ... ... ... ... .•• 4 IL A Student's Preparation ... ... ... ^3 in. Physiology and Religious Philosophy ... ... 3^ IV. The Correlation of the Vital and Physical Forces 40 V. Determinism and Self-Direction ... ... ... 54 VL Home Life at Fifty Years ... ... ... 69 VIL Deep-Sea Researches ... ... ... ... ••• 88 Vin. Darwinism in England ... ... ... ... 105 IX. Characteristics ... ... ... .•• ••• i'3 ESSAYS. L The Method and Aim of the Study of Physiology (1838) ... ... ... ... ... ••• 155 IL The Brain and its Physiology (1846) ... ... 159 III. The Automatic Execution of Voluntary Movements (1850) ... ... ••• ... ••• ••• ^64 IV. The Influence of Suggestion in modifying and directing Muscular Movement, independently of Volition {1852) ... ... ... ... ... 169 V. The Phasis of Force (1S57) ... ... ... ... I73 VI. Man the Interpreter of Nature. Presidential Ad- dress at the British Association, Brighton, 1S72 185 VII. The Psychology of Belief (1873) ... ... 2U 438093 vl CONTENTS. PAGE VIII. The Fallacies of Testimony in Relation to the Supernatural (1876) ... ... ... ... 239 IX. The Doctrine of Human Automatism (1875) ... 261 X. The Limits of Human Automatism {1876) ... ... 284 XL The Deep Sea and its Contents (1880) ... ... 3^^ XII. The Force behind Nature (18S0) ... ... ... 35° XIII. Nature and Law (iSSo) ... ... ... ... 3^5 XIV. The Doctrine of Evolution in its Relations to Theism (1882) ... ... ... ... — ... 384 XV. The Argument from Design in the Organic World (1S84) ... ... ... ... ••• ••. 4^9 APPENDIX. List of Dr. Carpenter's Writings ... ..• ««« ... 467 > J > > >, ^ >. , > ■,» J 1 0 J WILLIAM BENJAMIN CARPENTER. A MEMORIAL SKETCH. I ' t t t I e . WILLIAM BENJAMIN CARPENTER. The Essays contained in this volume represent chiefly the later phases of their writer's thoughts on the problems concerned with the interpretation of nature and man. Some of the conclusions which they embody he believed to be of high importance in the guidance of life ; they were the result of long observation and reflection, and in some cases differed widely from the ideas which his early educa- tion and his first studies had led him to adopt. It is the aim of this sketch to indicate some of the processes which contributed to this change, and to present, as briefly as possible, the connection between Dr. Carpenter's widely varied work and the personality from which his many- sided energy flowed out. The long list of writings which bear his name exhibits an extraordinary range of labour ; and the historians of different branches of science will come upon the traces of his activity in fields that are rarely cultivated by the same hand. It is not now desired to estimate the precise value of his numerous contributions to knowledge, but rather to show what were the hidden pur- poses and guiding aims of his life, what were the gifts of mind and heart which he brought to their fulfilment, and how these took outward shape and form. MEMORIAL SKETCH. I. William Benjamin Carpenter was born at Exeter, on October 29, 18 13. His father, Dr. Lant Carpenter, was then one of the pastors of George's Meeting ; but the removal of the family from Exeter to Bristol, in 18 17, when William was only in his fourth year, made the latter city the true home of his early life. It was there that the Rev. Dr. Carpenter's labours, which were to leave so deep an impress on all his children, bore their ripest fruit. Schools were created in connection with the congregation of Lewin's Mead ; he took a prominent share in the founda- tion of the Literary and Philosophical Institution ; he was an ardent promoter of Catholic Emancipation and Reform. This was, indeed, only the outer fringe of his home activities. To the work of his ministry he added the long and patient toil of the student, and the ceaseless diligence of the teacher. And the qualities which shone conspicuously through all these phases of his energy, his strong affections, his deep religious earnestness, his commanding sense of duty, his eager zeal for the public good, and especially for education, appeared in one after another of his family. William was his fourth child, and eldest son. Hardly less did the boy owe to his mother, a woman of unusual endowments of mind and heart, who fully shared the austere and high view of life characteristic of her Puritan ancestry. With few advantages of education, her native abilities had been, nevertheless, carefully cultivated ; she had a vigorous and independent mind, which often made it a pleasure for the trained scientific investigator to ask her opinion of his most advanced speculations ; and in the wisdom of her judgment, springing from the clear insight of a pure and tender heart, her children found again and again in their perplexities a secure repose. EARLY YEARS. 5 To the education which he received under his father's superintendence, Dr. W. B. Carpenter always looked back with gratitude. Those who recall the tall spare figure and the iron-grey hair of his later years, will find it difficult to think of him as a child of rounded limbs and golden locks, who grew into a stout and chubby boy. In the home dis- cipline no time was lost. He used to say that he " knew his " Latin grammar at five," though the extent of this know- ledge was never defined ; and he had already before that gained a firm mastery of certain external realities, to which he attached the highest value. In a discourse delivered in connection with University College, Bristol, in 1880, he recalled one of these items of early acquisition. Our whole fabric of geometrical knowledge is based upon ideal representation. My own feeling is very strong diat all geometrical teaching ought to be from time to time shown to consist with actual objective facts. Going back to my own experience, I can remember the fact of our having in our nursery a box of cubes, which my father had happened to pur- chase from a lecturer who was disposing of some articles of the kind. The box of cubes was ten inches each way, and each cube an inch, and therefore the box contained a thousand cubes ; and this plaything of our nursery has been of the greatest value to me through life, in giving me a conception of the relation of solids to each other, for I have found continually that young people who have learnt and can repeat glibly arithmetic tables, have not the least idea what these tables mean. Hence the importance of bringing the reasoning powers of the mind to bear upon the facts which observation reveals to us. This was one of the aims which Dr. Lant Carpenter invariably held up before the boys under his care. His school was remarkable for the prominence assigned to the enforcement and illustration of scientific principles. This side of knowledge was more congenial to his son William 6 MEMORIAL SKETCH. than literary or historical culture. He acquired, indeed, a fair mastery of the classical languages, and retained to the last a warm affection for his Greek Testament. But his intellectual sympathies were enlisted rather by the air- pump and the geological cabinet than by Homer or Horace. He received a good grounding in mathematics, and formed a strong desire to become a civil engineer ; he delighted (like his father) in construction of all sorts. A tradition still remains of a model of a ship made in the boys' workshop at the bottom of the garden ; while a maturer effort, in which he was aided by Mr. W. J. Odgers, then a resident master in the school, produced " a most beautiful trans- " parent instrument for showing the climates, which, being " rectified for any latitude, shows the length of the day and " night at the solstices and equinoxes, the altitude of the " sun at noon, and illustrates very well the reason Avhy the ''days are longer as we approach the higher latitudes." This love of workmanship remained with him in after- days. He fitted up his study with all sorts of small devices; and he had a penetrating insight into the most intricate machinery. But he was never able to give effect to his early preference for the profession of engineering. The railway system had not then been developed, and no suitable opening presented itself for the indispensable and costly training. So he finally agreed to submit to the wishes of his family, and under the kind proposals of Mr. Estlin, a leading general practitioner in Bristol, and a member of his father's congregation,* resolved to devote himself to the study of medicine. His cherished hopes were * Mr. Estlin was the son of the Rev. Dr. Estlin, the predecessor of Dr. Carpenter at Lewin's Mead. He was a man of wide scientific culture, and frequently lectured at the Bristol Institution and the Mechanics' Institution. He was specially eminent as an oculist ; and weekly, for forty years, attended the Eye-dispensary which he founded. In later life he took a lead in philan- thropic and religious movements. EARLY YEARS. 7 relinquished for what seemed to him an obvious duty, though to the end of her life his mother regretted the sacrifice, and doubted whether it had been right to demand it. He set himself to work with a grim determination to make the best of it, and on July 2, 1827, he wrote to his sister Mary, whom he addressed as " Dear Sister soft Sea- urchin : " — I have been over to Mr, Estlin for an hour this morning, to learn about the weights and measures used in surgery, and he recommends me to come over every morning, when I can spare time for an hour, to vaccinate children, and to pull out their teeth, and to make up pills and medicines. I think I shall like it pretty well. On his fifteenth birthday, in 1828, he was formally apprenticed. He sent a mock account of the proceedings to his sister, adding — I am telling you all these things in a humorous way, but I assure you I felt it very much ; and at the end of the day, when I had time for quiet reflection, I formed many resolutions, which I hope I shall have strength and faith to carry into execution. The beginning of a professional career did not, how- ever, wholly remove him from the school. But he remains rather to teach than to learn. He discourses to the boys on chemistry, and hears his younger brother, Philip, his Latin. His mind is cultivated through the various lectures at the neighbouring Institution, and the books and reviews which pass in turn through the Reading Society. One of these awakens his early interest with a first attempt at demon- strating the correlation of the physical forces. There is a book come into the society (he announces to his "dear old Poll"), Mr. Exley's " New Theory of Matter," by which he explains all the attractions of gravitation, cohe- sion, electricity — chemical, magnetic, etc., — upon the same principles. Mr. Exley read a paper at the Institution, in which 8 MEMORIAL SKETCH. he gave an outline of his theory, which greatly excited my curiosity to see the book. The consciousness of power is increasing within him, and the longing to exercise it. He is in his sixteenth year, and so in May, 1829, he communicates his plan to the same " dear old Poll," -with a droll touch of boyish self- justification for so forward a step. I am thinking about delivering some lectures on optics at the Mechanics' Institution next winter. I shall be glad if you will give me your opinion about it when you write next. I have paid a good deal of attention to optics lately, and feel myself pretty well qualified to do it, so far as information is concerned. I am grown a good deal during the past year, and look more of a man than I did. The manly look, indeed, came early enough ; his speedy absorption in severe intellectual labour gave to his dem.eanour a gravity which caused him to be habitually regarded as older than he really was. Moreover, a serious illness completely altered his appearance, and the plump- ness which he lost he never regained. It was greatly to William Carpenter's advantage that while he Avas prosecuting his medical studies under Mr. Estlin, and subsequently at the Bristol Medical School and the Infirmary, he remained in close connection with the home circle in Great George Street. There he learned, under his father's guidance, to take an active interest in public affairs ; and the incidents connected with the Bristol riots in October, 1 83 1, left an ineffac'eable impression in his mind. The boys' school had by that time been given up, and his mother and sisters had opened a girls' school instead. They felt in no danger, but it fell to him to escort a number of neighbours to a place of safety in Clifton, and as he looked back over the city, lighted with the blazing glare of gaol and custom-house, Mansion-house and THE WEST INDIES. 9 Bishop's Palace, he received a lesson which he never forgot. In the slavery question he was also trained to take a lively- interest ; but his views on the subject of emancipation were somewhat modified by a few months' stay in the West Indies, during the year 1833, as the companion of Mr, Estlin, whose health required a sojourn in a warm climate. It was his first long separation from his family, and the closely written sheets which he sent back to England, bore witness to the strength of the feeling to which he had felt unable at parting to give expression. On his first Sunday on board ship, his thoughts go out with longing to the dear circle singing their evening hymn in the library, perhaps (in remembrance of him) to one of his favourite tunes ; his minute observations on sky and sea, and on the beautiful landscapes of St. Vincent, are all illustrated by familiar comparisons with objects nearer home. The estate on which he resided was remarkably well managed, and he was greatly struck with the physical comfort of the slaves, contrasted with their total want of mental and moral culture. This degradation of character filled him with far greater horror than the loss of personal liberty. What I have hitherto seen does not in the least diminish, hut rather increases, my aversion to slavery ; but the causes of it are certainly altered, and I am led to make more allowance for the planters, when I sec more plainly the difficulties by which they are surrounded. To this experience he frequently recurred in after-life when he was tempted himself, or saw others tempted, to a sternness of judgment which wider knowledge might have modified : " We should learn," he said, " to be tolerant of "others' intolerance." On his return in the summer, the record of his observations was communicated by his father to one of his Parliamentary friends, who was so much struck lo MEMORIAL SKETCH. by them that he sent them on to Mr. Stanley (afterwards Lord Derby), then in charge of the Government Emanci- pation Bill, just passing through the House of Commons. But the clause which they chiefly affected had been already adopted. The medical studies interrupted by the voyage to the West Indies were resumed for another session in Bristol ; but in the autumn of 1834, William Carpenter proceeded to London. There he attended lectures at University College — sometimes as many as thirty-five in a week — and medical and surgical practice at the Middlesex Hospital, where he acted for a time as clinical clerk to Dr. Watson. Widening the ordinary range of professional study, he entered for the course delivered by Dr. Grant on Compara- tive Anatomy ; and to this he afterwards looked back with peculiar interest, not only for the information which he gained through it, but for the mental quickening and special love of the subject which it roused within him. In the meanwhile the severity of his studies was relieved by the one pursuit which in later years afforded him unfailing recreation, his music. You ask me (he wrote to his brother Russell) how I get on with my music. I consider pretty well, seeing that I am entirely a self-taught genius. My instrument is a seraphine, which is made with keys like a piano or organ, and sounds by small reeds like those of the mouth-asolians, which you may remember, only better tuned, and worked by bellows. I chose it in preference to a piano, because it has exactly the touch of the organ, which it is my great ambition some time or other to pUvy. Then came the inevitable examinations, with the natural comments of a successful candidate, not perhaps forgotten when in later days he himself sat in the ex- aminer's chair. MEDICAL STUDIES. n To R. L. Carpenter. London, October 24, 1835. I am now a member of the Royal College of Surgeons, and a Licentiate of the Apothecaries' Company. I passed through the latter examination a month ago, and the other last night. In both cases I had the felicity of kicking my heels in the waiting-room for more than five hours, and you may suppose the state of agitation I was in when summoned into the awful room. . . . The College was much the most awful of the two, as only one candidate was examined at a time, whilst ten of the first surgeons in London were weighing every word I said, sitting at a long cross-table, so that all looked me in the face. However, I did not see any of them through fright, except Sir Benjamin Brodie, who examined me. ... It was rather curious that I spent the last week before going up to the Hall in getting up a quantity of technical knowledge of which I was asked nothing, Avhilst the subject I was most questioned on at the College I had looked over just before leaving Regent Street, and therefore had it all pat. Indeed, Sir Benjamin Brodie complimented me upon the attention I had paid to the subject, which I really knew little of compared with other points, and I was continually afraid lest he should get out of my depth. So much does chance govern affairs of this kind. He was on the eve of starting for Edinburgh, where new companionships were to be formed, which would pro- foundly affect his subsequent course. But he had already his own plans, for he confided to his brother his intention of publishing the next year a little work on the philosophical study of Natural History. And he had just received what was to be one of the most powerful and enduring of the intellectual impulses of his whole life. It was a somewhat curious coincidence that it should come indirectly through the American philanthropist whose recent visit to Bristol had so deeply stirred his sister Mary.* * See the "Life and Work of Mary Carpenter," chap. ii. 12 MEMORIAL SKETCH. I had a pleasing little pigmis from Dr. Tuckerman lately (he wrote to his brother Russell, in the letter just quoted), as he desired my father to lay out a sovereign owed by him to Dr. Tuckerman in a book for me. I chose Lyell's " Geology." I have been much interested in reading his third book " On the Distribution of the Animal Kingdom." To this treatise he ever afterwards felt himself most deeply indebted. In returning thanks for the Lyell medal, which was awarded to him in 1 88 3, in recognition of the value of his investigations into the minute structure of various fossil Invertebrates, and his deep-sea researches, he thus referred to this early influence : — This distinction is yet more gratifying to me from its having been founded by one whom I have held in the highest honour from my boyhood, when (as I well remember) I heard Charles Lyell spoken of as a young man who was advancing in the Geological Society doctrines of a most heretical kind, but was defending them so ably as to hold his own against the most weighty opponents. The study of his " Principles " was not only the delight of my youth, but a most valuable part of my scientific training ; and the privilege of subsequent intercourse with him through nearly forty years was one which I ever highly esteemed ; for whilst it brought me under the immediate influence of his philosophic spirit, it also afforded me the continual stimulus of his kindly encouragement. I would recall a litde incident which is doubly illustrative. When, in 1855, I made my monograph of the genus Orbitolites the basis of a disquisition on the general subject of the variability of species (a doctrine impressed on me by Dr. Prichard), I sent him a copy of the memoir (published in the " Philosophical Transactions "), with a sort of apology for having tried to make so much out of what might be thought so small and trivial a subject ; he replied with a most kindly approval of the object and manner of my work, adding " any single point is really the universe," — a remark whose pregnancy left an impression on my mind that time has only deepened. Beside the influence of Lyell's " Principles " must be set RESIDENCE AT EDINBURGH. 13 that of another writer no less eminent, Sir John Herschel, whose "PreHminary Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy" contributed another potent element to the formation of William Carpenter's intellectual character. Just before his departure from London to Edinburgh, at the end of October, 1835, he wrote to his parents — I quite agree with you in all your feelings respecting the valuable influence of my stay here upon me. I feel, however, that the high standard I have set myself of intellectual ex- cellence is no small assistance to religious principle; and I should say that I have derived more benefit in a moral point of view from Sir John Herschel's book than from any other than my Bible. II. To his residence at Edinburgh, William Carpenter always looked back afterwards with deep and abiding pleasure. He formed there some of the most valued of his friendships ; he laid the foundations of some of his most fruitful work ; he felt a more vivid mental stimulus from the society around him than he had found in London ; and he gained a heightened confidence in his powers. He carried with him letters to some of the most eminent teachers of the University, and the leaders of the literary and scientific coteries of the Northern Athens. One of his first visits was paid to Professor Wilson, who had been a class-mate of Dr. Lant Carpenter's, at Glasgow. The following account of it ' in due time found its way to Bristol : — Edinburgh, November 15, 1835. I was not a little astonished to be introduced to a very wild- looking man, with a velveteen shooting-coat, and his hair stray- ing down his shoulders in all directions, looking as little as possible like a professor of moral philosophy. ... On a little 14 MEMORIAL SKETCH. conversation, he discovered me to be the son of his old fellow- student, and we began to talk about Dr. Blair, with whom he keeps up a correspondence. He subsequently asked me to dinner, where I met Taylor (author of "Philip van Something"), who was the lion of the last London season. Professors Pillans and Muir, and some more intelligent men. Wilson and Taylor had some interesting conversation on Wordsworth, which would have delighted Mary. Both seemed to think him too minute in describing nature, and that he has been very much soured by his early want of success. They also began to discuss the various translations of " Faust^," and, the conversation turning on Goethe in general, I was able to edge in a word as to his having been the first propounder of the doctrine of morphology in plants. Professor Muir and I fell out about the date of this production. I set it as far back as 1795, but allowed that it was not noticed until at least fifteen years later. Professor Muir was positive that it was not more than twenty years ago. I, of course, yielded, but had the satisfaction when I returned home, on referring to Lindley, to see that it was 1790. Many friendly houses were soon open to the young Bristol student, who found more sympathy with his heresy than he expected ; for he wrote shortly after : " As far as I " have seen, the moderate party of the Scotch Church are " extremely liberal, and I believe that many of them are "Unitarians at the bottom." But he was astonished at the superior freedom from conventional restraints which marked the education of women ; and though he had been accus- tomed to see his own sisters trained in the principles of science, and familiar with the fossils or the shells in their own cabinet, yet an extension of the same method of education caused him an amusing shock. The tone of society (he wrote to his father) is certainly much more well-informed here than in London. At least, there is less reserve among the ladies with regard to scientific pursuits, which many pursue here to an extent which even I think hardly femi- nine ; such as practical (hammer-in-hand) geology, practical RESIDENCE AT EDINBURGH. 15 chemistry in classes— a row of young ladies performing experi- ments all at the same time, like a company of soldiers going through the exercise. The subject remained in his mind, for he recurred to it a few weeks later : — I should be very sorry to see women restraining their natural feelings by reason and philosophy as much as men ought to do. I have often been afraid myself lest too close attention to scientific subjects should blunt my natural feelings ; and I should think that the new-fashioned system of female education might be in danger of making the pupils too much matter-of- fact. Shortly after his arrival in Edinburgh, William Carpenter joined the Medical Society, formed in connection with the University, and at once began to take an active part in its debates. " I find it exceedingly useful," he said, in writing home ; " and in nothing more so than in showing me my " deficiencies, for I find many here who in purely professional " knowledge are far before me." His mind at this time pre- ferred to dwell on large and general conceptions, to discover analogies, to follow out principles, rather than to come into close contact with actual facts. He was capable, as many of his subsequent writings showed, of minute and laborious investigations ; and he could marshal details with singular skill as soon as he could reduce them into classes. But though his memory was well-trained and retentive, it did not easily assimilate much of the material presented to him in the lecture-room, or prescribed for an examination. When the news reaches him of the college successes of his younger brothers, Russell and Philip, "Alas, poor me!" he exclaims (July 4, 1836), " I seem doomed to get no prizes." But he adds : " However, it does not make me despair of " myself, for I feel a good deal more confidence in my powers, " if I have strength to exert them, than I have ever done ; i6 MEMORIAL SKETCH. " and, I believe I may say, a well-grounded confidence." Three weeks later he, too, can announce an addition to the family honours : " I had the pleasure this morning of re- " ceiving a gold medal as a prize for an essay on a depart- " ment of Physiological Botany." By this time he had fairly entered on the labours of authorship. These were not indeed lightly undertaken. His home-training had impressed him with a serious and steadfast purpose ; and while circumstances had led him to the profession of medicine, in which he had no expectation of special success, he had embraced the study of science with a vivid moral ardour which gave it, for him, the force of a vocation. This vocation he sedulously nourished ; he threw into it the whole power of his being. The life of Kepler awakened in him an eager and enthusiastic devo- tion ; and he recurred to it again and again long afterwards as a support in protracted and perplexing inquiries. A collection of passages from the works of Herschel, Whewell, Mrs. Somerville, Channing, and other writers, entered in his commonplace-book, reveals some of the guiding motives of his thought ; one of these, to which he often referred through half a century of teaching and research, is here subjoined. It was derived from a Lecture on Universal History by Schiller, with whose life and spirit he was ac- quainted through the pages of Carlyle. Just as sedulously as the trader in knowledge severs his own peculiar science from all others, does the lover of wisdom strive to extend its dominion and restore its connection with them. I say to restore, for the boundaries which divide the sciences are but the work of abstraction. What the empiric separates, the philosopher unites. He has early come into the conviction that in the dominion of the intellect, as in the world of matter, everything is linked and commingled, and his eager longing for universal harmony and agreement cannot be satisfied by frag- ments. All his efforts are directed to the perfecting of his A BOOK PROJECTED. 17 knowledge ; his noble impatience cannot be restrained till all his conceptions have arranged themselves into one harmonious whole, till he stands at the central point of arts and sciences, and thence overlooks the whole extent of their dominion with a satisfied glance. New discoveries in the field of his activhy, which depress the trader in science, enrapture the philosopher. Perhaps they fill a chasm which the growth of his ideas had rendered more wide and unseemly, or they place the last stone, the only one wanting to the completion of the structure of his ideas. But even should they shiver it into ruins — should a new series of ideas, a new aspect of nature, a newly discovered law in the physical world, overthrow the whole fabric of his knowledge, he has akvays loved truth better than his system, and gladly will he exchange her old and defective form for a new and fairer one. Under such intellectual impulses as these, he had con- ceived the idea, while still only in his twenty-second year, of a work which should serve as an introduction to the philosophical study of Natural History. The treatises of the day appeared to him deficient in grasp of the underlying principles of physiological science ; they were filled with facts and observations which were sometimes ill understood, because their true relations were only imperfectly appre- hended. He boldly grappled with the difhculty, and re- solved to aim at nothing less than a general view of the entire realm of organic nature, so as to set forth the funda- mental laws which might be discerned in the life alike of plants and animals. His thoughts had been playing round special questions in this wide domain as far back as his voyage to the West Indies. The subject haunted him during the session which he spent at University College, and rose into a positive though immature design. His first printed paper, published before he left London, in the West of England Journal, October, 1835, dealt with "The Structure and Functions of the Organs of Respiration in the Animal and Vegetable Kingdoms."* Starting from the recognized * It was continued in January, 1836. 1 8 MEMORIAL SKETCH. facts of chemistry, comparative anatomy, and physiology, he dwelt at length on the analogy between the forms of the respiratory apparatus in the two great classes ; he showed that it held good with regard to their functions also, and he even extended it to digestion. Nor did he fail to point out the simplicity and uniformity of the processes into which these apparently complicated phenomena might be resolved, and the similarity of the means by which they were carried into effect. The theme thus started continued to occupy his mind while he was pursuing his professional studies at Edinburgh, in the University and the Infirmary, under Professors Alison and Christison. Immediately after his arrival, he had re- ported to his sisters, in November, 1835, the actual com- mencement of his cherished project. I have begun to work at my book, and have nearly finished the organs of support, in which I shall bring forward a number of most beautiful analogies which Roget has omitted from his evident ignorance of Vegetable Physiology. I shall read it soon as a paper at the Royal Medical Society, of which I am a member. I think these debates will be of great service to me, as they evidently are of a very high character. This central idea, accordingly, runs through the essays of the next few years, which contain the germs of various biological principles destined to receive clearer enuncia- tion afterwards from himself and others. In the summer of 1836, he is already in communication with Dr. (sub- sequently Sir John) Forbes, who had enrolled him among the contributors to the recently established British and Foreign Medical Reviezv. Dr. Forbes had entrusted to him a number of new books on vegetable physiology ; but the reviewer told his father (July 4, 1836) that his essay would be "principally devoted to pointing out the analogies "between animals and vegetables, and the advantages of THE STUDY OF PHYSIOLOGY. 19 "studying general physiology or the most universal laws of "life, before applying to any particular branch." This pur- pose was thus vindicated in the article, which did not appear until July, 1837. We should be glad to see the science of physiology based upon a more extensive generalization of the phenomena of vitality than has usually been thought necessary : the study of comparative anatomy is now recognized as the surest means of arriving at accurate results on many disputed questions, since the different forms of animals may be regarded, to use the language of Cuvier, as " so many kinds of experiments "ready prepared by Nature." Vegetables present us with a greater simplification of the vital functions than is afforded by the lowest animal, since all the changes necessary to the sup port of the individual and the continuance of the species are performed without the influence or interference of those powers which are possessed in a greater or less degree by the whole animal kingdom. Hence the physiologist may advantageously resort to the study of vegetable life for the explanation of many of the proximate causes of those phenomena which are com- plicated in the higher forms of organized beings by so great a variety of secondary influences. The purpose here implied received further illustration in two essays, produced in March and April, 1837, on " The Voluntary and Instinctive Actions of Living Beings," and on " The Unity of Function in Organized Beings." In the first of these, William Carpenter (who had now become President of both the Royal Medical and the Royal Physi- cal Societies) sought a common ground of action in the irritability or contractility which he recognized as a vital property of vegetable tissues equally with those of animals. But the paper was further remarkable for its analysis of the functions of the nervous system in the higher vertebrates, in which the writer opened a path for his future researches in " mental physiology." The second paper was designed to apply \.o fitnction one of the laws propounded 20 MEMORIAL SKETCH. by Von Baer with regard to structure, — " a special function " arises only out of one more general, and this by a gradual " change ; " to which the Edinburgh student added another, — " in all cases where the different functions are highly "specialized, the general structure retains, more or less, the "primitive community of function which originally charac- "terized it." In working out these principles, the writer sketched " an outline of the doctrine of unity of function " with regard to the changes essential to the maintenance of "individual organisms, both of plants and animals ;" and finally expressed his belief that "even in tracing the gradual " development of the functions peculiar to animals, namely, "sensation and voluntary motion, we may find that the " special type is evolved from one more general." After reading these papers before the Royal Medical Society, William Carpenter returned to Bristol. He had already lectured in Edinburgh, on Natural History, making his appearance, on one occasion, to his extreme disgust, at Wombwell's menagerie, where he was expected, in ac- cordance with a precedent set by a former lecturer — " like " myself, very respectable " — to meet his class before the cages of the wild-beast show. He had now to deliver his first course as lecturer on Medical Jurisprudence at the Bristol Medical School, and he began at the same time the actual practice of his profession. His leisure hours, how- ever, were devoted to his scientific pursuits, and he became a competitor for the Students' Prize, raised by the students, and adjudged by certain of the Professors at Edinburgh. The subject (proposed by Professor Alison) was highly congenial to him, " On the Difference of the Laws regulating Vital and Physical Phenomena." * In language v/hose clearness showed how clearly he had already trained him- * His essay proved successful; he devoted the prize (;,^3o) to the purchase of a microscope, and from that time microscopic research continued to absorb more and more of his attention. VITAL AND PHYSICAL PHENOMENA. 21 self to think, he laid down the meaning of the word law^ and its place in science. The term laiv expresses the conditions of action of the pro- perties of matter. In our study of the phenomena of nature, it is our object to ascertain their laws by the inquiry into the conditions under which the occurrences present themselves ; and a law deduced from this source is nothing more than a general expression of the conditions common to a certain class of phenomena, leading us to the belief that under the same conditions the same phenomena will constantly occur. When this is found to be the case by the experimental applica- tion of the law to unknown cases, the law is said to be verified, and it may then fairly rank as a general fact to be included with others of like standing in a still higher expression of the condi- tions common to all these, and therefore to all the particular instances included in them. By successive generalizations of this nature, we aim to ascend from the most complicated and restricted to the most simple and universal statement of the phenomena of the universe ; and in so far as this is attained in every science, giving us the means not only of explaining new phenomena as they arise, but of predicting otherwise unexpected occurrences, that science may be regarded as perfect. Starting from this view of Law, the essayist affirmed (in words afterwards quoted by Dr. Roget, in his article, " Physiology," in the " Encyclopaedia Britannica ") that " there is nothing essentially different in the character oi the " laws regulating vital and physical phenomena, either as to " their comprehensiveness, their uniformity of action, or the " mode in which they are to be established by the general- "ization of particular facts." He recognized a practical dis- tinction between the properties of inorganic matter and those of living organized matter ; but he declared that " the properties of any aggregation of matter depend upon "the method in which its ultimate molecules are combined "and arranged;" that "the vital properties of organized 22 MEMORIAL SKETCH. " tissues are not less the result of their material constitu- " tion ; " and that " vital properties are not added to matter " in the process of organization ; but those previously existing " and hitherto inactive are called out and developed." He ventured, therefore, on the speculation that "the vital and " physical properties of matter may ultimately be shown to " result from some higher, more general quality ; an advance " in the path of philosophy, should it ever be proved, far " beyond any which has been already attained, or which we *' have in immediate prospect." The same thought is developed in an article published in the British and Foreign Medical Review, in April, 1838, entitled " Physiology an Inductive Science," criticizing the portion of Dr. Whewell's'-'History of the Inductive Sciences," which relates to that subject. A few passages from this essay, which was much admired at the time, will be found on a later page of this volume.* They strike the keynote of much of his subsequent " Philosophy of Nature." Side by side with this article, in the same number of the Revieiv, stood another from the same busy pen, more than fifty pages in length, on " The Physiology of the Spinal Marrow." It contained a full treatment of the doctrine of reflex action, then recently propounded as new by Dr. Marshall Plall; and it was generally accepted by competent judges as a fair statement of the aspect which the question presented at that date, though it did not give satisfaction to Dr. Hall. The author was recognized as having placed the discussion upon a broader basis, as regards both the general doctrines of the Physiology of the nervous system and their history, than that to which Dr. Hall had been himself disposed to restrict it. Such were the preliminary labours by which the young man of twenty-four prepared for the accomplishment of * See p. 155. THE FIRST BOOK. 33 his long- cherished design. He was now anxious to get a lectureship, which might enable him to devote himself unreservedly to the pursuit of Physiology. The Bristol meeting of the recently established British Association for the Advancement of Science, in 1836, had brought him into connection with the leading men of various departments. Dr. Forbes proved a most kind and faithful promoter of his advance. In the spring of 1838 he tells his brother Russell that he has been to London to ascertain the proba- bility of his getting an appointment as teacher of his favourite science, and that Sir James Clarke, Principal Physician to the Queen, is interesting himself much in his prospects. And he adds, " By the advice of my friends, I " am now working vigorously at my book on ' General and "Comparative Physiology,' for publication in the autumn." To this task he now girded himself up in earnest. It was a bold attempt for so young a man, for it aimed at surveying the entire field of what is now termed Biology. He described it himself as an introduction to the study of human physiology, and a guide to the philosophical pursuit of natural history. Its enormous range — for it began with a description of the whole animated world — made it im- possible for him to have himself verified the statements which he was obliged to take on trust. Its originality lay rather in the effort which it made to view the science of life as a unity, and lay down some simple and universal laws. Looking back upon it from the more advanced position of a quarter of a century later, the author said of it, that the novelty of its plan and the general merits of its execution obtained for it a more favourable reception than might have been justified by a severe scrutiny ; his know- ledge had been drawn rather from books than from nature ; he had systematized the facts collected by others, rather than added to the store by independent research. Yet ever 2d MEMORIAL SKETCH. in its first crudity he believed that the work was of service in giving a scientific direction to the studies of others, just as the preparation of it had consoHdated his own. In sub- sequent editions it was entirely re-written, enlarged, and modified. Two thoughts may here, however, be named, for the sake of their bearing on his future views. Doctrines of " progressive development " and evolution were already vaguely in the air ; and he applied them to the evolution of structure in the following passage : — In the early stages of formation in every animal or vegetable, we may observe as great a dissimilarity to its ultimate condition as exists between the lower and higher members of each kingdom. And if we watch the progress of evolution, we may trace a cor- respondence between that of the germ in its advance towards maturity, and that exhibited by the permanent conditions of the races occupying different parts of the ascending scale of creation. This correspondence results from the operation of the same law in both cases. If we compare the forms which the same organ presents in different parts of the series, we shall always observe that it exists in its most general or diffused form in the lowest classes, and in its most special and restricted in the highest, and that the transition from one form to the other is a gradual one. Secondly, he criticized the principle which Cuvier and other writers had endeavoured to erect into a law, under the name of the " harmony of forms." It implied that there was a specific plan, not only for the formation, but for the combination of organs ; that there was a constant harmony between organs apparently the most remote, and that the altered form of one was invariably attended with a corres- ponding alteration in the others. But, argued William Carpenter — A little consideration will show that the existence of this adaptation of parts is nothing more than a result of other laws of development. It is evident that if it were deficient, the race must speedily become extinct, the conditions of its existence EVOLUTION AND DESIGN. 25 being no longer fulfilled ; these conditions being, for the whole organism, what the vital stimuli already described are for its in- dividual properties. . . . The statement above given cannot, therefore, be regarded as a latu^ since it is nothing more than the expression, in an altered form, of the fact that as the life of an organized being consists in the performance of a series of actions, which are dependent on one another, and all directed to the same end, whatever seriously interferes with any of those actions must be incompatible with the maintenance of existence. Thus was a young naturalist already feeling after the doctrine afterwards to be formulated as the " survival of "the fittest." The principle implied in his view led im- mediately to a striking modification in the doctrine of design, as it had been taught since the days of Paley. Those who have dwelt most upon this adaptation of the structure of living beings to the external conditions in which they exist, appear to have forgotten that these very conditions might be regarded with just as much propriety as specially adapted to the support of living beings. We have as much ground to believe that this earth, with all its varieties of season, temperature, light, moisture, etc., was adjusted for the mainte- nance of plants and animals upon its surface, as that these plants and animals were created in accordance with its pre- existing circumstances. The Natural Philosopher does not regard it as a sufficient explanation of the astronomical or meteorological changes which he witnesses, that they are for the benefit of the living inhabitants of the globe, and yet, as it has been already shown, they furnish conditions of vital action as important as those afforded by organized structure. The Philo- sophical Anatomist, therefore, does not regard the object or function of a particular structure as a sufficient account of its existence ; but in attaining the laws of its formation in- dependently of any assumption of an end, he really exhibits the primary design in a much higher character, than in de- ducing it from any limited results of its operation. Shortly after the publication of this treatise, William Carpenter proceeded to Edinburgh, where an alteration in 26 MEMORIAL SKETCH. the University regulations enabled him to graduate by three months' additional residence. Once more on the students' bench, in the winter of 1839, he had the pleasure of hearing his book quoted in class with high approval by the Professor. There, moreover, he renewed old friendships, and took his place again at the meetings of the Royal Medical Society, to which he read the dissertation afterwards sent in for his degree of Doctor of Medicine. He chose for his subject " The Physiological Inferences to be deduced from the Structure of the Nervous System of Invertebrated Ani- mals." Like his earlier productions, this was based less upon results of original anatomical or experimental inquiry, than upon facts already determined. But he gave a fresh inter- pretation of these facts : he .showed that the doctrines hitherto taught by Dr. Grant and Mr. Newport, for example, were inconsistent with them ; and he proceeded to apply to the nervous systems of articulated and molluscous animals the principles of reflex action, of which he had already else- where discussed the higher forms. His views were at once adopted by Professor Owen and other eminent physiolo- gists. Mr. Newport, indeed, at first contested them, but subsequent inquiry convinced him of the correctness of his critic's position, which he frankly adopted in a Memoir published in the Philosophical Transactions for 1843. From Edinburgh, Dr. W. B. Carpenter returned to Bristol, to resume his lectures at the Medical School, and to make another effort to acquire a practice. He found himself among a circle of friends whose varied tastes and powers in some degree compensated him for the loss of the intellectual stimulus of the northern University. To Dr. Prichard, the author of the well-known " Physical History of Mankind," who resided in the old Elizabethan mansion known as the Red Lodge,* he looked up with almost filial * Afterwards converted by Mary Carpenter into a Reformatory for Girls. SETTLEMENT IN BRISTOL. 27 reverence and gratitude. In his old master, Mr. Estlin, he had the kindest and most judicious of counsellors. From Mr. Stutchbury, the curator of the Museum in the Philoso- phical Institution, he derived many a valuable fact in natural history. The refined and cultivated companionship of Dr. Symonds, afterwards the leading physician of the West of England, and the beautiful musical skill of the Rev. S. C. Fripp,* who played the organ at the Levvin's Mead Chapel, ministered to a different side of his nature. And another intimacy belonging to this period was a source of great pleasure to him in after-years, when circumstances again brought the two men together, — his acquaintance with Mr. Francis William Newman, under whom his brother Philip had studied at the Bristol College. When proposals were started for removing Manchester New College from York to Manchester, and it was known that this step would involve the loss of the services of Mr. Kenrick, its eminent teacher in the languages and literature of antiquity, Dr. W. B. Carpenter wrote to his brother Russell in the follow- ing terms: — November, 1839. I wish, when you see Mr. Martineau, you would mention Mr. Newman to him as classical tutor. He would also under- take mathematics. I do not know whether it is considered essential to have all Unitarians, but Mr. Newman is, I believe, nearer one than anything else, and I cannot imagine any greater advantage to the College than to have such a mind as his in connection with it. Freedom of inquiry is his leading principle. You know how logical he is, and what a beautiful spirituality there is in his character.t The practice which Dr. W. B. Carpenter had now resolved to seek, was not, however, easy to find. His * Mr. Fripp, father of the well-known artists, George and Alfred Fripp, had left the Church of England on theological grounds. t The arrangement here suggested was, some time after, carried into effect. 28 MEMORIAL SKETCH. reputation as a writer proved rather injurious than bene- ficial to him. Moreover, he longed more and more to devote himself to the pursuit and exposition of scientific truth, and he found the distractions of professional work in the highest degree irksome. Besides the difficulties risins; from such interruptions, he was peculiarly susceptible to the feeling of responsibility in connection with his cases. They haunted him painfully, and he could not put them aside. He was often ready enough in other relations to incur responsibility without flinching ; but in the treatment of disease his sensitiveness caused a continuous distress which time and use failed to overcome. The summer and autumn of 1839 were partly spent in harassing attempts to obtain a more remunerative lectureship than that which he held at the Medical School ; though he was able, in addition, to gather general audiences at the Philoso- phical Institution for popular courses on Natural History. A step in this direction was made in 1840, when he exchanged the subject of Medical Jurisprudence for that of Physiology in the Medical School. He made up his mind finally to seek his livelihood as a teacher and writer, and abandon all further idea of medical practice. A second edition of his treatise on " General and Comparative Physiology " was required in 1841; and in 1842 he brought out a new work entitled, " Principles of Human Physiology." These years were marked for him by important family incidents. He had lived so much away from home, and his intellectual interests had been so keen, that he felt afterwards that he had been too much absorbed by his own aims. In the home labours, where his mother and sisters were carrying on the school which provided the means for his education, he had had no share — he had only accepted their results. The strain of study, of thought, of production had often been protracted and severe ; and he had not the LIFE IN BRISTOL. 29 elasticity of nature which enabled him easily to throw off its effects. He was conscious that he had often failed, as he said, to make his outward conduct conform to his real sentiments in family intercourse ; he knew that his manners had " a rough and sometimes prickly exterior." The death of Dr. Lant Carpenter, who was drowned in the Mediter- ranean in the spring of 1840, while on a voyage for his health, brought these sentiments of self-reproach into strong prominence in his mind. He occupied himself during the summer with the preparation of a volume of his father's sermons ; and recorded in a letter to his old and much-valued friend, Mrs. Wright, of Dalston, the thoughts which they awakened in his mind. Kingsdown, Bristol, September 6, 1840, There has been to me a melancholy pleasure in thus renew- ing, as it were, my intercourse with my father's mind by retracing his writings with more care than as an ordinary reader I should have bestowed upon them. . . . How much I wish that in my moral character I had more of his spirit. I often think of him as one who has shown us how nearly it is possible for frail human nature to approach the great Pattern by steadfastly keeping before his eyes the object of his imitation, and it is encouraging at times when a deeply humbling sense of one's own shortcomings might otherwise lead to despondency and doubt of the possibility of acting up sufficiently near to the Gospel standard. I can dwell now without pain on the events of the past few months, for my mind, though generally violently affected by the first shock, more easily reconciles itself than that of many persons to what is certain ; and the nature of my pursuits, too, causes the thought that all is the ordination of a wise and loving Parent, to become interwoven with it — so far, at least, as to check the murmur, if it cannot repress the sigh. I trust that this source of consolation may not fail me in any trials to which it may be the will of Providence that I should hereafter be subjected. 30 MEMORIAL SKETCH. This sorrow passed away in the establishment of a home of his own. On October 24, 1840, Dr. Carpenter was married at Exeter, to Louisa Powell. Her father, who had died during her girlhood, had been a well-known merchant in the city ; her mother was a daughter of Henry Cort, whose invention of iron-puddling, though it brought ruin to himself, proved the source of enormous wealth to the English nation. In the little house on Kingsdown, at the top of a steep flight of steps leading up from the square below, and commanding a splendid view of the valley in which lay the busy city with its towers and spires, its factory chimneys, and the masts of its shipping, there was planted the beginning of a happiness which grew with deepening experience through five and forty years. A certain quaint- ness marked the arrangements of the little morning room, where the young wife saw behind her husband's chair, at the other end of the table, a human skeleton set up erect. There was never any other. From first to last they lived in undivided trust. Round the home gathered many intellectual and social interests. Music brightened it continually. . This had been always a favourite taste, almost a passion. When the Medical Society at Edinburgh had celebrated its centenary in 1837, William Carpenter, then its senior president, on whom devolved the duty of delivering the oration of the day, had lamented that it debarred him from sharing in the vocal entertainment which followed the feast : " a "number of the members, with Dr. Christison at their head, " got up some capital glees. I could not join in this, as I " had not time for previous practising." There was more time now, in the intervals between lecturing and literary work. With the fruits of one of his prize-essays he had purchased an organ, in Edinburgh ; it was regarded by his family as a kind of idol, and bore the familiar name ot LIFE IN BRISTOL. 31 Dagon, the piano coming in only second, as Dagonella. The microscope also was busily employed in the evenings in the drawing-room, and Dr. Carpenter began a series of investigations into the microscopical structure of shells, which first made known his capacities for independent research. The chapel and its organ were not forgotten. And the whole was crowned in 1841 by the birth of a son. Here is a glimpse of his life, as it was shaping itself in the spring of 1842, when he was just finishing his winter courses of lectures : — I have been working a good deal with the microscope, and have made some discoveries which I think quite worthy of being communicated to the Royal Society. I am also busy in preparing our collection of psalm-tunes, which we are about to publish. There have been several good reviews of my " Physi- ology." Little Billy is thriving very well, and is really a very intelligent, good-tempered child. I am glad he does not take after his papa in the latter particular. III. Dr. Carpenter had now acquired a reputation as a scientific writer, which justified him in becoming a can- didate, in the summ.er of 1842, for the Professorship of the Institutes of Medicine in the University of Edinburgh. Many of the eminent teachers of the faculty would have welcomed such a colleague ; but the chair was not in their gift. The election lay with the Lord Provost and the Town Council, who regarded his Unitarianism as a fatal disqualification for the teaching of physiology, and declined even to consider his claims. It was a bitter disappoint- ment to him ; and the repetition of it some years later, when he again came forward as candidate for the post vacated by the lamented death of his friend, Professor 32 MEMORIAL SKETCH. Edward Forbes, reopened an old wound. But he had the happiness of feeling, long before he himself passed away, that, through the spread of larger views of Christianity, this ground of objection was for ever removed. In the mean time he was obliged to labour incessantly with his pen. In 1841 he had undertaken, single-handed, the issue of a " Cyclopaedia of Natural Science." Treatise after treatise, on Animal Physiology, Mechanical Philo- sophy, Horology, Astronomy, Vegetable Physiology, Botany, and Zoology, poured out in a stream of yellow- backed numbers with punctual regularity for three years. Such a production gave him a wide range of knowledge, and enabled him often to enrich his lectures and essays with varied illustrations. But the struggle to maintain his position was severe ; and the acquaintance which he formed in the autumn of 1843 with Lady Byron and her daughter, Lady Lovelace, led to his removal to Ripley, in Surrey, to undertake the superintendence of certain branches of the education of Lord Lovelace's two chil- dren at his country-seat at Ockham. The only available house was small and inconvenient ; the precious organ had to be left behind. Withdrawn from the circle of his friends in Bristol, he was more closely occupied than ever with his scientific studies, of which he felt his grasp becoming stronger and deeper. When the second edition of his *' Human Physiology " was called for in the summer of 1844, he wrote to his brother Russell : — It is very interesting to me to see how much progress my own knowledge of the subject has made during the last two years and a half, which many people think have been unprofit- ably occupied in writing the Cyclopaedias ; and to find how many views which I advanced hesitatingly have since been so far sanctioned by additional facts that I can now state them with almost certainty. AT RIPLEY. 33 At Ockham, and at the hospitable house of Lady Byron, at Esher, Dr. Carpenter had occasional opportu- nities of making acquaintances outside the range of his own pursuits. The Dissenters' Chapels Act, passed in the summer of 1844, had relieved the Unitarians from the danger of being dispossessed of the chapels which they had inherited from their Presbyterian ancestors. Among the promoters of this measure was Mr. Samuel Smith, with whom Dr. Carpenter was thus brought into contact. He had taken an active part in the Committee for the Chapels Bill, and I was glad to learn that a subscription is being entered into for making a present to Mr. Field, who most liberally declines receiving any remuneration for his services, though (as I have heard from several sources) all his time this Session, and much of his time for the two preceding, has been taken up about this business. Mr, Smith fully con- firmed my previous impressions : that without his exertions, and the influence he has gained by his thorough probity and professional skill with the Government Law Officers, the Bill would never have passed. I know it to be a fact that nearly every Government speech was got up from materials supplied by him, and taken with the utmost confidence. Gladstone's speech was prepared within thirty-six hours of the Debate. These passing glimpses into the outside world could not, however, compensate for the absence of the religious sympathy to which he had been accustomed. I feel the loss of public worship (so he wrote to his brother Russell, in December, 1S44) more than any other kind of in- convenience of my situation here. I have a most particular attachment to Lewin's Mead Chapel, and to the worship as there conducted ; and you can scarcely think how strong is my yearning to be at my old post, and to feci that I am endeavour- ing, however feebly, to lead the devotional feelings of the con- gregation by that form of expression which is, in my own mind, 34 MEMORIAL SKETCH. so closely related to what there is of heaven in mortal feelings. I shall be better pleased when I have Dagon again, for at pre- sent I do not feel the music of our little service as connecting me with public worship — a piano and organ are so different — but perhaps you may not understand this, and may think that I set too much value on trifles. But you know that different minds are differently constituted, and that the feelings, espe- cially, are affected in different ways. It takes a greal deal to move me on some subjects, but I am susceptible enough (with all my philosophy) on others. . . . Never since I have begun to look at the subject at all, have I felt so much hope of human progress as I do now. The advance, almost silently for a long time, but now manifesting itself in a variety of ways, towards what I deem right views on a great variety of subjects, is to me most wonderful and cheer- ing, and I hope I shall never feel discouraged at want of success in any of my own individual efforts to forward it. The year 1844 was distinguished by the publication of the remarkable book entitled " The Vestiges of Creation," which first suggested the theory afterwards known as " genetic development," or the lineal descent of the higher forms of plants and animals from the lower. The parallel between many of its conceptions and those expounded in Dr. Carpenter's writings, led some readers to ascribe it to him. Early in 1845 he met, at Lady Byron's, the Hon. Miss Murray, one of the Queen's maids of honour. She was very amusing (he reported), especially as she was full of royal and noble opinions upon phrenology and mes- merism, and especially upon the "Vestiges," which is being very extensively read in the highest circles, and generally attributed to me. Prince Albert is reading it aloud to the Queen in an afternoon. This is his customary employment,- and they read through many valuable works in that manner. In an article in the British mid Foreign Medical Review, published in January, 1845, Dr. Carpenter ex- pressed his sympathy with many of the author's positions, ''THE VESTIGES OF CREATION:' 35 though he critic'zed various errors of detail. But he was not prepared to accept the main doctrine, for which he regarded the evidence as altogether inadequate. And on more abstract grounds, he somewhat hesitatingly sug- gested that if it were admitted as possible that any com- bination of inorganic matter could under any circumstances produce a living being, there was no reason why such a combination should not be the real origin of every race, including man himself Every species would thus have been called into being in accordance with the original plan and the pervading energy of the Creator, just when that coincidence of circumstances occurred which was favour- able to its development and continuance. It was cha- racteristic of his state of imperfect emancipation from the traditional view of Biblical revelation in which he had been trained, that he added — That the Creator formed man out of the dust of the earth, we have Scriptural authority for believing ; and we must con- fess our own predilection for the idea that, at a certain period, however remotely antecedent, the Creator endowed certain forms of inorganic matter with the properties requisite to enable them to combine at the fitting season into the human organism, — over that which would lead us to regard the great- grandfather of our common progenitor as a chimpanzee. A little later, however, he seemed to be somewhat more favourably inclined to the general proposition, as a matter of a priori probability, though the evidence of science then appeared to him clearly to indicate "the non- ^' convertibility of species really distinct;" and in one of a scries of papers published in the Inquirer, in 1845, on "The Harmony of Science and Religion," he thus pointed out the important analogies on which he afterwards dwelt so much, between the presence of design in the evolution of the solar system, in the evolution of any given human 36 MEMORIAL SKETCH. form from its first germ, and in the evolution of the entire organic world. In this hypothesis I cannot see anything that is either abstractedly improbable, or that in the least tends to separate the idea of Creative Design from the Organized Creation. There is surely nothing more Atheistical in the idea that the Creator, instead of originating each race by a distinct and separate act (the notion commonly entertained), gave to the first created Monad those properties, by the continued action of which, through countless ages, a Man would be evolved, — than there is in the idea, to which we are irresistibly led by Physiological study, that the Creator has given such properties to the first germ-cell of the human ovum, as enable it to become developed into the human form in the course of only a few months ; — or in the idea, to which Astronomical research seems to lead, that the Deity, instead of establish- ing the present system of the Universe by creating each star and planet in its present form, setting it in a particular place, and giving it a certain motion, produced this result by the creation of Nebular Matter, and by the endowment of it with certain properties, whose continued operation fiecessarily wrought it out. If we believe that to the mind of the Deity, the past and the future are alike present, and that His pre- science is so perfect as to comprehend all the results of the plan on which He conducts the operations of the Universe, we see His hand in the mode of creation supposed by this hypothesis of development, fully as much as in the one com- monly attributed to Him. And if we believe that what we call laivs and properties of matter are nothing else than human expressions of the constancy of the mode in which the Creator operates, we see that the hypothesis coincides with all which Science and Religion alike teach, respecting the invariability of His mode of working. To imagine that the Creator was obliged to interpose, or to exert some special agency, for the production of new races of plants and animals, every time that the conditions of the earth's surface became incompatible with the continued existence of those previously existing, and at the same time became prepared for others, — RELIGIOUS PHILOSOPHY. 37 appears to me the same thing as to suppose that He was obhged, through want of previous acquaintance with the changes on the earth's surface, to meet the emergencies as they might arise, and to compensate for the unforeseen ex- tinction of one race of beings, by the special creation of another. The course of Dr. Carpenter's thought had at this time only appeared to confirm the view of the world and of life in which he had been brought up. He had accepted the Biblical record as a supernatural revelation accredited by miracles. He said, indeed, that — We must allow a great deal in regard to the form of what we call revelation, and that physical science, in the form in which it is now developing itself, is another revelation which is adapted to convince the intellect of those who could not receive the same doctrines as mere matters of faith. And' he added — As the mind of man advances, I believe that the Biblical revelation will come to be regarded in the light in which 1 now view it, i.e. as specially designed for those periods when the human mind would more passively receive the truths it teaches, and would give more ready credence to the proofs by which it was then supported ; that, as less confidence comes to be placed in the external evidences, the strength of the internal will be found to increase ; and that, in fine, the fundamental truths of religion will rest on the generalizations of science, blended with the express declarations of God, the latter being received chiefly as such, because in full accordance with the former. The " internal evidences," however, on which Dr. Car- penter was then disposed to rely, were not those of the moral and religious affections ; they were almost wholly of an intellectual kind ; they were such as were suggested by the contemplation of the " plan of creation," and the indica- tions of the presence and energy of mind in the world around. In such a mood of thought, miracles still had 438093 38 MEMORIAL SKETCH. their place and value. His attention had not yet been called, either by literary criticism or by the study of the conditions under which beliefs are formed, to the origin and composition of the Gospel narratives. To impugn the miracles as facts (he wrote to his brother Russell, in the letter just quoted. February 2, 1845), seems to me to indicate a very incorrect view of the nature of evidence ; and the desire to do so which prompts the attempt shows, I think, a very perverted view of the real character of revelation as well as of the import of " natural laws." Miracles were, in fact, the manifestation of some higher law. The conception of the uniformity of the Divine action in the universe had at this time so complete a sway over Dr. Carpenter's mind that he surrendered to it even the entire range of human thought and volition. In later days he became known as the ardent opponent of that interpretation of our consciousness now designated as " de- " terminism." But his earlier studies had only strengthened him in the strict necessarian ideas of his original education. He had been trained by his father in the principles of Hartley; his psychological text-book had been James Mill's "Analysis of the Human Mind;" and his acquaintance with John Stuart Mill, and the perusal of his treatise on Logic, had not tended to weaken the general notions thus impressed upon him. These notions appeared confirmed by his scientific inquiries, which had hitherto dealt entirely with the world of matter, and had not yet extended to the processes of the mind. He was saved from the conse- quences of the elder Mill's dissection of the idea of God by his acceptance of a doctrine of revelation ; and, under the strong belief in the presence of design in nature, his empi- rical philosophy and his religion found a comfortable shelter together. Accordingly, in another of the Inquirer papers already quoted, he affirms (§ 97) "that all human actions RELIGIOUS PHILOSOPHY. 39 " (being the results of the operation of circumstances upon the " mental constitution of each individual according to fixed " laws) are to be regarded, like the phenomena of the Physical " Universe, as the expressions of the will of the Creator," and (§ I08) "that all the actions of the human mind are as "much the expressions of the Divine will as are the opera- "tions of man's bodily frame, or the movements of the "heavenly bodies." Where all mental operations are but the working out of the Divine plan, the belief in our own freedom is, of course, a part of that plan. " Hence we are "to ourselves perfectly free. We do as we wish, notwith- " standing that our volitions are all the necessary results of " our constitution and circumstances, and are prearranged " by Deity." We must in consequence (argued Dr. Carpenter) recognize in the phenomena of mind the same determinateness as in those of physics and vitality. The difficulty which affects us in regard to the prediction of them is precisely that which affects the meteorologist, viz. a very imperfect acquaintance with the conditions under which the phenomena occur. If these conditions are fully known, the result may be accurately predicted. This absolute abandonment of all individual causation, which was thus merged in the only true self in the whole universe — namely, God — required an immediate revision of the meaning of the common terms of the moral conscious- ness. The current ideas of responsibility, merit, guilt, all disappeared. With them passed away, likewise, the ordi- nary view of rewards and punishments, and all justification for the doctrine of eternal torments. It cannot be regarded as consistent with either the justice or the benevolence of the Deity (concluded Dr. Carpenter) that he sliould, by the infliction of additional suffering, as a retribti- tio7i for acts which are really his own, increase the burden 40 MEMORIAL SKETCH. of evil under which the human race already lies as a necessary consequence of its imperfection. All ideas of punishment, as necessary to satisfy Divine wrath, or to expiate human offences, are excluded on the present scheme. But it does not exclude the idea of suffering, as on the one hand a necessary conse- quence of human error, and on the other as requisite for the eradication of that error, and for the purification and elevation of the human soul. It was characteristic of his fidelity to the steadfast rectitude of his moral training, however imperfectly it might harmonize with his theoretical interpretations, that he still sought to maintain our accountability to the Deity even for the " acts which are really his own." We are as much aceoiintahle to our Creator for the use we make of our powers as if he had committed them to our charge in ignorance of the result ; and our virtues and faults are to us as much under the control of the self-regulating power with which he has endowed us as they could be if we had no relation to him whatever as a Creator, but were self-existent beings. Nature had been driven out with a pitchfork, but it persisted in coming back. What use Dr. Carpenter was afterwards to make of the meaning of the " self-regulating power " which he thus recognized, the essays on " Human Automatism," written after thirty years more of experience and reflection, will abundantly show. IV. In the spring of 1845, the arrangement with Lord Lovelace was brought to a close, and Dr. Carpenter moved to London, He had been appointed in the preceding year to the Fullerian Professorship of Physiology in the Royal Institution, and he had been elected a Fellow of the Royal Society, He now undertook the course of General Anatomy SETTLEMENT IN LONDON. 41 and Physiology at the London Hospital, where he continued to lecture for the next twelve years. He settled in a small house in Stoke Newington, which he exchanged shortly after for a more convenient residence near the Regent's Park. The usual home life went on without interruption, broken only by occasional excursions to various parts of the country for courses of popular lectures on Natural History. The constant toil of production must be kept up, and in 1846 appeared a " Manual of Physiology," in which the doctrines of the larger treatises were condensed. He continued to contribute to the British and Foreign Medical Review, of which he became editor in 1847, on the retire- ment of Dr. Forbes, who warmly expressed his great indebtedness to him for his ever-ready aid. For the next five years he bestowed upon it a large amount of time and energy ; besides his general supervision, he wrote numerous articles for it, on a still wider range of subjects than he had hitherto discussed. Another post was conferred on him in 1847 by his election to the Examinership in Physiology and Comparative Anatomy in the University of London ; and when the Fullerian Professorship at the Royal Listitu- tion expired in the same year, the trustees of the British Museum designated him for the Swiney Lectureship on Geology. This list may be completed by the record of his succession, in 1849, to the chair of Medical Jurisprudence in University College; and, in 1852, to the Principalship of University Hall. These different appointments brought Dr. Carpenter into connection with a larger circle of friends engaged in kindred pursuits, and enabled him to form ties which were severed only by death. With Dr. Sharpey, Professor of Physiology in University College, with Mr. (now Sir James) Paget, Dr. (now Sir Joseph) Hooker, and Mr. George Busk, he remained always in relations of cherished intimacy. Mr. 42 MEMORIAL SKETCH. Robert Chambers sought him out in an early visit, and the suspicion which he had already formed through correspon- dence with him as to the authorship of the " Vestiges," was strongly confirmed by their subsequent intercourse, which ripened into warm friendship. His researches into the micro- scopic structure of shells brought him the acquaintance of Mr. Darwin, who requested him to examine for him some specimens of the great Pampas formation, for the " Geo- logical History of South America," on which he was then engaged. These shell-inquiries, which he had begun at Bristol, and continued at Ripley, were conducted with the aid of grants from the British Association, and the results were published in its Reports for 1844 and 1847, with forty plates lithographed from original drawings. They estab- lished his reputation as an original investigator, and prepared the way for his future labours on the great class of Foraminifera, on which his first paper was published in 1850. His discoveries among the Brachiopoda, in par- ticular, were extended and summarized in an Introductory Memoir on the microscopic structure of the shells of that group, contributed to Mr. Davidson's elaborate work on British Fossil Brachiopoda in 1853. Other friendships also entered his life from another side. He became acquainted with Mr. A. J. Scott,* and at his house he witnessed one evening an encounter between Mr. Carlyle and Professor F. W. Newman, who had left Man- chester to become Professor of Latin in University College, I have only left myself space (he related to his sister Mary, in the spring of 1847) to tell you briefly that I met Carlyle in society last night, and listened to a long debate between him and Newman, in Avhich Carlyle vehemently denounced tolera- tion as the destruction of all individuality. His language was * Then Professor of English in University College, London, and afterwards Principal of Owen's College, Manchester. RESIDENCE IN LONDON. 43 very forcible, and many of his views had much truth ; but he evidently pushed them to an extreme, either intentionally or through habit. In fact, on this occasion, Carlyle went so far as to defend Calvin for burning Servetus ; and Dr. Carpenter used often to relate how, when he had departed, Mr. Newman held up his hands in amazement, and asked, " Does Mr. Carlyle always talk like that.?" In his house at Regent's Park Terrace, Dr. Carpenter's nearest neighbours were Mr. Scott and Mr. Wills, the fellow-worker with Dickens in the manasrement of Household Words. Mrs. Wills was a sister of Mr. Robert Chambers, and in her society the hard- working man of science often found relief for his wearied brain among the drolleries of Scotch humour and the pathos of Scotch ballads, which he specially loved. Dr. Carpenter's residence in London also secured for him a renewal of the religious fellowship which he had so sorely missed in Ripley. He saw, indeed, some tendencies among those to whom he was otherwise drawn by theo- logical affinity, of which he seriously disapproved ; and with a touch of sarcasm very rare in his conversation or letters, he pointed out the danger to his brother Russell. I think that Unitarians are pretty nearly as likely to be Pharisaical as Trinitarians, if placed in the same circumstances. " God, I thank Thee that I am not as these poor blinded "idolaters that pray to Father, Son, and Holy Ghost," is, if I mistake not, a form of thanksgiving often felt among us, if not uttered. This dissatisfaction found expression in the year 1848, when he made an earnest and public protest against the refusal on the part of some who were regarded as leaders of the Unitarian body, to extend the Christian name to those who rejected the historical character of the Gospel miracles. The influence of German criticism was 3 44 MEMORIAL SKETCH, beginning to be powerfully felt in this country. The translation of Strauss's " Life of Jesus " had just appeared ; and the writings of Theodore Parker were exciting a vigorous interest, partly friendly, partly hostile, among English as among American Unitarians. Dr. Carpenter had not then entered on the psychological studies which were afterwards to modify his view of the conditions of belief under which the miraculous narratives grew up ; nor had he investigated the composition of the Gospels. " To " me," said he, " the evidence for the Christian miracles, taken "as a whole, is quite as much as is requisite to obtain my " intellectual assent." But that assent was practically ten- dered upon other grounds than historical testimony. It was on the character and teachings of Jesus that he really took his stand. " For myself, I should say with Locke, " ' The doctrine proves the miracles, rather than the miracles " ' the doctrine.' " With some of the most respected members of the Unitarian Association, therefore, he felt himself in imperfect sympathy ; and partly from this cause, and partly from the continued pressure of his lecture engage- ments, and subsequently, owing to his official connection with the University of London, he took no active share in it for many years. But in worship he found the satisfac- tion of his religious needs. His removal to Regent's Park Terrace enabled him to join the congregation at Rosslyn Hill, Hampstead, with whose pastor, Dr. Sadler, he formed at once a warm and intimate friendship. The musical por- tion of the service appeared to him, however, cold and bare, with its antiquated accompaniment of fiddles. With cha- racteristic energy he propounded a plan for the purchase of an organ and the formation of a choir. In this little sanctuary, enlarged and enlarged again as the congregation increased, was he to be found at the organ, Sunday by Sunday, for the next seventeen years \ and when this duty RESIDENCE IN LONDON. 45 was relinquished, he remained till the last a regular wor- shipper. How completely his religious interests crowned his life, and supplied him with a point of view from which to look on social affairs, may be seen from a passage in a letter to his mother, at the close of 1848. To Mrs. Carpenter, Bristol. London, December 31, 1848. We can never forget this year. How vast and wonderful have been its convulsions, and yet how insignificant at present seem its results. Yet I cannot but believe that it is only the commencement of a more enlightened and progressive state, and that the demonstrations of popular force which it has ex- hibited will prevent for the future anything like a return to the arbitrary systems of the past. And one most hopeful sign has been that there has been nowhere any reaction against religion, as in the first French Revolution. I cannot but think that the increased freedom of action in Germany will contribute to much more practical freedom of religious inquiry. It is wonderful how difficult that people have found it to carry their speculative freedom into action, owing as it would seem to a certain torpor of that part of their psychical nature which brings abstract prin- ciples into actualities. I have been very much struck with this in reading an article on Gfrorer's " Origin of Christianity " in the last Prospective Review. The article interested me very much, and gave me clearer views as to the philosophy of the Alexan- drian school than I had before. I have been much dwelling on the idea I mentioned to you that the Gospel of John was com- posed by John of Ephesus (the probable writer of the Epistles), from material supplied by the Apostle John ; and the more I trace in it the pervading influence of the Neo-Platonic philo- sophy, the more unlikely does it seem to me that the simple- minded aposde, whose Jewish and material mind is so strongly displayed in the Apocalypse, should himself have penned such a finished and metaphysical composition. For some time past the Temperance movement had been exciting more and more of Dr. Carpenter's interest. 46 MEMORIAL SKETCH. It had been earnestly espoused by the rest of his family ; and he was led to deal with it from the scientific side. Accordingly, in an article in the Medical Review, published in 1847, Dr. Carpenter discussed the effects of alcoholic drinks on the human system in health and disease. Two years later he obtained a prize of one hundred guineas for the best essay on the use and abuse of alcoholic liquors, which was published in 1850. He himself practised total abstinence, and trained his children to it, until repeated illnesses in later years (especially one of many months' duration in 1864-5) led him to take a moderate amount of stimulant. But he always remained a hearty friend to the Temperance cause. In an address on the "Physiology of Alcoholics," delivered in 1882, in the Tremont Temple, Boston, Massachusetts, at the request of Governor Long and other leading men, he reaffirmed many of the positions of his earlier essay. The five years during which Dr. Carpenter occupied the editorial chair of the Medico-Chiriirgical Review, were per- haps the busiest of all his busy life. His professional appointments kept him constantly at work as a lecturer. He poured out article after article in the Review. He was carrying his physiological treatises through new editions, into which so much fresh matter was absorbed that there sometimes seemed but little of the original structure left. And his natural history researches engaged his constant attention. Brief holidays only could he allow himself His day began at six, and often ended only at midnight, an hour or two over the microscope in the evening forming his only recreation, while his wife played or sang, or beguiled him to join her in a duet. In this continued .strain he had little time for family intercourse, and his corre- spondence was reduced to the smallest dim.ensions. Every now and then, however, the occurrence of some anniversary RESIDENCE IN LONDON. 47 led him to open his heart, or some fresh fact or idea kindled his enthusiasm, and impelled him to look for sympathy in the old Bristol home. The press of affairs often drove the returning birthday from his mind till he wrote the date, and the recollection of brother or sister surged up in his consciousness, and prompted his pen. The following passage from a letter to his sister Mary, shows the attitude of his thought to the memory of the great bereavement which had never long been absent from her imagination. It was written on her birthday, but it would arrive on the anniversary of her father's death, a day that must be felt by all of us to be one of deep interest, though lime modifies the painful part of the associations con- nected with it, and makes us dwell (or, rather, should do so) on the mutual happiness we enjoy as a family, notwithstanding our diversity of tastes and pursuits. . . . The memory of our dear father should not be to any of us, I think, associated with pain- ful feelings, even when thus specially recalled ; for we can all feel that we are occupied as he would approve, and carrying out in our various modes the objects in which he was most deeply interested. And while we may all of us at times regret the loss of his counsel and guidance, yet we may also feel that if it had been longer continued to us, we might either by resting too much upon it have too little cultivated our own self-reliance, or, on the other hand, carried as we have been into circumstances in which he could not follow us, we might have been often led to give him pain, by preferring our own judgment to his. Affec- tion never dies, though it may sleep ; and whether he be or be not at present regarding us with love, I no more think of his love as lost to us, than I do of that of my wife or children as extinguished when they are asleep. A year or two later he steals a few minutes from the rush of business to announce to the same sister a discovery among the Foraminifcra at which he has been so long working. 48 MEMORIAL SKETCH. To Miss Mary Carpenter. London, November 3, 1850. I have had a regular torrent of interruptions, so that if it continues I shall really be driven for a month or so to a country lodging where I may experience the blessed consciousness that no one can come in upon me. I try to exercise Christian charity towards the many people who bother me ; but it is really very difficult to do so when one feels driven to desperation by the want of power to fulfil one's engagements, to say nothing of the misery of having one's trains of thought interrupted, and the provoking consciousness that no sacrifice of one's self will remedy the evil, since my brain (and it is well for me that it is so) breaks down at once under overwork, and refuses to labour for more than twelve hours a day, by the very simple process of going to sleep over my pages. So when it will spin nothing more, I betake myself upstairs to tea, and finish in the evening with music and microscopizing ; the latter being a special delight to me at the present time, as I have found the most interesting things possible among my Australian dredgings, namely, the recent types of all my most interesting forms of fossil Forami- nifera (I only last night discovered the one wanting to com- plete the list), confirming all that I had advanced respecting them, with other forms entirely new. I do not know when I have been more fascinated by anything. By the side of these minute investigations he was at the same time pursuing two important lines of thought, not wholly unrelated to each other, both of which had for a long time engaged his attention. The connection sub- sisting between the different forces of Nature had excited his boyish interest when Mr. Exley had expounded to a Bristol audience that " new theory of matter " by which all the attractions of gravitation, cohesion, electricity, and the rest, might be explained upon the same principles. In dealing with the " laws regulating vital and physical pheno- mena," he had looked forward to a time when it might be THE VITAL AND PHYSICAL FORCES. 49 shown that the vital properties of matter resulted from some higher and more general qualities from which the physical might also be derived. He was now about to place this speculation on a more assured basis of fact and reasoning. And the study of the nervous system which he had begun in Edinburgh, was to be pursued more and more eagerly till it was to result in a complete reversal, largely on physiological grounds, of that interpretation of the moral consciousness which he had recently put forward with such security of faith. The publication of Mr. Grove's views on the " Corre- lation of the Physical Forces," in 1846, gave a vivid stimulus to Dr. Carpenter's reflections on this subject. He saw at once that they could be applied and extended within the domain of physiology. He had himself for some time urged that what were commonly called the vital properties of organic matter were simply the result of the capacities for action, with which its constituent molecules were endowed, when called into play under conditions suitable for their combination into living forms. He was now prepared to give more coherent shape to this conception. When the British Association met at Oxford, in 1847, he twice presented it for discussion. " In the Medical Section, where I spent " most of this morning," he wrote to his wife, on June 25, " I "gave some views which I had formed on the correlation of "the Vital and Physical Forces suggested by Mr. Grove's "pamphlet. I shall bring these forward also in the Physical " Section, where I think they will be better appreciated." Discussions such as these helped him to consolidate his thoughts ; they were further developed in scattered hints in the pages of the Medico- Chirurgical Review ; and in due time he felt that they were ripe enough for communication to the Royal Society. The following letters, to his mother, and to an old fellow-student, show the general drift of his ideas : — 50 MEMORIAL SKETCH. To Mrs. Carpenter, of Bristol London, 1849. I am longing for a little leisure to write out my paper for the Royal Society, on the " Vital and Physical Forces ; " and will rivOw try and give you some idea of it, as well as of some specu- lations which have arisen in my mind in connection with it, and on which I should like to have your opinion. The whole is built upon the views that Physical Philosophers have been lately coming to — that Light, Heat, Electricity, Mag- netism, Chemical Affinity, and Mechanical Motion, are all to be regarded as forms or modes oi force, and that they are mutually convertible, each being capable of producing the rest, either directly or through the medium of electricity, which is a sort of connecting link among them all. Thus the friction of two similar bodies produces heat ; of two dissimilar, electricity ; the heat and the electricity being more abundant as the motion is retarded, i.e. as the friction is greater. Conversely heat and electricity may be made to produce mechanical motion, as in the steam-engine and in the various electric rotatory machines. So electricity will produce heat, and heat will generate electricity. Electricity and magnetism are not identical, as was once sup- posed ; but each will produce the other, or may be converted into it. And, as in all these cases, the agent and the product are in a constant proportion to each other, it seems as if the same force were everywhere in action, though varied in its manifestations according to the circumstances under which it is operating. Now, I was first led to apply these views to the Vital forces by the very close relation that exists between nervous agency and electricity. All the most recent and trustworthy experi- ments lead to the conclusion that the two are not identical, as some have supposed, but that they are very closely related; Electricity being able to generate Nerve-force (manifested both in musculoj motion and in sensation), and Nerve-force being able to generate electricity, as in the electric fishes. Carrying out these views, I have brought together phenomena which in- dicate that the Nerve-force may be excited by Heat, Light THE VITAL AND PHYSICAL FORCES. 51 Chemical Affinity, and Mechanical Motion ; and that it may in turn excite all these forces. Thus it appears that we have a right to say that Nerve-force is as completely correlated to Electricity and the other physical forces as they are to each other \ its peculiarity being that it is only manifested through a certain peculiar material structure. But this is not sufficient to separate it, though it keeps it distinct. Until lately we thought that Magnetism could only be manifested by iron ; and it is only through a peculiar combination of metals that Heat can be made to generate Electricity. So it is only through nervous structure that Electricity, etc., can generate Nerve-force. From Nerve-force I was led to consider other Vital forces, as those of growth and development, muscular force, the chemical transformations peculiar to living bodies and others ; and was able to reduce them all to one general expression, that of cell- force ; all of these forces being, in my apprehension, but varied expressions of that which is manifested in its simplest form in the development of a cell, the elementary form of all organized structure ; as is indicated by the circumstance that when a cell has taken on one mode or action, it seems incapable of performing any other, each peculiar vital endowment being manifested by a set of cells appropriated to it. The question next arises whether these vital forces have any relation to the physical ; and guided by the connection between one of them (Nerve-force) and Electricity, I was led to look at well-known facts in a new point of view, and to conclude that the Vital forces manifested by plants are really the Heat and Light which they receive, transformed, by acting through organic germs, into cell-forces ; so that the Vital forces of plants are correlated to Heat and Light, as is further shown by the fact that certain plants can generate these by their own vital powers. The proof is of the same kind in regard to animals ; but their dependence on external Heat is not so obvious, in consequence of a provision for the internal production of heat existing among many of them. But it is as true of them as of plants, that the activity of their vital operations is in direct proportion to the measure of heat which their bodies receive in one mode or the other. Thus a frog will live slow or fast, just according as the temperature of the air or water is near 32° or 80°. 53 MEMORIAL SKETCH All this I have developed in my " Comparative Physiology " — not as fully, however, as I could wish. But I have there avoided touching on the relation of Mental force to those commonly called Material. I have been turning the matter over in my mind, however, and have come to the conclusion that we cannot logically separate them. It is all very well to say that Mind and Matter are distinct entities ; but we are talking of forces, not of material substances, and I cannot see any reason for shrinking from the conclusions to which the facts appear to point. These conclusions you will find in the enclosed note to a friend, whose opinion I much desired. In addition to what I have said there of the action of the mind upon the body, I might advert to the influence of emotional states in modifying the nutrition and secretion, and conversely to the marvellous influence of a slight contamination of the blood on the emotional states. To Dr. Paget. I have been thinking much more about Mental phenomena, and have been questioning within myself whether Mental force should not be brought into the general category of the Vital forces, on the grounds that Nervous force excites Mental force (as in sensation giving origin to Mental operations), and con- versely Mental force excites Nervous force (as in emotional or volitional actions). It seems to me impossible to deny that this correlation is as complete as those existing among the physical forces ; whatever we may think of the degree in which the higher phenomena of mind are dependent upon material conditions. Further, Nervous force is, in the animal body, that kind of connecting link between Mental force and the Physical forces which Electricity (as Grove has shown) often is among the Physical forces themselves, one being often convertible into another through the medium of electricity, which is not thus convertible directly. But if such a correlation really exists between Mental and Vital and Physical forces, that the one may even indirectly produce the other, may we not regard all the physical forces of the universe as the direct manifestation of the Mental force of the Deity ? I believe that I could find very orthodox testimony in support of some such view. Locke THE VITAL AND PHYSICAL FORCES. 53 argues that all notion of power is derived from our conscious- ness of effort (a doctrine advanced as novel by later philosophers), and that the existence of the powers of nature thus necessarily leads us back to a mental source for them. It is to me very interesting to find the two lines of argument— the one starting from the correlation of the Physical, Vital, and Mental forces, as indicated by objective facts ; the other from the analysis of our own subjective consciousness — which, so far from being in any way irreverent, only gives a new argument for the existence of an Intelligent First Cause. From this point of view I should look upon the whole Kosmos as the corporeity of the Deity, a doctrine which some may think pantheistic, but which seems to me necessarily to follow from that of his universal and immediate agency, which I cannot but regard as the highest method of viewing his modus operandi. Thus I should regard the mutual correlation of mental forces as enabling one mind to act on another directly or indirectly, according to the means of communication, that of the Deity upon man directly, that of man upon man indirectly. The correlation of the Mental and Vital forces is manifested on the large scale in the phenomena of life, and the direct result of the Divine agency ; on a smaller and more limited scale in the mutual relations of mental and corporeal activity in man. The .- correlation of the Mental and Physical is manifested in the way in which man acts on external nature, and is acted upon by it, through the medium of Nervous force, but more directly in the phenomena of the material universe considered as the immediate expression of the Divine will. In working out such speculations it will, of course, be very difficult to avoid shocking the prejudices of some good and wise people ; but I do not mind this if the philosophy of them will bear a rigid examination, as I am certain that in the end they will tend to render our ideas of the Divine agency more definite, and at the same time to elevate our conceptions of it, by showing that in every way in which we feel ourselves limited, the Deity is unlimited, his mind exerting itself directly and universally in every class of phenomena. The views indicated in the first of these letters were 54 MEMORIAL SKETCH. embodied In a memoir " On the Mutual Relations of the Vital and Physical Forces," chiefly written in 1849, and communicated in 1850 to the Royal Society. To this paper Dr. Carpenter looked back in after-years as one of his most original productions. He did not seek in it, he said, "to " increase the knowledge of existing facts, so much as to "develop new relations between those already known." Its main thesis was that what is called " vital force " really has its origin in solar light and heat, not (as generally taught up to that date) in a power inherent in the germ ; that which the germ supplies, according to his views, being the directive agency by which forces derived ab externo are used in the building-up and maintenance of the organism. The paper was at first regarded as too abstract and hypo- thetical, and some doubt was expressed as to its admission into the " Philosophical Transactions." It ultimately ap- peared there in 185 1 ; but it made little impression at the time. Its line of argument, however, secured more and m.ore attention, and its conclusions were finally accepted as a part of the general doctrine of the " Conservation of Energy," which had been previously promulgated by Mayer and Helmholtz, but was not at that time known beyond Germany.* V. While these speculations were occupying Dr. Carpenter's thought, he was at the same time slowly elaborating a view * See the passages from the article entitled, " The Phasis of Force," below, p. 173. In a lecture on " Present Aspects of Physiology " (Edinburgh, 1874), Professor Rutherford said, " Much of the present aspect of physiology is owing " to Ludwig, who introduced into biological study the graphic method of record- " ing movement invented by Thomas Young; to Carpenter, who applied to " pliysiological phenomena Grove's principle of the correlation ol force, and so, " much about the same time as Mayer and independently of him, paved the way " to the application to physiology of Joule and Helmholtz's great principle of " the conservation of energy ; much of it is owing to Du Bois Reymond, on " account of his researches on animal electricity," DETERMINISM AND SELF-DIRECTION 55 of the nervous system and the functions of the brain which was destined to overthrow the entire fabric of his early- determinism. His interest in these problems dated from his student-days at Edinburgh ; and they had been dis- cussed, though somewhat briefly, and on the lines then usually accepted, in the first editions of his treatise on " Human Physiology." But a marked advance was made in the year 1846, by the publication of an article in the British and Foreign Medical Reviczv, on Mr. Noble's work on " The Brain and its Physiology." In this essay, Dr. Carpenter discussed the true methods of investigation into the physiology of the brain, with especial reference to phrenology, whose supposed scientific foundations were completely demolished. Pie then proceeded to extend the idea of reflex action to the centres of sensation and idea- tion, and, as a writer in the Times observed after his death, "enunciated, with a completeness which has stood the test " of time, the fundamental notions of ' consensual ' and ' ideo- " motor ' action." * Mr. Noble was converted, and became one of his critic's warmest friends. And Mr. J. S. Mill wrote from the India House to express his admiration and assent : — I should have been truly vexed not to have heard imme- diately of such a valuable contribution to science as your paper, I have read it once with great care, but I must read it a second time before I can have completely incorporated it with my system of thought. I have long thought that you were the person who would set to rights the pretensions of present and the possibilities of future phrenology ; but I did not venture to hope that I should see, so soon, anything approaching in com- pleteness and conclusiveness to this. The doctrine of the will remained in the background in this essay; but it quickly forced its way into Dr. Carpenter's * Dr. Carpenter's own summary of his conclusions at this period will be found below, p. 159. 56 MEMORIAL SKETCH. psychology, through the study of abnormal mental con- ditions, and the attention which he bestowed on mesmerism, electro-biology, and other fashionable aberrations. In January, 1847, he contributed to his Review an article on Dr. Moreau's " Psychological Studies on Hachisch and on Mental Derangement." The book made a deep impression upon him, for it enabled him to grasp as he had never done before the significance of the control exerted by the will in a mind of healthy activity over its own trains of thought. One of the first appreciable effects of the hachisch (he wrote) is the gradual weakening of that power of voluntarily controlling and directing the thoughts, which is so characteristic of the vigorous mind. The individual feels himself incapable of fixing his attention upon any subject ; his thoughts being continually drawn off by a succession of ideas which force themselves (as it were) into his mind, without his being able in the least to trace their origin. These speedily occupy his attention, and present themselves in strange combinations, so as to produce the most fantastic and impossible creations. By a strong effort of the will, however, the original thread of the ideas may still be recovered, and the interlopers may be driven away, their remembrance, however, being preserved, like that of a dream recalling events long since past. These lucid intervals, how- ever, become of shorter duration, and can be less frequently procured by a voluntary effort ; for the internal tempest becomes more violent, the torrents of disconnected ideas are so powerful as completely to arrest the attention, and the mind is gradually withdrawn altogether from the contemplation of external realities, being conscious only of its own internal workings. The phenomena of hypnotism also excited Dr. Car- penter's interest, for they threw further light on the con- ditions of the mind's activity when its volitional control was suspended, and led him to reflect on the influence of mental states on muscular feeling and exertion in the presence of certain powerful ideas which the sensations DETERMINISM AND SELF-DIRECTION. 57 failed to correct. The study of a number of criminal trials brought clearly before his view the forces of different passions and propensities, and the relative feebleness of the checks imposed upon them by the will. In the discussion of insanity and of responsibility for acts of violence, he found himself compelled to analyze the whole processes of the moral life, and his results were surprisingly different in 1847 from those which he had previously announced in 1845.* Starting from the frequent experience of moral conflict between (for example) the duty of a professional visit to a patient needing aid, and the desire to escape a wet ride or to avoid bringing home infection, he inquired in what lay the deciding power. Rejecting the current ex- planations of the autocratic nature of conscience or the moral sense, which pronounced directly on the right or wrong of any action, he expressed his sympathy with a view of its real function propounded shortly before by an "anonymous critic," in the Prospective Review, who affirmed that moral good was not a quality resident in actions, but that ethical judgments were always relative, and involved a preference for one spring of action over another.! We cannot, therefore (said Dr. Carpenter), attach a moral character to the actions of animals that are performed under the direction of a blind undesigning instinct, which operates in them as the spring which moves an automaton, leaving them no choice between one course and another ; nor can we say that a human action is in itself morally wrong as regards the individual, when it directly results from a violent iminilse which he has no power to restrain. . . . According to this view, then, what is termed conscience is nothing else than the idea of right * The following quotations are from an article in the British and Foreign Medico- Chiriirgical kevie-.u, July, 1847, entitled, "Dr. M.i)oonthe Relations of Crime, Insanity, and Punishment." t The " anonymous critic " was Mr. (now Dr.) Martineau, who thus sketched in his article on Whewell's "Elements of Morality " the outlines of the ethical system now expounded in the second volume of his "Types of Ethical Theory." 58 MEMORIAL SKETCH. or wrong character which becomes attached to an action, when we place in comparison the motives which prompted it ; and this idea is entirely dependent on the relative worth or value in the moral scale which we have been accustomed to assign to the different classes of motives. The moral rule of action hence consists in the preference of a higher to a lower motive or combination of motives. But it will of course be asked how are the relative values of these motives to be deter- mined ; and the answer is, simply, by the universal conscious- ness of mankind, which is found to be more and more accordant in this respect, the more faithfully it is interpreted, and the more fully the general mind is expanded and enlightened. It is this tendency towards universal agreement upon this fundamental point which leads us to feel satisfied that there will in the end be as good a foundation for a science of morals in the psychical constitution of man, as there is for that of music in the pleasure which he derives from certain combinations of sounds. Among these various springs of action, what is the function of the will } [It is] not only concerned in carrying into effect the sug- gestions of the desires. In the well-regulated mind it ought to have a controlling influence over the desires themselves, so as to prevent them from exercising themselves with undue force. This is, in fact, the power known as self-control — a power which cannot be too early cultivated or too habitually exercised. Now, we believe that much may be learned by observation of infantile life of the nature of this power. When a young child gives way to a fit of passion, the nurse attempts to restore its equanimity by presenting some new object to its attention, so that the more recent and vivid pleasurable impression may efface the sense of past uneasiness. As the child grows older, the judicious mother teaches it self-control, by calling up in its mind such motives as it is capable of appreciating ; the act of self-control being the result of the overpowering influence of the higher motives sug- gested to it over the lower or selhsh emotions which we desire to bring into subjection. DETERMINISM AND SELF-DIRECTION. 59 The development of this power was the object of all true education ; and special stress was laid on the appeal to the highest motives within the child's comprehension. In laying down these principles, Dr. Carpenter had, in fact, been taking lessons in his own nursery. They were the principles he was himself learning to apply. The reader will perhaps forgive the triviality of an anecdote which throws light on these notions of moral discipline. Re- quiring one day a supply of hydrogen for purposes of lecture illustration, he called his three boys into his study to see him granulate the zinc to be employed in its preparation. The melted metal was in an iron ladle on the fire, and he began slowly to pour it into a basin of cold water, with a natural accompaniment of sputtering. The youngest of the trio, famous in the family for a peculiar roar known as the "square mouth," was frightened, and began to cry. His father bade him control himself and be quiet, but the admonition was without effect. A threat to send him out of the room proved equally vain. " But it shows you don't trust me," remonstrated his father. The boy checked his cries at once and was still. The problem here was reduced to very simple elements. But in more complex cases, the process was, in Dr. Car- penter's view, essentially the same. The will (he said), by a peculiar effort, represses the vehemence of one class of motives by forcibly withdrawing the attention from them and directing it to another of a higher character. . . . The mind, thus swayed hither and thither by various motives contending for the mastery, is at last decided by those which present themselves most forcibly before it ; and it is in keeping some in the background, and bringing others into clearer view, that the power of the will seems to be exerted in modifying the decision. Here is the germ of much of his later doctrine as to the 6o MEMORIAL SKETCH. true character of volitional as distinguished from automatic action. It involved a free surrender of the earlier deter- minism. From this time he ceased to teach that all human actions were " the results of the operation of circumstances " upon the mental constitution of each individual according " to fixed laws." He recognized the share which each man may take in the formation of his own character. This thought grew in importance as his observation and ex- perience extended. He studied the type of spontaneous activity presented by the musical genius of Mozart, in whom the creative energy was at its height while the will was weak and impulse strong ; and he took the keenest interest in the mental action of Coleridge, whose life he regarded " as a sort of waking dream, in regard to the " deficiency of that self-determining power which is the pre- " eminent characteristic of every great mind." Convinced that the true nature of volitional action would be best understood by the examination of those states in which the will is completely in abeyance, he set himself to investigate the condition in which the courses of thought were entirely determined by the influence of suggestions upon the mind, and to compare this with the habitual control and direction exerted in the formation of a decision between various plans of action. This line of inquiry was in part physio- logical and in part psychological : its base lay in the nervous system, from which it was carried up into the operations of the consciousness. A few passages from an article on " The Physiology and Diseases of the Nervous System," published in his Review for January, 1850,* will show the progress which he was making in the interpreta- tion of the mechanism of action and its relation to feelings and ideas ; his doctrine, that the will determines the result, while the automatic apparatus of the body supplies the * See below, p. 164. DETERMINISM AND SELF-DIRECTION. 6i means for voluntary action, having especial importance. Mr. J. S. Mill was so much impressed with the value of the principles thus indicated that he wrote to congratulate the author on an — additional step in advance in the most important inquiry in all physiology, viz, that most directly connected with psychology. I have long looked to you (he added) as the great living guide in this advancing speculation, both by your own speculative powers, and by the clearness and philosophical discrimination with which you conceive and judge the results arrived at by others. The general view of the distinction between automatic and volitional action at which Dr. Carpenter had now arrived, was completed by the proof of the reflex activity of the brain, which had been first suggested by Dr. Laycock. The peculiar phenomena known under the name of Electro- Biology, which then attracted so much public attention, afforded Dr. Carpenter many opportunities of testing his conclusions ; and in a lecture delivered at the Royal Institution, in March, 1852, " On the Influence of Suggestion in modifying and directing Muscular Movement, inde- pendently of Volition," he expounded the connection which he believed to subsist between the different modes of action of the nervous system.* The power of ideas to produce respondent movements through the instrumentality of the cerebrum was illustrated by the states of electro-biology and somnambulism, when the controlling power of the will was suspended. The ideo-motor principle of action being thus established at the head of the physiological scale, it was easily applied to many of the phenomena ot mesmerism and spiritualism, which depended on the state of expectant attention. In this condition the abstraction of the mind laid the will to rest, and the anticipation of a * See the extracts from the Report below, p. 169. 62 MEMORIAL SKETCH. given result served as the stimulus which involuntarily prompted the muscles to produce it. An article in the Quarterly Review for October, 1853, enabled him to answer the question, " What are we to believe ? " as to mesmerism, electro-biology, odylism, table-turning, spirit-rapping, and table-talking, on physiological principles, and led him to offer an earnest plea for the proper discipline of the auto- matic apparatus of man's nature by his will. The study of human nature (he urged), physical, in- tellectual, moral, and spiritual, is far too much neglected in our educational arrangements. That the preservation of corporeal health is in great degree dependent upon the observance of the rules dictated by physiological science, and that a general knowledge of the structure and functions of man's l>ody is really worth his possession for its own sake, is gradually coming to be generally acknowledged. We would urge, however, that an acquaintance with his ?nind is not one whit the less desirable for the right development of its powers and for tlie preservation of its health. We have seen in the various phenomena we have been discussing how largely the will is concerned in all those higher exercises of the reasoning powers, even upon the most commonplace subjects, by which our conduct ought to be governed ; and how important it is that the automatic ten- dencies, of whatever nature, should be entirely subjugated by it. We are satisfied, from extensive observation, that in a large pro- portion of cases of insanity, the disorder is mainly attributable to the want of acquirement, in early life, of proper volitional control over the current of thought ; so that the mind cannot free itself from the tyranny of any propensity or idea which once acquires an undue predominance. The deficiency of power to repel the fascinations of some attractive delusion that appeals to the vanity, to the love of the marvellous, or to some other respective predisposition, by employing the reason to strip off its specious disguise and expose its latent absurdities, really proceeds from a want of the same kind, the supply of which ought to be one of the prominent objects of educational culture in every grade. DETERMINISM AND SELF-DIRECTION. 63 Dr. Carpenter had, indeed, endeavoured himself to pro- vide an instrument for such culture. The fourth edition of his " Human Physiology," which was completed in 1852 and issued in 1853, contained a full outline of his vijws on the nervous system.* It was his habit in preparing successive editions of his large treatises to expand them by the in- corporation of the latest researches ; but this did not generally involve any fundamental reconstruction, though sometimes three-fourths or four-fifths of the actual matter might be fresh. In this case, however, the whole division of the work was wrought anew from the beginning. He rejected at the outset the doctrine that man's character was formed for him and not (in part, at least) by him ; appealed to his consciousness of possessing a self-determining power ; and then proceeded to expand and enforce the conceptions to which in his previous writings he had given partial ex- pression. Without hesitation he boldly carried the idea of automatic action into the intellectual products of the brain itself under the name of " unconscious cerebration," while he carefully discriminated from all forms of reflex operation the voluntary control which should reign supreme over all. This intelligent volition he recognized as the source of the power we determinately exert through our bodily organism upon the world around. Here he found the origin of that conception of force which he discerned behind every phenomenon of the external universe, and this supplied him with a new basis for his interpretation of the visible scene as the constant realization of Divine Thought and Will. To the development of these views he returned twenty years later ; and the last decade of his life, as the essays in this volume will show, was largely occupied • In ncl Florence, June 12, i860. The proof of the sequence of forces by which you have connected mind with mind, and transmitted your ideas to the minds of your audience, has required a higher power of intellect than that of making electricity the bearer of thought from con- 83 MEMORIAL SKETCH. tinent to continent, sublime as it is, inasmuch as many intellects were combined to effect the latter, while the general tendency of science seems to have been your sole guide in demonstrating that matter is merely the medium through which mind-force, like all other force, acts, and that thus mind may, and in fact does, exist independently of matter. The series which you have completed is very beautiful. First, Mr. Grove's masterly demonstration of the correlation of the physical forces, then your proof of their correlation with the vital force so happily illustrated by the zoospores, and, lastly, the remarkable correla- tion between the vital and mental forces. No doubt this series will mark the middle of the nineteenth century as a great scientific epoch, the discoveries arising from which who can predict, when the motion of a microscopic atom affords irre- sistible proof of an important fact ? The paper you have kindly sent is so full of interesting matter, and contains so much new to me, that it is in vain to write all I should have wished to talk to you about. I can only heartily thank you for it. The researches on the Foraminifera, on which Dr. Carpenter had been long engaged, were now drawing to a close. Four successive memoirs upon them had been pre- sented to the Royal Society, and published in the " Philo- sophical Transactions," and on these, together with his investigations into the microscopic structure of shells, his observations on the embryonic development of Piirpiira, and his various other writings in Physiology and Com- parative Anatomy, was based the award of one of the Royal medals, which he received from the President and Council of the Royal Society in i86i. He was still hard at work completing the long-delayed treatise on the entire group, designed for the Ray Society, in which he was assisted by Mr. W. K. Parker and Mr. T. Rupert Jones. With how much eagerness he toiled, even through the hot summer days in which he was detained by University examinations, may be inferred from the following letter to his wife at Holy Island : — RESEARCHES ON FORAMINIFERA. 83 London, August 20, 1861. When working on Friday evening, after my return home, upon Dactylopora7 I got an entirely new hght, which revolutionized my ideas of it so completely (as regards its more complex forms, at least) that I could not rest until I had gone over it with Mr. Parker. I worked at it all Saturday morning, and, finding everything confirmatory of my new ideas, I went over to him in the evening, and fortunately found him at home and dis- engaged. It was quite charming to see his delight at the new and more satisfactory information I was able to give him, and he seemed just as glad to be shown that he was in error as if he had made it all out originally himself. He gave me per- mission to do anything I wished in dismounting, breaking, and laying open his specimens, and I have found it desirable to take almost every one (several score in all) off its slide, and to examine it separately, making sections and fractures, but especially finding that removing portions by acid supplied under the microscope with a camel's-hair brush did most what I wanted. In this way I have thoroughly succeeded, have cleared up every difficulty, and have got the whole truth before me in a way quite demonstrative. I never followed up a scientific examination with such zest before, or had the same opening out of such novelty in so short a time. The incident made a strong impression upon his mind. He recurred to it a month later in writing from Holy Island to his brother Russell. I never saw a more beautiful instance of thorough candour. As step by step I led him from the simpler to the more complex arrangements, and showed him how the latter evolved them- selves out of the former, he seemed just as much pleased in coming to the knowledge of a new and beautiful set of facts as if he had been himself the one to find them out ; and was just as ready to accept them as if he had not previously, not only formed, but published a description altogether at variance with what he now saw to be the truth. In the following year, these labours were completed by the publication, under the auspices of the Ray Society, of 84 MEMORIAL SKETCH. the large and important work entitled, " An Introduction to the Study of the Foraminifera." Among Dr. Carpenter's favourite recreations was an occasional visit to Paris. He had many friends and cor- respondents among the savans of the French capital. With Professor Milne Edwards he was united by many ties of common work ; and he was always sure of finding there a fresh sympathy in his researches and speculations. There, during the Easter vacation of 1863, he heard of the dis- covery of the flint implements and the human jaw at Abbeville. A day's inquiry on the spot on his way home greatly excited his interest, and led him to return in the following month, with Mr. George Busk, Dr. Falconer, and Mr. Prestwich, to take part in the investigation which ensued. The question to be decided was the antiquity of the bone. Professor Milne Edwards presided over the inquiry. '' He has the great advantage," reported Dr. Carpenter, "of being able to interpret each side to the "other when there is any difficulty. The discussion has " been most friendly, and I think that each side has found " that the other had more to say than was expected." So the fiftieth year of his life ran on ; and when the family greetings poured in upon him on his birthday, he uttered his feelings with unusual copiousness and freedom in a sort of general epistle. London, October 30, 1863. There is great beauty in the expression Avhich almost all of you have quoled about " the sunny side of fifty." I had quite forgotten it, if I ever heard it; but I can fancy good Dr. Tuckeiman's genial utterance of it, and can heartily respond to it. After dwelling on his home-happiness, he continued — My social position, too, is such as when I entered upon life, sacrificing whatever prospects I might have had for the more FIFTY YEARS. 85 congenial pursuits which promised no more substantial return than a bare maintenance, was altogether beyond ray hopes. It is now thoroughly equal to my ambition. Anything higher would only bring with it increased cares, and involve greater temptations to worldly distraction. ... I honestly believe that I am succeeding in carrying the University through a very important phase of its development as few other people could do, the range of knowledge required to make the various exami- nations go smoothly, to say nothing of habits of business, being very considerable. So that although I am not badly paid for it, I consider that, in giving up myself heartily to University work, 1 am really labouring efficiently for the public weal. I have now thoroughly determined to devote what remains to me of working power to original scientific research. My two large Physiologies have been for some time out of print, and Churchill has been at me for new editions. For some time I rather clung to the idea of reproducing them with assistance ; but I have now quite come to the conclusion that I must give them entirely up, and a new edition of my " Human Physi- ology " is now being prepared by a gentleman whom I have recommended to Churchill. It is, of course, a considerable regret to me to give up what I have worked so hard upon, and to feel that I have no right hencetbrth to call myself a phy- siologist. But, as I had to choose between imperfectly keeping up with this subject and entirely giving up original research, I could not hesitate in preferring the latter. . , . Of my more particularly personal state I shall say less, for I have less to say. I feel deeply thankful for the many mercies I have experienced, not less for the discipline I have undergone. As I heard old Mr. Robberds say, on an anniversary of his commencement at Cross Street, " God and man have been very kind to me." And I trust that others can perceive that the discipline of life has not been without its salutary effect. I am sometimes disquieted by intellectual doubts and difficulties, and I often mourn that I cannot /rt'/ what others seem to experience of their personal relation to the Deity. But I believe that these difficulties are a necessary result of the habits of thought which have been growing up with me ; and as they never obscure my view of duty, I find it better not to trouble myself too much 86 MEMORIAL SKETCH. about them, but to apply myself to the business of the time, and find their practical solution in the doing it. Still, it is when prevented by bodily indisposition from so escaping them that these sources of uneasiness make themselves felt ; and, as it would be too much to expect all sunshine, I must regard these as the clouds. I am now and then comforted by the know- ledge of the large toleration which men of great religious experience have for difficulties like mine. Both Mr. Martineau and Dr. Sadler (to whom I have most freely opened myself) have assured me that I ought not to make myself unhappy about them, and that they would rather be in my position than in that of many who believe themselves much safer. Through the difficulties here indicated, Dr. Carpenter, after no long interval, worked his way. The strong religious needs of his nature found their satisfaction in the view of the world depicted in the later essays in this volume. His intellectual fidelity was far too steadfast for him to be con- tented with anything short of real intelligible conviction. And partly under the stimulus of the preaching and the writings of his friend, the Rev. James Martineau, and partly through the natural development of his own philosophical principles, he laid firmly in his thought the bases of the Theistic interpretation of the world. Moreover, he was peculiarly susceptible to sympathy, though the subjects on which he was exercised did not admit of frequent speech ; and the presence by his side of a most tender and discern- ing companion who (as one who knew her well, said) " leaned " on him, but in whose very leaning there was persuasion," brought to him a helpful influence more easily understood than described. He did not dwell on special theological points ; but his doubts and difficulties were of the kind to be met by evidence of the reality of religion in man's nature and experience. Had he been shut up to the alternative of the Calvinistic scheme of redemption or agnosticism, he would doubtless have joined the ranks of those who SCIENCE AND RELIGION. 87 declared a theology impossible. But he returned to the manifestation of religion which he saw in the character and teachings of Jesus, from whose figure he now began' to detach the supernatural vestments in which it had been robed. There he found nothing inconsistent with the strictest demands of his science, while a moral image of supreme beauty was presented to his affections ; and he accepted Christianity in the sense in which he believed it to have existed in " the mind of Christ." This attitude of thought is portrayed in the conclusion of one of the first Sunday lectures for the people on scientific subjects which were ever delivered in London, in the winter of 1866.* The topic of the evening had been the "Antiquity of Man." After stating some of the scientific and moral difficulties besetting the ordinary Evangelical view of the Bible, Dr- Carpenter (who had warmly befriended Dr. Colenso three years before) continued in these terms : — But to the honest inquirer, who brings to the religious his- tory of the world the same modes of investigation that he applies to the secular — who takes nothing for granted, but endeavours fairly to estimate every fact at its true value — who appreciates at their full worth those noblest instincts of man with which all true progress has been in relation, by action and reaction, both as cause and as effect — and who looks to the religion of the future as destined to exalt and refine these, and to bring them to bear with augmented strength on the great problems of human wel- fare, what but good can come from the freest search into scientific truth? What part does science play that is not in fullest harmony with the highest truths of religion ? Do the Divine words of our dying Master, " Father forgive them for "they know not what they do," appeal less strongly to our deepest sympathies, because asuonomy teaches that the earth moves • These lectures at St. Martin's Ilall were under the auspices of the National Sunday League. Dr. Carpenter took great interest in these and similar efTor'.s to extend the range of Sunday teaching. lie was President of the Sunday Lecture Society from its first formation, in 1S69, until his death. 88 MEMORIAL SKETCH. round the sun ? Or does his prayer for his disciples, " that they " may be one even as we are one," less earnestly move us to seek to realize that unity which he came to promote, because geology shows that the present surface of the globe is the resultant of a vast series of changes, of which we have no trace in the Biblical record, but which are yet more surely revealed to the eye of science than they could have been by the most veracious contem- porary narrator ? So far from being in opposition, I affirm that science is in the fullest harmony with all that is essential and true in Christianity ; for whilst it is every day contributing to the material welfare of man, it is even more certainly benefiting him by the enlargement of his intellect, the elevation of his morale, and the strengthening of his power of spiritual discern- ment— all which contribute their respective shares to the de- velopment of his religious nature ; and, last, but by no means least, it is undermining, one by one, those props on which have rested those unsightly and repulsive additions built up by the perverted ingenuity of theologians around the original edifice : so that, when the time is at last come, the blast of common sense, the flood of public opinion, shall overthrow all that has its foundation in the sand, and leave in its majestic simplicity and beauty that temple, founded upon a rock, in which all mankind shall one day gather themselves for the worship of their common Father and the recognition of their mutual brotherhood as His children. VII. In the vacation of 1863, Dr. Carpenter visited his friend, Professor (afterwards Sir Wyville) Thomson, at Belfast. He, too, was engaged in the study of the Crinoid group, and in the waters of the Belfast Lough he had successfully employed the dredge. The visit was repeated in the follow- ing year, but it was interrupted by the beginning of a very serious illness, through which Dr. Carpenter was nursed with the greatest care by his kind host and Mrs. Thomson. But when he was at length able to return to London, he " EOZO'ON." 89 was quite unfit to resume his University duties. The long strain which he had put upon his energies seemed to have exhausted his natural powers of recovery. The eminent medical men who met in consultation at his house, and detected the presence of permanent disease, said to them- selves beneath their breath outside the door of the patient's room, " He has one foot in the grave already." Music ceased to charm ; his scientific investigations were laid aside ; his Foraminifera and his ComatuLne remained undis- turbed. It seemed as though he had become prematurely old ; torpor crept over him and numbed his activities ; the weeks passed by listlessly and mounted into months, and he gained no strength. The fears of his friends appeared on their way to verification, when one day Sir William Logan, the head of the Geological Survey of Canada, called upon him, bringing with him some specimens from the great beds of the Canadian limestones, on which he asked his opinion. Dr. Carpenter's quick eye at once detected in them a remarkable affinity to the foraminiferal structure with which he was so familiar. His interest was again powerfully awakened ; the "will to live" revived ; he began to make microscopic preparations, and entered with much of his former zest on a new path of inquiry, with the result that he regained some of his old vigour, and became the ardent champion of the truly organic character of the rock in question. Here, as he believed, was the earliest known form of animal existence ; it was the Eozo'dn, " the dawn of life." The spring of 1865 found Dr. Carpenter again at his post. But his strength was not yet adequate to the full labours which the summer series of examinations entailed. Threatened with another collapse, he was suddenly ordered off to the Engadine, He passed slowly up the Rhine with his wife, being directed to proceed as little as possible by 90 MEMORIAL SKETCH. rail, and the travellers rested for a while at Heidelberg. There his scientific imagination was kindled by the wonders of the spectroscope in the laboratory of Professors Kirchhofif and Bunsen ; and a supper-party in the Castle grounds, given by them in his honour, stamped itself in his memory as one of the happiest evenings of his life. At St. Moritz he found the stimulus which his constitution so much needed. His vitality reasserted itself; the specific malady was sub- dued and kept at bay, though it tended occasionally to break out again in after-years ; and when, to avoid the ad- vancing cold of the latter part of August, he moved down to Bellaggio, he drank in deep draughts of beauty from the mountains and the lake which completed the refreshment of mind and heart. In June of this year Dr. Carpenter had presented to the Royal Society the first portion of a memoir on the Rosy Feather-star, which embodied the results of his vacation studies at Arran for many years previously. These had been carried on in conjunction with Professor Wyville Thomson, who had already published an account of his observations on the earliest larval stages of the Feather-star. Dr. Carpenter's memoir took up the subject at the point to which it had been carried by Professor Thomson, and made known two important discoveries, one of which found immediate acceptance. But the other, re- specting the nervous system of the Crinoid type, remained without notice for many years ; and when, in 1875, he stated his views more fully, they were strongly opposed by the principal continental students of Crinoidea. They gradually found acceptance, however, and were publicly adopted by his chief opponent, but a few weeks after his death, in 1885. But the joint work of the two friends on the Rosy Feather-star was destined to bear yet more important DEEP-SEA RESEARCHES. 91 fruit. For it led them to take a very special interest in the discovery, by Professor Sars, the Superintendent of the Fisheries to the Swedish Government, of a stalked Crinoid living at a depth of three hundred fathoms, near the Lofoden Islands. This little form, which had received the name Rhizocrimis, was recognized as the living repre- sentative of a family of stalked Crinoids, which was abun- dantly represented in the Oolitic rocks, and less so in the chalk, but had apparently become extinct in later geological times. The discovery of a member of this group, living in European seas, was therefore of the highest significance to the two English students of the Crinoidea ; and it sug- gested to Professor Thomson, in 1868, the idea that the British Government might be induced to promote the scientific exploration of the deep sea between the Shetlands and the Faroe Islands. This proposition was promptly laid by Dr. Carpenter before the Council of the Royal Society, who in their turn made application to the Government. The season was already advanced, but a vessel was allotted for the purpose ; Dr. Carpenter was entrusted by the Admiralty with the scientific direction of the expedition, and he was accompanied by Professor Thomson and one of his own sons. This was the beginning of the series of deep-sea re- searches, in which for four years Dr. Carpenter bore so conspicuous a part, until they culminated in the despatch of the Challenger on its voyage round the world. These expeditions involved no small amount of work. Special apparatus was necessary for dredging and for temperature- soundings, which was only perfected after various prelimi- nary trials. The plan of operations had to be carefully designed in consultation with the authorities of the Ad- miralty ; and their results in due course begot reports, which grew both in bulk and in importance with succes- 5 92 MEMORIAL SKETCH. sive years. Nor were the cruises themselves an unalloyed pleasure, though they brought with them hours of rapturous scientific bliss. Again and again, when Dr. Carpenter joined his vessel, he was worn and jaded with protracted work through the hottest days of the year, when, unfortu- nately, the severest pressure of University duty coincided with his least physical capacity to bear it. He knew that he would pass days together, perhaps a week, in his berth at the outset, and again with every gale ; and that the liability to sickness and discomfort would haunt him through the entire voyage. But for the brilliant success of the first expedition, he would hardly, perhaps, have had courage to attempt another. The ship first assigned to the investigators was the Lightning ; it had passed the days of its youth, for it had been built in 1824; nor was it constructed in accordance with modern ideas of speed, as it was the earliest steam- vessel in her Majesty's service. " Our old tub," wrote Dr. Carpenter, somewhat disconsolately, " cannot, at the best, " make mere than seven miles an hour ! " The weather was abominable ; even the officers and men were sick ; and it was often too rough to attempt to dredge. The kindness of the Danish Governor and his lady, while the ship was at Thorshavn, the chief harbour of the Faroe Islands, and agreeable intercourse with the Dean of the Islands, and the Rector of the High School, relieved the tedium of confinement to the little cabin. Once more at sea, they encountered fresh resistance from wind and wave, as though the waters resented their inquisitorial activity, and were determined to baffle all efforts to probe the secrets of their depths. But at length the day of compensation dawned. DEEP-SEA RESEARCHES. 93 To Mrs. Carpenter. On board the Lightning, September 6, 1S68. This morning, after two days' interdiction, we had our most interesting result. At 530 fathoms the temperature was 47° (probably on account of the Gulf Stream), and we have brought up in a muddy ooze a most remarkable set of new and large forms of siliceous sponges, with which Thomson is especially delighted, together with others previously discovered and re- cently described by Loven, as well as small specimens of the Hyalonema (Japanese flint-rope) and its encrusting Polype ; the whole giving materials for completely settling the questions lately discussed between Gray and Bowerbank, in which Thomson has intervened, and (as at present appears) entirely in favour of Thomson's views. He is, of course, greatly delighted, and now says that it was quite worth a week's misery to get these. September 7. After I wrote yesterday afternoon, we had the intense satis- faction of meeting with two specimens of jRhizocriims, not very good ones, but serving to prove the existence of this type in the open ocean, and therefore (presumably) in considerable quanti- ties, if we can only hit upon the spots where it abounds, as we have fortimately done with the sponges. This completes the success of our expedition in everything that we hoped to do, except that the zoology of the Faroe fjords proved much less interesting than we had anticipated. We have proved that dredg- ing at 500 or 550 fathoms involves no more difficulty, where there is adequate power, than dredging at 100 fathoms. We have found out the best form of dredge and the best material for the bag. We have got all the Norwegian forms to which we alluded in our letters as carrying us back to older types. We have added a great deal to our knowledge of geographical dis- tribution, and have shown how much more it depends on the temperature than on the pressure of the deep sea ; and we have a set of observations on this subject which are of first- rale importance. As complete novelties from 500 fathoms and more, we have not only the series of siliceous sponges, but also 94 MEMORIAL SKETCH. some very curious Rhizopods, with sandy envelopes. And what was of special interest as marking the tropical source of the warm band, was the presence of two large forms of shelly Fo- raminifera, of types precisely corresponding to those of warm waters, and living. If they had been dead, they might have been regarded as mere drifts. A week later the ship found shelter again in Storno- vvay. From this haven of rest, in the light of their recent successes, the memory of their first troubles faded away. Nothing but the strong motive which induced me to make the original application (wrote Dr. Carpenter) would have kept me up through its early miseries and discouragements. If we had had to come home with our tails between our legs, instead of with the flying colours with which our ship was literally decked when we came into port, my present feelings would have been very different. The results of these investigations were summed up in two important generalizations. In the first place, the phe- nomena of temperature led Dr. Carpenter to conjecture that besides what is properly called the Gulf Stream, i.e. " the current of heated water which issues from the Gulf " of Mexico," there was a " continual interchange between " the oceanic waters of equatorial and polar regions." The water cooled in the polar seas, he argued, must sink, and displace the water that is warmer than itself, pushing it away towards the equator. In the deepest parts of the ocean, therefore, there would be a progressive movement in the equatorial direction ; whilst, conversely, the warm water of the tropical seas, being the lighter, would spread itself north and south over the surface of the ocean, and would thus move towards the polar regions, losing its heat as it approached them, till, under the influence of polar cold, it again sank to the bottom, and the same round was re- traced anew. This view of ocean-circulation had been, in DEEP-SEA RESEARCHES. 95 fact, already offered by the French physicist, Pouillet, and also by the Russian physicist, Lenz, with whose expositions of it Dr. Carpenter afterwards became acquainted, though they had not given any precise indication of the forces which would keep up the movement. It had failed to win acceptance, and the current doctrine on the subject was that of Sir John Herschel. With indefatigable industry, Dr. Carpenter set himself to establish his own conception, as he hoped, beyond refu- tation. In papers before scientific societies, in private discussions, in popular lectures, in magazine articles, he reasoned and expounded ; he urged fresh illustrations ; he met and overcame unexpected difficulties. The facts ac- cumulated in subsequent expeditions, and the masterly combinations in which he arranged them, at length began to produce the desired effect. In a letter, written only a month before his death, in 1871, Sir John Herschel ac- cepted the new teaching, which also won the sanction of such distinguished authorities as Sir William Thomson and the Astronomer Royal, The second suggestion was due to Professor Wyville Thomson. The animals brought up alive from the chalk- like deposit then in progress over what the temperature- soundings proved to be a relatively warm area, distinguished from a cold area at no great distance, presented many points of most interesting relationship to the Fauna of the Cretaceous period. Was it not possible, then, surmised Professor Thomson, that the deposit of Globigerina-mud had been going on, over some part or other of the North- Atlantic sea-bed, from the Cretaceous epoch to the present time } Might we not, indeed, be said to be, in one sense, still living in the Cretaceous epoch ? To the solution of these and other problems generated by the first cruise, successive expeditions were devoted. 96 MEMORIAL SKETCH. Her Majesty's surveying-vessel Porcupine, under the com- mand of Captain Calver, was assigned for the service, and proceeded, in 1869, to work over the ground traversed by the Lightning, as well as to investigate new fields ; while in 1870 it was sent to the Mediterranean. The following passages from Dr. Carpenter's letters home will show his interest in the scientific work and in the new scenes to which he was introduced. Thorshavn, August 22, 1869. I have now to tell you of a most remarkable and unexpected revelation. Our dredgings last year brought in so little from the bottom of the cold area except stones and sand, that we concluded that animal life is very scanty under that low tem- perature. Captain Calver, however, having bethought him of attaching swabs to the dredge, so as to sweep the bottom as well as to scrape it, these swabs have come up teeming with life, when there was next to nothing in the dredge but sand and stones. And though a great deal of this consists of common things, yet we have obtained in this way some specimens of ex- traordinary interest. Thus in one place we brought up several specimens of the large Comafula Eschrichtii, a well-known Greenland and Icelandic type, obtained there in shallow waters. But our great catch has been an extraordinary sponge, with a thick and dense branching axis like that of a Gorgonia, en- tirely disconnected from the flesh which clothes it, and of a bright-green colour. This came up in abundance on Friday morning, the dredge having been down for several hours of the night, and pulled in at four in the morning. W. T. and I were on deck by five, though the morning was decidedly uncom- fortable, cold, with a drizzling rain ; and we forgot all about the weather in our interest in this and the abundance of other things brought up by the swabs. They were perfectly gay with bright-coloured Echinoderms, purple, red, and orange ; and ■when I detached several of these and put them in a basin with some of the green stems of the sponges, and bright- yellow Comatulae, I thought I had never seen a more beautiful display of animal colour. Yet this came from a bottom of sand DEEP-SEA RESEARCHES. 97 and stones, at a depth of about 600 fathoms, presumably in utter darkness, at a temperature of 30°, and with 40 per cent, of carbonic acid in the atmosphere of dissolved gases. I can scarcely conceive a more complete boulevcrsement of our ordinary biological notions than is given by this remarkable disclosure of the condition of this bottom. Stornoway, September 9, 1869. On Tuesday we brought up a great prize, an Echinoderm, which (Thomson is sure) is " brand-new, but intensely old," i.e. a form which belongs to the Chalk, but was supposed to be quite extinct. It is something like an Echinus which has been sat upon, so as to be flattened out into a round cake ; its peculiarity being that whilst it has the same general plan of structure, the plates are disconnected from each other, and some of the meridional bands are wanting, so that there is a general loose- ness about the frame, which gives it a most curious feel when laid living on the hand. The discovery of this living type at once gives the clue to the interpretation of the fossil Echinothiiria, which had previously been accounted very problematical, and supplies an instance equally interesting with Hhizocrmus, of the persistence of Cretaceous types, thus adding strong support to Thomson's hypothesis. In the evening the dredge was put over, and allowed to trail all night with the swabs attached. Hearing the heaving-in a little before five a.m., I got up and went on deck, where Thomson aheady was, and there we saw a sight we shall not easily forget : the swabs loaded with Holteiiias, of which there were at least two buckets full, besides multitudes of other things, nearly all of them specially interesting, as a new species of Cidaris, nearer to the Chalk forms than the common one, numerous specimens of star-fish, of which we had previously only two or three, and of which there are probably no specimens in any other than Scandinavian museums, two very fine specimens of Hyalonema, many small siliceous sponges, and last (but by no means least) a second specimen of the EchiiwtJiuria. This I was greatly rejoiced at for Thomson's sake, as he can now work out the anatomy of the animal without mutilating his first and best specimen. This brought our work to a most trium- phant conclusion, this haul being as much beyond any previous one in interest as was our corresponding haul last year. 98 MEMORIAL SKETCH. In the next summer, when the Poraipine was anchored off Goletta, the little harbour of Tunis, science gave way to sight-seeing. The Mediterranean had, in fact, yielded less zoological results than were expected ; but even this nega- tive issue was not without its consolations. " After all," re- flected Dr. Carpenter, " it was something to have found out *' that there was nothing to find." Malta, September 13, 1870. On Monday morning we got up very early, breakfasting at five o'clock, to go up to Tunis, for which the little steamer that runs up and down the lake ordinarily leaves at six. But when we got on shore we learned that there was not enough water in the lake, and had to take a carriage to drive round it. This was tiresome, as the drive was very uninteresting, the country being quite level for miles round, and very arid, the only green at this season being that of the olive tree. The only feature of interest was a fine group of mountains at some distance, about the scale of Goatfell and Ben Huish,* and not unlike them in outline. The appearance of Tunis itself did not improve as we approached it. Excepting a few villas, which are chiefly occupied as consular residences, it is entirely included within a wall ; and when we passed the gates we found ourselves in very narrow roads, with continuous dead walls on either side, ocoasionally pierced by doorways, which led to the interior of the houses. We at last came into the principal open space of the town, where what were formerly the palaces of the Bey and his principal ministers are now the consular and other public offices, the palaces being outside the walls. Having learned that the Bey sits on Monday mornings at his palace to hear causes, we at once went on to it, and found it a by no means imposing-looking building, with numerous courtyards, at some distance outside the town. We were shown into a room, from which we had a view of one of these courtyards, in which the guard was relieved, with the usual European ceremonial and the performance of the military band. There was something in the whole affair which * Mountains in Arran, which constantly served as a family standard for comparison. DEEP-SEA RESEARCHES. 99 impressed all of us with the feeling of its being very like a scene in a theatre, the marching and costumes of the men being very- like that of the supers on the stage. The music was simply hideous, the different instruments playing in unison or octave without the slightest idea of harmony, and leaving off on the most unexpected notes. Two or three times we were told that the Bey was coming ; but, after waiting an hour, we found that he had gone over to another place. We followed thither, and learned to our mortification that he had just finished his sitting. We were shown the hall in which it had taken place, which was more like a long corridor ; and we were told that the suitor has to stand at one end of this, and to ' make his statement ' * to an officer near him, who repeats it to another a litde way off, and at last it reaches the Bey, with such modifications and vari- ations as it may have sustained in its transit. Of course, any questions from the Bey's end have to go through the reverse process ; while the replies will again find their way to him as at first. Fancy the proceedings of an English court of justice being carried on on such a system ! The new palace has, built into it, several relics from the remains of Carthage ; entirely, as I should judge, of the Chris- tian times, when Carthage was an important Roman city and a bishop's see \ among these was a pair of columns, ten or twelve feet high, of brass. We then returned to town and went to the bazaar, which is the place of all buying and selling, except what is carried on in some little shops of the meanest kind elsewhere. This is a most curious place. It is a series of narrow and tortuous arcades, completely arched over, except in one central spot, where they all meet Tliis, at the frequented time (eleven a.m.) at which we chanced to be there, was full of people, some buyers, but many sellers : people who have got no shops, but carry their goods on their heads, screaming and shouting what they have to announce. In these arcades the only light is from a hole left here and there in the arched roof; yet this is sufficient in the middle of the day to give as much as is needful. The shops * Another home phrase, derived from the habit of certain members of the family, whose conversation on subjects in which they were interested, was apt to become monologue. loo MEMORIAL SKETCH. are the queerest little dens imaginable, just about the same size and arrangement as those of the beasts at the Zoo. You stand in front of them, and the dealer sits cross-legged on the raised floor, rising to get any of the goods on shelves disposed round his den. All those of one trade congregate in the same arcade, and the stocks of the several dealers are very small. Of the larger articles, it often happens that each man has only one of a kind, and if you do not like it, you either go on to another dealer, or the shop-keeper will collect other specimens from his neighbours. There does not seem to be any rivalry among them, but each deals for his neighbours as well as for himself. In many of these dens the manufacture is going on. This is especially the case with the red Fez, which is now gradually taking the place of the turbans, etc., among the various races along the Mediterranean, and of which all the best that are sold come from Tunis. . . . The next morning we again got up early to pay a visit to the Consul, who had arrived from England the day before, and to see the remains of Carthage, which lie near the entrance of the bay of Tunis. There is now nothing of a port, and it is difficult to see how there ever can have been a harbour of any importance ; but there is a massive ruined wall extending far into the interior, notwithstanding that a great deal of the stone has been taken to build houses in the neighbourhood. But that which was especially worth seeing was a great series of very large under- ground cisterns, like dry docks, lined with brick, and arched over, for the storing of water brought by an aqueduct from mountains at many miles distance. There were two rows of these, of which seventeen have been uncovered in each, and there may be many more still buried and filled up. I never saw so gigantic a public work. I find Malta a very interesting place, and the harbour and fortifications are wonderful. We went a long drive yesterday to see some places of interest in the interior of the island, and more especially St. Paul's Bay. This was very much what I expected from Mr. James Smith's plan of it,* and I seemed able * Mr. James Smith, of Jordan Hill, near Glasgow, an old fellow-student of Dr. Lant Carpenter, had devoted special attention to the record of St. Paul's voyage, which he had investigated in his own yacht. His results were published in a book entitled " The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul." DEEP-SEA RESEARCHES. loi to fix almost precisely on the spot where the ship grounded : the point on which he is said to have landed has a small chapel to commemorate the event. The interest of the association is somewhat marred by the erection of a new set of villas near the shore, as the locality is thouglit to be suitable for a bathing- place ! Nothing can exceed the aridity of the country, the surface of which is, at this season, almost entirely bare of vegetation, except the cotton-plant, which is extensively cultivated, and is now just ripening. The land is everywhere divided up by stone walls into enclosures of varying size, but scarcely any trees are to be seen anywhere. These will all be sown at the beginning of the rainy season, and in a few weeks everything will be ver- dant. The population of the island is enormous, more than 120,000, in an area much smaller than that of the Isle of Wight. How they all live is a mystery I have not yet been able to solve, as all the food grown in the island will not keep them three months in the year, and I cannot learn how they find means to purchase the deficit. The lower class are chiefly sailors, and go about all parts of the Mediterranean. The patois they speak is based on Arabic, with a mixture of Italian words, and they can make themselves understood all along the African coast, from Egypt to Tangier, though the people of Egypt, Tripoli, Tunis, Algiers, and Morocco, speak very differently among them- selves. They seldom, however, go beyond the Mediterranean, and come back to Malta as their home whenever anything goes wrong with them elsewhere. Gibraltar, September 29, 1870. We learn here of the fall of Strasburg, the surrender of Metz, and the investment of Paris. I have had a long talk with Sir F. Williams this morning, and find him strongly anti-Gallican. He has been a good deal in France during the last two years, and has seen how the people and the Emperor have been egging each other on, in their desire to pick a quarrel with Prussia, with a view to obtain further territorial extension. He says, very truly, Europe stood by without interfering when France acquired Savoy and Nice ; why should France interfere with the consoli- dation of Germany ? Paris complains now of being besieged by 102 MEMORIAL SKETCH. Prussia, when at the beginning of the war the universal ciy of the French army was "k Bedin." This was even chalked on the baggage and ammunition waggons. . . . It is Sir F. Williams's opinion that of all men now living, Thiers is the man who most contributed to the present state of things, both by helping to make the exaltation of France the one idea of the French . people, and also by inducing Louis Philippe to fortify Paris, which now makes it the special point of attack by the Prussians. The attention excited by the deep-sea researches, and the value of the discoveries already made, led Dr. Carpen- ter to project a plan for investigations on a still wider scale. Mr. Lowe, then member for the University of London, and Chancellor of the Exchequer in Mr. Glad- stone's first administration, took a v/arm interest in the work. " Though time is a scarce commodity just now," he had written from Downing Street in March, 1870, "I have " not been able to deny myself the pleasure of reading your " lecture. It fills me with interest and admiration. You may " rely on my support for further experiments of a like "nature." This support was cordially given to the larger proposals which Dr. Carpenter now ventured to lay before Mr. Goschen, who at that time presided over the Admiralty, for the scientific circumnavigation of the globe. In the summer of 1871 these proposals received the practical sanction of the Cabinet, and Dr. Carpenter felt that a heavy responsibility rested upon himself to do all in his power to render such an expedition successful. Many considerations seemed to point to his own assumption of its scientific direction. He possessed an unusual range of knowledge, a very varied experience of affairs, an eminent position, and he had given special proof of his ability to conduct investigations alike in the physics, the zoology, and the geology of the deep sea. There were, of course, DEEP-SEA RESEARCHES. 103 considerations of another kind arising out of the peculiar risks to his own health, his home, his University duties ; but he felt himself ready to make any sacrifice for his love of knovvledge for its own sake. These thoughts, blended with what may be called his family-consciousness, were in the background of his mind when he wrote from the Shear- water* to his sister, Mary Carpenter, who, earlier in the year, had been contemplating a fourth visit to India. To Mary Carpenter. Gibraltar, August 25, 187 1. Your going out to India seems now little more than my going out for a vacation cruise ; and it seems as clearly your mission to carry on the work of female education in India, as it is mine to prosecute the science of the deep sea. You have found your work, as Carlyle says, and I have found mine. I have been reading again, on this voyage, Carlyle's " Life of John vSterling." Poor Sterling, from a combination of circum- stances, never found his work, though having all the will to do it. On the other hand, Coleridge had with his vast powers and influence on the thought of the time, no end of work to do, but had no will to do it. When Sterling had made up his mind to leave the Church, Carlyle says, " What is to be done ? Something must be done and soon, under penalties. Whoever has received, on him there is an inexorable behest to give ! Fais ton fait. Do thy little stroke of work ! This is Nature's voice, and the sum of all the commandments to each man." The more I see of human life and experience, the more I see how true this is ; and how all individual considerations should be kept in subservience to great ends, when we have a right to feel assured that they are truly great and good. You, my dear sister, have the happiness of feeling that your ends are in the most eminent degree both great and good, as bearing * The Shearwater, under command of Captain (now Sir George) Nares, was on its way to the Red Sea for surveying work. It had been arranged that Dr. Carpenter should carry out some investigations in the Mediterranean oil the way. 104 MEMORIAL SKETCH. immediately on the moral as well as on the intellectual ele- vation of great masses of our fellow-men and women. My work (I mean my scientific work) is of a very different cha- racter, and has not, apparently, a direct moral bearing, how- ever high its intellectual value. But I feel sure that the single-minded pursuit of truth for its own sake, without a thought of selfish aims, has its effect not only in raising the character of the individual, but in elevating the moral standard of the educated community ; and I am sure that I can trace this in the greater earnestness, sincerity, and thoroughness of the leading scientific men of my own standing, as compared with many of those of the generation now passing away. I do not think the same of mere intellectual acquirement ; though even here the thoroughness on which our dear father used to lay so much stress, is a valuable moral discipline. So, my dear sister, let us, the eldest daughter and the eldest son, bearing the name which we so much venerate, go on our several ways ; carrying out each in her and his own way the objects in which our dear parents would have felt so much interest. It was highly characteristic of Dr. Carpenter at this crisis that he placed the decision as to his scientific duty in other hands. He felt that the fascination of the prospect of devoting the rest of his life to original investigations for which he believed himself specially qualified, might be- come one of those " dominant ideas," the presence of which he could so often detect in the conduct and dispositions of others. He consulted those in whose wise judgment he felt the fullest confidence, and he returned from the Medi- terranean that autumn perfectly content to tread the accustomed round. He never looked back. In all the preparations for the Challenger Expedition he took an active share, and he saw it depart without a pang. There were still fresh interests to occupy his mind, and more work for him to do at home. DARWINISM IN ENGLAND. 105 VIII. The conclusion of this chapter of Dr. Carpenter's active labour may fitly be followed by a semi-autobiographical summary of his views on " Darwinism in England," drawn up during his second Mediterranean cruise, and published in a little Valetta journal named // Barth* in December, 18S1. I have been so frequently asked by Continental savans what English naturalists think of Mr. Darwin's views, that it may not be an unprofitable use of a short interval of leisure which my detention in Malta forces upon me, if I attempt briefly to answer the question. To do this, I must say something of the state of opinion among British naturalists previous to the appearance of Mr. Darwin's " Origin of Species." I can myself remember the time when the " fixity of species " was the generally accepted doctrine among zoologists and botanists ; when much greater stress was laid upon points of difference than upon points of agreement ; and when far more credit was attached to the multiplication of species by attention to minute differences than to the reduction of their number by such a careful comparison of numerous individuals as proved these differences to be in- constant and gradational. So, again, it was the general creed of the older palaeontologists that each geological period had a fauna and a flora of its own, every, member of which must be specifically distinct from that which preceded and followed it; a complete extinction of all the types of life then existing having taken place at the end of every such period, and an entirely neiv creation having ushered in the next. This school has been represented among Continental naturalists to a recent period by men of such eminence as M. D'Orbigny and Professor Agassiz ; but it has long since died out in Britain. All our most esteemed zoologists and botanists have latterly studied * A larcije part of this was afterwards embodied in a paper entitled, "Charles Darwin: his Life and Work," Modern Review^ July, 1SS2. A few verbal changes made in this paper are here introduced. io6 MEMORIAL SKETCH. the range of variation of each reputed species, as one of the most essential features of its character; whilst our ablest Palaeontologists have laboured with success in tracing the identity of numerous species whose remains occur in forma- tions stratigraphically distinct. It was, indeed, a favourite doctrine of the late Professor Edward Forbes, that there was a constant relation between the range of any species in space and its range in titne ; i.e. that in proportion as the constitution of any species adapted it to diversities in climate, food, etc., so as to permit its extension over a wide geographical area, in that proportion would it have been able to accommodate itself to changes in the same condition, so as to hold its ground through successive geological periods. Further, it had come to be per- ceived that where the stratigraphical continuity is the closest, there is the greatest resemblance between the successive faunae, as in the case of the different members of the Cretaceous series ; and further, that where there is an interruption to such continuity in one locality, the gap is often bridged over else- where. And even as regards those great separations which were reputed to mark the terminations of the Palaeozoic and of the Mesozoic series respectively, it was generally believed by geologists of the newer school that the interruption was more apparent than real; depending merely on the want of inter- mediate beds in that small portion of the globe which has been hitherto explored. A geologist who has formed his notions of stratigraphical succession from a country where Tertiary strata immediately overlie Silurian, would find that tremendous hiatus in great degree filled up by the intermediate series presented in England alone ; and, in like manner, if the British geologist could carry his researches into areas which were submerged when Palaeozoic and Cretaceous Europe were above the sea, he could doubtless find abundant evidence of gradational passage to the Mesozoic and Eocene. Such gradations, it is now well known, are not wanting within the limits of Europe, and are very obvious elsewhere. Even in the pre-Darvvinian epoch, then, many of our most thouglitful naturalists were disposed to admit (i) that no definite limits can be assigned to the variation of any species without DARWINISM IN ENGLAND. 107 the careful collection and comparison of examples of the type throughout the entire extent of its geographical and geological range, and (2) that a very considerable amount of geiieric con- tinuity existed between the fauna and flora of successive strata, extending in all probability to what are known as representative species ; as well as to types between which the gradational passage could be shown to be complete. These doctrines I myself strongly advocated in the first of the memoirs on Fora- minifera (entirely devoted to the genus Orbitolites), which I have presented at various times to the Royal Society ; and I therein cited, in support of them, the experience of several of my most esteemed brother-naturalists, whose views on this question were altogether in accordance with my own. And if these doctrines be admitted, it becomes obvious that the range of any true species in geological time would be determined only by the degree of its capacity to accommodate itself to changes in the conditions of its existence; and that there is no a priori reason why marine types having a large capacity of this kind should not maintain their existence through a long succession of epochs. That existing species of mollusca are met with even in the earliest Tertiary strata, and in increasing proportion in the later, had been demonstrated by M. Deshayes, and made by Sir C. Lyell the foundation of his classification of the Tertiary series. That numerous types of Foraminifera and Diatomacese characteristic of the Cretaceous period are existing at the present time, had been shown by Professor Ehrenberg. And Messrs. Parker and Rupert Jones had shown the identity of even Triassic Foraminifera with types still inhabiting the Mediterranean. However limited in scope were these pre-Darwinian views, as compared with those developed in the " Origin of Species," they had taken the same direction, and in some degree pre- pared the way for their reception ; as had also an application of Von Baer's great doctrine of Development from the General to the Special^ which was first (I believe) put forward by Professor Broun, and which I myself worked out (in ignorance of his having already done so) in the third edition of my " General and Comparative Physiology." For I there dwelt upon several cases in which the earlier forms of certain great types presented io8 MEMORIAL SKETCH. genei'alizeil combinations of characters, which subsequently be- came more and more distinctly specialized in the progress of geological time. But I put forth this merely as an expression of the plan according to which the succession of animal and vegetable forms had been created, not as indicating any genetic continuity between the earlier and the later. Some years before, indeed, while criticizing the "Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation," and exposing the unsoundness of the author's data and the fallacy of his reasonings, I had taken occasion to say that I had not the least objection, either philosophical or theological, to the doctrine of Progressive Development, if only it could be shown to have a really scientific basis : since the development of the very highest type of animal life from the very lowest, during the long succession of geological ages, did not seem to me more strange than the actual development of that same type during a nine months' gestation. And I had further argued that it really involves a far higher idea of Creative Design to believe that a small number of types of organic life originally introduced were continuously evolved in the course of geological ages, according to a definite and unchanging plan, into a countless variety of forms suitable to the "conditions of existence " at each period, and finally into the flora and fauna of the present epoch, — than to suppose that the changes which successively took place in those conditions necessitated inter- ferences from time to time on the part of the Creator, in com- pensating, by the creation of new species, for the extinction of the old. For, to compare great things with small, we regard the production of a chronometer whose pendulum or balance- spring is furnished with a self-acting compensation for changes of temperature, as a higher effort of constructive skill than the production of an ordinary clock or watch, in which the needful compensations have to be made, as occasion requires by the interposition of an external power. By those who had been following the line of thought I have just indicated, the publication of Mr. Darwin's " Origin of Species " was felt, as by myself, to be the inauguration of a new era in a biological science. It gave a distinct shape to ideas on which many of us had been pondering as vague specu- DARWINISM IN ENGLAND. 109 lative possibilities. It showed that the doctrine of Progressive Development might be put into the form of a definite scientific hypothesis; in favour of which a vast mass of evidence could be adduced, whilst the objections to its acceptance were shown to arise chiefly out of that " imperfection of the geological record" which we were all prepared to admit. It showed that on general grounds the probability of a genetic continuity of organic life throughout the geological series— the fauna and flora of any epoch being the product of "descent with modifica- tion" from that which preceded it, — is far greater than that of successive n^\s creations. And to such as admitted this, it was plain that the conclusion can scarcely be evaded, that as the tendency throughout has been clearly one of progressive dif- ferentiation or specialization, the number of original types might have been very small — perhaps even a single primordial "jelly- speck " being the common ancestor of all. But we could not attach the importance which Mr. Darwin seemed to do, to the doctrine of Natural Selection, or the " survival of the fittest," as in itself an adequate explanation of the progressive modifications that have produced the long and diversified succession of animal and vegetable forms which have peopled our globe from the first appearance of life on its surface to the present time. The instances adduced by Mr. Darwin as results of artificial selection were cases of varietal modification only ; and he was unable to prove that the character which most strongly marks what the naturalist had been accustomed to accept as a true species — viz. its incapacity for producing with any congener an intermediate self-sustaining race — is otherwise than fixed and permanent. All that he could show is that va?'ieties placed under artificial conditions may come to be so far differentiated constitutionally as to breed together with difiiculty. But of the actual origination of what a philosophical botanist or zoologist would accept as a true species, incapable of breeding except with its own type, I do not recollect that he was able to produce any instance whatever. If, then, Natural Selection could not be shown to have produced a new species, still less could it be looked to as a vera causa, for the establish- ment of still greater differences. no MEMORIAL SKETCH. But it is further obvious that Natural Selection can only operate where a capacity for variation is inherent in the type. There are some types of which the range of variation is so restricted that they can only exist at all under certain combina- tions of conditions ; their distribution, therefore, being limited alike in space and in time. There are others which have a much wider range, being able to adapt themselves to great diversities in external conditions ; but it cannot be justly said that the variations which these present are " spontaneous." Every effect requires a cause. Natural Selection is assuredly not that cause, since its effect is only to perpetuate, among varietal forms, that one which best suits the conditions of exist- ence. Consequently we must look io forces acting either within or without the organism, as the real agents in producing what- ever developmental variations it may take on. Of the action of such forces, we at present know scarcely anything; and Mr. Darwin has not given us much help towards the solution of the problem.* But this much seems to me clear : that just as there is at the present time a determinate capacity for a certain fixed kind of development in each germ, in virtue of which one evolves itself into a zoophyte, and another (though not originally distinguishable from it) into a man, so must the primordial germs have been endowed each with its determinate capacity for a particular course of development ; in virtue of which it has evolved the whole succession of forms that has ultimately proceeded from it. That the " accidents " of Natural Selection should hsiwe produced that orderly succession, is to my own mind inconceivable ; I cannot but believe that its evolution was part of the original Creative Design ; and that the operation of Natural Selection has been simply to limit the survivorship, among the entire range of forms that have thus successively come into existence, to those which were suited to maintain that existence at each period. * In 1882 this last clause ran thus : — "But Mr. Darwin has himself most " fully recognized the need of them. His latest utterance on the subject is that " 'at the present time there is hardly any question in biology of more import- " 'ance than that of the nature and causes of variability.' I cannot, then, be "accused of undervaluing 1 )arvvin's work, in pointing out that what I originally "felt to be its weakest part, still remains incomplete." DARWINISM IN ENGLAND. iii That something of this kind is felt by most of those British naturaHsts who, hke myself, accept the doctrine of continuity by " descent with modification," is more than I can possibly affirm ; but I believe that such as have thought most deeply on the subject are quite satisfied that the doctrine of Natural Selection docs not of I'tse// afford an adequate explanation of the phenomena that have to be accounted for. Of that genetic continuity, however, every extension of palteontological know- ledge affords additional evidence. A most striking example is afforded by the gradual divarication of the Ruminant and Pachyderm orders, and of the family subdivisions of the latter, which can be now traced through the Tertiary and Quaternary series. Every naturalist knows that the Anoplotherium and other mammals whose fossil remains occur in the Eocene Tertiaries of Paris, presented most remarkable combinations of pachyderm and ruminant characters, which are completely separated and specialized in Pliocene and post-Pliocene genera. A few years ago a remarkable collection of mammalian fossils was discovered at Pikermi in Greece ; and the study of these, most carefully prosecuted by M. Gaudry, of the Jardin des Plantes, has shown that they supplied such a number of " missing links," that the genetic derivation of the latter more specialized types from the earlier more generalized could scarcely remain a matter of doubt to any naturalist not previously wedded to the doctrine of special creations. On the basis of a very careful examination of the whole series as completed by recent American discoveries, Professor Huxley has been able to construct a " Pedigree of the Horse," so complete that nothing is now wanting to its entire continuity from the Eocene period to the present. Again, the Deep-Sea researches in which it has been my privilege to bear a part, have shown that a large number of Cretaceous Echinoderms, Corals, Sponges, and Foraminifera, as well as of Tertiary Mollusca, supposed to be extinct, survive in the depth of the ocean at the present time ; these types being in some cases specifically identical, whilst in others the modifica- tion they have undergone is so limited as to justify their being accounted representative species. This has been the result^ not 113 MEMORIAL SKETCH. . merely of the dredging expeditions conducted by my colleagues (Professor Wyville Thomson and Mr. J. Gvvyn Jeffreys) and myself, but also of the like exploration carried on by the United States Coast Survey in the Gulf of Mexico and elsewhere. [One of the most characteristic examples of it is presented by the little Rhizocritius Lofotensis ; the discovery of which by G. Sars, off the coast of Norway, in 1866, gave the start to our own work. For this is clearly a dwarfed and deformed repre- sentative of the highly-developed Apiocrimis (Pear encrinite) of the Bradford clay (Wiltshire Oolite) ; which, as my friend Wyville Thomson said, " seems to have been going to the bad " for millions of years,'' under the influence of a reduced temperature.] To most English naturalists it seems premature at present to attempt to construct a pedigree of the animal kingdom generally, as has been done by Professor Haeckel and other naturalists in Germany. It appears that the palseontological as well as the developmental history of each group must be much more completely ascertained before any but tentative arrange- ments of this kind can be formed. Thus, while some of us have found no difficulty in believing that all existing birds have arisen from one common stock, the derivation of that stock from a common stirps with the reptilian at first appeared almost inconceivable ; birds and reptiles being physiologically almost the antithesis of each other. But the discovery of the Archse- opteryx has shown that a true bird may have a prolonged and distinctly jointed tail. The careful comparison made by Mr. Seeley of the skull of the Pterodactyl with that of the Fowl, led him to conclude that the former must have had a development of brain scarcely inferior to the latter, and was likely, therefore, to have had a circulation as vigorous and complete as that of birds. [And the researches of Professor Marsh in the Cretaceous strata of North America, have brought together a vast numljer of "missing links" in the form of Pterodactyls which resemble birds in the want of teeth, and cf birds which correspond with reptiles in the possession of them.] Further, the development of the Struthious birds, which were formerly supposed to have the closest mammalian affinities, is now found to be much mure DARWINISM IN ENGLAND. 113 reptilian than mammalian ; while certain Dinosaurian reptiles present distinct indications of progress towards birds. And thus it does not seem at all unlikely that evidence may here- after be obtained, which may adequately support the idea of the descent even of birds and reptiles from a common ancestor.* In the mean time I think I may say with confidence that all British naturalists who are not dominated by the prejudices of a bygone age, accept the general doctrine of Continuity as — to say the least — a good working hypothesis, under the guidance of which their inquiries may be advantageously prosecuted; and that they feel the great desideratum to be the acquirement of such a knowledge of extinct types, as may give to the entire pedigree of the animal and vegetable kingdoms a completeness approaching that of the pedigrees already constructed for par- ticular families ; and such an elucidation of the causes of varia- tion as may show under what circumstances those marked divergences of type took place, whereby distinct classes, orders, families, and genera successively came into existence. IX. The cessation of the summer cruises in which Dr. Carpenter took so active a share, and the completion of the new building of the University of London, which had involved him in much additional and anxious labour be- yond his ordinary duties, set him free for other tasks. He had become the secretary to the Gilchrist Educational Trust on its first establishment in 1865, and was thus brought into connection with a large number of educational movements all over the country. This was especially the case with the courses of popular scientific lectures for the working classes in various large towns, the organization of which fell chiefly upon him. He resumed his place himself upon * In 1S82 : "And thus the evidence now in course of accumulation "already afifoids adequate support to the idea, etc." 114 MEMORIAL SKETCH. the platform, with the prestige of diversified experience and eminent scientific authority. Winter after winter he made a rapid tour, lecturing four or five nights a week, to vast assemblies rising from twelve to eighteen hundred people. His subjects often lay far apart ; sometimes they were suggested by the physical or biological conditions of the deep sea ; sometimes they dealt with popular applica- tions of important physiological and psychological prin- ciples, as when he discoursed of human automatism or epidemic delusions ; or, again, they were fetched from his experiences of travel, it might be in the Nile valley, or (subsequently) at Niagara, when any chance listener who had trodden the same ground would often find that he had nearly as much to learn as those who had stayed at home. In such discourses (and this was also characteristic of some of his writing in later years), Dr. Carpenter often fell in- stinctively into a sort of autobiographical vein. He had been mixed up with so many important movements, and had seen so much of their working, that it seemed the most natural thing to him to illustrate almost every fresh topic by his own personal experiences, or his own contribu- tion of action, knowledge, or thought, to the matter under discussion. Such references were not inconsistent with a real modesty, though they did not always convey that impression. They poured out from his lips, or his pen, simply because they appeared to him the most suitable to his purpose ; and they often stood side by side with an original teaching of far higher value. In a lecture oil Niagara, he once related what Oersted had said to him about it in a way which excited some amusement for its evidently unconscious egotism ; " but Oersted's re- marks," it was observed, " which were the substance of " the story, were commonplace compared to Dr. Car- "penter's own comments, which were thrown in incident- POPULAR LECTURES. 115 "ally and apparently with no sense of their greatly "superior importance." To great popular audiences this practice only seemed like taking them into a familiar intimacy, and it made them feel immediately at ease. In each new town which he visited, he was always interested in the leading industries and manufactures ; and some apt illustration, borrowed perhaps from a local process which he had that morning witnessed, caught the atten- tion of his hearers, which never flagged to the close. Nothing, indeed, was more striking than the breathless suspense with which a complicated argument would be followed, the gathering excitement as the conclusion to which it pointed first came distantly into view, and the burst of applause attending its final demonstration. But Dr. Carpenter was never dependent on the stimulus afforded by these popular manifestations. He was very generous of his time and thought even for small causes. He would take as much pains to speak to a little band assembled in the school-room at Hampstead,* or to the poor and uncultivated at an East-end Mission, as to his equals and critics at the Royal Institution, or the huge and eager gatherings of a northern town. Such lecture-tours, however, were the recreation of Dr. Carpenter's spare time, rather than the occupation of the working hours saved from his University duty. These were devoted with unflagging vigour to the various branches of research in which he was continuously en- gaged. One little stream of notes and papers communi- cated to the scientific periodicals dealt with his former clients, Comatula and Eozoon. Another was concerned with the theory of oceanic circulation, currents, tempera- * Only last summer a gardener at Hampstead referred to a lecture on mildew, delivered many years before, as having been of great practical use to him. ii6 MEMORIAL SKETCH. ture, and the physical geography both of the deep and inland seas. And a third, growing in bulk and importance, related to the old questions of psychology and religious philosophy, on which he had been silently pondering since 1854. He entered the field once more with papers on the " Physiology of the Will " (1871), and "Common Sense" (February, 1872). In the summer of 1872 he presided over the meeting of the British Association for the Ad- vancement of Science at Brighton, and took as the theme of his address the interpretation of nature by man.* A succession of articles on kindred topics followed in the next three years, while he devoted himself to the project which he had long entertained, of enlarging the outline of .his chapters on the nervous system in the fourth edition of his " Human Physiology." This was completed in 1874, under the title of "Principles of Mental Physiology, with their Applications to the Training and Discipline of the Mind, and the Study of its Morbid Conditions." Into this book he poured much of his most earnest thought, his observations on human character, his meditations on the conduct of life. Starting from the functions of the dif- ferent portions of the nervous system,")* he sketched the natural history of thought and feeling, and discriminated with the added precision of twenty years' consideration, between the two spheres of automatic action and volitional control. Reflection had only confirmed him in the views which his physiological inquiries had originally generated ; and he had accumulated a large store of illustrations, which threw new and suggestive lights on the meaning of many of the commonest experiences. The attention which he had bestowed on many abnormal mental phenomena, and * See below, p. 185. t Subsequent investigations have thrown doubt on some of his positions, but it is not perhaps too much to say that in the present state of knowledge the view which he offers still remains more coherent than any other. ''MENTAL PHYSIOLOGY."^ 117 the openness of mind with which he surveyed them, gave especial value to his treatment of difficult questions on the border-land of the marvellous. Students of philo- sophy who found that he approached their problems from the scientific rather than the metaphysical side, sometimes discovered gaps in his reasoning, even while they shared his conclusions. This was especially the case in his dis- cussions of speculative themes such as the nature of the external world, or the presence of Mind and Will in the Universe, to which the argument of the whole book was one long prelude. He had not had a metaphysician's train- ing ; and could not think in his language, or dwell at ease with his abstractions. When he read the treatises of Principal Caird or Professor Edward Caird, and attempted to master the principles of Kant or Hegel, he felt himself in a strange land, among men of other tongues which he could not learn. But he believed that what was on one side a limitation, might be on another a source of strength. He managed to combine with the idealism of Berkeley and Mill a robust realism which was intelligible to the ordinary reader ; and he hoped that he might act as the interpreter of important scientific truths to a growing number of religious minds whose faith could not live in the attenuated air of the new agnosticism. One great desire I have (he wrote to his brother Russell in the birthday letter, this time on the right date, of December, 1874), to be of some use as a mediator in the conflict which has now distinctly begun between science and theology. I see quite clearly that it is of no use to try to grapple with the sub- ject unless one thoroughly masters the question on both sides. On the scientific side I find it taking a development such as I never dreamed of, as in Professor Clifford's Sunday 1-ecture published in the last Fortnightly^ in which it is asserted that there is no room for a God within the solar system ; while his and H.'s doctrine of human automatism pure and simple, seems ii8 MEMORIAL SKETCH. to me to strike at the root of all moral responsibility. I am going to reply to this in the Contemporary Review for Feb- ruary. I know that there are a number of thoughtful people, especially among the clergy, who look to me for guidance on these matters, and I am anxious not to fail in giving it. I have the greatest confidence in the ultimate prevalence of truth ; and the surging up of the depths only makes me feel that the bottom is reached more nearly than on previous occasions. The interest excited by these varied labours was in- dicated in the letters which Dr. Carpenter often received from those who were eminent in philosophy, in public affairs, and literature, of which the following criticisms and acknowledgments may serve as specimens : — From the Rev. Dr. Martineau. Dolgelly, September 8, 1872. I was presuming enough to hope for an authorized copy of your Address,* and so refrained from looking at the imperfect newspaper reports which fell in my way. Your kind remem- brance of me in your presentations has enabled me to read it with the careful attention it requires and repays. It is full of interest from beginning to end ; and I need not say that its main drift and purpose appear to me at once philosophical and seasonable. The distinction on which you insist between the " law " and the " cause " of phenomena is assuredly real and of the utmost moment : and no survey of the ultimate logic of science can be long regarded as adequate which does not pro- vide for it. If I had taken in hand to enforce it, I should have expressed myself (doubtless to the great disgust of my hearers) in terms more metaphysical than you have deemed it needful to employ, being convinced— possibly through over-estimate of my habitual pursuits— that there is no firm basis for the distinction, unless we resort to the d priori postulates of thought. For science, in its researches into Nature, I do not see how we can * The Address delivered at the Brighton meeting of the British Association in the previous August. See p. 185. PHILOSOPHY AND PSYCHOLOGY. 119 claim more than access to the laws of phenomena, in their grouping and succession ; nor can I hesitate to accept the posi- tivist dictum ^yx'AS. causes lie entirely beyond scientific cognizance. Our own causality, as you justly say, we do directly know ; but causality other than oiir own we do not know by either observa- tion or consciousness ; we observe only movements ; we feel only certain sensations of our own ; both of which are phenomena and not their causes ; and our reference of such things to an objective causality which is not in our experience is, I take it, an intuitive intellectual act, planting outside of us the counterpart and antithesis of the power which we put forth from within. If the authority of this intellectual act as a prior condition of our thinking of phenomena at all is denied, no ground whatever appears to me to remain for " dynamical laws ; " and either Mill or Biichner would easily throw back your second class into the first They would ask what more you find in the " conditions of the action of a force " than the concurrence or sequence of phenomena ; and would protest that the " direct consciousness " to which you appeal is still nothing but an order of feelings, i.e. of internal " phenomena ; " and on the ground of scientific ex- perience and method, I really do not see how an answer could be given to this. Besides Mill's reduction of all mathematical and physical axioms to inductions on observed uniformities, we have now Continental physicicns calling in question Newton's first law of motion ; so that, among those who decline all obligations to metaphysical assumptions, the distinction which you would draw between Kepler's laws and Newton's is being broken down. As to Biichner, since he contends, as you do, for our scientific knowledge of " force " (as well as " matter"), and therefore does not stop short with your first class of " laws," but proceeds to the second, I do not see why he may not, with you, speak of such laws as " governing " or " explaining " phenomena. So much for my old client, Metaphysics versus Physics. He is always bothering you, if you try to dispense with him. The only other point that I should like to remark upon is a use (which seems to me the source of misapprehension) of the word intuition. It is certainly common to speak of any apprehension at I20 MEMORIAL SKETCH. a glance, though it may be a shorthand compend of many steps, as " intuitive ; " and in this sense. Bidder's calculations, the visual interpretation of distance, etc., may be called "intuitive;" and you may speak of " the tendency to form intuitions," etc. But in accurate metaphysical speech " intuition " denotes — like the phrase " a priori cognition " — a primary condition of thought at all, a belief or cognition presupposed in experience, and con- stitutive of it. Such cognitions {e.g. space, time, cause) must seem to us immediate and irresolvable (being really so) ; but it is not this seeming (which may be simulated by acquired states) which earns the name : if they can be resolved, they do not deserve it, and it must be handed back to their primary ele- ments till you get to that which you must bring into experience if you are to think it at all. Hence the explanation of intuitions by ancestral inheritance is necessarily without result. The pri- mary conditions of thought cannot be the effect of converging or accumulating lines of thought. All that habit, personal or transmitted, can do, is to facilitate and condense mental actions once difficult and consciously successive ; so as to conceal the steps and prevent detection of the elementary intuitions. But those elementary intuitions must be there, though we may have got hold of the wrong things for them. Thus by denying that my (seeming) intuitions were intuitions to my hundredth grandfather, you only evade the question by pushing it back. Of course, in one sense, no one denies the genesis of intuitions, more than of any other function of a human being who, from end to end, has to be born. The question is not of the ph3'siological building up of the conditions of life, but of i7itellcctual derivation ; and the intuition doctrine simply maintains that intellectual action cannot take place at all, without certain cognitive elements being supplied from vi^ithin. I was interested in your new case of recovered vision. It adds a valuable fact. I fancy, however, that the theory to which we have been accustomed requires a good deal of qualification. Even in this case, why should the patient accuse herself of " stupidity " in not recognizing the scissors, if the means of recoo'nition were not there? The co-ordination of the visual and tactual experiences is already within reach by the muscular PHILOSOPHY AND PSYCHOLOGY. 121 traversing of the eye ; and the lesson is easier in proportion to the command over the needful movements. I shall look with much interest to your further treatment of such topics in the Contemporary, and especially for your elucidation of the " sense of effort," an obscure point on wliich light would be most welcome. As at present informed, I think too much is attributed to the "muscular sense," notwithstand- ing its value as a measure of force. From the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 10, Downing Street, January 13, 1873. I have read, though only quite recently, the paper you were so good as to send on the '* Physical Condition of Inland Seas ; " and I am very glad it has been in the power of the Government to meet your wishes in this important and most attractive branch of inquiry. I have also read your paper on " Hereditary Transmission " in the Contemporary Review * and I venture to offer two remarks. First, with regard to handwriting. I could name two most conspicuous instances of eldest sons who presented in the main a strong contrast to their fathers in character, but who in hand- writing strongly, and in their autographs most closely, resembled them. Secondly, with regard to colour. I should say that my observations on hereditary transmission have been human only, and in their very limited ranges have turned on the comparison of ancient and modern men ; as to whom generally it has appeared to me that there had been probably in simultaneous operation opposite processes, on the one side of growth and development, on the other of dilapidation. What I would now mention relates to the former of the two. Examination of the text of Homer, with respect to colours, convinced me that the ready perception of them, which our children generally display, was an acquired aptitude, standing in marked contrast with the perceptions of three thousand years ago, as they are represented * " On the Hereditary Transmission of Acquired Psychical Habits," in the Cotilemporary Review for January, 1873 ; the subject was continued in the April and May numbers. 122 MEMORIAL SKETCH. ' by the poet, whose views of specific colour appear to show much defect and confusion, while his sense of light was most vivid, and his sense of form alike strong and refined. From Dr. OLIVER Wendell Holmes.* Boston, Mass., U.S., May 9, 1874. I have been for such a long series of years your debtor, having been familiar with your writings since the first essay which brought you into notice, having always almost within arm's length your Physiologies, Human and Comparative, and your book on the Microscope, that you are a kind of classic to me ; and to see my name in a treatise of yours is like re- ceiving an unexpected honorary degree from some institution of note and name. I have always been greatly interested in the subject of unconscious cerebration, to use the expression which you, I think, first employed long ago in your Physiology. Every man is more or less a metaphysician, and I think we often feel, in reading the acutest or even the profoundest analysis of mental actions, that we too are experts, and hold in transparent solution the same ideas to which another has given the crystal- line solidity and definiteness of language. In this way I have often felt when reading your own subtle and searching observa- tions, and very likely with this feeling have borrowed more from your suggestions than I was aware of If I have done so in the little book from which you quote, or helped myself from others without giving them credit, you will, I know, set it all down to unconscious cerebration and automatic manipulation. But as we all handle the same tools in the same cerebral workshop, it is no more wonderful that we should often work after the same pattern, than that two gloves made in two different countries, should each have four fingers and a thumb. 'o^ Fro7n the Rev. Dr. Martineau. London, March 9, 1874. I am much gratified by your kind remembrance of me in drawing up your list of presentations for your " Mental Physi- * On receiving a copy of the " Principles of Mental Physiology," in which Dr. Carpenter had quoted Dr. Holmes's " Mechanism in Thought and Morals." ''MENTAL physiology:' 123 ology." I need not say that the original groundwork of the volume has long been familiar to me. Indeed, I owe to it a large part of my small store of knowledge with regard to the nervous system and its fimctions in man. The new elements in the volume are most inviting ; it is impossible to cut open the sheets without alighting, by merely indulging a cursory glance, on a rich vein of instruction or suggestion. To me, also, it is always a comfort when I take up your books to know that in surveying the belt of borderland between the domains of physiology and of psychology, you will treat the rights of both with due respect, and will not turn a professed scientific exploration into an expedition of aggression and conquest. If anything is absolutely and ultimately certain, it is that neither of these provinces can ever merge by annexation into the other ; and that therefore the true method of prosecuting both requires the creation and observance of a separate nomenclature and descriptive vocabulary for each. Yet among our English writers on these subjects, nine out of tea conceal their real distinctness, and thrust them into artificial approximation by carrying over the language of the one into their reports of the phenomena of the other. Within two years of its publication, the " Mental Physiology" ran through four editions, and in 1876 Dr. Carpenter drew up a final statement of his views on the limits of human automatism in the shape of a preface to the fourth edition, which dealt with recent utterances of some of his scientific friends, notably Professor Huxley and Professor Clififord.* The days were still full of eager labour, but the longing for rest rose more and more fre- quently in his mind. In the spring of 1875 he was greatly interested in the project of University Extension, and joined a deputation to the Lord Mayor on behalf of a scheme " originated by Cambridge, but here taken up at my in- " stance in a more comprehensive spirit. Our object is to "induce the City Companies to co-operate in a People's • See below, p. 2S4 124 MEMORIAL SKETCH. " College for thorough high-class teaching." The Council which was formed to carry on the work, represented the three Universities of Cambridge, Oxford, and London, and he remained a member of it till the last. But the active conduct of such new enterprises he felt that he must leave to younger men. I assure you (he wrote to his brother Russell, as the year 1875 ran out) that even when most rejoicing in the continuance of my own energy, I often long for the time when I may cease to feel it a duty to be always doitig something, and may be able to rest on my oars with an easy conscience, and let the world go on without my participation. Partly under the influence of this feeling, and partly for the completion of some investigations into the anatomy and development of the Feather-Star {Comatula), he obtained leave of absence from the University for three months in the beginning of 1876. When all the arrange- ments for the winter courses of Gilchrist lectures were completed, he hurried off to Naples to carry on his studies in the great aquarium maintained there by international scientific co-operation. Through a long spell of cold and cheerless weather, the southern city failed to reveal her charms ; and its sanitary and social conditions somewhat disgusted him.* His interest rose high, however, over Pompeii, which he did not visit till his wife could join him in the spring ; and when they passed to Rome, to Florence, to Bologna, on their way home, he found so keen a pleasure in great historic memories, and so unexpected a susceptibility to the glories of classic and mediaeval art, that * He used to tell afterwards, with much amusement, how when he was one day walking alone at no great distance from the town, a stalwart beggar sud- denly came up behind him, flung his arms over his shoulders, and snatched away the contents of his breast-pocket. The prize proved to be no poclcet- booic with its roll of notes inside, only a little paper-covered guide, which had cost a lira. Dr. Carpenter walked on with an amused pity for his assailant's disappointment. VISIT TO ITALY. 125 he regretted that he had not snatched a few more days from the laboratory to bestow on the opportunity he might never have again. To see Italy once more became one of his cherished dreams. Meanv/hile the usual labours were begun again ; the University claimed him as the spring advanced ; a new phase of the Eozoon controversy turned up, in which he gave a temporary triumph to "the Anti- Eozoonists ;" the fresh materials collected at Naples called loudly for arrangement ; and the fourth edition of the '* Mental Physiology " only awaited the new preface. My time (he wrote in the middle of May) has been much taken up by foreigners, who have come over to the Exhibition of Scientific Apparatus, which seems to have excited much more attention abroad than here. The Queen came to pay it a visit on Saturday morning, and the Empress of Germany. I followed in the train, and had a general look at what the collection con- tains, which is very wonderful and interesting, but what time I shall get to examine even a small part of it, I cannot divine. Just now I have to digest a new alternative scheme for the B.Sc. examination, and to ascertain the opinion of from twelve to twenty people upon it, and to go into questions between the University and the Medical Corporations, which, after every- thing had been settled, the latter have reopened. And as to home work, I am only gradually preparing (by getting my things into some kind of order) for what I shall take up when my time comes. I have not yet been able to concentrate my thoughts sufficiendy to write the preface to my " Mental Physiology." At length the time arrived. After twenty-three years of service, coinciding with the period of the most rapid development of the University, Dr. Carpenter resigned the office of Registrar, his retirement taking effect in the spring of 1879. Honours at home and abroad had flowed in upon him abundantly. In 187 1, his own University of Edinburgh had conferred on him the degree of LL.D. He had more than once served as Vice-President of the Royal Society. 126 MEMORIAL SKETCH. In 1872, he had filled the Presidential chair of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. The next year he was made a Corresponding Member of the Institute of France, the name which was submitted as an alternative to the choice of the electors being that of Charles Darwin. And Mr. Disraeli, soon after coming into power in 1874, conceiving that his services to education and science de- served recognition, recommended him to the Queen, without political or official prompting, for the order of Companion of the Bath. To these distinctions the Senate of the Uni- versity had it not in their power to add ; but they recorded their sense, not only of the ability, judgment, and fidelity with which he had uniformly discharged the duties of his post, but also of the zeal and efficiency with which he had on all occasions exerted himself, both within and beyond the limits of his official obligation, for the promotion of the best interests of the University ; and they expressed their conviction of the advantage conferred upon it by the services of a Registrar who, besides being an excellent administrator of its affairs, had attained, by his scientific labours, a position which gave him a just weight and in- fluence over those with whom he was officially brought into contact. When the next vacancy occurred, his name was placed upon the list of the Senate, and he continued to take an active share in its deliberations.* The sense of occasional strain now passed out of Dr. Carpenter's life ; but his days were no less fully occupied than before. He had more leisure to write, though writing became more irksome, and from the vantage ground of experience, and detachment from professional interests, he addressed himself with fresh energy to questions new and old. He had published two years before a little volume on * His portrait was painted by subscription among the graduates, and now hangs in the Senate-room. CHARACTERISTICS, 127 " Mesmerism and Spiritualism," and had devoted a large amount of time and thought to the investigation of " spiri- tualistic" phenomena, both at his own house and at the houses of other friends, such as Mr. Robert Chambers and Mr. A. R. Wallace. Then came vaccination, vivisection, the germ theory of disease, on all of which he entered with a certain eagerness which showed an unabated activity for thought, an unwearied zeal for what he believed to be the public good. It was his earnestness for this cause which sometimes lent a touch of asperity or intellectual scorn towards forms of error (as he regarded them) which had no legitimate ground, and might, in his judgment, be noxious to physical or mental health. If ever he yielded to the temptation to speak ex cathedra in the name of science — a habit which he deplored when he observed it in others — It was in dealing with doctrines and practices which appeared to him rooted in incurable prepossession, and maintained against overwhelming evidence. Here his intellectual tolerance found its limits. He was ardent, and hence sometimes unguarded in controversy ; but none could enter into dispute with him, and not feel that he sought no personal triumph, but only desired the establish- ment of the truth. This quality of his mind revealed itself especially In the essays on religious philosophy, which he contributed to the Modern Review in the years 1880 and onwards. They bear the impress of a calm and weighty judgment, which has faced all issues without fear ; they are the deliberate outcome of long and patient thought, lifted above passion or prejudice, and anxious only to know things as they are, to " see life steadily, and see it whole." In August, 1882, Dr. Carpenter was able to realize a long-cherished wish to visit Canada and the United States. Accompanied by his wife, he passed from Quebec through Montreal, the home of the last years of his brother, Dr. P. 128 MEMORIAL SKETCH. P. Carpenter, to Niagara, stopping on his way at the great beds in which Eozoon had been discovered. The week's rest which the travellers sought at the Falls was diversified by- attendance at the meeting of the American Pharmaceutical Conference, where he was called on for an address. It was a foretaste of what befell him afterwards. Congresses and conferences seemed to occur in town after town as he arrived. On one occasion, the discovery of his name in the hotel book suggested to some leading pastor an urgent request that he would give a discourse from the pulpit of his church. The most important of these speeches, some of which were quite improDiptu, was delivered before the National Congress of Unitarian and other Christian Churches, at Saratoga, on " The Influence of Science on the Progress of Religious Thought." The autumn weeks were chiefly spent in Boston, where Dr. Carpenter poured out the results of many years of labour and thought in two courses of lectures, under the auspices of the Lowell Insti- tute, on the " Physical Conditions of the Deep Sea," and on " Human Automatism." The boundless hospitality of his Boston friends, and the contact with so many men eminent in science and literature, with whom he had been acquainted only through books and correspondence, ren- dered this visit a time of keen intellectual excitement, and filled him with affectionate memories.* From his earliest years he had been trained to interest in New England Unitarianism, and he was familiar with the writings of its leading representatives. When the centenary of Dr. Chan- * The impression which he left behind him was of the same warm-hearted kind. He was ready to be pleased and to give pleasure everywhere. "There, "at my house," afterwards wrote his old English friend, the Rev. Brooke Herford, " the big-wigs having met him elsewhere, I gathered a crowd of "young students and our poorer ministers, to have a chance to see him, and " they have spoken to me many a time since of his beautiful cordiality, kind- " ness, and simplicity, as he talked with them at first individually, ard then "all sitting round and holding a general cross-fire of questioning." VISIT TO AMERICA. 129 ning's birth had been celebrated in London, in 1880, he had attended, at some personai risk, for he was suffering from a return of the malady of 1864, to show his " thorough "accordance as a man of science with his general views of "human nature and its responsibilities." The great Civil War had kindled in him an absorbing interest ; he had followed its progress with almost personal anxiety ; his recollection of its incidents was vivid, and in a long letter written in 1878, to Dr. O. W. Holmes, who had sent him a copy of his life of the historian and diplomatist Motley, he had retraced, in full detail, the causes which had for a while somewhat alienated his own sympathies, and those of many of his London friends, from the side of the North, partly through what he felt to be the unwise advocacy of Mr. Motley, with whom he was at one time in intimate intercourse. For the character of Lincoln he had conceived warm admiration ; he had studied the details of his career ; in the President's devotion to duty, his single-mindedness, his strength, he found the elements of nobility which he regarded as of highest worth, and his sense of humour was especially gratified by the manifold stories which he gathered of the insight and pungency of Lincoln's retorts. Under these influences his judgment of the issue became far tenderer to the North ; and when, after his return home in December, he recalled some of his impressions, strongest and deepest was his admiration for the readiness with which it had met the call to sacrifice. To the Rev. R, L. Carpenter. London, December 31, 18S2. A very fine memorial of the graduates who lost their lives in the war has been erected by subscription at enormous cost [at Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass.]; including a hall for dining, a good deal in the style of one of the Oxford or Cam- I30 MEMORIAL SKETCH. bridge College Halls, but much larger, and a theatre for public celebrations (in which the Greek play was performed not long ago), with a sort of transept between the two, giving entrance to each, the walls of which are covered with memorial tablets containing the lists of the graduates of the several faculties, with a number of appropriate mottoes. It was the going over these lists and recognizing so many names of the old New England families, that impressed me more than anything else with a feeling how completely the war had penetrated every circle of Northern society. O. W. Holmes's son, who has been Professor of Law at Harvard, and has been just made a judge (at the age of forty), went to the war before he graduated, and was wounded three times. Theodore Lyman, brother-in-law of Alexander Agassiz, whom I only knew as a naturalist (he has just brought out an admirable monograph in the Challenger Series), served on the staff of one of the Generals, and now holds the rank of Colonel. He has just been elected to Con- gress. In every cemetery the graves of those who fell are specially distinguished by small flags ; and there are generally little societies for keeping them decorated with flowers. I asked Dr. Morison what he considered to have been the principal motive that impelled the Northern volunteers ; and he said without hesitation that it was " country." The anti- slavery feeling doubtless helped, but it was not the moving power. The more I come to know of what they went through, the less I have been surprised at their complaint of want of sympathy on our parts, and their interpretation of our coldness as resulting from a desire for a split that should destroy the union which they felt bound by all the ties of patriotism to uphold. . . . A great sensation was produced while we were in Boston by a paper read at the Unitarian Club by Dr. George Ellis, as to the proper mode of now dealing with orthodoxy. He ex- pressed the conviction that in the old controversies in which the discussion was upon the meaning of texts, both sides accept- ing the Scriptural authority, the orthodox had the best of it ; and that the way now to deal with the questions at issue is to throw over this authority altogether. I think he is quite SEVENTY YEARS OF AGE. 131 right in his conclusion, though I do not accord with his pre- mises, as I do not think that the Trinity or the Deity of Christ find any support in the Bible. But I think that much of the Calvmistic system and the doctrine of eternal punishment are clearly formularized, and can only be set aside by an appeal to general principles involving an abandonment of doctrinal inspiration. On his return to London, Dr. Carpenter resumed his usual occupations. But it was not without an effort. The excitement of his American tour had involved a great drain on his strength, though it had given him acceptable change of thought, and a really invaluable mental refreshment. Composition became more and more difficult ; he shrank from taking pen in hand ; the labour of revising the short- hand-writers' reports of his lectures on " Human Auto- matism " loomed portentously before him so that he could hardly face it, and in fact it was never completed. He felt age creeping upon him, though he struggled against it. When the seventieth birthday came round in the autumn of 1883, he wrote to his brother Russell : — It was very pleasant to me to receive on Monday morning such a chorus of affectionate greetings on the attainment of my three score and ten years. Your remark about David's lamen- tation having special reference to the want of spectacles and dentistry was very apposite, these being now great aids in making life worth living. But I suppose that there were no small-print books or newspapers in those days that now specially need the artificial help. I wonder whether David was subject to rheumatism ; he ought not to have been, in the dry, warm climate of Palestine ; but it is this that just now makes me most uneasy respecting my future, as the damp weather we are at present experiencing has made me more painluUy conscious of creaking joints. Yet no one who witnessed his burst of energy the next spring would have thought his strength declining. On the 132 MEMORIAL SKETCH. 4th of April, 1884, he records that he has been "on circuit" the previous week, lecturing for the Gilchrist Trust at Gloucester, Stafiford, Northampton, Peterborough, and York ! In the next week he is to discourse to the Micro- scopical Society, and at the approaching Easter to attend the Ter-centenary festival of the University of Edinburgh, as representative of the University of London. Degrees were to be conferred in the metropolis of Knox's Calvinism on Dr. Martineau and M. Renan. "Verily," said Dr. Carpenter, recalling his earlier experiences, " tempora nmtantnry Nor did this complete the list of his engage- ments. " On the following week I am to go down to " Plymouth to help to launch a local Fisheries Exhibition ** they are getting up there. Our zoological station is as " yet in niibibiis." Ever since his visit to Naples, Dr. Carpenter had been impressed with the desirability of pro- moting marine zoological research at home, and he had made proposals for the thorough exploration and study of Milford Haven. This plan was not adopted. But a Marine Biological Association was formed, of which he became vice-president, and this has since carried out, by means of its laboratory on Plymouth Sound, a design traceable to his own suggestion. It was the last public movement which he helped to initiate and guide. In the same spring he presented to the Royal Society a short paper on the Nervous System of the Crinoidea. Here he summarized the evidence in favour of his views, which had been made known since his second statement of them in 1876, partly by the researches of one of his sons, and partly by those of other naturalists in England, France, and Germany. This was his last communication on a scientific subject to a learned' society. Eighteen months later, but a few weeks after his death, a text-book of zoology was published by his former chief opponent in LAST YEARS 133 Germany, in which his views were unreservedly adopted ; and they are now taught in every zoological laboratory, though their importance as regards the general evolution of the Echinoderm type is not yet fully recognized. Thus, his interests were still keen and clear ; and though the times were long past when he could punctually turn out the same amount of " copy " day after day with the utmost precision, and he would sit for a whole morning pen in hand gazing at the paper, unable to put down a word, every now and then some public or private event roused the old force. In the summer of 1884 he had given an address to a meeting of Unitarian ministers on the " Relation of the Argument from Design in the Organic World to the Doctrine of Evolution," and this was (with some difficulty) enlarged from the reporter's notes, and published in the October number of the Modern Review* It was the final utterance of his reasoned faith. A few weeks later he shared the universal regret at the death of Mr. Fawcett, as well as the universal curiosity and ex- pectation as to the probable attitude of the Opposition and the House of Lords on the Franchise and Redistribution Bills. References to politics were very rare in his corre- spondence, though his conversation often dealt largely with them. The following letter contains a characteristic illustration from Bristol memories : — To the Rev. R. L. Carpenter. London, November 9, 1S84. Although I did not often come across him (Mr. Fawcett), we were very good friends when we met ; and I greatly ad- mired the pluck with which he had made so good a position in the House, notwithstanding his bUndness. My own impres- sion, indeed, is that his accident was really the making of him, * See below, p. 409. 134 MEMORIAL SKETCH. by giving him a power of concentrating his energies so as to overcome the obstacles his bUndness created. I shall always have a pleasant recollection of him for the kindly way in which he moved a vote of thanks to me as President of the British Association at the closing meeting at Brighton, for which he was then M.P. He said that he was quite unable to judge for himself what I had done for science, but that all he had heard of me led him to recognize the love of truth as the guiding motive of my scientific career.* The next week will, I suppose, show whether the Opposi- tion are going to be wise in time, or to evoke the hostility of the mass of the people, of which they have had the fullest warning. If they adopt the suggestions of Gladstone and Lord Hartington, and put forth their own programme of a redistribu- tion scheme, which the Government will most gladly take into consideration, so as to make (as Gladstone said) the Bill the work of the House, they will have a much better case on which to go before the country at the next election, than if they per- sist in opposing the passage of the Franchise Bill. And I cannot but hope that the attitude of Mr. Gorst may have a sufficient number of imitators among the Peers to make Lord Salisbury doubtful of his majority. If they force the country to question the right of fifty country gentlemen — responsible to nobody — to resist its will, I think there is no doubt what the ultimate result will be. It is rather curious that Lord Salis- bury, who is so anxious to preserve the minority vote for the CoJiifuons, should oppose any change in the mode of electing the Scotch and Irish Peeis, which makes the majority the sole electors, and gives no representation whatever to the minority, which (as in the election of aldermen by the fi}-st Bristol Town Council) may be numerically less by only a single vote. I have the fullest confidence that a great result will be gained in the end, in whatsoever way it is worked out But it will be a great * Mr. Fawcett said that lonq; before he had the honour of Dr. Carpenter's personal acquaintance, he had always heard him spoken of by scientific men, whose authority he valued and whose opinion he could trust, as one of the most conscientious, laborious, and single-minded workers in the great world of science. No one, he had always been told, had ever worked with a purer desire to promote scientific truth, with less idea of personal distinction, than Dr. Carpenter. — Brighton Daily News, August 22, 1872. CHARACTERISTICS. 135 pity for the agitation to be prolonged, to the suspension of other legislation. Dr. Carpenter's recollection of Mr. Fawcett's words touched indeed the central energy of his whole thought and life. To realize Schiller's description of the philo- sopher, to love truth better than his system, had been his constant endeavour. In the pursuit of truth (he wrote in a fragment found among his private memoranda), the more faithfully, strictly, and perseveringly we fix our attention on the goal, not allowing ourselves to be distracted by the temptations of self-interest, or by the timid apprehensions of those who fear the risks more than they value the reward, the more shall we find ourselves progressively emancipated from those unconscious prejudices which cling around us as results of early misdirection and erroneous habits of thought, and which are more dangerous to our consistency than those against which we knowingly put ourselves on our guard. And so in the path of life, if we begin by turning to the right, and determinately keep straight on, we find the way become more and more clear before us ; the suggestions of a temporary expediency lose their force when we have formed the fixed habit of trying everything by the test of fundamental principles ; the temptations which arise out of the lower parts of our nature lose their hold upon us in proportion as we keep our attention fixed upon the highest class of motives ; and the determination to act upon those motives becomes more and more easy to carry out with every victory it has already gained. Here was his whole philosophy of conduct ; it guided him alike in scientific and social effort, and was the spring of his untiring toil. What influences he had felt most stimulating and helpful from the personalities whom he had known, may be inferred from the concluding words of a lecture on the " Principles of the System of Reformatory and Preventive Discipline as worked out in Theory and Practice by Mary Carpenter," delivered before the Sunday 136 MEMORIAL SKETCH. Lecture Society, of which he was President, on November 4, 1877, in the autumn following his sister's death. The world has been most benefited by the labours of those who have had the greatest desire to employ their powers for the good of others, the greatest knowledge of the best mode of doing so, and the greatest faith in the ultimate success of their work. And I wish no better for myself than that 1 should here- after be remembered as one who has endeavoured, in however humble a degree, to transmit to those who may come after me the earnest love of scientific truth which was the pre-eminent characteristic of John Frederick Herschel, the unswerving love of what was just and right and kind which animated the course of George Grote, and the large-hearted and self-sacri- ficing love of her fellow-creatures which gave to Mary Car- penter a foremost place among the philanthropists of this or any other time. To his friends, also, as to the public men who only saw him at a distance, singleness of aim seemed the most striking quality of Dr. Carpenter's life. This had, indeed, its severe and unsympathetic side to some who approached him only for the first time, especially in any post of official duty. He was charged to carry out certain rules, and they must be fulfilled, whatever might be the cost to personal convenience or pride. His life-long habit of acting on fixed principles made him impatient of anything that seemed to contravene them ; the strenuous effort of his earlier years had partly deprived him of the elasticity of nature which renders it easy for others to enter into fresh relations ; and he had a difficulty in spontaneously adapt- ing himself to varieties of character not formed after his own model. As his circle of friendships widened, how- ever, and a larger and more diverse experience gave him a fuller insight into the perplexities of life, his judgments towards his closing years became far gentler. He was not, indeed, without his share of the combative impulse ; but CHARACTERISTICS. 137 even when he headed an assault upon what seemed to him injurious error, or absolute folly, or defended on his own side some cherished position, he sought to distinguish between the opinions which he condemned and the per- sons who held them, for whom he even sometimes came to feel an unexpected tenderness. In his pursuit of truth there were no reserves ; honesty of purpose was stamped upon all he wrote. Thoroughness marked all his perform- ance, whether in scientific investigation, in the discharge of official duty, or the administration of private or public trusts ; he could be content with nothing but his best, and he could endure no slovenliness in others born of weakness or indolence. This very thoroughness made him often slow in forming opinions, till all available evi- dence should be before him ; and though his convictions when once formed were exceedingly tenacious, he strove earnestly to guard himself against allowing them to be- come mere prejudices, and he was not betrayed into quitting the attitude of the teacher, with its open outlook towards all possibilities, for that of the partisan. Hence in his treatment of religious questions he could reason with- out dogmatism. There was in his mind what one of his friends described as an " abiding and apparently inde- " structible instinct of reverence ;" but it was united with perfect intellectual freedom. This quality commanded the sympathy of many who had become more or less detached from the traditional forms of belief ; they read what he wrote on the deeper issues of faith " without the kind of "mental protest which is elicited both by orthodox denun- "ciations of scientific agnosticism, and not less so by the "pert and aggressive attitude of many modern agnostics." At the same time there was nothing visionary about Dr. Carpenter's modes of thought. Of the two great seers with whom he was acquainted, he probably derived from 138 MEMORIAL SKETCH. Carlyle the more vivid intellectual stimulus ; but Emerson had for him by far the stronger moral charm, and awakened in him the more enthusiastic admiration. When he visited Concord, he eagerly gathered up the memories of the beauty and nobility of Emerson's life, though he had often failed to follow him with assent or even with comprehension along the dizzy heights of his discourse. Emerson's flashing glances into the manifold relations of things were, indeed, as different as possible from the slow and cautious steps with which Dr. Carpenter felt his way through facts to principles. He would go no further than the most careful reasoning allowed him ; but he admitted into the elements on which his reasoning was to be based certain primary powers, affections, and sentiments, which he found in his own heart, and saw in various forms in the consciousness of the race. Nor was he disturbed in his estimate of their value, because it might be possible to show their origin and trace the history of their growth. The obligations of conscience were not, in his view, stripped of their Divine authority, even though the con- tents of its specific decisions depended on the long evolu- tion of experience. So he seemed to many to balance and harmonize different aspects of scientific, moral, and religious truth with a well-tempered wisdom ; giving to reason its fullest play over the widest range of outward and inward facts, he rose to be a kind of sage in the intellectual and theological world around him. Teachers and students, men of thought and feeling, and men of the world and affairs, discerned in him an unusual breadth of sympathy, and a rare combination of gifts, each of which was culti- vated to its fullest capacity. The simplicity of his aims flowed forth from a rich and sound humanity. " He was one of my oldest friends," said Sir James Paget," after his death, " a friend of more than forty years ; CHARACTERISTICS. 139 " and in all that time I could think of him as a model of " srentleness and fairness, and of unbounded desire for the "attainment and diffusion of knowledge." This sense of justice was stamped on all his intellectual work. He sought anxiously to manifest it towards others ; he desired it to be displayed towards himself. It made him eager to recognize to the full the value of the investigations of fellow-labourers, and he expected a similar recognition of his own. I gratefully remember (wrote one of his old friends to him in 1883) that you were among the earliest to welcome me among the workers in biology, and to encourage me by com- mendation both privately and publicly expressed. Of his generous kindness to young men, and his faithfulness as a friend (Mr. Huxley says), I can speak from knowledge. I was a very young man, almost friendless in the scientific world, when I returned to England in the end of 1850. I made Dr. Carpenter's acquaintance early in 1851, and it so happened that I was able to give him some odds and ends of information, which he found useful in bringing out the third edition of the " Principles of Comparative Physiology." In the preface, Dr. Carpenter has referred to my small services in a manner which I thought then, and think now, disproportionate to my deserts ; and, from that time until his lamented death, he remained a friend who did me many a good turn, and upon whose stead- fastness I could always rely. More than once I had the mis fortune to come into scientific conflict with him ; and on one occasion, certainly, I was in the right. Yet not even that provocation disturbed his unvarying goodness. Some other aspects of Dr. Carpenter's work are de- scribed in the following communication from Mr. Thiselton- Dyer, F.R.S.* In later years, when it was my privilege to be counted by Dr. Carpenter among his personal friends, I saw, with delight, * See a quotation previously given, p. 68. 7 140 MEMORIAL SKETCH. another side of his scientific character. Up to the very end, his intense interest in new knowledge might put to the blush many a younger man. It seemed extraordinary that it should never flag. I well remember his ardent excitement on the return of the Challenge?; laden with the spoils of four years' deep-sea explora- tion. It was just the same at the British Association at South- port, when he sat for hours at a time in the Biological section, eager to hear the papers read by the younger men, and delighted, when called upon, to speak words of approval and encouragement. And not merely had he this vast appetite for knowledge, but it was an appetite governed by perfect mastery. He remembered all about everything which he had ever learnt. It was a hazardous matter, therefore, to differ with him on a point of historical detail, and on the one occasion when I ever found myself in that predicament, I executed a very speedy strategic retreat. I append a copy of a letter which he wrote me on that occasion. It is in its way an interesting chapter of scientific history, and illustrates in a manner which is still marvellous to me in re-reading it, the perfect discipline in which he preserved the detailed knowledge stored up in his mind. The letter is the more important as it states, and I think with perfect accuracy, what he claimed to have effected in some points of botanical theory.* * To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, Esq. 56, Regent's Park Road, July 7, 1875. Dear Mr. Thiselton-Dyer. — Glancing over your article in the new number of the Microscopical Journal I see with some surprise that you credit De Bary with being the first to point out that conjugation is the primitive phase of sexual reproduction. For this was distinctly indicated by Thwaites in his paper in the A7inals for March, 1848 ; and I myself more fully developed this view in the British and Foreif^n Medico- Chiriwgical Review for October, 1848, pp. 370, 371, and October, 1849, pp. 341-347, also p. 437, where I bring into contrast ihe subdivision of cells as the type oi growth, and ^'' the mixture or " reunion of the contents of two cells,'''' as the type o{ gcjieration. This, again, was explicitly set forth in my "General and Comparative Physiology," 3rd edition, 1851, p. 881. The whole subject was at that date in a state of complete muddle ; and I think I could easily show that I was one of the first to indicate the mode in which the clearing-up would take place. In fact, I do not see that any essential correction has been made in the views I expressed in pp. 346, 347 of the RevircV oi Oclohtx, 1849, which no other vegetable physiologist, so far as I know, had then reached, Thwaites having most nearly approached them. CHARACTERISTICS. 141 I feel that there is perfect justice in the complaint he makes in the conclusion of the letter. The position is pathetic, but inevitable, and can only be redressed, if at all, by the testimony of men like myself, who do actually, in some degree, apprehend what the position of a man like Dr. Carpenter really has been in scientific history, and have the opportunity of stating it. Dr. Carpenter, in (act, was a member of a group of men who lived through a half-century of biological discovery, the like of which, from the nature of things, can never be repeated. The rapid development of the use of the microscope revealed a pro- fusion of cardinal facts in biology in a comparatively short time. The actual quantity of biological investigation will, year by year, no doubt, progressively increase. But the veil of ignorance can never again be lifted in the same interval from such an aggre- gation of fundamental additions to knowledge, for the simple reason that science can never again be occupied, as it was then, at one and the same moment with the fundamental facts of every branch of biological investigation. It was in this exciting atmospliere that Dr. Carpenter passed the early part of his life. The facts of the life-history of a fern are taught in every class of elementary biology in the three kingdoms. Yet I remember Dr. Carpenter telling me how he one day met a friend in the street who asked him to go to the lodgings (somewhere in Owen's book on " Parthenogenesis " shows what a confusion he was in ; as Steenstrup's "Alternation of Generations," and Edward Forbes's "Naked- Eyed Medusa " had shown in regard to the reproduction of animals. In the first volume of the Review (then edited by me) I had shown that the so-called " alternation " is really the btiddtJts;- oi generative zooids from the nutritive zooid ; and this, though contested at the time by Edward Forbes and Owen, is now universally recognized. At the Oxford meeting of the British Association, in 1847, at which I advanced this heresy, I was pooh-poohed ; and at the Council of the Ray Society, at which I advocated the reproduction of Suminski's book on the "Ferns," I was assured that the close resemblance of the Antherozoids to Spermatozoa was quite sufficient proof that they could have nothing to do with vegetable reproduction. I do not think that the men of the present generation, who have been brought up in the light, quite apprehend (in this as in other matters) the utter darkness in which we were then groping, or fully recognize the deserts of those who helped them to what they now enjoy. I am not given to reclamations, and should not have troubled you with this on my own account ; but Thvvaites having lieen a special "child " of mine (as he always avowed), I do not like that //c" should not get full credit for his work, Yours faithfully, WiLUAM B. Carpenter. 142 MEMORIAL SKETCH. Bloomsbury) of a Pole who had come to London, and who had made a remarkable discovery about the reproduction of ferns. This was Suminski, whose research holds an ever-memorable place in the history of botanical discovery. The elementary facts of biology seem a somewhat hackneyed drama to us now. But Dr. Carpenter had, as it were, seen the whole mise en schie. The entire story was fresher to him than it could be to us, paradox as this may seem. But the new knowledge of his later days was equally absorbing to him. It often seemed to me amazing to reflect that here was a man who had practically seen the whole thing grow up, and yet was as enthusiastic about the future development of biological science as its youngest votary. Certainly, as I have said, the progress of discovery which Dr. Carpenter saw, was an exciting one, and it was a fortunate thing that the task fell to him to be in some sort its historian, or, at any rate, expositor. For, as he in effect tells us, he at least never lost his head about it. The great work of his life was, after all, that he gathered up the new knowledge, digested it and put it before the world in a coherent and logical form. Stated in this way, the task accomplished may not seem much. In effect it was of the deepest importance. In my judgment he laid the foundations of that breadth and comprehensiveness of the English biological school, which will, I hope, be its lasting heri- tage. In some ways his method of orderly exposition reminds me of the logical lucidity of the best French work of the same kind. But in grip, depth, and even a sort of fervour, I venture to think that its good qualities were peculiarly English. In full accord with the single-mindedness of Dr. Carpenter's scientific character was the simplicity of his personal and home life. A certain frugality of habit, the fruit of Puritan ancestry and early struggle, marked him almost to the last ; but it imposed no restraints on his domestic intercourse. There all the wealth of his afTection manifested itself in his never-ceasing solicitude for the welfare of his sons, and the strength of his prin- ciples in the patience with which he took up the family burdens that sometimes fell upon him. In his later years CHARACTERISTICS. 143 he delighted to gather his grandchildren about him ; the playfulness which had been repressed under the strain of early days, found vent ; and the ways and wants of an infant went straight to his heart. On one of his Scotch rambles, in the autumn of 1878, he wrote to his wife (of whose travelling companionship he was that season deprived) from the Bridge of Allan : — Yesterday, after a morning shower, the day was very bright and beautiful, and I greatly enjoyed the journey, not the less for there being in the carriage a fifteen-months- old baby, the brightest, most good-tempered, and one of the prettiest I ever saw. Though the journey was more than six hours, she did nothing but laugh, sing, and play the whole time, except when she was sucking her bottle, and made great friends with me. I also amused myself with watching my aneroid, which went down an inch and a quarter in going over the highest watershed, that above Killiecrankie, and then rose visibly as we descended the steep incline. The sympathy which he felt for children readily ex- tended itself also to animals. The proximity of his house to the Zoological Gardens made him a frequent visitor on Sunday afternoons. There he was often to be found in the monkey-house, especially in the private room of the first chimpanzee, in whom he took a lively interest. He was always pleased to relate its educational progress, and would constantly take friends to see a display of its accomplish- ments. This grew almost into the pride of ownership ; and when the poor animal succumbed under its second teething, he genuinely regretted its decease. No less marked was the force of his feeling at the other end of the scale. In all that related to the conduct and character of those with whom he was most nearly connected, or even of those with whom he was brought only into official relations, his sensitiveness was extreme. Anything that seemed like moral wrong caused him the most stinging 144 MEMORIAL SKETCH. pain ; and to the imputations which he had occasionally to meet in controversy he was acutely susceptible. Again and again he would occupy the hours of a sleepless night by writing letters, which the calmer judgment of the morn- ing (sometimes under the influence of his wife) withheld ; the energy of protest had expended itself, and reason sug- gested the modifying considerations which agitated sensi- bility had ignored. The same warmth manifested itself in his friendships, and prompted continual acts of kindness, which sometimes surprised the receiver, until he learned that he might rely on his faithfulness with implicit trust The inevitable severance of old family ties, especially the death of his brother Philip and his sister Mary within a few weeks of each other, in the summer of 1 877, deeply affected him ; and in the loss of friends whom he revered or loved, like Mr. Grote and Sir William Siemens, he felt that some- thing passed out of his life beyond recall. It was with no less vigour of heart that he joined in public worship. He well understood the strain involved in the preacher's office : " My work," he said once, " is for the most part merely in- "tellectual ; but when I do anything that deeply interests *' my feelings, I find how much it takes out of me." The more the preacher was himself touched by what he was saying, the more sure was he of Dr. Carpenter's sympathy, and sometimes he would utter that sympathy with earnest emphasis. In music, above all other forms of art, he found for such modes of emotion the fullest expression ; yet his favourite passages in the masses of Haydn and Mozart, the oratorios of Handel, Mendelssohn, and Spohr, or the symphonies of Beethoven, were hardly dearer to him than some of the simplest strains of congregational psalmody, associated as they were with the memories of a life.* * He had himself compiled a book of tunes, for the use of the Rosslyn Hill congregation ; it contained several compositions of his own. CHARACTERISTICS. 145 This readiness of sympathy, combined with his vast range of knowledge, gave a special geniality and charm to his companionship, and enabled him as a teacher the better to enter into the difficulties of his pupils. Looking back on the precious half-hour before breakfast, which he always devoted, even in his busiest days, to his sons' lessons, they could recall the evident interest which he took in their Latin and Greek, their Algebra and Geometry, for the sake of the studies and the problems themselves. He seemed as much at home in them as the masters who gave their lives to them ; and the lad to whom it appeared only natural that a grown-up person should deal easily with a school- boy's work, found reason afterwards to marvel that the mind, absorbed in other pursuits, could so readily unlock the secrets of a different lore. He had the same intel- lectual curiosity in manufactures, inventions, machinery, processes of every sort. The newest scientific toy, the zoetrope, the chameleon top, the radiometer, was sure to appear upon his table. And his studies of things were always supplemented by the studies of men. He read the political memoirs of his own time with avidity, and could turn on rills and streams of discourse on the. most un- expected subject. ,The conversation once alighted, in some party chiefly composed of young men, on the consti- tutional history of Switzerland in the last century ; he was immediately ready with a large store of facts, and kept up the talk for three quarters of an hour. His lectures in the same way seemed to proceed from an in- exhaustible source. " When I look at that man's head," said a Bristol organ-builder, " I cannot help wondering at " the amount of knowledge it contains." He possessed a power of mental classification, so he once told a friend, by which, whenever he became acquainted with a new fact, it arranged itself under its proper head, and was there ready 146 MEMORIAL SKETCH. for reproduction and application. He was thus able to do mentally what most others can only accomplish by an elaborate machinery of labelled papers. Nor did he con- cern himself only with facts. Like other eminent men of science, he was a great novel-reader. In hours of weari- ness he always turned to his favourite, Scott. Though he could not originate humour, he enjoyed it greatly in others. To Lamb he was drawn with a positive affection ; he was familiar with Hood and Dickens ; the sayings of Mrs. Poyser were sometimes on his lips, though he found Daniel Deronda " rather tough ; " and he had a warm appreciation of Thackeray, with whom, through his kinship to Mrs. Carpenter, he was brought into occasional contact, the character he loved best in all fiction being Colonel Newcome. These resources made Dr. Carpenter a welcom.e guest among a large circle of friends ; but it was in his own home that his personality was most amply revealed. There it became clear how large was the circle of his interests. The study was equally open to the tried scientific investigator, or the young man in the first flush of enthusiasm over some new work ; there the stores of his collections, accu- mulated for future memoirs, some of which were never written, were displayed ; there the bearings of one element or another of doubtful interpretation were discussed ; there his delight in beauty, whether in a new form of animal life or in the order and coherence of a chain of reasoning, kindled the zeal of fellow-workers and friends. For those to whom the microscope had less charm, there were remem- brances of travel, photographs and stereographs gathered from other lands ; politics, literature, antiquities, music, all supplied in turn themes for his eager and discursive talk And he would always take the same pains (or even greater) for the undistinguished, as for the brilliant and famous CHARACTERISTICS. I47 He felt for young men, especially, an almost fatherly in- terest ; the friends of his sons could always rely on him for counsel and help ; for those who were passing through struedes such as he had himself endured, he had an un- tiring sympathy ; whenever it was possible he exerted himself to promote their welfare or professional advance- ment ; and even if that lay beyond the reach of any effort of his, the influence of his example and encouragement proved a strength and support. Writing of " that beautiful " presence, full of benevolence and kindly dignity, of intel- " lectual vivacity and moral earnestness, of wisdom and " love which pervaded the whole atmosphere of the house, "and lent a charm to the most trivial interests and a " brightness to the most serious employments," an American visitor recalled her memories of a brief stay in the summer of 1884:— I think of him in every phase of that short intercourse, of his friendly morning greeting, of his table-talk, so easy, so entertaining, of the long walks in the gardens, through the park, down in the city, of the expedition to Kew, of all those excursions lighted up, illustrated, by a constant flow of anecdote or personal reminiscences, poured out without stint, without reserve, as freely as if he were talking to his equals, instead of to insignificant persons who could give him nothing in return. Especially I think of the Sunday morning when he and I alone went to the Temple Church, and, finding it closed, wandered about the gardens, sat down in the Fountain Court, and then penetrated through Lincoln's Inn Fields, into the crowded ways by Drury Lane, and out again into the decorous Strand. I wish I could have made notes of all his talk that day, especially as we sat half an hour by the fountain in the stillness of the Sunday morning and of the ancient build- ings round. And most of all I think of him as he sat on Sunday evenings playing the sweet old music that he loved, his face full of light, and his voice of sweetness. A similar impression was recorded after his death by hs memorial sketch. another pen, that of a cultivated Norwegian scholar, the friend of one of his sons. Well do I remember the kindness he showed me, the obscure stranger, when I was privileged to be together with him, his noble face, his eager instructive talk, more interesting than any I ever listened to, the genial sympathy and light in which he moved as in his atmosphere. You felt him imme- diately to be not only a great but a good man. I like to think of him as I remember him one night at Christmas in his house, with his sons assembled round him in the library, your mother at his side, giving out a hymn at the organ, his fine face upturne d in beaming gratitude towards his Eternal Maker. Genuineness, reality, in thought, feeling, and conduct, these were the things which he asked from those around him ; these were the standards of worth for which he cared. When I preached a sermon in reference to Mr. Darwin (reported his friend, Dr. Sadler, shortly after his death). Dr. Carpenter came to me afterwards Avith tears in his eyes, and told me of what had been said to him by a leading scientific friend, to the effect that great as Mr. Darwin was as a scientific discoverer, he was still greater as a man. And he spoke as if he felt this testimony to character to be not only true, but also more to be desired than any testimony to intellectual ability could be. I think what was said is no less true of himself than it was of Mr. Darwin. The work of his life was great for its quality and for its extent ; but pervading it all one sees the man of highest moral principle, and of a deeply religious nature. In the spring of 1885, Dr. Carpenter's strength, which had for some time been impaired, especially by repeated attacks of rheumatism, seemed suddenly to give way. For many weeks he remained in a condition of physical and mental torpor which made his family apprehend the possi- bility of some obscure brain-disease. Change of air and CLOSING DAYS. 149 scene failed at first to restore him ; but the vigour of his constitution slowly reasserted itself ; and the customary visit to Scotland, with the gentle stimulus of varied society and the pleasure of meeting old friends, partly revived his energy. He even insisted on attending the meeting of the British Association at Aberdeen, and took some share in its labours. He looked somewhat ill (wrote Professor W. C. Mcintosh, of St. Andrews, a few weeks later), but his great kindness and interest in the proceedings triumphed over physical weakness, so that he was one of the pillars and heads of the meeting. I shall never forget his generous action and kindly words in pro- posing thanks for my address in Section D. He had especial satisfaction in breaking his journey home so as to avail himself of the hospitality of the Bishop of Ripon. His visit to the Palace happened to coincide with an ordination ; he studied the details of the examination (in one department of which his own " Mental Physiology" was prescribed), and showed the same bright and sympathetic interest in intercourse with some of the clergy and candidates which had struck his Boston friends. He had always noted with care the signs of the growth of Liberal opinions both within and without the Established Church. He had gladly embraced occasional opportunities of addressing the London clergy at Sion College on sub- jects such as prayer, or evolution, connected with the theory and practice of religion. He was accordingly quite willing to accept an invitation from Canon Fremantlc to read a paper before the Christian Conference at its November meeting, on the subject of Miracles. The sug- gestion harmonized with the direction which his own thoughts had been recently taking. Biblical study had never lost its charm for him. But a short time before he had read through Dr. A, B. Davidson's Commentary I50 MEMORIAL SKETCH. on Job ; and during his Scotch sojourn he had devoted much attention to Dr. Temple's Bampton Lecture. So, when once more at home, he took up some of his former occupations. He attended a few meetings, and when questions of difficulty arose, his judgment showed its wonted clearness, and was felt to have lost none of its grave wisdom. On the 7th of November, he met a number of old friends at the house of Mr. George Busk, where the animated talk of a group including his host, Mr. Huxley, Dr. AUman, and himself, made the party peculiarly memo- rable. The next day he dined after morning chapel with one of his sons, and spoke much of the Resurrection, in connection with his forthcoming paper, dwelling with especial force on the testimony of Paul, and expressing a characteristic suspense of judgment among the various theories offered in explanation. The whole topic occupied his mind so fully that it naturally came uppermost when, on the following afternoon, he met Dr. Martineau at the Athenseum. The subjoined record of their talk was after- wards communicated by Dr. Martineau to the Christian Reformer of January, 1886. About 4.30 p.m. on Monday, November 9, I met my late friend, Dr. Carpenter, at the Athenaeum, for the first time since his illness in the early summer. Though he bore some slight traces of rheumatism still, he was full of hfe and energy in his conversation ; which, passing quickly from subject to subject, soon settled upon the paper on miracles, which he was about to prepare for the Christian Conference on the following Monday. He did not propose, he said, to undertake a substantive treatment of the topic as a whole, but to content himself with a criticism of Bishop Temple's argument in his recent volume of Bampton Lectures. In that work, the credibility of miracles was vindicated in the method suggested to Babbage by his calculating-machine, and expounded in the so-called " Ninth CLOSING DAYS. 151 Bridgewater Treatise ; " consisting chiefly in resolving a phe- nomenon, which was exceptional within the little span of human experience, into an incident of some more slowly cir- culating series. Dr. Carpenter remarked that this explanation, by merely throwing the event out of the category of miracle into that of law, stripped off all its supposed religious signifi- cance, as a special act of Divine witness and authentication. Instead of an isolated " interposition," it Avas the recurring term of a periodicity, admitting of prediction. There was neither more nor less sacredness in a change due to a law of giant strides taking a millennium at a step, than in one which recurred at a moment's beat, like the steps of a little child. If the common conception is true, and all the order of Nature is delivered over to Second Causes, immediate volition of the First Cause is removed alike from the frequent and the rare. If, on the other hand, the enumerated energies of nature are but constant varieties of form in the Divine activity, the contents of every cycle, swift or slow, are alike immediate. The supposed argument from miracles rests upon an assumed antithesis between Nature and God, which the Babbage solution destroys. Dr. Carpenter added that, to him, the whole class of argu- ments to which that of Bishop Temple belongs, on the abstract possibility, probability, credibility, of miracles, appeared a futile waste of ingenuity. The problem was not philosophical, but historical ; and must be determined by critical methods applied to the records of concrete cases ; fair account being taken, on the one hand, of the value and extent of assured first-hand evidence; and, on the other, of the sources of sub- jective illusion and the fluid state of all popular tradition. Under these conditions, the reported miracles were, to him, evidence chiefly of the intense and profound impression left by the personality of Jesus. In that, and in the spiritual relations which it implied, lay the real secret, and the permanent power, of Christianity. These the records suffice to preserve; and with these it is wiser for the present age to be content. More than this passed between us ; and 1 believe that I was tempted to say more in my recital to the Christian Conference. But further I cannot securely go, without making my lamented 152 MEMORIAL SKETCH. friend responsible rather for my part of the conversation than for his own. The foregoing sentences contain, at least, the outUne of the scheme of thought which he sketched. To this meeting Dr. Carpenter recurred several times in the home-talk that evening, over the tea-table, the microscope, and the familiar game of backgammon. On retiring to rest he took a hot-air bath to ease the stiffness and rheumatic pains which the damp weather rendered unusually severe, when the accidental overturning of the lamp inflicted such injuries that after a few hours — which closed in tranquil sleep — he passed quietly away. Four days later, on Friday, November 13, his remains were laid near those of a venerated relative to whom he had been deeply attached, in the Highgate Cemetery. Ere the last office was complete, Dr. Sadler spoke of him as teacher and investigator, as companion and helper, and added the following words on that aspect of his life which it is especially the object of this volume to illustrate : — At a time when religion and science have appeared too often unhappily divided, it is hardly possible to overestimate the significance of their union in him, of his steadfast avowal of his own faith, and his personal sympathy with and participa- tion in Christian worship. It is hardly possible to overrate the value of the contributions from his pen on religious subjects. To none, indeed, of those who have given up all religious pro- fession, was a narrow and unspiritual theology, such as has been too often preached, more repellent than to him. But in the home of his childhood he breathed an atmosphere both of religious freedom and of religious feeling, and was led by pre- cept and example to think freely and earnestly on religious subjects, and the result was that his large intellectual culture did not repress in him a most devotional spirit, but gave it a wider range, and enabled it to soar up higher, foreshadowing, I trust, the way in which "That in us which thinl Motor Impulse N g Intellectual Processes'' ■) t t I i Emotions L-t Ideas t Sensations -^ Sensory Ganglia — > Motor Impulse t Impressions — ^ Spinal Cord — ^ Motor Impulse rt O < * To Dr. Laycock is due the credit of first extending the doctrine of reflex action to the brain. SUGGESTION AND MOVEMENT. 171 Now if that ordinary 71 p7v a rd comsQ of external impressions — whereby they successively produce sensations, ideas, emotions, and intellectual processes, the will giving the final decision upon the action to which they prompt — be anywhere interrupted, the impression will then exert its power in a transverse direction, and a "reflex" action will be the result. This is well seen in cases of injury to the spinal cord, which disconnects its lower portion from the sensorium without destroying its own power : for im- pressions made upon the lower extremities then excite violent reflex actions, to which there would have been no tendency if the current of nervous force could have passed upwards to the cere- brum. So, if sensations be prevented by the state of the cerebrum from calling forth ideas through its instrumentality, they may react upon the motor apparatus in a manner in which they would never do in its state of complete functional activity. This the Lecturer maintained to be the true account of the mode in which the locomotive movements are maintained and guided in states of profound abstraction, when the whole attention of the individual is so completely concentrated upon his own train of thought that he does not perceive the objects around him, although his movements are obviously guided by the impressions whicli they make upon his sensorium. And he adverted to a very remarkable case, in which the functional activity of the cerebrum seemed to have been almost entirely suspended for nearly a twelvemonth, and all the actions of the individual presented the automatic characters of consensual and reflex movements. On the same grounds, it seems reasonable to suppose that when ideas do not go on to be developed into emotions, or to excite intellectual operations, they, too, may act (so to speak) in the transverse direction, and may produce respondent movements through the instrumentality of the cerebrum ; and this will of course be most likely to happen when the power of the will is in abeyance, as has been shown to be the case in regard to the direction of the thoughts, in the states of electro-biology, somnam- bulism, and all forms of dreaming and reverie. Here the move- ments express the ideas that may possess the mind at the time ; with these ideas, emotional states may be mixed up, and even 172 NATURE AND MAN. intellectual operations may be (as it were) automatically per- formed under their suggestive influence. But so long as these processes are carried on without the control and direction of the will, and the course of thought is entirely determined by sug- gestions from without (the effects of which, however, are diversi- fied by the mental constitution and habits of thought of the individual), such movements are as truly automatic as are those more directly prompted by sensations and impressions, although originating in a more truly psychical source. But the automatic nature of the purely emotional actions can scarcely be denied; and as it is in those individuals in whom the intellectual powers are the least exercised, and the controlling power of the will is the weakest, that the emotions exert the strongest influence on the bodily frame, so may we expect ideas to act most powerfully when the dominance of the will is for the time completely suspended. Thus the ideo-motor principle of action finds its appropriate place in the physiological scale, which would, indeed, be incom- plete without it. And, when it is once recognized, it may be applied to the explanation of numerous phenomena which have been a source of perplexity to many who have been convinced of their genuineness, and who could not see any mode of reconciling them with the known laws of nervous action. The phenomena in question are those which have been recently set down to the action of an " Od-force," such, for example, as the movements of the " divining-rod," and the vibration of bodies suspended from the finger ; both which have been clearly proved to depend on the state of expectant attentio?i on the part of the performer, his will being temporarily withdrawn from control over his muscles by the state of abstraction to which his mind is given up, and the anticipation of a given result being the stimulus which directly and involuntarily prompts the muscular movements that produce it. V. THE PHASTS OF FORCE.* [In the earlier part of the article, Dr. Carpenter referred to "a few of the "more striking and typical examples o{ \\\q phasis of matter, for the purpose of "introducing a kindred topic, the phasis of force.''' After ilkistnting the mutual correlation of mechanical force, heat, chemical affinity, and electricity, he dealt with light, passing from its relation to the preceding modes of force, to describe its effects in influencing vital processes, and thus advancing to the phenomena of life.] In by far the larger number of cases in which Light is evolved, its manifestation can be directly traced to chemical combination ; whilst, conversely, light is often a most powerful agent in bringing about chemical change. In fact, it may be doubted whether light does not alter the structure or composition of all matter through which it passes, or on which it falls. Upon such an alteration depend, not only all the phenomena of photography, and numerous chemical changes of a most important character, but also the sustentation of all organic life, and our own sensibility to visual phenomena. For it is by the extraordinary influence of light upon the surface of the growing plant, that it is able to separate the inorganic elements of water, carbonic acid, and ammonia, and to unite them into those new and peculiar compounds — starch, oil, albumen, and their derivatives — which serve, not only for the extension of the vegetable fabric, but also for the nutrition of the animal body ; so that without light, as Lavoisier truly said, nature were without life and without soul. So, again, there can be no doubt that it is by directly producing some change in the nervous tissue of the retina, of which change the result is transmitted to * National Review, April, 1S57. 174 NATURE AND MAN. the sensorium, that luminous impressions are communicated to our consciousness ; and this change is essential to the continued nutrition of the tissue ; for it is well known to the physiologist, that if an opacity on the front of the eye completely prevent the access of light to the interior, the retina and the optic nerve gradually waste away, just as muscles do when long disused. What the precise nature of this change may be, is yet beyond our ken ; but of the immediate and direct relation of light to the peculiar properties of animal bodies, a very remarkable proof has been recently given by the researches of one of the best experi- mental physiologists of our time, M. Brown-Sequard ; for he has found that the contraction of the fibres of the iris, which diminishes the diameter of the pupil, is capable of being called forth, not only by the stimulus of light upon the retina, which affects the iris through the nervous circle of reflex action, but also by the impact of Light upon the iris itself, which directly excites the contraction of its muscular fibres, in the same way as electrical or mechanical stimulation excites muscular contraction elsewhere. By these most important links of connection, we are conducted to another division of the inquiry — that which relates to the powers of Life. There have not been wanting, at any period in the history of physiology, men who have attempted to identify all the forces actii.g in the living body with those operating in the inorganic universe. Because muscular force, when brought to bear on the bones, puts them in motion according to the laws of mechanics — and because the propulsive power of the heart drives the blood through the vessels on strictly hydraulic rules, it has been imagined that the movements of living bodies may be fully explained on physical principles ; no account being taken of the most im- portant consideration of all, namely, the source of that power which the living muscle possesses, but which the dead muscle is utterly incapable of exerting. So, again, because the digestive process, whereby food is reduced to a fit state for absorption, and the formation of various products of the decomposition that is continually taking place in the living body, may be imitated in the laboratory, it has been supposed that the appropriation of the nutriment to the production of living tissue, and the various meta- morphoses which this undergoes, are to be regarded as chemical THE P HAS IS OF FORCE. 175 phenomena ; here, again, those most essential peculiarities of the living body, which involve the temporary subjection of ordinary chemical affinities to some other agency, being entirely passed by. A scarcely less unphilosophical method, however, has been pursued by another class of reasoners, who have cut the Gordian knot by attributing all the actions of living bodies which physics and chemistry cannot account for, to a hypothetical " vital principle ; " an agency which they suppose to exert an autocratic rule in each organism, and whose laws they think it vain to seek. By various intelligent physiologists of modern times, however, the dynamical ideas introduced from physics and chemistry have been carried into the domain of life ; and it has been felt that the only mode of placing physiology on a truly scientific basis is, to regard those phenomena which, being altogether peculiar to living bodies, are designated "vital," as the manifestations of a special force or power, and to seek to determine the laws of its operation by the study of its actions. Of all these actions, there is none so universal, and therefore so characteristic, as that by which the organism is built up, or rather builds itself up, from the germ, by the appropriation of materials derived from external sources, and subsequently maintains itself in its characteristic form during its term of life ; hence the hypothetical power which is the supposed source of it, has been designated as the nisus fonnaiivns, the bildimgsirieb, or the oi'ga/Jizing force. This power is usually con- sidered as inherent in the organic structure, and as quite indepen- dent of heat or other agencies external to this, although they are admitted to exert an exciting or modifying influence on its 0];)era- tion ; and it is supposed to be imparted to each individual, like the substance of the germ from which it sprang, by the parental organisms which preceded it. In this point of view, therefore, the germ being potentially the entire organism, all the organizing force required to build up an oak or a palm, an elephant or a whale, must be concentrated in a minute particle only discernible by microscopic aid. But the hypothesis may be disproved by even a more complete rednctio ad absurdum than this ; for if we suppose the whole organizing force to be inherent in the organism itself, and to have been at first derived from its parents, the aggregate of the forces possessed by the several individuals, how numerous so- 176 NATURE AND MAN. ever, of any one species, must have been concentrated in their first progenitors — a doctrine scarcely less monstrous than that of the emboitement of the germs themselves, which were once supposed to lie packed one within the other, like nests of pill-boxes. Now, as the process of physiological inquiry has been recently bringing more and more clearly into view the dependence of all Vital activity upon certain antecedent conditions, it has especially established such a definite relation between the degree of this activity and the amount of Heat supplied to the organism, either from external or internal sources, as to make it clear that this agent is much more than a mere stimulus or provocative to the exercise of the vital force, and really furnishes the power that does the work. It has been, in fact, from the narrow limitation of the area over which physiological research has been commonly pro- secuted, that this great truth has not sooner become apparent. Whilst the vital phenomena of warm-blooded animals, which possess within themselves the means of maintaining a constant temperature, were made the sole, or at any rate the chief objects of study, it was not likely that the inquirer would recognize the influence of external heat in accelerating, or of cold in retarding their functional activity. It is only when the survey is extended to cold-blooded animals and to plants, that the immediate and direct relation between heat and vital energy — as manifested in the rate of growth and development, or of other changes peculiar to the living body — is unmistakably evinced. All the facts and generalizations of Botanical Geography point to the uninterrupted supply of a large measure of light and heat as the source of the rich luxuriance and perennial activity of tropical vegetation ; whilst the periodical declension of vegetative activity which we observe in the trees and plants of the temperate zone, is no less obviously due to the seasonal diminution in the supply of these agents. So, again, the entire cessation of all manifestations of vegetative life during the protracted intensity of an arctic winter, is in striking contrast with the almost incredible rapidity of develop- ment, which is observable under the unintermitted beams of the summer sun. Now, there are certain annual plants, such as the corn-grains, which will flourish under a considerable variety of climatic conditions, and whose term of life is definitely marked THE PHASIS OF FORCE. 177 out; and of such it has been ascertained by Boussingault, that the same aggregate amount of light and heat is required by each kind for the sustentation of its whole term of activity from germination to the maturation of its seed, under whatever latitude it be grown ; that term being so uniformly abbreviated by an exaltation, and protracted by a depression, in the intensity of these forces, as to show that its rate of life must stand in a direct ratio to them. We have already seen that the influence of light is exerted in providing the material for vegetable growth by a quasi-chemical action ; and it is capable of proof by direct experiment, that, ceteris paribus, the quantity of carbonic acid decomposed by a plant in a given time is proportional to the amount of light that has fallen upon it. There is no reason to suppose that light acts upon more than the surface, or that it has any direct concern with the internal operations of growth and development. On the contrary, we find that at one most important epoch, that of ger- mination, these processes are most actively carried on in the dark ; it being only when all the store of nutriment laid up in the seed has been exhausted, and when the young plant is beginning to be dependent upon that which it obtains for itself, that the influence of light becomes requisite. On the other hand, the rate of germination is so closely dependent, as every maltster knows, upon the degree of heat to which the seed is exposed, that it is capable of being exactly regulated by an increase or a diminution of the temperature ; and thus we are led to regard heat as the force by which the vegetable germ is enabled to appropriate the nutriment prepared for it, and to organize this into living tissue. Such a view, however, is by no means equivalent to the assertion that heat is itself the " vital principle," or the organizing force. We do not say that heat is electricity, because the heating of a certain combination of metals produces an electric current through them ; nor do we say that heat is mechanical force, because by boiling water we generate an elastic vapour. In each of these instances the character of the force is changed ; and so it is here. The living organism is the medium of transmutation, like the bis- muth and antimony in the first case, or like the water in the second; and its special peculiarity is, that it converts the heat, not only into vital force generally, but into that peculiar form of 178 NATURE AND MAN. it which exerts itself in building up and maintaining a certain structural type. Thus each species puts to a use of its own the heat that is supplied to it; just as, if we may use so rough a simile, each of the machines in a large manufactory may turn out a particular kind of work, although the same motor force is sup- plied to all ; and each generation transmits to its successor, not the force, but the capacity, for making a particular use of the force; just as a machine would do, that could apply its motor power to the construction of another machine similar to itself. The study of the life-history of cold-blooded animals — those, namely, whose temperature closely follows that of the medium they inhabit — leads to precisely the same conclusions ; as is especially apparent in those cases in which the ratio of life can be most accurately estimated. The earliest developmental changes in the fertilized egg of the frog, for example, consist in the cleavage, or segmentation of the yolk-mass, first into two parts, tlien into four, then into eight, and so on ; and it was found by Mr. Newport that the periods at which the successive cleavages took place were so precisely determined by the temperature to which the eggs were exposed, that he could predicate the former from the latter with great precision. So it has long been known that the production of larvcE from the eggs of insects could be accelerated or retarded, like the germination of plants, by increase or diminution of tem- perature ; and that the same holds good also regarding the pro- duction of the perfect chrysalis in the last metamorphosis. In the adult animal, the rate of life may be in some degree estimated by the amount of carbonic acid thrown off in respiration ; and it has been shown by the experiments of Dr. W, F. Edwards, that this increases in a direct ratio to the temperature to which the body is exposed ; whilst the duration of life, when respiration is prevented, is much greater at low temperatures than at high, showing that the animals then live much more slowly. The case is different, however, with warm-blooded animals ; for they are rendered in a great degree independent of external varia- tions, by the power which they possess of generating such an amount of heat within themselves, as shall keep the temperature of their bodies up to a certain fixed standard. Hence it is that their rate of life varies very little, and that their developmental THE P HAS IS OF FORCE. 179 functions are performed with a remarkable conformity to fixed periods of time. Thus, in the incubated egg of the bird, which is not left to casual supplies of warmth, but is constantly subjected to the high temperature of the maternal body, the chick is matured after a definite term of days ; and if the requisite heat were not thus constantly supplied, not merely would the developmental process be suspended, but the reduction of temperature would annihilate the organizing power. For it is the peculiarity of warm- blooded animals, that whilst this power is more energetic in its action than in that of the lower tribes, it requires for its mainte- nance a higher measure of heat; so that a reduction of the temperature of the body to such a degree as would favour the energetic activity of the lish or reptile, would be fatal to the bird or mammal. Although there is still some obscurity respecting certain phe- nomena of " animal heat," yet there is no question amongst either chemists or physiologists in regard to the general fact, that the main source of this heat is the oxygenation (by a kind of combustive process) of the hydrocarbons contained in the food. Now, we have seen that all these hydrocarbons, such as starch, sugar, oil, etc., are either directly or indirectly derived from the vegetable kingdom ; and not only a direct amount of oxygen, hydrogen, and carbon have been consumed in their production, but also a certain amount of solar light and heat, which they may thus be said to embody. The combustive process is not so carried on in the living body as to give forth light, save in a few exceptional cases, but it reproduces in the form of heat all that was embodied in the respiratory food, and thus the warm-blooded animal may be said to be continually restoring to the universe that force which the growing plant had appropriated to itself. And, carrying the same principle a little further, we may say, that in utilizing the stores of coal which have been prepared by the luxuriant vegetation of past ages, man is not only restoring to the atmosphere the carbonic acid and water of the carboniferous epoch, but is actually reproducing and applying to his own use the light and heat which its vegetation drew from the solar beams, as if for the very purpose of fixing them until he should find the means of turning them to account. Looking at this matter from i8o NATURE AND MAN. the standpoint afforded by the " correlation " doctrine, we are led to question whether the project of the Laputan sage to ex- tract sunbeams from cucumbers was so very chimerical after all , while we cannot but feel an increased admiration of the intuitive sagacity of that remarkable man George Stephenson, who Avas often laughed at for propounding in a somewhat crude form the very idea which we have just been endeavouring to present under a more philosophical aspect. There are other modes, however, in which the living animal restores to the universe the forces which the plant took from it. Its most distinguishing attribute is motion ; and this motion being another expression of force, the question arises, What is the source of that force ? There, again, we fall back on the plant, both for the force, and for the material of the structure which exerts it. All the higher forms of animal motion are the result of Muscular contraction ; and physiologists are now generally agreed in the truth of the statement first formally enunciated by Liebig, that every act of muscular contraction involves the death and oxida- tion of an amount of muscular substance proportional to the force exerted. Hence we are justified in regarding the motion produced by this contraction as an expression of the vital force which is superseded by chemical action, and as holding the same relation to that chemical action which the voltaic current bears to the oxidation of the zinc in the battery. Going further back, we find that the peculiar nitrogenous material of which muscle is composed, though organized by the animal under the agency already explained, is really generated by the plant ; and that its production in large amount may be regarded as the highest effort of plant-life, taking place as it does only under the most favourable concurrence of conditions, among which a copious supply of light and heat are especially required. And thus we may say that the nitrogenous constituents of plants embody a high degree of force, which is destined ultimately to manifest itself in the sensible motions of animals. And it is a curious confirmation of this view, that if these substances pass into decomposition without being organized into muscle, they set free a large amount of chemical force; all those "ferments" which have so remarkable a power of exciting chemical changes in other organic compounds, being members of this group. THE P HAS IS OF FORCE. i8i The highest manifestation of animal life, however, is unques- tionably that Nerve-force, by the instrumentality of which our consciousness receives its impressions of phenomena external to it, and our will exerts its power in producing motion through the instrumentality of the muscular apparatus. Regarding the nature of this force there is still some obscurity, but its very close rela- tion to electricity cannot be doubted. Though many most eminent physicists hold that they are identical, we regard the "correlation" doctrine as equally accounting for all those facts which support such a view, whilst it also accords with others which seem opposed to it ; and we, therefore, prefer to consider nervous force as be- longing to a distinct category. As its source lies, like that of muscular power, in the chemical changes involved in the death and decomposition of the peculiar tissue which manifests it, we trace it back ultimately to the plant which generated the material of the tissue, and thence to the light and heat which that plant received from the sun. Although the most obvious exertion of this force in the living body is that by which it calls forth muscular con- traction, yet it can also influence in a very marked manner the processes of nutrition and secretion ; so that its correlation with the general organizing force is exhibited (as in the case of elec- tricity and chemical action) on both sides, the nervous substance giving up its characteristic organization whilst developing nerve- force, and that nerve-force being transmitted to a distant part, to be applied there in producing or modifying organization. It is now well known that in the common experiment of exciting muscular contraction by galvanizing a motor nerve, the galvanism does not act directly through the nerve upon the muscle, but excites the nerve-force in that part of the trunk which intervenes between the point irritated and the muscle to which the nerve is distributed ; and in like manner, when sensation is called forth by the application of the electric stimulus to the sensory nerve, the effect is produced, not by the transmission of the electric current to the sensorium, but by the excitement of the nerve-force of the part of the trunk which proceeds towards it from the point irri- tated. And as the converse action to this excitement of nerve-force by electricity, we have the excitement by electricity of nerve-force in the electric fishes and a few other animals. Certain phenomena 1 82 NATURE AND MAN. of animal heat seem to indicate that nerve-force may directly produce elevation of temperature, and there are forms of animal luminosity which do not appear to depend upon an ordinary combustive process, but which rather resemble electric scintil- lations and seem immediately dependent on an exertion of nerve- force. Further, the pecuhar influence of states of the nervous system upon the composition of various secretions can only be explained by supposing that nerve-force has a direct power of modifying chemical action. So that of this, the highest form of vital force, all the material manifestations are of a kind that bring us back again into the region of physics and chemistry. But there is another aspect under which we have to view nerve-force — that of its relation to mental phenomena. That the excitement of this force in a certain part of our nervous apparatus is capable of producing a change in our state of consciousness, is the only explanation that can be offered of our recipience of Sensations from impressions made upon our organs of sense. So, again, that the state of mental activity which we term the Will, can so excite the nerve-force of the central organs as to occasion its transmission to the muscular apparatus, is the only explanation that can be offered of our power of voluntary motion. These two simple facts seem quite adequate to establish a " correlation " between nerve-force and mental agency, which is not less com- plete than that which has been shown to exist between nerve- force and electricity ; and we are led to the same conclusion by a careful appreciation of the fact, which all physiological knowledge of the conditions of mental activity tends to establish, that this activity, like exertion of muscular force, can only be sustained, as man is at present constituted, at the expense of the death and disintegration of the nervous substance. This idea of " correla- tion " once started, is found to give a scientific expression to a vast mass of facts demonstrative of the intimate connection between body and mind, which, though accepted as conformable to the universal experience of mankind, have not yet found their place in systematic treatises ; since they occupy that " debatable "ground" between metaphysics and physiology which the votaries of each of these sciences, far from wishing to claim it for them- selves, are desirous to cede to the dwellers on the other side THE P HAS IS OF FORCE. 183 of the border. Take, for example, the production of temporary insanity by intoxicatmg agents, on the one hand ; the influence of the emotions, not merely on the quantity, but also on the quality, of the secretions, on the other. These are unmistakable phenomena, that have just as great a claim to be examined and accounted for as those of ordinary mental or corporeal activity; and which have yet been passed by, simply because no one has yet been able to suggest any other than a " material " explanation of them. We shall have greatly failed in our purpose, however, if we have not by this time led our readers to perceive how com- plete is the distinction between matter and force, and how close is the relation between force and mind. Matter is in no case more than the embodiment or instrument of force ; all its (so- called) active states being merely the manifestations of an energy, which, under different forms, is unceasingly operative. Nor can it be fairly said, that in substituting the doctrine of force for that of the " imponderables," we are only setting up one hypo- thetical entity in place of another. Force is truly more of a reality to us than matter itself 5 for we cannot become cognisant even of the most fundamental property of matter — its occupation of space — without the consciousness of resistance. We cannot, it is true, isolate force from matter ; but we have two modes of judging of it — one objective, the other subjective ; one based upon observation of external phenomena, the other on the direct revelation of our own consciousness. And we hold it to be by the combination of both sets of considerations that cur truest and most definite ideas of dynamical agency are to be attained. We are conscious of the exertion of a power, when we either pro- duce or resist motion ; whenever, therefore, we see bodies in motion, we infer that only by a like exertion of power could that motion have originated ; so when the retardation of motion gives rise to heat, or heat (in ceasing to manifest itself as such) gives rise to expansive force, we perceive that it is only the manifestation that is changed, the fundamental power remain- ing the same. And as we are thus led by the " correlation " doctrine to consider the various agencies of nature as the ex- pression of a conscious will, we find the highest science com- i84 NATURE AND MAN. pletely according with the highest religion, in directing us to recognize the omnipresent and constantly sustaining energy of a personal Deity in every phenomenon of the universe around us — the pantheistic and anthropomorphic conceptions of His character being thus brought into harmony, when we view "Nature" as the embodiment of the Divine volition, the "forces of Nature " as so many diversified modes of its manifestation, and the " laws of Nature " as nothing but man's expressions of the uniformities which his limited observation can discern in its phenomena. VI. MAN THE INTERPRETER OF NATURE. [Presidential Address at the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Brighton, 1872.] My Lords, Ladies, and Gentlemen, — Thirty-six years have now elapsed since at the first and (I regret to say) the only meeting of this Association held in Bristol — which Ancient city followed im- mediately upon our national Universities in giving it a welcome — I enjoyed the privilege which I hold it one of the most valuable functions of these annual assemblages to bestow : that of coming into personal relation with those distinguished men whose names are to every cultivator of science as " household words," and the light of whose brilliant example, and the warmth of whose cordial encouragement are the most precious influences by which his own aspirations can be fostered and directed. Under the presidency of the Marquis of Lansdowne, with Conybeare and Prichard as vice-presidents, with Vernon Harcourt as general secretary, and John Phillips as assistant-secretary, were gathered together Whe- well and Peacock, James Forbes and Sir W. Rowan Hamilton, Murchison and Sedgwick, Buckland and De la Beche, Henslow and Daubeny, Roget, Richardson, and Edward Forbes, with many others, perhaps not le^s distinguished, of whom my own recollection is less vivid. In his honoured old age, Sedgwick still retains, in the academic home of his life, all his pristine interest in whatever bears on the advance of the science he has adorned as well as enriched ; and Phillips still cultivates with all his old enthusiasm the congenial 1 86 NATURE AND MAN. soil to which he has been transplanted. But the rest — our fathers and elder brothers — " Where are they ? " It is for us of the present generation to show that they live in our lives ; to carry forward the work which they commenced ; and to transmit the influence of their example to our own successors. There is one of these great men, whose departure from among us since last we met claims a special notice, and whose life — full as it was of years and honours — we should have all desired to see prolonged for a few months, could its feebleness have been un- attended with suffering. For we should all then have sympathized with Murchison, in the delight with which he would have received the intelligence of the safety of the friend in whose scientific labours and personal welfare he felt to the last the keenest interest. That this intelligence, which our own expedition for the relief of Livingstone would have obtained (we will hope) a few months later, should have been brought to us through the generosity of one, and the enterprising ability — may I not use our peculiarly English word, the " pluck " — of another of our American brethren, cannot but be a matter of national regret to us. But let us bury that regret in the common joy which both nations feel in the result ; and while we give a cordial welcome to Mr. Stanley, let us glory in the prospect now opening, that England and America will co-operate in that noble object which — far more than the discovery of the sources of the Nile — our great traveller has set before himself as his true mission, the extinction of the slave trade. At the last meeting of this association, I had the pleasure of being able to announce, that I had received from the First Lord of the Admiralty a favourable reply to a representation I had ventured to make to him, as to the importance of prosecuting on a more extended scale the course of inquiry into the physical and biological conditions of the deep sea, on which, with my colleagues Professor Wyviile Thomson and Mr. J. Gwyn Jeffreys, I had been engaged for the three preceding years. That for which I had asked was a circumnavigating expedition of at least three years' duration, provided with an adequate scientific staff, and with the most complete equipment that our experience could devise. The Council of the Royal Society having been led by the encouraging MAN THE INTERPRETER OF NATURE. 187 tenor of the answer I had received, to make a formal appHcation to this effect, the Hberal arrangements of the Government have been carried out under the advice of a scientific Committee, which included representatives of this Association. Her Majesty's ship Challenger, a vessel in every way suitable for the purpose, is now being fitted out at Sheerness ; the command of the expedition is intrusted to Captain Nares, an officer of whose high qualifications I have myself the fullest assurance ; while the scientific charge of it will be taken by my excellent friend Professor Wyville Thomson, at whose suggestion it was that these investigations were originally commenced, and whose zeal for the efficient prosecution of them is shown by his relinquishment for a time of the important academic position he at present fills. It is anticipated that the expedition will sail in November next ; and I feel sure that the good wishes of all of you will go along with it. The confident anticipation expressed by my predecessor, that for the utilization of the total eclipse of the sun then impending, our Government would " exercise the same wise liberality as " heretofore in the interests of science," has been amply fulfilled. An eclipse-expedition to India was organized at the charge of the Home Government, and placed under the direction of Mr. Lockyer; the Indian Government contributed its quota to the work ; and a most valuable body of results was obtained, of which, with those of the previous year, a report is now being prepared under the direction of the Council of the Astronomical Society. It has been customary with successive occupants of this chair, distinguished as leaders in their several divisions of the noble army of science, to open the proceedings of the meetings over which they respectively presided, with a discourse on some aspect of Nature in her relation to man. But I am not aware that any one of them has taken up the other side of the inquiry — that which concerns man as the " Interpreter of Nature ; " and I have therefore thought it not inappropriate to lead you to the con- sideration of the mental processes, by which are formed those fundamental conceptions of matter and force, of cause and effect, of law and order, which furnish the basis of all scientific reasoning, and constitute the Philosophia prima of Bacon. There is a great i88 NATURE AND MAN deal of what I cannot but regard as fallacious and misleading philosophy — " oppositions of science falsely so called " — abroad in the world at the present time. And I hope to satisfy you, that those who set up their own conceptions of the orderly sequence which they discern in the phenomena of Nature, as fixed and determinate Laws, by which those phenomena not only ai-e within all human experience, but always have been, and always must be, invariably governed, are really guilty of the intellectual arrogance they condemn in the systems of the ancients, and place themselves in diametrical antagonism to those real philosophers, by whose comprehensive grasp and penetrating insight that order has been so far disclosed. For what love of the truth as it is in Nature was ever more conspicuous, than that which Kepler displayed, in his abandonment of each of the ingenious conceptions of the planetary system which his fertile imagination had successively devised, so soon as it proved to be inconsistent with the facts disclosed by observation ? In that almost admiring description of the way in which his eriemy Mars, " whom he had left at home a despised " captive," had " burst all the chains of the equations, and broke "forth from the prisons of the tables," who does not recognize the justice of Schiller's definition of the real philosopher, as one who always loves truth better than his system ? And when at last he had gained the full assurance of a success so complete that (as he says) he thought he must be dreaming, or that he had been reasoning in a circle, who does not feel the almost sublimity of the self abnegation, with which, after attaming what was in his own estimation such a glorious reward of his life of toil, disappoint- ment, and self-sacrifice, he abstains from claiming the applause of his contemporaries, but leaves his fame to after-ages in these noble words : " The book is written ; to be read either now or by " posterity, I care not which. It may well wait a century for a " reader, as God has waited six thousand years for an observer." And when a greater than Kepler was bringing to its final issue that grandest of all scientific conceptions, long pondered over by his almost superhuman intellect — which linked together the heavens and the earth, the planets and the sun, the primaries and their satellites, and included even the vagrant comets, in the nexus of a universal attraction — establishing for all time the truth for MAN THE INTERPRETER OF NATURE. 189 whose utterance Galileo had been condemned, and giving to Kepler's laws a significance of which their author had never dreamed, — what was the meaning of that agitation which pre- vented the philosopher from completing his computation, and compelled him to hand it over to his friend ? That it was not the thought of his own greatness, but the glimpse of the grand universal order thus revealed to his mental vision, which shook the serene and massive soul of Newton to its foundations, we have the proof in that beautiful comparison in which he likened himself to a child picking up shells on the shore of the vast ocean of truth — a comparison which will be evidence to all time at once of his true philosophy and of his profound humility. Though it is with the intellectual representation of Nature which we call science that we are primarily concerned, it will not be without its use to cast a glance in the first instance at the other two principal characters under which man acts as her interpreter — those, namely, of the artist and of the poet. The Artist serves as the interpreter of Nature, not when he works as the mere copyist, delineating that which he sees with his bodily eyes, and which we could see as well for ourselves ; but when he endeavours to awaken within us the perception of those beauties and harmonies which his own trained sense has recognized, and thus impart to us the pleasure he has himself derived from their contemplation. As no two artists agree in the original con- stitution and acquired habits of their minds, all look at Nature with different (mental) eyes ; so that to each, Nature is what he individually sees in her. The Poet, again, serves as the interpreter of Nature, not so much when by skilful word-painting (whether in prose or verse 1 he calls up before our mental vision the picture of some actual or ideal scene, however beautiful ; as when, by rendering into appro- l)riate forms those deeper impressions made by the nature around him on the moral and emotional part of his own nature, he transfers these impressions to the corresponding part of ours. For it xs the attribute of the true poet to penetrate the secret of those mysterious influences which we all unknowingly experience ; and having dis- covered this to himself, to bring others, by the power he thus wields, into the like sympathetic relation with Nature — evoking igo NATURE AND MAN. with skilful touch the varied response of the soul's finest chords, heightening its joys, assuaging its griefs, and elevating its aspirations. Whilst, then, the artist aims to picture what he sees in Nature, it is the object of the poet to represent what '^.t feels in Nature ; and to each true poet, Nature is ivhat he individually finds in her. The Philosopher's interpretation of Nature seems less individual than that of the artist or the poet, because it is based on facts which any one may verify, and is elaborated by reasoning pro- cesses of which all admit the validity. He looks at the universe as a vast book lying open before him, of which he has in the first place to learn the characters, then to master the language, and finally to apprehend the ideas which that language conveys. In that book there are many chapters, treating of different subjects; and as life is too short for any one man to grasp the whole, the scientific interpretation of this book comes to be the work of many intel- lects, differing, not merely in the range, but also in the character of their powers. But whilst there are " diversities of gifts," there is "the same spirit." While each takes his special direction, the general method of study is the same for all. And it is a testimony alike to the truth of that method and to the unity of Nature, that there is an ever-increasing tendency towards agreement among those who use it aright — temporary differences of interpretation being removed, sometimes by a more complete mastery of her language, sometimes by a better apprehension of her ideas — and lines of pursuit which had seemed entirely distinct or even widely divergent, being found to lead at last to one common goal. And it is this agreement which gives rise to the general belief — in many, to the confident assurance — that the scientific interpretation of Nature represents her, not merely as she seems, but as she really is. But when we carefully examine the foundation of that assurance, we find reason to distrust its security ; for it can be shown to be no less true of the scientific conception of Nature, than it is of the artistic or the poetic, that it is a representation framed by the mind itself ovil of the materials supplied by the impressions which ex- ternal objects make upon the senses ; so that to each man of science. Nature is zvhat he individually believes her to be. And that belief will rest on very diff'erent bases, and will have very unequal values, in different departments of science. Thus in what are MAN THE INTERPRETER OF NATURE. 191 commonly known as the " exact " sciences, of which astronomy may be taken as the type, the data afiforded by precise methods of observation can be made the basis of reasoning, in every step of which the mathematician feels the fullest assurance of certainty ; and the final deduction is justified either by its conformity to known or ascertainable facts — as when Kepler determined the elliptic orbit of Mars ; or by the fulfilment of the predictions it has sanctioned — as in the occurrence of an eclipse or an occultation at the precise moment specified many years previously; or, still more emphatically, by the actual discovery of phenomena till then unrecognized — as when the perturbations of the planets, shown by Newton to be the necessary results of their mutual attraction, were proved by observation to have a real existence ; or as when the unknown disturber of Uranus was found in the place assigned to him by the computations of Adams and Le Verrier. We are accustomed, and I think most rightly, to speak of these achievements as triumphs of the human intellect. But the very phrase implies that the work is done by mental agency. And even in the very first stage of the process — the interpretation of observations — there is often a liability to serious error. Of this we have a most noteworthy exam.ple in tlie fact that the estimated distance of the earth from the sun, deduced from observations of the last transit of Venus, is now pretty certainly known to be about three millions of miles too great ; the strong indications of such an excess afforded by the nearly coincident results of other modes of inquiry having led to a re-examination of the record, which was found, when fairly interpreted, fully to justify — if not even to require — the reduc- tion. Even the verification of the prediction is far from proving the intellectual process by which it was made to have been correct. For we learn from the honest confessions of Kepler, that he was led to the discovery of the elliptic orbit of Mars by a series of happy accidents, which turned his erroneous guesses into the right direction ; and to that of the passage of the radius vector over equal areas in equal times, by the notion of a whirling force ema- nating from the sun, which we now regard as an entirely wrong conception of the cause of orbital revolution.* It should always ♦ See Drinkwater's " Life of Kepler," in the Library of Useful Knowledge, pp. 26-35. 193 NATURE AND MAN. be remembered, moreover, that the Ptolemaic system of astronomy, with all its cumbrous ideal mechanism of " centric and excentric, " cycle and epicycle, orb in orb," did intellectually represent all that the astronomer, prior to the invention of the telescope, could see from his actual standpoint, the earth, with an accuracy which was proved by the fulfilment of his predictions. And in that last and most memorable anticipation which has given an imperishable fame to our two illustrious contemporaries, the inadequacy of the basis afforded by actual observation of the perturbations of Uranus, required that it should be supplemented by an assumption of the probable distance of the disturbing planet beyond, which has been shown by subsequent observation to have been only an approxi- mation to the truth. Even in this most exact of sciences, therefore, we cannot pro- ceed a step, without translating the actual phenomena of Nature into intellectual representations of those phenomena ; and it is because the Newtonian conception is not only the most simple, but is also, up to the extent of our present knowledge, universal m its conformity to the facts of observation, that we accept it as the only scheme of the universe yet promulgated, which satisfies our intellectual requirements. When, under the reign of the Ptolemaic system, any new in- equality was discovered in the motion of a planet, a new wheel had to be added to the ideal mechanism, as Ptolemy said, " to " save appearances." If it should prove, a century hence, that the motion of Neptune himself is disturbed by some other attraction than that exerted by the interior planets, we should confidently expect that not an ideal but a real cause for that disturbance will be found in the existence of another planet beyond. But I trust that I have now made it evident to you, that this confident ex- pectation is not justified by any absolute necessity of Nature, but arises entirely out of our belief in her uniformity ; and into the grounds of this and other primary beliefs, which serve as the foundation of all scientific reasoning, we shall presently inquire. There is another class of cases, in which an equal certainty is generally claimed for conclusions that seem to flow immediately from observed facts, though really evolved by intellectual pro- cesses ; the apparent simplicity and directness of those processes MAN THE INTERPRETER OF NATURE. 193 either causing them to be entirely overlooked, or veiling the as- sunnptions on which they are based. Thus Mr. Lockyer speaks as confidently of the sun's chromosphere of incandescent hydrogen, and of the local outbursts which cause it to send forth projections tens of thousands of miles high, as if he had been able to capture a flask of this gas, and had generated water by causing it to unite with oxygen. Yet this confidence is entirely based on the as- sumption, that a certain line which is seen in the spectrum of a hydrogen flame, means hydrogen also when seen in the spectrum of the sun's chromosphere ; and high as is the probability of that assumption, it cannot be regarded as a demonstrated certainty, since it is by no means inconceivable that the same line fiiight be produced by some other substance at present unknown. And so when Dr. Huggins deduces from the different relative positions of certain lines in the spectra of different stars, that these stars are moving from or towards us in space, his admirable train of reasoning is based on the assumption that these lines have the same meaning — that is, that they represent the same elements — in every luminary. That assumption, like the preceding, may be regarded as possessing a sufficiently high probability to justify the reasoning based upon it ; more especially since, by the other researches of that excellent observer, the same chemical elements have been detected as vapours in those filmy cloudlets which seem to be stars in an early stage of consolidation. But when Frankland and Lockyer, seeing in the spectrum of the yellow solar prominences a certain bright line not identifiable with that of any known ter- restrial flame, attribute this to a hypothetical new substance which they propose to call Helium, it is obvious that their assump- tion rests on a far less secure foundation ; until it shall have received that verification, which, in the case of Mr. Crookes's researches on Thallium, was afforded by the actual discovery of the new metal, whose presence had been indicated to him by a line in the spectrum not attributable to any substance then known. In a large number of other cases, moreover, our scientific inter- pretations are clearly matters of yW-,'-;//^///; and this is eminently d. personal act, the value of its results depending in each case upon the qualifications of the individual for arriving at a correct decision. 194 NATURE AND MAN. The surest of such judgments are those dictated by what we term " common sense," as to matters on which there seems no room for difference of opinion, because every sane person comes to the same conclusion, although he may be able to give no other reason for it than that it appears to him " self-evident." Thus while philo- sophers have raised a thick cloud of dust in the discussion ot the basis of our belief in the existence of a world external to ourselves — of the Non-Ego, as distinct from the Ego — and while every logician claims to have found some liaw in the proof advanced by every other — the common sense of mankind has arrived at a decision that is practically worth all the arguments of all the philosophers who have fought again and again over this battle- ground. And I think it can be shown that the trustworthiness of this common sense decision arises from its dependence, not on any one set of experience, but upon our unconscious co-ordination of the whole aggregate of our experiences — not on the conclusiveness of any one train of reasoning, but on the convergence of all our lines of thought towards this one centre. Now this " common sense," disciplined and enlarged by appro- priate culture, becomes one of our most valuable instruments of scientific inquiry ; affording in many instances the best, and some- times the only, basis for a rational conclusion. Let us take as a typical case, in which no special knowledge is required, what we are accustomed to call the " flint implements " of the Abbeville and Amiens gravel-beds. No logical proof can be adduced that the peculiar shapes of these flints were given to them by human hands; but does any unprejudiced person now doubt it? The evidence of design^ to which, after an examination of one or two such specimens, we should only be justified in attaching aprobable value, derives an irresistible cogency from accumulation. On the other hand, the ////probability that these flints acquired their peculiar shape by accidetit, becomes to our minds greater and greater as more and more such specimens are found ; until at last this hypothesis, although it cannot be directly disproved, is felt to be almost inconceivable, except by minds previously " possessed " by the " dominant idea " of the modern origin of man. And thus what was in the first instance a matter of discussion, has now become one of those " self-evident " propositions, which claim the MAN THE INTERPRETER OF NATURE. 195 unhesitating assent of all whose opinion on the subject is entitled to the least weight. We proceed upward, however, from such questions as the common sense of mankind generally is competent to decide, to those in which special knowledge is required to give value to the judgment ; and thus the interpretation of Nature by the use of that faculty comes to be more and more individual ; things being perfectly " self-evident " to men of special culture, which ordinary men, or men whose training has lain in a different direction, do not apprehend as such. Of all departments of science, geology seems to me to be the one that most depends on this specially-trained " common sense ; " which brings as it were into one focus the light afforded by a great variety of studies — physical and chemical, geographical and biological ; and throws it on the pages of that great stone book, on which the past history of our globe is recorded. And whilst astronomy is of all sciences that which may be considered as most nearly representing Nature as she really is, geology is that which most completely represents her as seen through the medium of the interpreting mind ; the meaning of the phenomena that constitute its data being in almost every instance open to question, and the judgments passed upon the same facts being often different according to the qualifications of the several judges. No one who has even a general acquaintance with the history of this department of science can fail to see that the geology of each epoch has been the reflection of the minds by which its study was then directed ; and that its true progress dates from the time when that " common sense " method of interpreta- tion came to be generally adopted, which consists in seeking the explanation of past changes in the forces at present in operation, instead of invoking the aid of extraordinary and mysterious agencies, as the older geologists were wont to do, whenever they wanted— like the Ptolemaic astronomers — "to save appearances." The whole tendency of the ever-widening range of modern geo- logical inquiry has been to show how little reliance can be placed upon the so-called " laws " of stratigraphical and palasontological succession, and how much allowance has to be made for local conditions. So that while the astronomer is constantly enabled to point to the fulfilment of his predictions as an evidence of the 196 NATURE AND MAN. correctness of his method, the geologist is almost entirely destitute of any such means of verification. For the value of any prediction that he may hazard — as in regard to the existence or non-existence of coal in any given area — depends not only upon the truth of the general doctrines of geology in regard to the succession of stratified deposits, but still more upon the detailed knowledge which he may have acquired of the distribution of those deposits in the particular locality. Hence no reasonably-judging man would discredit either the general doctrines or the methods of geology, because the pre- diction proves untrue in such a case as that now about to be brought in this neighbourhood to the trial of experience. We have thus considered man's function as the scientific in- terpreter of Nature in two departments of natural knowledge ; one of which affords an example of the strictest, and the other of the freest method, which man can employ in constructing his intellectual representation of the universe. And as it would be found that in the study of all other departments the same methods are used, either separately or in combination, we may pass at once to another part of our inquiry. The whole fabric of geometry rests upon certain axioms which every one accepts as true, but of which it is necessary that the truth should be assumed, because they are incapable of demon- stration. So, too, the deliverances of our "common sense" derive their trustworthiness from what we consider the " self-evidence " of the propositions affirmed. There are, then, certain primary beliefs, which constitute the groundwork of all scientific reasoning ; and we have next to inquire into their origin. This inquiry brings us face to face with one of the great philosophical problems of our day, which has been discussed by logicians and metaphysicans of the very highest ability as leaders of opposing schools, with the one result of showing how much can be said on each side. By the intuitionalists, it is asserted that the tendency to form these primary beliefs is inborn in man, an original part of his mental organization ; so that they grow up spontaneously in his mind as its faculties are gradually unfolded and developed, requiring no other experience for their genesis, than that which suffices to call these faculties into exercise. But by the advocates MAN THE INTERPRETER OF NATURE. 197 of the doctrine which regards experience as the basis of all our knowledge, it is maintained that the primary beliefs of each in- dividual are nothing else than generalizations which he forms of such experiences as he has either himself acquired or has consci- ously learned from others ; and they deny that there is any original or intuitive tendency to the formation of such beliefs, beyond that which consists in the power of retaining and generalizing experiences. I have not introduced this subject with any idea of placing before you even a summary of the ingenious arguments by which these opposing doctrines have been respectively supported ; nor should I have touched on the question at all, if I did not believe that a means of reconcilement between them can be found in the idea, that the intellectual intuitions of any oiie generation are the embodied experiences of the previous race. For, as it appears to me, there has been a progressive improvement in the thinking pozver of man ; every product of the culture which has preceded serving to prepare the soil for yet more abundant harvests in the future. Now, as there can be no doubt of the hereditary transmission in man of acquired constitutional peculiarities, which manifest themselves alike in tendencies to bodily and to mental disease, so it seems equally certain that acquired mental habitudes often im- press themselves on his organization, with sufficient force and permanence to occasion their transmission to the offspring as tendencies to similar modes of thought. And thus, while all admit that knowledge cannot thus descend from one generation to another, an increased aptitude for the acquirement, either of know- ledge generally, or of some particular kind of it, may be thus in- herited. These tendencies and aptitudes will acquire additional strength, expansion, and permanence, in each new generation, from their habitual exercise upon the materials supplied by a con- tinually enlarged experience; and thus the acquired habitudes produced by the intellectual culture of ages, will become a " second nature " to every one who inherits them.* * This doctrine was first explicitly put forth by Mr. Herbert Spencer ; in whose iihilosojihical treatises it will he found inost ably developed. I am glad to be able to append the foUowint; extract from a letter which Mr. John Mill, the great master of the experiential school, was good enough to write to me a few months since, with reference to the attempt I had made to place 198 NATURE AND MAN. We have an illustration of this progress in the fact of continual occurrence, that conceptions which prove inadmissible to the minds of one generation, in consequence either of their want of intellectual power to apprehend them, or of their preoccupation by older habits of thought, subsequently find a universal acceptance, and even come to be approved as " self-evident." Thus the first law of motion, divined by the genius of Newton, though opposed by many philosophers of his time as contrary to all experience, is now accepted by common consent, not merely as a legitimate in- ference from experiment, but as the expression of a necessary and universal truth ; and the same axiomatic value is extended to the still more general doctrine, that energy of any kind, whether mani- fested in the " molar " motion of masses, or consisting in the "molecular" motions of atoms, must continue under some form or other without abatement or decay ; what all admit in regard to the indestructibility of matter, being accepted as no less true of force, namely, that as ex nihilo nil jit, so nil fit ad 7iihilum* But, it may be urged, the very conception of these and similar great truths is in itself a typical example of intuition. The men who divined and enunciated them stand out above their fellows, as possessed of a genius which could not only combine but create, of an insight which could clearly discern what reason could but dimly shadow forth. Granting this freely, I think it may be shown that the intuitions of individual genius are but specially exalted forms of endowments which are the general property of the race "common sense" upon this basis (Coufciaf'orary Revi-ew, February, 1S72) : — " When st.ites of mind in no respect innate or instinctive have been frequently " repeated, the mind acquires, as is proved by the power of habit, a greatly • increased facility of passing into those states ; and this increased facility must "be owing to some change of a physical character in the organic action of the "brain. There is also considerable evidence that such acquired facilities of "passing into certain modes of cerebral action can, in many cases, be trans- "mitted, more or less completely, by inheritance. The limits of this power "of transmission, and the conditions on which it depends, are a subject now " fairly before the scientific world ; and we shall doubtless in time know much "more about them than we do now. But so far as my imperfect knowledge "of the subject qualifies me to have an opinion, I take much the same view of "it that you do, at least in principle." * This is the form in which the doctrine now known as that of the "Con- servation of Energy " was enunciated by Dr. Mayer, in the very remarkable essay published by him in 1S45, entitled, " Die organische Eewegung in ihrem Zusainmenhange mit dem Stolfwechsel." MAN THE INTERPRETER OF NATURE. 199 at the time, and which have come to be so in virtue of its whole previous culture. Who, for example, could refuse to the marvel- lous aptitude for perceiving the relations of numbers, which dis- played itself ill the untutored boyhood of George Bidder and Zerah Colburn, the title of an intuitive gift ? But who, on the other hand, can believe that a Bidder or a Colburn could suddenly arise in a race of savages who cannot count beyond five ? Or, again, iu the history of the very earliest years of Mozart, who can fail to recognize the dawn of that glorious genius, whose brilliant but brief career left its imperishable impress on the art it enriched ? But who would be bold enough to affirm that an infant Mozart could be born amongst a tribe, whose only musical instrument is a tom-tom, whose only song is a monotonous chant ? Again, by tracing the gradual genesis of some of those ideas which we now accept as " self-evident," — such, for example, as that of the "uniformity of Nature" — we are able to recognize them as the expressions of certain intellectual tendencies, which have progressively augmented in force in successive generations, and now manifest themselves as acquired mental instincts that pene- trate and direct our ordinary course of thought. Such instincts constitute a precious heritage, which has been transmitted to us with ever-increasing value through the long succession of preceding generations ; and which it is for us to transmit to those who shall come after us, with all that further increase which our higher culture and wider range of knowledge can impart. And noAv, having studied the working action of the human intellect in the scientific interpretation of Nature, we shall examine the general character of its products ; and the first of these with which we shall deal is our conception of tnatter and of its relation to force. The psychologist of the present day views matter entirely through the light of his own consciousness : his idea of matter in the abstract being that it is a "something" which has a permanent power of exciting sensations ; his idea of any "property " of matter being the mental representation of some kind of sensory impres- sion he has received from it; and his idea of any particular kind of matter being the representation of the whole aggregate of the 2O0 NATURE AND MAN. sense-perceptions which its presence has called up in his mind. Thus when I press my hand against this table, I recognize its un- yieldingness through the conjoint medium of my sense of touch, my muscular sense, and my mental sense of effort, to which it will be convenient to give the general designation of the tactile sense ; and I attribute to that table a hardness which resists the effort I make to press my hand into its substance, whilst I also recognize the fact that the force I have employed is not sufficient to move its mass. But I press my hand against a lump of dough; and finding that its substance yields under my pressure, I call it soft. Or again, I press my hand against this desk ; and I find that although I do not thereby change \isform, I change \\.s place ; and so I get the tactile idea of motion. Again, by the impressions received through the same sensorial apparatus, when I lift this book in my hand, I am led to attach to it the notion oi 7v eight or ponderosity ; and by lifting different solids of about the same size, I am enabled, by the different degrees of exertion I find myself obliged to make in order to sustain them, to distinguish some of them as light, and others as heavy. Through the medium of another set of sense-perceptions which some regard as belonging to a different category, we distinguish between bodies that feel " hot " and those that feel " cold ; " and in this manner we arrive at the notion of differences of temperature. And it is through the medium of our tactile sense, without any aid from vision, that we first gain the idea of solid form, or the three dimensions of space. Again, by the extension of our tactile experiences, we acquire the notion oi liquids, as forms of matter yielding readily to pressure, but possessing a sensible weight which may equal that of solids : and of air, whose resisting power is much slighter, and whose weight is so small that it can only be made sensible by artificial means. Thus, then, we arrive at the notions of resistance and of weight as properties common to all forms of matter ; and now that we have got rid of that idea of light and heat, electricity and magnetism, as " imponderable fluids," which used to vex our souls in our scientific childhood, and of which the popular term " electric fluid " is a " survival," we accept these properties as affording the practical distinction between the " material" and the " immaterial." Turning, now, to that other great portal of sensation, the MAN THE INTERPRETER OF NATURE. 201 sight, through which we receive most of the messages sent to us from the universe around, we recognize the same truth. Thus it is agreed aUke by physicists and physiologists, that colour does not exist as such in the object itself; which has merely the power of reflecting or transmitting a certain number of millions of un- dulations in a second ; and these only produce that affection of our consciousness which we call colour, when they fall upon the retina of the living percipient. And if there be that defect either in the retina or in the apparatus behind it, which we call " colour- blindness " or Daltonism, some particular hues cannot be dis- tinguished, or there may even be no power of distinguishing any colour whatever. If we were all like Dalton, we should see no difference, except in form, between ripe cherries hanging on a tree, and the green leaves around them : if we were all affected with the severest form of colour-blindness, the fair face of Nature would be seen by us as in the chiaroscuro of an engraving of one of Turner's landscapes, not as in the glowing hues of the wondrous picture itself And in regard to our visual conceptions it may be stated with perfect certainty, as the result of very numerous observations made upon persons who have acquired sight for the first time, that these do fiot serve for the recognition even of those objects with which the individual had become most familiar through the touch, until the two sets of sense- perceptions have been co-ordinated by experience.* When once this co-ordination has been effected, however, the composite perception of form which we derive from the visual sense alone is so complete, that we seldom require to fall back upon the touch for any further information respecting that quality of the object. — So, again, while it is from the co-ordination of the two dissimilar pictures formed by any solid or projecting object upon our two retince, that (as Sir Charles VVheatstone's admirable investigations have shown) we ordinarily derive through the sight * Thus, in a recently recorded case in which sight was imparted by opera- tion to a young woman who had been bhnd from birth, but who had never- theless learned to work well with her needle, when the pair of scissors she had been accustomed to use was placed before her, though she described their shape, colour, and glistening metallic character, she was utterly unable to recognize them as scissors until she put her finger on them, when she at once named them, laughing at her own stupidity (as she called it) in not having made them out before. 202 NATURE AND MAN. alone a correct notion of its so/id form, there is adequate evidence that this notion, also, is a menta.\ judgme/if based on the experience we have acquired in early infancy by the consentaneous exercise of the vis'aal and tactile senses. Take, again, the case of those wonderful instruments by which our visual range is extended almost into the infinity of space, or into the infinity of minuteness. It is the mental not the bodily eye, that takes cognizance of what the telescope and microscope reveal to us. For we should have no well-grounded confidence in their revelations as to the unknown, if we had not first acquired experience in distinguishing the true from the false by applying them to known objects ; and every interpretation of what we see through their instrumentality is a mental Judgment as to the prob- able form, size, and movement of bodies removed by either their distance or their minuteness from being cognosced by our tactile sense. The case is still stronger in regard to that last addition to our scientific annamentum, which promises to be not inferior in value either tc^he telescope or the microscope; for it may be truly said of the spectroscope, that it has not merely extended the range of our vision, but has almost given us a new sense, by enabling us to recognize disdnctive properties in the chemical elements which were previously quite unknown. And who shall now say that we know all that is to be known as to any form of matter ; or that the science of the fourtk quarter of this century may not furnish us with as great an enlargement of our knowledge of its properties, and of our power of recognizing them, as that of its third has tione ? But, it may be said, is not this view of the material universe open to the imputation that it is "evolved out of the depths of our own consciousness " — a projection of our own intellect into what surrounds us — an ideal rather than a real world ? If all we know of matter be an " intellectual conception," how are we to distinguish this from such as we form in our dreams ? — for these, as our Laureate no less happily than philosophically expresses it, are "true while they last." Here our "common sense" comes to the rescue. We "awake, and behold it was a dream." Every healthy mind is conscious of the difference MAN THE INTERPRETER OF NATURE. 203 between its waking and its dreaming experiences ; or, if it is now and then puzzled to answer the question, " Did this really happen, or did I dream it?" the perplexity arises from the consciousness that it might have happened. And every healthy mind, finding its own experiences of its waking state not only self-consistent, but consistent with the experiences of others, accepts them as the basis of its beliefs, in preference to even the most vivid recollections of its dreams. The lunatic pauper who regards himself as a king, the asylum in which he is confined as a palace of regal splendour, and his keepers as obsequious attendants, is so " possessed " by the conception framed by his disordered intellect, that he does pro- ject it out of himself into his surroundings ; his refusal to admit the corrective teaching of common sense being the very essence of his malady. And there are not a few persons abroad in the world, who equally resist the teachings of educated common sense, whenever they run counter to their own preconceptions ; and who may be regarded as — in so far — affected with what I once heard Mr. Carlyle pithily characterize as a " diluted insanity." It has been asserted, over and over again, of late years, by a class of men who claim to be the only true interpreters of Nature, that we know nothing but matter and the laws of matter, and that force is a mere fiction of the imagination. May it not be aflSrmed, on the other hand, that while our notion of matter is a conception of the intellect, force is that of which we have Xht most direct — perhaps even the only direct — cognizance? As I have already shown you, the knowledge of resistance and of weight which we gain through our tactile sense is derived from our own perception of exertion ; and in vision, as in hearing, it is the force with which the undulations strike the sensitive surface that affects our consciousness with sights or sounds. True it is that in our visual and auditory sensations, we do not, as in our tactile, directly cognosce the force which produces them ; but the physicist has no difficulty in making sensible to us indirectly the undulations by which sound is propagated, and in proving to our intellect that the force concerned in the transmission of light is really enormous.* • See Sir John Herschel's " Familiar Lectures on Scientific Subjects." 204 NATURE AND MAN. It seems strange that those who make the loudest appeal to experience as the basis of all knowledge, should thus disregard the most constant, the most fundamental, the most direct of all experiences ; as to which the common sense of mankind affords a guiding light much clearer than any that can be seen through the dust of philosophical discussion. For, as Sir John Herschel most truly remarked, the universal consciousness of mankind is as much in accord in regard to the existence of a real and intimate connection between cause and effect, as it is in regard to the ex- istence of the external world ; and that consciousness arises to every one out of his own sense of personal exertion in the origina- tion of changes by his individual agency. Now while fully accepting the logical definition of cause as the "antecedent or concurrence of antecedents on which the " effect is invariably and unconditionally consequent," we can always single out one dynamical antecedent — the power which does the work — from the aggregate of material conditions under which that power may be distributed and applied. No doubt the term cause is very loosely employed in popular phraseology ; often (as Mr. Mill has shown) to designate the occurrence that imme- diately preceded the effect ; — as when it is said that the spark which falls into a barrel of gunpowder is the cause of its explosion, or that the slipping of a man's foot off the rung of a ladder is the cause of his fall. But even a very slightly trained intelligence can distinguish the power which acts in each case, from the conditions under which it acts. The force which produces the explosion is locked up (as it were) in the powder ; and ignition merely liberates it, by bringing about new chemical combinations. The fall of the man from the ladder is due to the gravity which was equally pull- ing him down while he rested on it; and the loss of support? either by the slipping of his foot, or by the breaking of the rung, is merely that change in the material conditions which gives the power a new action. Many of you have doubtless viewed with admiring interest that truly wonderful work of human design, the Walter printing- machine. You first examine it at rest ; presently comes a. man, who simply pulls a handle towards him : and the whole inert mechanism becomes instinct with life, — the continuous sheet of MAN THE INTERPRETER OF NATURE. 205 four miles of blank paper which rolls off the cylinder at one end, being delivered at the other, without any intermediate human agency, as separate Times newspapers, at the rate of 15,000 an hour. Now what is the cai/se of this most marvellous effect? Surely it lies essentially in the power or force which the pulling of the handle brought to bear on the machine from some extraneous source of power, — which we in this instance know to be a steam- engine on the other side of the wall. This force it is, which, dis- tributed through the various parts of the mechanism, really performs the action of which each is the instrument; ihey only supply the vehicle for its transmission and application. The man comes again, pushes the handle in the opposite direction, detaches the machine from the steam-engine, and the whole comes to a stand ; and so it remains, like an inanimate corpse, until recalled to activity by the renewal of its moving power. But, say the reasoners who deny that force is anything else than a fiction of the imagination, the revolving shaft of the steam- engine is " matter in motion ; " and when the connection is established between that shaft and the one that drives the machine, the motion is communicated from the former to the latter, and thence distributed to the several parts of the mechan- ism. This account of the operation is just what an observer might give, who had looked on with entire ignorance of every- thmg but what his eyes could see ; the moment he puts his hand upon any part of the machinery, and tries to stop its motion, he takes as direct cognizance, through his feeling of the effort required to resist it, of \hQ force which produces that motion, as he does through his eye of the motion itself Now since it is universally admitted that our notion of the external world would be not only incomplete, but erroneous, if our visual perceptions were not supplemented by our tactile, so, as it seems to me, our interpretation of the phenomena of the universe must be very inadequate, if we do not mentally co- ordinate the idea of force with that of motion, and recognize it as the " efficient cause " of those phenomena, — the " material con- ditions" constituting (to use the old scholastic term) only ''their •' formal cause." And I lay the greater stress on this point, because the mechanical philosophy of the present day tends more and 2o6 NATURE AND MAN. more to express itself in terms of motion rather than in terms of force ; — to become kinetics instead oi dynamics. Thus from whatever side we look at this question, — whether the common sense of mankind, the logical analysis of the relation between cause and effect, or the study of the working of our own intellects in the interpretation of Nature, — we seem led to the same conclusion; that the notion of y^;-^!? is one of those ele- mentary forms of thought with which we can no more dispense, than we can with the notion of space or of succession. And I shall now, in the last place, endeavour to show you that it is the substitution of the dynamical for the mere phenomenal idea, which gives their highest value to our conceptions of that order of Nature, which is worshipped as itself a god by the class of inter- preters whose doctrine I call in question. The most illustrative as well as the most illustrious example of the difference between the mere generalization of phenomena and the dynamical conception that applies to them, is furnished by the contrast between the so-called laws of planetary motion discovered by the persevering ingenuity of Kepler, and the inter- pretation of that motion given us by the profound insight of Newton. Kepler's three laws were nothing more than compre- hensive statements of certain groups of phenomena determined by observation. The first, that of the revolution of the planets in elliptical orbits, was based on the study of the observed places of Mars alone ; it might or might not be true of the other planets ; for, so far as Kepler knew, there was no reason why the orbits of some of them might not be the excentric circles which he had first supposed that of Mars to be. So Kepler's second law of the passage of the radius vector over equal areas in equal times, so long as it was simply a generalization of facts in the case of that one planet, carried with it no reason for its ap- plicability to other cases, except that which it might derive from his erroneous conception of a whirling force. And his third law was in like manner simply an expression of a certain harmonic relation which he had discovered between the times and the dis- tances of the planets, having no more rational value than any other of his numerous hypotheses. Now the Newtonian "laws" are often spoken of as if they MAN THE INTERPRETER OF NATURE. 207 were merely higher generalizafiofis in which Kepler's are in- cluded ; to me they seem to possess an altogether different character. For starting with the conception of two forces, one of them tending to produce continuous uniform motion in a straight line, the other tending to produce a uniformly accele- rated motion towards a fixed point, Newton's wonderful mastery of geometrical reasoning enabled him to show that, if these ^//rtw/Va/ assumptions be granted, Kepler's //2latforms. And THE DEEP SEA AND ITS CONTENTS. 333 thus the study of the deposits on the Oceanic sea-bed has fully confirmed the conclusion drawn from the present configuration of the earth's surface, as to the general persistence of those original inequalities which have served as the bases of the exist- ing continents, and the floors of the great ocean basins. In the masterly lecture on " Geographical Evolution " recently given by Professor Geikie before the Royal Geographical Society, the importance of these results, as affording the key to the inter- pretation of much of the past history of the earth, is most fully brought out. " For," he unhesitatingly asserts, with all the au- thority of a vast geological experience, "from the earliest geo- " logical times the great area of deposit has been, as it still is, ^/le " marginal belt of sea-floor skirting the land. It is there that nature "has always strewn 'the dust of continents to be.' The decay- of " old rocks has been unceasingly in progress on the land, and the "building up of new rocks has been as unceasingly going on "underneath the adjoining sea. The two phenomena are the " complementary sides of one process, which belongs to the terres- " trial and shalloiv oceanic parts of the earth's surface, and not to the " 7vide and deep ocean basins." " No part of the results obtained " by the Challenger expedition," he goes on to say, " has a pro- " founder interest for geologists and geographers than the proof " they furnish that the floor of the ocean-basins has no real analogy " among the sedimentary formations which form most of the frame- " work of the land." And after dwelling on the chief facts I have already brought together, he thus sums up : — " From all this evidence we may legitimately conclude that *' the present land of the globe, though composed in great measure "of marine formations, has never lain under the deep sea, but " that its site must always have been near land. Even its thick " marine limestones are the deposits of comparatively shallow "water. Whether or not any trace of aboriginal land may now " be discoverable, the characters of the most unequivocally marine " formations bear emphatic testimony to the proximity of a terres- " trial surface. The present continental ridges have probably "always existed in some form; and as a corollary we may infer "that the present deep oceati-basins likewise date from the remotest ^'■geological antiquity.^* 334 NATURE AND MAN. No part of the Challenger's work has been more thoroughly and successfully carried out than the determination of the thermal stratification, or vertical distribution of temperature in the different parts of the Oceanic area; an inquiry first prosecuted with trust- worthy thermometers ("protected" to resist pressure) in the Porcupine expeditions of 1869 and 1870. This determination was effected by "serial" temperature-soundings; thermometers attached to a sounding-line being let down to depths progres- sively increasing by 10 fathoms down to 200, and below this to depths progressively increasing by 100 fathoms to the bottom. It is in the upper stratum of 200 fathoms that the most rapid reduction of temperature usually shows itself; the further re- duction beneath this stratum taking place at a progressively diminishing rate, until from 1500 fathoms downwards to the bottom at any depth there is usually very little change. The Temperature-soundings of the Challenger, supplemented by other more limited explorations of the same kind, have clearly brought out this most unexpected result, that the low bottom- temperatures previously observed represent, — not, as has been supposed, the overflowing of the sea-bed by " Polar currents " of limited breadth and inconsiderable thickness, overlaid by a vast mass of comparatively warm water, — but the reduction of nearly the whole body of oceanic water, in every basin except that of the North Atlantic (to whose exceptional character I shall presently advert), to a temperature which averages but a very few degrees above 32° Fahr., that of its deepest stratum being some- times even a degree or two below the freezing-point of fresh water; while the heating influence of the solar rays is limited to a very small depth beneath the surface. Thus in the South Atlantic, in which a sounding taken near 37° S. lat. gave a depth of 2900 fathoms and a bottom-tempera- ture beneath 32° Fahr., the lowest stratum, consisting oi absolutely glacial water, was found to have the enormous thickness of 1000 fathoms : this was overlaid by another stratum of 1000 fathoms, in which the temperature rose slowly from 32° at its lower to 36^° at its upper surface ; and this, again, by another of about 500 fathoms, which showed a further rise at its upper surface to 40°, the rate of elevation from below upwards being no more than about 0.7° for every 100 fathoms. Thus it is only in the THE DEEP SEA AND ITS CONTENTS. 335 uppermost layer of about four hundred fathoms (less than one- seventh of the whole) that the temperature exceeds 40° ; and the regularity of the rise of the thermometer, from 40° at its base to the summer surface-temperature of 70°, at the rate of about "^^^ for every 100 fathoms, justifies our regarding the plane of 40° as the limit of the depth at which the solar rays here exert any direct heating influence. On her passage southwards towards the Antarctic ice-barrier, the Challenger found the progressive reduction of surface-tempera- ture to correspond with the progressive thinning of the warm superficial layer in a manner which clearly showed that the thermal condition of the southern ocean is entirely dominated by the flow into it of the great mass of glacial water which has been cooled down in the Antarctic area, and that it is, so to speak, a vast reservoir of cold, the outflow from which keeps down the temperature of every part of the oceanic area in free communi- cation with it. This we see best in the Pacific, whose vast basin is almost entirely filled by water of glacial or sub-glacial coldness, on the surface of which in the intertropical region there floats a layer whose temperature rises rapidly from its lower limit of 40° to 80° at the surface, and whose thickness is nowhere more than one fifth of the whole depth. This exceptional stratum, which clearly derives its heat from the direct action of the solar rays upon its surface, progressively thins away in either hemisphere as it is traced from the tropic to the parallel of 55°, where it disappears altogether, except in the course of the Kuro Siwo, or gulf-stream of the Pacific, which slants northwards from Japan towards Behring's Strait. That the cold of the great mass of glacial and sub-glacial water which everywhere underlies it, and which rises to the surface beyond its northern and southern borders, is due to an underflow from the Antarctic area, is dis- tinctly indicated by the absolute continuity of the same glacial temperature throughout the deepest stratum — all the way from the southern ocean to the Aleutian Islands, the bottom-tempera- tures at depths of 2000 fathoms or more not differing as much as \° Fahr., whilst the thermal stratification of the whole super- incumbent mass up to within 500 fathoms of the surface shows a similar uniformity. 336 NATURE AND MAN. The thermal condition of the North Atlantic, however, is very different. Putting aside the extraordinarily low temperature of 29!° revealed by the Porcupine temperature-soundings in the stratum occupying the deeper part of the channel of 500 fathoms between the Faroe and the Shetland Islands, which has been since proved to be a southward extension of the true Arctic basin, no lower bottom-temperature than 35° had been anywhere met with in our earlier work, while we had found the thickness of the warm stratum ranging from 40° upwards to range from 800 to 900 fathoms. This want of a truly glacial understratum I attributed to the limitation of the communication between the deeper parts of the Arctic and North Atlantic basins, preventing the coldest water of the former from flowing out into the latter. And this explanation has been borne out by the subsequent temperature-soundings of the Valorous, which have shown the existence of a ridge between Greenland and Iceland, lying at a depth which allov/s water of 35° to pass over it, while keeping back the deeper stratum of Arctic water. I had further predicted than an Antarctic underflow would probably be found to range to the north of the Equator, where it would be recognized by the reduction of the bottom -temperature below 35° : and this prediction was verified in the first temperature-section carried by the Challenger obliquely across the Atlantic to St. Thomas's, the bottom-temperature there falling a degree, and showing a still further reduction as it was subsequently traced southwards to the Equator, where it fell nearly to 32°. But, further, I had ventured the prediction that the meeting of the Arctic and Antarctic underflows under the Equator would cause an uprising of cold water from the bottom towards the surface, so that the plane of 40° would be found nearer the sur- face in the neighbourhood of the line than either to the north or to the south of it ; and it was a great surprise to many on board the Challenger to find, as they first approached the Equator from the Tropic of Cancer, the plane of 40° rapidly rising from a depth of 700 fathoms towards the surface, though the tempera, ture of that surface-stratum was itself becoming higher and higher until water of 40° was found at a depth of less than 300 fathoms, descending again to about 400 as the Challenger' s course was laid THE DEEP SEA AND ITS CONTENTS. 337 towards the Tropic of Capricorn. This anomaly had been re- marked by Lenz fifty years previously : but the valuable series of temperature-observations which he took in Kotzebue's second voyage was strangely overlooked by those who ranked as the highest authorities on the physics of the earth, until recently disinterred by Professor Prestwich. Not only is the stratum of above 40° Fahr. exceptionally deep in the North Atlantic, but it is exceptionally warm, especially on its western side, where a stratum of water having a temperature above 60° Fahr, was found by the Challenger to range to a depth of nearly 400 fathoms. Taking all circumstances into account, I entertain no doubt that Sir Wyville Thomson is right in regard- ing this stratum as the reflux of the northern division of the great Equatorial Current, from the coast of the West India Islands and of the peninsula of Florida, added to that of the Gulf Stream proper. In consequence of the evaporation produced by its prolonged exposure to the tropical sun, this water contains such an excess of salt as, in spite of its high temperature, to be specifi- cally heavier than the colder water which would otherwise occupy its place in the basin, and consequently substitutes itself for the latter by gravitation, to a depth of several hundred fathoms. Thus it conveys the solar heat downwards in such a manner as to make the North Atlantic between the parallels of 20° and 40° a great reservoir of warmth, the importance of which will presently become apparent. The Challenger investigations have now, I think, afforded the requisite data for the final solution of a question which has been long under discussion — what, namely, the Gulf Stream (or Florida Current) does, and what it does tiot, for the amelioration of the climate of North-western Europe. All the best hydrographers, both of this country and of the United States, agree in the con- clusion that the Florida current dies out in the mid-Atlantic, losing all the attributes by which it had been previously distinguished — its movement, its excess of warmth, and its peculiarly deep colour; and that it then degenerates into a mere surface-drift, the rate and direction of which depend entirely upon the prevalent winds. But, on the other hand, most conclusive prooi has been obtained by the systematic comparisons of sea and air temperatures along 338 NATURE AND MAN. the western coasts of North-western Europe that the amelioration of its winter climate is due to the afflux of water of a temperature considerably higher than that of the air. It has been urged with conclusive force by Admiral Irminger (of the Danish Navy) that nothing else can account for the openness of the fiords and harbours of the indented coast of Norway, even beyond the North Cape, through the whole winter ; whilst the opposite coast of East Greenland, ranging, like it, between the parallels of 60° (that of the Pentland Firth) and 72° N., is so blocked with ice throughout the year as only to be approachable in exceptional summers. And this view has derived full confirmation from the observations systematically carried on under the direction of Professor Mohn of Christiania (the able director of the Meteorological Department of Norway), which have shown how completely dependent the temperature of the coast-line is upon that of the sea which laves it. For while the temperature of the air is generally much below the freezing-point during the winter months, that of the water is always considerably above it; the average excess at Fruholm, near the North Cape, being as much as 14^° Fahr, And it has been further shown by Professor Mohn that not only the coast- temperature of Norway during the winter, but its inland climate, is affected in a very marked manner by this afflux of warm water ; for the " isocheimals," or lines of mean winter-temperature, instead of corresponding with the parallels of latitude, lie parallel to the coast-line. How, then, are these phenomena to be explained ? If the vis a iergo of the Gulf Stream has spent itself in the mid-Atlantic, what force brings this afflux of warm water to our shores, and carries it on to the north-east, along the coast of Norway, and even past the North Cape to Spitzbergen and NovaZembla? And how does it happen that the water that laves our north-western shores in winter is not only so much warmer than the air which rests upon it, but continues to preserve a notable portion of that warmth, at least as far as the North Cape, notwithstanding that as it flows northwards its temperature is more and more in excess of that of the atmosphere above it ? It is obvious that the continual outflow of the deeper stratum of Polar water, of which we have evidence in the constant main- THE DEEP SEA AND ITS CONTENTS. 339 tenance of the glacial temperature, not only of the sea-bottom, but of the great mass of the water contained in the vast oceanic basin, cannot be maintained without a continual indraught of the upper stratum towards the Poles ; this, as its temperature is pro- gressively lowered, decreases in volume and increases in specific gravity ; and as the lower stratum flows away under the excess of pressure, the upper stratum, now cooled down nearly to the freezing-point of salt water, will sink into its place, making way for a new indraught above. The two Polar underflows, on the other hand, meeting at or near the Equator, will there tend to rise towards the surface, replacing the water which has been draughted away towards either Pole; and thus a constant "vertical circulation " must be kept up by opposition of temperature alone, analogous to that which takes place in the pipes of the hot-water apparatus by which large buildings are now commonly warmed. The only essential difference between the two cases is, that whilst the primum inobite in the latter is the heat applied to the bottom of the boiler, making the warmed water ascend by the reduction of its specific gravity due to its expansion, the moving power in the former is the cold applied to the surface of the Polar water, making it descend by the increase of specific gravity due to the diminution in its bulk as its temperature is lowered. This doctrine was first distinctly promulgated nearly forty years ago by the eminent physicist Lenz, on the basis of the temperature- observations he had made in Kotzebue's second voyage more than ten years previously ; these having satisfied him of two facts — first, the general diffusion of a glacial temperature over the ocean-bottom, which he rightly interpreted as dependent on an underflow of Polar water ; and, second, the near approach of cold water to the surface under the Equator than either on the north or on the south of it, which he considered to indicate an uprising of that Polar water from below, where the two underflows meet. But, though accepted by Pouillet and other distinguished physicists, this doctrine, with the observations by which it was supported was entirely lost sight of until independently advanced by myself as the only feasible explanation of the Poleward movement of the whole upper stratum of North Atlantic water, and of the southward outflow of glacial water from the Arctic basin, of which 340 NATURE AND MAN. the Porcupine temperature-soundings seemed to afford conclusive evidence. My explanation, though contested by Mr. Croll, and not accepted by Sir Wyville Thomson, has been explicitly adopted by a large number of eminent physicists, both British and Continental, among whom I may specially mention Professor Mohn of Chris- tiania, who had previously maintained the dependence of the re- markable climatic condition of Norway on the north-east extension of the true Gulf Stream. Immediately on receiving the report in which I had demonstrated the inadequacy of the Florida current to propel as far as the coast of Norway the vast body of warm water required to keep its harbours open, and had shown the depen- dence of the north-east movement of the warm upper stratum to the depth of 500 fathoms (which I had myself first recognized in the Porcupine), on the Poleward indraught that forms the necessary complement of the outward glacial underflow, Professor Mohn not only expressed to me his entire concurrence in both views, but communicated to me a remarkable example he had himself met with of a similiar vertical circulation on a smaller scale. It is to the remarkable thickness of this Poleward flow that its surface-layer owes its power of so long resisting the cooling effect of the atmosphere which overlies it; so that, as it flows along the coast of Norway towards the North Cape, its temperature even in winter sustains so much smaller a reduction than that of the atmosphere as to give it an excess which constantly increases with its northing. But though its surface-temperature is so little reduced, the thickness of this warm stratum is undergoing pro- gressive diminution as its deeper layers successively go up to replace those which have been chilled and have gone down ; so that beyond the North Cape the surface-temperature rapidly falls with the eastward movement of this flow along the northern shores of Europe and Asia; and all trace of heat imported from the southwest at last dies out. As the superheating of the upper stratum of the mid-x\tlantic is dependent on the influx of Gulf Stream and other water ex- ceptionally warmed in the Equatorial Current, the thermal effect of its north-east flow is mainly dependent upon the Gulf Stream and its adjuncts, while its niovement is kept up by the Polar indraught. THE DEEP SEA AND ITS CONTENTS. 341 Thus neither the general Oceanic Circulation nor the Gulf Stream could alone produce the result which is due to their conjoint action. The Gulf Stream water, without the Polar indraught, would remain in the mid-Atlantic ; and the Polar indraught, without Gulf Stream water to feed it, would be almost as destitute of thermal power as it is in the South Atlantic. The transient visit of the ChaUctiger to the Antarctic ice-barrier gave her scientific staff the opportunity of examining the structure of the southern icebergs, which altogether differs from that of the icebergs with wliich our northern navigators are familiar ; these last being now universally regarded as glaciers, which have descended the seaward valleys of Greenland and Labrador, and have floated away when no longer supported by solid base ; and the information they have gathered is of considerable interest, as helping us to form a more definite conception of the condition of our own part of the globe during the glacial epoch. A number of independent considerations now lead almost irresistibly to the conclusion that the icebergs of the Antarctic are for the most part detached portions of a vast ice-sheet, covering a land surface — either continuous, or broken up into an archipelago of islands — which occupies the principal part of the vast circumpolar area, estimated at about four and a half millions of square miles, or nearly double the area of Australia. Of this ice-sheet, the edge forms the great southern " ice-barrier," which presents itself, wherever it has been approached sufficiently near to be distinctly visible, as a continuous ice-cliff, rising from aoo to 250 feet above the sea-level. The icebergs of the Antarctic Sea are, as a rule, distinguished by their tabular form, and by the great uniformity of their height • this, in bergs which show least signs of change since their first detachment from the parent mass, seldom varies much from 200 feet above the sea-line. The tabular surface of the typical berg is nearly flat, and parallel with the sea-line ; its shape usually approaches the rectangular, and it is bounded all round by nearly perpendicular cliffs. From a comparison of the specific gravity of berg-ice with that of sea-water, it appears that the quantity of ice beneath the surface required to float that which is elevated above it must be about nine times as great ; in other words, supposing 342 NATURE AND MAN. that a berg had the regular shape of a box, its entire depth from its upper surface to its base must be ten times its height above the sea-level. Consequently, if the latter be 200 feet, the entire height of the mass would be 2000 feet, which might thus be assumed to be the thickness of the ice-sheet from whose margin it was detached. This estimate must not be accepted, however, as other than ap- proximative. The dimensions of these bergs vary greatly. Those seen from the Chalie?iger were generally from one to three miles long ; but single bergs are reported of seven or even ten miles in length ; and an enormous mass of floating ice, probably composed of a chain of bergs locked together, forming a hook 60 miles long by 40 broad, and inclosing a bay 40 miles in breadth, was passed in 1854 by twenty-one merchant ships, in a latitude corresponding to that of the northern coast of Portugal. The upper part of the ice-cliff that forms the exposed face of the bergs is of a pale blue, which gradually deepens in colour towards the base. When looked at closely, it is seen to be traversed by a delicate horizontal ruling of faint blue lines separated by dead-white interspaces. These lines preserve a very marked parallelism, but become gradually closer and closer from above downwards, their distance being a foot or even more at the top of the berg, but not more than two or three inches near the surface cf the water, where the interspaces lose their dead whiteness, and become hyaline or bluish. There can be no doubt that this stratification is due to successive accumulations of snow upon a nearly level surface, the spaces between the principal blue lines probably representing approximately the snow-accumulations of successive seasons. The direct radiant heat of the sun is very considerable even in these latitudes, so that the immediate surface of the snow is melted in the middle of every ctSar day; and the water, percolating into the subjacent layers, freezes again at night. The frequent repetition of this process will convert a very con- siderable thickness of snow into ice ; the blue transparent lamellae being the most compact, whilst the intervening white veins are rendered semi-opaque by the presence of air-cells. And it is obviously the compression which these undergo that causes the approximation of the blue lines, and the change to a greater com- pactness and transparence in the intervening layers, towards THE DEEP SEA AND ITS CONTENTS. 343 the bottom of the cHff. Sh'ght irregularities in the general parallelism of the stratification, and the occasional thinning-out of particular lamella;, were easily accounted for by the drifting of the snow-layers of the surface, before they had become consolidated. And although there are various cases in which the strata had been changed from their original horizontality to various degrees of inclination, sometimes also being traversed by " faults," and occasionally even twisted and contorted, these might all be accounted for by forces acting subsequently to the detachment of the bergs. For their plane of flotation is liable to altera- tion by changes of form due to unequal melting, and the sepa- ration of large masses either above or below the surface ; and " dislocations " of various kinds will be produced by collisions and lateral thrusts, when bergs are impelled against each other by the wind. Sir Wyville Thomas and Mr. Moseley entirely agree in the statement that they could nowhere trace any such " structure " as is produced in a land-glacier during its move- ment down a valley, by the curvature and contraction of its rocky borders, and the inequalities of the bottom over which it moves. And the presumption is altogether very strong that these vast masses have originally formed part of a great ice-sheet, formed by the cumulative pressure of successive snow-falls over a land area of no great elevation ; which flows downwards from its highest level in the direction of least resistance, that is to say from the Polar centre towards the continually disintegrating margin, pro- gressively diminishing in thickness as it extends itself peripherally. Thus gradually moving seawards, the ice-sheet will at last pass the margin of the land, but will continue to rest upon the gradually descending sea-bed, flowing down its gentle slope until lifted by its own buoyancy (like a vessel or launch), when vast masses will break off and float away. Although the observers of the Challenger did not see either masses of rock, stones, or even gravel upon any of the icebergs they approached, VVilkes and Ross saw many such : and the "soundings" of the Challenger were found to consist of such comminuted clays and sands as would be the result of the abrasion of rocky surfaces over which the ice-sheet had moved ; while the dredge brought up a considerable quantity of land debris — 344 NATURE AND MAN. chiefly basaltic pebbles about the meridian of 80° E., and further to the eastward pebbles and larger fragments of metamorphic rocks. It was probably from the valleys of the great volcanic range that the rock-masses came which were observed on bergs by Wilkes and Ross ; one of which, clearly of volcanic origin, weighed many tons. That the southern circumpolar area is chiefly land, and not water, seems to be further indicated by the absence of any such low temperature of the deeper water as Sir George Nares ascertained to° exist beneath the " palseocrystic " ice of high northern latitudes. For the thermometers lowered through borings in that ice gave 28° Fahr, at all depths, this being the lowest temperature at which sea-water can remain unfrozen under ordinary circumstances. On the other hand, the bottom temperatures taken in the Challenger in closest proximity to the Antarctic ice-barrier nowhere proved to be lower than the temperature of surface-stratum which was cooled by the melting of the berg-ice, thus indicating the absence of any supply of yet colder water from a source nearer the Pole. Thus the antarctic " ice-barrier " is to be regarded as the margin of a Polar " ice-cap," whose thickness at its edge is probably about 2000 feet, nine tenths of it lying beneath the water-line. This margin is not permanent, but is continually wasting away like the terminal portion of a land-glacier — not, however, by liquefaction, but by disruption — and is as continually renewed by the spreading out of the piled-up ice of the area within. What may be the thickness of the " ice-cap " nearer its Polar centre we have at present no means of knowing ; but it must doubtless be kept down by the facility of downward flow in almost every direction towards its periphery of 10,000 miles. In regard to the animal life of the deep sea, the Challenger researches do not seem likely to yield any new general result of striking interest. Our previous work had shown that a depth of three miles, a pressure of three tons on the square inch, an entire absence of sunlight, and a temperature below 32°, might be sustained by a considerable number and variety of animal types : and this conclusion has been fully confirmed and widely extended. Many specimens have been brought up alive from depths exceeding four miles, at which the pressure was four tons on the square inch, THE DEEP SEA AND ITS CONTENTS. 345 considerably exceeding that exerted by the hydraulic presses used for packing Manchester goods. Even the "protected" ther- mometers specially constructed for deep-sea sounding were frequently crushed ; and a sealed glass tube containing air, having been lowered (within a copper case) to a depth of 2,000 fathoms, was reduced to a fine powder almost Hke snow by what Sir Wyville Thomson ingeniously characterized as an mplosion, the pressure having apparently been resisted until it could no longer be borne, and the whole having been then disintegrated at the same moment. The rationale of the resistance afforded by soft-bodied animals to a pressure which thus affects hard glass is simply that they contain no air, but consist of solids and liquids only ; and that since their constituent parts are not subject to more than a very trifling change of bulk, while the equality of the pressure in every direction will prevent any change in their form, there is really nothing to interfere with the ordinary performance of their vital functions. The entire absence of solar light, which constitutes another most important peculiarity in the conditions of deep-sea life, would seem at first sight to be an absolute bar to its maintenance. Ex- perimental evidence has not yet, I believe, been obtained of the direct penetration of the solar rays to more than 100 fathoms ; but as I dredged slow-growing red calcareous Algse (true corallines) in the Mediterranean at a depth of 150 fathoms (at, or below, which Edward Forbes also would seem to have met with them), the actinic, if not the luminous, rays must probably penetrate to that range. Below what Edward Forbes termed the coralline zone, it would seem impossible that any other type of vegetable life can be sustained, than such as has the capacity of the fungi for growing in the dark, living, like them, upon material supplied by the decomposition of organic compounds. Such lowly phmts have been found by Professor P. M. Duncan in corals dredged h^om more than 1000 fathoms' depth. Upon what, then, do deei)-sca animals feed ? In tlie early stage of this inquiry it was ascertained by Dr. Frankland that the samples of water procured by the Porcupine not only at con- siderable distances from land, but also from bottoms exceeding 500 fathoms' depth, contained so much organic matter not in a 346 NATURE AND MAN. decomposing state that animals having a large absorbent surface, and requiring but a small proportion of solids in their food, might be sustained by simple imbibition. And an adequate provision for the continual restoration of such material to the ocean-waters seemed to be made by the surface-vegetation which fringes almost every sea-margin, and which occasionally extends itself over large tracts in the open ocean, as, notably, in the Sargasso Sea. But the Challenger researches have thrown a new light on this question, by showing that the animals of the deep sea are largely dependent for their food upon the minute organisms and the debris of larger ones which are continually falling to the bottom from the upper waters. " This debris (says Mr. Moseley) is no doubt mainly derived " from the surface Pelagic flora and fauna, but is also to a large " extent composed of refuse of various kinds washed down by " rivers, or floated out to sea from shores, and sunken to the " bottom when water-logged. The dead Pelagic animals must fall " as a constant rain of food upon the habitation of their deep-sea " dependants. Maury, speaking of the surface Foraminifera, " wrote, ' The sea, like the snow-cloud, with its flakes in a calm, " ' is always letting fall upon its bed showers of microscopic shells.' " It might be supposed that these shells and other surface- " animals would consume so long a time in dropping to the " bottom in great depths, that their soft tissues would be decom- " posed, and that they would have ceased to be serviceable as " food by the time they reached the ocean bed. Such, however, " is not the case, partly because the salt water of the sea exercises " a strongly preservative effect on animal tissues, partly because " the time required for sinking is in reality not very great." — Notes by a Naturalist, p. 582. Of this Mr. Moseley assured himself by an experimental test, which indicated that the dead body of a floating salpa might sink to a depth of 2000 fathoms in little more than four days, whilst its body might remain for a month so far undecomposed as to be serviceable as food to deep-sea animals. As land was neared, moreover, many interesting proofs were obtained of the feeding of deep sea animals on debris derived from the neighbouring shores. THE DEEP SEA AND ITS CONTENTS. 347 " Thus, off the coast of New South Wales we dredged from 400 " fathoms a large sea-urchin which had its stomach full of pieces " of a sea-grass (Zostera) derived from the coast above. Again, "we dredged from between the New Hebrides and AustraUa, "from 1400 fathoms, a piece of wood and half a dozen examples " of a large palm-fruit as large as an orange. In one of these fruits, " which had hard woody external coats, the albumen of the fruit " was still preserved, perfectly fresh in appearance, and white, " like that of a ripe cocoa-nut. The hollows of the fruits were " occupied by two molluscs ; the husks and albumen were bored by " a teredo-like mollusc ; and the fibres of the husks had among "them small nematoid worms. — p. 583. Branches of trees, also, and leaves of shrubs, in a water-logged condition, were occasionally brought up in the dredge from great depths ; and their occurrence, as Mr. Moseley remarks, is of im- portance, not only to the naturalist, as showing that deep-sea animals may draw large supplies of food from such sources, but also to the geologist, as indicating the manner in which specimens of land vegetation may have been imbedded in deposits formed at great depths. The entire absence of sunlight on the deep-sea bottom seems to have the same effect as the darkness of caves, in reducing to a rudimentary condition the eyes of such of their inhabitants as fish and Crustacea, which ordinarily enjoy visual power ; and many of these are provided with enormously long and delicate feelers or hairs, in order that they may feel their way about with these, just as a blind man does with his stick. But other deep-sea animals have enormously large eyes, enabling them to make the best of the little light there is in the depths, which is probably derived (as suggested in the report of the Poraipine dredgings) from the phosphorescence emitted by many deep-sea animals, especially a certain kind of zoophytes. " It seems certain," says Mr. Moseley, " that the deep sea must be lighted here and there by greater or " smaller patches of luminous alcyonarians, with wide intervals, " probably, of total darkness intervening ; and very possibly the " animals with eyes congregate round these sources of light." It is remarkable that with such poverty of light there should be such richness of colour among deep-sea animals. Although most deep- 348 NATURE AND MAN. sea fish are of a dull black colour, and some white as if bleached, deep-sea crustaceans, echinoderms, and zoophytes usually exhibit more colour than the corresponding forms that inhabit shallow water. Thus tne deep-sea shrimps, which were obtained in very great abundance, were commonly of an intensely bright scarlet ; deep-sea holothurians are often of a deep purple ; and many deep- sea corals have their soft structures tinged with a madder colouring- matter resembling that which occurs in surface-swimming jelly-fish. As was to be expected from the results of the Lightning and Porcupine dredging s, the more extended explorations of the Challenger have shown that there still live on the sea-depths a number of animal forms which were supposed, until thus found, to be extinct, existing only as fossils. And large numbers of interesting new genera and species of known families of animals were obtained ; whilst many forms which had been previously accounted of extreme rarity have proved to be really common, having a wide geographical range, and occurring in large numbers in particular spots. This is tlie case, for example, with the beautiful Pentacrinus, a survivor from the old Liassic times, of which the living specimens preserved in all the museums of the world could a i&n years ago have been counted on the fingers, all of them having been brought up on fishing-lines from the neigh- bourhood of the West India Islands. As many as twenty speci- mens of a new species of this most interesting type, however, had been brought up from a depth of 800 fathoms in one of the Por- cupine dredgings off the coast of Portugal. The Challenger made a large collection, including several new species, from various localities. And yet more recently the dredgings of Professor Alexander Agassiz in the Gulf of Mexico have shown how thickly many parts of the sea-bed are covered with these " lily stars " mounted upon their long wavy stalks. Those, however, who had expected results of greater zoo- logical and palaeontological importance from these explorations must confess to some disappointment : — " Most enthusiastic representations (says Mr. Moseley) were " held by many naturalists, and such were especially put forward " by the late Professor Agassiz, who had hopes of finding almost *'all important fossil forms existing in life and vigour at great THE DEEP SEA AND ITS CONTENTS. 349 "depths. Such hopes were doomed to disappointment; but " even to the last, every cuttle-fish which came up in our deep- " sea net was squeezed to see if it had a Belemnite's bone in its " back, and Trilobites were eagerly looked out for. . . . We " picked up no missing links to fill up the gaps of the great zoo- " logical family tree. The results of the Challenget^s voyage have " gone to prove that the missing links are to be sought out rather " by more careful investigation of the structure of animals already " partially known, than by hunting for entirely new ones in the "deep sea." — Notes by a Naturalist, p. 587. The work which has been already done by Mr. Moseley him- self in this direction, contained in the memoirs he has presented to the Royal and the Linneean Society, is of first-rate value. And if the whole, or even any considerable part, of the vast Challenger collection shall be worked out by the various specialists among whom it has been distributed, with anything like the same com- pleteness and ability, it cannot be questioned that the series of volumes in which the scientific results of this voyage will be em- embodied will far surpass in interest and importance those reports of previous Circumnavigation Expeditious which are accounted models of their class. 350 l^ATbRE AND MAN. xri. THE FORCE BEHIND NATURE. \The Modern Review, January, 1880.] Some thirty years ago, I enjoyed opportunities of discussing with John Stuart Mill (whose younger brother had been for twelve months an inmate of my house) many questions of philosophy in which we both felt the deepest interest. Among these was the Doctrine of Causation set forth in his recently published " System of Logic : " — " We may define the cause of a phenomenon to be " the antecedent, or the concurrence of antecedents, on which it •'is invariably and unconditionally consequent." I pointed out to my friend that when this assemblage of antecedents is analyzed, it is uniformly found resolvable into two categories, which may be distinguished as the dytiamical and the material ; the former supplying the force or power to which the change must be attri- buted, whilst the latter affords the conditions under which that power is exerted. Thus, I urged, when a man falls from a ladder because (as is commonly said) of the breaking of the rung on which his foot was resting, the real or dynamical cause of his fall is the force of gravity, or attraction of the earth, which pulls him to the ground when his foot is no longer supported ; the loss of support being only the material condition or collocation, which allowed the force previously acting as pressure on the rung, to produce the downward motion of the man who stood upon it. To this Mr. Mill's reply was, that the distinction is one of metaphysics, not of logic. I ventured, however, to press on him that to whichever department of philosophy this point is to be referred, is is one of fundamental importance ; that, assuming THE FORCE BEHIND NATURE. 351 experience as the basis of our knowledge, we recognize the down- ward tendency of every body heavier than air, by our sense of muscular tension in hfting it from the ground, or in resisting its descent towards the earth ; and that our cognition of force through this form of sensation, being thus quite as immediate and direct as our cognition of motion through the visual sense, ought to be equally taken account of. The promulgation, about the same time, of the doctrine of the " Correlation of the Physical Forces " by Professor (now Sir William) Grove, and the researches of Mr. Joule on the "Me- chanical Equivalent of Heat," seemed to me to bring this view of dynamical causation into yet greater importance; by showing that what is true of that form of force which produces or resists mechanical (or what is now distinguished as jftolar) motion, may be legitimately extended to those other forms which are mani- fested in the molecular changes that express themselves in chemical action, or impress us with the sensations of heat, light, etc. Partaking of the general ignorance at that time prevalent in this country of the doctrine of " Conservation of Energy," already promulgated in Germany by Mayer and Helmholtz, I myself endeavoured to carry Professor Grove's principle into the domain of biology ; by showing that what physiologists had been accus- tomed to call vital force, may be regarded as having the same "correlation" with the various forms of physical force as they have with each other.* And in the introduction to the fourth edition of my "Human Physiology" (published in 1853), I thus explicitly defined my position : — When this assemblage of antecedents is analyzed, it is uni- formly found that they may be resolved into two categories, which may be distinguished as the dynamical and the material, the former supplying the force or power to which the change must be attributed, whilst the latter afford the conditions under which that power is exerted. Thus in a steam-engine we see the dynamical agency of heat made to produce mechanical power by the mode in which it is applied : first, to impart a mutual repulsion to the particles of water ; and then, by means * " On the Mutual Relations of the Vital and Physical Forces," in Philos. Transact., 1850. 352 NATURE AND MAN of that mutual repulsion, to give motion to the various solid parts of which the machine is composed. And thus, if asked what is the cause of the movement of the steam-engine, we dis- tinguish in our reply between the dynamical condition supplied by the heat, and the material condition (or assemblage of con- ditions) afforded by the " collocation " of the boiler, cylinder, piston, valves, etc. ... In like manner, if we inquire into the cause of the germination of a seed — which has been brought to the surface of the earth, after remaining dormant through having been buried deep beneath the soil for (it may be) thousands of years — we are told that the phenomenon depends upon warmth, moisture, and oxygen ; but out of these we single warmth as the dynamical condition, whilst the oxygen and the water, with the organized structure of the seed itself, and the organic compounds which are stored up in its substance, con- stitute the material. The subsequent general recognition by the scientific world of the "correlation" between the forces of nature (under whatever form expressed) has thus given a breadth of foundation to the dynamical doctrine of causation which it previously lacked ; and the doctrine having been afterwards formally developed by Pro- fessor Bain, was summarized by J. S. Mill in the later editions of his " Logic," almost in the very terms in which I had originally propounded it to him in conversation, and had publicly expressed it in the extract just cited : — " The chief practical conclusion " drawn by Professor Bain, bearing on causation, is that we must " distinguish in the assemblage of conditions which constitutes " the cause of a phenomenon, two elements : one, the presence " of a force ; the other, the collocation or position of objects " which is required in order that the force may undergo the par- " ticular transmutation which constitutes the phenomenon." * Mr. Mill himself still preferred, however, to express the principle in terms of motion, rather than in terms of force: — "If the " effect, or any part of the effect, to be accounted for consists in " putting matter in motion, then any of the objects present which " has lost motion has contributed to the effect ; and this is the " true meaning of the proposition that the cause is that one of * "System of Logic" (eighth edition), vol. i. p. 406. THE FORCE BEHIND NATURE. 353 " the antecedents which exerts active force." As this mode of expressing the facts is sanctioned by high authorities at the present time, it may be well for me to explain more fully the basis of my original contention, that our cognition oi force is quite as immediate and direct as our cognition of motion ; in fact (as I think I shall be able to prove), even more fundamental, inas- much as our cognition of matter itself is in great degree dependent upon it. It has been recently well said that " all true science involves " both the knowledge of Nature and the knowledge of Man ; it "includes the study of mind, as well as of matter. A philo- " sopher may pursue either, but he can have no complete know- " ledge of what he investigates, without borrowing from the other "department of investigation."* Many of the nature-philo- sophers who affirm that we have no knowledge of anything but the matter and motion which lie within the range of " experience," show themselves very imperfectly acquainted with what "ex- perience " really means ; unhesitatingly ranking as actual objec- tive facts their own mental interpretations of the sensory impressions they receive from external objects. Many meta- physicians, on the other hand, have reasoned as if our concern were with mental operations alone, and as if the abstractions in which they deal had an existence per se, without any relation to the phenomena of nature. But among the ablest thinkers of the present time, there seems to be now a pretty general recognition of the necessity for the replacement of the abstract definitions of metaphysics — so far, at least, as they relate to the external world — by psychological expressions of the modes in which the human ego is affected by its changes. Thus the ordinary metaphysical definition of " matter " is that which possesses " extension." But for this definition to convey any definite idea to our minds, we must know what " extension " means ; and this, we are told, is the " occupation of space." Now, the conception of " space," in the opinion of most psychologists, is ordinarily derived from our interpretation of visual sensations ; and yet these may be alto- gether deceptive. When we look at a window from a short * "Natural Theo'iogy of the Doctrine of the Forces." By Professor Ben- jamin Martin, of the University of the City of New York. 354 NATURE AND MAN. distance, we cannot tell by the use of our eyes alone whether the space included by its frame is void, or is occupied by a perfectly transparent and colourless glass. A glass globe is held up in front of it, and we cannot tell by looking at it whether it is empty, or is filled with pure water or some other transparent colourless liquid. And we can take no cognizance by our vision of the atmosphere which surrounds us, unless its transparence is inter- fered with by mist or fog. — Clearly, then, our visual sense cannot per se furnish us with a satisfactory definition of matter.* Now that we have got rid of the fiction of " imponderables," we might fall back on a definition of matter — in use before that fiction was invented — as that which possesses "ponderosity" or weight. But what is weight ? The downward tendency, it may be replied, in virtue of which all unsupported bodies fall to the earth. But what is this " tendency ? " We might see any number of bodies falling to the ground, and might frame a correct law of their motion, without having the remotest conception of their possessing that downward pressure, which we at once recognize when we take a lump of lead or iron into our hands ; and it is obviously on our cognition of this pressure, that our idea of weight or ponderosity is based. Now the instrumentality through which we take cognizance of it seems to me to be threefold. In i\-\Q first place, we have the sense of simple pressure on the tactile surface ; as when, the hand passively resting on a table, a weight is laid upon it. Secondly, we recognize it by the sense of tension which we experience when a weight is attached to a pendent limb, and which we refer to the muscles and ligaments which are thus put on the stretch ; or when, the hand resting on the top of a cylinder of glass placed over an air-pump, the air is exhausted from beneath, so as to make us feel the downward " pressure of * According to Professor Bain, the conception of space is essentially based on the sense of muscular tension which, according to him, we experience in the ordinary movements of our eyes. But I am satisfied that this is physio- logically erroneous. These movements are ordinarily guided, as Professor Alison long ago contended, and as Professor Ilelmholtz and I myself have since experimentally proved, by the visual, not by the muscular sense ; and it is only when we put the muscles to an unusual strain — as when our visual axes converge on an object brought nearer and nearer to the eyes, or when we entirely exclude light from the retina, that we experience any sense of tension in their muscles. THE FORCE BEHIND NATURE. 355 the atmosphere." In these two cases, the mind is the passive recipient of the sensory impressions. But, thii-dly^ when we determinately hft a weight or hold it suspended by our hands, we experience, in addition to the sense of pressure and the sense ot tension, a sense of effort^ which we recognize as an immediate revelation of consciousness, not referrible to any physical im- pression, but of the same kind as that which we experience in a purely mental act, such as the fixation of the attention. And a little consideration will, I think, make it clear that it is on this "sense of effort" in resisting downward pressure, that our cognition of weight is essentially based. For, in \}s\q^ first place, the continuance of a moderate pressure on the cutaneous surface, like other sensory impressions that become habitual, soon ceases to affect us sensorially for we cognosce rather the changes in the states of our sense organs, than the states themselves. Or, again, we may suffer under a temporary or per- manent paralysis of the cutaneous sense, that may prevent our feeling the contact of the body we are lifting or supporting; and yet, recognizing its downward pressure in other ways, we can put our muscles into action to antagonize it. But, secondly, this paralysis may extend to the muscular sense, so that the feeling of muscular tension is wanting, as well as that of contact-pressure ; and yet none the less can a weight be lifted or sustained by a conscious effort, provided that the deficiency of the guiding sensations ordinarily derived from the muscle itself is supplied by the sight. A woman whose arm is sensorially but not motorially paralyzed, can hold up her child as long as she looks at it ; and a man affected with the like paralysis of his legs, can stand and walk while looking at his feet. But, thirdly, since the mental sense of effort is experienced in every determinate exercise of our muscular power, and is, as all experience teaches, a necessary condition of that exercise ; since, again, it is proportioned to the exertion we put forth, and continues as long as that exertion is sustained — it is in this, and not in the cutaneous or muscular impressions, which are (so to speak) accidental, that as (it seems to me) we find the real basis of our cognition of the " ponderosity " of matter. But " ponderosity " cannot be considered an essential property 16 356 NATURE AND MAN, of matter, being merely the "accident" of the earth's attraction for bodies lying within its range. This attraction varies with the distance of a body from the centre of the earth ; and a body occupying the common centre of gravity of the earth and sun would be equally drawn towards both, and would consequently have no " weight." We must, therefore, seek a satisfactory definition of matter elsewhere ; and we find the clue to it in the consideration that the sense of effort we experience in antagonizing the downward pressure of a body, is but a particular case of our more general cognition of resistance. When we project our hand against a hard and fixed solid body, our consciousness of its resistance to our pressure is exactly that which we experience when we try to raise a weight that we have not strength to lift ; whilst if that solid be either yielding in its parts or movable as a whole, we measure its resistance, as in lifting a weight, by our sense of the effort necessary to overcome it. When we move our hand through a liquid, we are conscious of a resistance to its motion, which is greater or less according to the " viscosity " of the liquid. And when we move our open hand through air at rest, we are still conscious of a resistance, our sense of it being augmented by an extension of the surface moved, as in the act of fanning ; whilst if the air is in motion, we feel its pressure on the sail of a boat by the " pull" of the sheet we hold in our hand, or on the sails of a windmill by the rotation it imparts, the force of which we can estimate by the effort we must put forth to resist it. Attenuate any kind of air or gas as we may, its resistance can still be made apparent by the like communication of its own motion to solid bodies. Thus, in Mr. Crookes's wonderful radiometer, a set of vanes poised on a pivot within a globe of glass exhausted to a millionth of its ordinary gaseous contents, is whirled round by the movement excited in the molecules of that residual mUionth, either by the heat of the radiant beam falling on the surface of the globe, or by the passage of an electric current across its interior ; and the mechanical force required to impart that motion can be measured with precision, by bringing it into comparison with some other force (as that of gravity) of which we can take immediate cognizance. And thus, as Herbert Spencer remarks, by the decomposition of our knowledge of any form of THE FORCE BEHIND NATURE, 357 matter into simpler and simpler components, we must come at last to the simplest, to the ultimate material, to the substratum ; and this we find in the impression of resistance we receive through what we may call our "force-sense." * Such being the teachings alike of general and of scientific experience, I cannot but feel surprised that any persons claiming the title of philosophers should affirm that we know nothing except matter and motion, and that force is a creation of our own imagination. One might suppose such persons to be either destitute of the "force-sense," or to have based their philo- sophical system upon the movements of the heavenly bodies which they can only see, instead of upon "those mundane phe- nomena in the cognition of which they can bring their hands to the assistance of their eyes. How essential this assistance is to the formation of correct conceptions of the solid forms and relative positions of the objects around us, is known to every one who has studied the physiology of the senses. Should we not think it absurd on the part of any one who possesses in the use of his hands the means of detecting the error of his visual percep- tions, if he were to base a superstructure of reasoning — still more to found a whole system of philosophy — upon the latter alone .? Yet such appears to me to be the position of those who deny our direct cognition of force. Let us suppose (if possible) a man who had enjoyed the full use of his eyes, but whose limbs had been completely paralyzed from infancy, looking on at a game of billiards. He would see a succession of motions connected by regular sequence — the motion of the arm of the player, the stroke of the cue, the roll of the ball, its contact with another ball, the movement of the second ball, the change of direction or the entire stop of the first, the rebound of balls from the cushion in altered directions, and so on. And he might frame a statement in " terms of motion " of all that passes before his eyes, thinking this all he can know. — But suppose the limbs of such a man to be suddenly endowed with the ordinary * Herbert Spencer considers the cognition of resistance to be essentially derived from the sense of muscuLar tension. I have already expressed my reason for now dissenting from this view, which I myself formerly held. 358 NATURE AND MAN. powers of sensation and movement ; let him take the cue into his hands and himself strike the ball ; let him hold his hand on the table so that the rolling ball shall strike it and make him feel its im- pact ; let him hold the second ball and feel the shock imparted to it by the stroke of the first. Can any one deny that he would thus acquire a dynamical conception linking together the whole succes- sion of phenomena, which he was previously quite incapable of form- ing ; that this dynamical conception is quite as directly based upon the experience derived through his " force-sense," as his kinetic expression was upon that derived through his visual sense ; and that this cognition of the force producing the motions is, therefore, fully as much entitled to be introduced into a logical doctrine of causation, as the visual cognition of the motions themselves ? If it be replied that we have no proof that the movement of the ball we strike is produced by the force which we consciously exert in striking it, I simply reply that we have as much proof of it as we have of anything which rests upon universal experience, and which we can verify experimentally as often as we choose to try — quite as much as we have of the existence of anything whatever that is external to ourselves. Let us take, again, the simple case of magnetic attraction. A man who knows nothing of magnetism sees a piece of iron brought within a certain distance of what looks like a horse-shoe bar of the same metal, suddenly jump towards its approximated ends; and might, as before, correctly express the fact in "terms of motion." But let him take the piece of iron in his hands, so as to feel the "pull" upon it when brought sufficiently near the magnet, and he then becomes conscious, through his force-sense, of a power of which he was before utterly ignorant. Thus, as it seems to me, an analysis of those psychical experi- ences, on which all our cognitions of the physical universe around us are really based, irresistibly lands us in the conclusion that, as Herbert Spencer expresses it, " All the sensations through which " the external world is known to us, are explicable by us only as "resulting from certain forms of force;" the direct derivation of our conception of force from cur own experience of muscular tension (or as I should myself say, from our own sense of effort) being "a fact which no metaphysical quibbling can set aside." THE FORCE BEHIND NATURE-. 359 In the words of the able American writer I have already quoted, "The conception of force is one of those universal ideas which " belong of necessity to the intellectual furniture of every human " mind." By no one has the principle for which I am contending, been more clearly and more authoritatively expressed than by Sir John Herschel, a philosopher who united to his wonderful grasp of Nature-phenomena a profound insight into the action of the mind of man in the interpretation of them : — " Whatever attempts have been made by metaphysical writers " to reason away the connection of cause and effect, and fritter "it down into the unsatisfactory relation of habitual [uncon- " ditional] sequence, it is certain that the conception of some " more real and intimate connection is quite as strongly impressed "upon the human mind as that of the existence of an external "world, the vindication of whose reality has, strange to say, been " regarded as an achievement of no common merit in the annals "of this branch of philosophy. It is our own immediate con- " sciousness of ejfort, when we exert force to put matter in " motion or to oppose and neutralize force, which gives us this "internal conviction oi power and causation, so far as it relates " to the material world." — Treatise on " Astronomy " in Lardner's Cydopcedia, p. 232. Man's position as the " Interpreter of Nature " may be not inaptly likened (as it seems to me) to that of an intelligent observer of the working of a cotton-factory, with whose mechan- ical arrangements he is entirely unacquainted, and of whose moving power he knows nothing whatever. He is taken into a vast apartment,* in which he is at first utterly bewildered by the number and variety of the movements going on around him ; but, by directing his attention to the several machines, seriatim, he is able to arrive at a classification of them, according to the kind of ivork which each does. Thus he finds one set carding the cotton-wool supplied to it, so that its confused tangle gives place to a parallel laying of the fibres. He would see another taking up the bundles of carded wool, and drawing them out * In one of the flax-spinning mills belonging to the Marshalls of Leeds, the whole of the work is done on one floor, covering (I believe) two acres of ground, instead of in the usual building of several stories. 36o NATURE AND MAN. (after repeated doublings to secure uniformity) into a long soft cord. This cord he would then trace into the roving machine, which, by a continuation of the drawing process, further reduces its thickness, at the same time giving it a slight twist to increase its tenacity, so that it admits of being then wound upon bobbins. Thence he would trace the cord into the spintmig machine, which at the same time stretches and twists the cord, producing from it a yarn whose fineness might vary considerably in different machines. Finally, he would see the spun yarn carried, some as weft and some as woof, into the power-loom, from which it emerges as woven cloth — the final resultant of the whole series of operations. Concentrating now his attention upon any one of these machines, he studies its wheels, levers, and other moving parts, and tries to comprehend their several actions and the bearing of these upon each other. By long and scrutinizing observation he masters the whole series of sequences, and traces the distri- bution of motion from a single large axis, through the hundreds (it may be) of separate pieces of the machine directly or indirectly connected with it; and he might thus frame a description of the working of the machine, which might be perfectly correct so far as it goes, and which yet would be defective in one most essential particular — the statement of the force or power by which it is moved. For, so far as mere visual observation could teach him, the machine might be self-moving ; and he might thus attribute to each kind an inherent power of carding, roving, drawing, spinning, or weaving, as the case might be. Carrying his observations further, and noticing that one or another of these machines comes to a standstill, but resumes its motion after an interval, he may include this occasional suspension also in his general expression ; but, perplexed by the want of any regularity in its intervals, he will seek some further explanation. Continuing his patient watch, he will see that the stoppage of the machine follows the pulling of a handle by the man in attendance upon it, and that when the handle is pulled the other way, the machine goes on again ; and thus he will be led to introduce a certain position of this handle as one of the antecedent conditions of the machine's action. Still pursuing his inquiries, he finds out THE FORCE BEHIND NATURE. 361 that the axes of the several machines are all in mechanical rela- tion with one great longitudinal shaft, being connected with it either by continuous bands passing round pulleys, or by trains of wheelwork : and at last he discovers the important fact, that the movement of the handle which stops the machine breaks the continuity of that relation, shifting a strap from a "fast" to a "loose" pulley, or throwing the wheelwork "out of gear;" while the converse movement, which restores that continuity, is followed by the renewed action of the machine, which goes on until the continuity is again broken. Thus he will be led to regard its maintenance as essential to the working of the machine ; but nothing that he has yet learned explains to him why it is essential. He has only got at the material collocaiioti which his educated vision enables him to recognize ; and for anything he knows to the contrary, the change in that collocation may be in itself adequate to determine the result. But let him lay hold of the band which stretches between the main shaft and the axis of one machine, or attempt to stay with his hand the rotation of the train of wheels which connects it with another, — he then at once becomes conscious, through his "force- sense," of the power which the band or the wheelwork is the instrument of conveying; and as he finds that the "pull" upon his hand is just the same whether the machine is in motion or not, provided that the band or wheel remains in mechanical connection with the main shaft, he comes to the conviction that the source of the power is in the shaft, and that, so far from any one of the machines having an inherent power of movement, its motion entirely depends upon the force supplied to it from the shaft. And when, under the guidance of this conception, he again examines the working of the several kinds of machine, he finds that while the p07ver is the same for all, the diversity in their respective products is traceable to the diversity in their ^;onstruction— that is, to the material collocaiions through which the one moving force exerts itself in action. But having thus acquired the notion of moving po7ver, and having satisfied himself of the derivation of the force that gives motion to each of the entire aggregate of machines, from one main shaft, our inquirer finds himself again posed. Has this 362 NATURE AND MAN, shaft itself an inherent power of motion ; or does it derive that power from any ulterior source? He sees the shaft apparently terminate in the two end-walls of the building ; and, finding no evidence of its connection with anything else, he may feel himself drawn towards the conclusion that it moves of itself— \.ha.i is, by the "potency" of its own material constitution. But before adopting this rationale, he sees all the machines stop at once, and finds that the shaft also has ceased to revolve. Here is a new and starding phenomenon. After pondering on it for an hour, and carefully looking out for an explanation, he sees the shaft and its connected machines resume their motion, and yet is certain that no agency visible to him has had any concern in that renewal. By continued watching, he finds this suspension and renewal to be periodical, so that he can frame a law that shall express them in terms of time. Thus he might give a complete phenomenal account of the action of the shaft, which should be perfectly consistent with the assumption of its " inherent potency," and which might be sufficiently satisfactory to his mind to justify him in believing that there is no more to be learned about it. But not wishing to leave anything uninvestigated, he goes round to the other side of the wall. There he finds that one end of the shaft comes through it, and is in mechanical connection with either a steam-engine or a water-wheel ; and by watching what occurs when its motion is checked and renewed, he sees that the Engineer shuts off, or turns on, either the steam generated in the boiler of the steam-engine, or the descending water whose motion drives the wheel. I shall not weary the patience of such readers as may have followed me thus far, by tracing out in like detail the further steps of the inquiry ; but shall land them in the final conclusion now accepted by every man of science — that the power exerted in both these cases is drawn from solar radiation : the fall of the water which gives motion to the water-wheel, being merely the return of that which has been pumped up as vapour by the sun's heat; whilst the combustion of coal from which steam-power is derived, reproduces, as active force or " energy," the sunshine that exerted itself during the carboniferous period in dissociating carbonic acid and water into the hydrocarbons of coal and the oxygen of the THE FORCE BEHIND NATURE. 363 atmosphere, whose recombination gives forth heat and light And if we look still further back for the source of the sun's radiant energy, we should find it, perhaps, in the progressive consolidation of the primeval " fire-mist " — nebular matter. But whence nebular matter? And whence the force which draws its particles together, and which manifests itself as light and heat during their consolidation ? Here we come to a wall, to the other side of which we seem at present to have no access. But is there no other side ? Does not the whole course of the preceding inquiry show the unsatisfaction (if I may revive an obsolete word) of resting in any inherent "potency" of matter as the ultima ratio of the existing kosmos ? If we think the man foolish who supposes the main shaft of a cotton mill to turn oj itself, merely because he sees it apparently end in a wall which conceals from him the source of its motive power, are we not really chargeable with the like folly if we attribute sell-motion to the ultimate molecules of matter, merely because the power that moves them is hid from our sight? The mere physicist may see no possible way further. But there is a philosophy which has fully as true and as broad a basis in man's psychical experience, as can be claimed for the fabric of physical science ; and in the admirable words of the great master I have already quoted (Sir John Herschell, in his Familiar Lectures on Scientific Subjects, p. 460), I shall sum up an argument which this paper is intended rather to illustrate and enforce by an appeal to the familiar facts of consciousness, than to present in strict logical form : — *' In the mental sense of effort, clear to the apprehension of '* every one who has ever performed a voluntary act, which is pre- "sent at the instant when the determination to do a thing is "carried out into the act of doing it, we have a consciousness of " immediate and personal causation which cannot be disputed or "ignored. And when we see the same kind of act performed by " another, we never hesitate in assuming for him that conscious- "ness which we recognize in ourselves ; and in this case we can "verify our conclusion by oral communication." "In the only "case in which we are admitted into any personal knowledge of " the origin of force, we find it connected (possibly by intermediate "Unks untraceable by our faculties, yet indisputably cotmected) 364 NATURE AND MAN. "with volition, and by inevitable consequence, with motive, with '■'■intellect, and with all those attributes of mind in which personality " consists." As a physiologist, I most fully recognize the fact that the physical force exerted by the body of man is not generated de novo by his will, but is derived from the oxidation of the constituents of his food. But holding it as equally certain, because the fact is capable of verification by every one as often as he chooses to make tlie experiment, that, in the performance of every volitional move- ment, that physical force is put in action, directed, and controlled, by the individual personality or Ego, I deem it just as absurd and illogical to affirm that there is no place for a God in Nature, originating, directing, and controlling its forces by his will, as it would be to assert that there is no place in Man's body for his conscious Mind. XIII. NATURE AND LAW. \The Modem Review, October, 1880.] "The laws of light and gravitation," wrote Mr. Atkinson to Harriet Martineau thirty years ago, " extend over the universe, *' and explain whole classes of phenomena ; " and this " explana- tion," according to the same writer, is all-sufficient, " philosophy *' finding no God in Nature, nor seeing the want of any." The "advanced" philosophy of the present time goes still further; asserting that as the progress of science now places it beyond doubt that all the phenomena of Nature — physical, biological, and mental — are but manifestations of certain fundamental " properties " of matter," acting in accordance with fixed laws, " there is no "room for a God in Nature." And scientific thinkers who do not accept this as the conclusion obviously deducible from their recognition of the universality of the "reign of law," are branded as either illogical thinkers, or as cowardly adherents of a bygone superstition — men who are either deficient in the power to reason out the conclusions to which their own premises necessarily lead or have not the courage to face them. There can be no question of the influence that is being exerted by the reiteration of these assertions on the intelligent thought of the younger generation. Over and over again has it been pointed out with truth, that whenever science and theology have come into conflict, theology has had in the end to go to the wall. The Copernican system of astronomy has established itself in spite of the thunders of the Vatican. The geological interpretation of the 366 NATURE AND MAN. history of the earth has taken the place of the Mosaic Cosmogony in the current behef of educated men, notwithstanding all the denunciations of theological orthodoxy. Any one who should now maintain the universality of the Noachian Deluge, to doubt which was once to peril one's salvation, would be laughed at as an ignoramus. The antiquity of man, which no more than twenty years ago was repudiated as a dangerous heresy, has already passed beyond the region of discussion. And so, it is affirm&J, as the doctrine of evolution has now established itself in the minds of all competent judges as an indisputable verity, science — which formerly attacked and mastered only the outworks of theology — will be assuredly no less successful in its assault on the citadel itself The " creation " of the Old Revelation will fall before the " evolution " of the New ; the notion of power will be superseded by that of law; the evidences of "design" will be disposed of by the fact of " natural selection ; " and the "potencies" of matter will henceforth be the only subjects about which sensible men will concern themselves. Now I fully accept it as the highest work of the man of science, whatever his department of study, to seek out those "laws" which express the order of Nature. But I affirm that even supposing him to have so completely succeeded in his search, as to be able to formulate a general statement in which they could be all embodied, and from which all the phenomena of the universe could be traced out deductively, the question of the cause of those phenomena would be left just where it was ; the " law " simply expressing the order and physical con- ditions of their concurrence, and giving no real "explanation" of them. Much of what seems to me a prevalent confusion of thought on this subject — nothing being more common than to speak of laws as " governing " or " regulating " phenomena, and to affirm that phenomena are sufficiently "accounted for" when they can be shown to be "consequences" of a law — seems to me to be traceable to the double sense in which the word " law " is habitu- ally used. And the purpose of my present paper will be to help my readers to " think themselves clear " upon this matter ; by showing the fundamental difference between the kgal and the NATURE AND LAW. 3^7 strictly scientific conception of law, and by examining into the theological bearing of each. And if, in so doing, I go over ground which has been trodden until it seems perfectly familiar, and use illustrations that may be thought to have been worn to triteness, it is because I believe that the best lessons are often to be drawn from the most familiar things, // they be looked at from the rigJit point of view. I. When we speak of the " laws " of a State, we mean the rules laid down by the Governing Power of that State for the conduct of its members; which rules, its Executive is charged with enforcing by the power it wields. But there may be laws which a Government regards as obsolete, and thinks it inexpedient to enforce (as is the case with many of those still inscribed on our Statute-book) ; or others of recent enactment, which a Govern- ment may be deterred from carrying into execution by the antago- nistic force of public opinion (as happened many times in regard to the " fugitive slave law " of the United States). Or, again, the Executive may itself be paralyzed by a panic, which allows mob- force for the time to reign supreme (as in the riots of London in 1780, and the riots of Bristol in 1831); or may be overthrown by a Revolution which subverts its authority, leaving anarchy to prevail until a new Government shall have been constituted. Thus it is clear that state-made laws have no coercive action in themselves ; that action being entirely dependent upon the enforce- ment of them by the governing power, of whose will they are to be regarded as the expressions. The very term " government," indeed, carries with it the idea of a governing power on the one hand, and of a people controlled by it on the other. And when we speak of a State as " governed by law," we mean no more than that its controlling Power " governs according to law ; " or, in other words, that it acts — not on the arbitrary dictation of its own will — but in accordance with certain fixed and determinate rules, in which that will is expressed, and within which it limits its exercise. It is thus that when we pass from the sphere of human government to that of the Divine, and speak of the universe as " governed " by the " laws " of a supreme Ruler, we mean that his power is exerted, not like that of an arbitrary potentate who 368 NATURE AND MAN. changes his course of action as his own caprice or passion may direct, but like that of a benevolent sovereign whose rule is in uniform and orderly conformity with certain fixed principles, originally determined as conducive to the welfare and happiness of his people. Such, in the earlier stages of scientific inquiry, when the uni- formities of Nature first attracted the attention of thoughtful men, seems to have been the aspect under which the "laws" that express them were generally regarded. While the Hebrew mind, nursed in the idea of an anthropomorphic theocracy, regarded all the phenomena of the universe as the immediate expressions of the personal will of its national deity, and, so far from feeling any incredulity as to "supernatural" or apparently disorderly occur- rences, expected them as .the appropriate attestations of his authority, the philosophers of Greece and Rome, who gave them- selves rather to the study of the order of Nature, and were strongly impressed by its uniformities, for the most part saw in them (as expressed by the application of the word kosmos, originally meaning "orderly arrangement," to designate the universe) the manifestations of supreme designing and controlling minds.* And among those who, nearer our own time, most advanced our knowledge of that order, the same conception of the nature of the "laws" expressive of it continued to prevail. Thus it is recorded of Kepler, that when, after a life devoted to the search, he had discovered the three laws of planetary motion which have made his name immortal, he spoke with devout gratitude of the ample reward he had received for his labours, in having been thus per- mitted " to think the thoughts of God." And no one who has followed the course of Newton's discoveries and his own mode of viewing them, can doubt that this idea was alike dominant in his mind. For when charged by some of the theologians of his time with (as they affirmed) superseding the Divine agency in the pro- duction of the movements of the planetary system, by attributing them to hypothetical forces of his own creation, he defended himself by showing that his "Principia" simply aimed to express the mode in which that agency exerts itself. * Every reader of Cicero's treatise "De Natura Deorum" will recollect this to be its " argument." NATURE AND LAW, 369 II. But as the scientific conception of "law," based on the discoveries of Kepler and Newton, extended itself into every department of nature, and one class of her phenomena after another was brought within its range, the idea of Divine govern- ment, originally embodied in the phrase "laws of nature," dropped away; the study of "final causes" was found to hamper, instead of guiding, scientific research; and the more thoroughly the pursuit of the truth as it is in nature has been freed from theological trammels, the more successful that pursuit has been. While, however, the idea of " government " by a God is now excluded, by general consent, from the domain of science, the notion of " government " by law has taken its place, not only in popular thought, but in the minds of many who claim the right to lead it ; and it is the vaUdity of this notion which I have now to call in question. We may, I think, best begin our inquiry into what a " law of nature " really means, by tracing historically the p)rogress of our knowledge of that one, whose simplicity of form allows it to be stated with the greatest clearness and precision, and whose uni- versality seems to have been demonstrated beyond all question. I mean, of course, the law of gravitation, as enunciated by Newton ; which affirms that " all masses of matter attract one another with " forces directly proportional to their masses, and inversely pro- " portional to the squares of their distances." As I pointed out in my former paper, what is meant by " force," in this and similar expressions, is the " pull " of which we ourselves become sensible in any attempt we make to resist its action — as when we try to hold back a piece of iron that is being drawn towards a powerful magnet. That all solid or liquid bodies fall to the ground if unsupported, must have been among the very earliest of the generalized experiences of the human race ; and the downward " pull " felt by every one who held such bodies in his hand, justified his attribut- ing their fall, when let go, to the " attraction " exerted upon them by the earth. The difference upon the " pulls " exerted by stones of different sizes, would give the notion of differences of iveight ; and certain standards being adopted, the balance applied the 370 NATURE AND MAN. means of more exactly determining the downward " pull " of a mass, than any personal estimate of it could afford. Differences of weight being thus determined between masses of the same size, but of different kinds of matter— as, for instance, between a cube of lead and a cube of stone, or between a cubic vessel of water and a block of wood of the same dimensions — gave the notion of differences of relative weight (or " specific gravity ") and the weight of water being taken as the standard of comparison, a distinction was drawn between " heavy " and " light " bodies. The floating of a piece of wood on the surface of water, and its rising up from the bottom when no longer held down, were rightly interpreted as a consequence of their respective downward tendencies or relative weights ; for since it could be shown by experiment that if equal measures of wood and of water were put in the two scales of a balance, the water would go down, it w^as seen that the earth must have a greater attraction for it, and that the ascent of the wood is brought about by the descent of the water to take its place. Now here we have a very simple case of what is commonly called the " explanation " of a natural phenomenon. To those who first reflected on the matter, the ascent of the solid wood through the liquid water might seem an exception to the general uniformity, for v/hich the philosopher of the time would be desired to account. And he would do so by showing that it is really in accordance with such uniformity. Further than this he could not go ; and further than this no scientific explanation can go. As J. S. Mill has truly said, " In science, those who speak of explaining "any phenomenon mean (or should mean) pointing out not some "more familiar, but merely some more general, phenomenon, of "which it is a partial exemplification." — But our ancient philosopher could ?iot have so explained the ascent of the smoke ; for he knew not that both the atmosphere and the smoke have weight ; but that the smoke, being the lighter of the two, ascends like a piece of wood through a column of water ; and he could only account for it by attributing to the smoke an exceptional "levity," which made it ascend, whilst all other bodies descended. But he could not really get any nearer to the "cause" of the general, than to that of this exceptiotial phenomenon. As it is a " property," he would say, of the earth to attract, and of bodies in general to be NATURE AND LAW. 371 attracted by it, dotvnwards^ so it is a "property" of smoke to mount upwards. But this is nothing more than another form of stating the facts famihar to everybody. Such philosophers as talk of laws " explaining " phenomena, or of the " potencies " of matter as giving a sufficient account of its activities, seem to me not to have got beyond that " wisdom of the Ancients," which, in such a case as that just cited, they would themselves repudiate as mere " folly." The notion of the attractive force of the earth, unchecked by any right conception of the action of force in producing motion, led the Ancients into a very strange error. As the " weight " of a body is the expression of the downward " pull " which the earth exerts upon it, it seemed natural to suppose that the rate of the fall of any heavy body to the ground would increase in proportion to that weight, so that a body weighing ten pounds would fall ten times as fast as a body weighing one pound. And this was formulated as a "law" by Aristotle, and accepted by "educated" mankind as such for nearly two thousand years : for although it might have been at once disproved by the very simple experiment of letting fall the two weights at the same moment from the top of a high tower, and observing when they respectively struck the ground at the bottom, the authority of Aristotle on the one hand (to doubt which was rank heresy),^ and what seemed the " common sense of the matter " on the other, prevented it from being called in question. Here again (as it seems to me) we may find a lesson of great value. Aristotle was undoubtedly — as regards science — the " master mind " of the ancient philosophy ; but in this matter he proceeded upon his own conceptions, instead of upon ascer- tained facts ; and he consequently presumed to make laws for Nature, instead of setting himself to determine what are the laws of Nature — framing general expressions of what he thought must be her orderly uniformities, instead of inquiring what these uniformities really are, and basing his generalizations upon them. It was by Galileo that this matter was first experimentally investigated. While yet a student in medicine at the University of Pisa (his native town), his attention was attracted by the swing- Lag of one of the chandeliers from the lofty roof of the Cathedral, 372 NATURE AND MAN. which suggested to him a series of experiments upon the vibrations of pendulums of different lengths— without, however, causing him to pursue the subject further than the devising an instrument for measuring the rate of the pulse. But the interest he took in the study of mathematics and mechanics proved so strong as to lead him to devote himself entirely to them, with a success that caused him to be appointed lecturer on those subjects at the University. Although no religious reformation could then make head in Italy, a revolt against the domination of Aristotle was beginning to break out among its scientific men ; and undeterred by the fate of Giordano Bruno (who was burnt by the Inquisition at Rome in 1600), Galileo early joined the movement party. One of the first of the Aristotelian doctrines which he called in question, was that which I have just cited. He saw that it must be erroneous, as taking no account of the very obvious consideration that while the "pull" of the earth on the weight of 10 lbs. is ten times as great as it is upon the weight of i lb., it has to give motion to ten times the mass ; so that the rates of fall of the two bodies would be the same. His teaching on this subject being opposed by his col- leagues, Galileo, in the presence of the whole University, ascended the " leaning tower," and dropping from its summit bodies of different weights, he showed that (with an inconsiderable differ- ence, due to the resistance of the air) they reached the bottom in the same times. As the monument of an experiment which gave the death-blow to the tmscietitific legislation of Aristotle, and prepared the way for the scientific legislation of Newton, the " leaning tower " of Pisa beautiful in itself as an architectural work, has a far grander in- terest for all who can appreciate this great step in the emancipation of thought, which should cause it to be preserved with the most jealous care so long as its stones will hold together. But this demolition of an old error was only the first result of Galileo's experimental researches. For he found, by letting fall similar weights from different heights, that the rate of motion of the falling body continually increases as it descends ; a body that falls 16 feet in one second, falling 64 feet in two seconds, 144 feet in three seconds, and 256 feet vafour seconds, this last being prob- ably the greatest height at which he could experiment These NATURE AND LAW. 373 results were found capable of being expressed by a very simple formula — that the total fall in any number of seconds is the pro- duct of the square of that number multiplied into the fall in the first second. But there was no adequate ground for asserting, or even for expecting, that this formula would hold good in regard to a body let fall from a height of ten or a himdred times 256 feet. The "law" was, in that stage, the simple generalized expression of facts within the range of actuq.1 knowledge. No one had a right to say how far above the general surface of the earth its attractive force extends ; nor could it be affirmed with any cer- tainty, that the fall of bodies from great mountain heights would follow the same "law" as their fall from the top of a tower. But a great advance was made, when Galileo applied to this case the general doctrine of the action of " accelerating forces," to which his study of mechanics had led him. For he saw that when the falling body is let go, it starts from a state of rest, its velocity being o ; and that since it is receiving afresh, at every instant of its fall, the same " pull " from the earth as that which first puts it in motion, its rate of movement must undergo a con- tinual regular acceleration. On the basis of this conception, a very simple computation showed that during the first second it will have thus acquired a velocity, which, if there were no fresh "pull," would carry it through 32 feet in the next second, but which, ^inth the fresh " pull," would cause it to descend 48 feet, making 64 feet in the two seconds — and so on. The simply empirical law, then, which at first had no higher value than it derived from its accordance with a very limited experience, and which might, or might not, be found to hold good beyond the range of that experience, acquired a rational value, as the ex- pression of what may be fairly anticipated to be the continually accelerating rate of motion of falling bodies, due to the con- stantly acting attraction of the earth upon all bodies within its range. And thus it was reasonable to expect, that within the range of the earth's attraction — whatever that range might be — the rate of descent of bodies falling towards its surface would still be found to conform to it. But no one could then form any definite idea as to the extent of that range. It was, as we shall presently see, the bold " scientific imagination " of Newton, which 374 NATURE AND MAN. first framed the conception — and his vast mathematical ability, which enabled him to give it definite shape — that the moon is constantly " falling " towards the earth at a rate exactly conform- able to that " law " of terrestrial gravitation, with which the name and fame of Galileo will ever be associated. My own first ideas of the Newtonian Philosophy, if I rightly remember, were drawn from the answer given in that best child's book of my generation — "Evenings at Home" — to the question "Why does an apple fall?" Whether the apple of Newton is to be relegated, like that of Tell, to the limbo of " myths," is a question I shall not stop to discuss. It is enough that the story .serves to illustrate the "idea." Probably if the question were put to a hundred "educated" people, ninty-nine of them would give one of these two answers, "Because of the earth's attraction," or, " Because of the law of gravitation." But, as I have shown, to speak of the attraction of the earth, is merely to express, in different words, the fact that it " draws " the apple downwards ; and if we go further and say that the earth draws downwards not only apples, but stones, water, and air — in fact, all material bodies whatever — we only express a general uniformity, of which we know nothing more than that it is. Clearly it is no real "explanation" of the fall of any one apple, to say that all apples or all material bodies fall when unsupported. So the " law " of gravitation is merely an expression of that general uniformity, framed with a scientific exactness which enables us to say " with certainty " (in common parlance) what will be the time occupied in the fall of a heavy body through any given number of feet. But that "certainty" depends not upon any " governing " action of the " law " itself, — for into the purely scientific conception of law the idea of a governing power does not enter ; — but solely upon our rational expectation that what has been found conformable to a vast experience in the past, under every variety of conditions, will in like manner prove con- formable to it in the future. Before, however, we follow the development of Galileo's doctrine of terrestrial gravitation into the Newtonian doctrine of universal gravitation, we must deal with another of the "laws" imposed on Nature by the ancient philosophy. It was held that as a circle is the most "perfect " figure, and as the motions of the NATURE AND LAW. 375 celestial bodies imcst be " perfect," they must revolve in circles ; — whether round the sun, as Pythagoras maintained, or round the earth, as Aristotle and the later Schoolmen taught. Every tyro knows how the Ptolemaic system of astronomy, based on the latter conception, developed itself into a mechanism of most ingeniously devised complexity, by the necessity of continually adding new cycles and epicycles to "account for" the new discordances which improved methods of observation were continually bringing to light between the actual and the predicted places of the heavenly bodies. This method of " accounting for '' them was a pure assumption ; and yet it answered its purpose so well, as to form the basis of the methods of astronomical computation in use at the present time.* But when Copernicus revived the scheme of Pythagoras, and the comparative simplicity of his system (doing away with a large part of the cumbrous machinery of the Ptolemaic) recommended it to the acceptance of minds not trammelled by their own scholastic prejudices, or dominated by ecclesiastical tyranny, the whole question had to be studied afresh ; and it was by the marvellous perseverance and ingenuity of Kepler, the contemporary and friend of Galileo, that the solution of it was found. Starting with the conviction that there must be an " order " (if he could only find it out), he passed his life in a series of guesses as to what that order might be ; and his ingenuity in guessing was only surpassed by his eagerness in subjecting every guess to the test of its strict con- formity with observed facts, and by his candid readiness to abandon it so soon as its discordance became clear to him. Limiting his studies to the orbit of Mars, he brought to the explanation of the observed places of that planet all the resources of eccentric but uniform circular motion, which he could devise both for Mars and * It is not a little singular that, notwithstanding the great advance which mathemalical science has made since Newton's time, no formula has yet Ijeen devised for (//rtr/Zi' computing the place of a planet or comet in an elliptic orliit ; all such computations being still made on the assumption of uniform circnlar motion, with cycles and epicycles " interpolated " (after the method of Ptolemy) so as to attain any required appn^ximation to absolute correctness. And thus, both as generalizing the facts of observation, and as furnishing the only basis for accurate prediction, this complex conception (as now perfected) would have liad even a higher claim to be received as true to Nature than Kepler's " laws " o{ elliptic motion, until these were shown to be deducible from Newton's grand and simple assumptions. 376 NATURE AND MAN. the earth ; but found, time after time, that Mars " burst all the "chains of the equations, and broke forth from the prisons of the "tables." At last it occurred to him to try an ellipse; and on projecting this as the path of the planet, he found, to his great joy, that the observed places of Mars in the heavens corresponded so exactly with what they should be on that assumption, as to afford the strongest assurance of its truth. But this hypothesis of the elliptical orbit of Mars did not " explain " anything ; it did no more than state in general terms the course of that one planet's motion. Why Mars should take that course, was a question on which he threw no light. And, however probable he might think it that the other planets also move in elliptic orbits, he neither proved it as a fact by the like experiential investigation, nor could adduce any other ground for such probability than that general idea of uniformity and harmony which was the basis of his whole work. It is clear, then, that Kepler's /r^/ " law of planetary motion " has in itself no "governing" power whatever. While working out his conception of elliptical motion, Kepler was baffled for a time by the discordance between the observed places of Mars, and the places which would be predicted for him on the assumption of "uniform " motion in an elliptic — instead of in a circular — orbit. Finding that motion to be much more rapid in the part of the orbit nearer the sun, than in the part more remote from it, he again applied himself to his old work oi guessing ; and it is singular that he was led to hit upon what is known as his second law — the passage of the "radius vector" over equal areas in equal times — by an erroneous physical conception of a driving force emanating from the sun, and acting more powerfully on near bodies than those at a distance. Now this second " law," like the first, was simply nothing else than a theoretical generalization of a class of facts ; its value lay entirely in the correctness with which it expressed them ; and so far was Kepler from having attained to any higher conception of its import, that what he regarded as a triumphant confirmation of his doctrine came out of a merely accidental relation between the ellipse and the circle.* * I do not know any more instructive or interesting scientific biography than the " Life of Kepler," by Drinkwater, published by the long-since-defunct "Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge," which did much good work of this kind half a century ago. NATURE AND LAW. 377 It was not until twelve years after the publication of his first two " laws," that Kepler was able to announce the discovery of the third ; which expresses the numerical relation between the re- spective distances of the planets from the sun, and the times oi their revolution around him. This, again, was the outcome of a long series of guesses. And what was remarkable as to the error of the idea which suggested the second law to his mind, was still more remarkable as to the third ; for not only, in his search for the "harmony " of which he felt assured, did he proceed on the erroneous notion of a whirling force emanating from the sun, which decreases with increase of distance, but he took as his guide another assumption no less erroneous, viz., that the masses of the planets increase with their distances from the sun. In order to make this last fit with the facts, he was driven to assume a relation of their respective densities, which we now know to be utterly untrue ; for, as he himself says, " unless we assume this proportion "of the densities, the law of the periodic times will not answer." Thus, says his biographer, " three out of the four suppositions "made by Kepler to explain the beautiful law he had detected, are " now indisputably known to be false ; " what he considered to be the /r^^ of it, being only a mode of false reasoning by which "any "required result might be deduced from any given principles." And yet I cannot doubt that if Kepler had found his " law " to be inconsistent with \}c\.Q.Jacts of which it was the generalized expression, he would have at once surrendered this pet child of his old age, with the same honest zeal for truth that led him to abandon the earlier offspring of his creative brain. Neither of the " laws " formulated by Kepler, then, can be regarded as having any higher than an absolutely einpirical value ; being good as expressions of certain classes of uniformities ob- servable in nature ; but, as he left them, quite untrustworthy — except as a guide to further inquiry — beyond the limits of the experience on which they were based. They had (as it seems to me) just the value of what is commonly known as "Bode's formula" (called by Professor Newcome the " law of Titius "), in regard to the distances of the planets from the sun : for this gave a numerical expression of the several distances of Mercury, Venus, the Earth, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, and Uranus, which not only agreed sufficiently 378 NATURE AND MAN. well with the observed facts to suggest the existence of a real "law;" but actually led to the prediction of a "lost planet" between Mars and Jupiter, which has been verified by the discovery of somewhere near two hundred "asteroids," to say nothing of streams of meteorites. The discovery of Neptune, how- ever, effectually demolished the credit of this "law;" the distance of that planet from the sun proving to be nearly one- fourth less than the formula would make it.* The first of the great achievements of Newton in relation to our present subject, was a piece of purely geometrical reasoning. Assuming two forces to act on a body, of which one should be capable of imparting to it uniform motion in a straight line, whilst the other should attract it towards a fixed point in accordance with Galilto's law of terrestrial gravity, he demonstrated that the path of the body would be deflected into a curve, which must be one of the conic sections; and that, if the two forces are in near equivalence the one to the other, the curve will be an ellipse. (Galileo had already shown that the path of the projectile in which gravity preponderates over the onward force, is a parabola). He proved, moreover, that the motion of any body thus traversing an elliptical orbit round a centre of attraction, must conform in its varying rates to Kepler's second law. And further, he showed that if a number of bodies be moving round the same centre of attraction at different distances, the rates of their revolution mv.st conform to Kepler's third law. By assuming the existence of these two balanced forces, therefore, he not only showed that all the observed uniformities could be deduced from that one simple conception, but furnished a rational basis for the assured expectation that the like uniformities would prevail in every other case. And the verification of this expectation by the discovery that even comets * It may not be iminstructive to note that in their mathematical search for this stranger, which manifested its presence by disturbing the rrotions of Uranus, both Adams and Leverrier took Bode's formula as the basis of their computa- tions, assuming its distance from the sun to be somewhat more than twice that of Uranus. And it was by nothing more or less than a fortunate coincidence, that the new planet was found in the place which they agreed in assigning to it ; for if the search had been made a year earlier or a year later, its actual place would have been so far from its computed place, that it would probably not have been found until new computations had been made on the basis of some more lucky guess. NATURE AND LAW. 379 move in elliptical orbits, and that, if these orbits can be exactly determined by observation, and the influence of perturbing forces rightly estimated, their return can be predicted, may be considered as fully justifying such an expectation, so far at least as the solar system is concerned. But the "law" at which we thus arrive, is only a higher and more comprehensive generalization of the facts of celestial observa- tion, and rests on assumptions which are not only improved but unprovable. For the idea of continuous onward motion in a straight line, as the result of an original impulsive force not antagonized or affected by any other — formularized by Newton as his first " law of motion " — is not borne out by any acquired experience, and does not seem likely to be ever thus verified. For in no experiment we have it in our power to make, can we entirely eliminate the antagonizing effect of friction and atmo- spheric resistance ; and thus all movement that is subject to this retardation, and is not sustained by any fresh action of the im- pelling force, must come to an end. Hence the conviction com- monly entertained that Newton's first " law " of motion must be true, cannot be philosophically admitted to be anything more than a high probability, based on the fact that the more completely we can eliminate all antagonizing influences, the nearer we get to the perpetuity of movement once initiated. To say that this " law " is so self-evident that we cannot help accepting it as an " axiom " or necessary form of thought, is to run counter to the historical fact, that the great thinkers of antiquity— whom none have ever sur- passed in pure thinking power — accepted as the dictate of universal experience, that all terrestrial motions come to an end ; and were thus led to range the celestial motions in a different category, as going on for ever. So, again, we have no proof, and in the nature of things can never get one, of the assumption of the attractive force exerted either by the earth, or by any of the bodies of the solar system, upon other bodies at a distance.* All that we can be said to * Newton himself strongly felt that the impossibility of rationally accounting for action at a distance through an intervening vacuum, was the weak point of his system. The science of the present day .is seeking for the solution of this difficulty, in the hypothesis of the universal pervasion of space by moving mole- cules of some form of highly attenuated matter. I"7 38o NATURE AND MAN. ktiow (as I have already pointed out) is that which we learn from our own experience as to the attraction of the earth for bodies near its surface. And although Newton is commonly credited with having " demonstrated " the identity between terrestrial gravity and the force which deflects the moon out of its straight course, and with thus having "proved" the universality of the mutual attraction of masses of matter, I speak with the authority to which I consider myself entitled, not by my own study of this subject, but by the answers of the greatest masters of it to questions I have put to them, — that what Newton really did was to show that such an exact numerical confoi'mity exists between the rate of fall of the moon towards the earth (that is to say, her deflection from her onward rectilineal path) in any given time, and the rate of a body actually falling to the earth's surface (according to Galileo's law), as justifies the assumption of the identity of the force which causes the former, with that of which we have experience in the production of the latter. Now, in regard to the sun's attraction for the earth and planets, we have no certain experience at all. Unless we could be trans- ported to his surface, we should have no means of experimentally comparing solar gravity with terrestrial gravity ; and if we could ascertain this, we should be no nearer the determination of his attraction for bodies at a distance. The doctrine of universal gravitation, then, is a pure assumption ; and, as a highly com- petent writer,* who obviously takes my own view of the matter, has lately said with reference to Descartes' theory of "vortices" (which, essentially the same with Kepler's, for some time disputed the field with Newton's theory) : — " Had Descartes been able to " show that the parts of his vortex must move in ellipses having " the sun in one focus, that they must describe equal areas in equal " times, and that their velocity must diminish as we recede from "the sun, according to Kepler's third law, his theory would have "so far been satisfactory." But while "all three of Kepler's laws " were expressed in the single law of gravitation towards the sun, " with a force acting inversely as the square of the distance," Descartes' theory entirely failed to grasp them, and therefore fell ♦ Professor Simon Newcomb, of the United States Naval Observatory, in his admirable " Popular Astronomy." NATURE AND LA IV. 381 before the comprehensive power of the Newtonian doctrine ; which soon afterwards obtained its verification in the discovery that the regular movements of the planets in their orbital revolution round the sun, show "perturbations" whose actual amounts are found to be exactly conformable to the results of computations based on the assumption that they, too, attract one another in proportion to their respective masses. A like verification was found in the application of the doctrine of gravitation to the familiar phenomena of the tides ; the rationale of which had remained a mystery until Newton traced not only their diurnal rise and fall, but their monthly and annual variations, to the attractive force exerted by the moon (and in a less degree by the sun) upon the waters of the ocean. It will not, I believe, be questioned by any one who has carefully studied Newton's writings, that he himself regarded the doctrine of universal gravitation as an hypothesis^ the value of which entirely depends upon the conformity of every deduction that can be drawn from it by the most rigorous mathematical reasoning, with the facts determined or determinable by observa- tion.* But as all experience since his time has but afforded fresh illustrations of that conformity, — as no perturbation, great or small, has been observed in any of the bodies of the solar system, which has not been " accounted for " (to use the familiar phrase) by its conformity with the general doctrine, — and as the orbital movements of double stars round their common centre of gravity are now found to be in equally exact conformity with it, we feel an assurance of its truth, which nothing, save a complete revolu- tion either in the world of matter or in the world of mind, can ever shake. But this brings us no nearer to the idea of "government" by that law. That Newton's law is higher and more general than Kepler's — being, to use the language of J. S. Mill, one of those fewest and simplest assumptions from which, being granted, the whole order of Nature would result — does not give it any " power " to produce or maintain that order. It is simply (again to quote J. S. Mill) one of Xkxo^o. feivest general propositions from which all the uniforniitics which exist in the universe might be deductively * See note, p. 379. 382 NATURE AND MAN. inferred * Newton, then, was the unquestionably greatest revealer the world has yet seen of the order of the universe. As was grandly said by a contemporary poet — •' Nature and Nature's laws lay hid in night, God said, ' Let Newton be,' and all was light." But so far was he from claiming to have revealed anything of the cause of that order, that he most distinctly repudiated the notion. I altogether deny, then, the ri5,^ht of the so-called philo- sophers of our time to attribute to Newton's or any other hypothesis the solution of the problem of the Kosmos. No law of pure science can be anything but an expression of the 7^^/ of its orderly uniformity. And that fact gives us in itself no clue to its cause. But it clearly does not exclude the notion of an Intelligent First Cause, or Causa causarum. And to that notion we seem to be led (as I pointed out in my former paper) by our own experience of volitional or purposive agency. To me the uniformities of Nature, so far from suggesting blind force, have ever seemed to present, in their wonderful combination of unity and variety, of harmony and diversity, of grandeur and minuteness, the evidences of such a Designing Mind as we recognize in any great human organization which approaches our notion of ideal perfection, such as a well-conducted orchestra, a thoroughly disciplined army, or an admirably arranged manufactory. To see a great result brought about by the consentaneous but diversified action of a multitude of individuals, each of whom does his own particular work in a manner that combines harmoniously with the different work of every other, suggests to me nothing but admiration for the Master-mind by which that order was devised, and by the influence of which it is constantly sustained. And so, as I wrote more than forty years ago, " every step we take in the progress of "generalization, increases our admiration of the beauty of the adap- " tation, and the harmony of the action, of the laws we discover ; "and it is in this beauty and harmony that the contemplative mind "delights to recognize the wisdom and beneficence of the Divine " Author of the universe." And I persuade myself that to those who have followed me through this discussion, it may not be '• System of Logic " (eighth edition), vol. i. p. 366. * (i NATURE AND LAW. 383 uninteresting to see in the closing paragraph of my first attempt to work out the " Principles of General and Comparative Physi- ology " (1839), the conception I had then formed, and to which I still adhere, of the highest aim of scientific research : — " If, then, we can conceive that the same Almighty fiat which " created matter out of nothmg — impressed upon it one simple " law which should regulate the association of its masses into " systems of almost illimitable extent, controlling its movements, " fixina; the times of the commencement and cessation of each " world, and balancing against each other the perturbing influences " to which its own actions give rise — should be the cause, not only " of the general uniformity, but of the particular variety of their " conditions, governing the changes in the form and structure of " each individual globe protracted through an existence of count- " less centuries, and adjusting the alternation of ' seasons and times '* ' and months and years ; ' should people all these worlds with " living beings of endless diversity of nature, providing for their "support, their happiness, their mutual reliance, ordaining their " constant decay and succession, not merely as individuals, but as " races, and adapting them in every minute particular to the con- " ditions of their dwellings; and should harmonize and blend " together all the innumerable multitude of these actions, making " their very perturbations sources of new power : when our know- " ledge is sufficiently advanced to comprehend these things, then " shall we be led to a far higher and nobler conception of the " Divine mind than we have at present the means of forming. " But, even then, how infinitely short of the reality will be any " view that our limited comprehension can attain, seeing, as we " ever must in this life, ' as through a glass, darkly ! ' How much " will remain to be revealed to us in that glorious future, when the " light of truth shall burst upon us in unclouded lustre, but when " our mortal vision shall be purified and strengthened so as to " sustain its dazzling brilliancy ! " I purpose, at some future time, to apply the above method of inquiry to the Law of " Evolution," which is very commonly sup- posed to "account for" the existing fabric of the universe — animate, as well as inanimate ; and to show that it really does nothing more than express an orderly sequence of phenomena, leaving the cause of that order entirely unexplained. 384 NATURE AND MAN. XIV. THE DOCTRINE OF EVOLUTION IN ITS RELA- TIONS TO THEISM.* [The following Address had been in preparation, by request, as a reply to one previously delivered by the then President of Sion College, before Mr. Darwin's death. I purposely dwelt chiefly on the Cosmical Evolution, as a matter on which scientific men are now generally agreed ; and did not attempt to do more, in regard to Biological Evolution, than show that the same general doctrine applied also to it.] The subject on which I am to address you can only be profitably discussed, when the ground has been previously cleared of all misconception as to the relative claims and limitations of science and theology, and the boundaries of the two have been distinctly marked out. Dr. Martineau has told us that the object of science is to determine the order of Nature, whilst it is the function of theology to determine its cause ; but this definition would not be accepted by those who find in the interaction of ihe J>hysical forces a sufficient account of the phenomena of Nature; and I should rather define the province of scieitce as the interpretation of the phenomena of Nature from the stand-point of physical causation, whilst theology interprets them from the stand-point of moral causation. Now, although the two conceptions we thus frame differ essentially in their aspect and character, yet, as I shall endeavour to show, they are perfectly consistent with each other. The scientific conception of causation has recently undergone a remarkable change, which has scarcely yet received its formal recognition. Most of you, I presume, are familiar with the dis- cussions by which the minds of the logicians of the last century * An Address delivered at Sion College, May 15th, 1882. EVOLUTION AND THEISM. 385 and the first half of the present were exercised, as to its real nature. While Hume and his followers admitted nothing but invariable and unconditional antecedence, as the "cause" of a phenomenon, excluding altogether that notion oi force or power which was expressed by the term "efficient cause," there has always been a school of scientific men, who have maintained that this notion is not only accordant with the fundamental instincts of the human mind and the uniform teachings of human experi- ence, but is justified by the highest scientific reasoning. And I hold it to be not the least of the vast services rendered to science by Sir John Herschel, that by constantly keeping this great principle in clear view, he prepared the way for that general recognition of it, which has latterly come about almost insensibly, as a result of those researches into the mutual relations of the physical forces, which have culminated in the general doctrine of the Conservation of Energy. For even John Stuart Mill, who was the most powerful upholder of the Hume doctrine, had come, in his later years, to perceive (what I had frequently urged upon him at an earlier period) that when the assemblage of antecedents is analyzed, they are always found resolvable into two categories — the force or power which produces the change, and the material collocations which constitute the conditions of its exercise. Thus — to use one of Mill's own illustrations — although we speak of a man's fail from a ladder as " caused " by the slipping of his ibot or the breaking of a rung (as the case may be), the efficient cause is the attractive force of the earth, which the loss of support to the man's foot brings into operation. And now that heat, light, electricity, magnetism, chemical affinity, and vital agency, are universally admitted to be only varied expressions of different kinds of movement among the particles of matter, sustained by the same agency as that which, when it acts on masses of matter, produces or resists mechanical motion, the " efficient cause " of every phenomenon in nature is sought in the action of one or other of these forces, and the determination of the conditions of that action becomes the primal object of scientific inquiry. The first result of thisstudy is the recognition of uniformity in the action of these forces ; like results happening under like conditions ; and diversities in the conditions being attended with 386 NATURE AND MAN. corresponding differences in the results. And it is from obser- vation and comparison of the conditions of the phenomena of nature, that the materials are obtained for those general expres- sions of them which are termed laws. Thus, by letting fall weights from different stories of the leaning tower of Pisa, and accurately noting the times of their respective descents, Galileo was able to frame that very simple expression of the uniform relation between the space fallen through, and the square of the time occupied in the fall, which constitutes the law of Terrestrial Gravitation. This enables us to predict, with what we call scien- tific certainty, how many feet a heavy body will tall through in a given period of time ; but this certainty has no other basis than our own confident expectation, that what has always (so far as our knowledge extends) proved true in the past, will prove equally true in the future. For the " law " has no power iti itself; only by a false analogy with the law of a State, can it be said to "govern" or "regulate" the phenomena which it enables us to predict. In short, though perhaps ninety-nine persons out of a hundred would reply to the question why a stone falls to the ground, " because of the law of gravitation," this answer would be only tantamount to saying, " Because all other stones, if un- " supported, similarly fall to the ground," which is obviously no explanation at all. But when we express this general fact "in terms of force," taking as a fundamental fact of human experi- ence the downward pull which we feel the earth to exert upon every body which we raise above it by our own effort, we bring it home to our own consciousness of personal agency, which, as I shall presently show, constitutes the connecting link between the scientific and the theological conceptions of Nature. The attributing to "properties of matter" the phenomena which we witness in the universe around us, is only another mode of expressing the fact of those uniformities, which science finds it convenient to employ, and does not give any other " explanation " of any one of them, than that which consists in showing it to be a particular case of a general flict. Thus, when the genius of Newton recognized in the deflection of the moon's motion from the straight path into an elliptic orbit round the earth, a pheno- menon of the same order as that which brings to the ground in EVOLUTION AND THEISM. 387 a parabolic curve a cannon-shot fired obliquely into the air, and extended the same conception to the orbital revolution of the earth and other planets round the sun, he perceived that even these were only cases of the still more general fact, that all material bodies attract one another with forces proportional to their respective masses, and inversely as the squares of their distances, which expression is known as the law of Universal Gravitation. Now the attributing this general fact to a universal property of mutual attraction inherent in every particle of matter, is really but another mode of expressing the same thing, a mere figure of speech, which no more accounts for the phenomenon, than does its similarity to any number of other phenomena. Let me illustrate this by reference to a "property" which is not universal. I might place before you two bars of iron, exactly resembling one another in every particular of which our senses can directly inform us, such as size, weight, external aspect, and internal texture, as shown by fracture ; and yet one of them, under certain conditions, exerts powers of which the other shows itself to be altogether destitute. When brought near to a piece of iron, it draws it to itself with a force of which we become conscious in endeavouring to resist it ; and even from a consider- able distance it deflects a compass-needle from its true position, in a manner altogether dissimilar to that which happens when the other bar is brought near it. From observation of these facts, I can predict that if both these bars be buoyed up so as to float on water, one of them will soon settle itself in a north and south direction, and will return to that direction whenever deflected from it ; while the other will remain in any position in which it may be placed. And I distinguish the former as having " mag- netic properties" of which the latter is destitute. Further, my knowledge of the laws of magnetic science enables me to predict that by moving the magnetic bar in a particular manner over the non-magnetic bar, I can render the latter also magnetic, or, as may be said, can impart magnetic properties to it ; but as this cannot be done to a bar of gold or silver, copper or lead, we say that iron is distinguished from metals generally by its capacity for being magnetized. Now, this is clearly no explanatio7i of the phenomena which we trace to the action of magnetic force; it 388 NATURE AND MAN. is simply a general expression of one of the conditions under which that force is exerted ; and the embodiment of our know- ledge of those conditions into such general expressions, enables me to predict other phenomena at first sight having no relation to them. Thus we have the scientific certainty that the magnetic bar, when moved within a coil of copper wire, will generate in that wire an electric current, which, when conducted to any distance, and made to pass in a coil of wire around a soft iron bar, shall render it capable of attracting iron, deflecting the compass-needle, and so on. Thus, to say that a piece of iron has magnetic properties, is only another way of saying that it is a magnet ; but whilst the ancients only knew of a magnet as having the power of attracting iron, we know that it is capable of doing many other things ; and of this capacity, the phrase " magnetic properties " is nothing more than a convenient expres- sion, embodying the general fact that the piece of iron which is shown to be possessed of any one of them, possesses all the rest. I might follow the same train of reasoning into every depart- ment of scientific inquiry, and show that what has been called the " promise and potency " of matter is nothing else than a phrase embodying a general conception of the various uniformities observable in its actions, and not helping us in the least degree to an explanation of those uniformities. But as the real signifi- cance— or, rather, z^^significance — of the term "property" be- comes most apparent when it is used to designate the respective potentialities of difi"erent species of organic germs, I shall defer until the latter part of my address what I would further say upon this point. One of the most remarkable among the many doctrines which have been recently propounded to account for particular groups of physical phenomena, is that known as the kinetic theory of gases ; to which the eminent ability of the late Professor Clark Maxwell gave such a remarkable development, that, according to the statement of one of its ablest expositors (Professor Tait), it is "capable of explaining almost everything that we know with "reference to the behaviour of gases, and, perhaps, even of "vapours." The application of high mathematical reasoning to the facts of observation seems not only to justify, but to necessi- EVOLUTION AND THEISM. 389 tate, the conclusion, that the ultimate particles of all kinds of gaseous matter are constantly darting about in all directions, with enormous rapidity, and impinging not only against each other, but against the walls of any space in which any portion of gas may be enclosed j the rates of movement of the particles of different gases, and the number of their impacts against each other, being very diverse, though constant for the particles of each gas so long as its conditions remain the same. Thus the particles of hydrogen are moving at the rate of something like seventy miles in a minute, and every particle has an average number of 17,700 millions of collisions with other particles, by each of which its course is changed; whilst in atmospheric air (in which the mixture of oxygen and nitrogen has become so complete that it behaves itself in this respect like a single gas), the particles have an average velocity of only one-fourth of that of hydrogen, and the number of collisions for each particle is only half as great. But though the hypothetical assumption of these molecular movements in the gaseous particles, is said to " explain " all their sensible actions — such as their escape from the vessels in which they are imprisoned, and the uniform diffusion of one gas through another — it really does nothing more than carry us a step higher in generalization. For supposing we accept this hypothesis as a fundamental fact in physics, the question remains as to the source of the movements, and the nature of the fo7xe by which they are sustained. And it does not help us in the least to attribute them to an inherent activity of matter ; seeing that our only conception of that activity is b/ised on observation either of the movements or of the phenomena from which those movements are inferred ; just as the old notion that " nature abhors a vacuum," merely expresses the general fact that air or water will rush in to fill a void space, without giving us any understanding of why it does so. It is not a little instructive to find that two such masters in the philosophy of science as Clerk Maxwell and Sir John Herschel, ac^reed in the view they took as to the ultima ratio of any attempt to explain the constitution of the universe by the " properties " of its component atoms. For any such attempt — as Sir John Her- schel long since pointed out — lands us in the conception of a very 390 NATURE AND MAN. limited number of groups or classes of atoms, distinguished by their several attributes ; each group, however, consisting of an almost infinite number of individuals precisely resembling one another in their properties. " Now, when we see a great number " of things precisely alike, we do not believe this similarity to " have originated except from a common principle independent " of them ; and this conclusion, which would be strong even were "there only two individuals precisely alike in all respects and/^?;* '■'■ ever^ acquires irresistible force when their number is multiplied " beyond the power of imagination to conceive. If we mistake "not, the discoveries alluded to effectually destroy the idea of an " eternal self-existent matter, by giving to each of its atoms the " essential characters at once of a manufactured article and a '■^subordinate agent." * Thus, then, whenever we witness any change in the material world for which we desire to account, we are led by scientific reasoning to seek for the force which produced it ; and only when we have succeeded in finding this, do we consider that we have rationally explained the phenomenon. But whence the force ? Science now teaches us to look for the source of it in the trans- formation of some other kind of energy ; as when the production of heat by the burning of coal is turned, in the steam engine, to the maintenance of mechanical motion, which, communicated to a dynamo-machine, generates an electric current, which, in its turn, may be made to produce heat, light, mechanical motion, or chemical action. But, as Sir John Herschel pointed out, " In our " own performance of a voluntary movement, we have a conscious- " ness of immediate and persofial causation which cannot be dis- " puted or ignored ; and when we see the same kind of act " performed by another, we never hesitate in assuming for him " that consciousness which we recognize in ourselves." The Physiologist, above all others, is forced, as it seems to me, by the experience of every day, of every hour, and even of every minute, to recognize the mutual convertibility of physical and moral agency ; — the pricking of our skin with a pin producing a change in our state of feeling ; and a mental determination calling a muscle (or set of muscles) into a contraction which * Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy," p. 38. EVOLUTION AND THEISM. 391 generates mechanical power. And thus a bridge of connection is estabhshed between physical and moral causation, which enables us to pass without any sense of interruption or inconsistency from the scientific to the theological interpretation of Nature, as here formulated : PHENOMENA OF NATURE. Scientific Interpretation. Theological Interpretation. Physical Causation. Moral Causation. Forces of Nature. — Designations Powers of Nature. — The de^gna- of varied modes of operation o( one tions of varied modes of manifesta- fo/ct' acting under diversified physi- lion of one and tlie same Personal cal conditions. Agency throughout the material Universe. Laws of Nature. — Generalized ex- Order of Nature. — The expres- pressions of past uniformities ob- sion of the continuous and uniform served in the action of the forces action of a Supreme Intelligence, of Nature, leading to the expecta- as apprehended by the intelligence tion of similar uniformities in the of Man. future. With these views of the relations between science and theology, I have never myself been able to see why anything else than a complete harmony should exist between them. True it is that there have been, from time to time, men of science, who, from what I believe to be an equally limited and illogical conception of the subject, have drawn the conclusion that there is " no room" for a God in Nature ; the " properties of matter " being, in their view, all-sufficient to account for the phenomena of the universe and for the powers and actions of the human mind. But this seems to me only a natural reaction against what all history teaches, as to the constancy with which, ever since science emancipated itself from theology and set up for itself, it has been hampered and impeded in its search for the truth as it is in Nature, by the restraints which theologians have attempted to impose upon its inquiries. The Romish Church, adopting the philosophy of Aristotle into its own theological system, opposed as heretical every attempt to call in question the authority of Aristotle, even as to matters of fact ; and while it could not repudiate the proof afforded by the experiments of Galileo, that a weight of lolb. does nol {as affirmed by Aristotle) fall ten times faster than a weight of I lb., it judicially condemned him as an impious heretic, for 392 NATURE AND MAN. daring to teach that the earth moves round the sun. And Pro- testant divines in this country, equally taking their stand upon infallible authority, but shifting its basis from the Church to the Bible, have no less vehemently opposed any scientific inquiry which might throw a doubt upon the literal accuracy of the Book of Genesis. Thus it is within the remembrance of many of us, how the conclusions of Geologists as to the long succession of changes which had taken place in the crust of the earth, and in the races of plants and animals which had peopled its surface, before the advent of Man, were denounced as destructive of all religious faith ; how, when obliged by the logic of facts to admit that the beginning of the world must be antedated indefinitely, theologians took a fresh stand upon the modern origin of Man, and did their utmost to discredit the evidence crowding in from all quarters as to his remote antiquity and the low condition of our primeval ancestors ; and how, when this evidence could no longer be gainsaid, they tried to uphold the universality of the Noachian Deluge, — with the miserable result of an ignominious surrender. But I rejoice in the conviction that the true genius of Protes- tantism is now coming to be generally recognized as consisting, not in its opposition to the claims of the Church of Rome to infallible authority, but in its protest against any infallible authority whatever ; in its readiness to submit the basis of its religious system to the most searching criticism ; in its cordial welcome to every truth of science or criticism which has been accepted by the general voice of those most competent to decide upon its claims ; and in the freedom with which it surrenders such parts of its dogmatic systems, as prove to be inconsistent with tliose great fundamental verities of moral and physical science, whose domination over the educated thought of mankind constitutes the basis on which alone the religion of the future can securely rest. It is not, in my view, by their reassertion, with any amount of positiveness, of doctrines from which the educated thought of the age is drifting away, that the teachers of religion will best combat what they designate as the " prevalent unbelief j " but by showing themselves ready to profit by the lessons of the past, in regard to the futility of all attempts either to check the progress of inquiry EVOLUTION AND THEISM. 393 or to stifle its results, and by placing themselves in hearty sym- pathy with the spirit of the present. Of that spirit, the noblest manifestation is to be found in the life of that great man whose departure from among us has drawn forth an expression of reverential sorrow, the universality of which speaks more elo- quently than any words of the world-wide influence exerted by his thought. For in Darwin — as has been well said by one who knew him best — the love of truth was more than his animating motive, it was the passion of his intellectual nature. And its ultimate prevalence — whether including the acceptance or in- volving the rejection of his own system — was the firmest and most deeply rooted of his convictions. It is in this spirit that I ask you to follow me through the inquiry which constitutes the purpose of our present meeting. I need scarcely tell those whom I am addressing that the general idea of Evolution is by no means new. A notion that the universe has not endured for ever in the form and aspect it now presents, has been entertained in all ages, and by all peoples of whose thoughts on the subject we have any record. In the Chaos of the old Greeks we have the type of confusion and dis- order ; in the void and formless waste of the Hebrews, the attempt to represent a primeval condition which could only be characterized by negations, — a dark Illimitable ocean, without bound, Without dimension, where length, breadth, and height, And time and place, are lost. Out of this Chaos, divine power evoked order and harmony ; the void and formless waste was made first to take definite shape in the separation of the firmament from the earth ; the great lights were set in the one ; the other was first clothed with vegetation, and then peopled with animated forms, beasts of the field, fowls of the air, fish of the sea; and last of all Man was called into existence, and dominion given him over all other creatures. And even those who at the present time regard the Mosaic cosmogony as having an authoritative claiin on their acceptance, are bound by it to regard Creation, not as an ivuneUiate but as a progressive 394 NATURE AND MAN. act, — a gradual development, not the sudden springing of a com- plete universe out of nothingness. And this is equally the case whether the " six days," each with its evening and its morning, are received in their literal sense, or are lengthened into indefinite periods of time. Lucretius and other " atomic " philosophers attempted to give a definite shape to this conception ; but it first found really scientific expression in the "Nebular Hypothesis" of modern astronomy, the combined doctrine of Laplace and the elder Herschel. According to this, the original condition of the universe was a difi"used " fire-mist " of unequal tenuity ; the mutual attractions of whose particles would cause its denser portions to gather round them the rarer matters of the intervening spaces, would draw together the smaller collections thus formed into larger clusters, and would thus "evolve" out of the uni- versally but unequally diffused nebular matter a limited number of separate substantial masses. At the same time, the inequality in the movements of the different parts of the condensing fire-mist would impart rotary motions to the clustering masses, just as whirlpools are formed in water, or whirlwinds in air, by the action of opposing currents ; and such rotation would lead to the detachment of the outer parts of the clusters, which would then draw together into planetary masses. These would retain their rotary motion round their original centres, whilst acquiring, in the act of concentration, a rotary motion around centres of their own, and in their turn giving off" their outer portions to form satellites. As regards the stellar universe, this hypothesis mainly rests on the observations of the elder Herschel, which led him to the conviction that beside the nebulae which the power of his tele- scope enabled him to resolve into clusters of stars, there are some which are still in the condition of patches of diffused faintly luminous matter, in which the process of condensation has scarcely begun ; others smaller but brighter, whose central parts look as if they would soon form into stars ; others, again, in which stars had actually begun to form ; and finally star-clusters, in which the condensation is complete. Among the nearer stars, again, which he considered to form part of our own particular cluster, he dis* EVOLUTION AND THEISM. 39S tinguished many which are not clear points of brilliant light, but are surrounded by a more or less extended bright haze, such as would be given out by an atmosphere of nebular matter in a state of progressive condensation. And he pointed to what are known as " variable " stars, as affording evidence that the heavenly bodies are not permanently what they seem to us at any one moment, or within the limited period of our observation of them, but are undergoing progressive changes, the several stages of which are presented to us in the various bodies now visible in the firma- ment,— just as the several stages of any one human life from infancy to old age are presented by the members of a single community. Now Laplace did not begin, like Herschel, with the stellar universe ; but aimed to give a scientific account of the evolution of the planetary system from the atmosphere of nebular matter, which he, in accordance with Herschel's ideas, supposed to have originally surrounded the sun ; and the train of reasoning by which he Avorked this out on the lines I have already indicated, was one of mechanical deduction from the Newtonian laws of mutual attraction and motion. That these deductions were not only in accordance with the ordinary conditions of the planetary system, but were also applicable to the exceptional cases of the ring of Saturn, and to the intervention of a multitude of asteroids, in the place of a single planet, between Mars and Jupiter, seemed to afford the same kind of confirmation to Laplace's theory, that Herschel's had derived from the different degrees of condensation observable among the celestial bodies. And the wide basis of observation on which the nebular hypothesis of Herschel was erected, commended it to the minds of many who viewed with distrust the reasoning process by which Laplace deduced the solar system from the supposed nebular atmosphere of the sun. I have never been able to understand why this doctrine should have been the subject of so much theological opposition. It was said to have been framed by Laplace with the express purpose of " doing away with the necessity for a Creator ; " but though others may have used it (as many are now using the Darwinian doctrine) as an instrument of attack on Theistic belief, there is no trace, ia 396 r^ATURE AND MAN. his own exposition of it, of any but that purely scientific concep- tion of orderly sequence, under the constant and uniform action of physical forces, in which there is assuredly nothing anti-theistic. Let it not be forgotten that Newton, the devoutest man of science that ever lived, was reproached by the theologians of his time for setting up forces of his own invention as a substitute for the power of God ; a charge of which every one now sees the absurdity. And yet Laplace merely extended the Newtonian doctrines of force and motion into the past, by showing how, under their con- tinuous operation, a diffused nebulosity would evolve itself into a solar system. Whence came the mutual attraction of its par- ticles, which aggregated them into masses, and gave these masses their movements of rotation, it was not for him — any more than for Newton — to explain. To Laplace it must have been apparent as it is to us, that the whole of this process of evolution implies a commencement, — that however far back we go in time, we come' to a point at which the mutual attractions must have begun to exert themselves, — and that as a universal hxat perfectly homogeneous " fire-mist " (the only condition under which it could have existed from eternity) could not of itself have broken up into separate parts, some account has to be given of its heterogeneousness, the existence of which has to be assumed as the starting-point of the process. Hence it is obvious that, however remote that point to which we trace in thought the history of our universe, we are still confronted with the impossibility of accounting by physical causa- tion for its commencement ; and further, that if we find our only explanation of this commencement in moral causality, we do not exclude the subsequent perpetual agency of Creative Will, because in scientific reasoning we speak of it in the language of physical force. To the clear-seeing theologian, the evolution of an orderly Kosmos, not by a fortuitous concourse of atoms, but by the continuous operation of mutual attractions according to a law of sublime simplicity, should furnish (as it seems to rne) the sublimest exemplification of an Infinite Intelligence, working out its vast designs " without variableness or the shadow of turning." But, it may be objected, the nebular hypothesis of Herschel and Laplace has been disproved by subsequent research. One EVOLUTION AND THEISM. 397 after another of the nebulce, which Herschel regarded as con- sisting of unconsolidated " fire-mist," has been resolved by the superior power of modern telescopes into clusters of stars ; and the mathematical reasoning of Laplace has been found not to stand the test of a rigorous scrutiny. This may be freely granted ; and yet the general doctrine that the material universe has come into its present condition by a process of immense duration, and not by a single creative act, has received such a vast amount of support from new and unexpected sources, that I have no hesita- tion in affirming it to be accepted by all who are most qualified to judge, as having been now placed beyond the reach of dis- cussion. Instead of starting from a hypothetical postulate, modern science reasons backwards, — in astronomy as in geology, — from phenomena presenting themselves to our own observation ; and I shall briefly notice the orders of fads ^ilrich. seem to me of the greatest evidentiary value. First in importance among these, is the certain distinction which the Spectroscope now enables the astronomer to draw, between the nebulae which are clusters of stars, and those which consist of glowing gas. To the latter class belongs that great nebula of Orion, which was long considered a sort of " crucial instance " whereon the fate of the nebular hypothesis was to turn. The prolonged and minute study which the late Lord Rosse had made of this nebula, with the unequalled power (for that particular object) of his six-foot reflector, had previously led him to this conclusion ; but spectrum-analysis has placed it beyond doubt ; and the fact acquires a new importance when the doctrine of the Conservation of Energy is brought to bear upon it. For " a nebulous body, in order to shine by its own light, must be "hot, and must be losing heat through the very radiation by " which we see it. As it cools, it must contract ; and this con- " traction cannot cease, until it becomes either a solid body, or a "system of such bodies, revolving round each other " (Newcomb). Another fact of supreme importance, resting not only on the indications given by the spectroscope, but on chemical analysis of the Meteorites, which have now been ascertained to be plane- tary bodies revolving in regular orbits round the Sun, but to be deflected from these by the Earth's attraction when we cross their 398 NATURE AND MAN. path, — is the identity in elementary composition, not only among the bodies included in our solar system, but throughout the innumerable solid and vaporous masses of which the stellar universe is composed. And it is not a little curious that a link between these two orders should be supplied by those wandering bodies — the Comets — of which many seem to belong to both ; not properly belonging to our system, but presenting themselves within it as occasional visitors from the celestial spaces. Not only does this identity add immensely to the strength of the presumption as to the identity in physical origin of the entire universe, but it also gives an entirely new meaning to the facts previously determined by astronomy in regard to the relative specific gravities of the Sun and Planets. For whilst the Earth weighs niore than five and a half times as much as a globe of water of the same bulk, Mercury rather more in proportion, and Venus and Mars nearly as much, the specific gravity of the Sun is only one-fourth that of the Earth, that of Jupiter a little less, that of Uranus and Neptune only a little above that of water, and that of Saturn so much beloiu it, that if his globe were thrown into water it would float like a cork. Now, so long as nothing what- ever was known about the chemical composition of the heavenly bodies, it might be not -unreasonably surmised that the several planets might be composed of different materials. But now that we have evidence of their identical composition, their differences in density suggest differences in degree of condensation. And this suggestion derives a most remarkable confirmation from the fact, that the greatest density shows itself in those smaller plane- tary bodies which would have cooled the most quickly, and which have therefore more or less nearly reached their final stage ; whilst the least presents itself in the larger masses, whose slower loss of heat would retard their condensation. The smallest planetary body of whose constitution we have any knowledge, — the Moon — is the one whose consolidation is most complete ; even the gases and vapours which form atmospheres round the Earth, Mars, and Venus, being fixed in its solid substance. And of the relative rapidity of its cooling, we have further evidence of the most convincing nature, in the intensity of the former volcanic activity, which shows itself in the multitude of gigantic EVOLUTION AND THEISM. 399 extinct craters by which its surface is now made rugged, — that activity having been due (there can be no reasonable doubt) to the rapid contraction of a solidified crust upon a still molten interior. In the ring of Saturn, on the other hand, we have a no less striking exemplification, not only of the mode in which the detachment of the peripheral parts of the planetary masses may be presumed to have given origin to their attendant satellites, but of that earlier stage of condensation which consists in the a-Tsregation of nebular matter into such assemblages of small solid separate masses as form the Meteor-streams with which we are now familiar, and also (there is reason to believe) the trains of Comets. For mathematical investigation has demonstrated that the ring of Saturn, or rather the system of concentric rings, cannot possibly be W/^,— that it is in the highest degree improb- able that it can he fluid, — whilst all the conditions of its con- tinuous equilibrium are satisfied by the hypothesis of its consisting of streams of separate small solid masses, revolving as satellites round their primary, which may itself be presumed, from the specific lightness of its mass, to be still in. a somewhat similar stage of incipient condensation. Again, an entirely new series of mathematical investigations is now being followed out, as to the effects at present produced by iidal action in retarding the Earth's rotation, and the conclusions that may be justifiably drawn from the backward projection (so to speak) of that retardation, so as to apply it to an earlier stage of the history of our globe and its satellite. And one of its results affords so striking a confirmation of the doctrine that the existing state of things is the resultant of a long sequence of previous continuous change, that I shall ask your special attention to it. Assuming that the Moon was once in a fluid state, the Earth's attraction must have exerted a most powerful tidal influence upon it ; and the retarding effect of these lunar tides would gradually diminish the rate of that rotation of the Moon upon her own axis, which theory would lead us to suppose that she must have originally performed. At present, as every one knows, she always turns the same face towards the Earth, in virtue of a rotation on her axis which occupies exactly the same time as her orbital revolution. Now, this phenomenon has been a standing puzzle 400 NATURE AND MAN. to astronomers. Of course, it may be said that the Creator, when he set the Moon in the firmamant, ordained that she should for ever turn the same face to the Earth. But no man of scientific habits of thought could rest satisfied with such a notion. The probabilities were many millions to one in favour of some physical cause for so singular an eff'ect; and such a cause has recently been discovered by Helmholtz, who has shown that the continuous retardation produced by ancient tides would at last bring the moon into the only attitude it could permanently retain without being subjected to further incessant disturbance. One more important evidentiary fact I have still to adduce, which forms the connecting hnk between astronomical and geo- logical evolution, and brings what may be now designated as the scientific certainties of the past history of our own globe, to bear on the history of every other body in the universe. I refer to the determination of the high ititernal temperature of the Earth, v.'hich now rests upon so wide a basis of concurrent observations, that no one capable of scientifically appreciating their value any longer entertains the smallest doubt as to the fact. And this fact can only be rationally accounted for, as the result of gradual cooling of the entire mass from a temperature higher than that now pos- sessed by its hottest interior, by the radiation of heat from its surface. For, as Sir William Thomson has tersely remarked, " If " we were to find a hot stone in a field, we could say with entire " certainty that this stone had been in the fire, or some other hot "place, within a limited period of time." Astronomical Evolution, then, lands us in the idea of a globe of molten matter, over whose surface a crust is beginning to form ; and it is at this point that geology takes up the inquiry, and aims to give a consistent history of the long succession of changes which that crust has since undergone — in other words, to trace the "Evolution" of its existing from its primitive condition. Here, again, two distinct lines of inquiry may be pursued. One of these, leading us onward in time from the assumed beginning, furnishes us with those great dynamical conceptions, that help us to account alike for the vast movements whose evidence we trace in the elevation of continents and of mountain-chains, and for the local developments of heat which have shown themselves in EVOLUTION AND THEISM. 401 volcanic action and in the metamorphism of sedimentary rocks ; showing these to be the mechanical results of such inequalities of the rate of cooling of different parts of the surface, as may well be conceived to arise from the conditions of the previous conden- sation. The other, leading us backward from the present to the past, brings the various agencies which we know to be at present modifying the earth's surface to bear upon its previous history ; enabling us " in the fall of rain and the flow of rivers, in the " bubble of springs and the silence of frost, in the quiet creep of " glaciers and the tumultuous rush of ocean-waves, in the tremor of " the earthquake and the outburst of the volcano, to recognize the "same play of terrestrial forces by which the framework of our "continents has been step by step evolved." (Geikie.) I cannot suppose any one I am now addressing, to be ignorant of the doctrine as to which modern geologists are now, I believe, in universal accord — that of continuity of change (not necessarily of uniformity in its rate) throughout the entire period of the earth's history. The old notion of universal interruptions has given place to that of local changes analogous to those of which we have present experience ; that of vast sudden convulsions, to slow progressive elevations or subsidences. The regular succes- sion of stratified deposits, while interrupted in one portion of the earth's surface, is found to be completed in another. And the same proves to be the case in regard to the succession of those organic forms, whose remains are preserved to us in those deposits. For palaeontologists have long since been forced, by the " logic of facts," to abandon the idea that in each of the successive " periods " marked out by the earlier stratigraphical geologists, the earth was peopled by a set of plants and animals peculiar to that period — many of these forms being traceable with certainty, in the same spot, from one " formation " to another ; whilst, when they disappear in one locality, they may often be found to have migrated to another. And thus, before the introduction of the Darwinian doctrine, the old notion of a succession of entirely new creations of Plants and Animals, to replace the Floras and Faunas which had, one after another, been swept away from the entire surface of the globe, was giving place to the notion of continuous succession — certain species dying out from time to time, as they 402 NATURE AND MAN. have done even within our own limited experience, and these being replaced by others, of whose origin, however, science could give no account. Now, putting aside for the moment the question of the origin of new forms of organic life, I would ask you to consider what is the real theological bearing of this general doctrine of continuous evolution, whether astronomical or geological. As I have endea- voured to make clear to you, the very fact of its beginning implies a moral cause for that beginning ; and the experience we derive from our own sense of effort in producing physical change, justifies us in regarding the action of what we scientifically desig- nate the " physical forces," as the expressions of a continuously acting will. Now, I fearlessly ask, which is the higher theological conception, — that of the progressive unfolding of a plan conceived in the first instance by the Infinite Wisdom whose counsels have not changed because the end has been seen even from the begin- ning, and of the continuous exertion, with persistent uniformity, of an Almighty Power, which "fainteth not neither is weary," during these countless ages through which we are carried back by our cultured scientific imagination ; or the anthropomorphic fig- ment, conceived in the lowest stage of religious development, of an artificer beginning the work of creation (according to Arch- bishop Usher's chronology) on the 23rd of October, 4004 B.C., proceeding with its successive stages for six days, and then, fatigued with his labours, taking a Sabbath day's rest, during which the newly-created world had to go on as it best could ? Passing, now, from the evolution of the inorganic universe to that of the Organic forms with which our globe is at present peopled, I must content myself with the general statement, that no one who possesses a competent knowledge of the facts brought to light by the ever-widening extension of palseontological research, can do other- wise than admit that they tend strongly and unmistakably in the direction of the doctrine of ^^;;///;«///7— maintained by "descent with modification "—in opposition to the doctrine of successive creations de novo. And this doctrine is found to be in such singular accordance with the converging indications furnished by ^every department of biological research, that, to almost every EVOLUTION AND THEISM. .403 unprejudiced mind, its truth seems almost irresistible. Thus the Zoolo2;ist and the Botanist, who have been accustomed to classify their multitudinous and diversified types of vegetable and animal life according to their " natural affinities," find a real meaning in their classification, a new significance in their terms of relationship, when these are used to represent what may be regarded with probability as actual community of descent. The Morphologist, who has been accustomed to trace a "unity of type" in each great group, and especially to recognize this in the presence of rudimentary parts which must be entirely useless to the animals that possess them, delights in the new idea that gives a perfect ratiofiale of what had previously seemed an inexplicable superfluity. And the Embryologist, who carries back his studies to the earliest phases of development, and follows out the grand law of Von Baer, "from the general to the special," in the evolution of every separate type^ finds the extension of that law from the individual to the whole succession of organic life, impart to his soul a feeling of grandeur, like that which the physical philosopher of two hun- dred years ago must have experienced when he came to recognize the full significance of Newton's law of universal gravitation. I find myself quite unable to understand why the doctrine of organic evolution should have been stigmatized as atheistic. We have before us the every-dayy^7(r/ of the " evolution " of plants and animals of every type from germ-particles of a common simplicity; and, scientifically speaking, we must assign to each of these germs a determinate capacity for a particular mode of development, in virtue of which one evolves itself under certain conditions into a zoophyte, and another (not originally distinguishable from it) into a man. But 'f we do not, in so describing the process, set aside the Creator — any more than in scientifically describing the self- formation of a crystal — why should we be charged with doing so, if we attribute to t\\t primordial gtrvn. that capacity for a particular course of development^ in virtue of which it has evolved the whole succession of forms that has ultimately proceeded from it, — these forms constantly becoming more complex in organization and more elevated in the scale of being ? Attach what weight we may to the physical causes which have brought about this evolution, I cannot see how it is possible to conceive of any but a moral iS 404 NATURE AND MAN. cause for the endowments that made the primordial germ suscep- tible of their action. And of a beginning, we have even clearer evidence in the organic than in the inorganic world ; since it may be accounted as certain that there could have been no life upon our globe, until its surface had so far cooled down that water could remain as a liquid in its depressions. And in the so-called laws of organic evolution, I see nothing but the orderly and con- tinuous working-out of the original intelligent design. There are some, however, who feel no difficulty in accepting the doctrine of evolution as regards the animal and vegetable creation generally, but nevertheless cannot bring themselves to believe that it is equally applicable to Man ; whose place in Nature, it is contended, is psychically so far above that of the creatures which most nearly approach him physically, as to justify his being placed on a different platform. Now, I recognize to its fullest extent the weight of this objection ; for whilst freely ad- mitting (as the result of my own life-long study of comparative psychology) the possession, by many among the higher animals, of reasoning powers and moral attributes which are of the same kind as those of Man, however much below his in degree, I hold firmly to the conviction that Man, in his condition of fullest development, is essentially distinguished from them iaW, first, by his possession of a self-directing power, and second, by his capacity for unlimited progress. " The soul," says Francis Newman, " is that part of "our nature which is in relation with the Infinite;" and I do not know what better definition could be given of it And I should regard the possession of this "soul" as fully justifying the exemption claimed for Man, if it could be shown to be something distinctly added on, at any given moment of his existence, to his previous capacities. The very contrary, however is the fact, as I hope now to satisfy you. Every human infant born into the world, began its existence nine months previously in the condition of a " jelly-speck," not to be distinguished by any recognizable characters from what we may suppose to have been the primordial germ of the animal world in general. This first evolves itself into an aggregate of cells, corre- sponding with that which represents a higher stage of Protozoic life ; and long before it shows any trace of the Vertebrate type of EVOLUTION AND THEISM. 405 organization, this aggregate shapes itself into a gastriila or primi- tive stomach— the common possession, at this stage, of all animals that rise above the protozoic condition, which is permanently represented in the Zoophyte. It is iu a certain spot of the wall of this gastrula, that the foundation is laid, in all vertebrate em- bryos, of that which is to become the brain and spinal cord, with its bony investment ; and this " primitive trace " of what is to constitute the essential part of the human organism, does not differ in any essential particular from that of a fish, a frog, a bird, or any ordinary Mammal. So, the early development of the circu- lating and respiratory apparatuses proceeds upon a plan common to all Vertebrates ; even the early Human embryo possessing the gill-arches which are to sprout into gills in fishes and amphibia, though they afterwards disappear in Man (as in reptiles, birds, and mammals) with the development of the lungs and the diversion of the blood-circulation into them. When, in the progress of de- velopment, the distinctively Mammalian type comes to present itself, there is still nothing distinctive of Man ; in fact, the general con- figuration of the body is shaped out, and most of the principal organs have shown their characteristic structure, before the embryo presents any feature by which it could be certainly distinguished as human. And I may specially notice the fact that the cerebru7n, whose great size and complexity of structure constitute man's most important differential character, is evolved as a sort of offset from the chain of sense-ganglia, which is the real basis of the brain in all vertebrates, and continues to represent it in insects ; that it at first presents the small relative size and simple organization which we find permanently retained in the kangaroo or rabbit ; that, as embryonic life advances, it comes more to resemble the brain of a dog or cat, and then that of a monkey — the distinctly Human type manifesting itself last. This is marked, not only in the backward as well as forward extension of the cerebral hemispheres, but in the number and depth of the convolutions which extend the surface of their outer ganglionic layer, and bring it into closer relation with the capillary blood-vessels, on whose supply of oxygenated blood its whole subsequent activity is dependent. Now, I cannot suppose any one of you to be ignorant of the fact, that the Human infant at its entrance into the world is de facto 4o6 NATURE AND MAN. a mere automaton — its life-movements for some time being of a purely " reflex " character, such as may be carried on without even any exercise of consciousness. And for long after the child has begun to receive and register sensory impressions, has learned to understand articulate speech, and is acquiring knowledge of ideas as well as of objects of sense, any parent who attentively compares its psychical manifestations with those of an intelligent dog will recognize the close correspondence between them. The uncontrolled dominance of impulses to action shows itself in both alike ; and in the training of one, as of the other, we have to make our appeal to the strongest motive. But the time comes when we can fix the attention of the Human child on the motive which he knows ought to prevail ; and in proportion as he acquires, by habitual effort, the power of regulating the exercise of his intellectual powers, and of controlling the action of his moral and emotional forces, in that proportion does he become respon- sible for his conduct, and capable of further self-elevation. Thus, then, it is a simple ?naiter of fact, revealed by continuous observation of the history of the Human individual, that the very highest grade of humanity is only attained by a process of con- timious ez'olution from the very lowest and simplest. For while his bodily evolution takes place in accordance with the plan common to the whole animal creation, the same is equally true of his psychical. The infantile condition is the same in all races of mankind, and child-nature presents itself everywhere under an aspect essentially the same ; but whilst in some races an arrest of development causes that nature to be retained through the whole of life, others present an ascending series of stages, that culminate in what we regard as the highest products of mental and moral culture. But even among the races which as a whole are most advanced, we find not individuals only, but grievously large numbers, in whom a bad heredity and depraved surroundings have tended to foster the lower animal nature at the expense of that which is distinctively human ; and thus to rear a set of creatures which are morally far nearer akin to the brute, than they are to more elevated types of humanity. In these degraded outcasts we have the true types of fallen man ; but it is now coming to be generally recognized by scientific men, that the early history of the race generally, as EVOLUTION AND THEISM. 407 now revealed by the study of its primeval conditions, has been one of upward progress ; and that the time required to bring it up to the capacity for recording its doings, even by picture-writing, must be measured by thousands — not of years — but of centuries. If, then, we have to trace back our ozvn ancestry to a primeval type now represented by races whose limited capacity makes them incapable of receiving any culture much higher than their own (save through an education prolonged through many generations), why should we shrink from attributing to these last the ancestry to which /'//d'/> bodily and mental organization distinctly points? And why should we assume, in the case of Man, a special creative exertion of Divine power, when everything points to a continuity of the same original plati of action, that has previously manifested itself in the progressive evolution of the highest mammal from the primordial jelly-speck? To myself the conception of a continuity of action which required no departure to meet special contingencies, because the plan was all-perfect in the beginning, is a far higher and nobler one than that of a succession of interruptions, such as would be involved in the creation de novo of the vast series of new types which Pateontological study is daily bringing to our knowledge. And in describing the process of evolution in the ordinary language of science, as due to " secondary causes," we no more dispense with a P'irst Cause, than we do when we speak of those physical forces, which, from the Theistic point of view, are so many diverse modes of manifestation of one and the same power. Nor do we in the least set aside the idea of an original design, when we regard these adaptations which are commonly attributed to special exertions of contriving power and wisdom, as the out- come of an all-comprehensive Intelligence which foresaw that the product would be " good," before calling into existence the germ from which it would be evolved. We simply, to use the language of Whewell, " transfer the notion of design and end from the region of facts to that of laws," that is, from the particular cases to the general plan : and find ourselves aided in our conception of the infinity of Creative Wisdom and Power, when we regard it as exerted in a manner which shows that not only the peopling of the globe with the plants and animals suited to every phase of 4o8 NATURE AND MAN. its physical conditions, but the final production of Man himself — the heir of all preceding ages, with capacities that enable him to become but " a little lower than the angels " — was comprehended in the original scheme. And, lastly, I would point out that the doctrine of evolution presents its greatest attractiveness, when viewed, not merely in its scientific aspect, as the highest form of the intellectual interpreta- tion of nature, but in its moral bearings — as one which leads Man ever onwards and upwards, and encourages his brightest anticipa- tions of the ultimate triumph of truth over error, of knowledge over ignorance, of right over wrong, of good over evil, — thus claiming the earnest advocacy of every one who accepts it as scientifically true. And it is under this conviction that I have now brouglit the subject before you ; in the hope of, at any rate, weakening what I cannot but regard as the prejudices of some, and strengthening in others that disposition to regard it favourably, which its cordial acceptance by many of the ablest leaders of religious thought may have already engendered. XV. THE ARGUMENT FROM DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD, Reconsidered in its Relation to the Doctrines of Evolution and Natural Selection.* \The Modern Review, October, 1884.] The request which has been courteously presented to me on your behalf, that I should address you on a subject on which scientific thought is at present much exercised, and which has a direct and important bearing on theological inquiry, gives me an opportunity of which I am very glad to avail myself, of setting forth the results of the careful and, I hope, candid reconsideration of the old Theistic " Argument from Design in the Organic World," which has been continually before my mind from the time when the publication of Mr. Darwin's " Origin of Species by Natural Selection " brought its validity seriously into question. You are all familiar with the frequently repeated remark, that whenever science and theology have come into conflict, theology has had to " go to the wall." And there are probably several among you whose faith in the old " argument from design " has been more or less seriously shaken by the confident assertions of men of high scientific distinction, that the last victory which science has gained over theology has been its greatest, — consist- ing in nothing less than the complete subversion of the whole doctrine of final causes. For, as they affirm, the adaptation of means to end which is recognizable in the structure of plants and * An address delivered to the London Ministers' Conference at Dr. Williams's Library, June 6th, 1884. 4IO NATURE AND MAN. animals, can now be so fully accounted for by natural agencies, as to afford no evidence whatever of an originating intention, a creative purpose. Now if I regarded this claim as scientifically valid, I should unhesitatingly counsel you to abandon your former position without any attempt to defend it. For if we look back at the results of former conflicts, we see that nothing has been more injurious to theology than the persistence of theologians in antiquated error. We of the present time can only wonder at the obstinacy with which the self-styled " orthodox " have clung to the idea that the world with its living inhabitants was created in six successive days of the year 4004 B.C., the Creator resting from his labours on the seventh ; that our own terrestrial globe is the fixed centre of the universe — sun and moon, stars and planets, revolving around it every twenty-four hours ; that not more than 6000 years have elapsed since man was first called into being ; and that the Noachian Deluge extended over the whole globe and destroyed all the animals then living on its surface, except the few pairs that found a refuge in the ark. As each of these positions has been successively impugned by scientific research, theologians have raised the cry that the foundations of Christianity were being undermined ; and yet they have now, tacitly if not openly, agreed to abandon them all, as ancient traditions altogether destitute of historical value. That theology has gained and not lost by this abandonment, I do not suppose that any one now doubts ; the lamp of truth must always shine brighter, when no longer darkened by the mists of error. But theologians have not come out unharmed from the conflict ; for they have given their opponents a right to charge them with either a wilful blindness to scientific truth, or an intellectual incapacity to recognize it ; and this lesson should not be lost upon us of the present time. I cannot doubt that all whom I am now addressing agree with me in the conviction that Theology can only maintain its ground in the future, by placing itself in accord with the highest scientific thought of the time, — by readily accepting all that science reveals to us in regard to the Order of Nature, — and by rigorously ab- staining from all attempts to fetter or discourage its advance. Such has ever been the teaching of one to whom we all look as DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 411 the best exponent of liberal theology, and the influence of whose writings is more and more advancing its progress. Whilst strenuously defending the Theistic position against its scientific as well as its non-scientific assailants, Dr. Martineau has ever cor- dially welcomed every real advance in science, not merely as extending our knowledge of the material universe, but as leading us to a more thorough recognition of its unity, its order, and its harmony. And he has shown us how, by availing itself of the highest and best results of scientific investigation, Theology is expanding and elevating itself above the narrow limits of Mosaic anthropomorphism, so as to reveal to us the Divine Thought as pervading all space, and exerting itself in action through all time. It was in this spirit that, two years ago, I reviewed, before a different but kindred audience,* the bearing upon Theistic belief of that doctrine of the progressive evolution of the inorganic universe, which modern astronomical research, by the help of methods of observation altogether new, has now established beyond reasonable question. For, I maintained, if ever the entire succession of changes by which the consolidation of the original nebular matter into the multitude of suns and systems that have sprung out of it, shall be scientifically shown to be the work of physical forces acting in accordance with determinate laws, we shall have only arrived at a knowledge of the Order of Creation, and shall have advanced no nearer to that of its primal Cause. The physicist who deduces from the activities of different forms of matter certain " properties " which he attributes to them, and then uses these very " properties " to account for those activities, is obviously reasoning in a circle. What he calls " pro- perties " and "laws" are really hw'i farms or categories under which he finds it desirable to correlate those "uniformities of co- existence and sequence" which his observation of nature brings under his cognizance. " Why does an apple fall to the ground ? " is a question which has as great a significance to us now, as it had before Newton was led by pondering upon it to the discovery of the law of gravitation. For that law only expresses the conditions oj action of a universal force tending to draw together all masses of ♦ "The Doctrine of Evolution in its Relations to Theism," — an address delivered at Sion College, see p. 384- 412 NATURE AND MAN. matter ; while of the force itself it gives no account whatever. We recognize it by our own consciousness of effort in lifting a weight from the ground ; and this recognition carries us from the sphere of physical into that of moral causation. For, as Sir John Herschel long ago pointed out, our consciousness of direct personal causation in the performance of a voluntary act, leads us to regard what we call the '* Forces of Nature " as the emanations of an all-pervading will, and those uniformities in their action which we term her " laws " as the manifestations of its un- changing continuity. As Dr. Martineau has admirably expressed it, " In whatever sense, and on whatever grounds, we affirm the " tenancy of our own frame by the soul that governs it, must we " fill the universe with the ever-living Spirit of whose thought it is " the development." The very conception of evolution involves a beginning ; and for that beginning, which de facto excludes all antecedent physical agency (otherwise it would not be a real beginning), none but a moral cause can be assigned. And thus the continuous uniformity in the evolutionary process, which some have regarded as explained by the laws that merely express it, really testifies to the perfection of the original design, the pro- gressive unfolding of which has never needed a departure from it. I have never met with a valid reason for regarding the relation of the evolution-doctrine to the organic world, as in any respect different from that in which it stands to the physical universe. All the elders among us were brought up in that anthropomorphic conception of " special creations," which seemed natural to the childhood of our race, just as it does to the child-mind of the present day. And to the older geologists, who regarded the successive geological " periods " as marked off, one from another, by cataclysmic interruptions that involved the destruction of all the existing races of plants and animals, a similar introduction of fresh forms, to re-people the newly modelled globe after each cataclysm, seemed quite as conceivable as the original creation. But all geological and palseontological inquiry has of late so decidedly tended towards the substitution of the idea of slow continuous change for that of violent convulsionary disturbances, that when Mr. Darwin showed that a doctrine of continuous " descent with modification " might be built upon a really scien- DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 413 tific basis, it gained a much more ready reception among un- prejudiced thinkers than he had himself ventured to expect. Many of us had been aheady prepared to entertain it favourably by the plausible and in some respects forcible manner in which a similar doctrine had been previously presented in the " Vestiges of Creation ; " in reviewing which book, nearly forty years ago, I expressed myself as fully concurring with its author in regarding the idea of a continuous ascending succession, along which the various races of plants and animals of the past and present epochs, each of them adapted to its external conditions of existence, have come into existence according to " laws " of genetic descent, as a far higher expression of Creative Wisdom and Power than that of special creations devised to meet each exigency as it arose. Considered from this point of view, the Darwinian doctrine of "evolution," even when based on "natural selection," seems to me to have no other bearing. For it is simply a concise expression of what is maintained to have been an orderly and continuous succession of phenomena, referable to natural causes ; and no more excludes the idea of moral agency, than does the substitution of the idea of the continuous evolution of the inor- ganic universe for that of the creation of that universe in its present form. In the pursuit of biological as of physical science, I most fully recognize the essential importance of keeping clear of what are termed "final causes," or assumptions of purpose, and of rigorously limiting our study to "physical causation." But the question now before us, — whether the evidences of intelligent design, which theology has hitherto recognized in the structure of organized beings, are or are not any longer tenable, when viewed under the new light thrown upon them by the Darwinian lamp, is one which — though science has much to say upon it — it is beyond the province of science to decide. Newton and Laplace were both accused of atheism by their contemporaries for setting up their own conceptions in the place of the action of the Creator ; and you well know that the same charge has been brought against Darwin. I shall endeavour to show you that in his case, as in that of his great predecessors, the real result of his scientific work has been to effect for biology what they are well 414 NATURE AND MAN. said by Dr. Whewell to have effected for astronomy — the " transfer " of the notion of design and end from the region of facts to that " of laws." For the thorough consideration of this question, I think it very important that we should start with a clear conception of what the " Argument from Design " really means, and with a right appreciation of the probative value of the evidence on which it rests ; and these will therefore be the subjects to which I shall first direct your attention. It is a mere truism to assert that design implies a designer ; because the definition of design is "the intentional adaptation "of means to a preconceived end." We do not perform any voluntary motion without a preconception of the action we "will" to perform. It is this preconception of result that constitutes the foundation of the effort made to carry it out. I may determine the action itself; as when I 'will' to bend my fore-arm on my arm. Or I may ' will ' to do something — as to lift a book from the table, or to carry a spoon to my mouth — which requires this flexion to carry my purpose into effect. But no action, in which there is not such a preconception, is "intentional" or "volun- tary." We are constantly using the word "design" in this sense. An architect "designs" a building; a ship-builder "designs" a ship; an artist "designs" a picture, and so on. In all such works, we unhesitatingly recognize an intentional adaptation of means to a preconceived end (though the designer and his pur- pose may be alike unknown to us), from our personal experience of other cases more or less familiar. But we have now to deal with cases in which we have had no such experience ; and to consider the grounds on which, in any individual instance, we should feel justified in concluding that an obvious adaptiveness has been " intentional," or, in other words, that the object has been "designed" for the use which we find it to answer. I do not affirm that we can in any case obtain logical or demonstrative proof of such " designed " adapta- tion ; but I think I can make it clear that this is one of the numerous instances in which a convergence of separate probabilities acquires the probative value of a moral certainty. DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 415 What we call " demonstration " rests entirely upon our mental inability to accept as true anything that contravenes the thing affirmed ; and if, in a chain of demonstrative reasoning, every link has the strength of a necessary truth, we accept its conclusion as having the same validity as the datum from which it started. Now, I hold that exactly the same state of " conviction " may be produced by a concurrence of probabilities, if these point sepa- rately and independently to the same conclusion,— like radial lines that converge from different parts of the circumference of a circle, though none actually reach its centre. For the result of that concurrence may be as irresistibly probative as any de- monstration ; the conclusion to which they all point being one which we are compelled to accept by our inability to conceive of any other explanation of the whole aggregate of evidentiary facts, though any one of them may be otherwise accounted for. I am not aware that this principle has been discussed in any treatise on logic ; but it is familiar to every lawyer who practises in courts of justice; and its validity cannot, I think, be questioned by any one who has studied the theory of what is commonly called "circumstantial" evidence. Indeed, it would be difficult to adduce a more remarkable example of the stability of an argu- ment erected on a broad basis of independent probabilities, than is presented in the wonderful fabric built up by the genius of Darwin ; the general acceptance of the evolution-doctrine resting on exactly the same kind of evidence as that on which I base the argument from design. The most pronounced evolutionist may be challenged to pro.iuce anything like a "demonstration" of any one of his propositions. But (as I showed in my Sion College address) the concurrence of probabilities suppHed by morphology and embryology, by physiology and palaeontology, is so complete as, in the minds of those most competent to appreciate their probative value, to exclude any other hypothesis. Those, therefore, who find in this concurrence a sufficient reason for their assent to the doctrine of evolution, should be the last to impugn the validity of the same mode of reasoning, when brought to bear on the evidences of design which are afforded by the very orderliness of that evolution. In applying this principle to the question we are now con- 4i6 NATURE AND MAN, sidering, I am quite willing to admit, in limine, that the mere adaptiveness of a thing to a particular purpose, is often a very unsafe ground for concluding that it was devised for that purpose. For cases are constantly occurring, in which we find ourselves able to turn some instrument to a use altogether different from that for which it was intended by its maker ; and every one who lias had much experience of changes of residence (as happened to myself in early life), has found pieces of his furniture fitting into appropriate recesses just as exactly "as if they had been made for them." But I rest my argument on cases in which the idea of such casual adaptiveness is altogether excluded by the accumulation of separate and independent evidentiary facts, all indicative of the same purpose ; and I shall further show you that it is not invalidated (as Professor Huxley has maintained it to be) by a possible misapprehension of that purpose ; the evidence of a "design" being the same, even though we may be mistaken as to what that design was. Necessarily limiting myself to two typical illustrations, I shall select one of a very simple nature, in which conviction is produced by the accumulation of similar evidentiary probabilities, each of which — taken individually — is of the slightest character and the lowest value, their probative force depending entirely on their collocation ; whilst in the other I shall show that our conviction rests on the elaborate character of the constructive arrangements by which a small number of separate but dissimilar adaptations are so combined as to work out a single product. About thirty years ago we began to hear a good deal about "flint implements." They had not been altogether unknown previously, as specimens of them were to be found in museums of antiquities ; but they had never been brought to light in such numbers, and under such very peculiar circumstances, as in the working of the gravel beds of the valley of the Somme, near Abbeville and Amiens. The matter was brought into notice by M. Boucher de Perthes, a distinguished antiquarian and collector at Abbeville. English men of science went over to study the conditions under which these flint implements were found ; and very soon satisfied themselves of the genuineness and importance of this discovery. There were many who at first denied that they DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 4^7 afforded any evidence of the existence of man at the time when these gravel-beds were deposited ; maintaining that their peculiar shapes had been given by accidental collisions. I do not know that any sane man now questions their human production ; and I ask you to follow me in the examination of the evidence which has wrought that universal conviction. We are all familiar with the opening passage of Paley's " Natural Theology : "— " In crossing " a heath, suppose I pitched my foot against a s/one, and were " asked how the stone came to be there, I might possibly answer " that, for anything I knew to the contrary, it had lain there for *' ever : nor would it perhaps be very easy to show the absurdity "of this answer. But suppose 1 had found a waU/i upon the " ground, and it should be inquired how the watch happened to " be in that place, I should hardly think of the answer which I "had before given — that, for anything I knew, the watch might " have always been there " Now, if you were to " pitch your foot" against one of these Jlin^ implements, you would find it very difficult to account for its condition by any hypothesis of accidental configuration. Flints are found, in considerable numbers, wherever there has been a great denudation of the chalk ; those originally embedded in it having been left on the surface of the ground. You will generally find them whole, but not unfrequently they have undergone fracture. If, in walking through a chalk country, you look at a heap of flints collected by the roadside for mending the road, you will find the greater part of them entire, having shapes that suggest to the naturalist the forms of the sponges, by the silicification of which they were originally produced. You will doubtless find some broken ; but you will never meet with one that even remotely resembles the characteristic "flint implement" of the Amiens and Abbeville gravels. They may have one or two, or perhaps half a dozen, fractured surfaces ; but these are quite irregular, having no rela- tion one to another. Now, a "flint implement" exhibits, perhaps, fifty fractures ; and they are all so related in size and position as to bring out a very definite shape. Yet this consideration alone did not by any means satisfy those who were unwilling to admit the conclusion that this shape had been worked out by human hands. I well remember that when these objects were first 41 8 NATURE AND MAN. brought into public notice, there were many persons who said, " The shaping of these flints is merely accidental ; the flint fell ''into a river in which there were many stones knocking about, " and the fractures have been produced by the flint having got, "so to speak, under a number of hammers ; so that, a bit having " been broken away here and a bit there, it has come to be shaped "as it is now found." I will "not say that this is an absolutely impossible supposition with respect to any single example ; but when we find numbers of these flints, all showing the same form, in one gravel bed, — when we meet with forms exactly similar in other gravel beds — and when we learn that exactly similar flints are used at the present time by peoples (some of the hill tribes of India, for instance) among whom iron implements have not yet found their way, the implements being held in a cleft stick, and bound round by a leather thong, — then, I think, we have an accumulation of evidence which makes it inconceivable that these gravel flints, of which I have spoken, owed their shape to any- thing else than human handiwork. But besides these large and powerful implements, there are also a number of other kinds. Some of these, though smaller, are of the same general shape, each showing a similar series of regularly disposed fractures. But there are also found, in the same beds and in the same numbers, smaller "flakes" of flint, whose shapes might more easily be supposed to have been accidentally acquired, for many of them exhibit only two fractured surfaces, indicative of two knocks ; so that it would be by no means inconceivable that any single flake had been casually struck off by a second blow from a flint which had already sustained a fracture nearly in the same direction. But when we look at a number of these found together, and when we know that similar flakes are used as cutting instru- ments at the present time by some of the survivors of the old "flint folk" (being often retained for sacrificial purposes, long after the use of metallic cutting instruments has become general), then we come to feel sure that even these small flakes must have been struck off with a purpose. Such is the cumulative argument that I would draw from a consideration of this case. Even if we admit it as conceivable that any single flint implement, or a small number of implements, DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 419 might have derived their regular shape from a number of acci- dental blows, and that the people who now use such instruments might have adopted and turned to account such as thus came to their hands ready made, I hold it impossible for any one who brings an unprejudiced mind to the examination of a sufficiently large collection of them, brought from localities widely remote from each other, to come to any oth'er conclusion than that they have been shaped by human handiwork. I might carry this argument from the " palaeolithic " to the "neolithic" forms; in the latter of which smooth surfaces and sharp continuous edges have been given by friction on other stones. It is true that every pebble of a shingle beach exhibits the result of similar attrition against other pebbles, in the shaping and smoothing of its surface ; but any one who should maintain that a characteristic flint implement of the neolithic kind could have got its shape and polish from any such casual milling, would be accounted destitute of common sense. Now, although we can assign a use for each kind of implement, it does not at all follow that such was the use for which it was designed by its maker ; but the argument that it had a maker, and that he designed it for sovie purpose, is not in the least weakened by this uncertainty. And I shall hereafter show that we are justi- fied by exactly the same kind of evidence, in distinguishing the variations in organized structures, which persistently take place in definite directions, and culminate in the evolution of a more elevated type, from those " aimless " variations which correspond to the accidental fractures of flints. From one of the earliest products of human ingenuity I now pass to one of the latest — the Walter printing-press, which I first saw in operation in the Great Exhibition of 1862, and which em- bodies one of the most marvellous combinations of different actions, all related to one and the same end, that I have ever seen in any single machine. In fact, it more impressed me with its resem- blance to an organized structure, than any other piece of mechanism that I am acquainted with. If you were to join on to the Walter printing-press the paper-making machine, which is worked sepa- rately for convenience merely, you might put in paper-pulp in one end, and this would come out at the other end as printed Times 420 NATURE AND MAN. newspapers, at the rate of 15,000 per hour, without any liuman intervention. For the paper-making machine is now so perfected, that a continuous sheet can be produced of any length desired. Rolls three miles long are brought to the Times printing-office, and put into the machine : the paper, as it is unrolled, is damped through by passing over a hollow roller pierced with multitudes of small holes, through which water is ejected from the inside ; and the superfluous moisture is then squeezed out by passing the paper between another pair of rollers, so that it is prepared to re- ceive the impression. Then there are a number of most elaborate and beautiful contrivances, by which for the flat " form " of the ordinary printing-press is substituted a stereotype plate, wrapping completely round a cylinder, the continuous revolution of which at a very rapid rate impresses the paper that is made to pass over it. When the compositor has finished setting up his type, and the proof has been taken, read, and corrected, so that the "form" can be " made up," an impression of it is taken off on a sheet of damp papier mache ; and this, having been bent round the interior of a hollow cylinder and rapidly dried, serves as the mould from which a cast is made in type-metal, exactly representing on a cylindrical surface the flat type-surface of the " form." This cast, after being examined for defects, which are rapidly repaired, is fitted on the printing-cylinder ; which is thus made ready, in a wonderfully short space of time, for impressing the paper which is to pass over it, with the " matter " of which the original " form " was composed. As the paper has to be printed on both sides, two such cylinders are needed ; and the sheet, having been printed on one side by passing over the first, is printed on the other by being conducted over the second. Another set of beautiful and yet simple contrivances is provided for distributing the ink with the most perfect uniformity, and for preventing any accidental deficiency, such as might be produced by an air-bubble, from leaving a blank on the type. After having passed over both cylinders, the continuous roll passes through a cutting-machine, which cuts off the sheets one after another at the proper length ; and these fall from above to one and the other alternately of two boys who receive the sheets and lay them in two piles. Now, could any one who should see such a machine in opera- DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 421 tion, doubt that every part of it had been constructed with a view to a preconceived purpose, whatever he might suppose that pur- pose to be ? An iUiterate savage who knows nothing about the meaning of Times newspapers, would none the less (if he had a capacity for reasoning upon the matter at all) recognize an intelli- gent purpose in the construction of the machine. But it is by him who knows something of the difficulties which baffled all previous attempts at printing from a continuously revolving cylinder, and can thus appreciate the beautiful simplicity of the method by which these have been overcome, and by which the machine has been brought to its present perfection, that the greatest admiration will be felt for the ability with which so many separate and dis- similar arrangements have been brought into consentaneous and mutually related action, so as to concur towards a common result, which the machine would altogether fail to work out, if any one of its processes were to suffer derangement. Now, in the first of these cases we have a very close parallel to those forms of Vegetable and Animal life, which are characterized by the Biologist as of "low organization ;" by which is meant that there is comparatively little differentiation in the structure of their several parts, which are often repeated almost without limit, per- forming actions identically the same. And yet in these, as in the collocation of the individual fractures which have shaped out a flint implement, we see evidence of a plan, in the orderly arrangement of these parts, and in the adaptiveness of their combined action to the well-being of the organism as a whole. Look, for example, at a sea-anemone in the act of feeding ; and see how its multiple ten- tacles attach themselves to a piece of fish, or to the shell of a mussel or periwinkle, and draw it by their united contraction into the creature's stomach. The adaptation is not less perfect, because the action is so simple ; nothing could be conceived more suitable to the conditions under which the sea-anemone lives ; and the multiplication of similar parts, so disposed as to enable them to work together to a common end, seems to me as clear an evidence of "designed" adaptation in the sea-anemone, as it is admitted to l)e in the " flint implement." But, as we ascend the scale of animal life, we find this repetition of similar parts giving place to differentiation, alike in structure and in 422 NATURE AND MAN. action ; and in proportion as each kind of functional activity becomes limited to a particular organ, does the mutual depend- ence of the several parts of the organism necessarily become more intimate. With this functional limitation we commonly find an increasing complexity of structure, which enables the function to be more effectively performed; and thus the body of any "highly organized " animal consists of a number of dissimilar organs, each — like the several parts of the Walter press — doing its own proper work, but thereby contributing, at the same time, to maintain the activity of the rest. It has been on this marked adaptiveness of particular organs to the kinds of action they respectively perform, that the " argu- ment from design " has been commonly based ; and no case of this adaptation has been more frequently dwelt upon, as showing in its perfection the most obvious and convincing evidence of " design " than the human eye. The perfection of this adaptation, however, has been partially denied by several modern writers, who have based their denial on a statement contained in a most interesting and instructive lecture on "Tiie Eye and Vision," given some years ago by my very distinguished friend. Professor Helmholtz.* The first part of this lecture is devoted to an ex- position of the structure and actions of the eye, considered merely as an optical instrument, and of those more recent researches, which have shown that, in addition to retinal defects previously known, the eye is not perfectly corrected for either spherical or chromatic aberration, that the crystalUne lens has by no means the perfect clearness it has been supposed to possess, and that its fibrous structure produces an irregular radiation in the image of any single bright point. " Now, it is not too much to say," con- tinues the lecturer, " that if an optician wanted to sell me an "instrument which had all these defects, I should think myself "quite justified in blaming his carelessness in the strongest terms, "and giving him back his instrument." f Every one who has any knowledge of theological controversy, will recollect how frequendy the charge has been justly raised of • " Popular Lectures on Scientific Subjects." Translated by Dr. Atkinson, London, 1873. t Ibid., p. 219, DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 423 unfairness of quotation ; a single passage, detached from its con- text, often conveying a meaning altogether different from that which it bears when taken with its context, so that even "the "devil can cite Scrii)ture for his purpose." Those who take the anti-theological side are specially bound, as it seems to me, to abstain from doing the very thing for which they would severely blame their opponents ; and yet I have seldom met with a case so unfair, as the citation of this statement without any of the qualifications which it subsequently receives. Thus, after show- ing that these defects scarcely reveal themselves in our ordinary vision — some of them requiring most refined methods of observa- tion for their detection — Professor Helmholtz continues : " If I "am asked why I have spent so much time in explaining the imper- " fection of the eye, I answer, as I said at first, that I have not done "so in order to depreciate the performances of this wonderful "organ, or to diminish our admiration of its construction. It was " my object to make my readers understand, at the outset of our " inquiry, that it is not any mechanical perfection of the organs " of our senses which secures for us such wonderfully true and " exact impressions of the outer world. The extraordinary value " of the eye depends on tlie way in which we use it : its perfection "is practical, not absolute, consisting not in the avoidance of every "error, but in the f;ict that all its defects do not prevent its render- " ing us the most important and varied services." This " practical "perfection" he afterwards defines as "adaptation to the wants of "the organism ;" the defects of the eye as an optical instrument being " all so counteracted, that the inexactness of the image which "results from their presence very little exceeds, under ordinary "conditions of illumination, the limits which are set to the delicacy ♦'of sensation by the dimensions of the retinal cones." * An optical defect which has long been known to ophthalmolo- gists, — the inferiority in the sensitiveness of the retinal surface generally, to that of the central spot known as the macula lutea, — is shown by Professor Helmholtz to be fully compensated by the facility and rapidity with which we move the eye, in such a manner as to bring the image of the object, or of any part of the object, which we wish to examine minutely, upon this sensitive spot ; * " Popular Lectures," p. 226. 424 NATURE AND MAN. whilst the field over which our vision ranges with sufficient distinct- ness to see our special object in combination with its surroundings, is far larger than is attainable in any optical instrument of human contrivance. I venture to think, moreover, that my special experience as a microscopist has given me the means of adding something to Professor Helmholtz's demonstration of the practical efficiency of the eye. Until recently, it has not been found possible by the most skilful constructors of the microscope to produce object-glasses of high power and wide angular aperture, which should be perfectly free from both spherical and chromatic aberration. This, however, has recently been accomplished by what is called the "oil-immersion" system ; but the correction can only be perfectly made for a certain relative position of the conjugate foci ; — that is, when the object is at the precise distance in front of the lens, and its image is formed at the precise distance behind it, for which it is adjusted by the maker. Hence, the principal continental constructor of these lenses, Zeiss, of Jena, makes two forms of each power : one for the short 8-inch body of the microscopes generally used on the Continent, and one for the long jo-inch English body. Neither of such object-glasses will work perfectly with a microscope of the other length. For, in order that its image may be projected at ten inches' distance, the object must be brought nearer to the objective than when its image is formed at eight inches' distance ; and this diminution will sensibly disturb the performance, on the English microscope, of the combination which was perfectly cor- rected for the Continental microscope ; whilst a disturbance in the opposite direction will be produced by the increase of distance between the object and the objective, which becomes necessary when an objective corrected for the long English body is used with a short Continental microscope. These disturbances will alike affect the chromatic and the spherical aberration ; and there is no known method by which they can be prevented. In fact, I believe I may say that it is demonstrable that no combination could be constructed, which should give perfectly aplanatic and achromatic images at different focal distances. Mark, now, the superiority of the eye. In its normal condition, DESIGxV IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 425 this wonderful organ possesses a power to which no optical instru- ment of human construction can show the remotest parallelism, — that of adjusting itself to differences of focal distance. Thus, if I close one eye, and hold up my finger between my other eye and the clock at the far end of the room, I cannot see both of them distinctly at the same time, because, as they are at different dis- tances from my eye, their pictures on my retina cannot both be distinct. But, without moving either my head or my eye, I can so " focus " my eye on either as to see it distinctly, the other becoming hazy. This we all constantly do without the least knowledge of the mechanism by which it is effected : and all that the most careful and refined investigation has revealed to the Physiologist, is that the focal adjustment is made by a change in the curvature of the crystalline lens ; its curvature being increased when the rays that fall upon it are more divergent, because pro- ceeding from a nearer object; and being diminished when the rays, proceeding from a more distant object, are less divergent ; — so as in each case to bring them to a focus on the retina. This change of curvature is produced, it is believed, by the action of the ciliary muscle which surrounds the lens ; but hoiv that action is called forth we do not know. Indeed, we are quite unconscious that we are putting it into contraction, I simply determine, " I " will look at the clock," or, " I will look at my finger," and my eye adjusts itself accordingly. If, on the other hand, I were to look with a telescope, first at a watch-face a few feet off, and then at a church-clock at a distance, I should have to diminish the distance between the object-glass and the eye-piece ; and I cannot conceive of any optical mechanism by which the telescope could be enabled to make this adjustment/^/- itself. That the eye should be provided with such a mechanism, has always seemed to me a most wonderful evidence of intelligent design ; and the importance of this provision in our daily life is so great (as every one knows in whom it is even partially deficient*), as to outweigh beyond all * While a person with good ordinary vision has a range of focal adjust- ment from six or eight inches (ten inches being the ordinary " reading distance ") to as many miles, that of a "short-sighted " person is limited to near objects, and that of an elderly " long-sighted " person to distant objects. A complete want of power to adjust the focus of the eyes is seldom met with ; but some- times occurs as one of the odd local paralyses often left for a time by an attack of diphtheria. 426 NATURE AND MAN. comparison the slight want of optical perfection wliich — as I have already shown you — is inseparable from it. Let us now turn our attention to the fact that it is only in the sensitive spot of the retina, the macula lufea, that we have the most perfect provision, in the elaborateness of its structure, for the reception and transmission of the visual picture. The " rods," and " cones," as they are called, of that spot are much smaller tlian they are in any other part of the retinal surface ; and our vision of objects whose picture falls upon it is proportionately distinct and minute. Now to me it seems that the inferior visual perfection of the rest of the retina, far from being disadvantageous, is a positive advantage. How completely the disadvantage is compensated by the facility with which we move our eyes, I have already shown in Professor Helmholtz's own words. The direction of their axes which is required to bring upon the macula lutea the image of any object at which we wish to look, is given without any conscious exertion of our own ; we have only to " will " to look at the object, and the muscles of our eyes automatically bring their axes into convergence upon it. If you look at the eyes of a person who is reading or writing, you will see them move from left to right as he follows each line across the page, and then turn suddenly to the left again as he begins the next line ; and yet he is not conscious of giving them any such direction. So, again, if we fix our gaze on any object, and move our head upwards or downwards, or from side to side, another person looking at our eyes will see them move in the opposite direction, so that their axes continue to point to the object at which we are looking.* Now while the disadvantage of the limitation of distinct vision to the macula lutea is thus fully compensated, I hold that this limita- tion is postively advantageous in this way, — that we see the object, or the part of the object, at which we will to look, with much g?-eater distinctness than we should do if the whole of the visual picture which we receive at one time were as complete and vivid as that portion of it which is formed on the central spot of the retina. For our W6V//«/ receptivity of this picture depends upon tho. attention we give it ; so that the more completely our attention is con- * Any one may make this experiment for himself, by looking at his own eyes in a looking-glass, and moving his head either horizontally or vertically. DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 427 centrated upon the thing at which we specially wish to look, the more distinctly we see it. The Microscopist well knows the great advantage of limiting his field of view when he is examining objects of the greatest difficulty. And every one who has been accustomed to visit picture-galleries is aware how much more fully he is able to appreciate a picture, when he looks at it in such a manner that its surroundings are kept out of his view. To be able to bring our fullest measure of visual power to bear upon any object we desire to examine, and at the same time to see surrounding objects with sufficient distinctness for the recog- nition of their local relation to it, is, thus, far more advantageous to us, than would be the extension of that highest degree of visual power over the whole range at once. Here again, therefore, the asserted imperfection of the eye as an optical instrument proves to be the very contrary, when its structure and action are regarded in their relations to the use we make of the organ ; added force being thus given to the final conclusion drawn by Professor Helm- holtz, that " the adaptation of the eye to its function is most com- " plete, and is seen in the very limits which are set in its defects " (p. 228). — Those who quote his previous statement for the purpose of depreciating the perfection of the organ, are bound in honesty to cite this also. In the human eye, then, as in the Walter printing-machine, we find a combination of a number of separate contrivances, each individually of the most elaborate kind, yet having most complete consentaneousness of action, all tending towards one common end, which is attained with a perfection not theoretically surpassable by our highest science. And the cumulative probability that the eye, like the machine, is the product of " intelligent design," though not logically demonstrative, has a cogency not inferior to the " moral certainties " on which we are accustomed to rely in the ordinary conduct of our lives. — This argument seems to me not to be in the least invalidated, but rather to be strengthened, by the fact that in the ascending series of animals we meet with eyes which, compared with ours, are very imperfect. Beginning at the bottom, we find a little coloured spot, generally on some part of the surface of the animal, with a nerve-fibre proceeding from the central ganglion to that spot ; and we judge this to be a rudimental 19 428 NATURE AND MAN. organ of vision, by what we encounter as we proceed upwards. The next stage consists in the addition of something like a crystal- line lens — a little, bright, pellucid particle on the end of the nerve- fibre, that seems by the concentration of luminous rays to intensify the sensation of light We have strong reason to believe that animals very low in the scale are guided by this sensation ; not in the manner of plants, whose growth towards light is accounted for by its physiological action on the formation of their tissues ; but in f7iovements directed by a conscious perception of light, resembling that of a nearly blind person who can just distinguish light from darkness. We find this direction towards light, and the avoidance of intervening obstacles, more and more obviously manifested in the movements of animals, as we pass upwards to higher forms of the visual organ. In front of the crystalline lens, we meet with a transparent film representing a cornea, separated from it by an anterior chamber ; and behind it we come to distinguish a vitreous humour, covering an expansion of the nerve-fibre which is backed by a pigment layer. When we have arrived at this stage, seen in the " simple eyes " of insects, it is most beautiful to trace how the further ascent takes place along two distinct lines; one culminating in the " compound eye " of the insect, and the other in the single eye of the vertebrate animal, of which that of the predaceous birds is, perhaps, the highest type. The " compound eye " of the insect, as you all know, is, in its typical form, an almost hemispherical mass projecting from the side of the head, which is made up of a number of separate " eyelets " of nearly cylindrical form, whose several axes are directed radially towards the spheroidal surface. Each " eyelet " consists of a number of different components which appear to correspond with those of our single eye ; probably giving an achromatic character to the minute picture formed by its refrac- tive action. But each can receive only those rays of light, whose direction corresponds with that of its own axis ; and as the eye of the insect is immovable, no eyelet can be made to turn towards any particular object. By the multiplication of these eyelets, however, and the radial direction in which they are fixed, the aggregate "compound eye" will have a range fully equal, and probably superior, to that of any single eye constructed on DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 429 the vertebrate plan. In some Butterflies and Dragon flies, each " compound eye " is made up of many thousands of these " eye- lets," the individual " corneules " of which give the " facetted " appearance presented by the exterior of the aggregate mass ; whilst the inner extremities of the cylinders abut upon a bulbous expan- sion of the optic nerve, from which a filament proceeds to each of them. Now we seem fully justified by observation of the movements of Insects, in concluding that these are guided by visual perceptions of external objects not less distinct than our own. And it seems probable, therefore, that the action of the compound eye is to impress the sensorium of the Insect with a single picture, corresponding to that which is formed upon our own retina, though received through a very differently constructed instrument. Modern investigations, moreover, have shown that the difference is rather apparent than real. For it is now known that the retinal layer of the human eye is not a mere spreading- out of the fibres of the optic nerve ; but that in front of these terminal fibres is a layer of " rods " and " cones " on which the retinal picture is formed. Thus, the visual picture which our mind receives from either retina, is made up (so to speak) of the aggregate of the visual impressions made separately and individ- ually upon each of its " rods" and "cones," and — through these — upon the individual fibres of the optic nerve on which they severally impinge. And thus what may be called the " mechanism " of our own vision, is really analogous to that of the vision of the Insect. In fact, it would now seem probable that the " rods " and " cones " of our own retina are really homologous with similar structures contained in the cylindrical "eyelets" of the Insect; so that the difference between its "compound eye" and our own "single eye" lies only in the arrangement of the parts of the recipient nerve-structure. Whilst we have a single refrac- tive apparatus for the whole retinal area, by which a continuous picture is thrown upon its entire expanse, the Insect has a sepa- rate refractive apparatus for each of its retinal elements ; but as the retinal elements themselves are essentially the same in both cases, we may fairly presume that the resulting visual sensation, which the Insect receives by the combination of their separate actions, corresponds closely with our own. That in the Insect 430 NATURE AND MAN. the same effect is produced by multiplication of pa7-ts, as is pro- duced in ourselves by their concentration in a single apparatus, is altogether conformable to their general type of organization. And it seems to me greatly to strengthen the argument of " inten- tion," that a similar perfection of adaptiveness should be attained by the working-up of the same elementary materials on two different methods of construction, in accordance with the general plan of Articulates and Vertebrates respectively. With regard to those more simple forms of visual apparatus which we regard as inferior or rudimentary, it is to be borne in mind that they prove no less suitable than our own to the requirements of the animals which possess them, and are therefore equally perfect in their kind. All the wants of the Leech, for example, are provided for by its very simply-constructed eyes ; and it would have no use whatever for the elaborately-constructed eyes of the actively-flying Insect, — the evolution of the visual organs in the animal series showing a close relation to that of the locomotive apparatus. Further evidence of " intelligent design " is supplied by the history of the development of any one of the highest forms of the eye, such as that of the Chick in ovo. For it has been ascertained by the careful study of this process, that the complete organ is the joint product of two distinct developmental actions, taking place in opposite directions, — a growing-inwards from the skin — and a growing-outwards from the brain : the former supplying the optical instrument for the formation of the visual picture, and the latter furnishing the nervous apparatus on which this is received, and by which its impression is conveyed to the sen- sorium. A hollow, pear-shaped projection is sent out from the division of the brain called the mesencephalon; the narrowed neck or stalk of which afterwards becomes the optic nerve, whilst its expanded portion, pressed back into a concavity, becomes the retina. At the same time, an inward growth takes place from the skin, at first strongly resembling that which gives origin to a hair- follicle ; a sinking-in of the surface of the dermis or true skin, being accompanied by an increased development of its epidermic cells. This depression deepens into a round pit, the lower part of which expands whilst its orifice contracts, so as to form a closed globular cavity, which is at last completely shut off from DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 431 the exterior. This cavity is lined by epidermic cells, out of which the crystalline lens is ultimately formed ; the derm on which they rest becomes its capsule ; and the loose tissue which underlies the derm becomes the vitreous humour. The back of the globe thus formed, meeting the pear-shaped projection of the brain, pushes it, as it were, inwards ; and thus derives from it the retinal invest- ment which is necessary to bring the optical apparatus into rela- tion with the nervous centres. Neither of these developmental processes would be of any use without the other. It is only by the conjunction of the two, that this most perfect and elaborate instrument is brought into existence. I have now put before you the original Argument from Design, as set forth by Paley, expanded by the more advanced knowledge of the present time. That this argument, based on the combina- tion of adaptations presented in the structure of each organic type — considered as a " special creation " — to the external conditions of its existence, needs now to be reconstructed under the new light of the Evolution-doctrine, must be freely admitted by those who (like myself) maintain it to be still tenable. And I have now to inquire how it is affected, first by the acceptance of the doctrine of Evolution taken per se; and secondly by the explana- tion supposed to be given of that Evolution by attributing it to " Natural Selection." I can best bring you to my own mode of viewing this question, by first leading you to consider how it has been affected by the substitution of our present knowledge of the evolution of any one of the higher types from its protoplasmic germ-particle, for the old notion that this germ-particle is a miniature representation of the mature embryo, into which it has only to expand by growth. The primordial "jelly-speck" in the Fowl's egg during the pro- gress of its development into the fully-formed chick, passes through a succession of phases, of which the first represents that lowest or most homogeneous type of organization which is common to the simplest Plants and the simplest Animals, — the second, one which is distinctively Animal, — the third, one which is distinctively Vertebrate, — the fourth, one which is distinctively Oviparous, — and the fifth, one which is distinctively Ornithic, — 432 NATURE AND MAN. while the peculiarities of the special Bird family to which it belongs are the last to make their appearance. Thus, in the lan- guage of the great Embryologist, Von Baer, to whom we owe this splendid generalization, its evolution consists in a gradual progress from the general to the special^ or, as Herbert Spencer would say, from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous. Now if, in examining the structure of a typical Bird, we find evidences of " design " in the wonderful adaptation of its clothing of feathers alike to keep in the warmth of the body, and to sustain it in its flight through the air, — in that organization of its heart and lungs which enables them to keep up the energetic circulation and respiration required for the maintenance of a high standard of muscular activity, — in those arrangements of the skeleton and muscular apparatus which give support and motion to the ex- panded wings, — in the adaptation of the eye to that acute and far-ranging vision which is needed for the guidance of its actions, — and in many other provisions I might enumerate, — I affirm, without any doubt of your assent, that this evidence is not in the least degree invalidated by the discovery that the germ-particle is not a miniature bird, but a protoplasmic "jelly-speck." In its capacity for " evolution " into the complete type, the germ-particle is just as much " potentially " the Bn-d, as if it could become one by merely swelling out. So, if we go back in thought to the origin of the race, as we can by actual observation to that of the individual, the old con- ception of " design " which was based on the idea of an original Bird-creation does not lose any of its applicability, if we find reason to believe that the orighial progenitor was a protoplasmic "jelly-speck," certain of whose descendants have passed through a series of forms progressively improving in structure and capacity, and culminating in the perfected Bird. We merely substitute for the idea of continuous uniform descent, that of the " progressive development" of the race, as representing the mode in which our present Bird has come to be ; deeming the latter the more prob- able, because we find it correspond with the embryonic history of every Bird now existing. The original progenitor was just as " potentially " the Race, whether called into existence as a proto- plasmic "jelly-speck," or as a fully developed Bird. And the DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD, 433 evidences of "design," which on the doctrine of "special crea- tions " we find in the construction of the original Bird, and in the provision for the continuous propagation of its own type, we equally find in the production of the original "jelly-speck," and in the evolutionary process by which the very lowest type of organization has been progressively elevated to one of the highest. The mar- vellous succession of changes by which a chick is evolved from the germ-spot of the fowl's egg in the short period of two-and- twenty days, assuredly does not become less worthy of our admira- tion, if looked at as the abbreviated repetition of one which has extended continuously over millions of years. Let us now consider this question, not in regard to any par- ticular species of Bird, but in regard to the class as a whole, — consisting, as it does at the present time, of many thousands of reputed " species," each of them possessing some particular adap- tation to its own conditions of existence, and hence regarded (according to our former ideas) as a separate product of Creative Design. Every Zoologist is aware that the structure of all Birds conforms so closely to a common type, as to make it difficult to divide the class into subordinate groups characterized by well-m.irked dis- tinctions. For these distinctions almost entirely rest on the comparative development, or peculiar shaping, of organs which all alike possess. I remember that on remarking to my friend, Professor Milne Edwards (the successor of Cuvier as the official head of French naturalists), soon after the publication of the " Origin of Species," that I could very well believe that all Birds had descended from a common ancestry, he replied, " I regard " Birds zoologically as constituting but a single family ; " — meaning that their diversities of structure are not greater than those which we find among the members of many single families of Mammals or Reptiles. Now, if we find adequate grounds for the belief that all the Birds which now exist, or ever have existed, are the descend- ants of a common progenitor, and that the special peculiarities of each type have arisen in the course of their "descent with modi- fication," the adaptiveness of each resultant organism is not less an evidence of design, because the aggregate result has been wrought out through a continuous passage from the general type 434 NATURE AND MAN. to the special, instead of having been elaborated in all its com- pleteness in the first instance. If the original Bird was so constructed as to be capable not only of engendering its own type, but of giving origin by genetic succession to all the diversified forms under which the ornithic type has presented itself, we must regard that progenitor as " potentially " the entire class, and as endowed with a capacity for producing the whole aggregate of "adaptations" presented by its individual members. At each stage in the progress of differentiation, we have thus precisely the same evidence of " design," as if the entire set of specific types had been turned out complete (as it were) by their Maker's hand in the first instance ; and the substitution of the idea of progressive divarication from a common Bird-type, for that of the original multiplicity and continuous transmission of separate types, thus involves no other modification in the mode of presenting the argument, than the replacement of paroxysmal exertion by continuous orderly operation, — a change which brings it into conformity with the accredited evolutionary history of the physical universe. It is freely admitted by Mr. Darwin that it is by analogy only that we are led to regard the progenitors of the great divisions of the Animal and Vegetable kingdoms as having themselves had a common origin ; but if we go along with him as far as we have now done, we can scarcely stop short of that conclusion. For as we know that the primitive germ-particles from which Birds or Mammals now spring are not distinguishable by any recognizable differences from those in which Rhizopods or Zoophytes originate, — the special " potentiality " of each only manifesting itself in the progress of its development, — so it seems more in accordance with Nature's order, that the distinctions between the fundamental types of animal organization should have arisen, like those of their subordinate divisions, by "descent with modification," than by " special creations " of their several progenitors. Accepting provisionally, then, the doctrine of evolution in this widest sense, as implying the common origin of the whole organized creation — past and present — from a single stock, we shall find that no further modification will be required in the form in which I have put the Argument from Design, than such as gives it yet further range and DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 435 greater comprehensiveness. For we must then regard our one ancestral germ-particle as endowed with a " potentiality " of pro- gressive development, that has been equal to the peopling of our globe with all that vast variety of living creatures, by some or other of which it has been inhabited through all save the remotest periods of its ever-changing history to the present time. That this progressive development has taken place according to an orderly succession, the study of which will ultimately enable us to frame "laws" that shall express the conditions of the "perturba- tions " as well of the '* uniformities " of genetic descent, is the belief of every philosophic Biologist. But when biological science shall have reached this elevated point, it will have revealed to us only the Order of the evolutionary process, leaving us still to seek for its Cause. But how much grander a conception of that order do we obtain, when we are thus led to regard it as embodied in one original design continuously working itself out through the ages, in constant harmony with the changes contemporane- ously taking place in the condition of the terrestrial surface, than when we suppose it to have needed successive interpositions for re-adaptation to those changes as they successively occurred ! But, it is affirmed, there is nothing in this adaptation that cannot be accounted for by " Natural Selection." As changes took place in their " environment," variations occurred in the living inhabitants ; some of these were favourable to their new conditions, some were the reverse ; the fittest survived, the unfit became extinct J and thus those "adaptations" came about in the natural course of things, for which theologians have needlessly invoked the " design " of a Dens ex machina. In one of those most able expositions of the doctrine of the " Origin of Species by Natural Selection," by which Professor Huxley very early impressed the educated public with the scientific value of the new views which Mr. Darwin had opened out, he remarked that nothing had more strongly impressed him than the fact that they had completely disposed of the old teleological argument; the adaptations in organized structures which had been regarded as evidences of "design" being sufiiciently accounted for as results of the " sur- " vival of the fittest." And this view of the case has been so 436 NATURE AND MAN. zealously adopted by some of the younger advocates of the doctrine, that they have gone the length of representing the plants and animals which exhibit them, as having made themselves for the purposes which their organization is found to answer, — as if they had the intelligent design which is denied to an universal Creator. When challenged to justify that language, they represent it as merely " figurative ; " their intention being only to show that, as Natural Selection gives a sufficient account of the adaptiveness, there is no need to seek for any other explanation of it. But to me it seems that Professor Huxley and his followers in this line of argument have entirely overlooked the considera- tion, that before Natural Selection among varietal forms could come into operation, there must have been varieties to select from, — that for the "fittest" to have survived, they must have come to possess the structure that made them the fittest. It was very early pointed out that Natural Selection only expresses a general fact, and can in no sense be accounted a vera causa ; and this, in his later years, Mr. Darwin showed himself quite willing to admit. In what I believe to be his last public utterance on the subject, he spoke of the causes of variation as at present the greatest problem of biological science ; and the greater our success in the investigation of it, the more surely — I feel convinced — shall we recognize the evidences of an originating Design. While the argument is carried back — exactly as by the determination of the " laws " of the celestial motions — a stage nearer to the primal source, its basis is extended, and its upward reach elevated. In the admirable language of Dr. Martineau, " The law of ' natural " selection,' instead of dispensing with anterior causation, and " enabling the animal races to be their own Providence and do all " their own work, distinctly testifies to the constitution of a world " pre-arranged for progress, externally spread with large choice of " conditions, and with internal provisions for seizing and realizing " the best." The life of every organized structure, from the lowest to the highest, consists in a series of physical interactions between itself and its environment; these interactions being maintained by certain physical forces, and requiring certain material supplies. The simplest Algal protophytes, under the influence of light and a DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 437 moderate degree of heat, can manufacture their own food out of the inorganic components of air and water \ and can thus flourish at all ordinary temperatures, wherever they can get an adequate supply of these elements. Most of the higher Plants, on the other hand, whilst still capable of generating out of air and water the organic materials which they require for their own sustenance, need also to be supplied with certain special mineral substances ; and will only flourish within certain limits of temperature. More- over, as Mr. Darwin has shown us, many of them require the agency of Insects for the fertilization of their ovules ; and cannot reproduce themselves by seeds where that agency is not supplied. But the aggregate of these physical conditions constitutes only a part of the cause of the Plant's growth : there must be an aptitude on the part of the organism itself to turn them to account ; and of the source of that aptitude, we at present know nothing whatever. Some Plants can adapt themselves in a much greater degree than others, to differences in external conditions; that adaptation involving some modification of their own structure. " What," said Professor Lindley, fifty years ago, " is a ' common ' plant, but " one which can grow and propagate itself in almost any kind of " soil, and under almost every range of temperature ; and what is " a 'rare' plant, but one which cannot flourish and produce seed, " except under certain special conditions ? " Every botanist knows that among our own wild plants, Rosa, Riibus, and Salix are alike the most "variable," and the most "common" types; " common," because they have the capacity for adapting them- selves to different conditions of growth ; " variable," because of the influence of those varying conditions upon their organization. Out of the forms of Rose, Bramble, and Willow, ranked as " varietal " by Mr. Bentham, our ablest student of them, previous systematists had created more than three hundred "species." Take, again, the influence of cultivation. There is no more remarkable example of the alteration produced by more abundant supply of food and more regulated temperature, than that ex- hibited in the development of the wild Brassica okracea, a rambling sea-shore plant, into the various kinds of cabbage, broccoli, and cauliflower. Why will not culture produce the like effect upon other plants ? It is (juile illogical to say that this transformation 433 NATURE AND MAN. has been the effect of " physical causes," when the most essential factor in that entire "aggregate of antecedents," which (according to J. S. Mill) constitutes the " cause," is the "unknown quantity" which we designate as the " constitution " of the organism itself As I have already pointed out, we do not get any nearer to the explanation of this constitution by tracing it backwards ancestrally; for supposing Rosa, Rubiis, Salix, and Brasska to have derived their respective peculiarities by " natural selection " from among previous varieties, the question recurs, — Whence those varietal modifications? No physical agencies can be assigned, at any stage whatever of the descent, as an adequate account of them ; since, for those agencies to take effect, there must have been a concurrent capacity for variation, either in the organism itself, or in its germ, in virtue of which its varietal forms were engendered. The necessity for this factor is evinced by the negative results of its deficiency, shown in the " rareness " of many wild plants, and the unconquerable resistance made by others to all improvement by cultivation. Precisely the same thing obtains in the Animal kingdom. The lowest Protozoa, of which Atnxba is the type, find in every pond the organic materials which they require for their sustenance ; and live and multiply under all ordinary ranges of temperature. But most Animals of high organization require particular kinds of food : some being purely carnivorous, others purely herbivorous ; whilst others, like Man, are omnivorous, and are thereby enabled to sustain themselves on a greater variety of alimentary sub- stances. So, again, all the higher types of Animals need an elevated temperature for the maintenance of their activity ; but while the " cold-blooded," as Insects and Reptiles, are entirely dependent upon the temperature of the medium they inhabit, and are therefore reduced to a state of torpidity by its depression, " warm-blooded " Birds and Mammals carry their heating-furnaces about with them, and are thus in a great degree independent of depressions in external temperature. Yet even with this advan- tage, we find the whole Quadrumanous order and the larger Carnivora, as well as the (existing) Elephant, Rhinoceros, and Hippopotamus, restricted to tropical or sub-tropical climates ; none of them being able to resist the winter cold of the temperate zone. DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 439 In striking contrast with their Hmitation of range is that of our " domesticated " animals, especially Dogs and Cats, Sheep and Oxen, Asses and Horses ; all of which possess more or less adap- tability to a wide range of climatic and other conditions, while the original (or supposed original) type of each becomes the subject of numerous varietal modifications. Some of these are distinctly adaptive, rendering the animals that exhibit them more fit to sustain themselves in the new conditions in which Man's agency (directly or indirectly exerted) has placed them ; whilst others are as distinctly ;w«-adaptive, rendering the animals less fit to maintain their existence if left to take care of themselves, although perpetuated by man's " artificial selection " as either useful or pleasing to himself. In these varying capabilities of particular races, then, we must recognize — no less than in the ordinary characters proper to each race — the constitutional factor which extends the range of some, and limits that of others, so that the physical agencies to which the former show themselves amenable, have no similar effect upon the latter. If we say that the unknown cause of the variability of the one, or of the invariability of the other, lies in the " properties " of the germ of each, — whether that of its immediate progenitor, or of the primordial ancestor of both, — we really get no nearer to an explanation of it, than we do by calling the former x and the latter J/. There is no family in the whole Mammalian series, of which the members are more closely similar in the essential parts of their conformation, than the Cat tribe ; the Lion, Tiger, Panther, Leopard, Puma, and Jaguar, differing in little else than stature and hairy covering, and the domestic Cat being but a reduced copy of the general type. What it was in its original wild state, is not certainly known ; many races of " wild cats " being pretty certainly descendants of the domesticated stock. In virtue, however, of its adaptabilility to a lower range of temperature Felts catus has established itself where neither Felis leo nor any other of the larger (existing) cats can keep itself alive ; but whence did it get this adaptability ? Suppose it to be replied, that, being a smaller species than the rest, it was very early brought under the influence of Man ; and that as the people who domesticated it extended themselves further and further north of their original 20 440 NATURE AND MAN. home, successive generations came to adapt themselves to greater and yet greater degrees of winter cold, — the question still recurs, whence this ancestral adaptability ? The influence of physical conditions in modifying the con- stitution is well known to be most strongly exerted during the earlier period of life ; for as long as the organism is in process of development, it will grow to its environment, as it will not do at a later epoch, when it will either resist or succumb. We are told by Sir Charles Lyell that the Cornish miners who went out some sixty years ago to work the Real del Monte mines in Mexico, took out some greyhounds to hunt the hares which abound on the elevated plateaux of that country ; but that, in consequence of the rarefied condition of the air, the dogs could not continue the chase, but lay down panting for breath. The offspring of those dogs, however, brought up at this elevation, were able to run down the hares as well as if both had been on a lower level. The con- stitution of the young dogs adapted itself to the environment in which they grew up ; but whence that adaptability ? We do not find it in any but living organisjtis ; no physical property gives the least account of it. The most remarkable example with which I am acquainted, of the effect of physical conditions in modifying the developmental process, is that which is seen in the economy of the Hive-bee. It is well known that whenever, from any cause, a community wants a queen, a worker-grub at an early stage is selected : a " royal cell " is constructed round it, several ordinary cells being de- molished for the purpose, and their contained grubs killed ; the selected grub is fed with " royal jelly " instead of with " bee- bread;" and (it seems probable) a higher temperature is main- tained by the incessant activity of the bees which cluster about the royal nursery. In due time a perfect " queen " comes forth, differing from the " worker " not merely in the completeness of its reproductive apparatus, but in the conformation of its jaws and antennae, the absence of " pollen-baskets " on the thighs, and yet more remarkably in its instincts. Now it is obviously no ex- planation of this extraordinary transformation to say that every worker grub is a " potential " queen ; because the attributing this " potentiality " to it is only another way of expressing the fact DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 441 that it can be so transformed. The existence of the "potentiality," and of the wonderful instinct that leads the worker bees to act upon it, are not less evidences of "design," because physical agencies are needed to call them into exercise. A familiar instance of adaptiveness between the conformation of animals and their environment, is the possession by Birds and Mammals inhabiting the Polar regions, of a tegumentary covering that serves to keep in the warmth of their bodies, the former being provided with an underclothing of down, the latter with a thick close fur ; whilst, on the contrary, many of the larger quadrupeds inhabiting the torrid zone show a marked deficiency, or even entire absence, of hairy covering. Now this is the more remarkable, because the ordinary effect of external warmth is to increase, and of external cold to diminish, the determination of blood to the skin ; of which we see the effects alike in the increase of perspiration, and in the more rapid growth of the hair and nails during summer. Yet I have myself seen in Southdown sheep, which had been transported only two years previously to the West Indies, the thick covering of wool replaced by short crisp hair, scarcely distinguishable from that of the goats which had inhabited the island for several generations ; and the hottest parts of the South American Pampas are inhabited by breeds of cattle (the descendants of those introduced by the Spaniards), of which some are nearly, and others quite, destitute of hair, and which cannot live in the more temperate air of the slopes of the Andes. It seems clear, then, that this adaptation results from some direct physical action of temperature on the constitution of the animals ; and yet (like the expansion of water in cooling from 392° to 32°) it is in direct opposition to a very general law. The same may be said of the winter whitening of the fur and plumage of Arctic Mammals and Birds. For although this (like the preceding) has been adduced as an example of "natural selection, " — the white varieties surviving because they escape being seen upon ground whitened by snow, — yet there must have been some cause for the production of the white varieties ; and it has been the experience of some of our Arctic voyagers, that the winter whitening could be retarded by keeping the 442 NATURE AND MAN. animals in a warm cabin, but took place in a few hours when they were put out into air whose temperature was considerably below zero. Supposing, then, that we could trace out all the physical con- ditions under which these adaptations come to be, we have still to account for the adaptiveness in the constitution of the anitnals which exhibit them. We find a singularly parallel case in that beautiful piece of human workmanship, — a clock or chronometer so constructed, as, by the accurate " compensation " of its pendulum or balance- wheel, to keep accurate time under all ordinary variations of climatic temperature. Surely we do not consider it a sufficient account of its self-adjustment, to attribute it to the physical action of heat or cold ; for this would disturb the performance of an ordinary clock or watch. We seek the explanation of its special "potentiality" in the compensating apparatus ; and we trace back the origin of this apparatus to the mind of its contriver. So, as it seems to me, however long may be the chain of " causation," or the series of " unconditional sequences," that may be traceable backwards in the ancestral history of any organized type, we come to a beginning of it, as to the first term of an arithmetical or geometrical progression ; and we have no less to account for the common beginning of the whole Organized Creation, with its unlimited possibilities of modification and adaptation, than if we had to account for the separate production of each type of Plant and Animal. I shall introduce one more curious illustration of my argument, from a department of inquiry well worthy of systematic study, — the influence of psychical conditions on the colour of animals. The advocates of " natural selection " as an all-sufficient explana- tion of the correspondence between the gorgeous hues of tropical Birds and Insects, and the brilliant foliage and blossoms of the trees in the midst of which they live, altogether neglect to tell us how those varieties came to be engendered, the conformity of whose colours to those of their environment made them the "fittest" to survive. The story of Jacob and Laban shows the antiquity of the belief that some influence exerted by the colour of the "environment" on the visual sense of the parents, affects DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 443 the colour of the progeny ; and this belief seems justified by modern observation. Thus, the Dingo, or wild dog of Australia (probably the descendant of some domesticated race originally introduced thither by man), has a uniform dull brown hue; but when the parents have been brought by domestication into a more varied environment, the pups vary in colour, — as has been often seen in the Zoological Gardens. The breeders of the polled Angus — a particular race of black cattle in Scotland — who make a great point of keeping up the perfect uniformity of their black- ness, getting rid of every individual that has even a single white foot — take care to have everything black about their farmsteads ; all the buildings are black, the horses are black, the dogs are black, the fowls are black. No breeder will have anything coloured or white about his place. Though no account can be given of the physiological action which makes these precautions effective (as they are asserted to be) in securing the desired result, yet I am strongly inclined to think that some influence of this kind is concerned in producing many singular correspondences between the surface aspect of Fishes and Crustacea inhabiting shallow waters, and the characters of the bottoms on which they live. Every angler for trout is familiar with variations of this kind ; and I have been assured of cases in which these fish, when transferred from one part of a stream to another, were found in no long time to have undergone a change in surface-markings, which gave them the same conformity to the new bottom as they previously had to the old. I once found in a pool on the sea- shore some small Fishes and shrimp-like Crustaceans, the hue of whose surface so exactly resembled that of the yellow sand speckled with black that formed the bottom and sides of the pool, that the closest watching scarcely enabled me to distinguish them ; and I found, on microscopic examination of their respective in- teguments, that their coloration was due in both alike to the presence of large yellow pigment-cells, with small black ones interspersed. Hence, even if we attribute this singularly close adaptation to "natural selection," we have just as much to account for the development of the peculiar pigmentation in the variety — alike of the Jish and of the Crustacean — that exhibited it, as if we believed these animals to have been originally created with it, 444 NATURE AND MAN. And if we prefer to believe, as I am myself disposed to do, that in all these instances the colour of the environment is reproduced by some sort of physiological reflexion in the integument of the animal (the psychical impression, as in numerous other cases, re- acting in a physical change), we have still to account for the peculiarity of constitution which made those particular races amenable to that influence. I trust that I have now satisfied you of the validity of the position I took up in the first instance, that " natural selection " does not — as has been affirmed — effectually dispose of the telea- logical argument, by reducing adaptiveness to an accidental conformity between the capacities of the "fittest" and the ex- ternal conditions of their existence. That conformity cannot exist, unless the beings possessed of it have previously come into existence. There is no such thing as "accidental" variation. A departure from the rule that " like produces like," never takes place without a cause. If it should happen that a variation is — under the circumstances — injurious rather than beneficial, it would not be right to call it " aimless ; " for it may be no less perfectly adapted to conditions which exist elsewhere, than is that variation which gives to the race that possesses it an advantage in the struggle for existence. If a Highland cow were to produce a hairless calf which could not stand the winter cold, or a Pampas cow were to bear a calf with a thick shaggy covering of hair which would unfit it for its tropical habitat, none the less should we recognize the general adaptiveness between each race and its climatic environment, and see the evidence of "design" in the provision for thus peopHng almost every country in which Man can maintain his existence, with races of Oxen serving for his support. I have now, in fine, to ask you to follow me through an entirely different line of argument. All the variations among which "natural selection" can be shown to have any effective operation, have reference to comparatively insignificant modifi- cations of structure. Let us grant, for the sake of argument, that all past and present modifications of the original Bird type may have thus arisen. But on the mode in which that singularly DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 445 specialized type came into existence, — in which that most won- derful feature of its organization, the feather, arose out of the scaly covering of its Reptilian ancestors, — in which its heart came to be divided into four chambers instead of three, and the arrange- ment of its blood-vessels altered accordingly, in the establishment of the " complete double circulation," that insures the perfect aeration of the blood needed for the maintenance of the extra- ordinary muscular energy by which the feathered wings can sustain the body in flight, — I cannot see that " natural selection " throws the least light There is, as I have already pointed out, an adaptation in the several parts of the structure of the Bird, not only to one general result, but to a consentaneous action in bringing about that result, which shows itself to be more complete, the more closely it is scrutinized. And on the hypothesis of "natural selection" among "aimless" variations, I think it could be shown that the probability is infinitely small, that the pro- gressive modifications required in the structure of each individual organ to convert a Reptile into a Bird, could have taken place without disturbing the required harmony in their combined action ; nothing but intentional pre-arrangement being competent to bring about such a result. And the point on wliich I now wish to fix your attention, is the evidence of such pre-arrange- ment that is furnished by \\\q orderly sequence of variations allowing definite lines of advance, I shall illustrate this, in the first place, by a general outline of a Memoir which I last year presented to the Royal Society, in which I embodied the final results (as relating to this subject) of an inquiry on which I had been engaged for forty years into the organization of the Foraminifera ; a group of marine animals of the simplest protoplasmic nature, which yet form for themselves shelly coverings of singular regularity and complexity of structure, the aggregation of whose remains forms many important Lime- stone strata (as the Nummulitic limestone of which the Pyramids are built, and the Miliolite limestone which has furnished the chief building material of Paris), whilst Chalk is a product of their disintegration. My studies of this group began with a compara- tively gigantic type called the Orbitolite ; which is a shelly disk, sometimes attaining the diameter of an inch, living at the present 446 NATURE AND MAN. time on the coast of Australia, the Fiji reefs, and other Pacific shores, and found fossil in the early Tertiary limestones of the north of France, one bed of which is in great degree formed of an accumulation of disks very similar to those now piling them- selves up near its Antipodes. 1 was supplied, moreover, with a series of smaller disks (chiefly picked out of shore-sands), down to an almost microscopic minuteness, but agreeing with the larger in this fundamental feature of their structure, — the arrangement Fig. I. Shelly Disk of Orbltolifes complanata, showing concentric rings of chamberlets, arranged round a central nucleus. of their mutually connected " chamberlets " in successive circles round a central "nucleus," their plan of growth being thus ry^r/zW. This plan is most fully carried out in typical specimens of the large Orbitolites complanata (Fig. I.) ; in which the " sarcodic nucleus," consisting of a flask-shaped " primordial segment," a, Fig. IL, and of a "circumambient segment," b, b\ c, is at once surrounded by a complete ring of sub-segments, separately budded DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 447 Fig. II. Central Portion of Animal Body of Orbit oliles com- planata. off from it ; successive rings, with constantly increasing numbers of sub-segments, being in like manner budded off around the outer border of their predecessors, sometimes to the number of loo. The shell, moulded upon this composite body, thus ac- quires the very regular discoidal form shown in Fig. I. ; and its vertical thickness usually increases from its centre towards its circumference. A vertical section of the disk (Fig. III., 2) shows that the chamberlets visible on its two surfaces form two super- ficial layers, which communicate with continuous annular galleries that lie just beneath them (Fig. III., 3, d' , d"), every chamberlet, a, opening at each end into one of these galleries; whilst the intermediate part of the disk is occupied by columnar chamberlets (b, b), which open at either end into the annular galleries, and are connected with each other by several ranges of oblique passages {e, e,f,f). The passages proceeding outwards from the last-formed ring, open on the margin of the disk as pores arranged in more or less regular vertical series (Fig. III., i) ; and these pores constitute the only means of communi- cation between the complicated cavitary system of the disks, and the surrounding waters from which the animal that inhabits them draws its nutriment. The substance of this animal is apparently altogether protoplasmic. Notwithstanding this complexity in the structure of the disk, there is not the least trace of differentiation in the contents of the several series of chamberlets. On the contrary, there is every reason to believe that a continuous inter- change must be always going on between the protoplasmic sub- stance of the central and that of the peripheral parts of the disk ; so that the nutriment taken in by the " pseudopodial " extensions which the latter puts forth through the marginal pores, may be diffused through the whole multiple series of sub-segments, of which the body of this organism consists. This I characterized as the "complex" type of Orbitolite structure. The minute disks picked out of shore-sands, however, were 448 NATURE AND MAN. found to present a much simpler plan of structure ; the chamber- lets being arranged in a single plane around the central nucleus, / cr. ^^^^^'^^^^'%''':S^'^^^^^ Fig. III. Structure of Shelly Disk of Orbiioliies complanata. 1. Edge of Disk, showing multiple series of marginal pores. 2. Vertical Section, showing two superficial planes of chamberlets, separated by intermediate columnar structure. 3. Internal Structure : — a, superficial chamberlets ; b, b, columnar chamber- lets of intermediate layer ; c, floors of superficial chamberlets, showing the opening at each end into the annular gallery beneath ; d, annular galleries cut transversely ; d', d", annular galleries laid open longitudinally ; e e,ff, oblique stolon passages of the intermediate layer. those of each ring being connected by a single annular gallery. DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 449 and their openings at the margin forming but a single row of pores (Fig. IV., i, 3, 4). The arrangement of the first-formed chamberlets, moreover, presented a single departure from the cyclical plan, showing a distinctly ^/"/V^/ disposition (Fig. IV., 2); the mouth of the spire, however, rapidly opening out by successive Fig. IV. Disk of Simple Type of OrbitoUtc. 1. Surface of Disk, showing later growth of concentric rings of chamberlets around a first-formed spire. 2. Central portion enlarged. 3. Edge of Disk, showing single row of marginal pores. 4. Vertical Section, showing succession of chamJjerlets communicating with each other radially by passages in the annular partitions, and laterally by the annular canals, whose sections are seen as dark spots. additions, so as to enclose the " nucleus " ; after which all suc- ceeding additions were complete rings, so that the cyclical plan 450 NATURE AND MAN. came to be completely established. This I designated as the " simple " type of OrbitoUte structure. I was further able to show that these two typical forms were connected by a gradational series of connecting links ; the forma- tion of disks of the "complex" type often commencing on a plan resembling that of the " simple ; " and the change from the latter to the former taking place, not at any fixed epoch of growth, but after a variable number of rings had been formed, sometimes abruptly, sometimes more gradually, in the manner to be presently detailed. And I also found that the inner rings of even the largest "complex" disks, if their early growth had taken place on the "simple" type, were not complete, but showed a tendency to one-sided and therefore spiral growth, like that seen in Fig. VI., 3. Reflecting on the relations of these highly specialized Forami- niferal types to the simpler forms of the Milioline group, to which (in virtue of the " porcellanous " character of their shells) I referred them, I ventured to construct a hypothetical pedigree; tracing their descent (Fig. V.) from the particle of protoplasm that forms the spheroidal chamber in which every Forarainiferal shell begins, first to an open undivided spiral (i) ; then to a type in which the spire is constricted at intervals (2) ; then to a type in which it is completely divided into chambers by transverse par- titions (3) ; then to a type in which the spirally arranged chambers are divided by longitudinal partitions into chamberlets (4) ; then to the "simple " type oi orbitolites, in which the spiral plan of growth gives place to the cyclical (5); then to an "intermediate" type, in which the original spiral alm.ost disappears (6) ; and finally to the "complex" type, in which the plan is cyclical from the beginning (7). This hypothetical pedigree has found its complete confirmation in a deep-sea OrbitoUte of extraordinary delicacy and beauty, which was brought up in the Porcupine Expedition of 1S69. For this little disk, about the size of a fourpenny piece, while for the most part truly cyclical, has a long succession of inner chamberlets arranged upon the spiral plan, as in Oi-hiadina ; these, again, arise from expanded but undivided chambers, like those of a Peneroplis; and these chambers are the continuation of a spiral tube, with occasional constrictions, resembling that of a Spirolo- DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 451 Fig. V. Diagram illustrating the Pedigree of the Complex type of Orbitolite, Simple undivided Spire of Coniuspii-a. Partially interrupted Spire of Spiroloculina. Spire of Peneroplis, divided by partitions into chambers. Spire of Orbkiilina, its chambers divided into rows of chamberlets. Disk of "simple" Orbitolite, showing first-formed spire, surrounded by concentric rings. 6. Disk of "duplex" Orbitolite, showing earlier passage from spiral to cyclical plan of growth. 7. Central portion of Disk of "complex" Orbitolite, in which the cham- bered nucleus alone shows an abbreviated spire, the very first row of chamber- lets forming a complete ring. I. 2. 3- 4- 5- 452 J^'ATURE AND 31 AN. aiHfia, coiling continuously round a primordial chamber, as in Cornuspira. Thus, in this interesting organism we find permanently represented the whole developmental history of the " simple " type of Orbitolite from the primordial jelly-speck. The large Challenger collection of Orbitolites, made on the Fiji reef, has furnished me with the means of still more completely working out the transition from the "simple" to the "complex" type; a distinctly inter- mediate type there presenting itself in great abundance. This, which I term the "duplex" type (Fig. VL, i), resembles the "simple" in having its annular series of chamberlets disposed in a single plane, and in the connection of the chamberlets of each ring by a single annular canal ; but differs in having its successive rings connected by a double series of radial passages, which issue on the edge of the disk (Fig. VI., 2) as marginal pores. The columnar sub-segments, a a', b b\ of each ring are strung, as it were, on the annular cord, c c' ; and this sends off an upper and a lower series of stolon-processes, d d, d'd', which pass into the upper and lower halves of the sub-segments of the next ring. — The plan of growth in the first-formed portion, shown in Fig. VL, 3, is singularly intermediate between that of the "simple" and that of the " complex " type. The regular spire of the former is now reduced to the single turn made by the " circumambient segment," b b, round the "primordial segment" a ; but a partial continuance of the same plan is shown in the incompleteness of the first two or three rings of sub-segments ; these being budded forth from only half of the " circumambient segment," instead of from its whole periphery, as in the typical "complex" Orbitolite (¥\g. II.). Yet even in large disks, whose later growth is characteristically " com- plex," the nucleus and earlier rings are often formed on the " duplex " plan, which passes into the " complex " in the manner to be now described. Believing, with Sir James Paget, that " the highest laws of "biological science are expressed in their simplest terms in the " lives of the lowest orders of creation," I shall now ask you to follow me through a detailed examination of the transition from one type to the other ; as shown in Fig. VII., which represents a vertical section, taken in a radial direction, of one of those large "complex" disks whose life was commenced on the plan of the DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 453 " simple." The first-formed series of chamberlets (w, w^, m^, m^, m*) exactly correspond with those of the "simple" type (Fig. IV., liPH^^Si Fig. VI. 1. Disk of Duplex type of OrbitoUte. 2. Edge of Disk, showing double row of marginal pores. 3. Central portion of Sarcode body : — a, primordial segment ; b, circum- ambient segment, budding off a half-ring of sub-segments, from uhich complete rings are afterwards formed. 4. Portion of the Sarcodic body of one ring ; a a! and b //, the two halves of the columnar suli-segments in connection with c c', the annular cord ; from this are given off the pairs of stolon-processes d d' , d d' , which connect it with the sub-segments of the next annulus. 454 NATURE AND MAN. 4), constituting but a single plane ; those of each series being connected together by a single continuous annular gallery (shown in cross-section at (ac, ac), while those of each series are connected with those of the next by single radial passages (r, r, r), which, as each annulus was formed, would open at its outer edge as a single row of marginal pores. Bat these are surrounded by rings {d, d}, cP) in which, while the annular canal is still single, two radial passages (r) go off from it obliquely, one into the upper and the other into the lower portion of each chamberlet of the next annular series, those of the last-formed annulus showing them- selves at its edge as a double row of marginal pores. From this "duplex" type, the first advance towards the "complex" is shown at e, e^, in the splitting, so to speak, of each annular canal into two {ac, ac'\ and the interposition of a columnar cavity {m, in) between its two halves. Now, in the inner (or earlier-formed) of the annuli which show this complication {e^ e^), the two series of chamberlets {s s, s' s') which lie between the two annular canals and the two surfaces of the disk, are continuous with the inter- mediate columnar chamberlets, and bear the same relation to their respective annular canals as in the " duplex " type, each being connected with one canal only ; and this stage of differentiation characterizes the Orbitolites of the French Tertiaries, which seem to have attained their full growth without any advance upon it. But in the large Orbitolite disks of Australia and Fiji, I find this simpler arrangement giving place to a more complicated one (/, /I, /^, /^) ; the chamberlets of the two superficial layers being separated from those of the intermediate layer, and being so shifted in position, that each annular series lies over the interval between two annular canals, and communicates with both of them ; while the sarcodic body which occupies this cavitary system thus comes to have the more complicated arrangement shown in Fig. VIII. With the increase in the thickness of the intermediate layer, the double row of marginal pores of the " duplex " type gives place to the multiple series (Fig. VII., ;;//) of the "complex." Now it seems to me impossible not to recognize the fact, that the evolution of this type has taken place along a definite course ; every stage being one oi progress, and each being (so to speak) a preparation for the next. This, perhaps, will be most clearly seen DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 455 Fig. VII. Diagrammatic representation of the transition from the " simple " to the " complex " plan of growth, as shown in vertical section, from the primordial and circumambient chambers {c p c') of the centre, to the margin, whose pores are shown at mp. The chambers ;;/, wS m'^, m^, m^, are all formed upon the smple type (as in Fig. IV., 4), and show at ac, ac, the cross sections of the annular canals, which connect all the chamberlets of one ring, and at r, r, r, the radial passages connecting the successive annuli. The chambers d, d^, d^, are formed upon the duplex type ; the annular canals, ac, ac, being single, but the radial passages r being double. The chambers e, e\ show two annular canals ac, ac, between which is interposed a columnar chamberlet, continuous with the two superficial chamberlets s s'. In the chambers /, f^,p,p, to the margin, which are all formed on the fully-developed complex type, the upper and under superficial chamberlets ss,s' s', are completely cut off from the intermedi-ite columnar portion, and, by a shifting of their position, each is made to communicate with two annular canals. w^-- Hm S| V. ■-.I ^UL^l /I iry-y^^'- m¥ m J I 456 NATURE AND MAN. by looking at the progressive complication in the structure of the sarcodic body on which the shell is modelled. First, we have a simple pear-shaped particle, extending itself into a cord that lies in a continuous spiral around it, with constrictions at intervals. This spire flattens out ; and then, by the formation of transverse partitions, traversed by pores, the successive additions become segmentally separated from each other, though mutually connected by sarcodic extensions. Next, these segments undergo a further division into sub-segments : all those forming each row being strung (as it were) on a continuous sarcodic cord, which connects them laterally ; while the successive rows are connected, as before, by radial " stolon processes," those of the last-formed row issuing forth through the marginal pores, as the pseudopodia, through which nutriment is absorbed for the entire body. Then, by the opening out of the spire, the lateral connecting cords become complete rings, from which the radial stolon-processes are given off; and the future increase of the "simple" type consists in the formation of new circular series of sub-segments, each strung, as it were, on its own annular cord. Now, the advance towards the " complex " type is prepared for, so to speak, by the sending forth of two sets of radial stolon-processes instead of one ; — a change which, taken by itself, is meaningless, since every one who is familiar with the variability of the Rhizopodal type (especially as exhibited in the transitional forms between Peneroplis and De?i- dritina) knows that it cannot make any difference to the animal whether its pseudopodia issue from the margin of the disk, through a single or through a double row of pores ; but which is full of meaning when regarded as a preparation for that splitting of each annular cord into two, in which the transition from the " simple " to the " complex " type essentially consists. Every annulus of the body of the latter consists of a series of columnar segments (Fig. VIII., e e, e' e'), passing at each end into an annular cord {a a', b b'), and communicating with the series internal and external to it, by oblique stolon-passages, the number of which is related to the length of the columns ; this again, determining the thickness of the calcareous disk which is modelled upon them. The sub-segments of the two superficial layers {c c, d d) do not communicate with each other ; but those of each circlet are con- DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 457 nected (as already described) with the two annular cords that lie beneath. And by this elaborate arrangement, every part of the minutely subdivided protoplas- mic body which occupies the minutely sub-divided cavity of these disks, is brought into con- tinuous relation with every other part, and with the peripheral an- nulus whose marginal pores con- stitute the only access through which nutriment can reach it from without. I might further illustrate my argument that we have here the obvious indication of a pre- arranged plan, by the remark- able provision made, not merely for the reparation of injuries, but for the restoration of the typical form when the disk has been so much broken as to destroy that form completely. Even a broken-off marginal frag- ment may give origin to a new Fig. VIII. Portion of Sarcodic body of Com- plex Orbitolite : — a a', b b' , upper and lower annular cords of two con- centric zones ; c c, upper layer of superficial sub-segments ; d d, the lower layer ; e e and e' e\ interme- diate columnar sub-segments of the two zones, giving off oblique stolon- processes. disk ; its sarcodic body extend- ing itself all round it, so as to form a continuous band ; and this forming a complete annulus of chamberlets, round which new annuli are successively added. In the Life-history of the perfected type, then, we can clearly trace a sequence which runs exactly parallel to what we have reason to regard as its Evolutionary history, and, in addition, a provision for the maintenance of the/^//(?(;"/(!'^mode! ; the reparative process being carried on — alike in the " simple," the "duplex," and the " complex " types — upon the plan characteristic of each. But my special reason for dwelling upon this "instance" (as Bacon would call it) is, that the influence of Natural Selection 458 NATURE AND MAN. would here seem to be excluded by the fact that the whole series of ancestral forms through which the most elaborately constructed Orbitolite now existing may be assumed to have passed, continue to live and flourish at the present time. The very same dredging may bring up shells of Cormispira, constructed upon the undivided spiral plan shown in Fig. V., i ; shells of Spiroloculina, in which the spiral is partially interrupted by rudimentary partitions, as at 2 ; shells of Peneroplis, in which the partitions are complete, bu traversed by pores, as at 3 ; shells of Orbiculina, in which the peneropline chambers are divided into chamberlets, the plan of growth still remaining spiral, as at 4 ; and shells of the three types of cyclically growing Orbitolites 5, 6, 7. As already stated, the condition of the sarcodic body undergoes no corre- sponding advance \ that of the most " complex " Orbitolite being as homogeneous or undifferentiated as that of the simple Cornuspira. There is no evidence whatever of any " struggle for existence " or " survival of the fittest " ; all showing themselves equally fit to survive. All " variation " seems to have taken place in such a definite direction, as to evolve calcareous fabrics of ever-increasing complexity ; but this complexity can scarcely give any advantage to the organisms which have attained it, these being fully as incapable as the simpler forms of escaping from their enemies by movement, and showing no such differences of aspect as would enable them to elude observation. In fact, the Fishes and larger Crustaceans which would probably be their chief destroyers, would be likely to be most attracted by the larger disks of the " com- plex" type; while the younger specimens of that type, being indistinguishable except by the Microscopist from full-grown specimens of the "simple" and " duplex" types, are not likely to be passed over by any hungry destroyer that might find these latter of more suitable dimensions. The last remark I have to make in relation to this noteworthy " instance," is that its value is not in the least degree lessened by the fact that the evolutionary process seems to be dependent upon physical agencies. The Orbitolite type (as at present known to us) flourishes best in tropical or sub-tropical seas ; the largest " complex " forms yet discovered being found on the Fiji reefs ; while the smallest " simple " forms only extend as far north as DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 459 the Mediterranean, — with the singular exception of the deep-sea type found to the west of Ireland, which is probably a survival from the warmer climate of some former epoch. And among the specimens collected by the C/ialienger on the Fiji reef, I have found a marked difference ; all the most highly-developed forms of the " complex " type having been found near the surface, where the temperature is the highest, and the supply of food most abundant. But it can no more be said that these physical agencies produced the advance, than that heat can viake a chick out of the yolk and white of an egg, without a germ to appro- priate and build up these materials. These physical agencies supply only the conditions required for the evolutionary process, — the source or spring of which is in the germ itself As Natural Selection gives no account of the changes in the plan of groivth which constitute so marked a feature in the evo- lutionary history of the Orbitolite, so, as it seems to me, it gives no explanation of the appearance of nciv organs : the complete possession of which fits their possessors for a higher condition of existence, and accords with other modifications that enable them to take advantage of it- but which, in their rudimentary state, cannot be conceived to be of any service to animals altogether framed upon a less advanced type, and continuing to live in accordance with lower conditions. And I shall take, as a suitable "instance," what is known as the "swimming bladder" of the Fish, which is an earlier form of the organ that becomes a lung in air-breathing Vertebrata. In the Vertebrate series we pass by a succession of stages from the Fish, with gills fitted only for aquatic respiration, to the Reptile which is fitted only for aerial respiration : the intermediate being the true Amphibia, which, as regards their respiratory apparatus, are fish in their early stage, and reptiles in the complete stage ; some of them retaining their gills even after the development of their lungs, so as to be able to live either in air or in water. Now, the first rudiment of a "swimming bladder" that we meet with in Fishes, is a little diverticulum or pouch opening off from the pharynx or gullet ; and this extends itself in many cases so as to become a bag or sac, lying along the spine, but entirely cut off, by the closure of its neck, from any communication with the 46o NATURE AND MAN. gullet. Such fish cannot take into it any air from the outside ; so that the air which is found in the sac in some instances, would seem to have been secreted from the blood. It is commonly sup- posed that the fish uses this bladder for so regulating its specific gravity as to rise or sink in the water ; but there is no adequate basis for this hypothesis. For there is no muscular structure in the bag to cause it to increase or diminish in size ; and there is no outside arrangement of muscles that can be conceived to answer this purpose. Moreover, when deep-sea Fish, having a closed swimming-bladder, are brought to the surface, their swim- ming-bladders burst in consequence of the removal of external pressure, and the fish are killed. The most singular thing is, that there are genera of fish, the Scomber (or Mackerel tribe) for instance, of which some species have a swimming-bladder, and others none ; and it cannot be affirmed that the latter are less able to swim at different depths than the former. This swimming- bladder, in certain other forms of fish, retains its original com- munication with the pharynx ; and air can then pass into it from the outside. Carp in ponds are often seen to swallow air; and you may occasionally see gold-fish, which are a kind of carp, coming to the surface of the water of the globes in which they are kept, discharging air-bubbles and taking in a fresh supply. It seems pretty certain, then, that there are fish which use this rudi- mentary lung really for the purpose of respiration ; certainly the Ganoid fishes do, which are a most important group in the evolu- tionary series, connecting Fishes with Reptiles. Now, of the first appearance of this organ, and of its develop- ment into a closed air-bladder, it seems to me that Natural Selec- tion gives no account whatever. Let it be supposed that the pharyngeal pouch "formed itself" in some ancestral fish as an "aimless" variation; how can it be conceived to have been of such service to the animals which possessed it, that they beat others in the struggle for existence, — when we do not find this to be the case even with the fully-developed swimming-bladder? And how can we account for the progressive elongation of the pouch into a closed swimming-bladder, if, in this condition, it is of no use to its possessors ? To me it seems as if the whole evolutionary history of this organ plainly poii ts to its ulterior DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 461 development into an organ for atmospheric respiration; and is unmeaning if not so viewed. So, again, we may trace a remarkable uniformity in the line of progress from the lower to the higher forms of pulmonary apparatus. The purpose which the lung has to serve being the exposure of the blood to the air over an extended surface, that extension must be proportionate to the demand for aeration set up by the muscular activity and temperature-standard of the animal. The swimming-bladder of the Fish, even when used for atmospheric respiration, is a simple, undivided sac, or, as in the Ganoids, a pair of such sacs. The lung of the Frog has its internal surface increased by its extension into a number of little pockets in the upper part of the principal cavity. The same is the case in the Snake, and in many other Reptiles ; each lung having a large undivided cavity, with diverticula in its walls, over the extended surface of which the blood-vessels are minutely dis- tributed. In some of the higher Reptiles, as the Crocodile, the cavity of the lung exhibits an incipient subdivision. In the lung of Man, as of Mammals generally, an extraordinary increase is given to the extent of aerating surface, by the excessively minute subdivision of the cavity into air-cells ; of which thousands are clustered round the end of each terminal twig of the bronchial tree. But this increase would be without effect, if there were not at the same time a most elaborate provision in the skeleton of the trunk, in the disposition of its muscles, and in the mode in which these are acted on by the nervous apparatus, for alter- nately filling and emptying the lungs, so as to take in fresh sup- plies of oxygen for the aeration of the blood, and to get rid of the carbonic acid which it gives off. The chief feature in this pro- vision is the enclosure of the lungs in a distinct cavity (that of the chest) cut off from the abdomen by a muscular partition — the diaphragm ; the contraction of which, by increasing the capacity of the chest, produces an in-rush of air down the air-passages, which penetrates to the remotest parts of the minutely-subdivided cavity of the lungs. By no other action could the air contained in that cavity be so effectually renewed. Thus the pulmonary apparatus of the Mammal is the most perfect form that could be devised for obtaining the highest amount of respiratory power within the smallest compass. 462 NATURE AND MAN. But the Bird requires a yet more active respiration than the Mammal : being far higher in point of animal activity. It must put forth far more muscular power in proportion to its size, in order to raise itself in the air; and it must be able to sustain that power for a great length of time. Its animal energy can only be kept up by the maintenance of a higher temperature. All this involves a much larger consumption of oxygen, and a greater production of carbonic acid. Hence you would suppose that if " natural selection " had in any way worked out the respi- ratory apparatus of a Bird, it would be a more highly organized instrument than that of a Mammal. So far, however, is this from being the case, that the lung of the Bird is really formed upon the lower plan of the lung of the Reptile. Instead of having the minutely subdivided air-cells of the Mammalian lung, the lung of the Bird is an aggregation of little lunglets, each resembling the entire lung of the Frog ; and instead of the provision made in the general structure of the Mammal for the constant renewal of the air in the cavity of the lungs, we find the diaphragm absent, and the bony framework of the trunk so firmly knit together (thus affording fixed attachments for the powerful muscles of flight) as to be incapable of the movement which our ribs and sternum perform in aid of the action of the diaphragm. How, then, is the more active respiration required by the Bird provided for ? Just as in the Insect, to which Birds have so many analogies, — by the extension of the respiratory surface through the body generally. The long bones, instead of being filled with marrow, are hollow ; and their cavities are connected with each other and with that of the lung on either side : there are also air-sacs dis- posed in various parts, which probably take a share in the same action. Further, by the elasticity of the framework of the trunk, the lungs are kept full of air, the state of emptiness being forced ; so that when they have been compressed by a muscular effort, they fill themselves again spontaneously as soon as the pressure is relaxed. Thus, looking at the general plan of the respiratory apparatus, we find it undergoing a uniformly progressive elevation of type, as we pass from the Fish to the Reptile, from the Reptile to the Bird, and from the Bird to the Mammal. But if there was no pre- DESIGN IN THE ORGANIC WORLD. 463 ordained plan, if this advance resulted from mere " accidental " variations, we should have expected that some Bird would have been evolved by " natural selection " with the lung of the Mammal ; and that this form, by the survival of the fittest, would have established itself to the exclusion of the lower type. On the contrary, without any advance on the lower plan of Ornithic struc- ture, an extension has been given to its respiratory surface, which supplies all the needs of the most actively flying Bird, and makes that apparatus as perfect, in its relation to the general plan, as if that apparatus had been exceptionally raised to a higher grade of development. Here then, as in the preceding instance, we seem justified in the conclusion that, as the doctrine of Natural Selection out of an endless diversity of " aimless " variations fails to account for that general consistency of the advance along definite lines of progress which is manifested in the history of evolution (the two cases I have brought before you being merely samples of an immense aggregate, whose cumulative force seems to me irresistible), it leaves untouched the evidence of Design in the original scheme of the Organized Creation ; while it transfers the idea of that Design from the particular to the general, making all the special cases of adaptation the foreknown results of the adoption of that general Order which we call Law. — As Dr. Martineau has pertinently asked, " If it takes mind to construe the world, how can it require "the negation of mmd to constitute it.?" Science, being the intellectual interpretation of Nature, cannot possibly disprove its origin in Mind ; and, if rightly pursued, leads us only to a higher comprehension of the " bright designs," a more assured recog- nition of the working of the " sovereign will," of its Divine Author. 21 APPENDIX. LIST OF DR. CARPENTER'S WRITINGS.* 1835-^ I, 2. On the Structure and Functions of the Organs of 1836. J Respiration in the Animal and Vegetable King- doms {West of England Journal, October, 1835; January, 1836). 1836. 3. A Sketch of the Present State of our Knowledge of the Laws of Chemical Combination, with some of their more Important Applications {Ibid., January). 1837. 4. Oration delivered before the Members of the Royal Medical Society of Edinburgh, at the Celebration of their Centenary, February 17, 1837. 5. On the Voluntary and Instinctive Actions of Living Beings (communicated to the Royal Medical Society, March 23 ; printed in the Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal, No. 132). 6. On Unity of Function in Organized Beings (com- municated to the Royal Medical Society, April 14; printed in the Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, . July). 7. Lindley, Henslow, De Candolle, Treviranus, Raspail, on Vegetable Physiology {British and Foreign Medical Review, July). 1838-54. 8-1 1. Principles of General and Comparative Phy- * This list does not include occasional letters to newspapers on controversial matters ; and it is possible that sundry early articles in various reviews, cyclo- piedias, etc., have not been traced. 463 APPENDIX. siology. Second edition, 1842 ; third edition, 185 1 ; fourth edition, 1854. 1838. 12. Hall, Grainger, Mayo, on the Physiology of the Spinal Marrow {British and Foreign Medical Re- viezu, April). 13. Physiology an Inductive Science {Ibid., April). 14. On the Differences of the Laws regulating Vital and Physical Phenomena (Prize Essay, Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, April ). 15. Macilwain's Medicine and Surgery {British and Foreign Medical Review, July). 1839. 16. Inaugural Dissertation on the Physiological Infer- ences to be deduced from the Structure of the Nervous System in the Invertebrate Classes of Animals (Prize Thesis). 17. Hunter, Macartney, Rasori, Carswell, on Inflamma- tion {British afid Foreign Medical Review, April ; the portion relating to Hunter is marked, " Not by W. B. C"). 1839-47. 18-20. Articles on '^Life," "Microscope," "Nutri- tion" (Todd's CyclopcBdia of Anatomy and Phy- siology). 1840. 21. The Claims of Bell, Majendie, Mayo, etc., to Dis- coveries in the Nervous System {British and Foreign Medical Review, January). 22. Dubois on Medical Study : Preliminary Education {Ibid., April). 23. Dubois and Jones on Medical Study : Principles of Medical Education {Ibid., July). 1841. 24. Alison, Bushnan, Swainson, on Intellect {Ibid.., January). 25. Graham, Thomson, Daniell, Daubeny, on the recent Progress of Chemical Philosophy {Ibid., January). 26. Valentin on the Functions of Nerves {Ibid., April). 27. Outline of a Philosophical History of the Repro- ductive Function in Plants and Animals {Edinburgh Monthly Journal of Medical Science^ APPENDIX. 469 1841-44. 28-31. Popular Cyclopaedia of Natural Science, 5 vols. The Treatises composing this series were after- wards reissued separately : Mechanical Philosophy, Horology, and As- tronomy, 1857. Zoology, 2 vols, (edited by W. S. Dallas, F.L.S.), 1857. Vegetable Physiology (edited by Edwin Lan- kester, M.D., F.R.S.), 1858. Animal Physiology, 1859. 1842-55. 32-36. Principles of Human Physiology. Second edition, 1844; third edition, 1846; fourth edition, 1852 ; fifth edition, 1855. (The sixth edition appeared in 1864, under the editorship of Mr. Power; the ninth in 1881). 1842. 37. Liebig's Animal Chemistry {British and Foreign Medical Reviezv, October). 1843. 38. On the Origin and Functions of Cells, being Part II. of a Report on the Results obtained by the Use of the Microscope in the Study of Anatomy and Physiology {Ibid., January). 39. On the Minute Structure of the Skeletons or Hard Parts of Invertebrata {Proceedings of the Royal Society, January). 40. On the Microscopic Structure of Shells {British Association Report, August). 41. General Results of Microscopic Inquiries into the Minute Structure of the Skeletons of MoUusca, Crustacea, and Echinodermata {Annals and Maga- zine of Natural History, December). 1844. 42. Hall and Newport on the Reflex Function of Animals {British and Foreign Medical Review, January). 43. Report on the Microscopic Structure of Shells {British Association Report, September), 44. On the Structure of the Animal Basis of the Common Egg-Shell, and of the Membrane surrounding the Albumen {Transactions of the Microscopical Society, October 19). 470 APPENDIX. 1845. 45 46- 1846- -65. 1846. 68. 1847. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73- 74- 75> 77- 78. 1847- 49. 1848. 83- Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation {British and Foreign Medical Review, January). -63. On the Harmony of Science and ReHgion (eighteen papers in the Inquirer newspaper, March 22 to August 16). 64-67. Manual of Physiology. Second edition, 1851 ; third edition, 1856 ; fourth edition, 1865. Noble on the Brain and its Physiology {BritisJi and Foreign Medical Revieiv, October). Moreau's Psychological Studies on Hachish and Mental Derangement {British and Foreign Medico- Chirurgical Review, January). Matteucci on the Physical Phenomena of Living Beings {Ibid., April). Professor Owen on the Comparative Anatomy and Physiology of the Vertebrate Animals {Ibid., April). Report on the Microscopic Structure of Shells {British Association Report, June). On Piiotography applied to Microscopic Objects {Ibid., Part H., June). Dr Mayo on the Relations of Insanity, Crime, and Punishment {British and Foreign Medico-Chirurgical Review, July). 76. Dr. Prichard on the Physical and Natural His- tory of Mankind {Ibid., July and October). Flourens, Sharpey, Tomes, on the Formation of Bone {Ibid., October). An Inquiry into the Effects of Alcoholic Drinks on the Human System in Health and Disease {Ibid.., October). 79-82. Articles on "Secretion," "Shell," "Sleep," " Smell " (Todd's Cyclopczdia of Anatomy and PJiysiology). Dalyell, Sars, Dujardin, and Van Beneden, on the Development and Metamorphosis of Zoophytes {British and Foreign Medico-Chirurgical Review, January). APPENDIX, 471 1848. 84. Dr. Pereira's Edition of Matteucci's Lectures {British and Foreign Medico-Chirurgical Review, January). 85. On the Christian Name {Inquirer, June 20). 86. Taylor and Copland on Poisons {British and Foreign Alcdico-Chirurgical Review, July). 87.. Schleiden and Ralfs on Botany {Ibid., October). 88. The Position and Prospects of the Medical Pro- fession {Ibid., October). 89. Ethnology, or the Science of Races {Edinburgh Review, October). 90. The Objects of Medical Study and the Spirit in which they should be pursued (Introductory Lecture delivered at the Medical School attached to the London Hospital, October 2). 1849. 91. On the Microscopic Structure of Nummulina, Orbitolites, and Orbitoides {Joicrnal of the Geo- logical Society, May 2). 92. The Physiology of Parturition {British and Foreign Medico-Chirurgical Review, July), 93. Owen and Paget on Reproduction and Repair {Ibid., October). 94. Physiological Botany {Ibid., October). 1849-52. 95-97. Articles on "Taste," "Touch," "Varieties of Mankind" (Todd's Cyclopcedia of Anatomy and Pliysiology). 1850. 98. The Physiology and Diseases of the Nervous System {British and Foreign Medico-Chirurgical Review, January). 99. On the Mutual Relations of the Vital and Physical Forces {Philosophical Transactions, June 20). 100. Evidence and Proof: the Trial of Dr. Webster {British and Foreign Medico-Chirurgical Review, July). 1850-51. loi, 102. The Use and Abuse of Alcoholic Liquors in Health and Disease (Prize Essay). Second edition, 185 1. 1852. 103. On the Influence of Suggestion in Modifying and Directing Muscular Movement, independently of 472 APPENDIX. Volition {Proceedings of the Royal Institution, March 12). 1853. 104, On the Intimate Structure of the Shells of Brachio- poda (contributed to the General Introduction to Mr. Thomas Davidson's British Fossil Bra- chiopodd). 105. The Physiology of Temperance and Total Absti- nence, being an Examination of the Effects of the Excessive, Moderate, and Occasional Use of Alcoholic Liquors, on the Healthy Human System (London : Henry G. Bohn, pp. 184). 106. The Moderate Use of Intoxicating Drinks, physio- logically considered (London : W. Tweedie, pp. 15)- 107. The Predisposing Causes of Epidemics {British and Foreign Medico-Chirtirgical Review, January). loS. Electro-Biology and Mesmerism {Quarterly Review, October). 1854. 109. On a Peculiar Arrangement of the Sanguiferous System in Terebratula and certain other Brachio- poda {Proceedings of the Royal Society, April 5). no. On the Development of the Embryo of Purpura lapillus {British Association Report, Part II., September). III. On the Development of the Embryo of Purpura lapillus ( Transactions of the Microscopical Society, December 29). 1855. 112. The Physiological Errors of Moderation (Scottish Temperance League, pp. 31). 1855-60. 113-116. Researches on the Foraminifera. Part I. General Introduction, and Monograph of the Genus Orbitolites {Philosophical Trans- actions, 1856; six plates. Abstract in /V(?^^,?^- ings of the Royal Society, June 20, 1855). Part II. Genera Orbiculina, Alveolina, Cyclo- clypeus, and Heterostegina (/c^/i/., 1856; four plates. Abstract in Proceedings of the Royal Society, June 19). APPENDIX. 473 Part III. Genera Peneroplis, Operculina, and Amphistegina {Philosophical Transactions, 1859; six plates. Abstract in Proceedings of the Royal Society, ]\vn^ 17, 185 8). Part IV. Genera Polystomella, Calcarina, Tino- porus, and Carpenteria, with concluding sum- mary {Ibid., i860; six plates. Abstract in Proceedings of the Royal Society, June 14). 1856. 117. Address as President at the Annual Meeting of the Microscopical Society {Transactions of the Microscopical Society, February 27). 118. On the Minute Structure of certain Brachiopod Shells ; and on Vegetable Shell - Formation {Annals and Magazine of Natural History, June). 1856-81. 119-124. The Microscope. Second edition, 1857; third edition, 1862; fourth edition, 1868; fifth edition, 1874; sixth edition, 1881. [For some time, probably about this period, Dr. Carpenter contributed to the Westminster Review ; but no particulars can now be re- covered.] 1857. 125. The Phasis of Force {National Review, April). 126. On the Structure of the Shell of Rhynconella Gei- nitziana {Annals and Magazine of Natural History, March). 127. Remarks on MM. Koren and Danielssen's Re- searches on the Development of Purpura lapillus {Ibid., July). 128. On the Development of Purpura {Ibid., August). 1858. 129. On the Lowest (Rhizopod) Type of Animal Life, considered in its Relations to Physiology, Zoology, and Geology {Proceedings of the Royal Institution, March 12). 130. Binocular Vision {Edinburgh Review, October). 131. Handbook of Psalmody (for the use of the Congre- gation worshipping in Rosslyn Hill Chapel, Hampstead). 474 APPENDIX. 1858. 132. On Tomopteris onisciformis, Eschscholtz {Trans- actions of the Linnean Society^ January 20). L860. 133. Darwin on the Origin of Species {National Review^ January). 134. Further Researches on Tomopteris onisciformis, Eschscholtz {Transactions of the Linnean Society, January 19). This paper was written in con- junction with the late Dr. E. Claparede, of Geneva, 135. On the Relation of the Vital to the Physical Forces {Proceedings of the Royal Institution, February 24). 136. The Theory of Development in Nature {British and Foreign Medico- Chimrgical Review, April). 1861. 137. Alcohol: What becomes of it in the Living Body? ( Westminster Review, January). 138. General Results of the Study of the Typical Forms of Foraminifera, in their Relation to the Syste- matic Arrangement of that Group, and to the Fundamental Principles of Natural History and Classification {Natural History Review, April). 139. On the Systematic Arrangement of the Rhizopoda {Ibid., October). 1862. 140. Binocular Vision and the Stereoscope (a lecture at the London Institution, March 19; reprinted from the British Journal of Photography). 141. Introduction to the Study of the Foraminifera (folio, with twenty-two plates). (Published for the Ray Society. In this work Dr. Carpenter was assisted by Mr. W. R. Parker and Mr. T. Rupert Jones). 1863. 142. On the Fossil Human Jawbone recently discovered in the Gravel near Abbeville (in conjunction with Mr. George Busk, Dr. Falconer, and Mr. Prest- wich) {Proceedings of the Royal Society, April 16, and Natural History Review, July, 1863). 1864. 143, 144. On the Application of the Principle of " Con- servation of Force" to Physiology {Quarterly Journal of Science, January and April). 145. Additional Note on the Structure and Affinities of APPENDIX. 475 1864. T46. 1865. 147. 14S, 150- . 151- 152- • 153- 154- 155- 156. 1868. 157. 158, Eozoon Canadense {Quarterly Journal of the Geo- logical Society, November 23 ; with two plates). On the Structure and Affinities of Eozoon Cana- dense {Proceedings of the Royal Society, December 15; compare Annals and Magazine of Natural History, April, 1865), On the Structure, Affinities, and Geological Position of Eozoon Canadense {Intellectual Observer, May). 149. Researches on the Structure, Physiology, and Development of Antedon (Comatula, Lamk.) rosaceus (abstract in Proceedings of the Royal Society, June 1 5 ; Philosophical Transactions, 1866, with twelve plates). On the Microscopic Structure of the Shell of Rhyn- conella Geinitziana {Annals and Magazine of Natural History, November). Supplemental Notes on the Structure and Affinities of Eozoon Canadense {Quarterly Jownal of the Geological Society, January 10). On Rhynconella Geinitziana {Annals and Maga- zine of Natural History, April). On the Perforate Structure of the Shell of Spirifer cuspidatus {Ibid., January). Further Observations on the Structure and Affini- ties of Eozoon Canadense {Proceedings of the Royal Society, May 16). On Nachet's Stereo-Pseudoscopic Binocular Micro- scope, and on Nachet's Stereoscopic Magnifier; with remarks on the Angle of Aperture best adapted to Stereoscopic Vision {Transactions of the Royal Microscopical Society, June 12). On the Shell-Structure of Spirifer cuspidatus, and of certain allied Spiriferidse {Antials and Maga- zine of Natural History, July). On the Unconscious Activity of the Brain {Pro- ceedings of the Royal Institution, March i). 159. The Zoetrope and its Antecedents {The Student, July and August). 476 APPENDIX, 1868. i6o. On Spirifer cuspidatus {Annals and Magazine of Natural History, August). i6i. The Anorthoscope {The Student, September). 162. On the Structure of the Shells of Brachiopoda {Annals and Magazi?ie of Natural History, Oc- tober). 163. Preliminary Report of Dredging Operations in Seas to the North of the British Islands, carried on by Dr. Carpenter and Dr. Wyville Thomson (^Pro- ceedings of the Royal Society, October 22). 1869. 164. On the Temperature and Animal Life of the Deep Sea {Proceedings of the Royal Institution, April 9). 165. On the Rhizopodal Fauna of the Deep Sea {Pro- ceedings of the Royal Society, June 17). 166. Preliminary Report of the Scientific Exploration of the Deep Sea in H.M. Surveying Vessel Por- cupine, during the summer of 1869, conducted by Dr. Carpenter, V.P.R.S., Mr. J. Gwyn Jeffreys, F.R.S., and Professor Wyville Thomson, LL.D., F.R.S. {Ibid, November 18). 1870. 167. On the Temperature and Animal Life of the Deep Sea {Proceedings of the Royal Institution, Feb- ruary 11). 168. On the Shell Structure of Fusulina {Monthly Micro- scopical Journal, April). 169. Description of some Peculiar Fish's Ova {Ibid., April). 170. On the Comparative Steadiness of the Ross and the Jackson Microscope-Stands {Ibid., April). 171. The Contagious Diseases Act {Inquirer, April 2). 172. Descriptive Catalogue of Objects from Deep-Sea Dredgings, exhibited at the Soiree of the Royal Microscopical Society, King's College, April 20). 173. On the Reparation of the Spines of Echinida {Monthly Microscopical Journal, May). 174. 175. The Deep Sea : Its Physical and Biological Conditions {The Student, July and October). 176. The Gulf Stream {Nature, August 25). APPENDIX. 477 1870. 177. The Geological Bearings of Recent Deep-Sea Explorations (^Nature, October 27). 1 78. Report on Deep-Sea Researches carried on during the Months of July, August, and September, 1870, in H.M. Surveying Ship Porcupine^ by W. B. Carpenter, M.D., F.R.S., and J. Gwyn Jeffreys, F.R.S. {Proceedings of the Royal Society, December 8). 1871. 179, 180. On Eozoon Canadense {Nature, January 5 and March 16). 181. On the Gibraltar Current, the Gulf Stream, and the General Oceanic Circulation {Proceedings of the Geographical Society, January 9). 182, 183. The Microscope and its Revelations (Two Lectures at the Pharmaceutical Society, February 1 and March i). 184. The Temperature and Life of the Deep Sea (Man- chester, Science Lectures for the People, February 8). 185. Ocean Currents: Researches in the Porcupine {Contemporary Review, March). 186. On the Latest Scientific Researches in the Mediter- ranean {Proceedings of the Royal Institution, March 10). 187. The Physiology of the Will {Contemporary Review, May). 188. On the Thermo-Dynamics of the General Oceanic Circulation {British Association Report, August). 189. Spiritualism and its Recent Converts {Quarterly Retnew, October). 190. Darwinism in England (// Barth, Valetta, De- cember). 191. The Unconscious Action of the Brain (Manchester, Science Lectures, December i). 192. Epidemic Delusions {Ibid., December 8). 1872. 193. What is Common Sense? {Contemporary Review, February). 194. Oceanic Circulation and the Gulf Stream {Edin- burgh Review^ April). 473 APPENDIX. 1872. 195. On the Temperature and Movements of the Deep Sea {Popular Science Review, April). 196. Report on Scientific Researches carried on during the Months of August, September, and October, 187 1, in H.M. Surveying Ship Shearwater {Pro- ceedings of the Royal Society, June 13). 197. Presidential Address at the Brighton Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science {British Association Report, August). 198. On the General Oceanic Thermal Circulation {Ibid.). 199. On the Temperature and other Physical Conditions of Inland Seas, in their Relation to Geological Inquiry {Ibid.). 200. On a Piece of Chalk {Good Words, October). 201. On Mind and Will in Nature {Contemporary Review , October). 1873. 202-204. On the Hereditary Transmission of Acquired .Psychical Habits {Ibid., January, April, May). 205. Ancient and Modern Egypt ; or, the Pyramids and the Suez Canal (Manchester, Science Lectures, February 19). 206. The Voyage of H.M.S. Challenger {Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, April 18). 207. 208. The Gulf Stream (Two Papers, Good H'^ords, January and February). 209-213. Spectrum Analysis (Five Papers, Ibid., May to August). 214. On the Physical Condition of Inland Seas {Con- temporary Review, August). 215. On the Undercurrents of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles {British Association Report, Sep- tember). 216. On the Physical Geography of the Mediterranean, considered in Relation to that of the Black Sea and the Caspian {Ibid.). 217. On the Physical Geography of the Caspian Sea, in its Relation to Geology {Ibid.). APPENDIX. 479 1873. 218. Recent Investigations into the Functions of Dif- ferent Parts of the Brain (being the Substance of two Lectures delivered before the Sunday Lecture Society, November 2 and 9). 219. The Psychology of Belief (The Roscoe Lecture, delivered before the Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool, November 24 ; see also Cojtlemporary Review, December). 1874. 220, On the Temperature of the Atlantic (^Proceedings 0/ the Royal Institution, March 20). 221. Remarks on Professor H. J. Carter's Letter to Professor King on the Structure of the so-called Eozoon Canadense {Annals and Magazine oj Natural History, April). 222. On the Physical Cause of Ocean Currents {Philo- sophical Magazine, May). 223. New Observations on Eozoon Canadense {Annals and Magazine of Natural History, June). 224. Further Inquiries on Oceanic Circulation {Proceed- ings of the Geographical Society, June i). 225. The Depths of the Sea {British Quarterly Review, July). 226. Final Note on Eozoon Canadense {Annals and Magazine of Natural History, November). 227. The Conditions wliich Determine the Presence or Absence of Animal Life on the Deep Sea Bottom {Proceedings of the Geologists' Association, De- cember 4). 228. Principles of Mental Physiology (Fourth edition, with new Preface, 1S76). 1875. 229, 230. On the Doctrine of Human Automatism {Contanporary Ranew, February and May). 231. Remarks on Professor Wyville Thomson's Pre- liminary Notes on the Nature of the Sea-Bottom, procured by the Soundings of H.M.S. Challenger {Proceedings of the Royal Society, February 5). 232. Is Man an Automaton? (A Lecture at the City Hall, Glasgow, February 23). 48o APPENDIX. 1875. 233. The Voyage of H.M.S. Challettger (continued) {Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, March 12). 234. L'Automatisme Humain {Revue Scientifique, May). 235. Les Fonctions du Systfeme Nerveux chez les Inver- tebres {Revue Scientifique, June). 236. Summary of Recent Observations on Ocean Tem- perature made in H.M.S. Challenger and U.S.S. Tuscarora, with their Bearing on the Doctrine of a General Oceanic Circulation sustained by Difference of Temperature {Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, June). 237. On the Anatomy of Comatula, an addendum to Professor Semper's Paper {Annals and Magazine of Natural History, September). 238. Ocean Circulation {Contemporary Ranew, Sep- tember). 239. Remarks on Mr. Croll's "Crucial Test" Argu- ment {Philosophical Magazine, November). 240-242. Articles on the "Atlantic," "Baltic," "Black Sea" {E7icyclopCEdia Britantiica, vol. iii.). 1876. 243. The Fallacies of Testimony in Relation to the Supernatural {Contemporary Review, January). 244, 245. On the Structure, Physiology, and Develop- ment of Antedon (Comatula, Lamk. ) rosaceus {Proceedings of the Royal Society, January 20). 246. On the Genus Astrorhiza of Sandahl {Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science, April). 247. Supplemental Note to a Paper on the Structure, Physiology, and Development of Antedon rosa- ceus {Proceedings of the Royal Society, April 6). 248. Remarks on Mr. Carter's Paper " On the Poly- tremata," especially with reference to their Mythi- cal Hybrid Nature {Aiinals and Magazine of Natural History, May). 249. On Oceanic Circulation {Atheficeum, May 13). 250. New Laurentian Fossil {Nature, May 4, 25). 251. Notes on Otto Hahn's "Micro-Geological Investi- APPENDIX. 481 1876. 252. 253. 1877. 254. 255- 256. 257- 1879. 258. 259- 1880. 260. 261. 1881. 262. 263. 264. 265. 266. gation of Eozoon Canadense " {^Annals and Maga- zine of Natural History, June). Foraminifera from the Cruise of the Valorous {Proceeditigs of the Royal Society, June 15). Report on the Physical Investigations carried on by P. Herbert Carpenter, B.A., in H.M.S. Valorous, during her return Voyage from Disco Island in August, 1875 {Ibid.). The Radiometer and its Lessons {Nineteenth Century, April). On the Temperature of the Deep Sea Bottom and the Conditions by which it is determined {Pro- ceedings of the Geographical Society, April). Sketch of the Life and Work of Mary Carpenter (Expanded from an Obituary Notice in the Times, June). Mesmerism, Spiritualism, etc., historically and scientifically considered (Two Lectures delivered at the London Institution, with Preface md Appendix). The Eozoon Canadense {Nature, July 31). Article on "Foraminifera" {Encyclopcedia Britan- nica, vol. ix.). The Force behind Nature {Modern Revieiv, January). Land and Sea considered in Relation to Geo- logical Time {Proceedings of the Royal Institution, January 23). The Deep Sea and its Contents {Nineteenth Century, April). Nature and Law {Modern Review, October). Article on "Indian Ocean" {Encyclopcedia Briian- nica, vol. xii.). The Truth about Vaccination {Times, May 11; reprinted with enlargements at the request of the Guardians of the Bedford Union). The Morality of the Medical Profession {Modern Review, July). 482 APPENDIX. 1881. 267. Disease Germs {Nineteenth Century, October). 268, 269. The Relation of Food to Muscular Work {^Knowledge, November 4 and 11). 1882. 270. Predisposition to Disease {Dictionary of Medicine^. 271. The Ethics of Vivisection {Fortnightly Review^ February). 272. On the Conservation of Solar Energy {Knowledge, March 17), 273. Small-Pox and Vaccination in 1871-81 {Nine- teenth Century, April). 274. Sir Charles Bell and Physiological Experimenta- tion {^Fortnightly Review, April). 275. Charles Darwin : his Life and Work {Modern Review, July). " 276. Science and Religion : the Influence of Science on the Progress of Religious Thought (An Address delivered before the National Conference of Uni- tarian and other Christian Churches at Saratoga, U.S., September 19). 277. The Doctrine of P^volution in its Relations to Theism {Modern Reviezv, October). 278-283. Six Lectures on Human Automatism (De- livered at the Lowell Institute in October and November, and intended to form a small volume ; New York Medical Journal, xxxvii., and Christian Reforjner, London, vols, i., ii., iii.). 284. The Physiology of Alcoholics (Address in the Tremont Temple, Boston, December 3). 1883. 285. Article on "Microscope" {Encyclopcedia JSritan nica, vol. xvi.). 286. Report on the Genus Orbitolites {Zoology: Chal- lenger Expedition, vol. vii. part xxi., eight plates). 287. Researches on the Foraminifera. Supplemental Memoir. On an Abyssal Type of the Genus Orbitolites ; a Study in the Theory of Descent {Proceedings of the Royal Society, June 14; and Philosophical Transactions, 1883, pt. ii.). APPENDIX. 483 1883. 288. On the Germ-Theory of Disease, considered from the Natural History Point of View {British Association Report, September). 1884. 289. The Germ-Theory of Zymotic Diseases ; considered from the Natural History Point of View {Nine- teenth Century, February). 290. On the Nervous System of the Crinoidea {Proceed- ings of the Royal Society, May 29). 291. The Argument from Design in the Organic World, reconsidered in its Relation to the Doctrines of Evolution and Natural Selection {Modern Rrview, October). 292. On the Structure of Orbitolites (Inaugural Address as President of the Quekett Microscopical Club, October 24) {Journal of the Quekett Microscopical Club, vol. ii. series ii.). 1885. 293, President's Address at the Annual General Meeting of the Quekett Microscopical Club, July 24 {J did.). BY DR. CARPENTER. Principles of Mental Physiology. WITH THEIR APPLICATION TO THE TRAINING AND DIS- CIPLINE OF THE MIND, AND THE STUDY OF ITS MORBID CONDITIONS. By William B. Carpenter, M. D., LL. D., etc. 12mo. Cloth, $3.00. 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