nN q ” bite li te | ee FOR THE PEOPLE FOR EDVCATION FOR SCIENCE LIBRARY OF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY ASSINIBOINE WARRIOR. (After Maximilian.) NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS OF THE PLAINS By CLARK WISSLER CURATOR OF ANTHROPOLOGY PAN DEOOK SERIES NO. 1 NEW YORK AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY 1912 i 4 al ie ay ef: Ky ot, + PAN, is he vee a). I ‘ a » bet 1 j i y ” a - Ne 1 - uf } ¥ it be i wy r Vee rn z on te aS >", ( SN > oe BLACKFOOT WICHITA | 22s: ST O ema 2 | DAKOTA OSAGE PAWNEE ees Pe Ey ‘ PLAINS ASSINIBOINE Cerne HIDATSA PLAN OF THE PLAINS INDIAN HALL. The Museum exhibits for the various tribes are arranged in approxi- mate geographical order, beginning with the Plains-Cree of the north and proceeding with the typical nomadic tribes (p. 17). In the north- _ western part of the hall are the Shoshone, Ute, and Nez Percé, whose culture is intermediate between that of the Plains and Plateau Area. In the northeastern section are the Mandan, Hidatsa, and other village tribes, also manifesting an intermediate culture between the Plains and that of the Woodlands to the east. The Woodland hall to the east and the Southwest hall to the north, are so arranged as to bring the intermediate tribes of each region near the entrance to the Plains Indian hall. Thus, from case to case, one may follow changes in culture from the Atlantic Coast to the Colorado River and the Gulf of California. In addition to the specimens, the greater part of the famous Mills collection of Catlin paintings will be found in this hall. The pictures were painted by George Catlin who in 1832-40 visited most of the tribes of this area. We * idl a eee a. on > 5 « PREFACE. Tuts little book is not merely a guide to museum collections from the Plains Indians, but a summary of the facts and interpretations making up the anthro- pology of those Indians. The specimens in _ this Museum were, for the most part, systematically col- lected by members of the scientific staff while sojourning among the several tribes. They were selected to illustrate various points in tribal life and customs, or culture. The exhibits in the Plains Hall contain, as far as space permits, most of the typical objects for each tribe; yet, it has been physically impossible to show everything the Museum possesses. So the most characteristic objects for each tribe have been selected and care taken to have the other objects common to many tribes appear at least once in some part of the hall. The ideal way would be to get every variety of every object used by each subdivision of a tribe and exhibit all of them in their entirety; but few collections can be made so complete, and even if they could, space in the building could not be found for them. The exhibits, then, should be taken as material indices, or marks, of tribal cultures and not as complete exposi- tions of them. This handbook, on the other hand, deals with the main points in the anthropology of the 6 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. Plains Indians many of which (as marriage, social and political organization, language, etc.) cannot be de- monstrated by collections. The statements in the text are made upon the authority of the many special students of these Indians in whose writings will be found far more complete accounts. Citations to the more important works will be given in the bibliography. The illustrations are chiefly from the anthropological publications of the Museum and for the most part represent specimens on exhibition in the Plains Hall. For a mere general view of the subject, the legends to the maps, the introduction, and the concluding chapter are recommended. The intervening topics may then be taken up as guides to the study of collections or the perusal of the special literature. CONTENTS. PAGE. PREFACE Se 8 ee a as 5 INTRODUCTION EE ie! a ee ye lh Gb cae e (Ae we 15 CHAPTER I. TRETOUTEE 8c ke ek, wet ce tat we eye 19 Food; Buffalo Hunting, Hunting Implements, Pemmican, and Agriculture. Transportation. Shelter; The Tipi, and Earth Lodge. Dress. Industrial Arts; Fire-Making, Tex- tiles and Skins, Tailoring, The Use of Rawhide, The Par- fleche, Rawhide Bags, Soft Bags, Household Utensils, Tools, Digging Stick, Pipes, Weapons, and Games. CHAPTER II. SR CUS AUIMATUON. es Sie is) BS ke ON TW 82 The Camp Circle. Marriage. Government. Soldier Bands or Societies. Social Distinction. CHAPTER III. Mimeron AND CEREMONIES . . «0. «ss. e « 1h 8 97 Mythology. Religious Concepts. A Supernatural Helper. Medicine Bundles. Tribal Ceremonies; The Sun Dance, Ghost Dance Ceremonies, Peyote Worship, Dancing Asso- ciations, War and Scalp Dances. Ceremonial Procedure. CHAPTER IV. PueoestTivy® AND Reiicgious ART . . . . . « « «s/s 120 CHAPTER V. UIE Se CR ee te ela ee i a 127 CHAPTER VI. SOPRA AM ee TENUNON en se Ma aA Sy Aah aa “8a bya fm bad 135 CHAPTER VII. SORE ee ine ee i 2 inet See 138 CEA net ee oe we BN ee a! lh) a LS 143 ee Mee ok ee en eee ae CE Lil, ol,” ) WEN Le oN Assiniboine Dog Travois . . . weer sk Crossing the Missouri in a Bull- Bo: * ste sda, at oa rr Setting up a Crow Tipi sims ct Swi |p ee ee Hidatea Village in 1868.0 2 “29 rh a One-piece Moccasin Pattern ne Po) Ae Oe ew Two-piece Moccasm Pattern «..: . 1 © 4 ~» t's 4 Se Man’s Shirt. Blackfoot . . . , £2829). 9 ee Se Costumed Figure of a Dakota Wo oman OM. a yee Woman’s Dress of Titssalem ~ 202094) Pe ee Firednill. Northern Shoshone... “°°. o Ws" 2 = Son eee Scraping a Hide. Blood ea RD Oe Be ee Oe ee er Hide Scrapers’ o>. iyetaiaeael, le) es Bleshing Toole 3M pe Ge ke Se Ee Parfieche Pattern '..) .°)5 xe. Ree eae ee A Parfleche .. Rh feta Sau aie Bia tole > 2 ee re Bag made of Rawhide” 1 haan Oeste Lerwick len 2a agi

Oy. aiehs -, ae 70 foot : ee . Buffalo Horn fae: ve ee ere esr Bone Knife eee A Buffalo Hide Shield Reciar ihe Ns hihi Blackfoot 50 )4, (4 CONTENTS. The Cheyenne Camp Circle Dog Society Dancer. Arapaho Headdress of Buffalo Skin, Arapaho Women’s Baik iety A Blackfoot War Record Medicine-pipe and Bundle A Bundle and Contents. Arapaho Arapaho Sun Dance, Model in the Museum . Digging Stick and Case for Blackfoot Sun Dance Sandie Sun Dance Headdress. Blackfoot Peyote Button Types of Designs on Ribesasis Design Elements, Bead and Quill Pnleoidery Arapaho Moccasin with Symbolic Decoration Painted Designs on a Woman’s Robe. Dakota Blanket Band in Quills. Blackfoot Teton-Dakota and Crow Types Cheyenne and Pawnee Types Blackfoot and Wind River Shoshone Tepes Fy ae € Let ta. Ae Priest 7 ee, leboy ee aah crescent uted re dioitaewtt on apAthi Qe Joppa re: * vate a poe, ie is a: staat J MIP 2 Tea ‘ a i oe ~¢ 4 4 cP ; Ms ; . ") vy), » Fay 7 ~~ = . « yy! ~ @ P' w a asp : - = FJ uJ 4 ; ‘oa a ‘> oe : 13 P * y #3 $ ; ie eupiin I , "7 > } yee 1 | } | $ Map SHOWING THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE BUFFALO ABOUT 1800. The larger area defines the limits of the buffalo range in 1800 as determined by Dr. J. A. Allen. The smaller area indicates the range of the Plains Indians. While the bison area is somewhat larger than the culture area, the largest herds were found within the bounds of the latter. On the other hand, the cultures of tribes along the borders of the area are often intermediate in character. Hence, we find a rather close correlation between the distribution of the bison and culture traits, the nine typical tribes living where the herds were thick- est. 13 Tue DIsTRIBUTION OF FoRESTS IN WESTERN UNITED STATES. The shaded portions of this map mark the areas originally covered with trees. The true plains extend from north to south along the east- ern border of the Rocky Mountains. On the west, trees are found on the sides of mountains; on the east, they stretch out into the plains along the margins of the streams. Reference to the tribal map shows how the typical group ranges in the open plains while the eastern agri- cultural village group lives in the partially forested belt. On the west the plateau group appears to range in the open stretches among the mountains. 14 INTRODUCTION. Tue North American Indians may be classified in three ways: first, as to language; second, as to customs and habits (culture); third, as to anatomical characters (physical type). It is, however, usual to consider them as composed of small more or less distinct political or social groups, or tribes, and it is under such group names that the objects in museum collections are arranged. The cultures of many tribes are quite similar and since such resemblances are nearly always found among neighbors and not among widely scattered tribes, it is convenient and proper to group them in geographical or culture areas. Most anthropologists classify the cultures of North American tribes approximately as shown on the accompanying map. In the region of the great plains and prairies were many tribes of Plains Indians, who have held the first place in the literature and art of our time. Being rather war-like and strong in numbers, many of them are intimately associated with the history of our western states and every school boy knows how the Dakota (Sioux) rode down Custer’s command. The names of Sitting-bull, Red-cloud, and Chief Joseph are also quite familiar. The culture of these Plains tribes is most strikingly associated with the buffalo, or bison, which not so very ‘long ago roamed over their entire area. Turning to 16 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. the map one may see how closely the distributions of this culture type and that for the buffalo coincide. This animal supplied them with one of their chief foods, in accessible and almost never-failing abundance. For a part of the year at least, all Plains tribes used the conical skin tent, or tipi. In early times the dog was used to transport baggage and supplies, but later, horses became very abundant and it is not far wrong to speak of all Plains tribes as horsemen. When on the hunt or moving in a large body most of these tribes were controlled by a band of “soldiers,” or police, who drove in stragglers and repressed those too eager to advance and who also policed the camp and maintained order and system in the tribal hunt. All Indians are quite religious. Most of the Plains tribes had a grand annual gathering known in literature as the sun dance. In general, these few main cultural characteristics may be taken to designate the type — the use of the buffalo, the tipi, the horse, the soldier-band, and the sun dance. Many of the tribes living near the Mississippi and along the Missouri, practised agriculture in a small way and - during a part of the year lived in earth-covered or bark houses. Furthermore, there are many other tribal differences, so that it becomes admissible to subdivide the Plains Indians. The following seems the most consistent grouping. INTRODUCTION. 17 i. “rhe Northern Tribes * Assiniboine Plains-Cree *Blackfoot Plains-Ojibway *Crow Sarsl *Gros Ventre *Teton-Dakota 2. The Southern Tribes * Arapaho *Comanche *Cheyenne *Kiowa Kiowa-Apache 3. The Village, or Eastern Tribes Arikara Omaha Hidatsa Osage Iowa Oto Kansas Pawnee Mandan Ponca Missouri Santee-Dakota Wichita 4. The Plateau, or Western Tribes Bannock Northern Shoshone Nez Percé Ute Wind River Shoshone Cultural characteristics change gradually as we go from one tribe to another; hence, on the edges of the Plains area we may expect many doubtful cases. Among such may be enumerated the Flathead and 18 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. Pend D’Oreille of the northwest, the Illinois and Winnebago of the east, and some Apache of the south. On the southeast, in Texas and Arkansas, were the Caddoan tribes (Kichai, Waco, Tawakoni, etc., rela- tives of the Wichita) having a culture believed to be intermediate between the Plains and that of the Southeastern area. Yet, in spite of these and other doubtful cases, it is usual to exclude all not enumerated in the above lists as belonging more distinctly with other culture areas. As this grouping is rather for convenience than otherwise, and the culture of each tribe is determined by its own data, the exact placing of these border tribes is of no great moment. However, the most typical Plains tribes are the Assiniboine, Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Crow, Teton-Dakota, Arapaho, Cheyenne, Comanche, and Kiowa, indicated in the preceding list by an asterisk (*). Reference to the map shows how peculiarly this typical group stretches from north to south, almost in a straight line, with the intermediate Plateau group on one side and the Village group on the other. Again, the forestry map shows that the range of this typical nomadic group coincides with the area in which trees are least in evidence. It embraces the true tipi-dwelling, horse, and non-agri- cultural tribes. It is primarily the cultural traits of this nomadic group that are discussed in this book, though the important exceptions among the two marginal groups are noted. CHAPTER I. MATERIAL CULTURE. SINCE this is a discussion of the general characteristics of Plains Indians, we shall not take them up by tribes, as is usual, but by topics. Anthropologists are ac- customed to group the facts of primitive life under the following main heads: material culture (food, trans- portation, shelter, dress, manufactures, weapons, etc.), social organization, religion and ceremonies, art, language, and physical type. Foon. The flesh of the buffalo was the great staple of the Plains Indians, though elk, antelope, bear and smaller game were not infrequently used. On the other hand, vegetable foods were always a considerable portion of their diet, many of the eastern groups cultivating corn (maize) and gathering wild rice, the others making extensive use of wild roots, seeds, and fruits. All the tribes living on the edges of the buffalo area, even those on the western border of the Woodlands, seem to have made regular hunting excursions out into the open 19 20) INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. country. Thus Nicolas Perrot writing in 1680-1718 (p. 119) says of the Indians in Illinois : — “The savages set out in the autumn, after they have gathered the harvest, to go hunting; and they do not return to their villages until the month of March, in order to plant the grain on their lands. As soon as this is done, they go hunting again, and do not return until the month of July.” Early explorers in the Plateaus to the west of the Plains tell us that the Nez Percé and Flathead of Idaho and even the inhabitants of the Rio Grande pueblo of Taos, New Mexico, made periodical hunting excursions to the plains. To most of the Plains tribes, the introduction of the European horse was a great boon. Unfortunately, we have no definite information as to when and how the herse was spread over the plains but it was so early that its presence is noted by some of the earliest ex- plorers. It is generally assumed that by trade and by the capture of horses escaping from the settlements, the various tribes quickly acquired their stock, first from Mexico and the southern United States, whence the Apache, Comanche, Kiowa, and Pawnee obtained: them, and they in turn passed them on to the north. The Shoshone and other tribes of the Plateau area were also pioneers in their use. Even as early as 1754 they are reported in great numbers among the Blackfoot, one of the extreme northern plains groups. Hence, we have no detailed information as to the mode of life among these tribes before the horse was introduced, except what is gleaned from their tribal traditions. MATERIAL CULTURE. 21 That the use of the horse made a great change in cul- ture is quite probable. It must have stimulated roving and the pursuit of the buffalo and discouraged tendencies toward fixed abodes and agriculture. Buffalo Hunting. All Plains tribes seem to have practised codperative hunting in an organized military- like manner. This usually took the form of a surround in which a large body of Indians on swift horses and under the direction of skilled leaders rode round and round a herd bunching them up and shooting down the animals one by one. Stirring accounts of such hunts have been left us by such eye-witnesses as Catlin, James, and Grinnell. All tribes seem to have used this method in summer and it was almost the only one followed by the southern plains tribes. In winter, however, when the northern half of the plains was often covered with snow, this method was not practised. Alexander Henry, Maximilian, and others, have described a favorite winter method of impounding, or driving the herd into an enclosure. Early accounts indicate that the Plains-Cree and Assiniboine were the most adept in driving into these ‘enclosures and may perhaps have introduced the method among the Plains tribes. The Plains-Cree are but a small outlying part of a very widely distributed group of Cree, the culture of whose main body seems quite uniform. Now, even the Cree east of Hudson Bay, Canada, use a similar method for deer, and since there is every reason to believe that the Plains-Cree are but a colony of the larger body to the east, it seems fair to 22 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. assume that the method of impounding buffalo origi- nated with them. However that may be, some form of it was practised by the Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Hidatsa, Mandan, Teton-Dakota, Arapaho, Cheyenne, and perhaps others. We have some early accounts of another method used in the prairies of Illinois and Iowa. Thus, in Perrot (121) we read: — ‘When the village has a large number of young men able to bear arms they divide these into three bodies: one takes its route to the right, another that to the left, and half of the third party is divided between the two former ones. One of these latter parties goes away [from its main column] a league or thereabout to the right, and the other remains on the left, both parties forming, each on its own side, a long file; then they set out, in single file, and continue their march until they judge that their line of men is sufficiently long for them to advance into the depths [of the forest]. As they begin their march at midnight, one of the parties waits until dawn, while the others pursue their way; and after they have marched a league or more another party waits again for daylight; the rest march [until] after another half-league has been covered, and likewise wait. When the day has at last begun, this third party which had separated to the right and the left with the two others pushes its way farther; and as soon as the rising sun has dried off the dew on the ground, the parties on the right and the left, being in sight of each other, come together in [one] file, and close up the end of the circuit which they intend to surround. “They commence at once by setting fire to the dried herbage which is abundant in those prairies; those who occupy the flanks do the same; and at that moment the entire village breaks camp, with all the old men and young boys — who divide themselves equally on both sides, move away to a distance, and keep the hunting parties in sight so that they can act with the latter, so that the fires can be lighted on all four sides at once and gradually communicate the flames from one to another. That produces the same effect to the sight as four ranks of palisades, in which the buffaloes are enclosed. When the savages see that the animals are trying to get outside of it, in order to escape the fires which surround them on all sides (and this is the one thing in the world which they most fear), they run at them and compel them to reenter the MATERIAL CULTURE. 23 enclosure; and they avail themselves of this method to kill all the beasts. It is asserted that there are some villages which have secured as many as fifteen hundred buffaloes, and others more or fewer, according to the number of men in each and the size of the enclosure which they make in their hunting.” The natural inference seems to be that the grass firing and impounding methods of taking buffalo were developed before the introduction of the horse and are therefore the most primitive. The individual hunting of buffalo as well as in small parties was, of course, practised. Swift horses were used to bring the rider in range when he shot down the fleeing beasts. Before horses were known the codperative method must have prevailed. Hunting Implements. The implements used _ for killing buffalo were not readily displaced by guns. Bows and arrows were used long after guns were com- mon. In fact, pioneers maintain that at close range the rapidity and precession of the bow was only to be excelled by the repeating rifle, a weapon developed in the 70’s. Even so, the bow was not entirely discarded until the buffalo became extinct. The bows were of two general types: the plain wooden bow, and the sinew-backed, or compound bow. It is generally held that the tribes east of the Mississippi River used the simple wooden bow while those on the Pacific Coast used the sinew-backed type. It is quite natural there- fore, that among the Plains tribes, we should find both types in general use and that the sinew-backed was more common among the Shoshone and other Plateau tribes. 24 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. Some curious bows were made from mountain sheep horn backed with sinew, a fine example of which is to be seen in the Nez Percé collection (Fig. 1). The Crow, Hidatsa, and Mandan sometimes used a bow Fig. 1. Sinew-backed Bow and Quiver from the Blackfoot and a Compound Bow of Mountain Sheep Horn from the Nez Percé. bo 2) | MATERIAL CULTURE. of elkhorn, probably one of the finest examples of Indian workmanship: ‘‘They take a large horn or prong, and saw a slice off each side of it; these slices are then filed or rubbed down until the flat sides fit nicely together, when they are glued and wrapped at the ends. Four slices make a bow, it being jointed. Another piece of horn is laid on the center of the bow at the grasp, where it is glued fast. The whole is then filed down until it is perfectly proportioned, when the white bone is ornamented, carved, and painted. Noth- Fig. 2. Lance with Obsidian Point. Nez Percé. ing can exceed the beauty of these bows, and it takes an Indian about three months to make one.’ (Belden, 112.) All these compound bows are sinew-backed, it being the sinew that gives them efficiency. Some fine old wooden bows may be seen in the Museum’s Dakota collection. A lance was frequently used for buffalo: in the hands of a powerful horseman, this is said to have been quite effective. There is a stone-pointed lance in the Nez Percé collection which may be of the type formerly used, Fig. 2. Wounded animals and those in the 26 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. enclosure of the pound were often brought down by knocking on the head with stone-headed clubs and mauls. Pemmican. As buffalo could not be killed every day, some method of preserving their flesh in an eatable condition was necessary to the well-being of the Plains Indian. The usual method was by drying in the sun. Steaks were cut broad and thin, and slashed by short Fig. 3. Meat Drying Rack. Blackfoot. cuts which gaped open when the pieces were suspended, giving the appearance of holes. These steaks were often placed in boiling water for a few moments and then hung upon poles or racks out of reach of dogs. In the course of a few days, if kept free from moisture, the meat became hard and dry. It could then be bo “J MATERIAL CULTURE, stored in bags for future use. Fat, or meat, could be dried if slightly boiled. Dried meat of the buffalo and sometimes of the elk was often pounded fine, making what was known as pemmican. While some form of pemmican was used in many parts of North America, the most characteristic kind among the Plains Indians was the berry pemmican. To make this, the best cuts of the buffalo were dried Fig. 4. Stone-headed Pounders. in the usual manner. During the berry season wild cherries (Prunus demissa) were gathered and crushed with stones, pulverizing the pits, and reducing the whole to a thick paste which was partially dried in the sun. Then the dried meat was softened by holding over a fire, after which it was pounded fine with a stone or stone-headed maul. In the Dakota collection may be seen some interesting rawhide mortars for this 28 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. purpose. This pulverized meat was mixed with melted fat and marrow, to which was added the dried but sticky cherry paste. The whole mass was then packed in a long, flat rawhide bag, called a parfleche. With proper care, such pemmican would keep for years. In pioneer days, it was greatly prized by white trappers and _ soldiers. Agriculture. Almost without exception, the village group of tribes made at least some attempts to cultivate maize. Of the northern tribes, none have been credited with this practice, except perhaps the Teton-Dakota. Yet, the earlier observers usually distinguish the Teton from the Santee-Dakota by their non-agricultural habits. Of the southern tribes, we cannot be so sure. The Cheyenne, who seem to have abandoned a forest home for the plains just before the historic period have traditions of maize culture but seem to have discon- tinued it soon after going into the buffalo country. The Arapaho are thought by some anthropologists to have preceded the Cheyenne. Yet while many writers are disposed to admit that all of the southern group may have made some attempts at maize growing, they insist that these were feeble in comparison with the village tribes. When, however, we turn to the Plateau area, there are no traces of maize growing. In asso- ciation with maize it was usual to raise some varieties of squash and beans. Thus, in a general way, the practice of agiicdlaal seems to gradually dwindle out as we leave the more fertile river bottoms of the east and south, suggesting MATERIAL CULTURE. 29 that its positive absence among the extreme western and northern tribes is due to unfavorable soil and climate rather than to any mental or social differences in the tribes concerned. This is consistent with the wide distribution of tobacco raising. The Blackfoot, Crow, Hidatsa, Mandan, Arikara, Pawnee, and Santee- Dakota are known to have cultivated it for ceremonial purposes. So far as known this plant was Nicotiana multivalvis, said to be a native of Oregon and to have been cultivated by tribes in the Columbia River valley. The fact that the Blackfoot and Crow did not attempt any other agriculture except the raising of this tobacco rather strengthens the previous opinion that maize was not produced because of the unfavorable conditions. Among the tribes of the Plateau area, wild seeds and grains were gathered and so took the place of maize in the east. On the other hand, the northern and southern groups depended mostly upon dried berries and edible roots which however, were a relatively small part of their diet, buffalo flesh being the impor- tant food. This was particularly true of the nine typical tribes. With these tribes, the buffalo was not only food: but his by-products, such as skin, bones, hair, horns, and sinew, were the chief materials for costume, tents, and utensils of all kinds. TRANSPORTATION. Before the introduction of the horse, the Plains Indians traveled on foot. The tribes living along the —— —" 30 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. Mississippi made some use of canoes, according to Fig. 5. Blackfoot Travois. early accounts, while those of the Missouri and inland, used only crude tub-like affairs for ferry purposes. MATERIAL CULTURE. 3l When first discovered, the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara had villages on the Missouri, in what is now North Dakota, but they have never been credited with canoes. For crossing the river, they used the bull- boat, a tub-shaped affair made by stretching buffalo skins over a wooden frame; but journeys up and down gegen ge (pee ae pain Fig. 6. Assiniboine Dog Travois. the bank were made on foot. Many of the Santee- Dakota used small canoes in gathering wild rice in the small lakes of Minnesota, though the Teton-Dakota have not been credited with the practice. It seems probable that the ease of travel in the open plains and the fact that the buffalo were often to be found inland, made the use of canoes impractical, whereas along the i ee te ——— en ee i i ttt tn —_—— . 32 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. great lakes the broad expanse of water offered every advantage to their use. Since almost every Plains tribe used some form of the bull-boat for ferrying, and many of them came in contact with canoe-using Indians, the failure of those living along the Missouri to develop the canoe can scarcely be attributed to ignorance. When on the march, baggage was carried on the human back and also by dogs, the only aboriginal domestic animals. Most tribes used a peculiar A- shaped contrivance, known as a dog travois, upon which packs were placed. All the northern tribes, save the Crow, are credited with the dog travois. Many of the village tribes also used it, as did also some of the southern group. With the introduction of the horse, a larger but similar travois was used. This, however, did not entirely displace the dog travois as Catlin’s sketches show Indians on the march with both horses and dogs harnessed to travois. The travois of the northern tribes were of two types: rectangular cross- frames and oval netted frames, Fig. 5. The Blackfoot, Sarsi and Gros Ventre inclined toward the former; the Assiniboine, Dakota, Hidatsa, and Mandan toward the latter, though both types were often used simultane- ously. On the other hand, the southern tribes seem to have inclined toward an improvised travois formed by binding tipi poles to the sides of the saddle and slinging the pack across behind. As previously noted, the Crow seem not to have used the travois and the same may be said of the tribes in the Plateau area. . MATERIAL CULTURE. 33 These tribes, however, formerly used the dog as a pack animal. , The use of a sled on the ice or snow has not been Fig. 7. Crossing the Missouri in a Bull-Boat. (Wilson photo.) credited to any except some of the Santee-Dakota and the Mandan and among them it is quite probable that it was introduced by white traders. 34 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. The riding gear and horse trappings that always ~ form an interesting part of collections, naturally came in with the horse and followed European models. The native bridle was a simple rope or thong looped around the jaw. Saddles were of two types, pads, and frames. The latter were made of wood or elkhorn securely bound with fresh buffalo hide which shrunk as it dried. The Mills Catlin collection contains a sketch showing how one of the saddles is staked down to the ground while the wet rawhide sets in place. Women’s saddles had very high pommels and were often gaily ornamented. Stirrups were also made of wood bound with rawhide. Some tribes, the Dakota for example, used highly decorated saddle blankets, or skins; while others (Crow, Blackfoot, etc.) used elaborate cruppers. Quirts with short handles of elkhorn or wood were common. In fact, there was little difference in the form of riding gear among all the Plains tribes. The nine typical tribes were more or less always on the move. All their possessions were especially de- signed for ready transport. Nearly all receptacles and most utensils were made of rawhide, while the tipi, or tent, was easily rolled up and placed upon a travois. When the chief gave out the order to break camp it took but a few minutes for the women to have every- thing loaded on travois and ready for the march. Even the village group used tipis and horses when on the buffalo hunt (p. 17). The smaller baggage was often loaded upon dog travois. We have no accurate data as to how the camp was moved before horses came into MATERIAL CULTURE. 30 the country, but it was certainly more laborious and the marches shorter. SHELTER. The Tipi. One of the most characteristic features of Plains Indian culture was the tipi. All the tribes of the area, almost without exception, used it for a part of the year at least. Primarily, the tipi was a conical tent covered with dressed buffalo skins. A carefully mounted and equipped tipi from the Black- foot Indians stands in the center of the Plains exhibit. Everywhere the tipi was made, cared for, and set up by the women. First, a conical framework of long slender poles was erected and the cover raised into place. Then the edges of the cover were staked down and the poles supporting the ‘ears’ put in place. The “‘ears”’ are wings, or flies, to keep the wind out of the smoke hole at the top; they were moved about by the outside poles. The fire was built near the center and the beds spread upon the ground around the sides. The head of the family usually sat near the rear, or facing the door. While in essential features the tipis of all Plains tribes were the same, there were nevertheless some important differences. Thus, when setting up a tipi, the Blackfoot, Crow, Sarsi, Hidatsa, Omaha, and Comanche first tie four poles as a support to the others; while the Teton-Dakota, Assiniboine, Cheyenne, Gros Ventre, Arapaho, Kiowa, Plains-Cree, Mandan, and Pawnee use three, or a tripod foundation. For the 36 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. remaining tribes, we lack data, but it seems safe to assume that they follow one or the other of these methods. The three-pole foundation gives the pro- jecting tops of the poles a spiral appearance while the four-pole beginning tends to group them on the sides. Thus, to a practised eye, the difference is plain. The covers, ears, doors, ete., are quite similar throughout. The shapes of tipis, however, show some differences. Thus, the Cheyenne prefer a wide base in proportion to the height while the Arapaho prefer a narrow base. Again, the Crow use very long poles, the ends pro- jecting out above like a great funnel. It is important to note that the use of the tipi is not confined to the plains. The Ojibway along the Lakes used it, but covered it with birchbark as did also many of the Cree and tribes formerly established in eastern Canada and New England. Even the Santee-Dakota in early days used birchbark for tipi covers. A tipi-like skin-covered tent was in general use among the Indians of Labrador and westward throughout the entire Mackenzie area of Canada. To the west, the Plains tipi was found among the Nez Percé, Flathead, Cayuse, and Umatilla; to the southwest, among the Apache. It is well nigh impossible to determine what tribes first originated this type of shelter, though a comparison of the details of structure might give some definite clues. Yet, one thing is clear; viz: that it was espe- cially adapted to the roving life of the Plains tribes when pursuing the buffalo. 3 Earth Lodges. Before going further, we must needs Fig. 8. Setting up a Crow Tipi. (Petzold photo.) S76 38 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. recall that the tipi was not the only type of shelter used by these Indians. The Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara lived in more or less permanent villages of curious earth-covered lodges. The following description of a Hidatsa house may serve as a type: — “On the site of a proposed lodge, they often dig down a foot or more in order to find earth compact enough to form a good floor; so, in some lodges, the floors are lower than the general surface of the ground on which the village stands. The floor is of earth, and has in its center a circular depression, for a fire-place, about a foot deep, and three or four feet wide, with an edging of flat rocks. These dwellings, being from thirty to forty feet in diameter, from ten to fifteen feet high in the center, and from five to seven feet high at the eaves, are quite com- modious. “The frame of a lodge is thus made:— A number of stout posts, from ten to fifteen, according to the size of the lodge, and rising to the height of about five feet above the surface of the earth, are set about ten feet apart in a circle. On the tops of these posts, solid beams are laid, ex- tending from one to another. Then, toward the center of the lodge, four more posts are erected, of much greater diameter than the outer posts, and rising to the height of ten or more feet above the ground. These four posts stand in the corners of a square of about fifteen feet, and their tops are connected with four heavy logs or beams laid hori- zontally. From the four central beams to the smaller external beams, long poles, as rafters, are stretched at an angle of about 30° with the horizon; and from the outer beams to the earth a number of shorter poles are laid at an angle of about 45°. Finally a number of saplings or rails are laid horizontally to cover the space between the four central beams, leaving only a hole for the combined skylight and chimney. This frame is then covered with willows, hay, and ‘earth, as before men- tioned; the covering being of equal depth over all parts of the frame. (Matthews, 4-5). Houses of approximately the same type were used by the Pawnee, Omaha, Ponca, Kansas, Missouri, and Oto. The Osage, on the other hand, are credited with the use of dome-shaped houses covered with mats and MATERIAL CULTURE. 39 bark, like the Ojibway and other Woodland _ tribes. The Hidatsa type of lodge is, unlike the tipi, definitely localized along the Missouri and the Platte, giving one the impression that it must have originated within this territory. The Omaha claim to have originally used Fig. 9. Hidatsa Village in 1868. (Morrow photo reproduced by F. N. Wilson.) tipis and to have learned the use of earth lodges from the Arikara; likewise the Skidi-Pawnee claim the tipi as formerly their only dwelling. However, all these tribes used tipis when on summer and winter trips after buffalo (p. 20). 40 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. Some of the Santee-Dakota lived for a part of the year in rectangular cabins of bark and poles as did some of the Woodland tribes. On the west, an oval or conical brush or grass shelter seems to have preceded the tipi. The Comanche were seen using both this western type of brush lodge and the tipi in 1853. The Northern Shoshone have also been observed with brush lodges and tipis in the same camp. ‘These instances are probably examples of a transition in culture. Thus, we see how even among the less civilized peoples all are prone to be influenced by the culture of their neighbors and that in consequence, cultures grade into one another according to geographical relations. Another curious thing is that all the tribes raising maize used earth or bark houses, but as a rule lived in them only while planting, tending, and harvesting the crop. At other times, they took to tipis. Even in mid-winter the Omaha and Santee-Dakota lived in tipis. A unique and exceptional type of shelter was used by the Wichita and the related Caddoan tribes of the Southeastern culture area. This is known as a grass lodge. It consists of a dome-shaped structure of poles thatched over with grass and given an ornamental appearance by the regular spacing of extra bunches of thatch. Formerly, each house had four doors, east, west, north, and south, and four poles projected from ' the roof in the respective directions. MATERIAL CULTURE, 41 DREss. The men of the Plains were not elaborately clothed. At home, they usually went about in breech cloth and moccasins. The former was a broad strip of cloth drawn up between the legs and passed under the belt both behind and before. There is some reason for believing that even this was introduced by white traders, the more primitive form being a small apron of dressed skin. At all seasons a man kept at hand a soft tanned buffalo robe in which he tastefully swathed his person when appearing in public. This was uni- versally true of all except those of the Plateau area and possibly some of the southern tribes. In the Pla- teaus, the most common for winter were robes of ante- lope, elk, and mountain sheep, while in summer elkskins without the hair were worn. Beaver skins and those of other small animals were sometimes pieced together. According to Grinnell, the Blackfoot, east of the Rocky Mountains also used these various forms of robes. The Plateau tribes sometimes used a curious woven blanket of strips of rabbitskin also widely used in Canada and the Southwest. So far this type of blanket has not been reported for the Plains tribes east of the mountains. Everywhere, we find no differences between the robes of men and women except in their decorations. The buffalo robes were usually the entire skins with the tail. Among most tribes, the robe was worn horizontally with the tail on the right hand side. Light, durable, 42 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. and gaily colored blankets were later introduced by traders and are even now in general use. Moccasins were worn by all, the sandals of the Southwest and Mexico not being credited to these Indians. The two general structural types of mocca- sins in North America are the one-piece, or soft-soled moccasin, and the two-piece, or hard-soled. The t. wom ewte ee ee ee ee 2 =. Fig. 10. One-piece Moccasin Pattern. That part of the pattern marked a forms the upper side of the moccasin; 6, the sole; e, the tongue; f, the trailer. The leather is folded lengthwise, along the dotted line, the points c and d are brought together and the edges sewed along to the point g, which makes a seam the whole length of the foot and around the toes. The vertical heel seam is formed by sewing c and d now joined to h, f projecting. The strips c and d are each, half the width of that marked h, consequently the side seam at the heel is half way between the top of the moccasin and the sole, but reaches the level at the toes. As the sides of this moccasin are not high enough for the wearer’s comfort, an extension or ankle flap is sewed on, varying from two to six inches in width, cut long enough to overlap in front and held in place by means of the usual draw string or lacing around the ankle. MATERIAL CULTURE. 43 latter prevails among these Indians, while the former is general among forest Indians. A Blackfoot moccasin of a simple two-piece pattern is shown in the figure. The upper is made of soft tanned skin and after finish- ing and decorating is sewed to a rawhide sole cut to fit the foot: of the wearer. A top, or vamp, may be added. A a Y Yi \\" ew ey | A I uv by \\e I \ eH { “Yy \ Y/ I Fi | | Fig. 11. Two-piece Moccasin Pattern. This type prevails in the Plains. The soles are of stiff rawhide. They conform generally to the outlines of the foot. The uppers are cut as shown in the pattern, though sometimes the tongue is separate. An ankle flap is added. The pattern for a Blackfoot one-piece moccasin is shown in Figure 10. Our collections show that this type occurs occasionally among the Sarsi, Blackfoot, Plains-Cree, Assiniboine, Gros Ventre, Northern Sho- shone, Omaha,:Pawnee, and Santee-Dakota. So far, it has not been reported for any of the southern tribes. Among many of the foregoing, this form seems to have a 44 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. been preferred for winter wear, using buffalo skin with the hair inside. Again, since all the tribes to the north and east of these Indians used the one-piece moccasin all the year round, its presence in this part of the Plains is quite natural. To the south, we find a combined stiff-soled moccasin and legging to be seen among the Arapaho, Ute, and Comanche. This again seems to be related to a boot type of moccasin found in parts of the Southwest. So, in general, the hard-soled moccasin is the type for these Indians. Old frontiersmen claim that from the tracks of a war party, the tribe could be determined; this is in a measure true, for each had some distinguish- ing secondary feature, such as heel fringes, toe forms, ete., that left their marks in the dust of the trail. Ornaments and decoration will, however, be discussed under another head. Almost everywhere the men wore long leggings tied to the belt. Women’s leggings were short, extending from the ankle to the knee and supported by garters. Some of the most conspicuous objects in the collec- tions are the so-called war, or scalp shirts, Fig. 12. One of the oldest was obtained by Col. Sword in 1838 and seems to be Dakota (Sioux). It is of mountain sheep skin. Some fine modern examples are credited to the Teton-Dakota, Crow, and Blackfoot, though almost every tribe had them in late years. This type, however, should not be taken as a regular costume. Though in quite recent years it has become a kind of tuxedo, it was formerly the more or less exclusive MATERIAL CULTURE. 45 uniform of important functionaries. On the other hand, the shirt itself, stripped of its ornaments and accessories seems to be of the precise pattern once worn AN NS a! LZ oy, Ye ‘4 Fig. 12. Man’s Shirt. Blackfoot. in daily routine. Yet, the indications are that as a regular costume, the shirt was by no means in general use. The Cree, Déné, and other tribes of central Canada wore leather shirts, no doubt because of the 46 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. severe winters. We also have positive knowledge of their early use by the Blackfoot, Assiniboine, Crow, Dakota, Plains-Cree, Nez Percé, Northern Shoshone, Gros Ventre, and on the other hand of their absence among the Mandan, Hidatsa, Arikara, Pawnee, Osage, Kiowa, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Comanche. Thus, the common shirt was after all not typical of the Plains Indians: it is only recently that the special decorated form so characteristic of the Assiniboine, Crow, Black- foot, and Dakota has come into general use. Several interesting points may be noted in the detailed struc- ture of these shirts, but we must pass on. For the head there was no special covering. Yet in winter the Blackfoot, Plains-Cree, and perhaps others in the north, often wore fur caps. In the south and in the Plateaus, the eyes were sometimes protected by simple shades of rawhide. So, in general, both sexes in the Plains went bare-headed, though the robe was often pulled up forming a kind of temporary hood. Mittens and gloves seem to have been introduced by the whites, though they appear to have been native in other parts of the continent. The women of all tribes wore more clothing than the men. The most typical garment was the sleeveless dress, a one-piece garment, an excellent example of which is to be seen in the Audubon collection, Fig. 14. This type was used by the Hidatsa, Mandan, Crow, Dakota, Arapaho, Ute, Kiowa, Comanche, Sarsi, Gros Ventre, Assiniboine, and perhaps others. A slight. variant is reported for the Nez Percé, Northern Sho- Costumed Figure of a Dakota Woman. Fig. 13. 7 a 48 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. shone, and Plains-Cree in that the extensions of the cape are formed into a tight-fitting sleeve. Some writers claim that in early days the Assiniboine and ANNA 2 = GT A “ ‘ ? Ae ee ie ) lea / Millet ! Wes uy Vy FF ‘hy Lp tC POOTU WA Lg 0 4n YO" Vit zz Vif a b Li, 9 By & //////, Fig. 14. Woman’s Dress of Elkskin. Audubon. Blackfoot women also used this form. Formerly, the Cheyenne, Osage, and Pawnee women wore a two- plece garment consisting of a skirt and a cape, a form typical of the Woodland Indians of the east. MATERIAL CULTURE. 49 The manner of dressing the hair is often a conspicuous conventional feature. Many of the Plains tribes wore it uncropped. Among the northern tribes the men frequently gathered the hair in two braids but in the Plateau area and among some of the southern tribes, both sexes usually wore it loose on the shoulders and back. The Crow men sometimes cropped the fore-lock and trained it to stand erect; the Blackfoot, Assini- boine, Yankton-Dakota, Hidatsa, Mandan, Arikara, and Kiowa trained a fore-lock to hang down over the nose. Early writers report a general practice of arti- ficially lengthening men’s hair by gumming on extra strands until it sometimes dragged on the ground. The hair of women throughout the Plains was usually worn in the two-braid fashion with the median part from the forehead to the neck. Old women frequently allowed the hair to hang down at the sides or confined it by a simple head band. Again, we find exceptions in that the Oto, Osage, Pawnee, and Omaha closely cropped the sides of the head, leaving a ridge or tuft across the crown and down behind. It is almost certain that the Ponca once followed the same style and there is a tradition among the Oglala division of the Teton-Dakota that they also shaved the sides of the head. (See also History of the Expedition of Lewis and Clark, Reprinted, New York, 1902, Vol. 1, p. 185.) We may say then that the love of long heavy tresses was a typical trait of the Plains. By the public every Indian is expected to have his hair thickly decked with feathers. The striking a 50 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. feather bonnets with long tails usually seen in pictures were exceptional and formerly permitted only to a few distinguished men. They are most characteristic of the Dakota. Even a common eagle feather in the hair of a Dakota had some military significance according to its form and position. On the other hand, objects tied in a Blackfoot’s hair were almost certain to have a charm value. So far as we know, among all tribes, objects placed in the hair of men usually had more than a mere aesthetic significance. Beads for the neck, ear ornaments, necklaces of claws, scarfs of otter and other fur, etc., were in general use. The face and exposed parts of the body were usually painted and sometimes the hair also. Women were fond of tracing the part line with vermilion. There was little tattooing and noses were seldom pierced. The ears, on the other hand, were usually perforated and adorned with pendants which among Dakota women were often long strings of shells reaching the waist line. Instead of combs, brushes made from the tails of percupines were used in dressing the hair. The most common form was made by stretching the porcupine tail over a stick of wood. The hair of the face and other parts of the body was pulled out by small tweezers. INDUSTRIAL ARTS. Under this head the reader may be reminded that among most American tribes each family produces and MATERIAL CULTURE. 51 manufactures for itself. There is a more or less definite division between the work of men and women, but beyond that there is little specialization. The indi- Fig. 15. Firedrill. ern Shoshone. North- known in the Plains. among the first articles introduced by white traders. viduals are not of equal skill, but still each practises practi- cally the whole gamut of in- dustrial arts peculiar to his sex. This fact greatly in- creases the importance of such arts when considered as cul- tural traits. Fire-making. The methods of making fire are often of great cultural interest. So far as our data go, the method in this area was by the simple firedrill as shown in the Sho- shone collections, Fig. 15. Some of the Woodland tribes used the bowdrill but so far, this has not been reported for the Plains. It may be well to note that to strike fire with flint one must have some form of iron and while pyrites was used by some Eskimo and other tribes of the far north, it seems to have been un- Naturally, flint and steel were ene tie 52 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. Textiles and Skins. While in a general way, it is true that the Plains Indians used skins instead of cloth and basketry, it cannot be said that they were entirely unfamiliar with the latter. Of true cloth, we have no trace. Blankets woven with strips of rabbit fur have been noted (p. 41) and on certain Osage war bundles, we find covers of thick strands of buffalo hair; these are about the only traces of true weaving. On the other hand, baskets were more in evidence. The Shoshone and Ute were rather skillful, making and using many varieties of baskets. The Nez Percé made a fine soft bag like their western neighbors. ‘The Hidatsa, Man- dan, and Arikara made a peculiar carrying basket of checker weave, and are also credited with small crude coiled baskets used in gambling games. It is believed by some students that the last were occasionally made by the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Dakota. The Osage have some twined bags, or soft baskets, in which ceremonial bundles are kept, but otherwise were not given to basketry. The Omaha formerly wove scarfs and belts. On the south, the Comanche are believed to have made a few crude baskets. Woven mats were almost unknown, except the simple willow backrests used by the Blackfoot, Mandan, Cheyenne, Gros Ventre, and others. These are, after all, but citations of exceptions most pronounced among the marginal tribes, the fact being that the area as a whole is singu- larly weak in the textile arts. Since skins everywhere took the place of cloth, the dressing of pelts was an important industry. It was i) MATERIAL CULTURE. 53 not only woman’s work but her worth and virtue were estimated by her output. Soles of moccasins, parfleche, and other similar bags were made of stiff rawhide, the product of one of the simplest and perhaps the most primitive methods of treating skins. The uppers of moccasins, soft bags, thongs, etc., were of pliable texture, produced by a more elaborate and laborious process. For the rawhide finish the treatment is as follows: — Shortly after the removal of a hide, it is stretched out on the ground near the tipi, hair side down, and held in place by wooden stakes or pins such as are used in staking down the covers of tipis. Clinging to the upturned flesh side of the hide are many fragments of muscular tissue, fat, and strands of connective tissue, variously blackened by coagulated blood. The first treatment is that of cleaning or fleshing. Shortly after the staking out, the surface is gone over with a fleshing tool by which the adhering flesh, etc., is raked and hacked away. This is an unpleasant and laborious process requiring more brute strength than skill. Should the hide become too dry and stiff to work well, the surface is treated with warm water. After fleshing, the hide is left to cure and bleach in the sun for some days, though it may be occasionally saturated by pouring warm water over its surface. The next thing is to work the skin down to an even thickness by scraping with an adze-like tool. The stakes are usually pulled up and the hard stiff hide laid down under a sun-shade or other shelter. Standing on the hide, 54 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. the woman leans over and with a sidewise movement removes the surface in chips or shavings, the action of the tool resembling that of a hand plane. After the flesh side has received this treatment, the hide is turned and the hair scraped away in the same manner. This completes the rawhide process and the subse- quent treatment is determined by the use to be made of it. The soft-tan finish as given to buffalo and deer hides for robes, soft bags, ete., is the same in its initial stages as the preceding. After fleshing and scraping, the rawhide is laid upon the ground and the surface rubbed over with an oily compound composed of brains and fat often mixed with liver. This is usually rubbed on with the hands. Any kind of fat may be used for this purpose though the preferred substance is as stated above. The writer observed several instances in which mixtures of packing house lard, baking flour, and warm water were rubbed over the rawhide as a substitute. The rawhide is placed in the sun, after the fatty compound has been thoroughly worked into the texture by rubbing with a smooth stone that the heat may aid in its further distribution. When quite dry, the hide is saturated with warm water and for a time kept rolled up in a bundle. In this state, it usually shrinks and requires a great deal of stretching to get it back to its approximate former size. This is accomplished by pulling with the hands and feet, two persons being required to handle a large skin. After this, come the rubbing and drying processes. MATERIAL CULTURE. DVI The surface is vigorously rubbed with a rough edged stone until it presents a clean-grained appearance. The skin is further dried and whitened by sawing back and forth through a loop of twisted sinew or thong tied to the under side of an inclined tipi pole. This — eon eas: os Fig. 16. Scraping a Hide. Blood. friction develops considerable heat, thereby drying and softening the texture. As this and the preceding rubbing are parts of the same process their chronological relation is not absolute, but the order, was usually as given above. The skin is then ready for use. 56 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. Skins with the hair on, are treated in the same manner as above, except that the adze-tool is not applied to the hair side. A large buffalo robe was no light object and was handled with some difficulty, especially in the stretching, in consequence of which they were some- times split down the middle and afterwards sewed together again. : Among some of the village tribes, it seems to have been customary to stretch the skin on a four-sided frame and place it upright as shown in the group for Plateau culture (south side of the Woodland Hall). The exact distribution of this trait is not known but it has been credited to the Santee-Dakota, Hidatsa, and Mandan. The Blackfoot sometimes used it in winter, but laid flat upon the ground. Buckskin was prepared in the same manner as among the forest tribes. The tribes of the Plateau area were especially skillful in coloring the finished skin by smok- ing. There were many slight variations in all the above processes. The adze-like scraper was in general use throughout the Plains and occurs elsewhere only among bordering tribes. Hence, it is peculiar to the buffalo hunting tribes. The handle was of antler, though occasionally of wood, and the blade of iron. Information from some Blackfoot and Dakota Indians indicates that in former times the blades were of chipped stone, but the chipped scraper found in archaeological collections from the Plains area cannot be fastened to the handle in the same manner as the iron blades, the latter being placed MATERIAL CULTURE, 57 on the inner, or under side, while the shape of the chipped stone blade seems to indicate that it was placed on the outside. Hence, the former use of stone blades for these scrapers must be considered doubtful. The iron blades are bound to the wedge-shaped haft, which each downward blow, when the tool is in use, forces tightly into the binding. When the pressure is re- moved the blade and binding may slip off. To prevent this, some tools are provided with a cord running from Fig. 17. Hide Scrapers. the end of the handle once or twice around its middle and thence to the binding of the blade. Again a curved iron blade is used, one end of which is bound near the middle of the handle. These types (Fig. 17) are widely distributed throughout the Plains, but the curved iron blade seems to be most frequent among the Arapaho and Cheyenne, and wooden handles among the Comanche. On the other hand, fleshing tools, chisel-shaped with 5S INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. notched edges, were used throughout Canada east of the Rocky Mountains, and in many parts of the United States. Hence, they cannot be taken as peculiar to the Plains. The older type of flesher is apparently the one made entirely of bone, while the later ones were made entirely of iron. Sometimes an intermediate form is found in which a small metal blade is fastened to the end of a bone shaft (Fig. 18). The shaft of the flesher is usually covered with rawhide and to its end is attached a loop for the wrist. The iron flesher seems to be the only type peculiar to the Indians of the Plains. The distribution of the bone flesher is such that its most probable origin may be assigned to the Algonkin tribes of the Great Lakes and northward. Beaming tools are identified with the dressing of deerskins and in this respect stand distinct from the adze tool used in dressing buffalo skins. They seem to be used wherever the dressing of deer skins is prev- alent and are best known under the following types: — a split leg bones; b combined tibia and fibula of deer or similar animal; c rib bone; d wooden stick with metal blade in middle, stick usually curved. From the collections in this Museum it seems that the split leg bone type is not found in the Plains. Should further inquiry show this to be the case, it would be a matter of some interest since the split bone type is found in archaeological collections from British Columbia, Ohio, and New York. The general aspect of the foregoing is, that some form of beaming tool is a concomitant of deer skin dressing from Point Barrow MATERIAL CULTURE. 59 and California (the Hupa) to Labrador, and Pennsyl- vania. The rubbing with a rough stone is the usual treat- ment accorded deerskins, and cannot be considered peculiar to the Indians of the Plains. Fig. 18. Fleshing Tools. Tailoring. The garments of the Indians of the Plains were simple in construction, and the cutting of the garment was characterized by an effort to make the 60 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. natural shape of the tanned skin fit into the desired garment, with as little waste as possible. We do not know how skins were cut before the introduction of metal knives by white traders. Needles were not used by the women among the Plains Indians, but the thread was pushed through holes made with bodkins or awls. In former times these awls were made of bone; the sewing was with sinew thread made by shredding out the long tendons from the leg of the buffalo and deer. When sewing, Blackfoot women had at hand a piece of dried tendon from which they pulled the shreds with their teeth, softened them in their mouths and then twisted them into a thread by rolling between the palms of their hands. The moisten- ing of the sinew in the mouth not only enabled the women to twist the thread tightly, but also caused the sinew to expand so that when it dried in the stitch it shrank and drew the stitches tight. The ordinary woman’s sewing outfit was carried in a soft bag of buffalo skin and consisted of bodkins, a piece of sinew, and a knife. Bodkins were sometimes carried in small beaded cases as shown in the exhibit. The Use of Rawhide. In the use of rawhide for binding and hafting, the Plains tribes seem almost. unique. When making mauls and stone-headed clubs a piece of green or wet hide is firmly sewed on and as this dries its natural shrinkage sets the parts firmly. This is nicely illustrated in saddles. Thus, rawhide here takes the place of nails, twine, cement, etc., in other cultures. MATERIAL CULTURE. Fig. 20. A Parfleche. 61 62 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. The Parfleche. A number of characteristic bags were made of rawhide. ‘The most conspicuous being the par- fleche. Its simplicity of construction is inspiring and its usefulness scarcely to be over-estimated. The ap- proximate form for a parfleche is shown in Fig. 19, and its completed form in Fig. 20. The side outlines as in Fig. 19 are irregular and show great variations, none of which can be taken as certainly characteristic. To fill the parfleche, it is opened out as in Fig. 19, and the contents arranged in the middle. The large flap is then brought over and held by lacing a’, a’. The ends are then turned over and laced b’, b’”’. The closed parfleche may then be secured by both or either of the looped thongs at ec’, ¢”’. Primarily, parfleche were used for holding pemmican (p. 26) though dried meat, dried berries, tallow, etc., found their way into them when convenient. In recent years, they seem to have more of a decorative than a practical value; or rather, according to our impression, they are cherished as mementos of buffalo days, the great good old time of Indian memory, always appropriate and acceptable as gifts. The usual fate of a gift parfleche is to be cut into moccasin soles. With the possible exception of the Osage, the parfleche was common among all these tribes but seldom en- countered elsewhere. | Rawhide Bags. A rectangular bag (Fig. 21) was also common and quite uniform even to the modes of binding. They were used by women rather than by men. The larger ones may contain skin-dressing tools, MATERIAL CULTURE. 63 the smaller ones, sewing or other small implements, etc. Sometimes, they were used in gathering berries and other vegetable foods. Se oS ngencebhnen = Po eT ——_ as Fig. 38. Sun Dance Headdress. Blackfoot. Til LLL ALLELE ELLA SL i it a i Tat ee. eat _ = a 142 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. ceremonies is the so-called sun dance. The name as used in literature is probably derived from the Dakota who speak of one phase of the ceremony as sun-gaze- dancing: 1. e., the worshiper gazes steadily at the sun while dancing. To a greater or less extent, this is one of the objective features of the ceremony wherever performed and is associated with a torture feature in which skewers are thrust through the skin of the breast and back and the devotee suspended or required to dance until the skin gives way, all the time supplicating the sun for divine guidance. Another feature is that in the center of the ceremonial place is set up a tree, or sun pole, which is scouted for, counted coup upon, and felled, as if it were an enemy. Upon this, offerings of cloth are made to the sun. In the fork at the top is usually a bunch of twigs, in some cases called the nest of the thunder bird. The time of the sun dance is in midsummer. It is usually initiated by the vow of a man or woman to make it as a sacrifice in return for some heeded prayer in time of great danger. The soldier societies, the women’s society, and other organizations, generally take turns dancing at the sun pole after the above named rites have been concluded. The ceremony is decidedly a Plains characteristic. As a rule all who perform important functions in the sun dance are required to spend several days in fasting and other purification ceremonies. The sun dance has been reported for all the tribes of this area except the Comanche, Omaha, Iowa, Kan- ‘ d | i | RELIGION AND CEREMONIES. 118 sas, Missouri, Osage, Oto, Wichita, Bannock, and Nez Percé: that even some of these formerly practised it, is probable. Like soldier societies (p. 89), the sun dance presents several features variously combined and distributed. These are the torture, the circular shelter of poles, the use of a sacred bundle, the erection of a sun pole, and the dancing ceremonies. The form of shelter shown in the Arapaho model has been ob- served among the Arapaho, Gros Ventre, Kiowa, Cheyenne, Blackfoot, Sarsi, Plains-Cree, and Hidatsa. With the possible exception of the Plains-Cree all used a sacred bundle of some form. (For examples see the Blackfoot and Crow collections.) The Crow used a bundle containing an image, but a different form of shelter. The Assiniboine, Ponea, and Dakota used no bundles but a shelter of another type from that shown in the model. The torture, dancing, and the sun pole were common to all. Among the Mandan we note an unusual form of sun dance, known as the Okipa, fully described by George Catlin who visited that tribe in 1832. (See sketches in the Catlin collection.) Ghost Dance Ceremonies. Even within historic times, there have been several interesting religious develop- ments among the Plains Indians. The most noted of these was the ghost dance. This was a religious cere- mony founded upon the belief in the coming of a Messiah, which seems to have originated among the Paviotso Indians in Nevada (Plateau Area) about 1888 and which spread rapidly among the Indians of the 114 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. Plains. The prophet of the religion was a young Paiute Indian (Plateau Area) who claimed to have had a revelation while in a delirious condition caused by an attack of fever. The Teton-Dakota seem to have first heard of the new religion in 1889 and in a council held by Red-cloud, appointed a committee to visit the prophet and investigate. On this committee were Short-bull and Kicking-bear, who returned very enthu- silastic converts and began preaching the new religion among the Dakota. The principal belief was that an Indian Messiah was about to appear to destroy the white race, and restore the buffalo with all former customs. As in all Indian ceremonies, dancing played a large part, but in this case the dancers usually fell into a hypnotic trance and upon recovering recounted their visions and supernatural experiences. All partici- pants were provided with decorated cloth garments bearing symbolic designs which were believed to have such relation with the coming Messiah that all who wore them would be protected from all harm. Among white people these garments were generally known as “bullet proof shirts”? (see Dakota collections). The enthusiasm over the new ghost dance religion spread over the several Dakota Indian reservations, resulting in the attempted arrest and killing of the famous Sitting-bull by the Indian police and hostile demonstrations on the Pine Ridge Reservation, under the leadership of Short-bull and Kicking-bear. In consequence, United States troops were concentrated on the Pine Ridge Reservation under the command of RELIGION AND CEREMONIES. 115 General Nelson A. Miles. The hostility of the Indians increased until December 29, 1890, when there was an engagement between Big-foot’s band and the com- mand of Colonel Forsyth on Wounded Knee Creek, in which thirty-one soldiers and one hundred twenty-eight Indians were killed. In a short time after this decisive engagement, practically all the Indians laid down their arms and abandoned the ghost dance religion. It is probable, however, that some of the ceremonies con- nected with the vhost dance religion are performed even to this day, since several of the leaders are still living. Fig. 39. Peyote Button. Practically all of the typical tribes (p. 18) took up the new beliefs about the same time but no where else did the excitement lead to violence. Among the Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Gros Ventre, the ceremonies still exist in a modified form, apparently combined with the Omaha or grass dance (p. 116). Peyote Worship. There are curious ceremonies con- nected with the eating or administering of the dried fruit of a small cactus (Anhalonium or Laphophora), native of the lower Rio Grande and Mexico. The name | 116 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. “mescal’’ is wrongly applied to this fruit by many white observers. Long ago, these ceremonies seem to have been known to the Kiowa and Comanche of the Plains and widely distributed in the Southwest and Mexico. The rites begin in the evening and continue until the following dawn, and are restricted to men. There is a definite ritual, a small drum and rattle of special form being essential. Within the last few years, this worship has become general among the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Omaha, Dakota, and Kiowa and threatens to supplant all other native ceremonies. It is even found among the Winnebago, Sauk and Fox, and Menomini of the Woodlands. This diffusion in his- toric times, makes it one of the most suggestive phe- nomena for students of Indian life, since it affords an indisputable example of culture diffusion. Dancing Associations. There are a number of semi- religious festivals or ceremonies in which a large num- ber of individuals participate and which seem to have been handed on from one tribe to another. The best known example of this is the Omaha or Grass dance which has been reported for the Arapaho, Pawnee, Omaha, Dakota, Crow, Gros Ventre, Assiniboine, and Blackfoot. The various tribes agree in their belief that this dance, and its regalia originated with the Pawnee. The Dakota claim to have obtained it directly from the Pawnee about 1870. The Arapaho and Gros Ventre claim to have learned it from the Dakota. The Gros Ventre taught it to the Blackfoot about 1883. Though these statements of the Indians . t - Ne ee en ee ee ee ee ~ “ on, REN kD > RELIGION AND CEREMONIES. 117 are not to be taken as absolutely correct, they indicate that this dance is a modern innovation. Recently, the Blackfoot have carried the dance to the Flathead and Kootenai tribes to the west. The meetings are held at night in large circular wooden buildings erected for that purpose. Some of the dancers wear large feather bustles, called crow belts, and peculiar roached headdresses of hair’ ‘ee 4] ‘ ‘ \ =e op = SS Yin i aN x = \ \ = ™. gy! a < f - - 4 \\ } } 4 ; { ‘ i M A | KN 9) ry, 4 Fig. 44. Blanket Band in Quills. Blackfoot. CHAPTER V. LANGUAGE. As stated at the outset, it is customary to classify peoples according to their languages. The main groups are what are called stock languages, or families. Under such heads are placed all languages that seem to have had a common origin regardless of whether they are mutually intelligible or not. Thus English and German are distinct forms of speech, yet they are considered as belonging to the same stock, or family. In North America, there are more than fifty such families, of which seven have representatives in the plains. Only one, however, the Kiowa, is entirely confined to the area, though the Siouan and Caddoan are chiefly found within its bounds. The others (Algonkin, Shoshonean, Athapascan, and Shahaptian) have much larger representation elsewhere, which naturally leads us to infer that they must have migrated into the Plains. Though this is quite probable, it cannot be proven from the data at hand, except possibly for the Algonkin-speaking Plains-Cree, Plains-Ojibway, and Cheyenne, of whose recent movement out into the Plains, we have historic evidence. These tribes are of special interest to students, since in a comparatively short period of time, they put away most of their native culture and took on that of their neighbors in the Plains. 127 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS, ACCORDING TO LANGUAGE. Siouan Language. Assiniboine Mandan Crow Missouri Dakota Omaha Hidatsa Osage lowa Oto Kansas Ponca Algonkin Language. Arapaho Gros Ventre Blackfoot Plains-Cree Cheyenne Plains-Ojibway Caddoan Language. Arikara Pawnee Wichita Kiowan Language. Kiowa Shoshonean Language. Bannock Northern Shoshone Comanche Ute Wind River Shoshone. Athapascan Language. Kiowa-Apache Sarsl Shahaptian Language. Nez Percé 128 LANGUAGE. 129 The Athapascan-speaking Kiowa-Apache and Sarsi are also worthy of notice because the family to which they belong has representatives in five of the eight great culture areas into which North American cul- tures are localized, affording us the unique example of five distinct cultures with languages of the same family, or stock. Returning to our classification of Plains tribes under linguistic families, it may be well to note that while it is absolutely true that these families have nothing in common, the differences between the various tribes under the same stock are by no means equal. Thus while a Dakota and an Assiniboine can make them- selves partially understood, Dakota and Crow are so different that only philologists are able to discover them to be of the same family. On the other hand, a Crow and a Hidatsa could get on fairly well in ordinary conversation. Again, in the Algonkin group, the Ara- paho and Gros Ventre are conscious of having related languages, while the Blackfoot lived on neighborly terms with the latter for many years as did the Chey- enne with the Arapaho, not once, so far as we know, discovering any definite relation between their lan- guages. It is well to remember, therefore, that the term linguistic stock does not denote the language or speech of a particular tribe, but is a designation of the philol- ogists to define observed relationships in structure and form, and that the speech of these Indians differs in varying degree as one passes from one group to the other. Thus, the seven tribes of the Dakota form at 130 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. least three dialectic groups: the Santee say Dakota and the Teton, Lakota, one always using d for the other’s 1; the Santee hda (go home), the Teton, gla and the Yankton kda. Even within the different communities of the Teton small differences are said to exist. Hence, the differences in speech are after all gradations of variable magnitude from the study of which philologists are able to discover relationship and descent, all believed to have originated from one now extinct mother tongue being classed under one family, or stock name. In short, there are no language characters peculiar to the Plains tribes, as is the case with other cultural characters. The foregoing remarks apply entirely to oral lan- guage. We must not overlook the extensive use of a sign language which seems to have served all the pur- poses of an international or inter-tribal language. The signs were made with the hands and fingers, but were not in any sense the spelling out of a spoken language. The language was based upon ideas alone. Had it been otherwise, it could not have been understood outside of the tribe. Though some traces of such a language have been met with outside of the Plains, it is only within the area that we find a system so well developed that inter-tribal visitors could be entertained with sign-talk on all subjects. The Crow, Kiowa, Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Blackfoot are generally re- garded as having been most proficient and the Omaha, Osage, Kansas and Ute, as least skillful in its use. It may not be amiss to add that in most tribes could be LANGUAGE. 131 found individuals priding themselves in speaking one or more languages. Jn former times, many Nez Percé, Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Dakota, and Mandan are said to have known some of the Crow language which was in consequence often used by traders. This, if true, was no doubt due to the peculiar geographical position of the Crow. The sign language, however, could be used among all tribes familiar with it and must, there- fore, be considered one of the striking peculiar traits of the Plains and an important factor in the diffusion of culture. 2 o 9 TETON-DAKOTA. “‘TANMV d “ANNG AGH 133 Cojoyd AZopouy a nvoing) ‘AUNOHSOHY UWAANT ANIM CaqiL poor) ‘LOOAMOV IG, 134 CHAPTER VI. PUA SICAL: TYPE. No eareful study of the physical types for the Plains has been made. Our general impression of the tribal appearance is largely influenced by hair dress, costume, and posture, and it is difficult to disassociate these externals from somatic features. Yet, a brief scrutiny of casts of faces or photographs usually reveals tribal resemblances like those we see in families among our- selves. As the Indians of the Plains are but a sub- division of the same race this is about the only difference that should be expected. The color tone of the skin (a reddish chocolate) seems about the same throughout the area, though perhaps lighter with occasional leanings toward the yellow among some Blackfoot of the north; yet to be exact, no color studies worthy of the name have been made. The hair is, like that of all Indians, uniformly black and straight. As to stature, they appear rather tall. The following average measure- ments have been reported. Millimeters Inches. Cheyenne 1745 68.7 Crow 1732 68.1 Arapaho 1728 68.03 135 136 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. Millimeters Inches. Dakota 1726 67.09 Plains-Ojibway 1723 67.8 Blackfoot 1715 67.5 Kiowa 1709 67.2 Comanche 1678 66.06 These are from the typical nomadic group of tribes as previously defined and with the exception of the Comanche are quite tall. As the figures above are averages, we must expect among the Cheyenne some very tall individuals. (Twenty per cent of those measured, exceeded 1820 mm.) On the west, the statures are less: Millimeters Inches Nez Percé 1697 66.8 Ute 1661 65.4 Among the village group we note: Millimeters Inches Omaha 1732 68.1 Pawnee 1713 67.4 Arikara 1690 66.5 again a tendency toward tall statures. Looking at the faces of the various tribes, some general differences appear. ‘Those of the Blackfoot, Plains-Cree, and Assiniboine seem rather rounded and delicate while those of the Dakota are longer and clear cut with strong lines, an eagle nose and more prominent cheek bones. The Pawnee again have large heavy or PHYSICAL TYPE. 137 massive faces. On none of these points, however, have investigations been made and it is an open question whether anything would be accomplished thereby other than the definition of minute differences. In historical times, at least, there was a great deal of intermarriage and visiting between these tribes which must have tended to level down somatic differences and which makes the successful determination of genetic relation- ship quite improbable. As to head form, we find an index of about 80 for the Ute, Cree, Dakota, Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Arapaho, Pawnee, and a considerably higher value for the Comanche, Osage, Omaha, Wichita, and Kiowa. The children of the Oglala division of the Teton- Dakota have been measured from year to year by Dr. J. R. Walker and a comparison of their averages and rates of growth made with white children. In general, there seemed to be no important differences, though the Olgala children were uniformly taller than white children as measured. On the whole, it cannot be said that the Indians of this culture area are anatomically distinct from those occupying some other parts of the continent. A map showing the distribution of physical types in North America would bear little resemblance either to the. linguistic or cultural map. On the other hand, there seems to be a tendency toward uniformity throughout the Plains but due more to the fact that these tribes are for the most part a portion of a much larger somatic group. CHAPTER VII. ORIGINS. Tuis brief sketch of the anthropology of the Plains naturally raises a few quite fundamental questions: How did these tribes come to be here? How long have they been here? What was the origin of their cultures? While no satisfactory answers can be given for these, some progress toward their solution has been made. We have seen that no definite correlation seems to exist between language, culture, and physical type, since the distribution maps for each have little in common. Taking the cultural classification as our point of view, we see that Plains Indians are not peculiar in stature or head form, but seem to fall into two unequal groups with many representatives in other parts of the continent. The shorter western tribes ranging from 165 to 170 em. fall into a large group of low statures including most of the Californian, Plateau, North Pacific Coast, and Southeastern Areas. The Comanche who speak a language of Shoshonean stock widely distributed over the Plateau area are also relatively short. The greater part of the typical and village tribes, however, range from 170 to 175 em., 138 ORIGINS. 139 including the Yuma, Mohave, and Pima of the South- west, the Iroquois and most Algonkin of the Woodland Area. As to head form, the moderately long head of the Plains does not hold for the Osage and Wichita of the south and the Nez Percé of the northwest, but extends over into the Plateau area on the west and into the Woodland area of the east. Hence, in a general way, the tall, somewhat long-headed tribes seem to extend eastward into the Woodlands through Indiana, Ohio, and New York. Possibly this represents the influence of some older parent group whose _ blood gradually worked its way along through many lan- guages and several varieties of culture. On the other hand, the shorter, less long-headed tribes were massed around the Plains in the Southwest, the Plateaus, and part of the Woodlands almost engulfing the taller eroup. Now, while it seems clear that migrations of blood are in evidence, there is, as yet, no satisfactory means of determining the point of origin and the direction of movement for these types. Turning from physical type to language, we have several large masses impinging upon the Plains and while it seems most likely that the parent speech for each stock arose somewhere outside the Plains, we are not yet clear as to the impossibility of their arising in the Plains and spreading to other cultures. It does not seem probable that all of them would arise within this small area, but, on the other hand, it is impossible to give satisfactory proof for any particular tribe. Thus, language gives us but a presumption in favor of migrations into the 140 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. Plains of the Siouan, Caddoan, and Shoshonean speak- ing tribes. It is true that many tribes have migration legends some of which are consistent with a few details of culture; but as these nearly always take the forms of other myths, they cannot be given much historical weight. The plain fact is that the moment we get beyond the period of exploration in the Plains, historical data fail us. We know where the tribes were when discovered and most of their movements since that date, but beyond that we must proceed by inference and the interpretation of anthropological data. Not being able to discover how the various tribes came to be in the Plains, we can scarcely expect to tell how long they have been there. The archaeological method may be brought into play here; but as yet we lack data. Mounds and earthworks have been dis- covered in the Dakotas and southward along the Mis- sourl, apparently the fringe of the great mound area in the Woodlands to the east. In the open Plains, we have so far neither evidence of long occupation nor of states of culture differing from those we have just described. This is, however, by no means a final statement of the case for future archaeological research will doubtless clear up this point. Turning back to culture, we find that so many of the traits enumerated in these pages are almost entirely peculiar to the area that we are constrained to conclude that they developed within it. This is strengthened by the peculiar adaptation of many of these traits to the geographical conditions, suggesting that they were invented or discovered by a Plains people. It seems, ORIGINS. 141 therefore, that while the origin of the blood and lan- guages of the Plains cannot be determined, its cultural problem is in a fair way to be solved. Among the most distinctive traits are the sun dance, a camp circle band system, the soldier societies, highly developed ritualistic bundles, a peculiar geometric decorative art, the use of the horse and travois, the skin-covered tipi, the earth lodge, and economic dependence upon the buffalo. Some of these are absolutely confined to the area and though others are found elsewhere they occur as second- ary rather than as primary traits. We may safely conclude, therefore, that the tribes of the Plains at least developed these traits to their present form, if they did not actually invent them. Perhaps the most interesting phase of Plains an- thropology is the general diffusion of traits among the many political and linguistic units found therein. Miss Semple favors the theory that a Plains region is the most favorable environment for the diffusion of cultural traits. Whatever may be the fate of this hypothesis, it is clear that among the Indians of the Plains there has been sufficient diffusion to carry many traits over the greater part of the area. That diffusion rather than independent development or convergent evolution is the most satisfactory explanation of this case, may be seen from noting that the various tribes were acquainted with many of their neighbors, that in the sign language they had a ready means of inter- communication and that since their discovery the actual diffusion of several traits has been observed by anthro- pologists. ee wa oe Cy) Oe a — =} my rk ; ‘a he e¢s BIBLIOGRAPHY. The following is not offered as a complete bibliog- raphy of the subject but as a list of books likely to meet the needs of the general reader. For a mere view of Indian life on the Plains, the books of Catlin, Grin- nell, Maximilian, and McClintock are recommended. Annual Reports, Bureau of American Ethnology, 3rd, 11th, 13th, 14th, 17th, 22nd, 27th. Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, Vols. 1, 2, 4, 5, and 7. Anthropological Series, Field Museum of Natural History, Vols. 4 and 9. Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 18. Catlin, George. Illustrations of the Manners, Customs, and Conditions of the North American Indians. London, 1848. Clark, W. P. The Indian Sign Language. Philadelphia, 1885. Farrand, Livingston. Basis of American History, 1500-1900. The American Nation: a History, Vol. 2. New York, 1904. Grinnell, George Bird. Blackfoot Lodge Tales. New York, 1904. Pawnee Hero Stories and Folk-Tales, New York, 1893. The Story of the Indian. New York, 1904. Handbook of American Indians. Washington, 1907, 1910. Henry and Thompson. New Light on the Early History of the Great Northwest. Edited by Elliott Coues. New York, 1897. Lewis and Clark. Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedi- tion. (Thwaites Edition). New York, 1904. 143 144 INDIANS OF THE PLAINS. Lewis and Clark. History of the Expedition under the command of Captains Lewis and Clark to the Sources of the Missouri, across the Rocky Mountains, down the Columbia River to the Pacifie in 1804-6. Three volumes. New York, 1902. Mason, Otis T. The Origins of Inventions: a Study of Industry among Primitive Peoples. London, 1895. Maximilian, Prince of Wied. Travels in the Interior of North America. Translated by H. Evans Lloyd. London, 1843. McClintock, Walter. The Old North Trail. London, 1910. Mooney, James. The Cheyenne Indians. (Memoirs, American Anthropological Association, Vol. 1, Part 6, pp. 357-642. Lancaster, Pa., 1907.) Papers of the Peabody Museum, Harvard Unviersity. Vol. 3, No. 4. Perrot, Nicolas. The Indian Tribes of the Upper Mississippi Valley and Region of the Great Lakes. Translated, edited, annotated, and with bibliography and index by Emma Helen Blair. Two volumes. Cleveland, 1911. remedial INDEX. Adolescence, special ceremonies for, 87. Age-societies, 92. Agriculture, 16, 28-29; implements used in, 76. Algonkin language, 128, 129. Altars, 118. Amulets, 105. Animal tales, 99-100. Armor, 77. Art, decorative and religious, 120— 126. Arrows, poisoned, 78. Athapascan language, 128-129. Awls, 60. Axes, 74. Backrests, 52. Bags, 63-69. Bands, 84; in the camp circle, 86. Basketry, 52, 69. Beaming tools, 58, 59. Blankets, of rabbitskins, 41, 52. Bodkins, 60. Bowdrill, 52. Bowls, of wood, 72. Bows, 23-25. Breech cloth, 41. Buffalo, calf pipe, 105; ceremony for calling the, 79, 109; distri- bution of, 14; hunting, 21-23. Bull-boat, 31, 35. Burial, methods of, 88. Caddoan language, 128. Calumet, 107. Camp circle, 85, 86, 91. Catlin, paintings, 3, 34. Ceremonies, religious, 103; tribal, 109-118. Ceremonial procedure, 118-119. Charms, received in visions, 103. Children, care and rearing of, 87; growth of, 137. Clans, 84. Clubs, stone-headed, 26, 60. Combs, 50. Cooking, methods of, 71. Costumed figure, of a Dakota woman, 47. Coup, counting of, 95-96, 112. Cree dance, 117. Cradles, 87. Cruppers, 34. Culture, areas, 11; diffusion of, 116, 141; heroes, mythical, 98- 99. Cultural characteristics, 16, 95, 140. origin of, Dancing, associations, 116-117; at sun pole, 112. Death, 88. Decorations, on robes, 41. Deluge myth, 97. Designs, on moccasins, on woman’s robe, 124. Digging stick, 75-76; in sun dance bundle, 110. Doctors, 87-88. Dog, as a pack animal, 33; society, 90, 91. Dress, 41-50. 120-123; 145 146 Karrings, 50. Earth lodges, 36-39. Karthworks, 140. Facial characteristics, 136-137. Feathers, worn in the hair, 50. Fire-making, 51. Fleshing tools, 57, 58, 59. Food, 19-21; boiling in a skin, 69- rak Forests, distribution of, 13. Four movements, 118. Games, 78-80. Gentes, 84. Geometric art, 125-126. Ghost dance, 79; ceremonies, 113- 11s: Government, 88-89. Grass lodge, 41. Green corn dance, 109. Hair, manner of dressing, 49. Hand game, 80. Headdress, 49-50; for sun dance, Lid. Head form, of Plains Indians, 139. Headgear, 46. Head men, of a band, 88. Heraldry, 96, 125. Horned serpent, 100. Horse, introduction of, 20. Hunting, 19, 20; implements used in, 23-26. Individual medicines, 105. Industrial arts, 51-81. Implements, of copper, hunting, 23-26. to; for Knives, 72, 73; bone, 74, 75. Kissing dance, 117. Kiowan language, 128, INDEX. Lance, 25, 26. Language, 127-131, 139. Leggings, 44. Linguistic stock, defined, 129. Lodges, types of, 40. Mad (or foolish) society, 91. Maize, cultivation of, 28. Marriage, 86-87. Masks, use of in ceremonies, 119. Material culture, 19-81. Mauls, stone, 60, 74. Medicine arrows, 105. Medicine bundles, 105-109; trans- fer of, 107. Medicine-pipe, 76, 104, 107. Migration legends, 100. Mittens, 46. Moccasins, designs on, 120, 121-123; types of, 42-44. Mounds, 140. Musical instruments, in ceremonies, 119.. Mythology, 97—100. Names, manner of giving, 87. Navel cord, preservation of, 87. Night chants, 109. Omaha dance, 115, 116-117. Okipa, 113; drums, 105. Origins, 138-141. Paint bags, 67-68. Painting, of the body, 50; for cere- monies, 119; on parfleche, 121. Parfleche, 61-62. Pemmican, 26-28, 62. Peyote worship, 115-116. Physical type, 132-137. Pictographie art, 126. Picture writing, 96, INDEX. Pipe bags, 65. Pipes, 76; use in ceremonies, 119. Plains Indian Hall, plan of, 3. Plains tribes, political divisions of, 83; range of, 18; typical, 17, 18, 29. Plateau tribes, 17. Polygamy, 86-87. Pottery, 69. Pounders, stone-headed, 27. Quill embroidery, 121. Quirts, 34. Rack, for drying meat, 26. - Rawhide, use of, 34, 60. Regalia, used by various societies, 93. Religious concepts, 100-102. Riding gear, 34. Robes, made of skins, 41. Saddle bags, 68. Saddles, 34, 60. Sand paintings, 118. Scalp dance, 117. Scrapers, for dressing skins, 56, 57, 74. Sewing, 60. Shahaptian language, 128. Shelter, 35-41; for sun dance, 113. Shield, of buffalo hide, 77, 78. Shirts, scalp, 44-46. Shoshonean language, 128. Sign language, 130-131, 141. Siouan language, 128. Skin dressing, 52-59. Sled, use of, 33. Social, distinction, 95-96; organiza- tion, 82-96. Societies, 89-95; origins of; 91-92. Soldier bands, 89-91. 147 Soldiers, 16, 86. Soldier societies, 91, 92. Songs, 102, 117, 118. Spoons, of buffalo horn, 71-72. Stature, of Plains Indians, 135-136; 138. Stirrups, 34. Stones, used in boiling food, 69-71. Strike-a-light pouch, 66, 67. Sun dance, 16, 79, 103, 108, 109- 113; bundle, 75. Sun pole, 112. Sunwise movements, 118. Supernatural helper, 102-103. Sweat house, 118. Symbolism, in art, 122-125. Taboos, 102. Tailoring, 59-60. Taimay image, 105. Textiles, 52. Thunder bird, 100. Tipi, construction of, 35-36. Tobacco, ceremonies for planting, 109; cultivation of, 29, 77. Tools, primitive, 74. Torture, in sun dance, 112. Transportation, 29-34. Travois, 30, 31-33, 34. Vegetable foods, 19, 29. Village tribes, 17. Visions, 102, 103. War, 77; bundles, 105, 107; dance, 117; deeds, 94, 95-96, 121; record, 94-95. Weapons, 77-78. Weaving, 52. Women’s clothing, 46-48. Women’s societies, 93-95. zt * y ~ s) ‘ oh AP are ae Ae vex hieh: ~- ie ' Hace yah , * of ot or - * pantie hig ew \ a Wii