«NDIANS OF THE PLAINS oe Ll > sere.” ¥ Bere re re ayes . ew ee eDv FOR THE PEOPLE FOR EDVCATION FOR SCIENCE LIBRARY OF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY Sh ae 4 296 The Camp Circle. Marriage. Government. Soldier Bands or Societies. Social Distinction. ~ CHAPTER III. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES . : ; ‘ : ‘ é . 106 Mythology. Religious Concepts. A Supernatural Helper. Medicine Bundles. Tribal Ceremonies. The Sun _ Dance. Ghost Dance Ceremonies. Peyote Worship. Dancing Asso- ciations. War and Scalp Dances. Ceremonial Procedure. CHAPTER IV. DECORATIVE AND RELIGIOUS ART : . ‘ - 5 . bee CHAPTER V. LANGUAGE . : x : ‘ - E , 7 ‘ - 139 CHAPTER VI. PHYSICAL TYPE . = : - 2 . ‘ ‘ ‘ - 144 CHAPTER VII. THE CHRONOLOGY OF PLAINS CULTURE : “ «i. aoe The Pre-Columbian Period. The Horse Culture Period. CHAPTER VIII. ORIGINS . 3 ; F 3 ‘ . ; A ~ ; « 461 BIBLIOGRAPHY ; e : ‘ ‘ * P . “ . wen INDEX . 2 . . z . P ; ‘ ‘ - 169 MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE. Assiniboin Warrior . ‘ . ; ; . Frontispiece Plan of the Plains Indian Hall ‘ : : . : . : 3 Culture Areas in North America : ; : fae: & | The Indians of the Plains . : ; IS The Distribution of Forests in W aeiorh United States : rae i Map showing the Distribution of the Buffalo about 1800 . Aeage b Sinewed-backed Bow and Quiver from the Blackfoot and a Com- pound Bow of Mountain Sheep Horn from the Nez Percé = 20 Lance with Obsidian Point. Nez Percé . : : ‘ - ¢ of Meat Drying Rack. Blackfoot . : : ; : , ae Stone-headed Pounders . Y ? ; : ‘ ‘ . 29 Crossing the Missouri in a Bull- Boat . : ‘ ; F : ee Blackfoot Travois : s : <<. , ; ; ee: Assiniboin Dog Travois : : ; : ‘ : : ae Setting up a Crow Tipi ; , : : ; : : : so Hidatsa Village in 1868 : : ‘ : : : ogee 3 One-piece Moccasin Pattern ; ; k - ; : . 44 Two-piece Moccasin Pattern , : : ; ; : ee Man’s Shirt. Blackfoot. : , : : ; eae Costumed Figure of a Dakota Wats : ‘ ; : . 48 Woman’s Dress of Elkskin . - f ; , . 50 A Woman’s Dress made from Two pain ; : : a) Ge Distribution of the Plains Type of Woman’s Dress . : . 53 Firedrill. Northern Shoshoni . : ; : : : - 56 Fleshing a Hide . - : P ? ‘ : 3 : - 58 Using a Stone Scraper é : : : ; . : - 58 Seraping a Hide. Blood . , : : : : : - 60 Hide Scrapers. : : ; - ; 3 ; ; - 63 Fleshing Tools’. : > P ‘ : ; ; : ~~ © Parfleche Pattern : . : : . : ; . - 68 A Parfleche . : ' : : : ‘ z - 68 Bag made of Rawhide. : : : . : . : . A Case made of Rawhide . : ; ; eae Bag Decorated with Porcupine Quills ‘ia éade. Dakota ea Pipe and Tobacco Bags. Dakota ‘ ‘ ; : : ee f' Strike-a-light Pouch. Arapaho . ; 73 Boiling with Hot Stones in a Paunch Se cpaited He Sticks. Blackfoot . ; ; . ; : : ; F : ee i Buffalo Horn Spoon . ; 5 : ; P => one 10 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS Bone aes : - A Buffalo Hide Shield froin the Wieden Blackfoot . The Cheyenne Camp Circle . = - : : = A Dog Dancer. Hidatsa : Dance of the Bull Society. Moma : : Headdress of Buffalo Skin. Arapaho Women’s oe A Blackfoot War Record . ; : - : Medicine-Pipe Bundle. Blackfoot 2 : . A Medicine-Pipe. Blackfoot : - : : = A Bundle and Contents. Arapaho Arapaho Sun Dance, Model in the Museum Sun Dance Headdress. Blackfoot Peyote Button - Types of Designs on Miuconuine Design Elements, Bead and Quill eee ee Arapaho Moccasin with Symbolic Decoration . Painted Designs on a Woman’s Robe. Dakota . Blanket Band in Quills. Blackfoot Teton-Dakota and Crow Types Cheyenne and Pawnee Types Blackfoot and Wind River Shoshoni Tate 82 85 93 98 100 102 104 114 115 117 120 123 126 132 133 134 136 138 145 146 147 CULTURE AREAS IN NortTH AMERICA. The divisions marked on this map are not absolute but relative. Rarely can a tribe be found anywhere that does not share some of the cultural traits of all its immediate neighbors. Yet, certain groups of tribes often have highly characteristic traits in common; hence, they are said to be of the same general culture type. Thus the tribes dis- cussed in this book have a number of peculiar traits whose distribu- tion in more or less complete association is taken as indicating the geographical extent of a type of culture. The fact that these bound- aries almost coincide with the limits of the treeless prairies and plains 11 12 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS and that this culture is most intensified among the tribes living in the Great Plains, has given rise to the term Plains area. In the same way other parts of the continent appear as the homes of peculiar cul- ture types. Anthropologists generally recognize at least eleven such areas whose approximate extents we have indicated in the accom- panying map. The types for each of these are illustrated as space permits in the four halls on the first floor of the Museum. As will be exemplified in the text, the lines separating these areas are somewhat arbitrary. A more correct method would be to color the areas and divide them by broad bands in ever changing mixtures of the two colors, but only in a few instances have we sufficient data to do even this accurately. Hence, the approximate line seems the best designa- tion of culture boundaries. Reference to a linguistic map of North America will show that there is little correspondence between linguistic stocks and culture type, for while in some cases the two lines on the map coincide, in cthers, they show no approach whatsoever. Again, while the physical types of the Indians show some tendencies to agree in distribution with cultural traits, they also show marked disagreements. Hence, it is not far wrong to say that if, according to the data now available, we superimposed cultural, linguistical, and physical type maps, we should find them with few boundaries in common. Returning to the consideration of culture areas and referring to the tribal map (p. 13), we see that the tribes of Plains Indians in a cen- tral position are the most typical, while their immediate neighbors show tendencies to live like more distant tribes. What we find, then, is a kind of culture center, where the purest types are found, while surrounding this center are less pure cultures. Each of the desig- nated culture areas in North America contains such a center where the true type of culture is to be found. . A visitor to the Museum, walking through the exhibition halls for the American Indians, will note contrasts in the objects shown as he passes from one to the other. Taking the Plains Indian Hall as the point of departure, he will note that as he approaches the Woodland Hall to the east, there is a change in the contents of the cases, and when well within the latter, the resemblances to the Plains Indian Hall cease. The same is true, if one turns northward in the Plains Hall and passes into the Southwest Area, where the Apache remind one of the Plains, but as one passes on to the cases for the Pueblo tribes, the resemblances soon fade out altogether. In this way one may come into an understanding of what is meant by the term, culture area, EASTERN for meat. Thus we see that neither pottery nor metal vessels are essential to good cooking. MATERIAL CULTURE 79 Buffalo horn spoons were used by all and when- ever available ladles and dishes were fashioned from mountain sheep horn. Those of buffalo horn were used in eating; those of mountain sheep horn usually for dipping, skimming and other culinary processes. In making these spoons, the horn was generally scorched over a fire until some of the gluey matter tried out, and then trimmed to the desired shape with a knife. Next it was boiled in water until soft, when the bowl was shaped over a water-worn stone of suitable size and the handle bent into the proper shape. The sizes and forms of such spoons varied a great deal, but no important tribal differences have been observed. In traveling, spoons, as well as bowls, were usually carried in bags of buffalo skin. Among the Village tribes, wooden spoons were common, similar to those from Woodland col- lections. Bowls were fashioned from wood but were rare among the southern and western tribes. Knots of birch and other hard wood found occasion- ally along rivers were usually used for bowls. These were worked into shape by burning, scraping down with bits of stone, and finally polishing. They were used in eating, each person usually owning one which he carried with him when invited to a feast. Occasionally, bowls were made of mountain sheep horn; but such were the exception, rather than the rule. The finest bowls seem to have been made by the Dakota, and the crudest by the Comanche and Ute. 80 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS Tools. It is believed that formerly knives were made of bone and stone, but we have no very definite data. In fact, many tribes secured knives and other trade articles by barter with other Indians long be- fore they were visited by explorers; hence, we have little in the way of historical data. Some years ago a Museum field-worker chanced upon an old blind man smoothing down a walking stick with a stone flake, an interesting survival of primitive life. We can scarcely realize how quickly the civilized trader changed the material culture of the Indians. Perrot, one of the first French explor- ers visiting the eastern border of this area, gives the following report of an address he made to some Fox and other Indians, ‘‘I see this fine village filled with young men, who are, I am sure, as courageous as they are well built; and who will, without doubt, not fear their enemies if they carry French weapons. It is for these young men that I leave my gun, which they must regard as the pledge of my esteem for their valor; they must use it if they are attacked. It will also be more satisfactory in hunting cattle [buffalo] and other animals than are all the arrows that you use. To you who are old men I leave my kettle; I carry it everywhere without fear of break- ing it. You will cook init the meat that your young men bring from the chase, and the food which you offer to the Frenchmen who come to visit you.’’ He tossed a dozen awls and knives to the women, and said to them: ‘‘Throw aside your bone bodkins; MATERIAL CULTURE 81 these French awls will be much easier to use. These knives will be more useful to you in killing beavers and in cutting your meat than are the pieces of stone that you use.’’ Then, throwing to them some rassade (beads): ‘‘See; these will better adorn your children and girls than do their usual ornaments’’ (p. 330). This is a fair sample of what occurred everywhere. On the other hand, the Indian did not so readily change his art, religion, and social cus- toms. Perhaps the best early observer of primitive tools was Captain Lewis who writes of the Northern Sho- shoni in the Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Vol. 3, p. 19, as follows :— The metal which we found in possession of these people consisted of a few indifferent knives, a few brass kettles some arm bands of iron and brass, a few buttons, woarn as ornaments in their hair, a spear or two of a foot in length and some iron and brass arrow points which they informed me they obtained in exchange for horses from the Crow or Rocky Mountain Indians on the yellowstone River. the bridlebits and stirreps they obtained from the Spaniards, tho these were but few, many of them made use of flint for knives, and with this instrument, skined the animals they killed, dressed their fish and made their arrows; this flint is of no regular form, and if they ean only obtain a part of it, an inch or two in length that will cut they are satisfyed. they renew the edge by flecking off the fiint by means of the point of an Elk’s or deer’s horn. with the point of a deer or Elk’s horn they also form their arrow points of the flint, with a quickness and neatness that is really astonishing. we found no axes nor hatchets among them; what wood they cut was done either with stone or Elk’s horn. the latter they use always to rive or split their wood. Among the collections from the Blackfoot and Gros Ventre, we find models of bone knives made by 82 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS old people who claimed to have used such (Fig. 32). There are also a few flakes of stone said to have been so used when metal knives were not at hand. Fig. 32. Bone Knife. No aboriginal axes have been preserved but they are said to have been made of stone and bone. The hafted stone maul (Fig. 4) is everywhere present and we are told that the ax was hafted in a similar manner. Drilling was performed with arrow points and wood was dressed by stone scrapers. | Though we may be sure that the tribes of the Plains were, like those in most parts of prehistoric America, living in a stone age at the time of dis- covery, it is probable that they made some use of copper. The eastern camps of the Eastern Dakota were near the copper mines of Lake Superior and in 1661 Radisson, a famous explorer, saw copper ornaments while among their villages in Minnesota. Prehistoric copper implements are numerous in Minnesota and Wisconsin but such objects are rare within the Plains area. Yet, all these implements were of pure copper and therefore too soft to dis- place stone and bone, the Plains Indian at all events living in a true stone age culture. Y a —_— een SER Wey 1 cor ies AAD as MATERIAL CULTURE 83 Digging Stick. From a primitive point of view, the digging stick is most interesting. It has been reported from the Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Hidatsa, Mandan, and Dakota as a simple pointed stick, used chiefly in digging edible roots and almost exclusively by women. (It is important to note the symbolic survival of this implement in the sun dance bundle of the Blackfoot.) Some curious agricultural im- plements are to be found in the Hidatsa collection, especially hoes made from the shoulder blades of buffalo. The latter have been reported from the Pawnee, Arikara, and Mandan. Pipes. The Eastern Dakota have long been fa- mous for the manufacture of pipes from catlinite or red pipe-stone which even in prehistoric times seems to have been distributed by trade. Some pipes in the Museum were collected in 1840 and are of the types described by Catlin and other early writers. Many of the Village tribes used pottery pipes. Among the Assiniboin, Gros Ventre, and Blackfoot, a black stone was used for a Woodland type of pipe. In the Plateau area, the pipes were smaller than elsewhere and usually made from steatite. The Hi- datsa and Mandan used a curiously shaped pipe, as may be seen from the collection. It is much like the Arapaho sacred tribal flat pipe. Occasionally, a straight tubular pipe was used. Among the Chey- enne in particular, this was a bone reinforced with sinew. Also, it seems to have been generally known to the Kiowa and Arapaho. Among the Blackfoot 84 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS and Dakota, it is usually a simple stone tube with a stem. This form is everywhere exceptional and usually ceremonial. The large medicine-pipe, or ceremonial, of the Blackfoot Indians, conspicuously displayed in the hall is scarcely to be considered under this head (see p. 115), as also the curious pipe-like wands of the Dakota, the Omaha (Demuth collection), and Pawnee. , Tobacco was raised (p. 30) by a few tribes. This was mixed with the dried bark of the red willow, the leaves of the bear berry or with larb. Some wild species of Nicotiana were gathered by the Plateau tribes. In literature, the term kinnikinnick (Algon- kian Ojibway, meaning ‘‘what is mixed’’) is applied to this mixture. From the very first, traders intro- duced commercial forms of tobacco which have been in general use ever since. Weapons. HKeference has been made to bows, clubs, and lances (p. 26) for killing buffalo; hence, it is only necessary to add that they were also the chief weapons in war. Among nearly all the tribes a circular shield of buffalo hide was used, though with so many ceremonial associations that it 1s not clear whether the Indian prized it most for its charm value or for its mechanical properties, since in most cases he seems to have placed his faith in the powers symbolized in the devices painted thereon. No ar- mor seems to have been used. The typical Plains Indian rode into battle, stripped to breechcloth MATERIAL CULTURE 85 and moceasins, with whatever symbolic headgear, charms, and insignia he was entitled to. However, the Blackfoot have traditions of having protected Fig. 33. A Buffalo Hide Shield from the Northern Blackfoot. themselves from arrows by several skin shirts, one over the other, while among the Northern Shoshoni, both men and horses were protected by ‘‘many folds 86 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS of dressed antelope skin united with glue and sand.’’ The Pawnee have also been credited with hardened skin coats. Since armor and helmets were used in some parts of the North Pacific Coast area and in parts of the Plateaus, it is natural to encounter ar- mor on the northwestern margin of the Plains. Poisoned arrows have been credited to the Plateau tribes and a few of those in the western Plains. Games. Amusements and gambling are repre- sented in collections by many curious devices. Adults rarely played for amusement, leaving such pastime to children; they themselves played for stakes. Most American games are more widely dis- tributed than many other cultural traits; but a few seem almost entirely peculiar to the Plains. A game in which a forked anchor-like stick is thrown at a rolling ring was known to the Dakota, Omaha, and Pawnee. So far, it has not been re- ported from other tribes. Another game of limited distribution is the large hoop with a double pole, the two players endeavor- ing to place the poles so that when the hoop falls, it will make a count according to which of the four marks in the circumference are nearest a pole. This has been reported for the Arapaho, Dakota, and Omaha. Among the Dakota, this game seems to have been associated with magical ceremonies for ‘‘calling the buffalo’’ and also played a part in the ghost dance (p. 124) movement. The Arapaho have also a sacred hoop game associated with the sun MATERIAL CULTURE 87 dance. Other forms of this game in which a single pole is used have been reported from almost every tribe in the Plains. It occurs also outside this area. Yet, in the Plains it takes special forms in different localities. Thus the Blackfoot and their neighbors used a very small spoked ring with an arrow for the pole, the Mandan used a small plain ring but with a very long pole, while the Comanche used a large hife-preserver-like hoop with a sectioned club for a pole. The netted hoop at which darts were thrown is almost universal in the Plains, but occurs elsewhere as well. Other popular games were stick dice and the hand game (hiding the button). Among the Blackfoot and their neighbors, the hand game was a favorite gambling device and handled by team work; i.e., one large group played against another. By a comparative study of games, it would be pos- sible to divide the tribes of the Plains into a number of geographical subgroups. On the other hand, it is clear that, taken as a whole, these tribes have suff- cient similarities in games to justify grouping them in a distinct culture area. We have now passed in review the main charac- teristics of material culture among the Plains tribes. There are many other important details having func- tional and comparative significance for whose con- sideration the reader must be referred to the special literature. We have seen how the typical, or cen- tral, group of tribes (Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, As- 88 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS siniboin, Crow, Teton-Dakota, Cheyenne, Arapaho, Kiowa, and Comanche) seems to have few traits in common with adjoining culture areas, while the border tribes manifest a mixture of the traits em- phasized among the typical group and those most characteristic of other culture areas. For example, the typical material culture of the Plains is peculiar in the absence of pottery, the textile arts, agricul- ture, and the use of wild grains and seeds, all of which appear to varying degrees in one or the other of the marginal groups. In general, it appears that in the Plains, traits of material culture fall within geographical rather than linguistical and political boundaries. While all cul- tural traits seem to show the same tendency, this is most pronounced in material culture. Thus, from the point of view of this chapter the Plains-Cree may merit a place in the typical group, but in some other respects hold an intermediate position. All the other tribes without exception manifest some im- portant traits of material culture found in other areas. In part the causes for the observed greater uni- formity in material culture seem to lie in the geo- oraphical environment, since food, industries, and some household arts are certain to be influenced by the character of the materials available. This, how- ever, cannot be the whole story, for pottery clay is everywhere within easy reach, yet the typical tribes were not potters. They also wanted not the oppor- as a” = seo)” *s . . ~< * y ad ~ } pe MATERIAL CULTURE 89 | a ae iby : s . - tunities to learn the art from neighboring tribes. It seems more probable that certain dominant fac- . tors in their lives exercised a selective influence over the many cultural traits offered at home and abroad, thus producing a culture well adapted to the place ) and to the time. ie ed Py Cuapter II, - SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. portant phase of culture; but since no com- prehensive view of the subject can be had without its consideration, we must give it some space. It is customary to treat of all habits or cus- toms having to do with the family organization, the community, and what we call the state, under the head of social organization. So, in order that the reader may form some general idea of social condi- tions in this area, we shall review some of the dis- cussed points. Unfortunately, the data for many tribes are meager so that a complete review cannot be made. The Blackfoot, Sarsi, Crow, Northern Shoshoni, Nez Pereé, Assiniboin, Teton-Dakota, Omaha, Hidatsa, Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Kiowa have been carefully investigated, but of the remain- ing tribes we know very little. As previously stated, it is customary to accept the political units of the Indian as tribes or independent nations. Thus, while the Crow recognize several subdivisions, they feel that they are one people and support a council or governing body for the whole. The Blackfoot, on the other hand, are composed of three distinct political divisions, the Piegan, Blood, and Blackfoot, with no superior government, yet 90 Mee collections cannot illustrate this im- SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 91 they feel that they are one people with common in- terests and, since they have a common speech and precisely similar cultures, it is customary to ignore the political units and designate them by the larger term. The Hidatsa, one of the Village group, have essentially the same language as the Crow, but have many different traits of culture and, while conscious of a relationship, do not recognize any political sympathies. Again, in the Dakota, we have a more complicated scheme. They recognize first seven di- visions as ‘‘council fires’’—Mdewakanton, Wahpe- kute, Sisseton, Yankton, Yanktonai, and Teton. These, as indicated by separate fires, were politically independent, but did not make war upon each other. To the whole, they gave the name Dakota, or ‘‘those who are our friends.’’ Again, they grouped the first four into a larger whole, the Eastern Dakota (Isayanti), the Yankton and Yanktonai formed a second group, and the Teton a third. However, the culture of the second and third groups is so similar that it is quite admissible to include them under the title Teton-Dakota. All the seven divisions were again subdivided, especially the Teton, which had at least eight large practically independent divisions. Thus, it is clear that no hard and fast distinctions ean be made between independent and dependent political units, for in some cases the people feel as if one and yet support what seem to be separate governments. This is not by any means peculiar to the Plains. Since anthropology is, after all, chiefly 92 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS a study of culture, it is usual to place under one head all units having exactly the same culture when other- wise closely related by language and blood. Our previous list of tribes, therefore, embraces groups, all subdivisions of which have approximately equal cultural values for the whole series of traits (p. 19). Using the term tribe to designate units with in- dependent governing bodies, we find that these tribes are in turn composed of small units, each under the leadership of a chief, seconded by a few head men. These subdivisions are often designated in technical literature as bands—a chief and his followers. It frequently happens that the members of these bands inherit their memberships according to a fixed sys- tem. When this is reckoned through the mother, or in the female line, the term clan is used instead of band; when reckoned in the male line, gens: The clans and gentes of the Plains are of special interest because of the tendency to regulate marriage so that it must be exogamic, or between individuals from different clans and gentes, and also because of the difficulty in discovering whether this is due to the mere accident of blood relationship or some other obscure tendency. On this point there is a large body of special literature. An exogamic gentile system has been reported for the Omaha, Ponca, Iowa, Oto, Missouri, Osage, and Kansas. An exogamic clan system prevails among the Hidatsa, Crow, and the Mandan. Among the Plateau group, the Arapaho, Kiowa, Comanche, and SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 93 probably also among the Dakota and Plains-Cree, we have only bands without marriage restrictions. In addition, we have some problematical cases in the Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Assiniboin, and perhaps AVIS weg an? 3) e Miiyy Fig. 34. The Cheyenne Camp Circle. (Dorsey.) others, where there seems to be a tendency toward a gentile exogamous system, but our data are not suf- ficiently full to determine whether these are inter- mediate or true transitional types. 94 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS The Camp Circle. Among the typical tribes and even in most places where tipis were used, we find an organized camp, or circle. In its pure form, this is a tribal scheme by which each ‘‘band”’ has a fixed place or order, generally enumerated sunwise, from the opening of the circle in the easternmost segment (Fig. 34). When forming a camp, the leaders se- lected the site and marked off the two sides of the opening, or gap, whence the respective bands fell in, in proper order and direction, to form the circle. At the center was a council tent, where the govern- ing body met and at symmetrical points were the tipis of the ‘‘soldiers,’’ or police. While the camp circle was the most striking and picturesque trait of Plains culture, it was probably no more than a con- venient form of organized camp for a political group composed of ‘‘bands.’’ It is likely that some of the typical tribes developed it first, whence, because of — its practical value, it was adopted by the others and even some of the Village and Plateau tribes when they used tipis. It is, however, peculiar to the Plains. Marriage. There seems to be nothing distinctive in the marriage customs of the Plains, even in the matter of exogamy (p. 92). A man was permitted to marry as many women as he desired, yet rela- tively few men had more than three wives. Every- where the rule was to marry sisters, if possible, since it is said they were less likely to quarrel amongst themselves. As no slaves were kept and SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 95 servants were unknown, the aristocratic family could only meet the situation by increasing the num- ber of wives. Further, it was usual to regard the first wife as the head of the family, the others as subordinate. The care and rearing of children is a universal phase of human life. Among the collections will be found cradles, or carriers, for the protection of the newly born, often highly ornamented. Dolls and miniature objects such as travois, saddles, and bags, were common as toys and often find their way into museums. A curious custom, not confined to the Plains, was to preserve the navel cord in a srnall ornamented pouch, hung to the cradle or about the neck of the child. Among the Dakota, these usually took the forms of turtles and lizards, among the Blackfoot, snakes and horned toads, ete. Examples are shown in the various collections. Naming children is everywhere an important matter. Usually an old person is called in to do this and selects a single name. When a boy reaches adolescence, a new name is often given and again, if, as an adult, he performs some meritorious deed. Girls seldom change their names, not even at mar- riage. Among many tribes there are special cere- monies for girls when adolescence sets in. When an Indian is ill a doctor is called in. He is supposed to have received power from some super- natural source and sings songs and prays at the bed- side. Sometimes vegetable substances are given as 96 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS medicine, but these are usually harmless, the faith being placed entirely in the religious formula. At death the body was dressed and painted, then wrapped in a robe and placed upon a scaffold, in a tree, or upon a hill. None of the Plains tribes seem to have practised cremation and but a few of them placed the bodies underground. In fact, the Goy- ernment authorities experienced great difficulty in inducing the modern Indians to inter their dead, as it is against their old belief, in that it would inter- fere with the passage of the spirit to the other world. Government. The political organization was rather loose and in general quite democratic. Each band, gens, or clan informally recognized an indefi- nite number of men as head men, one or more of whom were formally vested with representative powers in the tribal council. Among the Dakota, there was a kind of society of older men, self-elect- ing, who legislated on all important matters. They appointed four of their number to exercise the ex- ecutive functions. The Omaha had a somewhat similar system. The Cheyenne had four chiefs of equal rank and a popularly elected council of forty members. Among the Blackfoot we seem to have a much less systematic arrangement, the leading men of each band forming a general council which in turn recognized one individual as chief. Of the western tribes the Northern Shoshoni, at least, had even a less formal system. Though there were in the Plains some groups = 4 3¢@ 7 > SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 97 spoken of as confederacies by pioneers; viz., the Blackfoot, Sarsi, and Gros Ventre; the seven Da- kota tribes; the Pawnee group; the Arapaho, Chey- enne, Kiowa, and Comanche, none of these seem to have been more than alliances. At least, there was nothing like the celebrated League of the Iroquois in the Woodland area. Soldier Bands or Societies. We have previously mentioned the camp police. The Dakota governing society, for example, appointed eight or more men as soldiers or marshals to enforce their regulations at alltimes. There were also a number of men’s so- cieties or fraternities of a military and ceremonial character upon one or more of which the tribal gov- ernment might also call for such service. As these societies had an organization of their own, it was only necessary to deal with their leaders. The call to service was for specific occasions and the particu- lar society selected automatically ceased to act when the occasion passed. The Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Assiniboin, Cheyenne, Arapaho, Crow, Hidatsa, Mandan, Arikara, and Pawnee, also had each a num- ber of societies upon whom the governing body called for police service. In addition to these spe- cific parallels, we find that all tribes using the camp circle, or organized camp, when hunting buffalo, also appointed police who executed orders in a similar manner. Among the tribes having soldier societies we again find certain marked similarities in the cur- rent names for these organizations as shown in INDIANS OF THE PLAINS 98 ) lian. imi A Dog Dancer. Hidatsa. (After Max Fig. 35, SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 99 the following partial list, compiled by Dr. R. H Lowie: Mandan Hidatsa Arikara Blackfoot Arapaho Gros Ventre — Kit-foxes Foxes Kit-foxes Kit-foxes Kit-foxes — — -- Mosquitoes _- Flies Ravens Ravens Crows Ravens — — Half-Shorn Half-Shorn -- — — — Heads Heads : Foolish Dogs Crazy Dogs Mad Dogs Crazy Dogs Crazy Crazy Lodge Lodge Dogs (?) Small Dogs Young Dogs —- — — Old Dogs Dogs Big Young Dogs Dogs Dogs Dogs (7?) — Braves (?) Soldiers ( ?) Buffaloes Bulls Mad Bulls’ Bulls — — Soldiers Enemies Soldiers It will be noted that a mad or foolish society is found in each of the six tribes as is also a dog so- ciety, while the kit-fox and the raven are common to anumber. Investigations of these organizations have shown that though those bearing similar names are not exact duplicates, they nevertheless have many fundamental elements in common. The most probable explanation of this correspond- ence in name and element is that each distinct so- ciety had a common origin, or that the bulls, for ex- ample, were created by one tribe and then passed on to others. This is an important point because among anthropologists there are two extreme the- ories to account for similarities in culture, one that all like cultural traits, wherever found, had a com- mon origin, the other that all were invented or de- rived independently by the tribes practising them. The former is often spoken of as the diffusion of Wht Le A WUEPNL LY VU TE tp eh ey \\\) hl wae. nanny aw ‘ A ya! i] ’ | ‘ SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 101 eultural traits, the latter as independent develop- ment. It is generally agreed, however, that most cultures contain traits acquired by diffusion (or borrowing) as well as some entirely original to themselves, the whole forming a complex very diffi- eult to analyze. Returning to these Plains Indian societies we find among several tribes (Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Arapaho, Mandan, and Hidatsa) an additional feature in that the societies enumerated in our table are arranged in series so that ordinarily a man passes from one to the other in order, like school children in their grades, thus automatically grouping the members according to age. For this variety, the term age-society has been used by Dr. Kroeber. Thus, it appears that while in certain general features the soldier band system of police is found among all tribes in the area, there are many other interesting differences distributed to varying extents. For example, the age grouping is common to but five tribes, while among the Arapaho it takes a special form, the age grouping being com- bined with appropriate ceremonial, or dancing func- tions, including practically all the adult males in the tribes. An unusually complete set of the regalia of the Arapaho series is exhibited in the Museum and from the Gros Ventre, a related tribe, is shown the only known specimen of the peculiar shirt worn by a highest degree dog society member. Other regalia are exhibited for the Blackfoot, Crow, and Hidatsa. 102 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS Among the Blackfoot, Arapaho, Hidatsa, Mandan, and Gros Ventre, we find one or more women’s so- cieties not in any way performing police functions, but still regarded as somehow correlated with the series for men. Among the Blackfoot and Arapaho, the one women’s society is based upon mythical con- ceptions of the buffalo as is illustrated by their re- Fig. 37. Headdress of Buffalo Skin. Arapaho Women’s Society. galia (Fig. 37). Among the Mandan, where there were several women’s societies, we may note a buf- falo organization whose ceremonies were believed to charm the buffalo near when game was scarce and the tribe threatened with starvation. Some of their regaha will be found in the Museum. These societies for both men and women, in their fundamental and widely distributed features, must SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 103 be set down with the camp circle as one of the most characteristic social traits of the Plains. A eareful study of the age-societies and a com- parison of their essential features with the societies of other Plains tribes indicates that they originated in the Plains and were probably the original inven- tion of the Mandan and Hidatsa. At least, we can be sure that these Village tribes were the center of distribution for Plains societies as a whole. Social Distinction. There being no such thing as individual ownership of land, property consisted of horses, food, utensils, ete. These were possessed in varying degrees by the individual members of a tribe, but in no case was the amount of such prop- erty given much weight in the determination of so- cial position. Anyone in need of food, horses, or anything whatsoever, was certain to receive some material assistance from those who had an abun- dance. Among most tribes, the lavish giving away of property was a sure road to social distinction. Yet, the real aristocrats seem to have been those with great and good deeds to their credit. The Da- kota, Blackfoot, Cheyenne, and no doubt others, had a more or less definite system for the grading of war deeds, among the highest being the ‘‘coup,’’ or the touching of an enemy. Curiously enough, this touching as well as capturing a gun was regarded by the Blackfoot, at least, as deserving of greater rank than the mere taking of an enemy’s life. The Teton-Dakota, on the other hand, while recognizing Fig. 38. A Blackfoot War Record. Beginning at the top, we have Bear-chief (a) on foot surprised by Assiniboin Indians but he escaped ; (b) Double-runner cut loose four horses; (¢) Double-runner captures a Gros Ventre boy; (d) Double-runner and a companion encounter and kill two Gros Ventre, he taking a lance from one; (e) even while a boy Double-runner picked up a war-bonnet dropped by a fleeing Gros Ventre which in the system counts as a deed; (f) as a man he has two adventures with Crow Indians, taking a gun from one; (g) he, as leader, met five Flathead in a pit and killed them; (h) a Cree took shelter in some cherry brush in a hole, but Big-nose went in for him; (i) not completely shown, but representing a Cree Indian killed while running off Piegan horses; (j) Double-runner, carrying a medi- cine-pipe, took a bow from a Gros Ventre and then killed him; (k) Double-runner took a shield and a horse from a Crow tipi, a dog barked and he was hotly pursued; (m) he killed two Gros Ventre and took two guns; (n) he captured a Gros Ventre woman and a boy; (0) he took four mules. 104 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 105 the high value of the coup, also put great stress on the taking of a scalp. Running off, or stealing the horses of another tribe, was also a worthy feat among all these Indians. Among most tribes, it was eustomary at feasts and other gatherings for men to come forward and formally ‘‘count’’ or announce their deeds and often the qualifications for various posts of honor and service were the possession of at least four coups. The social importance of such deeds naturally de- veloped a kind of heraldry of which the picture writ- ing of the Plains tribes is an example. It was usual to record one’s deeds on his buffalo robe, or on the sides of a tipi (Fig. 38). The Dakota had special rules for wearing eagle feathers in the hair, by which one could tell at a glance what deeds the wearer had performed. The Mandan, Assiniboin, and perhaps others, had similar systems. The Da- kota carried the idea over into the decorations for horses and clothing. Even the designs upon their moccasins were sometimes made to emblazon the deeds of the wearer. Cuapter III. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES. HE sacred beliefs of these Indians are largely + formulated and expressed in sayings and nar- ratives having some resemblance to the legends of European peoples.. There are available large collections of these tales and myths from the Black- foot, Crow, Nez Pereé, Assiniboin, Gros Ventre, Arapaho, Arikara, Pawnee, Omaha, Northern Sho- shoni, and less complete series from the Dakota, Cheyenne, and Ute. In these will be found much curious and interesting information. Each tribe in this area has its own individual beliefs and sacred myths, yet many have much in common, the distribu- tion of the various incidents therein forming one of the important problems in anthropology. Mythology. A deluge myth is almost universal in the Plains and very widely distributed in the wooded areas as well. Almost everywhere it takes the form of having the submerged earth restored by a more or less human being who sends down a diving bird or animal to obtain a little mud or sand. Of other tales found both within and without the Plains — area we may mention, the ‘‘Twin-heroes,’’ the ‘“Woman who married a star and bore a Hero,’’ and the ‘‘Woman who married a Dog.’’ Working out the distribution of such myths is one of the 106 AAAs =" -< ~~ RELIGION AND CEREMONIES 107 fascinating tasks of the folklorist and will some time give us a clearer insight into the prehistoric cultural contacts of the several tribes. A typical study of this kind by Dr. R. H. Lowie will be found in the Journal of American Folk-Lore, September, 1908, where, for example, the star-born hero is traced through the Crow, Pawnee, Dakota, Arapaho, Kiowa, Gros Ventre, and Blackfoot. Indian my- thologies often contain large groups of tales each reciting the adventures of a distinguished mythical hero. In the Plains, as elsewhere, we find among these a peculiar character with supernatural at- tributes, who transforms and in some instances cre- ates the world, who rights great wrongs, and cor- rects great evils, yet who often stoops to trivial and vulgar pranks. Among the Blackfoot, for instance, he appears under the name of Napiw*’, white old man, or old man of the dawn. He is distinctly hu- man in form and name. The Gros Ventre, Chey- enne, Arapaho, Hidatsa, and Mandan seem to have a similar character in their mythology. The uniqueness of the ‘‘ White-old-man’’ appears when we consider the mythologies of the adjoining culture areas. Thus between the Plains and the Pacific Ocean similar tales appear, but are there at- tributed to an animal character with the name and attributes of a coyote. Under this name he appears among the Crow, Nez Percé, and Shoshoni, on the western fringe of the Plains, but rarely among the Pawnee, Arikara, and Dakota and practically never 108 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS among the tribes designating him as human. Again among the Assiniboin, Dakota, and Omaha, this hero is given a spider-like character (Unktomi). It is thus clear that while the border tribes of the Plains, in common with many other parts of the continent, have an analogous series of tales attrib- uted to animal characters, the tendency at the center is to refer the same tales to a human character. Curiously enough, the names for this character all have in common the ideas of white and east and were automatically applhed to Europeans when first encountered. For these reasons, if no other, the occurrence of a human trickster hero appears as one of the most distinctive characteristics of Plains cul- ture. Irrespective of the preceding hero cycle, many animal tales are to be found in the Plains. Among these, as in almost every part of the world, we find curious ways of explaining the structural peculiari- ties of animals as due to some accident; for example, the Blackfoot trickster in a rage tried to pull the lynx asunder whence that animal now has a long body and awkward legs. Such explanations abound in all classes of myths and are considered primary and secondary according to whether they directly explain the present phenomena as in the case of the lynx, or simply narrate an anecdote in which the transformation is a mere incident. Occasionally, one meets with a tale at whose ending the listener is abruptly told that thenceforth things were ordered RELIGION AND CEREMONIES 109 so and so, the logical connection not being apparent. Probably what happens here is that the native author, knowing it to be customary to explain similar phenomena by mythical occurrences, rather crudely adds the explanation to a current tale. However, not all the animal tales of the Plains function as ex- planations of origin and transformation, for there are tales in which supernatural beings appear in the form of well-known animals and assist or grant favors to human beings. The buffalo is a favorite character and is seldom encountered in the my- thology from other areas; The bear, beaver, elk, eagle, owl, and snake are frequently referred to but also occur in the myths of Woodland and other tribes. Of imaginary creatures the most conspicu- ous are the water monster and the thunderbird. The former is usually an immense horned serpent who keeps under water and who fears the thunder. The thunderbird is an eagle-like being who causes thunder. Migration legends and those accounting for the origins and forms of tribal beliefs and institutions make up a large portion of the mythology for the re- spective tribes and must be carefully considered in formulating a concept of the religion and philosophy of each. Religious Concepts. To most of us the mention of religion brings to mind notions of God, a supreme overruling and decidedly personal being. Nothing just like this is found among the Indians. Yet, they 110 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS seem to have formulated rather complex and ab- stract notions of a controlling power or series of powers pervading the universe. Thus, the Dakota use a term wakan tanka which seems to mean, the greatest sacred ones. The term has often been rendered as the great mystery but that is not quite correct. It is true that anything strange and mys- terious is pronounced wakan, or as having attributes analogous to wakan tanka; but this seems to mean supernatural. The fact is, as demonstrated by Dr. J. R. Walker, that the Dakota do recognize a kind of hierarchy in which the Sun stands first, or as one of the wakan tanka. Of almost equal rank is the Sky, the Earth, and the Rock. Next in order is an- other group of four, the Moon (female), Winged- one, Wind and the ‘‘Mediator’’ (female). Then come inferior beings, the buffalo, bear, the four winds and the whirlwind; then come four classes or groups of beings and so on in almost bewildering complexity. So far as we know, no other Plains tribe has worked out quite so complex a conception. The Omaha wakonda is in a way like the Dakota wakan tanka. The Pawnee recognized a dominat- ing power spoken of as tirawa, or ‘‘father,’’ under whom were the heavenly bodies, the winds, the thunder, lightning, and rain; but they also recog- nized a sacred quality, or presence, in the phe- nomena of the world, spoken of as kawaharu, a term whose meaning closely parallels the Dakota wakan. The Blackfoot resolved the phenomena of the uni- RELIGION AND CEREMONIES 111 verse into ‘‘powers,’’ the greatest and most uni- versal of which is natosiwa, or sun power. The sun Was in a way a personal god having the moon for his wife and the morningstar for his son. Un- fortunately, we lack data for most tribes, this being a point peculiarly difficult to investigate. One thing, however, is suggested. There is tendency here to conceive of some all-pervading force or ele- ment in the universe that emanates from an indefi- nite source to which a special name is given, which in turn becomes an attribute applicable to each and every manifestation of this conceivedly divine ele- ment. Probably nowhere, not even among the Da- kota, is there a clear-cut formulation of a definite god-like being with definite powers and functions. A Supernatural Helper. It is much easier, how- ever, to gather reliable data on religious activities or the functioning of these beliefs in actual life. In the Plains, as well as in some other parts of the continent, the ideal is for all males to establish some kind of direct relation with this divine element or power. The idea is that if one follows the proper formula, the power will appear in some human or animal form and will form a compact with the ap- plicant for his good fortune during life. The pro- cedure is usually for a youth to put himself in the hands of a priest, or shaman, who instructs him and requires him to fast and pray alone in some secluded spot until the vision or dream is obtained. In the Plains such an experience results in the conferring | | 112 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS of one or more songs, the laying on of certain curi- ous formal taboos, and the designation of some ob- ject, as a feather, skin, shell, ete., to be carried and used as a charm or medicine bundle. This pro- cedure has been definitely reported for the Sarsi, Plains-Cree, Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Crow, Hi- datsa, Mandan, Dakota, Assiniboin, Omaha, Ara- paho, Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Pawnee. It is prob- ably universal except perhaps among the Ute, Sho- shoni, and Nez Percé. We know also that it is fre- quent among the Woodland Cree, Menomini, and Ojibway. Aside from hunger and thirst, there was no self-torture except among the Dakota and pos- sibly a few others of Siouan stock. With these it was the rule for all desiring to become shamans, or those in close rapport with the divine element, to thrust skewers through the skin and tie themselves up as in the sun dance, to be discussed later. Now, when a Blackfoot, a Dakota, or an Omaha went out to fast and pray for a revelation, he called upon all the recognized mythical creatures, the heav- enly bodies, and all in the earth and in the waters, which is consistent with the conceptions of an illy localized power or element manifest everywhere. No doubt this applies equally to all the aforesaid tribes. If this divine element spoke through a hawk, for example, the applicant would then look upon that bird as the localization or medium for it; and for him, wakonda, or what not, was manifest or resided therein; but, of course, not exclusively. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES 113 Quite likely, he would keep in a bundle the skin or feathers of a hawk that the divine presence might ever be at hand. This is why the warriors of the Plains carried such charms into battle and looked to them for aid. It is not far wrong to say that all religious ceremonies and practices (all the so-called medicines of the Plains Indians) originate and re- ceive their sanction in dreams or induced visions, all, in short, handed down directly by this wonderful vitalizing element. 7 Medicine Bundles. In anthropological literature it is the custom to use the term medicine in a tech- nical sense, meaning anything that manifests the divine element. Among the Blackfoot, Arapaho, Crow, Kiowa, Hidatsa, and Mandan especially, and to varying extent among the other tribes of the Plains, the men made extraordinary use of these charms or amulets, which were, after all, little medi- cine bundles. A man rarely went to war or en- gaged in any serious undertaking without carrying and appealing to one or more of these small bundles. They usually originated, as just stated, in the dreams or visions of so-called medicinemen who gave them out for fees. With them were often one or more songs and a formula of some kind. Ex- amples of these may be seen in the Museum’s Paw- nee and Blackfoot collections, where they seem most highly developed. In addition to these many small individual and more or less personal medicines, many tribes have 114 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS more pretentious bundles of sacred objects which are seldom opened and never used except in connec- Fig. 39. Medicine-Pipe Bundle. Blackfoot. . The Blackfoot Indians formerly maintained a number of sacred bundles containing pipes and other objects, usually spoken of as medicine-pipes, the term medicine meaning something animated by the supernatural (see p. 110). In all, the Blackfoot possessed seven- teen of these pipe bundles in 1903. An elaborate ritual accompanies each bundle and must be demonstrated whenever the bundle is opened and the pipe taken out. The owner of such a bundle is responsible for its care, the maintenance of its ritual, and the observance of all the regulations connected therewith. His position in the tribe is much the same as that of a priest among us. The outer wrapping to a pipe bundle is skin of the black bear, the inner wrappings are of elkskin. A woman’s belt is attached, be- cause on the march the pipe-keeper’s wife carries the bundle. In the bundle is first of all the great pipe; but there are also skins of an owl, two loons, two white swans, two cranes, a muskrat, an otter, a fawn, a prairie dog, a rattle, tobacco, ete. tion with certain solemn ceremonies. We refer to such as the tribal bundles of the Pawnee, the medi- cine arrows of the Cheyenne, the sacred pipe and | RELIGION AND CEREMONIES 115 Fig. 40. A Medicine-Pipe. Blackfoot. This is the great pipe from the bundle shown in the preceding fig- ure. It is believed to have come from the Thunder God and, in consequence, its presence in a camp gives protection against lightning. At the sound of the first thunder in the spring of the year, the bundle is opened, the ritual performed, and the pipe offered to the Thunder God, as prayers for the welfare of all are uttered by the pipe-keeper. This type of pipe is found among the Northern Plains tribes while analogous forms are encountered in other parts of the Plains Area. 116 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS the wheel of the Arapaho, the ‘‘taimay’’ image of the Kiowa, the Okipa drums of the Mandan, and the buffalo calf pipe of the Dakota. In addition to these very famous ones, there are numerous similar bundles owned by individuals, especially among the Blackfoot, Sarsi, Gros Ventre, Omaha, Hidatsa, and Pawnee. The best known type of bundle is the medicine-pipe which is highly developed among the Blackfoot and their immediate neighbors. In the early literature of the area frequent reference is made to the calumet or, in this case, a pair of pipe- stems waved in the demonstration of a ritual bind- ing the participants in a firm brotherhood. This ceremony is reported among the Pawnee, Omaha, — Ponea, Mandan, and Dakota, and, according to tra- dition, originated with the Pawnee. The use of either type of pipe bundle seems not to have reached the western tribes. One singular thing is that in all these medicine-pipes it is the stem that is sacred, often it is not even perforated, is frequently without a bowl, and in any event rarely actually smoked. It is thus clear that the whole is highly symbolic. The war bundles of the Osage have not been in- vestigated but seem to belong to a type widely dis- tributed among the Pawnee, Sauk and Fox, Me- nomini, and Winnebago of the Woodland area. Among the Blackfoot, there is a special development of the bundle scheme in that they recognize the transferring of bundles and amulets to other per- sons together with the compact between the original RELIGION AND CEREMONIES i ‘oyedeiy ‘sjuoju0D pue ojpung VW “Tf ‘Sy 118 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS owner and the divine element. The one receiving the bundle pays a handsome sum to the former owner. This buying and selling of medicines is so frequent that many men have at one time and an- other owned all the types of bundles in the tribe. The greatest bundle development, however, seems to rest with the Pawnee, one of the less typical Plains tribes, whose whole tribal organization is ex- pressed in bundle rituals and their relations to each other. For example, the Skidi Pawnee, the tribal division best known, base their religious and goy- ernmental authority upon a series of bundles at the head of which is the Eveningstar bundle. The ritual of this bundle recites the order and purpose of the Creation and is called upon to initiate and author- ize every important undertaking. The most sacred object in this bundle is an ear of corn, spoken of as . ‘Mother,’ and symbolizing the life of man. Similar ears are found in all the important bundles of the Pawnee and one such ear was carried by a war party for use in the observances of the warpath. From all this we see that the emphasis of Pawnee thought and religious feeling is placed upon cultivated plants in contrast to the more typical Plains tribes who make no attempts at agriculture, but who put the chief stress upon buffalo ceremonies. The tendency to surround the growing of maize with elaborate ceremonies is characteristic of the Pueblo Indians of the Southwest and also of such tribes east of the Mississippi as made a specialty of agriculture. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES 119 In the Museum collections are a few important bundles, a medicine-pipe, and a sun dance bundle (natoas) from the Blackfoot, the latter a very sacred thing; an Arapaho bundle; the sacred image used in the Crow sun dance; an Osage war bundle; a series of tribal bundles from the Pawnee, ete. To them the reader is referred for further details. Tribal Ceremonies. In addition to the above ceremonial practices, there are a number of pro- cedures deserving special mention. Most tribes had a series of ceremonies for calling the buffalo and in- ducing them to enter the_pound or to permit them- selves to be easily taken by the hunters. These have not been satisfactorily investigated but seem to have varied a great deal probably because this function was usually delegated to a few tribal shamans each of whom exercised his own special formulae. The Crow, the Blackfoot, and perhaps a few other tribes had elaborate tobacco planting ceremonies. The Pawnee formerly sacrificed a captured maiden in a ceremony to the Morningstar, the procedure show- ing close parallels to Aztec practices, and some of the maize-growing tribes in this area are credited with a ‘‘green corn’’ or harvest dance, a. character- istic of the tribes east of the Mississippi. The Paw- nee also maintained some curious ceremonies in which shamans performed remarkable tricks and demonstrated their magizal powers. Turning from these rather exceptional practices, we find certain highly typical ceremonies, INDIANS OF THE PLAINS 120 “UNOS Ay ey} UL Jopoy ‘ooueq Ung oyedeiy ‘Zp “SIT a I) Ni RELIGION AND CEREMONIES 121 The Sun Dance. One of the most important tribal ceremonies is the so-called sun dance. The name as used in literature is probably derived from the Dakota who speak of one phase of the ceremony as sun-gaze-dancing; i1e., the worshipper gazes steadily at the sun while dancing. ‘To a less extent, this is one of the objective features of the ceremony wherever performed and is occasionally associated with a torture feature in which skewers are thrust through the skin of the breast and back and the devotee suspended or required to dance until the skin gives away, all the time supplicating the sun for divine guidance. Another feature is that in the center of the cere- monial place is:set up a tree, or sun pole, which is scouted for, counted coup upon, and felled, as if it were an enemy. Upon this, offerings of cloth are made to the sun. In the fork at the top is usually a bunch of twigs, in some cases called the nest of the thunderbird. Within the enclosure on the left side an altar is made. The time of the sun dance is in midsummer. It is usually initiated by the vow of a man or woman to make it as a sacrifice in return for some heeded prayer in time of great danger. The soldier socie- ties, the women’s society, and other organizations, generally take turns dancing at the sun pole after the above-named rites have been concluded. As a rule all who perform important functions in the sun dance are required to spend several days in fasting and other purification ceremonies. ve i222 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS Fig. 48. Sun Dance Headdress. Blackfoot. In so brief an account of the Sun Dance, as permitted in the text, one cannot describe the various types of procedure. While every- where the Sun Danee is much the same, there are variations in regalia and other details. In Fig. 43 is shown the headdress worn by the woman who initiates the Blackfoot Sun Dance, and which is one of the most sacred objects owned by the tribe. Except at the time of the ceremony, it is kept in a bundle and reverently cared for, as are other medicine bundles. The sacred bundle of this headdress contains many objects. First of all, is a digging-stick, in some respects more sacred than the head- dress itself, because it symbolizes woman’s fall and banishment from the skyland, where she dug up the forbidden plant. The other neces- sary objects, all used in the ritual for the initial Sun Dance ceremony, are, a carrying case of rawhide, a covering of badger skin, bladders for holding feathers, skins of the weasel, squirrel, and gopher. Also, bags of paint, many colors, seven rattlers of buffalo skin, and nu- merous small objects. As shown in the drawing, the sacred headdress is built upon a strip of buffalo skin, cut to represent a lizard; one half of it is painted — red, the other blue. Hanging down the sides are many strips of white weasel skin. In front, or over the woman’s forehead is, first, the entire skin of a white weasel, filled with hair or sealplocks. Under the weasel skin is a crude object, with a ball-like head, spoken of as a doll. For the most part the doll contains tobacco, but attached to ‘its head is a flint arrow-head. A pair of bird skins at the back and plumes for the top complete the headdress. Ag in most ceremonial objects of this kind, each is accounted for in the sacred myth on which the ritual is founded. No other Plains tribes have such a headdress, except the Sarsi, but the Crow and Kiowa use a doll-like image in the ceremony. An exhaustive study of the Sun Dance has been made by the Mu- seum staff and will be found in Volume 16 of the Anthropological Papers. i, haem Zo Wii p \F Avs , \ fi’'4 iN ~ aS ws . J . s E ae ee ee Sa aes eae Xho Betts ballon p sen Price?