V.-.- THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY,-; FA' 38>V. 1 | • • • . 1 ' "• PL. I. The Marau kiva in the south-west corner of the village of Oraibi, showing in the centre of the plaza. j> / *- , V -> ^A Publications OF FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES Volume XI CHICAGO 1912 CONTENTS PAGE i. Voth, H. R., The Oraibi Marau Ceremony .... i 2. Voth, H. R., Brief Miscellaneous Hopi Papers ... 89 Field Museum ok Natural History Publication 156 Anthropological Series Vol. XI, No. 1 THE ORAIBI MARAU CEREMONY BY H. R. Voth The Stanley McCormick Hopi Expedition George A. Dorsey Curator, Department of Anthropology Chicago, U. S. A. February, 1912^ &$) iu — » FA v/.|| THE ORAIBI MARAU CEREMONY FIRST PART BY H. R. VOTH 212468 CONTENTS. FIRST PART Page Preface " * List of Illustrations - 9 Introduction -II Baholawu or Introductory Ceremony 13 i. Baholawu of 1894 x3 2. Baholawu of 1898 J5 The Principal Ceremony: l6 First Day l6 Second Day 23 Third Day 24 Fourth Day 24 Fifth Day 3° vSixth Day 33 Seventh Day - 33 Eighth Day 33 Ninth Day 35 PREFACE. Through the renewed generosity of Mr. Stanley McCormick, the Field Museum of Natural History resumes investigations among the Hopi Indians of Arizona. The services of Mr. H. R. Voth, who has made that tribe the object of special studies, have again been secured to construct additional Hopi altars and prepare further papers on Hopi ceremonies and customs, and to add new ethnic features to the Hopi collections. This monograph on the Oraibi Marau Ceremony describes the second of several extended ceremonies of the women of Oraibi, the first one, "The Oraibi Oaqol Ceremony," having been published in iqoi in the series of papers on the Hopi under the Stanley McCormick expedition. The profound thanks of the Museum and this Department to Mr. Stanley McCormick for his continued generosity are herewith cheerfully acknowledged. George A. Dorsey, Curator, Dept. of Anthropology. Chicago, January 191 2. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. FIRST PART: THE WINTER CEREMONY. Plate I. The Marau kiva Frontispiece. Opposite Page II. Wickwaya, chief Marau priest 13 III. a. Tangakweima, chief Marau priestess (formerly) - - - - 14 b. Tangakweima, returning from the plaza 14 IV. a. The natsi on the Marau kiva 18 b. Navini getting sand - -18 V. The Marau altar in the winter ceremony 19 VI. a. Priestess going to the spring 20 b. Priestess returning from the spring 20 VII. a. Priestess offering at the spring 21 b. Priestess ascending from the spring 21 VIII. a. Priestess waiting to be discharmed 22 b. Chief priest discharming priestesses 22 IX. a. Women around altar 23 b. Priestess blowing whistle 23 X. a. Altar dismantled 32 b. Chief priest smoking over prayer offering 32 XI. Anga-Katcinas 35 XII. a. Balhikv-Manas and two dancers 36 b. Balhikv-Manas and two dancers showing sun symbol - - 36 SECOND PART: THE SUMMER CEREMONY. XIII. The Marau altar (summer ceremony) 41 XIV. a. Homihoiniwa, chief Marau priest 45 b. Wickwaya, repainting idols 45 XV. Navini, assistant Marau priest 47 XVI. Women around the altar 54 XVII. Priestess with the shield on her back 58 XVIII. Marau-vahos 59 XIX. a. Priestess with the wand emerging from the kiva - - - - 60 b. Priestess with the wand going to the plaza 60 XX. a. Wand priestess in the circle 61 b. The corn-stalk dance in the morning 61 XXI. The two Archers 62 XXII. a. Lancers emerging from the kiva 63 b. Lancers at work 63 9 Illustrations. Opposite Page XXIII. a. Archers getting meal 64 b. Archers preparing balls 64 XXIV. Lancers returning to the kiva 65 XXV. Wand priestess returning to the kiva -------65 XXVI. One of the public dances 66 XXVII. The Rabbit Mother in full costume (rear view) - ... 66 XXVIII. a. Dancers returning to the kiva 67 b. Marau-vahos outside the kiva 67 XXIX. The Rabbit Mother in the circle 68 XXX. Various ceremonial objects .-68 XXXI. Dismantling the Rabbit Mother - • 68 XXXII. The Pookong shrine 69 XXXIII. The Marau altar in the Field Museum 70 IO INTRODUCTION. The description of the Oraibi Winter and Summer Marau Cere- monies, given in this volume, is the result of several partial observations in different years. As the author had to make these investigations almost entirely alone, and the ceremonies are sometimes going on day and night, it is a physical impossibility for one man to make an ex- haustive study of a nine-day (and night) ceremony at one time. But such a protracted study of the same ceremony, on different occasions, has the advantage to enable the student to make comparisons and to not only fill up gaps, but also to corroborate observations made on previous occasions. On the other hand, such interrupted studies have this disadvantage, that the participants are not the same in the various ceremonies, so that certain priests, or other participants, per- forming certain particular rites, cannot so easily be referred to by name. In this instance, however, the leaders and other principal participants were, with a few exceptions, the same in the different ceremonies that were observed. The Mamzrautu, (Marau Society), is a woman's fraternity and in Oraibi has its own kiva, or underground ceremonial and working chamber (see Plate I, Frontispiece). But, as is the case with all women's societies, a number of men also belong to this order, who perform certain functions and control certain sacred objects in all the ceremonies. As to the meaning of the term "Marau" I am not sure that I have been able to settle it, even to my own satisfaction. The chief priest Wickwaya l (see Plate II) and others insisted, that it was derived from a small beetle, maraubiwich-hoya. But just what the origin was of the connection between this small insect and a great Hopi ceremony, or the reason therefore, he either could not, or would not, tell. But the cordial relation, that existed between him and myself for years, and the willingness with which he gave me other information asked for, leads me to believe that he did not know himself. He once told me, with great satisfaction, that years ago, one of these 1 The chief priest, Wickwaya. whose name is so often mentioned in these papers, has since em- braced the Christian religion, and surrendered his position as chief priest in the Marau fraternity a number of years ago, his half brother Homihoiniwa succeeding him. The latter conducted the ceremony for the first time in 1003. II 12 Introduction. beetles had found its way into the kiva and had been flying around there for some time while a ceremony was in progress. The principal leaders of this cult belong to the Kukuts (Lizard) clan, which is related to the Snake and Sand clans. The ceremonies take place every alternate years, one in January, the other in Sep- tember, both of which are described separately in this paper, the first as the winter, the second as the summer ceremony. They are essentially the same, and yet the numerous variations seemed to warrant a sepa- rate description of each of them. The ceremonies on which this description of the winter performance is based, took place in the years 1897, 1901 and 1903: — The author was then missionary among the Hopi and it was his intention to pub- lish this paper in connection with his other papers when he was con- nected with the Field Museum, about nine years ago. But for various reasons this plan could not be carried out. In the meantime great changes have taken place in Oraibi. Strife and contentions between the different factions have driven a large part of the inhabitants from the village. These have started several new villages. This fact makes it highly probable, that the Marau ceremony, as well as the others, will, in the future, never be the elaborate affairs that they used to be in the past. Hence it was thought best to publish these notes even though they are not quite complete and appear somewhat late. The existing circumstances in Oraibi make them perhaps so much the more valuable. In former publications I used the letters and the spelling I had used in my linguistic studies on the reservation. For various reasons, especially to simplify matters, Hopi proper names and certain words will be written as much as possible, according to English pronunciation in this and following publications. FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. II. PL. II. Wickwaya, chief Marau priest. BAHOLAWU OR INTRODUCTORY CEREMONY. First Part THE WINTER CEREMONY This brief preliminary performance was observed on February 3, 1894, and on January 20, 1898. The first took place in the Marau kiva, the other in the ancestral home of the Lizard clan where Wickwaya the chief priest, (see Plate II), his sister, the chief priestess, and their mother (who had formerly been the chief priestess, her daughter succeeding her), were still living and which, of course, he still considered as his home.1 The introductory Baholawu (baho making), for other ceremonies also, frequently take place in the ancestral homes of the clan that controls the ceremonies. As these two brief ceremonies were four years apart, and one took place in a house, the other in a kiva and the details vary somewhat, they will be described separately. 1. Baholawu, February 3, 1894. Wickwaya, chief priest; Homihoiniwa, Assistant priest; Tangak- weima, (Wickwaya 's mother) Chief priestess; Paelaka, Assistant priestess were the leaders. When I arrived in the morning Tangakweima had just put up the natsi (standard) outside, which consisted of, I believe, six sticks, about eight inches long, to which many small hawk feathers were attached, and was sprinkling some meal on it, and also some towards the sun. The three went into the kiva and built a fire while Wickwaya com- menced making bahos. Several bundles of such articles as feathers, paint, etc., were lying on the floor. It was quite cold in the kiva; Wickwaya only had a blanket around his shoulders. His hair was hanging down loose. Tangakweima now combed herself and was then sent after water and a long stone mortar to rub the paint on. Other women, who 1 The Hopi considers his parental home as his real home, though he may be married and live somewhere else with his family. If you simply ask him where he lives, he usually points to the place where his mother lives. The author once had a Hopi who had a wife and six children, for three months in Kansas. When this man returned he first went to his parents' home, who had already retired for the night, had his mother prepare him a repast, related to her some of his experiences and then pro- ceeded to his family, to which he was otherwise very much attached. 13 14 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. were to take part in the ceremony (only a small part of the Marau priestesses) now began to come into the kiva, each bringing with her and depositing near Wickwaya's paraphernalia a corn-husk leaf with a little meal, a few eagle breath feathers, and a little ball of home- made twine in it ; this was afterwards used by each woman for making nakwakwosis. One or two only had feathers and one or two only feathers and twine. Wickwaya had in meanwhile finished the baho sticks and was patiently waiting for the water and the mortar. The sticks he had placed into a small tray with corn-meal, with which he had mixed a little honey. As soon as his mother had brought a mortar and water he ground some black and green paint, and then painted the sticks green, the pointed ends black, and afterwards put a little yellow paint on the facet which he had cut out on one end of one of the sticks. The women were in the meanwhile sitting around the fireplace warm- ing themselves. While Wickwaya was painting the baho sticks, old Tangakweima (see PI. Ill) was sitting at his side in deep silence, only now and then it seemed as if she was murmuring a short prayer. At a word from Wickwaya all the women now seated themselves near him in the north-west corner of the kiva and each made six nakwakwosis. These they deposited into the basket, one towards each cardinal point, and north-east (above), and south-east (below). Wickwaya tied the usual turkey feather, two herbs, a packet with meal and honey and a fuzzy eagle feather with a cotton string, corn-meal (prayer-meal), etc., on the baho sticks, and then took a little honey into his mouth and drew the cotton string attached to the baho through the mouth and then through a yellow powder (corn-pollen), and then placed the baho also into the tray for a little while. Homihoiniwa, the assistant, now made six nakwakwosis and gave them to Chief Lolulomais' mother, who was sitting to the right of him. She placed them also into the tray from the six different directions. Wickwaya who had left the kiva for a little while now returned, bringing with him two old gourd rattles, and resumed his place. He took a little prayer -meal and sprinkled it on the floor from six directions, depositing a little in the centre. On this centre he then placed an old tiponi (see Plate XXX, d), after having waved it from six directions towards the centre. He next handedt a little meal and a rattle to his mother who was sitting by his left side, also some to the woman to his right. He himself took up a mosilili, consisting of a bent stick, from one end of which are suspended a number of cone- shells. :$j^^^i&$&i$pJii'%£] PL. III. A. Tangakweima, chief Marau priestess, later succeeded by her daughter. B. The same, returning at the head of the line of priestesses from the plaza. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 15 All now were silent for a few moments as if in silent prayer, where- upon a song was chanted in a low voice, to which the time was beaten with the mosilili and the gourd rattles. When the song was concluded Wickwaya's old mother said, "askwali" (thanks). Two of the women next handed from a small tray a pinch of meal to each woman, which they sprinkled from the six directions into the baho tray, Wickwaya and his assistant doing the same. Wickwaya also sprinkled a pinch of corn-pollen on his baho in the tray. Then all women, except Wickwaya's mother and the woman next to her, went to the fireplace while Wickwaya and his assistant were smoking, blowing the smoke on the tray before them, first Wickwaya, then Homihoiniwa, then Wickwaya again. Wickwaya then spurted a little honey over the tray. Hereupon Wickwaya instructed six women to carry away the na- k\\ akwosis. They arranged themselves in line before him. The first received a little meal and the nakwakwosis from the north side in the tray and was told to take them to a small shrine northward from the village. She took a little honey into her mouth and took a position near the ladder. Then the next woman went through the same per- formance receiving the bahos from the west side of the tray, and was directed to carry them somewhere to the west side down the mesa. Then came south, then east, then north-east (above), then south-west (below). When all had received their share they left. The nakwa- kwosis were offered to the clouds with the prayer for rain. Wickwaya took his sun baho to some sun shrine, I think south-east of the mesa. This concluded the ceremony in the kiva. In the evening, however, a Katcina dance took place in the kivas. On this occasion the Anga- Katcina appeared. On other Marau Baholawu days such Katcinas as the Eagle, Koyemsi, Dog and other Katcinas, have been known to perform dances. 2. Baholawu, January 20, 1898. Besides the chief Marau priest Wickwaya, there were present his mother, his sister (chief priestess of the order), and five other women, all of whom took part later on in all the altar performances of the nine day ceremony. Wickwaya first prepared some green, black and yellow paint; he then made one double baho (prayerstick) to be offered to the sun and one puhu (road) of an eagle feather, for the same purpose (see Plate XXX, i and h). The baho he painted green, the tips black and the facet in one of the sticks (the female) yellow. To it were fastened the usual two herbs, kunya (Guetteriza Euthamiae) and maovi (Artemisia 16 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XL frigida), a turkey feather and a small packet of corn-husk, containing corn -meal and honey, a turkey feather and an eagle feather nakwa- kwosis. He also made five nakwakwosis (see Plate XXX, b and c). Each of the women first made one nakwakwosi for the sun which they placed with Wickwaya's baho. They then prepared a number of other nakwakwosis, some made four, some five, some six, which they placed on a tray to which Wickwaya added those prepared by himself and the others, for the sun. The nakwakwosis were placed towards the north, west, south, east and south-west directions on the tray, the sun offerings towards the south-east, which is very unusual. The tray was now placed on the floor towards the center of the room. On the north-east side of it on the floor was standing the tiponi (emblem) of the order. All now arrayed themselves around the tray, Wickwaya on the north-east side, to his right his sister, the tiponi standing in front and between them. Then came their mother and then the rest of the women. When all had assumed their (squatting) position, Wickwaya placed a handful of meal on the center of the tray and on each pile of nakwa- kwosis and some meal and a pinch of talasi (corn-pollen) on the baho and nakwakwosis, prepared for the sun. He then uttered a short prayer, took a mosilili (shell rattle), his sister and her assistant, each a gourd rattle, and then all chanted a few songs, I think, three in all, which they accompanied with their rattles. When the singing was concluded, Wickwaya smoked a while, blowing the smoke into the tray. The women waited in silence. He then took a little honey into his mouth, spurted it over the tray and then handed the contents of the tray to five women, each taking with her a little meal and in their mouths a pinch of honey. One took the sun offering to a place on the point of the mesa south of the village. The others deposited the nak- wakwosis on the four sides of and a few hundred yards from the village. While they were gone Wickwaya put away the tiponi, paints, feathers, etc., and when all had returned they partook of a meal. In the evening a Katcina dance took place in the kivas. THE PRINCIPAL CEREMONY. First Day (Shush ka himuu; once not anything) . While the chief priest and, I believe, also his assistant, usually go into the kiva the previous evening already, smoking, and eating there and decorticating some sticks to be used for bahos in the ceremony, this is really the first day on which ceremonies take place, though the Hopi do not call this but the next day, Shush tala (first day). I have Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 17 never been able to obtain a fully satisfactory explanation for this fact, which also prevails in other ceremonies. The answer they usually give is that this first day really is the last day of another cycle of two times four days, which lies between the introductory ceremony (Baho- lawu) and the principal ceremony. In that case the designation "Once not anything" would not be intended to say that nothing is being done on this day — when in fact in certain ceremonies it is one of the princi- pal days — but it would rather refer to the fact that this day, though ceremonies often take place on it, has nothing to do with the two times four ceremonial days proper. The order of the days would then be as follows: Our way of designating. The Hopi way of designating. First day. Shush ka himuu — Once not anything. Second day. Shush tala — First day. Third day. Losh tala — Second day. Fourth day. Bayish tala — Third day. Fifth day. Nalosh tala — Fourth day. Sixth day. Shush tala — First day or komok-totokya (wood preparing) . Seventh day. Losh tala — Second day or pik-totokya (piki pre- paring). Eighth day. Bayish tala — Third day or totokya (general pre- paring). Xinth day. Nalosh tala — Fourth day or tikive (dance). During the greater part of the ceremonies only the chief priest, his assistant, the chief priestess, her assistant, and six other women, ten in all, are present. They perform the regular altar ceremonies. The assistant priest, Navini (see Plate XV) who happened to be the same in all the ceremonies observed, usually attended to the fire, often lighted the pipe, etc. As the other nine were not always altogether the same persons in the different years, they will be frequently referred to by numbers, shown in the following diagram: 1 10 Altar. 2 9 3 8 4 7 5 6 18 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XL Following are the names of the more prominent men and women that participated in the various ceremonies that furnished the material for this paper. The first ten are numbered in the order they occupy during the ceremonies and in case they are referred to by number in this paper this list may be consulted. They might be called the leaders, while the chief priest, chief priestess and her assistant will sometimes be referred to as the principal leaders. Where the participant, named in this list, was not present and someone else had taken her place it will be so stated. The numbers begin with the woman at the left upper corner of the altar and end with the right upper corner, i. Pungnyanomsi. 2. Nakwahungka. (One time another woman occupied her place.) 3. Talangosi, assistant chief priestess. 4. Qotchnomsi, chief priestess, Wickwaya's sister. 5. Navini, assistant chief priest. 6. Wick way a, chief priest. 7. Qochawuhti (other name : Kiwanhoynoma) . 8. Nasingyaonoma. 9. Qomahepnoma. 10. Qoyamonoma. 11. Sikanomsi. (One time acting as assistant chief priestess.) 12. Qoyahongnoma. 13. Tangakweima, Wickwaya's mother, formerly chief priestess. 14. Homihoiniwa, Wickwaya's successor. 15. Qoyawaima, watcher or guard. 16. Qomaletstiwa. 17. Lomalehtiwa. 18. Tangakhungniwa, watcher or guard. 19. Nakwahoyoma. 20. Tangakyeshtiwa.1 On the fourth and last day others whose names were not recorded are present. On the morning of this day a ring of corn-meal is strewn around the kiva; the natsi or emblem of the Marau Society is first smoked upon and then put up (see Plate IV, a). This consists of several bunches of kelehoya, (sparrow hawk, falco sparverius) feathers which are tied by short, twisted, cotton strings to several sticks which are about eight inches long, and which is thrust with the pointed end into a roll of dry grass that lies at the south and of the hatch- way. Every priestess wears in her hair two short feathers of this same bird, which are tied together at the quill ends, and fastened to the hair on top of the head. 1 The accents for the proper names will be given in this list only. PL. IV. A. The Marau kiva, showing the natsi (society standard) consisting of a bunch of sparrow hawk feathers. B. Participants in the Marau ceremony getting sand for the altar. K FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. V. PL. V. The Marau Altar in the Winter Ceremony. The large, wide slabs represent corn-stalks, the zigzag lightning, the small sticks, deceased members of the order. The figurines are the Marau-Manas, (deities of the order). Near the ridge stands the tiponi, the badge of office of the chief priest, consisting of an ear of corn, wound with cotton twine, and a bunch of differ- ent kinds of feathers in the upper end. In the foreground is the medicine bowl with six ears of corn, aspergills, etc., also two netted gourd vessels, trays with meal, rattles, bone whistles and other articles used in the ceremonies. In front of the left side figurine stand two "mother tiponies," consisting of an old elongated basket, to the top of which are tied long, black prayer sticks which have nakwakwosis tied to one end. Behind this figurine stands a small wooden cone with a crystal inserted into the upper end. Small wooden frogs are placed along the front, and wooden cloud symbols on the rear side of the sand ridge. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 19 The altar paraphernalia are brought into the kiva on the morning of this day and placed on the floor on the north side of the kiva, where the assistant priest also deposits some sand, which he gets in a blanket from outside of the village. In the forenoon the chief priest makes four double bahos, the sticks of which are six inches long and one (for the sun) somewhat longer, which he paints green, except the tips, which are painted black, and two single bahos which are painted black entirely. He and each woman also make some nakwakwosis for the sun and one for each of the four world quarters, and Wickwaya also prepares some nakwakwosis to be used in the afternoon.1 All these prayer offerings are placed on a tray, and some corn -meal and corn-pollen sprinkled on them. After the chief priest has uttered a brief prayer over them, and they have been consecrated by a few songs, in which all present participate, and which are accompanied by rattling, and the chief priest and his assistant have smoked over them, most of the nakwakwosis are deposited by four women on the north, west, south and east side of the village. The woman going to the south side of the village on one occasion also took the baho and nakwakwosi for the sun along. The three principal leaders, Nos. 3, 4 and 5, then sat down on their rolled -up blankets in the north-west corner of the kiva where they spent, in the same manner, a great part of their time during the eight days when not engaged in the performance of some ceremony. Wickwaya sits in the corner, the chief priestess next to him and by her side the latter 's assistant, Sika- nomsi, or on another occasion, Talangosi. The others, who have not gone out with the prayer offerings, either sit and wait or begin to make preparations for the building of the altar. On one occasion some of the women unwrapped their mother tiponis, while Navini either carded cotton or smoked at the fireplace. After a brief rest Wickwaya begins to put up the altar. He first places the sand, previously gotten by Navini and a woman (see Plate IV, b), on the floor, forming it into a semi-circular ridge. Into this he inserts first the larger slabs and zigzags and then the smaller sticks and eagle feathers, and finally places all the smaller objects, the medicine bowl, ears of corn, etc., into their proper places (see Plate V). When the altar is finished Wickwaya resumes his place in the corner with the two priestesses, the other participants also sitting in different parts of the kiva and waiting. At about two o'clock two of the priestesses, one of them Pungnyanomsi (No. 1), the other Qotchwuhti (No. 7), who acts as sprinkler, put on their white ceremonial robes, Wickwaya 1 These nakwakwosis and the four green and two black bahos were taken by two priestesses to two springs in the afternoon, as will be described on a following page. 20 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. ties a nakwakwosi, of an eagle feather into their hair, and hands to each one the following objects: some nakwakwosis, some corn-meal, a long buzzard wing feather, a bone whistle, an ear of corn, one black baho, two green bahos, and a netted gourd vessel, and sends them to two different springs after water to be used in the ceremony. Follow- ing one of the priestesses to the spring Lanva (Flute Spring) I was enabled to note some details and to get some snapshot photographs. At the east side of the spring she stopped, held the prayer offerings to her lips and uttered a silent, short prayer. She then deposited the two bahos and three eagle feathers and one turkey feather nakwakwosi, with some sacred meal, I think in a small niche on the north side of the spring. Hereupon she descended to the spring proper, which is about twenty feet below the level of the ground, and there, standing at the edge of the water (see Plate VII, a), blew the whistle several times towards the water. Then she imitated the act of dipping water with the whistle four times, with the long eagle feather five times and with the ear of corn four times, whereupon she filled the gourd vessel. She then ascended the steps, taking with her all the objects except the prayer offerings (see Plate VII, b). Arriving at the upper rim of the spring she cast a pinch of meal from the spring on the trail that leads to the village and deposited a "road" and some meal on the trail east of the spring, whereupon she hurried back to the kiva (see Plate VI, b), where she arrived in about fifteen or twenty minutes after she had left it. Here she waited on the east side of the ladder (see Plate VIII, a) until the other woman returned. The chief priest had in the meantime resumed his place in the corner. When they returned he met and greeted them, sprinkled first a meal line from the place where they were sitting to the altar, returned and took from them the small vessel with the water, the long feather and the whistle, and placed these objects on the floor at the altar, while the women remained seated on the elevated portion of the kiva floor on the east side of the ladder, their feet resting on the floor of the deeper part of the kiva. The priest then stands in front of the women, holding some corn-meal in his right, a long buzzard wing feather in his left hand. He sprinkles some meal on the feather, hums a song, beating time with the feather, waving it slightly up and down (see Plate VIII, b), circles it above their heads a few minutes and dusts off the meal towards the hatch-way. This he does six times. He then takes the nakwakwosis from their hair and places them with their mungwikuru, and resumes his place. His assistant hands him a so-called cloud blower, a cone- shaped pipe, which he fills with a certain kind of small, dry pine or spruce needles and places it on the floor near the altar. At about 3:15 PL. VI. A. Pungnyanomsi going to the Flute spring for water to be used in the cere- mony. B. The same, returning to the kiva. PL. VII. A. The priestess Pungnyanomsi making her offerings at the spring. B. The same, having obtained the water and ascending from the spring. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 21 p. m. all arrange themselves in a semicircle in front of the altar (see diagram on page 17). The chief priest rises and goes through the same discharming performance as he did before with the two priestesses who fetched the water from the springs. The feather he circles this time in front of the altar over the heads of the participants in the ceremony. He then unties the nakwakwosis from the hair of the women, and places them on the floor in front of the altar, and then fills a smoke pipe with native tobacco which he also places on the floor, whereupon he squats down in front and about the middle of the altar, Navini and four women usually sitting on his left and four women on 'his right side. These ten persons are usually the ones that participate in the ceremonies around the altar, and hence are in this paper sometimes called leaders. Wickwaya then utters the following brief prayer: "Taa, pai pi ita puu yep maksontota; owi ita yep itah mungwasi nanapangwani. Nap hakakwat unaywasyat nalo nananiwo tuikaowak put akv puma angk ichi palaye ak itamui okwatotwani." Free Translation. "Now then, we exert ourselves (we are constrained); therefore we assist each other (cooperate) here in our concerns (offerings). From somewhere the four different ones (referring to the rain deities in the four world quarters) may they bring at the right time copious rains ' quickly (to us) taking pity on us." Then the first song is begun (see Plate IX, a). Wickwaya beats time with a rattle, consisting of a short crook, to which a number of old cone shells are tied. His sister and her assistant beat time with gourd rattles and the rest with their ears of corn, which they call their "mothers." Navini, I think, beats time with a buzzard feather. During this song one of the women (No. 8) takes a tray with fine corn- meal and rubs four lines on the north, west, south and east wall of the kiva respectively, then throws a small pinch of meal against a joist over the altar and presses some to the floor east of the altar. Each of these acts is performed during one of the verses of the song. The second song is then sung, during which the same woman takes a pinch of powder of some kind of a berry from a corn-husk, sprinkles it along the corn-ear and old makwanpi (aspergill) which are lying on the north side of the bowl into the bowl, picks up those two objects and holds both of them, point downward, into the medicine bowl and then pours some water on them from a netted gourd vessel. After having done this she asperges with them towards the altar and then 22 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XL replaces them. This she repeats with all the other ears of corn and aspergills. The third song then follows. Another woman (No. 7) sprinkles a pinch of corn-pollen, I think, into the medicine bowl from the north side and then picks up an eagle bone whistle, bends over the medicine bowl and whistles into it (see Plate IX, b) asperging with the whistle when she is through. This sherepeats from the other five directions. During the fourth song another woman (No. 3) moves slightly forward in a kneeling position, picks up the ear of corn and makwanpi on the north side of the medicine bowl, dips them into a liquid and asperges. This she repeats with the remaining five corn-ears and makwanpis. Fifth song. Two women (No. 2 and No. 10) each take the two old bow sticks, the one from the east, the other from the west side of the altar; another woman (No. 7) takes the two sticks with the grass wheels from the figurine on the west side, No. 9 takes those from the figurine on the east side of the altar, and all beat time with these objects on the floor. At a certain place of the song they raise them and with a sweeping, downward motion they dip them into the medicine bowl and then asperge with them towards the altar. When they dip their objects into the bowl all the others make a motion towards the bowl with the objects that they hold in their hands. All this is done six times. Sixth song. All sprinkle meal on the altar six times at short in- tervals. A short interruption now occurs in the singing, during which the chief priest takes a pinch of honey into his mouth, rises and takes the large cone-shaped pipe or cloud blower and lights it at the fireplace, whereupon the Seventh song is commenced, during a part of which the chief priest blows smoke from the cloud blower over the altar and especially into the medicine bowl. The woman sitting at his right side (No. 7) shakes his shell rattle. A number of songs, as nearly as I have been able to make out, eight, now follow, during which nothing is done except occasional asperging by the chief priest. Before the Ninth song starts the chief priest steps behind the altar, the woman at the north-west corner of the altar (No. i)1 moving forward in a kneeling position. To her the chief priest hands a stick which he takes from the sand ridge of the altar, swinging or moving it along the cotton string road 1 In all the ceremonies, that I observed, this was Pungnyanomsi, the sister of Chief Lolulomai- she, as well as her older brother Shokhungyoma, is called Kik-mungwi (village chief) and they are said to "own the houses." PL. VIII. A. Priestess waiting in the kiva for the return of her companion. B. The two priestesses, who got the water for altar use, being discharmed by the chief priest. x4i i ■ FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROFOLOGY, PL. IX. PL. IX. A. Priestesses around the altar. B. The same. One of the priestesses blowing the bone whistle into the medi- cine bowl. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 23 on the altar and over the medicine bowl towards her, whereupon he resumes his seat. The singing is then resumed, the woman beating time with one end of the stick on the floor. This stick, as well as the others in the sand ridge, is supposed to represent one of the dead members of the order (as is also the case with similar sticks in other ceremonies), and it is believed that the striking of the floor announces to the deceased members in the nether world that a ceremony is in progress. At a certain period of the song, when the word "wawayina"1 occurs, she waves the stick in a horizontal circle from right to left and then continues to beat time on the floor. This she does seven times.2 When the song is over all say thanks, the woman holds the stick with one end resting on the floor, and all wait in silence. The chief priest again steps behind the altar, takes the stick from the woman, swings it backward over the medicine bowl and along the string road towards himself, and replaces it and then resumes his seat. After a short silence he speaks a brief prayer: "Pay hapi ita yep maksontota; Owi itah maksoni akvmongwastotini." "Now (or well!) we exert (or trouble, constrain) ourselves here. And now our exertions shall be consummated," to which the others respond by saying, anchaa (be it so). His assistant (Navini) lights a pipe and the two men smoke while the women take seats in different parts of the kiva. The leaders fast on this day until late in the evening; the other members abstain from salty foods only. This same rule applies also to the second, third and fourth day. Second Day (Shush tala, First Day). Early in the morning the natsi is put up again, the women make their offering to the dawn, which consists of a little corn-meal that they sprinkle towards the east behind a rock, south of the village, the two leaders also waving their ears of corn towards the east, whereupon all file back to the kiva. The same ceremony then takes place around the altar as on the previous evening.3 After the morning meal a number of nakwakwosis are made and deposited, though just how many has not been recorded. The chief priest and priestess, and the latter's 1 Whether this is an old form for wangwaiyi.call, beckon; or whether wawayi-na. call (the) father, or waway-ina, call my father, is the correct etymology could not yet be fully determined. 1 This number seems to be unusual, six times, apparently, being the normal number. Why seven times I did not ascertain. But I have observed on other occasions that certain rites were performed seven times, where six would have seemed the regular number. Where the words are the same in each stanza it may sometimes be an error. 1 From my notes it appears, that in all the altar ceremonies from this day, except on the eighth day, the making of the meal lines on the walls during the first song and the performance with the makwanpis and the corn-ears during the second songs were dispensed with. 24 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. assistant again fast on this day, eating only late in the evening. The others eat but discard all food containing salt or salty substances. When no ceremonies are in progress the three principal leaders are occupying their usual seats in the north-west corner of the kiva, usually observing deep silence. The other women are scattered throughout the kiva, spin cotton for the prayer offerings, gossip and sometimes practice the songs and movements for the public performance on the last day. Third Day (Losh tala, Second Day). The rites and ceremonies of this day are practically the same as on the previous day. I find in my notes for the first time that the woman (No. 8) who, on the first day, made the four corn-meal lines on the four kiva walls, sprinkled a meal line from the figurine on the east side of the altar towards the east side of the ladder, also throwing a pinch of meal up the ladder towards the hatch-way. But as this was repeatedly observed later oh and is usually done in connection with women's ceremonies, it can be safely assumed that it was done on the two previous days also. My notes of this day also mention the fact that not all women were barefooted, and it might be stated in general that women do not seem to be so scrupulous about this point as the men. I do not remember having ever seen a man wearing moccasins during a ceremony. Fourth Day (Bayish tala, Third Day). In the Marau Ceremony, as in all great Hopi ceremonies, the fourth and the eighth day, besides the first, are considered more important than the other days, although in the Marau Ceremony the difference between these and the second and third day is not as great as in other ceremonies while the contrast is very marked as far as the fifth, sixth and seventh days are concerned. During the eight days, while the ceremony is in progress, the eight women who participate in the altar ceremonies sleep in the kiva. Wickwaya, the chief priest, who was then about sixty years old, also slept in the kiva. In earlier years his mother (see Plate III) and later his sister was the chief priestess. The age of all the women, participat- ing in these regular altar ceremonies, ranges between about fifty and seventy years. All sleep in their clothes when spending their nights in the kivas. On one occasion I noticed the assistant priest, Navini, coming in at about six o'clock to build a fire. About fifteen minutes later all got up, though the women had been chatting and singing for some time already. Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 25 The following is taken from my notes of January 22, 1897: "After the chief priestess had put up the natsi all took their corn- ear mothers and some corn-meal and slowly filed out to a small shrine south of and close to the village. At one place they stopped, held the meal to their lips, dropped a part of it on a small shrine and sprinkled a small quantity towards the rising sun; they then proceeded a few steps, lined up, held the remaining meal to their lips and cast it towards the east, whereupon they returned to the kiva, sprinkled a pinch of meal to the altar and replaced their ears of corn on the floor in front of the altar. Wickwaya filled the cloud blower and placed it on the floor for use later on. All then arranged themselves in a semicircle south of the altar as usual. Nasingyaonoma sprinkled the meal line from the altar to the ladder and then the same ceremony was gone through as on the morning of the two preceding days. At the conclusion Wickwaya and Navini each uttered the usual brief prayer, each woman, one after the other, responding, "Paitam ookaoyani" (we shall be strong, or firm), the rest saying each time, Ow£, (yes). Navini then lit a pipe at the fireplace, handed it to Wickwaya, who smoked at the altar. He handed the pipe back to Navini, who also smoked a few puffs from it at the fireplace. Hereupon Wickwaya and the two chief priestesses resumed their places again in the north- west corner of the kiva. One woman went and got four large, flat trays with piki (the typical thin Hopi bread), four small, flat trays with some white mush, and four small bowls with what looked like a stew containing beans. On top of the piki in each tray was also a small cake not over one and one-quarter inches in diameter. These cakes the woman, who brought this food in, placed on the floor in front of the altar, with a pinch of each of the other dishes of food. All present now commenced to prepare many prayer offerings. The chief priest made a double baho, which was unusual from the fact that its color was light blue instead of the usual green color, and that it had a bright yellow band right above the black tips. To it he attached, besides the two usual herbs, the corn-husk packet, short turkey feather and eagle feather nakwakwosi, a long piihu (road). He then painted crosswise two black lines on the four cakes, that the woman had placed in front of the altar, and put these, as well as the baho, on a tray. It was utterly impossible to determine the exact number of prayer offerings each man and woman now made, of what feathers and just what disposition she made of them, as all were working at the same time, were not disposing of them at the same place, etc. But the following details were noted: Most of the women made some puhus 26 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. and nakwakwosis, six of eagle and six of turkey feathers, the number of puhus and nakwakwosis differing with the different individual. Each woman handed a puhu to the assistant priestess; those who had a mother tiponi (see explanation to Plate V), tied six nakwakwosis to them, others tied some to the netted gourd vessels and, I think, all laid some across the arms of the figurines; one woman placed one on the floor, near the fireplace, and those that were not thus specially disposed of were placed on a tray. All now squatted down around the tray; Wickwaya handed to each woman a small quantity of sacred corn-meal, the small gourd rattle to his sister, the larger one to her assistant and he took the mosilili (cone shell rattle) ; the rest held corn-ears in their hands. After Wick- waya had spoken this brief prayer: "Pay ita hahlaikahkang pawasio- yani" (Now, then, we shall joyfully observe this (go through this rite) ), the others responding, "Anchaa," all sang the following two songs, the first of which resembles one that I had heard in the Powamu ceremony: First song. i. To the north. Haooow inguuuhui ! O, my mother! Haooow haaoo inguuhihuhui ! Hao, my mother ! Takurihi kao, inguu! Yellow corn-ear, my mother! Itamuhui pichanywatoyaa, " Facedecorate " us (decorate our faces) , Itamuhui cinevelatoyate ! " Blossombless " us (bless us with blossoms) ! 2. To the west. Is exactly the same as the first, *only the third line reads: Sakwapuhu kao, inguu! Blue corn-ear, my mother! 3. To the south. The same, except the third line reads: Pawalaha kao, inguu! Red corn-ear, my mother! 4. To the east. The same, but the third line: Qoyawihi kao, inguu! White corn-ear, my mother! 5. To the north-east (above). The same, but the third line: Kokomahaha kao, inguu! Black corn-ear, my mother! Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 27 6. To the south-west (below). The same, but the third line: Tawakchihi kao, inguu! Sweet corn-ear, my mother! Haooo inguuu! Oh, my mother! Haooo mahahaha ! (Meaning obscure.) Second song. 1. To the north. Hahahaii (repeated several times). Hakamu wul inguhuhuu ! Why, where is my mother? Takurihi, kaoo inguu! Yellow corn-ear, my mother! Hakaoowat pichangwa! Someone (clouds) decorate (our) faces ! Nevelaat akwaahahahai, With blessing (rain), Nuyui uiny hihikaaywinatoya, On me have pity, Hao inguu! O, my mother! Haho inaa! 0, my father! 2. To the west. The same as the first stanza, but the third line is : Sakwapuhu, inguu! Blue corn-ear, my mother! 3. To the south. The same, but the third line runs: Pawala kaoo, inguu! Red corn-ear, my mother! 4. To the east. The same, but the third 'line reads: Qoyawii kaoo, inguu! White corn-ear, my mother! 5. To the north-east (above). The same, but the third line reads: Kokomaha kaoo, inguu! Black corn-ear, my mother! 6. To the south-west (below). The same, but the third line is as follows: Tawakchihi kaoo, inguu ! Sweet corn-ear, my mother ! Hahahahai ! After the singing Wickwaya again uttered the following prayer: "Pai, pi, ita yep puu hakimimuy nalo nananiiwo itanamui, mumg- witui amongami yuyuha. Owi ita yep itah unangwasi nanapangwani 28 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. nap hakawat unangwasyag nalo nanaiwo tuikaowak;1 put akv puma ich itamui okwatotowani yokwani." Free translation. "Now, then, here we array (decorate), those four different ones, (somewhere in the four world quarters), our fathers, the chiefs (deities); therefore cooperate we here with our offerings. From somewhere, may, with their help, the four different ones (the deities of the four world quarters) have pity upon us quickly, and let it rain at the right time." Hereupon all got up, those of the women that had tied up some nakwakwosis in corn-husks taking them from the tray and placing them on the floor near the altar. It was now about ten-thirty o'clock in the forenoon. Pungnyanomsi now took the tray with the nakwakwosis out, but I did not learn where she took them. The women then again made many nakwakwosis of turkey and eagle feathers. Some again tied some to their tiponi mothers. The rest of the ceremonies of this day were not observed on this occasion. The above description of the proceedings of this day were taken from my notes of 1897. The following is taken from my notes of 1901. The two observations overlap each other from the time when the participants prepare the first lot of prayer offerings, after the altar ceremony, until the conclusion of the brief consecration over this lot of offerings, probably about two hours. But, instead of compiling this part of the notes, it was thought best to give each report sepa- rately, first, to avoid confusion; secondly, because there are some varia- tions in the ceremonies of the two years. Notes of January 12, 1901: When I arrived at the kiva in the forenoon all were busily engaged in making nakwakwosis. One woman tied one to one of the ladder beams as a protection against falling from the ladder. One or two other men had come in on this day and also placed a nakwakwosi and a pinch of meal on the floor near the fireplace. A man, Qomaletstiwa, tied two roads and one nakwakwosi to a stick which he thrust behind a joist of the kiva roof as protection against accidents. Other women fastened some nakwakwosis to their mother tiponis again; many offerings were laid over the arms of the two fetishes. The nakwakwosis that were tied to the "mothers," were all turkey feathers, those to the fetishes, both turkey and eagle, while to the 1 According to one informant this word implies the meaning " persuade," " urge," etc., instead of "at the right time," in which case the rendering would be: May from somewhere the four deities be persuaded to have pity upon us quickly and let it rain. Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 29 netted gourds eagle feathers only were tied. Pungnyanomsi made seven nakwakwosis. Wickwaya then placed some meal on a tray, handed some to each woman, meal and rattle to his sister and to Tal- angosi, picked up his mosilili, said a short prayer and all then sang a number of songs. At the conclusion Wickwaya prayed, all said, " Ask- wali" (thanks), and placed the meal, which they had held in their hands, on a tray over which Wickwaya and Qomaletstiwa then smoked. Kiwanhoynoma and Sikangonsi tied some nakwakwosis to the mother tiponis while Nasinyanoma placed some on hers. After the usual spurting of honey by the singers Wickwaya distributed the nakwa- kwosis from the tray as follows: Those from the north side to (name not recorded). Those from the west side to Talangosi. Those from the south and southwest to Qomahepnoma. Those from the east side to Nasingyanonoma. Those from the north-east side to Nakwahungka. These women deposited those prayer offerings towards the four cardinal points around the village. Upon examining two of these places I found on the west side of the village four turkey feather and five eagle feather nakwakwosis, two cakes, and two turkey feather puhus. The places on the north and the east side I did not investigate. When I returned to the kiva all sat on the floor in an oblong circle, making many nakwakwosis, mostly of turkey feathers, for their de- parted parents, children and other relatives. All were very solemn. These offerings are carried out later in the day and the Hopi believe that the dead tie them to a string around their head so that they hang down before their faces. These offerings were all placed in a large tray, which was set on the floor in front of the altar. The usual consecration singing ceremony then took place. After a short recess the women went to their houses to get food for the evening meal. Qotchnomsi and her assistant placed a large bowl on the elevated part of the floor west of the ladder and the first knelt on the north, the latter on the south side of the bowl. Each woman that brought in some food threw a little pinch of each dish into the bowl. When all had brought in their food they arranged themselves on the east side of the deeper portion of the kiva and waited in silence. Wickwaya took his mosilili and the tray with the nakwa- kwosis to the two women and handed a piece of a herb to his sister who threw it into the bowl. All the other women arranged themselves around their food bowls and trays, which they had placed on the floor in the deeper portion of the kiva. Wickwaya now commenced to sing and to shake his rattle. The two women added corn-meal to the 30 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. contents of the food bowl and kneaded the entire contents of the bowl into a dough, of which they formed balls that they put on the tray containing all the nakwakwosis which the women had made for the dead. The other women accompanied the rattling with singing, at the same time moving their hands upwards and downwards and side- ways, and slowly stepping sideways in the same manner as on the last day in the public dance, when, however, they hold in their hands the large marau-vahos.1 Wickwaya then distributed the balls with some meal to four women, one of whom went to the north, the second to the west, the third to the south and the fourth to the east side of the village, and from there described, in a running gate, a quarter circle around the village, throwing away the balls as food and the nakwakwosis as an offering to the dead and stopping at the place where the next woman had started. Upon their return they all ate supper in the kiva, and then spent the evening partly in the kiva, partly in their homes. While Wickwaya distributed the balls to the women the chief priestess and her assistant, who had prepared the balls, retired to the north side of the altar, where they went through the often observed purification process of vomiting. It was not noticed that they had previously taken an emetic, but very likely they had. Three more women and one man, Lomalehtiwa, had come in. The latter tended to the fire at the fireplace. Among the first was also the wife of Homihoiniwa, Wickwaya 's half-brother, who was to play a conspicuous part in the public summer ceremonies of the last day, acting as the Rabbit Woman. Most of the time from the evening meal until midnight was spent in conversation, practicing of songs, etc. Fifth Day (Nalosh tala, Fourth Day). Notes of January 13, 1901. — The men and women participating in the ceremony were up all night between the fourth and fifth day. So the description of this day's proceedings begins with twelve o'clock of this night. Soon after midnight the women arranged themselves in an oblong circle in the deeper portion of the kiva and for nearly an hour practiced singing and the proper moving and swinging of their arms to the time of the singing, for the public performances. Each one held in one hand a white ear of corn, which they call "mother." The three leaders were, during this time, sitting silently at their usual places. At about two o'clock a. m. two more men, Qoyawaima and Tangak- 1 When the word baho (prayer stick) is used as part of compound words, the b changes to v, as in sakwa-vaho (green baho) puts-vaho (flat or wide baho) , etc. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 31 hungniwa, both of whom, I believe, belong to the Honani clan, were called to act as guards outside of the kiva. In the kiva the usual singing ceremony at the altar took place again. Each woman beat time with an ear of corn. When they were through each one said again: "Pai itam ookaoyani" (We shall be firm, (steadfast) ) and then sprinkled meal on the altar. Hereupon they all arose, and each one rolled her ear of corn into her blanket, bringing one end of the rolled-up blanket over her right, the other end under her left shoulder, tying the two ends in front. Every woman now took some loose object from the altar and all then walked slowly around the altar. Wickwaya pulled out the short sticks from the sand ridge, one after the other, and thrust one behind the rolled^up blanket on the back of each woman when they passed him the first time. These sticks are said to represent the dead members of the Marau order.1 While they made the second, third and fourth round he dismantled what was left of the altar. While all this was going on the chief priestess was standing in her corner, holding in her hand the tiponi, which is probably the most sacred object among the altar paraphernalia. Her assistant had a netted gourd vessel. Pungnyanomsi took the tray with the sacred meal and her gourd vessel. When the women had made the circuit the fourth time, the last named woman went up the ladder, the other women following her, the chief priestess being the last woman in the line. Wickwaya followed his sister, closing up the file. All chanted while they filed out. Pungnyanomsi took a seat on the south end of the hatch- way, outside, and gave to each woman a pinch of meal from the tray, which the women sprinkled on a puhu feather which was lying on the south side of the kiva pointing towards the east. They then went to the north end of the hatch-way, where they waited until all were through. Pungnyanomsi then entered the kiva again and the rest followed. Here they placed the objects, which they had held in their hands, on the floor and then a general conversation took place by the women, the men sitting at the fireplace and smoking. Shortly before sunrise bowls were brought in, suds of the roots of yucca pre- pared; and then the usual headwashing, which forms a part of almost all ceremonies, took place. Usually one washes the head of another. Wickwaya 's sister washed his head. If any have "brought in" for initiation new candidates they wash the head of their novices and give them a new name on these occasions, though my notes do not mention any initiation during these winter Marau ceremonies. Whether 1 The same explanation was given me once with regard to the sticks on the Antelope altar in The Snake Ceremony. 32 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. there happened to be none or whether initiations are not made during the winter ceremonies I did not ascertain. Nothing of importance occurred from now until after the noon meal, in fact no further regular ceremonies took place on this day. The women conversed, went back and forth between the kiva and their homes and some were sleeping on the floor. After breakfast Wickwaya got some firewood from the valley. Navini was not there at all. The altar was completely dismantled, the paraphernalia lying on the floor (see Plate X, a). In the afternoon the women assembled again to arrange and practice for a public performance on the plaza at about sundown. It was soon to be noticed that the performance was to be of a comical nature. The women were attired in all kinds of ludicrous costumes. The chief priestess, for instance, had donned a man's overcoat and hat; two wore men's blankets, held in their place with men's silver belts, and had on men's hats; one was wrapped in a Navaho blanket, wearing an old soldier cap. A fifth one had a blue American blanket wrapped around herself; on her head she had an old, big, man's straw hat with two eagle feathers in it; a sixth one had put on a man's shirt, and the rest were similarly attired. Some had corn-husks tied to their hair. The songs were evidently composed right there; each one referred to some man of the village in a humorous way, of course. This is called tao-somngwu, a word difficult to translate. A literal transla- tion would be "song-tie"; meaning to bind, compel or obligate by a song. The man about whom the song is sung on the plaza is bound in honor to make some presents to the order. It is surprising how quickly the women get a song ready, though there may be some question as to its poetical value. Towards sundown the women emerged from the kiva. Those outside sang until all had come out. They then proceeded to the plaza, the one at the head of the line beating a small drum. Some had long sticks with feathers attached to them. At the plaza they performed various dances. Sometimes two danced, sometimes more. Their performances and singing caused a great deal of hilarity among the spectators that line the house-tops, steps and copings, especially when> the names of the men are mentioned that are being "song-tied." The names are generally mentioned in a humorous way, reference being made to some real or imagined peculiarity of the man, a long nose, curly hair (though it be only slightly wavy), etc. Occasionally the reference is of a phallic or even of an obscene nature. The performance probably lasts about an hour, when the women return to the kiva commenting on and laughing over their achievements. Nothing more PL. X. A. The altar dismantled. B. The chief priest smoking over prayer offerings. FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. X. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 33 of importance takes place on this day. There is no fasting on this j and the succeeding four days. Sixth Day (Shush tala, First Day). Komok-totokya (wood preparing). Xo ceremonies of any kind take place in the kiva, but in the after- noon the women again prepare and practice for a performance on the plaza in the evening. These performances vary in the different years. Sometimes they are of the nature described under the fifth day, some- times they are to imitate, in a burlesque manner, a Katcina dance. But they are always of a humorous nature. Seventh Day (Losh tala, Second Day). Pik-totokya (piki preparing). The notes on the previous day also apply to this day. On one occasion a mock Momchito dance was performed in the evening on the plaza. The men never take part in these performances on the fifth, sixth and seventh days. They seem to be performed for entertainment and fun for the inhabitants of the village, and do not now seem to be considered an essential part of the ceremony proper, though this was undoubtedly formerly the case. Eighth Day (Bayish tala, Third Day). Totokya (general preparing). The early morning rites, putting up of the natsi, the offerings out- side of the village, etc., are the same as on the previous days. The chief priest then makes four green double bahos of the usual kind, two single black bahos (chochokpi) and one larger baho, with two eagle nakwakwosis attached to it, one for the sun, one for the moon, all of which are deposited later (see Plate XXX). The reconstruction of the altar then takes place in the description of which I follow my notes of 1897: At about 10:30 a. m. Navini got some fresh, moist and some dry sand, and Wickwaya divided this into three piles in a semicircle, and then formed the sand ridge. He then reconstructed the altar (see Plate V and Plate X, b). First he sprinkled some meal on the ridge at the four places where he afterwards inserted the four corn-ear slabs, first slightly west of the centre, then near the west end of the ridge, then east of the middle and lastly near the east end. He then put into the sand ridge the four big slabs in the same order, waving each one first from the direction of the six world quarters, north, west, south, east, north-east (above) and south-west (below). Next he sprinkled meal 34 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. all over the ridge and fine dry sand in front of it. On this he sprinkled a cloud symbol with powdered black shale (tohu). Next he sprinkled six short meal lines from the six ceremonial points, all terminating in a common centre, at the east end of the sand ridge. On these he poured a small pile of dry sand into which he inserted one of the Marau-Manas (figurines). He then did the same at the west end of the ridge where he placed the other figurine. He then replaced the nakwakwosis that were on the arms of the figurines before the altar was dismantled. Next he put the five cone-shaped, flat cloud blocks behind the altar ridge and the two blossom blocks and the three frogs in front of it. This he followed by placing the crystal tiponi (tukwi) into a small sand pile. Hereupon he again sprinkled six short meal lines on the floor from the six directions in front of the altar, and placed upon these the medicine bowl, six corn-ears, makwanpis, etc. He then laid the double sticks with the grass wheels into the arms of the figurines,1 and then thrust the crooks into the sand ridge near the baho slab on the west side. From this he sprinkled a line of corn-pollen across the sand field towards the south-east, then thrust the double green baho with the long string (road) into the ridge near the crook, laying the string along the line of corn-pollen. Hereupon he sprinkled the usual six radiating meal lines on the floor again near the baho and placed his tiponi in the centre and then sprinkled meal along the string road. Finally he laid two, slightly bent, sticks, called bows and a weeding instrument on the floor on the west and two similar bow sticks and an old wooden weeding implement on the east side of the altar. Here- upon he and Navini smoked a while'. Wickwaya then prepared for the two women, that were to get the water from the spring for the ceremony, the following objects: One nakwakwosi of a small eagle feather that was to be worn in the hair and is called nakwa (wish, prayer) ; four nakwakwosis and one road, also of eagle feathers, to be deposited as an offering at the spring; also two single black and two double green bahos. When the altar is completed, the men smoke, the women practice singing for some time,2 and soon get the food for the noon meal. On this day, usually some more women come in. The noon meal is eaten in the kiva as usual. Wickwaya explained to me that the objects on the altar were owned and controlled by the following participants: 1 These sticks are called noyawopkoho, the meaning of which my notes do not give. The grass is called mumura. Wickwaya says, in every summer ceremony, one of these wheels is deposited and a new one made. Two are plaited, one wound with cotton twine. All have a duck feather nakwak- wosi tied to them. 2 There is an interval here of a few hours that has never been observed. Whether the women again made prayer offerings I do not know, but believe that such was not the case. PL. XI. A line of Anga-Katcinas before their departure from the plaza. To the right several priests who are handing them prayer offerings. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 35 The medicine bowl, the liquid and the herbs (tuvipsi and tukamsi) by No. 8; the corn-ears, the little stones by the side of the corn-ears, and one tiponi mother by No. 3 ; one gourd vessel by his mother; one mother tiponi by No. 9; a mother tiponi and one gourd vessel by No. 7; the six old makwanpis and the crystal tiponis by Wickwaya; a gourd vessel by No. 1 ; the tiponi by No. 4 (chief priestess). The old weeding implement and the bow on the east side of the altar by No. 10; the implement and bow on the west side by No. 2, the sand by Wickwaya and his sister. Soon after the noon meal two women get water again in their netted gourd vessels, taking with them the prayer offerings prepared by Wick- waya, and are discharmed by the chief priest all in the same manner as on the first day, (see notes of that day.) After they have returned, the ten participants in the ceremonies squat down around the altar again, the other women who have come in on this day, taking seats on the floor behind them; then the same ceremony is gone through as on the afternoon of the first day. A full description of the ceremony is given under that day. After the ceremony food is brought into the kiva, and a number of members, who have been in the kiva on this day only, join the others in the evening meal. After the meal most of the women usually go home; the men smoke. Just when the altar is dismantled, my notes do not state, but my recollection is that it is done after the men are through smoking. In the evening various dances take place by many different Kat- cinas1 in several kivas until late. I noticed, among other Katcinas, the following: Tasap, Owak, Marau, Koyemsi, Soyohim, Shaalako, Tcakwaina, Kohonino, and others. On another occasion I noticed on this evening the follow- ing: Balhikv-Mana, Anga, Tasap, Hehea Tahaamu and Tuvik, Anga- Katcinas. But the kind of Katcinas that appear on this day vary in* the different years so that with every ceremony at least most of the Katcinas, that perform on this night, are different from those that appeared in the preceding ceremony. Ninth Day (Nalosh tala, Fourth Day). On this day no ceremonies of any kind take place, the altar being taken out and put away in the ancestral home of the Lizard clan during the night before, while the people are still sleeping, so that no uninitiated 1 Masked Hopi, wearing various costumes and masks, and representing semi-deities, according to Hopi belief, probably ancestors of the Hopi, who are supposed to act as intermediaries between the Hopi and their various deities. The meaning of Katcina (from katci, life and naa father (?) may be: the immortals, living fathers or ancestors. The Hopi have hundreds of different Katcinas. 36 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. eye should behold it. This day is a day for public performances and really belongs to the people. The connection between the Marau ceremony and the performances of this day seems to be somewhat obscure, as far as I have been able to learn. It may be, that certain prayer offerings, made on the eighth day, are deposited by the parti- cipants in the ceremony early this morning or handed to the Katcinas that appear on this day. This point, however, needs further in- vestigations. In the Summer Marau ceremony this connection be- tween the ninth and the preceding days is much more apparent, as will be described in the second part of this paper. On this day of the winter ceremony a series of Katcina dances takes place on the public plaza, viewed by the inhabitants of the village and visitors from other villages. But while on the previous evening many different Katcinas appeared, only one kind dances on this day, performing about eight dances during the day. On one occasion it was the Hopi Anga- Katcina, one of the different kinds of the Anga- (Loose-Hair) Katcina (see Plate XI). The name is derived from the fact that the Katcinas wear their hair loose, hanging down the back. The mask, a face mask only, is painted green with a border below, the decoration of which varies in the different kinds of this Katcina. To the border is attached a long, black beard. The body decoration, the objects held in the hands, etc., also vary in the different kinds of Anga-Katcinas. In the case of the Hopi Anga-Katcina the border is divided into small squares painted in different colors. The body is also decorated in different colors, and unlike other Anga-Katcinas, this one wears mocas- sins. In the ceremony of 1901 the Balhikv-Mana danced on this day. This personage was introduced in Oraibi from Mishongnovi where the women occasionally appear as Balhikv-Manas in a dance, but without masks (see Plate XII). The name is derived from bahu-(water) hikwani (drink), and mana (maiden), because the dancers drink a certain liquid on these occasions. The typical feature is a large head tablet similar to those worn by the Shaalakos. They also wear the atoe, white ceremonial blanket. In the other villages, however, these Manas appear as Katcinas, i. e., as men, wearing masks and Katcina costume. And it was these Katcinas that appeared and performed dances on this da v. PL. XII. A. Balhikv-Manas on the plaza and their leader. B. The same, showing the sun symbols worn on their backs. FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XII. A THE ORAIBI MARAU CEREMONY SECOND PART THE SUMMER CEREMONY CONTENTS. SECOND PART. Page Introduction 41 Baholawu or Introductory ceremony 43 The ceremonies in the kiva 43 First Day ----- 43 Second Day . - 48 Third Day 50 Fourth Day 50 Fifth Day 55 Sixth Day 57 Seventh Day 57 Eighth Day 57 Ninth Day 64 Songs chanted in the altar ceremonies 69 PL. XIII. The Maru Altar of the Winter Ceremony. The larger figurines are usually called Marau-Taka (Marau-Man), the smaller Marau-Mana (Marau- Maiden). The first are put up in the winter ceremony only. The two pyramid-shaped objects on each side of the altar are prepared on the eighth day and worn by the two Archers and two Lancers in the public performance on the last day. The cone, in front of the right side figurines, is the ka6-tukwi described in the text. (Compare also explanation to PL X.) INTRODUCTION. The Summer Marau Ceremony is, in its essential features, the same as the winter ceremony, which is described in the first part of this paper. It takes place in the same kiva, is performed by the same order, the same personnel and in the same general manner as the winter ceremony. But although it is essentially the same ceremony there are some marked variations. On the altar of the winter performance there are only two small figurines; on that of the summer ceremony two more, larger ones (see Plate XIII). Initiations of new members usually take place in the summer ceremony. On the last day of the latter the participants have elaborate public performances on the plaza which is not the case in the winter observance. It might be men- tioned here, that with other societies, such as the Snake, Flute, Lagon, etc., the summer or fall ceremonies are also more elaborate than their winter performances. The investigations of this ceremony are not quite complete, and, as intimated in the Introduction to the First Part of this paper, it was for this reason that their publication was deferred. It was hoped that another opportunity would offer itself to fill up small gaps and corroborate certain observations. This has not been the case. And as the chief features of the ceremony have all been observed, a number of them several times, and owing to the turn events have taken in Oraibi lately, which makes the possibility of more complete studies of these ceremonies in the future highly improbable, it has been thought best to publish what we have. The observations on which this description is based were made in the years 1893, 1895, 1897, 1901 and 1903. They always took place in the month of September; in 1893 from the 4th to the 12th, in 1895 from the 15th to the 23d, in 1897 from the 10th to the 18th and in 1901 from the 20th to the 28th. In 1893 the public performances on the ninth day only were observed, as I had then only been there about six months. In that and the 1895 ceremony Wickwaya's aged mother acted as chief priestess; in the others her daughter. The observations in 1903 were also only confined almost exclusively to the last two days. In this year Wickwaya's half brother Homihoiniwa acted for the first time as chief priest (see Plate XIV, a), the former chief Wick- waya also being present occasionally and assisting him. THE ORAIBI MARAU CEREMONY Second Part THE SUMMER CEREMONY i. Baholawu, or Introductory Ceremony. This brief ceremony was observed only once in September, 1901, and only brief notes were made. It took place in the forenoon. The chief priest, Wickwaya, his sister and a few other women assembled in the Marau kiva. Wickwaya made six double green and six single black prayer sticks (bahos), and six nakwakwosis. These were made, as far as I could ascertain, for the deities of the six world quarters, north, west, south, east, above and below. He furthermore prepared one baho for the sun and two for Sotukvnangwuu (Deity of Thunder), the latter being deposited in the same shrine with the sun baho. The women, as far as I could learn, prepared a nakwakwosi for each world quarter and one, each, for the sun and the moon. These prayer offerings were placed on a tray, some prayer-meal sprinkled on them and then two songs were chanted over the tray. After this Wickwaya solemnly smoked by the side of the tray, blowing the smoke on the prayer offerings which were, hereupon, deposited at different places around the village. 2. The Ceremonies in the Kiva. First Day (Shush ka himuu, once not anything). Early in the morning of this day the natsi or standard of the society is placed at the south end of the kiva entrance (see Plate IV, a). The altar paraphernalia are brought into the kiva from the house in which they are kept, some time after sunrise and a pinch of meal sprinkled on them. The assistant chief, Navini, gets the necessary sand for the altar ridge and places it on the floor in the north end of the kiva. Soon the eight women, who are to participate in the altar ceremonies as leaders from day to day, begin to come into the kiva, bringing with them a white ear of corn which they call their "mother." The chief priestess and her assistant have tied to their hair, on top of the head, 43 44 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XL a nakwa, consisting of two small sparrow hawk feathers tied together at the quill end, which I think is made by the chief priest Wickwaya. All make some prayer offerings which are placed into a tray, some sacred meal put on them, a small quantity of corn-pollen sprinkled into the centre of the tray by Wickwaya and some meal by his sister, the chief priestess. Wickwaya takes a shell rattle, hands to his sister and her assistant a gourd rattle and some meal and, after a brief silence, utters a short prayer. All then sing two songs over the tray, whereupon he again says a prayer and all sprinkle meal on the tray. Navini, the assistant, hands him a lighted pipe from which he smokes over the tray, whereupon he spurts some honey on the tray, handing the pipe to Navini. The latter then also smokes, but near the fireplace; when he is through he takes a pinch of honey into his mouth and also spurts it on the prayer offerings. The chief priest then hands the nakwa- kwosis to four women who deposit them, with a little meal, on the north, west, south and east sides of a quarter to a half mile from the village. Upon their return to the kiva they are greeted with thanks by all present. On one occasion I noticed at this juncture, that the women, who return last from this errand, and one other, who has in the mean- time come into the kiva, stroked and massaged the back and limbs of Wickwaya, his sister and her assistant. This is done several times during the nine ceremonial days. The chief priestess and her assistant now sit down on folded blankets in the north-west corner of the kiva where they, as well as the chief priest, usually sit silently throughout the nine days, when not engaged in ceremonial duties. While other women are coming in and the assistant priest occupies his time with such work as carding and spinning cotton for prayer offerings, smoking, etc., the chief priest puts up the altar. On one occasion he observed the following order in putting up the different parts: i, the sand-ridge; 2, a pinch of meal on the ridge at the five places where the five slabs are to be inserted; 3, inserting of a slab near the centre, then the one on the west end of the ridge, then the one on the east end and finally the one between the last named and the centre slab; 4, inserting of the zigzag and last of the small sticks; 5, the two crooks; 6, meal all over the ridge; 7, a thin layer of fine sand in front of the ridge; and the black cloud symbol on it; 8, the two large idols, then the two smaller ones; 9, the small cloud and frog and blossom symbols on each side of the ridge; 10, the medicine bowl corn-ears, etc., around it. A few other details, for instance the inserting of the green bahos in the sand-ridge, were not noted down. The baho with the long string, (road), he made and placed on the altar after the FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XIV. PL. XIV. A. Homihoiniwa, chief priest, succeeding Wickwaya. B. Wickwaya repainting the idols. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 45 latter was completed. On one occasion the chief priest repainted the figurines (see Plate XIV, b), as the old paint was very much worn. I was surprised, when he painted the four semicircular cloud symbols on the bodies different from what they were before. They had before the colors of the four cardinal points, yellow for the north, green for the west, red for the south, and white for the east. When I drew his attention to it he said, it was " good " anyway and gave, if I remember rightly, as his reason, that he did not happen to have all the paints there, which, I believe, was true. Fortunately, I had previously care- fully noted down the colors, so that I was able when I reproduced this altar in the Field Museum to paint the figurines as they originally were. Wickwaya did not seem to feel quite easy about this innovation and did not seem to like it that I had noticed it.1 The altar is usually finished at about noon.2 Wickwaya, after having smoked awhile, resumes his seat in the corner with his sister. Occasionally a child is brought into the kiva and initiated, which is done in the following manner: A ring or circle of meal, about three feet in diameter, is sprinkled on the floor in the south-east corner of the deeper portion of the kiva. The child is placed into the centre of it. If it is small a woman holds it. Two older women kneel on op- posite sides of the circle, holding in their hands a ring made of strands or strips of yucca leaves. This ring is placed on the floor corresponding to the meal circle. The two women then raise and lower this ring four times about two feet, expressing a wish or prayer for the prosperity and happiness of the child, after which the latter is sent or taken to the altar and instructed to sprinkle some meal towards it, that has been previously placed into its hands. At about three o'clock in the afternoon two of the women, who participate in the daily altar performances, are sent after water to two different springs, one being the Flute Spring west, the other Talaova (Dawn Spring), south-east of the village. The chief priest first ties an eagle nakwakwosi to their hair on the top of the head, and then hands to each one a long, black feather, a bone whistle, a white corn-ear, a netted gourd vessel, some nakwakwosis, two green and one black bahos, and some sacred meal. The prayer offerings they deposit at the spring before they dip the water.3 While they are gone the rest 1 I have noticed such inaccuracies and deviations in other ceremonies, particularly in changing the position of slabs, sticks, etc., on complicated altars, especially when the chief priest or his assist- ants are new men. 2 This altar has been reproduced — with others — by the author in the Field Museum of Natural History (see Plate XXXIII). 3 The Spring of Talaova is dry most, if not all, the time. But as it is one of the old sacred springs the offering is made there and then the water gotten from the nearest spring or pool. Similar instances have been observed in connection with other ceremonies. 46 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. wait in silence. With regard to the returning of these two priestesses the following is taken from my notes of 1897: Pungnyanomsi returned first. Wickwaya met her at the east side of the ladder, in the kiva, where she stopped. He first strewed a line of sacred meal from where she stood to the figurines on the east side of the altar and threw a pinch of meal on the elevated portion of the floor east of the ladder. He then received from her all the objects that she had taken with her, except the prayer offerings, and placed them in front of the altar. The vessel, of course, now contained water. She then sat down on the elevated portion of the floor close to the ladder where Wickwaya had sprinkled the pinch of meal (see Plate VIII, a), Wickwaya resuming his place by the side of his sister. All again waited in silence until the second woman returned. Wickwaya went through the same per- formance as before, only varying the meal line slightly towards the west and placing the objects a little towards the east from the others, the second woman sitting down by the side of the first. He then took a long buzzard feather (wishoko) and a little meal, stood in front of the two women, sprinkled a pinch of meal along the concave side of the feather and, holding it over the women, hummed a short discharm- ing song, waving or beating time up and down with the feather over the heads of the women from right to left two times, and then brushed off the meal with the back of his fingers towards the hatch-way. This performance he repeated four times (see Plates VI, VII and VIII). He then took the nakwakwosis from their hair and said, "Taa! (Now then!). They took off their white robes, and one of them left the kiva temporarily while the other sat down at another place. The nakwa- kwosis Wickwaya placed with the two water gourds. Hereupon he lighted a pipe and smoked for a while, the others silently waiting. Some more women came in. At about five o'clock all arrange themselves around the altar (see Plate XVI, a), the chief priest, his assistant, the chief priestess, her assistant and six other women. The chief priest hands to each one a pinch of sacred meal; he takes a mosilili, (cone shell rattle), the two priestesses each a gourd rattle, all the rest white ears of corn and then the first altar ceremony begins. The participants are arranged in the same manner as in the winter ceremony and the individual members will be referred to mostly by number when mentioned in connection with any particular performance. This will be less confusing, as the participants in the different years were not always the same, but the positions, that those occupied, who performed that particular rite, remained unchanged.1 It might be mentioned, that the position 1 See diagram on page 17. FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XV. PL. XV. Navini, assistant chief Marau priest. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 47 No. 3 is that of the assistant priestess, No. 4 of the chief priestess, No. 5 of the assistant priest, and No. 6 of the chief priest.1 After the chief priest has handed a pinch of sacred meal to each priestess, No. 8 strews a line of meal from the altar to the ladder, throwing a pinch towards the hatch-way. Wickwaya then takes an eagle wing feather in his left, some meal in his right hand, stands up, sprinkles some meal along the feather, hums a short song waving the feather slightly up and down to the time of the singing, circles the feather over the altar two times, and then quickly brushes the meal off towards the hatch- way. This he does, in all, five times. He then utters a brief prayer, assumes his seat in the circle and then the First song is commenced. No. 8 gets up, and, standing on the banquette of the kiva and holding a small tray with fine meal in her left hand, rubs four lines against the north wall of the kiva. At the second stanza of the song she does the same on the west wall, etc. At the fifth stanza she throws four times a small pinch against a joist over the altar, and at the sixth an equal number of times on the floor near the medicine bowl: Second song: No. 8 takes from a corn -husk some crushed berries, passes them along the ear of corn on the north side of the medicine bowl, drops them into the bowl, picks up the corn-ear, the old aspergill (which is called the husband of the corn-ear) and the small stone lying by its side, holds these objects over the bowl, and pours some water on them from one of the netted gourd vessels, whereupon she replaces them. This she repeats with the other five groups of objects. Third song: No. 7 sprinkles a pinch of corn-pollen along the north side corn-ear into the bowl, then also throws the small stone from the north side into the bowl, and then, bending over the medicine bowl (see Plate IX, b) whistles into it several times. This she repeats with re- gard to the other five directions during the following five stanzas of the song. Fourth song: No. 3 moves slightly forward in a kneeling position, picks up the ear of corn and its husband from the north side of the bowl, dips these objects into the liquid and then asperges with them. At the second stanza she does the same with the objects from the west side, etc., until all six have been used. While this is going on No. 8 asperges occasionally. Fifth song: No. 2 moves forward in a kneeling position and takes the two small bow sticks from the west side of the altar; No. 10 those from the east side; No. 7 the two sticks with the grass wheels from the 1 As Wickwaya was the chief priest, and Navini the assistant in nearly all the ceremonies observed, their names will be used in this memoir. 48 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XL small figurine on the west side and No. o those from the small figurine on the east side. All beat time on the floor with the ends of these sticks. At a certain word of the song they raise them and then dip them with a sweeping downward motion into the charm liquid, and then asperge with them. All the other singers also move the objects they hold in their hands towards (but not into) the bowl. All this is done six times — one time for each ceremonial direction. Sixth song: All throw a pinch of meal towards the altar six times. Seventh song: Wickwaya places a little honey on his tongue, lights the cloud-blower at the fireplace and then, taking the large end be- tween his lips, forces from it large clouds of smoke over the altar. After spurting the honey also onto the altar he scrapes the ashes from the pipe into the fireplace, whereupon he resumes his place; the singing has in the meantime been continued by the others. Nine songs are then chanted, during which no special rites occur, except asperging by No. 8 at the conclusion of each song. Seventeenth song: No. 1 shuffles slightly forward on her knees first; the chief priest steps behind the altar, pulls out one of the smaller sticks from the ridge and hands it to No. 1, waving it from left to right over the medicine bowl. As soon as he has resumed his place the singing is taken up again. The woman beats time by striking the end of the stick on the floor. At a certain word1 in each stanza she swings the stick in front of herself from right to left and then continues to beat time with it as before. She repeats this six times. All then say, thanks; Wickwaya replaces the stick, circling it back over the bowl, and resumes his seat. A brief, solemn silence follows. Then Wickwaya and his sister utter a brief prayer; the others, one after another say: "Pai itam ookaoyani (We shall be very strong (or steadfast), where- upon all throw a pinch of meal towards the altar and then scatter throughout the kiva. The chief priest and his assistant smoke from a pipe which the latter has lighted and after the smoking, spurt some honey about them. The women make nakwakwosis which they tie to their hair.2 The three principal leaders eat on this day only in the evening; all others abstain from all foods containing salt. Second Day (Shush tala, First Day) . In the morning the same ceremony takes place around the altar by the ten leaders as the one that occurred on the previous afternoon, with the exception, however, that the discharming ceremony by Wick- 1 See page 46. 2 This probably refers to the Marau nakwakwosis of two small sparrow hawk feathers already mentioned and which the chief priestess and her assistant had on in the morning. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 49 way a is omitted, the four meal lines on the four kiva walls are not made, and the ceremony of dipping the ears of corn, etc., into the charm liquid is dispensed with, No. 8 only asperging occasionally while the first two songs are chanted. After the singing No. 8 throws a pinch of meal through the hatch-way and Wickwaya and Navini smoke, the first at his usual place in the circle, the latter at the fireplace. Both spurt a little pinch of honey about them after the smoking. On one occasion I noticed that a few other women had come in on this morning. They sat back of the circle but also received some sacred meal and at the close of the ceremony sprinkled it towards the altar. At about seven o'clock food is brought to the kiva for the morning meal. Those who bring it announce their arrival at the outside and are greeted by askwali! (thanks), by the women in the kiva, the latter going up the ladder and taking down the vessels. When the food is all standing on the floor a small pinch of the various dishes and of the piki is placed on the floor in front of the altar. Before eating all stand around the food and sing quietly for about fifteen minutes, whereupon they squat down on the floor around the board and eat, except Wick- waya, his sister and her assistant who occupy their places in the north- west corner of the kiva. They fast this day again the same as the day before, i. e., they eat in the evening only. The others eat, but no foods seasoned with salt. In one ceremony were noticed at this time in front of the altar twelve small food bowls; also four piki trays on top of each other and in the uppermost tray four small trays. The bowls contained some kind of a stew, the trays piki (the typical Hopi wafer bread) and the small trays a white mush. On top of the latter lay a small quantity of some other kind of food which was also offered with the food from the other bowls, as already stated. Of the food in these containers the three chief leaders eat in the evening. After breakfast the leaders deseed, card and spin cotton, and some prayer offerings are made; a baho for the sun and nakwakwosis for the world quarters, by Wickwaya. Just what kind by the women was not recorded. Besides this, nothing of importance is going on. The chief leaders spend most of their time at their usual place; some sleep, others gossip. At one time I noticed on this forenoon Navini occupy the place in the north-west corner that the assistant priestess usually occupies. Whether the seat was not to be left vacant while she was out or whether it was for some other reason I did not learn. In the afternoon the women practiced mostly singing, moving 50 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. slowly around sideways in a circle in the kiva holding a white ear of corn in their hands and waving their arms upwards, sideways and downward, in fact going through the same pantomime as in the public performance on the plaza on the ninth day, for which they are evidently practicing. The evening meal was, of course, eaten in the kiva. Third Day (Losh tala, Second Day). Concerning the rites performed before dawn on this day the fol- lowing is taken from my notes of 1895: I arrived at the kiva at five o'clock a. m. The ten leaders had been sleeping in the kiva and just began to stir and some were singing even before they were up. About fifteen minutes later Wickwaya made his morning offering (kuiwato) a few hundred feet south of the kiva by sprinkling a little sacred meal on the ground and towards the dawn, after he had held it to his lips and whispered a prayer on it. A few minutes later his sister put up the natsi1 at the south end of the hatch-way (see Plate IV, a) and then all the women took their white ears of corn and some meal and went to a rock, south of the village, where they drew up in a line facing the east. Each held the meal to the lips and then threw a pinch of it on a stone in front of them and the rest towards the rising dawn.2 As soon as all have returned the ten leaders arrange themselves around the altar in the usual manner and the same ceremony is gone through as on the second day. In fact this day is spent in the kiva in practically the same manner as the previous day, i. e., with carding and spinning of cotton, the preparing of the usual prayer offerings, smoking (by the men), sleeping and, in the afternoon, practicing for the public performance on the last day. On one occasion Wickwaya, Navini and their mother, the chief priestess, squatted down in front of the altar and sang several songs, but it seemed to be done only for practicing or rehearsing. I also noticed again that Navini, for a short time, occupied the seat of the assistant priestess in the corner, as he did once for a brief period on the previous day. The regulations with regard to fasting and eating are the same as on the previous day. Fourth Day (Bayish tala, Third Day). This is one of the most important of the nine ceremonial days. As the early ceremonies of this day were observed in 1895 only, I -give my notes from that year as nearly as possible verbatim: I was at the 1 On some days Wickwaya attended to that. 2 While these early rites were not noted every morning it is believed that they took place every day except on the first and perhaps ninth day. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi MArau Ceremony — Voth. 51 kiva at four o'clock, as I wished to observe all the rites and ceremonies of this important day. Everything was quiet in the kiva yet. But when they heard me outside they got up. Wickwaya had also spent the night in the kiva, as usual. Soon one of the women took a prayer feather and some sacred meal to a shrine at Apohoniwe — I was told.1 At about 4:30 the aged chief priestess, Tangakweima, took out the natci very reverently, waved it from the six ceremonial world quarters towards the point where it was to be inserted into the matting at the south end of the hatch-way, then sprinkled meal in the same manner and then inserted it, saying to me: It is now going to rain; I asked the rain to come. At about five o'clock every woman took her corn-ear and some prayer-meal and all went slowly, as usual, to a rock, south of the village, for the usual morning rite of kuiwato. As they passed the Kwan kiva they all cast a little meal toward it. Arriving at the rock they threw a pinch of meal on the ground, where, I believe, a small shrine is located; then all faced towards the east where it just began to dawn, waved the corn-ears towards the east and threw the rest of the meal also in that direction, whereupon they slowly filed back to the kiva. Here I met Homihoiniwa, Wickwaya's half brother, who in the meantime had come into the kiva. He succeeded Wickwaya a few years later as chief priest. He just left the kiva to make his morning offering, which Wickwaya probably had done while the women had been out for that same purpose. In the kiva Wickwaya had just built a fire and Navini had come in. When all were in, some sat down in front of the altar, others on the banquettes along the walls and soon they began to sing, evidently for practice. Then the same ceremony took place as on the two preceding days after No. 8 had, as usual, strewn a meal line from the effigies on the east side of the altar to the ladder which is supposed to close the cere- monial chamber, and is not supposed to be crossed by any one.2 When the ceremony was over, Homihoiniwa, instead of Navini, lighted the pipe at the fireplace and handed it to Wickwaya, who smoked awhile, blowing the smoke towards the altar. Navini then did the same, handing the pipe to Homihoiniwa, who also smoked a few puffs 1 Apohoniwe is several miles from Oraibi, but as in other cases, a shrine closer by probably rep- resents that place. Thus the San Francisco Mountains. Kishiwuu and other distant places, sacred to the Hopi. have a substitute place closer by that bears the same name and where the offerings are deposited, that are intended for those distant shrines. J This applies to all ceremonies where this line is made. They usually objected to any one going up or down the ladder while the ceremony was in progress, but more particularly to the use of the right or east side of the ladder. 52 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. at the fireplace, while Wickwaya and Navini spurted honey over the altar and around themselves and up the ladder. After a brief period of rest all began to make bahos and nakwa- kwosis, while some women had to spin some cotton string first for that purpose. On one occasion it was noticed here that the old priestess gave to each woman a roll of white piki, which, however, they did not eat as they were supposed to fast on this day. The exact number and kind of bahos and nakwakwosis could not be accurately recorded. On one occasion I noticed that Pungnyanomsi (No. i) prepared a double green baho, about fourteen inches long and another one about six inches long ; to the first she fastened a small crook which she also painted green. She also prepared a number of eagle nakwakwosis and a long piihu (road), i. e., a long twisted cotton string to one end of which a bunch of different kinds of small feathers are fastened. My notes — which had to be written rapidly — do not state to which of the two bahos this road was attached, but in all probability to the long one. She then constructed on a flat tray a square baho stand of clay eight or ten inches long, about five inches wide and about two inches high, the four sides sloping so that it was larger at the bottom than at the top. This she sprinkled liberally with meal and then thrust the two bahos into it, one near each end. The long road was folded up and placed on top of the stand, the nakwakwosis beside it on the tray. Usually initiations of new members take place on this day. A moho-ngola (yucca ring) is prepared for this purpose, consisting of one, or sometimes a number of strands (usually four) of split yucca leaves which are tied together by the ends at four places so that the ring consists of four lengths, or sections. As soon as a candidate for initiation enters or is brought in, (for they are mostly small children), a circle of meal is strewn in the south-east corner of the deeper portion of the kiva with a pinch of meal in the centre. The yucca ring is put on the meal ring. The candidate steps, or is placed, into this circle, holding a little meal in the right hand. Two priestesses then raise and lower the yucca ring four times, expressing a wish or prayer that the novice may grow old and be happy. The novice then goes, or if too young, is taken to the altar where they sprinkle the meal towards the altar. They are then given a white ear of corn and the typical Marau nakwa, of two small sparrow hawk feathers, is tied to their hair. When not in use the moho-ngola hangs on the wall east of the ladder. Another peculiar object is made on this day only. It consists of a cone of clay, about ten inches high and six inches in diameter at the base. Usually two women make this cone. One of them takes two ears of corn from a tray, rasps one over the other four times and then Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 53 stops about a minute. She then shells the corn, whereupon the kernels are pressed into the soft cone, first in four stripes, an inch to an inch and a half wide, one yellow (north), one dark blue (west), one red (south), and one white (east). These stripes run from the base to the apex of the cone. The spaces between these four lines are then filled up with kernels of the four different kinds of color. Into the apex a bunch of feathers1 is inserted and the cone then placed on the floor at the east side of the altar (see Plate XIII). One time I noticed again on this day that soon after the morning ceremony two women stroked and massaged the back and limbs of Wickwaya and the two leading priestesses again. At about half past ten in the forenoon the work of making the bahos and nakwakwosis is finished. They are disposed of in various ways; some nakwakwOsis are laid over the arms of the figurines, one time one woman tied one to a beam of the ladder; two were placed on the floor near the fireplace, as a prayer that the Hopi should never suffer for want of fire. Most of them were placed on a tray with some meal. The chief priest and the women sitting around the tray sing a few songs, accompanying this by shaking their rattles. After the singing the priest utters a short prayer. He then smokes over them from a cloud blower which his assistant has lighted and from which he had first blown some smoke over the altar. Both always spurt some honey after having smoked. Some more nakwakwosis are then disposed of. On one occasion I observed that some were tied to the netted gourd vessles; one woman took a pinch of prayer-meal, mumbled a prayer over it, and threw the meal and feathers on the embers of the fireplace. The nakwakwosis that are still on the tray are handed with some meal to six women, each one also having a pinch of honey placed on her tongue, who deposit them at six different places near the village. Each woman also takes her white ear of corn along. As one after the other returns, in about ten minutes, she takes a pinch of meal from a tray, holds it to her lips and casts it toward the altar, all the others saying, thanks! More women usually are present on this day than before. Each one brings with her a white ear of corn and throws some meal to the altar when she comes into the kiva. After the prayer offerings have been disposed of, the women soon squat down in an oblong circle in front of the altar and make nakwakwosis for their departed loved ones. "This is for my mother," said one to me; "This for my sister," another one, etc. These nakwaksosis are put on a tray, which is placed near the altar. Then nothing of im- portance takes place for several hours. My notes do not state what kind of feathers. 54 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. In the middle of the afternoon1 the ten leaders again arrange them- selves around the altar in the usual manner. No. 8 strews the meal line from the altar to the ladder and then the usual singing ceremony- takes place in the same way as on previous occasions. But during the fifteenth song an entirely new scene is presented. As there were some variations in the different years I give my notes of 1895 and 1897 separately: 1895: This over, all stood up; No. 10 put on a white dress (owa) and a fine blanket (toihi), whitened her face with meal, tied a pota (tray from the Second Mesa) that had nakwakwosis fastened to its rim, to each wrist, and then danced very gracefully around the altar four times, stopping at each cardinal point and waving the potas towards it. All sang and those having rattles shook them as usual, while this was going on. When this was over, all said, thanks, and resumed their places. 1897: A woman, dressed in a toihi, big knotted belt, moccasins with leggings, her face daubed white, jumped up behind the altar. She had two old trays with corn-meal and danced around the altar six times, rather vigorously, swinging the trays (from side to side) and then stopped behind the altar, where one of the women assisted her in taking off the costume, etc. All cried, thanks! In each of these two cases the ceremony then went on and terminated in the usual way. Most of the women then go after food for the even- ing meal. The chief priestess takes a large bowl, containing some piki and cooked beans, and places it on the elevated portion of the kiva west of the ladder; at the east side of this bowl she places a tray with meal and the tray with the nakwakwosis prepared by the women in the forenoon for their departed friends and relatives. She then assumes a kneeling position south of the bowl, her assistant north and Wick way a south-west of it. The latter has a mosilili in his hand. The other women now begin to return to the kiva with the various dishes of food for the evening meal. Every woman steps to the priest- esses who take a small quantity of every kind of food, even of the liquids, and put it into the large bowl, whereupon the woman places her vessel with the food on the floor in the deeper portion of the kiva. Here the different bowls and trays are arranged in two rows, around which the women seat themselves as they come in. When all have made their contribution of food, they all rise and standing around the food board begin to sing, waving their arms, and Wickwaya shaking the mosilili to the time of the singing. Some have their corn-ear in their hand, others have not. During the singing the two priestesses kneel 1 The time has varied in the different years between 3 -.30 and 5 o'clock. ill- PL. XVI. A. Leading priestesses singing around the altar. Through the gap in the circle the meal line is strewn from the idols to the ladder. B. Priestesses consecrating ceremonial objects, to be used in the public per- formances on the last day. FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XVI. Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 55 on opposite sides of the bowl holding it with both hands. All at once f they dump the meal from the tray into the bowl, make a dough of this mixture and then form about sixteen balls of it, which they place on the tray with the nakwakwosis. After that they rub off the dough, that adheres to their hands, with meal and then again hold the (now empty) bowl until the singing stops. Four women of the ten leaders then step forward, the chief priestess gives to each one a portion of the balls and nakwakwosis, placing them into a corner of the blanket or cloak that they wear over their dress. One then runs to the north, the other to the west, the third to the south, and the fourth to the east side of the village. Each one then runs from her point to the next one, i. e., the one from the north side to the place where the one on the west side started and so on, each one describing a fourth part of a circle. While they run they throw away food balls and nakwakwosis as an offering to the dead. It is the supposition that the spirits of the departed come and get the food and the prayer feathers, or rather the hikvsi (breath, essence, soul) of those objects.1 While these four women are gone the others begin to eat, the four joining them when they return. On one occasion (in the ceremony of 1897) there were about twenty women around the one and about twelve around the other "table." The aged Tangakweima, who had acted as chief priestess for the last time in 1895, then having been succeeded by her daughter, had a seat at the head (north end) of one of the boards; Wickwaya had a place at her right, then came Navini, while the seat at her left was occupied by Qoyamonoma (No. 10), at whose left sat Ootchnomsi, Wickwaya 's sister who, for the first time, acted as chief priestess. After supper nothing of importance takes place until after twelve o'clock at night. The time is spent in singing, talking, joking, smoking (by the men), etc. A few more men and a number of new women usually come in this evening. On one occasion I counted about forty persons in the kiva. Fifth Day (Nalosh tala, Fourth Day). As the participants in the ceremony had been up all night and various performances took place during the night, the description of this day's doings begins where that of the previous day ended, at twelve o'clock at night. The time from midnight until one o'clock is spent in practically the same way as that from supper until midnight : in singing, talking, eating, joking, etc. Now and then one will go to 1 The custom of not only informing the ancestors and friends in the other world that a ceremony is in progress here, but also of providing the means to have them share in its benefits has also been observed in other ceremonies. 56 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. sleep, but as sleeping is prohibited the sleeper is soon disturbed and aroused again. At about one o'clock the ten leaders take their usual places around the altar again and, as far as I could determine, the same ceremony, that has taken place every day, is again enacted. All the others present sit scattered on the floor south of the leaders and join in the singing as much as they can. At the conclusion of the performance they all cast a pinch of meal towards the altar. Pungnyanomsi and her sister-in-law now leave the kiva, the rest fold up their blankets or upper garments diagonally, lay them over one shoulder, tying the two ends together over their chest. All then move in slow procession sideways around the altar and ladder four times. As they pass Wickwaya, who stands at the north side of the altar, he thrusts one of the sticks from the altar ridge behind the rolled up garment on the back of each woman. As the kiva is only dimly lighted it was not possible to get all the details of these, more or less rapidly, developing performances. A number of the women — all the leaders I think — take an object from the altar. On one occasion one had a netted gourd vessel; Wickwaya's mother had the tiponi. Wickwaya, Navini and Homihoiniwa, each, had one of the wide corn- slabs from the altar. After completing the fourth circuit they all filed out, the men last. As the night was very dark I could not record the exercises outside very well, but believe that they were the same as took place during this night in the winter ceremony (see page 31). Outside two men were guarding the kiva. The whole procession went around the kiva several times, occasionally sprinkling meal at the south end of the kiva. All then came in again and sat down. Navini and Homihoiniwa burned the nakwakwosi that had been lying at the fireplace during the day. Wickwaya lighted a pipe, whereupon the three men smoked. The alter remained in its dismantled condition. Nothing of importance takes place during the remaining part of the night, in fact, no regular ceremony takes place all day. In the forenoon most of the participants rest and sleep in their homes. On one occasion I noticed Wickwaya and Navini in their fields. In the afternoon, however, a number of the women assemble in the kiva and practice songs which they usually compose right then and there. The women are attired in all manner of ludicrous ways, partly in. men's, partly in white man's dress, partly in that of other tribes, etc. The songs usually refer to some real or imaginary pecu- liarity of some man in the village, and are chanted at the public dance, which is performed by these women on the plaza in the evening. This is called tao-somngwu ("song-tie" or "song-bind"), because the man Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 57 whose name is mentioned in the song is bound, or considered to be under obligation, to give some presents to the women, which, I believe, usually consist of one or the other kind of food. (Compare the de- scription of this day's proceedings in the First Part of this paper.) The chief object of these performances seems to be the entertaining of the people and the women usually reach that object as their per- formances cause a great deal of hilarity and laughter on the part of the spectators. No fasting takes place on this or any subsequent day. Sixth Day (Shush tala, First Day). This day is spent in practically the same manner as the fifth day, except that there is no early night ceremony. The leaders sleep in the kiva, the natsi is put up, and though my notes do not distinctly say so, I have reason to believe that the morning offerings (kuiwato) are made the same as on previous days. One time I observed that in another kiva, the Blue Flute, a lot of sweet-corn was shelled by about twenty-two members of the Marau order and that one of the leaders (No. 10) then divided it among these members to be ground to meal in their homes. This day is also called komok-totokya, from komokto to get wood, because the necessary firewood for the preparing of food on the next day for the public ceremony is gotten on this day. Seventh Day (Losh tala, Second Day). The conditions are practically the same as on the previous day. I noticed that Wickwaya and Navini attended to their fields. One or two women and sometimes a few children are usually in the kiva to watch that no one, not initiated, enters. Now and then other wom- en come in, but soon leave. The altar is still in its dismantled con- dition. Most of the members, as well as the other women of the village, bake piki for the public feast on the ninth day. From this fact this day is sometimes called pik-totokya (piki-day or piki-pro- viding) . In the afternoon another tao-somngwu "song-tie" performance is prepared and in the evening carried out on the plaza, as described before. Eighth Day (Bayish tala, Third Day). This is again one of the more important days of the ceremony.1 The participants rise at about five o'clock in the morning. The natsi is put up almost immediately. In 1897 Wickwaya put it up on this 1 Also called totokya. which really means sleeps. But why it is called that way no one seems to know. The day preceding any important ceremony is designated by that name, which seems to have a meaning similar to "Christmas Eve," or the German "Heilige Abend," a general preparation day. 58 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. day. My notes of that year say that at about six o'clock Wickwaya commenced to make bahos. First, a light blue double baho for the sun, with two eagle feather nakwakwosis attached to it (see Plate XXX, h). The Marau ceremony is the only ceremony where I have seen a baho of this light blue color. It is deposited, I believe, towards evening somewhere south-east and close to the mesa. He also makes four double green (see Plate XXX, f) and two single black bahos (see Plate XXX, g) which are taken to the springs in the afternoon by the two women who get the water for the ceremony. At about seven o'clock a woman (No. 10) came in and after she had rested a little while swept up the chips and shavings left on the floor from the baho making and put them into a blanket, threw a pinch of meal on them and carried them out, casting them on the ground close to the kiva. A little later another woman brought some young, green corn- stalks, a few green sprigs of squash and beans, a peach twig with some green peaches on it, and some watermelon and musk melon runners, etc., which she placed on the floor near the altar. Several other men come in on this day to prepare special objects. One of these is supposed to belong to the Bow clan. On one occasion it was an old man by the name of Nakwahoyoma. He prepared two sets of four arrows each, (see Plate XXX, a) and also got two wrist protectors. The arrows are made of reed, with points of hard wood which he painted red, pressing on the wet paint a little powder of specular iron. The wrist protectors are made of old elk, buffalo or heavy deer-skin and are about four inches wide. To these are sewn bone plates about two inches wide, their length being the same as the width of the leather part of the protector. These bones are supposed to be cut out of the scapulas of slain enemies or of bears. He handed these objects to two women who said, askwali, (thanks), and placed them on the floor and the man smoked over them. Some one had also brought in two old bows and two long sticks and two wheels or rings, about seven inches in diameter. The arrows were placed with these objects. One of the men formed a part of the green corn-stalks and vines, mentioned before, into a compact bundle about sixteen inches long and about six inches in diameter, by tying four strands of yucca leaves around them. To each string he had tied a nakwakwosi; to those at each end one of a "red eagle" (hawk) feather, to one of the others one of an eagle, and to the last one, one of a turkey feather. This bundle is also placed on the floor with the bows, arrows, etc. In the meantime Navini had prepared a shaft or wand about three feet long, to the point end of which he fastened two black-tipped eagle tail feathers and some other feathers of various colors. Along the PL. XVII. A. Chief priestess with the shield on her back. B. The same in the dance circle. Also showing two Marau-Takas preparing food balls. 1 TTar~'- ■:/ *?**V ♦ ™1 '*• 3ffl rev •KiaTi fc^I ^Mft^^ ^^^ *d j& PL. XVIII. MARAU-VAHOS. 1. The terraced upper end represents a cloud with a drawing of a cloud and falling rain on it. Below this is a picture of Muyingwu, the Deity of Growth, perched on a rainbow. Under this are three towering clouds also on a rainbow. At the lower end is an ear of corn. 2. Reverse side of a children's baho, showing the usual turkey feather, and kunya and ma6vi sprig. 3. Cloud symbol above, three towering clouds in the middle and above and below the latter the rainbow symbol. At the lower end an ear of corn. 4. Children's baho with a cloud and corn-ear symbol. 5. The symbolism is the same as No. 1 with the exception of the cloud symbol. 6. Children's baho with a picture of a cloud and a carved ear of corn. The lines on the reverse side of I, 3 and 5 denote tracks, according to some of deities; according to others, of birds. With rare exceptions, these symbols are the only ones used in Oraibi, while in the other villages many others may be seen, some of which are probably late innova- tions. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 59 J shaft runs a string of red fringes, made of a horse's mane, the string being fastened to each end of the shaft. This wand is used by a priestess 1 in the public performance the next day (see Plates XIX and XX). I The men also fixed up an old square shield (see Plate XVII), which is about 16 inches long and about 12 inches wide at the top, and about 10 inches at the bottom. This shield is called bawayoykashi. The j name refers to copious rains or rain water. (A similar shield, worn I by Flute-priests, is called the same.) It is made of a framework of sticks over which old native cloth is stretched. The two flat side pieces are slightly bent at the top, forming crooks as it were. Along the upper edge are fastened small red feathers and in the centre a bunch of larger white fuzzy eagle feathers. Along the lower edge is fastened a string of red horsehair, two eagle tail feathers being sus- pended at the middle of the lower rim. The upper half of the shield is painted green, the lower half red, the bent portion of the side pieces of the frame, yellow. On the lower end of each of these slabs is painted an ear of corn. In the middle of the shield is depicted a figure with a human face, but otherwise resembling an eagle. This picture evidently represents Muyingwuu, the God of Germination, who plays such a conspicuous part in the Hopi ceremoniology under different names.1 When this shield is finished it is placed west of the altar. Furthermore, the four peculiar headdresses which are worn on the next day by four priestesses, as will be described later, are prepared on this day. They consist of a ring of tightly twisted strands of black and green yarn. Into this ring are inserted at three different places sticks about 1 8 inches long, the upper ends of which are tied together so that a pyramid-shaped frame is formed. To the apex is fastened a bunch of long, red horsehair, a parrot feather and two eagle tail feathers. On each side of the ring is fastened horizontally another eagle tail feather, the tips pointing backward. To the quill ends are also attached small bunches of eagle feathers. To the front of the ring is fastened a roll of corn-husks which is tightly wound with black and white yarn so that long black and white squares are formed. Around each end of this roll is wound a small amount of loose red wool and into each end are thrust two large and a number of small hawk feathers (see Plates XXI and XXII). In the ceremony of 1903 a peculiar ceremonial costume was pre- pared in addition to the above named objects. This consisted, first, of a cap, made of a band of rawhide, to fit around the head, to which 1 The personage which is usually called Alosaka in some of the other villages is, in my opinion, identical with this deity. The figurine Chowilawuu on the Oraibi Powamu altar seems to represent the same deity and at the Katcina initiation, during the Powmau ceremony, Muyingwuu is represented by the chief Powamu priest (see "The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony" by H. R. Voth, PI. LVII). 60 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. were tied one band running from ear to ear over the head and another running from the forehead to the back of the head. To each side was fastened a flap, about ten inches long and about four inches wide, rounded at the upper end. These consisted of a simple frame made of sticks over which was stretched a piece of white cloth. The rim or border of the flaps was black and had a sprig of herb or grass attached to it. The second part of the costume consisted of four squares, each made of four sticks of reed, about 18 inches long, the ends of two pieces being tied together at each corner of the square. To each corner was fastened an oblong piece of gourd shell with rounded corners which were painted as follows : First Square: First piece, concave side white, with a black line in the middle from which short black lines ran upwards like branches on a tree; black spots on the convex side. Second piece, concave side black, with two yellow parallel lines running from end to end and yellow spots on the convex side. Third piece, white on concave side and the lines as well as the spots being black. Fourth piece, concave side yellow with two black (?) lines; spots on concave side yellow. Second Square: First piece, concave side white, two black lines; the spots on the convex side also black. Second piece, right half green, left half white, with a black line between the two, and yellow spots on the convex side. Third piece, concave side, marked the same as the first piece in the first square. Fourth piece, concave side, right half yellow, left half green, with green spots on the obverse side. Third Square: First piece, white with two black parallel lines, the spots on the obverse side also being black. Second piece, the same as the first. Third piece, concave side green with a black cloud symbol in the centre and black spots on the convex side. Fourth piece, white on concave side, with the same marks on both sides as the first piece in the first square. Fourth Square: First piece, concave side white with a small, black cloud symbol in centre and black spots on the convex side. Second piece white with two yellow parallel lines on concave and yellow spots on the convex side. Third piece, concave side white with two black parallel lines on concave side and black spots on convex. Fourth piece the same as the second, only with black spots instead of yellow. The convex side of all pieces was alike except the spots, but my notes fail to state whether all were white or left in the natural color. I have reasons to believe that the first was the case. To each corner of the squares were tied small bunches of grasses and herbs. It will be noticed, that all of the five ceremonial colors (yellow, green, red, white and black) were used except red, the color of the PL. XIX. A. The chief priestess with the wand emerging from the kiva. B. The same returning from the plaza, where the public performances take place. FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XX. A PL. XX. A. The Wand priestess in the dance circle. B. The early morning dance with corn-stalks. Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 61 south, but I do not believe that this was omitted intentionally. The men probably did not happen to have that color. It will also be noticed that apparently no regularity as to the arrangement of the colors was observed. The fact that this costume had not been made and used for many years, and that the men who made it were inexperienced, probably accounts for some of the irregular- ities.1 The men furthermore tied many twigs of green cotton, fresh melon and squash vines, small corn-stalks, etc., to cotton strings and many nakwakwosis to the vines, to be used the next day by the so-called "Rabbit Mother" for her costume. At about noon four, sometimes five, women place the following objects on the floor east of the fireplace: The four pyramid-shaped headdresses, the two bows with the eight arrows, the two long sticks, the two wheels, the bunch of vines and the two wrist protectors. Be- tween these is placed a medicine bowl, the usual six meal lines, north, west, south, east, north-east (above) and south-west (below), which run to a common centre, first being made. The women squat around these objects, one of them takes the two short bow sticks that had been lying on the east side of the altar, another the two that had been lying on the west side, and also an ear of corn. A third and fourth woman, each take one of the sticks with the little wheels that are leaning against the arms of the figurines during the ceremonies. If more women participate they hold an ear of corn in their hand. These women now sing rather quietly several songs, beating time on the kiva floor with the end of the sticks, and occasionally dipping them into the medicine bowl and then asperging with them. The object of the singing is evidently to consecrate these articles (see Plate XVI, b). When the singing is over the objects are all placed near the altar which the chief priest has in the meantime reconstructed (see Plate XIII). Several other special objects had been prepared in the meantime; among others a small ring into which were thrust four artificial flowers and a number of fuzzy eagle feathers;2 and also a blue shirt, both to be worn by one of the priestesses the next day. Wick way a has also made the usual bahos and nakwakwosis (see Plate XXX), for the offering at the spring in the afternoon. He probably makes the usual offerings for the sun too, but that was not specially noted as the preparations of special paraphernalia kept the observer fully occupied during the forenoon hours. When all these special objects are com- pleted the remaining vines are taken out ; any ears that may be on the ' See also the first footnote on page 45. 1 Similar head ornaments are worn by the flute players in the Flute ceremony and others. 62 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. green stalks are given to the older priestesses, and the refuse on the floor is swept up and carried out. Soon after the noon meal the priestess, occupying the place No. 8 in the ceremonies, places the medicine bowl in front of the altar, first making the six direction lines with meal and then putting the six ears of corn, their companions, small stones, etc., around it and a little quantity of powdered herb into a corn-husk. While all this is going on in the kiva friends and relatives of the participants are repainting and generally repairing the old marau- vahos 1 that are to be used the next day (see Plate XVIII). Or when it is necessary new ones are made. On one occasion I noticed that the chief priest made some small black bahos in the kiva, that are attached to the upper end of the wide slabs. Later in the day the women bring these Marau-vahos or slabs into the kiva, where they are placed against the wall on the banquettes in the north end of the kiva. At about four o'clock in the afternoon the chief priest hands to two priestesses the usual prayer offerings and other objects again and sends them to two different springs after water to be used in the ceremony and discharms them when they return, all in the same manner as has already been described under the notes of the fourth day. At about five o'clock p. m. the ceremony commences. It is essen- tially the same as that on the afternoon of the first day, only there are now more men and women present than on any previous day. On one occasion I counted thirty- two, including the ten leaders and a few small children. At about five o'clock the altar ceremony com- mences. No. 8 first sprinkles the meal line from the east side of the altar to the east side of the ladder, casting also a pinch towards the hatch-way. The chief priest then stands up and discharms the freshly put up altar by humming a song and sprinkling meal on a buzzard feather and brushing it off six times. After he has spoken a brief prayer the singing commences. During the first song No. 8 rubs the four meal lines to the four kiva walls and throws a pinch of meal against one of the joists and another pinch on the floor. During the second song No. 8 sprinkles some powder of crushed berries along the ears of corn and then put the corn-ears and their "husbands " (the old aspergills, that lie by their side) into the medicine bowl on end, and pours the water, that was gotten in the netted gourd vessels from two springs by the two priestesses, over these objects into the bowl and then re- places them. While the third song is chanted No. 7 sprinkles a pinch of corn-pollen along the corn-ear on the north side and into the bowl 1 In compound words the b in baho is changed to v. PL. XXI. A. The Archers emerging from the kiva to go to the dance plaza. B. The same returning to the kiva. FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXI. A FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXII. PL. XXII. A. The Lancers leaving the kiva for the plaza. B. The same at work with the lances and wheels. Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 63 and then bends forward in a kneeling position and whistles through a bone whistle into the medicine bowl (see Plate IX, b). This she repeats for all the other directions. During the fourth song No. 3 dips the north corn-ear and its husband into the liquid in the medicine bowl and asperges towards the altar. She also repeats this with the re- maining five directions. While the fifth song is being sung No. 2 takes the two small bow sticks from the west side of the altar, No. 10 those from the east side, No. 7 the two sticks with the grass wheel from the figurines on the west side, and No. 9 those from the east side figurine, and all beat time with these objects by striking them endwise on the floor. At the sixth song all throw a pinch of meal towards the altar six times. While the women chant the seventh song the chief priest takes a pinch of honey into his mouth and then blows smoke from his cloud blower over the altar. Nine songs then follow during which no special rites take place, except sprinkling of the liquid from the medicine bowl with an aspergill, by No. 8, at the end of each song. During the seventeenth song the waving of a stick from the altar by No. 1 is gone through again as on the first day. In fact, the entire altar ceremony of this day is an exact repetition of that of the first day. On other days only sixteen songs are chanted, the one during which the meal lines on the walls are made at the beginning of the ceremony being omitted. After these altar rites are concluded in the usual way by a brief prayer by the chief priest, responses and sprinkling of meal by all the rest, there is a recess, during which the men smoke, the women rest or go to their houses. At about six o'clock the chief priestess takes one of the bunches of feathers that forms the natsi in her right hand, an ear of corn in her left. Her assistant takes a tray with sacred meal and, being followed by most of the other women, each of whom have an ear of corn, they proceed to the plaza where the public performances are to take place the following day. Here some prayer-meal is sprinkled towards the small shrine by the assistant priestess and all then go through the same kind of a dance as they perform the next day, waving the arms •and the ears of corn in the same manner as they wave the large Marau slabs on the succeeding day. When they return to the kiva the evening meal is eaten in the kiva by all participants. The proceedings from the evening meal until about two-thirty o'clock in the night have not been observed, but from information, which I believe to be reliable, I infer, that the same ceremonies inside and out- side of the kiva took place as during the night between the fourth and fifth day of this and the winter ceremony (see pages 31 and 56). 64 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. Ninth Day (Nalosh tala, Fourth Day).1 This day's proceedings have been observed as already statec from about 2:30 in the morning only. The altar ceremonies having been concluded, the altar paraphernalia are wrapped up in bundles at about that time and taken out by the chief priest to the ancestra home of the Lizard clan where they are put away in one of the inner rooms which is almost entirely dark. On one occasion I noticed No. taking out her netted gourd vessel at about this time, but she probablj only took it to her house. Suds of crushed yucca roots are no\ prepared in different bowls by the women, and a general washing of the corn-ear mothers and of the heads of all present takes place. Some wash their own heads. Those who have brought in novices for initia tion during the ceremony wash the heads of the latter, and the chie priestess then sprinkles with the old aspergill a little water from the medicine bowl on the head of every novice.2 Some of the womei wave their corn-ear mothers towards them and express a good wis' or benediction. Soon some women take the four pyramid-shaped headdresses thai were prepared on the previous day to the Blue Flute kiva where the four women, who are to act as the so-called Marau-Takas (Marau- Men), are putting on their paint and getting their costumes ready The two long sticks and the two wheels which two of the women use later in the day, the bows and arrows, and the bundle of vines tied ui the day before, are placed near the fire-place. I was told that the olc buckskin which is wrapped around those wheels, was cut from the clothing of slain enemies long ago.3 The men who have attended tc the fire during the ceremony, clean out the fire-place. First, however one of them takes out a burning stick, places it on a trail about twelve yards south-east of the kiva and sprinkles a pinch of corn-meal on it. Returning into the kiva he throws a little sweet -corn-meal on the fire-place. He then takes out the embers and ashes and deposits them a short distance west of the kiva and with it a nakwakwosi. One of the men then builds a new fire. Meantime about twenty young men have gone to the corn-fields in the valley and shortly before sunrise bring to the kiva bunches oi 1 Also called Tikivee (Dance) because the public dance takes place on this day. 2 This "baptizing" of novices I have also noticed at the initiation into the Powamu fraternity (See my paper on "The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony," page 102). Whether this is an original Hopi rite or perhaps adopted from early Spanish missionaries, might be a question. The Hopi priests, course, disavow the latter, and in my opinion it is highly improbable that they would have adopted religious rites of this nature from a people whom they considered and treated as enemies. » I have been told the same concerning the rolls on some old bandoliers. (See also ' 'The Oraibi Soyal Ceremony," pages 22, footnote, and 23 by Dorsey and Voth). PL. XXIII. A. The two Archers carrying meal to the plaza. B. The same, forming food balls. FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXIII FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXIV. PL. XXIV. The two Lancers returning from the plaza to the kiva. FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXV. *~*4T* df^ ■ r-_.. jl* , ■ 1 IB v** >' '^1 EhImXi IB yT^P" 1 If ?1S - WL V| y __/* pi V « WK^jL*—^^ PL. XXV. The Wand priestess leaving the dance circle to return to the kiva. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 65 corn-stalks with the young ears on them. Several women receive them at the kiva and place the stalks, with many askawalis (thanks), against the kiva. At about six o'clock the chief priest takes down the natsi and on one occasion one of the women brought into the kiva a bowl with water and a dark powder (called muit sikwiata) for use, I think, in the final discharming rite. While all this is going on, more women have been coming into the kiva wearing their white ceremonial blankets (with red and dark blue borders on two sides), their faces daubed with sacred meal. The chief priest now places the medicine bowl and the six ears of corn near the sticks, bows, etc., north of the fire-place, and he and the other men squat down around the fire-place. Usually there are about six men in the kiva by this time. They wait until the women have all come in. The latter then arrange themselves in an oblong circle, the chief priestess standing cast of the ladder, and then the corn-stalks are handed in; two women are outside, two on the ladder and one hands a bunch to each woman, who holds it with the stub end resting on the floor. The women have in the meantime com- menced to sing and the men smoke. The chief priest gives to each woman a pinch of meal and sprinkles them with water from the medi- cine bowl. When the corn has been distributed, the five Marau-Takas come over from the Flute kiva and take a position west of the fire-place within the circle, formed by the other women. Each wear a man's blue woolen shirt, such as now are worn usually in ceremonies only. The first in the line wears on her back the ikwilna or green shield described on a previous page. On her head she wears the lan-kopa- choki described in the notes of the eighth day. She also wears a man's ceremonial kilt and sash, from which is suspended behind a fox skin; man's ankle bands, a woman's belt, many beads, etc. In her left hand she carries the wand with the horse-mane fringes, nothing in her right hand, but from the wrist is also suspended a fox skin. Next in the line are the two archers to whom are handed the bows and arrows and the bundle of vines, the wrist protectors having been put on their wrists before. Then follow the two lancers to whom the two long sticks, which in all probability represent lances, and the two rings are handed by the man who prepared the bows, arrows, etc., and who also thrusts an ear of corn behind the belt on the back of each woman. These four women also wear a blue shirt, sash, kilt, woman's belt, fox skin, beads, etc., but on the head they wear the pyramid- shaped headdresses (Marau-vitanaksi). All five have a black line painted around the legs right above the knee, another one around the 66 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XL thigh, the two circles being connected by four black lines. The lower part of the legs and the fore-arms and the face are painted bright yellow. The chief priest and one of the other men now asperge all the women from the medicine bowl and then the women file out of the kiva to the public plaza, the chief priestess heading the line; Pungnyanomsi, who is No. i in the altar ceremonies, being the second. In a few minutes the five Marau-Takas follow the priestess with the wand (see Plate XIX), who heads the dancers on the plaza, holding the lowei end of the wand in her left hand and leaning it backward in her bent arm (see Plate XX, a), which she moves to the time of the singing. The dancers have in the meantime thrown a part of the corn-stalks on the ground within the dance circle, keeping a few stalks in their hands and waving them to the time of the singing (see Plate XX, b). The two Archers have by this time arrived from the kiva (see Plate XXI), throwing the bundle of vines, of which mention has already been made several times, a short distance before them on the ground and shooting their arrows at it. In this manner they make their way towards, around, and finally into the circle. The two Lancers follow them (see Plate XXII, a) to the plaza where they are going through the same performance as the two Archers, throwing the two wheels before them, and when they have come to within a few yards of the wheels they cast the sticks towards them, pick the objects up (see Plate XXII) ane keep repeating this; when they have also worked their way to the circle, they throw the sticks and wheels over the heads of the dancers inte the circle and leave them there on the ground. They then proceed tc a house near by.1 Here a woman hands to one a bowl with sweet-corn- meal and to the other a bowl of water which they carry inside the dance circle (see Plate XXIII, a). There they kneel on opposite sides of the bowls, pour the water on the meal and make a dough (see Plate XXIII, b). Of this dough they form balls, about the size of a duck egg. When all the dough has been formed into balls the two women go arounc inside of the circle and throw the balls over the heads of the dancers among the spectators, who run, scramble, and wrangle for them from all sides. In the throwing of the balls the two archers participate, whereupon they leave through a street east of the plaza (see Plate XXIV), while the Lancers leave through another one, west of the plaza. The man who prepared the bows and arrows on the previous days gathers up the arrows, and, I think, hands them to the archers. When these leave, the woman with the wand also leaves (see Plate XXV). She, as well as the four other Marau-Takas, disrobe in the Flute kiva and then proceed in their usual garments to the Marau kiva. A 1 On the occasions when I observed this ceremony this was the house of Lololumai, the village chief. PL. XXVI. The performance on the plaza. * PL. XXVII. The Rabbit Mother in full costume. FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXVII. FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXVIII. A PL. XXVIII. A. The women returning to the kiva. B. The Marau-vahos outside of the kiva between the performances on the plaza. Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 67 few minutes after these have left, the dancers throw their corn-stalks on the ground and also repair to the kiva, the chief priestess walking at the head of the line. The stalks are eagerly picked up by the crowd of spectators. While the dance is in progress one of the men in the kiva takes out the medicine bowl and empties the contents on the pile of sand that had formed the altar ridge. One takes the tray with sweet-corn-meal out. Another man has brought in a dry juniper twig to be used later in a purification ceremony. When all the women have returned to the kiva, each one takes a pinch of ashes from the fire-place. The chief priest, chief priestess and her assistant hold the ashes between the thumb and index finger of the right hand and then hum a song, waving the left hand up and down to the time of the singing. At the end of each of the four stanzas of the song all circle the hand with the ashes in front of them, throw it toward the hatch-way, and then spurt in different directions. . One of the men then throws the dry juniper (or cedar?) twig on the fire; the smoke is supposed to purify the kiva and everything in it. All dip their fingers into a liquid which is standing in a bowl on the floor, suck the fingers and then crowd towards the fire-place so that the smoke goes over their bodies as much as possible. This they also do with the blankets, sheepskins, etc., that have been used as bedding during the ceremony. Finally all rub their bodies and limbs, spurting into their hands first and with that the purification ceremony is concluded. All then go to their houses for the morning meal. The chief priest and priestess take out what may be left yet of the objects used in the ceremony. Only the corn-cone (see Plate XIII), prepared by the women on the fourth day, remains. After breakfast the performances on the plaza are resumed (see Plate XXVI). About eight performances usually take place during the day. They are essentially the same as the one in the morning, only the women use their Marau-vahos, or slabs, instead of corn-stalks (see Plates XVIII and XXVIII, b). Every woman has one slab in each hand. These she holds by the short handle at the lower end, the decorated side forward, and waves them up and down and from side to side to the time of the singing. The performance is not so much a dance as a procession, the women moving slowly sideways from right to left. A small gap is usually left in the circle at the place where the priestess with the wand has her position for the Marau-Takas to pass through (see Plate XXVI). The women, acting as Marau-Takas, usually change for each performance; now and then some will act in several performances. I 68 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. noticed that it was sometimes not easy to get volunteers for this part of the ceremony on account of them being obliged to expose their limbs more or less. While the men are almost entirely nude in all ceremonies, I have never known a woman to expose her body or limbs more than the Marau-Takas do on this occasion, nor have I heard of any rite or ceremony where the Hopi women or priestesses are obliged to sacrifice their sense of modesty and propriety. On the ninth day of the ceremony of 1901 I noticed a marked deviation from the usage in the ceremonies of other years. The Wand priestess received a different costume soon after the morning meal. Instead of the blossom headdress mentioned under the notes of the eighth day she put on the one with the two flaps or ears that was also prepared on the eighth day, as previously described. The four reed squares, also described there, she wore in the form of bandoleers, two over each shoulder. Then she was almost literally covered with the vines and young corn-stalks that had been fastened to strings on the previous afternoon. Her face, forearms and the lower part of her legs were daubed grayish white. The blue shirt, kilt, sash, woman's belt, anklets, moccasins, etc., she wore as usual. In addition to the wand she carried a corn-stalk with a green ear of corn on it (see Plates XXVII and XXIX, b).1 Whether the two Archers appeared in any other performance except the one before the morning meal I am unable to say. My notes only mention them in connection with that one performance while they do mention the two Lancers repeatedly. Between the different dances the women returned to the kiva (see Plate XXVIII, a) leaving the marau-slabs outside (see Plate XXVIII, b). On one occasion I noticed that the meal-balls were not made on the plaza but were brought there already prepared by a woman. Occa- sionally the Rabbit Mother joins the dances in the circle (see Plate XXIX), in the same manner as the Wand-Woman. In the afternoon the public performances are sometimes not as elaborate as in the first part of the day. Not all the members parti- cipate, some being detained by household duties, other by their small children, etc. I have even noticed the Wand- Woman and the Marau- Takas remain away from some of these dances, later in the day. They seem to be of a less serious nature than the earlier ones. The songs sometimes seem to be of a humorous kind and frequently cause hilarity and laughter among the spectators. In the last performance, how- ever, generally all participate, although that, too, seems to be more for the entertainment of the crowd. The burdensome costume of the "Rabbit Mother" was taken off 1 This personage was said to be called "Rabbit Mother" or "Rabbit Woman." PL. XXIX. A. The Rabbit Woman in the circle. B. The same, showing the corn-stalk. FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXIX. PL. XXX. Various Ceremonial Objects. A. Arrows used by the Archers. B. Hawk feather nakwakwosis. C. Turkey feather nakwakwosis. D. Tiponi, the palladium of the chief priest and chief priestess. E. Sparrow hawk feathers tied to sticks; were used in the Marau natsi. F. A common baho. G. A single black baho (chochokpi). H. A sun baho. I. A road (puhu, or puhtawi). K. Yucca leaf wheel, used in initiations. Pl. XXXI. Dismantling the Rabbit woman. A. Taking off the costume. B. Removing the headdress. PL. XXXII. The Pookong Shrine. A. Exterior view. (The figurines were taken out for the purpose of photo- graphing. Otherwise they are never taken out.) B. Interior view, showing the Podkongs (war deities) in their regular position and also many reed arrows with wooden points, that were used in preceding cere- monies. Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 69 outside of the kiva, late in the afternoon (see Plate XXXI). After the, last performance all take their marau-vahos (slabs) into the kiva and then rest on the banquettes. The eight arrows are taken to the Pookong kihu (shrine of the War God), north of Oraibi (see Plate XXXII). One of the last acts of the entire ceremony, as far as I could as- certain, is the breaking up of the corn-cone, that is prepared by several women on the fourth day. Every woman receives a small piece of the cone with a few grains of corn in it. This they hold in one hand, covering it with the other hand for a few minutes in deep silence, per- haps uttering a silent prayer. They take this with them to their homes. In conclusion I might state that, in going through my notes again, I realize more than ever how many details about the Hopi ceremonies remain to be studied yet. And I hope that some one may be able to secure what is lacking in our knowledge of the complicated, rich Hopi ceremoniology, though the opportunities for this are far less favorable now than they were some years ago. SONGS CHANTED IN THE ALTAR CEREMONIES. INTRODUCTORY NOTE. The following songs do not constitute the entire number that are sung, the third and the last four not having been obtained. When Wickwaya alone dictated and sang these for me towards the end of my stay in Oraibi we did not get through, and my hope to get the rest of the songs was never realized. Like very many of the songs of the regular Hopi ceremonies a number of the Marau songs either contain words and forms that are no longer in every-day use or they are entirely in another language than the Hopi, probably having been borrowed from the Pueblo of New Mexico. Hence the translation of these songs is not claimed to be perfect and in some cases is frag- mentary. Hopi songs usually contain only a few words at the best, a large part of the lines being filled out by repeating and dragging out certain syllables or ejaculations ad libitum. Where this is the case these parts of the different stanzas of a song have not been fully written out every time, reference* being made to the first verse. It will be noticed that these repetitions are not exactly alike in the differ- ent verses of a song. Everything being a matter of oral tradition and memory, it may easily be understood that small variations would occur, a fact which I have noticed very frequently in the different ceremonies. The numbers in the songs refer to corresponding .numbers in the explanation at the end of the song. 70 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. I. Ki-tawi (House song). This song is sung at the beginning of the ceremony when the meal lines, which are called kihu (house), are rubbed against the kiva walls. Prelude. Inahanahainahai ! My father! Inahanahainahai ! My father! Inahaaanahi nahahahai ! My father ! Inahaaaanahai nahahahai! My father! i. To the north. Shuhkwiniaqo nayawunaa.1 Just north, nayawuna. Nayawunayee ki. Ikihi tohokinahainahai.2 Inahaaa nahainahaihaihai ! Inahaaanaa inahahaihai ! four four House of nayawuna. My house is marked (?). My father! My father! 2. To the west. Shuhtawangqo choromum-oa.3 Just west turquoise. Choromumayee ki. Ikihi tohokinahainahai. Inahaaa nahahahai ! Inahaaa nahainahahahai ! House of turquoise. My house is marked (?). My father! My father! To the south. Shuhtatyaqo aiwana.4 Shaatcinayee ki.5 Ikihi tohokinahainahai. Inahaaa nahainahahahai ! Inahaaa nahainahahahai ! Just south aiwunga. House of shaatcina. My house is marked (?). My father! My father! 4. To the east. Shuhopaqo talanak-oa.6 Wawunayee ki.7 Ikihi toho kinahainahai. Inahaaa nahainahahai ! Inahaaa nahainahahahai ! Just east clear stone. House of wawuna. My house is marked. My father! My father! To the north-east (above). Shuongaqo tokila-oa.8 Waawunayee ki. Ikihi tohokinahainahai. Inahaaa nahainahaiahai ! Inaaa nahainahahahai ! Just above dark rock. House of wawuna. My house is marked. My father! My father! PL. XXXIII. The Marau altar in the Field Museum of Natural History. FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXIII. Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 71 6. To the south-west (below). Shuatyaqo pavon-oa.9 Just below pavono rock. Waawunayee ki. House of wawanua.10 Ikihi tohokinahainahai. My house is marked (?). Inahaaa nahainahaiahai ! My father! Inahaaa nahainahahahai ! My father! Explanation. 1 Old name of a stone found somewhere north of Oraibi, which is said to be of a whitish-yellow color, the color of the north. 2 1 am not certain about the meaning of this word. 3 Undoubtedly an archaic form for choshposhi (turquoise) ; green is the ceremonial color for the west. 4 Claimed to be archaic name for abalone shell. This is usually mentioned in Hopi songs in the fifth stanza (above) , the color for which is black. Why it is mentioned here in the third stanza I cannot say. 5 Claimed to be an archaic name for pink shells and beads. This name is also mentioned in connection with the east in other songs, for instance in one of the Powamu songs (see Oraibi Powamu Ceremony, page 133). 6 The word talanak, evidently from palangkpu, red, (the color of the south) is used in this stanza for the east. It is possible that I mis- understood Wickwaya and that this should be palanak. In that case, however, it would seem that he made a mistake in using the red color for the stanza to the east. Talanak, if translated "clear," would give the proper color for the east, namely white; tala, (clear, light, bright) sometimes representing white in the Hopi. 7 Archaic name for a pinkish stone (or shell) of which sometimes beads are said to be made. It would seem that this term should have been used in the third stanza instead of aiwanga. Others claim that shaatcina is the name (archaic) for the pink beads (see note 5, above). The fact that wawuna is used in the fifth and sixth stanzas also, is evidently an error on the part of my informant. It seems that in the process of oral transmission, at least the designation of the different stones (or shells) for the proper directions has been hopelessly mixed up (compare also the third song and notes on pages 133 and 135 of my "Oraibi Powamu Ceremony"). 8 Tokila, meaning night, stands here for dark. 9 1 am not sure about the meaning of pavon-oa, but believe, that the literal meaning is beaut- iful, especially in various colors. 10 Meaning not known. 72 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. II. Kuy-Tawi (Water-song) or Makwan-Tawi (Asperging song). During this, the second, song the ears of corn and their companions are held into the medicine bowl, the water from the gourd vessels poured over them and then the priestess asperges with them. Prelude. Yahaspolaina,1 Yaspolaina, Yaaspohoohooholaiaina , Yaspolaina , Yaspoholahaina, Yaspolaina, Yaaspoholahaina, Yaspolaina, Yaaspoholahainahahahai . Yaspolaina . i. To the north. Koowiyaiihisha, Haaahataihaya, Yooohotohomi, Yaspoohahaina , Yaaspoholahaina , Yaaspoholahainaha. Kowiyaisha, Haataiya, Yootomi, Yaspolaina, Yaspolaina, ' Yaspolaina. 2. To the west. Wunniy aiihisha , Shayahashtohosha, Taaahaichohaya, Yaspoholahaina , Yaaspoholahaina , Yaaspoholahainahahahai . Wuniyaisha, Shayashtosha, Taichoya. Yaspolaina, Yaspolaina, Yaspolaina. 3. To the south. Before this stanza the prelude is chanted again.2 Nunkiiyaisha, Nukiyaisha, Kaahahaowihili, Kaowili, Maaahapehevochi, Maapewochi, Yaspoholahaina, Yaspolaina, Yaaspoholahaina, Yaspolaina, Yaaspoholahainahahahai . Yaspolaina . Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 73 4. To tKe east. Haaniyahisha, Shoowahakahiya , Shoo wahatihiya , Yaspoholahaina , Yaaspoholahaina , Haniyaisha, Showakaiya, Showaliya, Yaspolania, Yaspolania, Yaaspoholahainahahahai . Yaspolania . 5. To the north-east (above). Here the prelude is repeated. Tounihiyihaisha, Toniyaisha, Haaaatahaya, Haataya, Yooohotohomi, Yootomi, Yaspoholahaina, Yaspolaina, Yaaspoholahaina, Yaspolaina, Yaaspoholahainaahahai . Yaspolaina . 6. To the south-west (below). Way ahaahanu , Way anu , Shoohohotihiki , Shotiki , Taaaaichohoya, Taichoya, Yaspoholahaina, Yaspolaina, Yaspoholahainaahaha, Yaspolaina, Yaspolaina, • Yaspolaina, Yaspohoohooholahaina, Yaspolaina, Yaspohoolahaina, Yaspolaina, Yaspohoolahana, Yaspolaina, Yaspohoolahainahahahai, Yaspolaina. Explanation. 1 All the words in this entire song are either archaic or, what is more likely, in a foreign language, the song having been introduced from the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico. The words in the first lines of the six verses, I infer from analogy, indicate the usual six ceremonial directions as follows: First stanza: kowiya, north. Second stanza: wuniya, west. Third stanza: nukiya, south. Fourth stanza: haniya, east. Fifth stanza: toniya, above. Sixth stanza: wayana, below. 74 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XL Another old Hopi from another village gave me the following names : Totiya, north. Wuniya, west. Kowiya, south. Haniya, east. Toniya, above. Nukiya, below. 2 Where a song has a prelude this is sometimes repeated before some but seldom before all verses. IV. Makwan-tawi (Asperging song). During this song one of the priestesses dips the ears of corn and their companions, that lie around the medicine bowl, into the bowl and asperges with them. Prelude. Hanapana waomi, Shiwashi, Kawawaa nahahai; Hanapana waomi, Shiwashi, Kawawaa nahahakai. i. To the north. Hanapana waomi, Kochuni2 naahai, Kooi ahaahai. 2. To the west. Hanapana waomi, Maliya naahai, Kooi ahahahai. 3. To the south. Hanapana waomi, Shiwashi, Kawawaa nahahahai; Hanapana waomi, Shiwashi, Kawawaa nahahahai. Hanapana waomi, Kukana naahai, Kooi ahahahai. Repetition of prelude.3 Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 75 4. To the east. Hanapana waomi, Kochuni naahai, Kooi ahahahai. Hanapana waomi, Shiwashi, Kawawaa nahahahai ; Hanapana waomi, Kawawaa nahahahai. 5. To the north-east (above). Repetition of prelude. Hanapana waomi, Komaa naahai, Kooi ahahahai. 6. To the south-west (below). Hanapana waomi, Pinaa naahai, Kooi ahahahai. Postlude. Hanapana wawaishi, Kawawaa nahahahahai, Hanapana wawaishi, Kawawaa nahahahai. Explanation. 1 The words of the song are archaic and no explanation of their meaning could thus far be obtained. 2 This word also occurs in the fourth stanza in the same line. One is probably an error. While such errors would perhaps occur seldom in the regular ceremony, where more than one sing, I had to call Wickwaya's attention a num- ber of times to mistakes of this kind, when he sang for me alone, and often had to repeat again and again certain lines or verses by which he, not infrequently, became confused. 3 It has already been noted in connection with another song that where a song has a prelude this is sometimes repeated, usually before the third and fifth stanza. Archaic or foreign. Meaning not known. 76 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. V. Way tawi (Calling song). Four priestesses wave various objects towards and into the bowl and asperge with them. 1. To the north. Hayahahaya hayahahaya, Hayahaayahahahai , Omunakaito shiyano, Yowakaito shanihiyahahahahai. This stanza is repeated for the west, south, east, north-east and south-west. VI. Puhtap-tawi (Road marking song). Sixth song in the altar ceremony where all cast meal towards the altar. Prelude. Shiy aiahaoaaga , Shohoshchoyaina , Ahaohaayahahahai ; Shiyaiahaohaaya , Shohoshchoyaina , Ahaohaayahahahai, Shiyainawashchoyainaawo . 1. To the north. Shohoschoy aina , Ahaohaayahahahai , Shiyaiahaohaaya ; Shohoshchoyaina , Ahaohaayahahahai , Shiyainawashchoyainaawo . This stanza is repeated five times, namely for the west, south, east, north-east (above) and south-west (below), and then follows the following postlude : Shohoshchoyaina , Ahaohaayahahahai ; Shiyaiahaohaaya , Shohoshchoy ainaa , Ahaohaayahahahai . Explanation. The words arc archaic or foreign and no longer understood. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 77 VII. Omaw tawi (Cloud Song). The chief priest blows smoke from the cloud-blower. Prelude. Hayahaya haheyayahi I1 Haya (a call to the clouds) ! Angqohi kuiwa! Come, loom up! Angqohi kuiwa! Come, loom up! Tokwunahaangw mungwitu, Towering cloud deities, Tokwunahaangw manatu, Towering cloud maidens, Haya ! 1. To the north. Haaaaashiihiotoo ! Yes, that's it! Haaaashiihiotoo ! That's it ! Pawi umahana! Come you here! Vihichangwaya omato, Beautifully decorated, get them,2 Haya ! Haya ! (an exclamation) ! This stanza is repeated for the west, south, east, above and below with the prelude before the third and fifth verses and also as a postlude. Explanation. 1 A call to the cloud deities. 2 Probably the prayer offerings. VIII. Hao inguu (My mother). During this song only charm liquid is asperged. 1. To the north. Haowhaow, inguuu, Hao, my mother, Towanashabee,1 At Towanashabe, Takuri-kao, inguu! Yellow corn -ear, my mother! Utumu namaa, Let us go together, Akwiniwii asika iola.2 North (the) yellow iola. Hatimuyu, huwawayiiihi, The children, call them, Hapi yeyepe umungem-pasiohti. Now here for you (this is) per- formed. Nayawun 3 hoputa,4 Yellowish mineral hoputa, Pasiohti.5 (This is) performed. ~\ 78 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 2. To the west. Haowhaow, inguuu, Towanashabee, Sakwapu-kao, inguu! Utumu namaa, Hatawange sakwa iola. Hatimuyu, huwawayiiihi, Hapi yeyepe umungem pasiohti, Choromum 6 hoputa, Pasiohti. Hao, my mother, At Towanashabe, Green corn-ear, my mother! Let us go together, West (the) blue iola. The children, call them, Now here for you (it is celebrated) , Green ear pendants hoputa, This is performed. 3. To the south. Haowhaow, inguuu, Towanashabee, Pawala-kao, inguu! Utumu namaa, Atatatoo pala iola. Hatimuyu, huwawayiiihi, Hapi yeyepe umungem pasiohti. Talanak 7 hoputa, Pasiohti. per- To Haowhaow, inguuu, Towanashabee, Qoyawi-kao, inguu! Uutumu namaa, Ahopoo qotca iola. Hatimuyu, huwawayiiihi, Hapi yeyepe umungem pasiohti. Shaatcin 8 hoputa, Pasiohti. Hao, my mother, At Towanashabe, Red corn-ear, my mother! Let us go together, South South (the) read iola. The children, call them, Now here for you this is formed. Red mineral hoputa, This is performed. the east. Hao, my mother, At Towanashabe, White corn-ear, my mother! Let us go together, East (the) white iola. The children, call them, Now here for you (this is per- formed) . White mineral hoputa, This is performed. 5. To the north-east (above). Haowhaow, inguuu, Hao, my mother, Towanashabee, At Towanashabe, Kokoma-kao, inguu! Black corn-ear, my mother! Ututumu namaa, Let us go together, Haomii hakoma iola. Above (the) dark iola. Hatimuyu, huwawayiihi, The childern, call them, Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 79 Hapi yeyepe umungem pasiohti. Now here for you (this is per- formed) . Tokil 9 hoputa, The black hoputa, Pasiohti. This is performed. 6. To the south-west (below). Haowhaw inguuuu, Hao, my mother, Towanashabee, At Towanashabe, Tawakchi-kao, inguu! Sweet corn -ear, my mother! Utumu namaa, Let us go together, Atyami imasi iola. Below (the) mixed colors iola. Hatimuyu, huwawayiiihi, The children, call them, Hapi yeyepi umungem pasiohti. Now here for you (this is per- formed) . Maasi hoputa,10 The mixed (gray) hoputa, Pasiohti. (This is) performed. Postlude. Hawhowinguuuuu . Explanation. 1 A place a few miles south of Oraibi where some of the Hopi clans, chiefly the Honani (Badger), is said to have lived. The Hopi also speak of a Towanashabe somewhere atyaka, (below). 2 Iola is an archaic word. Corn and mother has been suggested by old priests as the probable meaning of it. I am inclined to believe that the first is correct. 3 Nayawuna, archaic name for yellowish white mineral that is used in songs for the north. 4 The archaic word hoputa occurs also in other songs, but thus far its meaning could not be determined. As it is used in connection with the minerals, referred to in songs, it may mean stone or mineral. 5 The fundamental meaning of pasiohti is "concluded," "con- summated," etc., but it also is used where it would convey the idea of "worship," "performance," "celebrate." In the translation of this song it is used in the latter sense, though it might also be correct to translate it: "finished," "concluded," etc., in the sense of "Amen." 6 In all probability refers to choshposhi (turquoise). 7 See note 6, song I. 8 See note 5, song I. 9"Tokili," "night," "dark" has here the meaning of black, the color of above. 80 Field Museum or Natural History — Anth., Vol. XL 10 "Masi." For this and the previous direction (above) the words are used that are still in use, instead of archaic. While "masi" is frequently used for gray it has in ceremonies and songs the meaning of a mixture of all colors, not referred to in regard to the other five direc- tions. Where corn is referred to, sweet-corn is mentioned for this direction (below). IX. WlYOTYANI. Only asperging takes place during this song. Prelude. Wiyo wiyo wiyo, Wiyo wiyo wiyo, Wihihihihiyo. 1 Archaic or foreign; meaning not known. i. To the north. Wiyo wiyo wiyo, Wiyo wiyo wiyo, Wihihihihiyo. r See above. Hapi ayamo, Towanashabee , 1 Now then over yonder, At Towanashabe, Takush-kao. Yellow corn-ear. Tomasi 2 inguu, Siko-anitu,3 Clan sister, my mother, B lossom-stick-ani tu , Tawi-kwaa,4 Lani-kwaa,5 Song-kwaa, Flute-kwaa, Nguman-ita.6 Meal-ita. 2. To the west. Wiyo wiyo wiyo, Wiyo wiyo wiyo, Wihihihihiyo. Hapi ayamo, Towanashabee , 1 f- See above. Now then over yonder, At Towanashabe, Sakwap-kao. Tomasi inguu, Siko-anitu, Blue corn-ear. Clan sister, my mother, Blossom-stick anitu, Tawi-kwaa, Lani-kwaa, Song-kwaa, Flute-kwaa, Nguman-ita. Meal-ita. Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 81 3. To the south. Wiyo wiyo wiyo, Wiyo wiyo wiyo, Wihihihihiyo. Hapi ayamo, Towanashabee, Pawal-kao. Tomasi inguu, Siko-anitu, Tawi-kwaa, Lani-kwaa, Ngumam-ita. See above. Now then, over yonder, At Towanashabee, Red corn-ear. Clan sister, my mother, Blossom-stick anitu, Song-kwaa, Flute-kwaa, Meal-ita. 4. To the east. Wiyo wiyo wiyo, Wiyo wiyo wiyo, Wihihihihiyo. Hapi ayamo, Tawanashabee, Qoyap-kao. Tomasi inguu, Siko-anitu, Tawi-kwaa, Lani-kwaa, Nguman-ita. 1 [- See above. J Now then, over yonder, At Towanashabee, White corn-ear. Clan sister, my mother, Blossom-stick anitu, Song-kwaa, Flute-kwaa, Meal-ita. To the north-east (above). Wiyo wiyo wiyo, Wiyo wiyo wiyo, Wihihihihiyo. Hapi ayamo, Towanashabee , Kokom-kao. Tomasi inguu, Siko-anitu, Tawi-kwaa, Lani-kwaa, Nguman-ita. See above. Now then, over yonder, At Towanashabee, Black corn-ear. Clan sister, my mother, Blossom-stick anitu, Song-kwaa, Flute-kwaa, Meal-ita. 82 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 6. To the south-west (below). Wiyo, wiyo, wiyo, Wiyo, wiyo, wiyo, r See above. Wihihihihiyo. J Hapi ayamo, Now then, over yonder, Towanashabee, At Towanashabee, Tawakchi-kao. Sweet-corn-ear. Tomasi inguu, Clan sister, my mother, Siko-anitu, Blossom-stick anitu, Tawi-kwaa, Song-kwaa, Lani-kwaa, Flute-kwaa, Nguman-ita. Meal-ita. Postlude. Wiyo, wiyo, wiyo, Wiyo, wiyo, wiyo, Wihihihihiyo. Explanation. 1 See first song, explanation i . 2 From tomsi. A Hopi calls any female member of his clan itomsi, my clan sister or clan fellow. 3 The last part of this word as well as that of the following lines is archaic and its meaning could not yet be determined. 4 The last part of the word archaic and meaning not known. 5 The same. 6 The same. X. One of the priestesses asperges charm liquid. i . To the north. Yao 1 yao yaayo yaayoho, Yao yao yaayo yaayoho, Yao yao yaayoho, Yao yao yaayoho. Hapi 2 china 3 yaao yaayoho, Hapi china yaao yaayoho, Yao yao yaayoho, Yao yao yaayoho. Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 83 This stanza is repeated for the west, south, east, above and below, literally. Then this postlude follows: Yaao yaayayo y ay oho, Yao yao yaayo yaayoho, Yao yao yaayoho, Yao yao yaayoho. Explanation. 1 Archaic, but Wickwaya thought it was identical with "yaoi" or "Yoni," which are used when one is told something he has already heard, especially if it is a piece of new or interesting information. They are identical with such expressions as: "So, I hear;" "So I understand," "So they say," etc. This meaning of the word would hardly seem applicable here though. 2 Hapi. An ejaculation, like "Now, then!" "Well, then!" 3 Wickwaya claimed that "chinayu" was an old form for "chin- akni," (to) "spread out," "increase," etc. XI. IWIWINI. Asperging by one of the priestesses from the bowl. Prelude. Iwiwi iwiwii iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwi iwiwii iwiwika, Iwiwi wiwika wiwi, Iwiwika iwiwihihihi. Archaic or foreign. Meaning not known. 1. To the north. Hahapi uhura,1 Towanashabee,2 Why, now, at Towanashabe, Takuri-kaao, tomasi3 inguu. Yellow corn -ear, my clan fellow mother. Kwiniwii, tawamana-nakway 4 akwa. North, with oriole prayer feather. Timuyu wawayi, wawayi.5 The children call, call. Iwiwika iwiwi, 1 . . . , T . .. . . .' .. .. . ?- Archaic or foreign. Iwiwika iwiwihihihi. 84 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 2. To the west. Why, now, at Towanashabe, Blue corn-ear, my clan fellow mother. West, with blue bird prayer feather. Children call, call. Hahapi uhura, Towanashabee, Sakwapu-kaao, tomasi inguu. Tawangaa, choroyoy-nakway ahakwaa. Trimuyu wawayi, wawayi. Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwihihihi. ^Archaic. 3. To the south. The prelude is here chanted and then as follows :6 Hahapi uhura, Towanashabee, Pawalaa-kao, tomasi inguu, Tatoo, karo-nakway akwa. Timuyu wawayi, wawayi. Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwihihihi. Why, now, at Towanashabe. Red corn-ear, my clan fellow mother. South, with parrot prayer feather. Children call, call. Archaic. 4. To the east. Here the prelude is chanted and then as follows : Hahapi uhura, Towanashabee, Qoyawi-kaao tomasi inguu. Hohopo, posiw-nakway ahakwaa. Timuyu wawayi, wawayi. Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwihihihi. Why, now at Towanashabe, White corn-ear, my clan fellow mother. East, with magpie prayer feather. Children call, call. ^Archaic. 5. To the north-east (above) First the prelude again, and then Hahapi uhura, Towanashabee, Kokoma-kaao, tomasi inguu. Ohomii, asi 7-nakway ahakwaa. Timuyu wawayi, wawayi. Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwihihihi. Why, now, at Towanashabe, Block corn-ear, my mother. Above, with sparrow prayer feather. Children call, call. t Archaic. Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 6. To the south-west (below). 85 Hahapi uhura, Towanashabee, Towokchi-kaao, tomasi inguu. Ahatyami, toposhkwa-nakway akwa. Timuyu wawayi, wawayi. Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika wiwiwihihihi. Why, now, at Towanashabe, Sweet-corn-ear, my clan fel- low mother. Below, with warbler prayer feather. Children call, call. Archaic. Postlude. Iwiwi iwiwiwi iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwi iwiwi iwiwika, Iwiwi iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwihihihi. Archaic. Explanation. 1 Hapi and ura are particles or exclamations which could not be literally translated. They somewhat correspond to the English "Why," "Why, now," "Well, now," or the German "etc." ,,Wohlan," ,,so," ,,jetzt," etc. 2 See song VIII, explanation 1. 3 See song IX, explanation 2. 4 From nakwa, meaning wish, prayer, but used almost exclusively for the prayer featheis tied to the hair on top of the head by parti- cipants in ceremonies, or thrust into the top of ceremonial slabs, sticks, etc. 5 An archaic form of wangwaiyi (to) call. Hence it cannot be determined what form of the verb this is which leaves the translation somewhat obscure. 6 See Explanation 2, Song II. 7 This should undoubtedly be asya (the sparrow) , which is always used for above where birds are mentioned in songs. XII. Payatamuni. No other rite, except asperging, takes place during this song. 86 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. i. To the north. ► Archaic or foreign. Payataamu 1 payataamu payataamu, Payataamu shaano. Payataamu payataamu payatamu, Payataamu Shaano. Ahakomishi Tawakomishi, Hahoshtayashta shaano. This verse is repeated in exactly the same way for the other five directions, and then the following: Postlude. Payatamu payatamu, Payatamu payatamu shaano. 1 Payatamu appears to be the name of a deity of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico. He is frequently represented by the Hopi as one of the Tcotskutu (Jesters or clowns) in connection with Katcina dancers. XIII. Payatamu halaivini, (fast). Asperging from the medicine bowl only takes place during this song. Prelude. Pagataamu,1 Shalololo kaanaa, Shimaolo shimaolo, Shimaolo maolo. Payatama, Shalololo kaanaa, Shimaolo shimaolo, Maoloshii maolo. i. To the north. Kowiyaihisha,2 Koomanishkoy ana , Kaaowkayana, Shalololo kaanaa, Shimaolo shimaolo, Shiimaolo. Repetition of a part of the prelude. (See explanation for song.) Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 87 . 2. To the west. Wuniyaihisha, Koomanishkoyana , Kaaowkoyana, Shalololo kaanaa, Shimaolo, Shimaolo, Maoloshii maolo. 3. To the south. Payatamu, Shalololo kaanao, Shimaolo shimaolo, Shimaolo Shiimaolo. Nuukiyaisha, Koomanishkoyana , Kaaowkoyana, Shalololo kaanaa, Shimaolo Shimaolo. 4. To the east. Haaniyaiisha, Koomani shkoy ana , Shalololo kaanaa, Shimaolo Shimaolo, Maoloshii maolo. 5. To the north-east (above). Touniyaihisha, Koomanishkoyana , Kaaowkoyana , Shalololo kaanaa, Shimaolo shimaolo. 6. To the south-west (below). Waayaahaani, Koomanishkoyana , Kaaowkoyana, Shimaolo shimaolo, Maolo Shiimaolo. 88 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. Explanation. 1 For the meaning of Payatamu see Explanation i , previous song. 2 It will be noticed that the first words in each stanza are the only ones in which the six verses differ. They are kowiya, wuniya, nuukiya, haniya, touniya and waaya. They, as well as the other words in the song, are archaic and no reliable information about their meaning could be obtained beyond the fact that they refer to the six ceremonial cardinal points, north, west, south, east, above and below (see note i under the second song). In my opinion the words in this and the other songs and the entire songs that are not understood by the Hopi, are generally not archaic Hopi words or songs, but have been intro- duced from the Pueblo Indians on the Rio Grande.