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The Principal

Navigations Voyages Traffiques and

Discoveries of the EngUsh Nation

In Twelve Volumes
Volume I

GLASGOW
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY
ROBERT MACLEHOSE AND COMPANY FOR
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW

MACMILLAN AND CO. LTD. LONDON

THE MACMILLAN CO. NEW YORK

SIMPKIN, HAMILTON AND CO. LONDON

MACMILLAN AND BOWES CAMBRIDGE

DOUGLAS AND FOULIS EDINBURGH

MCMIII

One thousand copies of this book have been printed

for sale in Great Britain and Ireland, of which one

hundred copies are on hand-made paper

ELIZABETA D. G . ANGLIi^.rRANCL«L.HIBERNIA,ET VERGINIA.
REGINA CHRIS TIANAE FIDEI VNICVM PROPVGNACVLVM .

■Tmtrurtaks hemes 'Rxgum , cut rum tulit irtas Queis wsce tmtvm fipmmt rrltfta tmma regna ,

C <Vlla pier, vemnu nee Jeret iflLtparem , ^r^ ^umtum tu 'maur "Reoihus cs rthyas ,

Stfgiu jut> maimtam terns "habkarr Sritantuu "hue ^recor JeUx taiui in madenwme reqrd ,
lirsmet alma, -^ws, LifHtia atqurTUes, "Dum tUn "Roc "Kyum caUca rcgna jarn .

h t..ni«.. t-n^-r J«F M<^tui> %mt ififm Jim nntu htmii Kftam-t/ hU, . U^ •iff

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The Principal

Navigations Voyages/
Traffiques & Discoveries

of the English Nation

Made by Sea or Over-land to the

Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters

of the Earth at any time within the

compasse of these 1600 Yeeres

By
RICHARD HAKLUYT

Preacher, and sometime Student of
Christ-Church in Oxford

VOLUME I

Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons

Publishers to the University

MCMIII

THE TABLE

PAGE

Publishers' Note, ...... xiii

The Epistle Dedicatorie to Sir Francis Walsing-

ham, in the First Edition, 1589, . . xvii

Richard Halduyt to the Favourable Reader, . xxiii

The Epistle Dedicatorie to Lord Charles Howard,
in the First Volume of the Second Edition,
1598, ....... xxxi

A Preface to the Reader as touching the principall
Voyages and discourses in the first part
of the Second Edition, 1598, . . xxxix

Panegyrick Verses on the Author and his Booke, . Ix

The Epistle Dedicatorie to Sir Robert Cecil, in
the Second Volume of the Second Edition,
i599> l^iii

The Epistle Dedicatorie to Sir Robert Cecil, in
the Third Volume of the Second Edition,
1600, ....... Ixxiv

0<^Ci^

THE TABLE

PAGE

A Catalogue of the Voyages of this first volume
made to the North and Northeast quarters ;
with the Ambassages, Treatises, Priviledges,
Letters, and other observations, depending
upon the Voyages of this first Volume :

The voyage of Arthur K. of Britaine to Island and the

most Northeastern parts of Europe, Anno 517, . 3

Two testimonies of Galfridus Monumetensis in his history
of the Kings of Brittaine, concerning the conquests of
King Arthur, ...... 4

A testimony of M. Lambard in his ApxatovofiLa, touching the
right and appendances of the Crowne of the kingdome
of Britaine, ....... 5

The voyage of Malgo king of Britaine to Island, Gotland,

Orkney, Denmark and Norway, Anno 580, . . 7

The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man by Edwin

the Saxon king of Northumberland, Anno 624, . 8

The voyage of Bertus into Ireland, Anno 684, . . lo

The voyage of Octher to the North parts beyond Norway

about the yeere 890, . . . . .11

The second voyage of Octher into the Sound of Den-

marke, . . . . . . .14

Wolstans Navigation into the East sea, or the Sound of

Denmarke, . . . . . . .15

The voyage of King Edgar with 4000. shippes round about

his large Monarchic, Anno 973, . . . .16

The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sonnes of King

Edmund Ironside, into Hungary, Anno 1017, . . 24

A Chronicle of the Kings of Man, taken out of M. Camdens

Chorographie, . . . . .25

vi

THE TABLE

A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued, page

The mariage of the daughter of Harald unto Jeruslaus duke

of Russia in his owne Countrey, Anno 1067, , . 4.2

The ancient state of the shipping of the Cinque Ports, . 42

The voyage of a certaine Englishman into Tartaria, and

from thence into Poland and Hungary, Anno 1243, . 50

Libellus historicus Johannis de Piano Carpini, . . 55

The long and wonderfull voyage of Frier John de Piano

Carpini, Anno 1246, ..... 94

The journall of Frier William de Rubricis, Anno 1253, . 179

Part of the great Charter graunted by King Edward the

first, to the Barons of the Cinque Ports, . . . 293

The rolle of the huge Fleete of Edward the thirde before

Caleis, ....... 297

The summe of expences layde out in the siege of Caleis, . 299

A note of Thomas Walsingham touching King Edward the
thirde his huge Fleete of iioo. ships, wherewith he
passed over unto Caleis, Anno 1359, • • • 3^^

The voyage of Nicolaus de Linna a Franciscan Frier, and
an excellent Mathematician of Oxford to all the Regions
situate under the North-pole, Anno 1360, . .301

A Testimonie of the learned Mathematician Master John
Dee, touching the foresaid voyage of Nicholas De
Linna, ....... 303

The voyage of Henry Earle of Derby, afterward King of

England, into Prussia and Letto, Anno 1390, . . 304

The voyage of Thomas of Woodstock duke of Glocester

into Prussia, Anno 1391, . . . . . 306

THE TABLE

A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued. page

Certaine verses of Geffrey Chaucer, concerning the long
Voyages, and valiant exploits of the English knights
in his dayes, ...... 307

A testimonie out of Cornelius Tacitus, proving London to
have bene a famous Mart-towne in the raigne of Nero
the Emperour, ...... 308

A testimony out of venerable Beda, prooving London to have

bene a Citie of great traffique in his time, . , 309

The league betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa King of

Mercia, concerning the safe trade of English Merchants, 310

An ancient testimony translated out of the oide Saxon
Lawes, conteyning the advancement of Merchants, for
their thrice crossing the wide seas, . . . 312

A testimony of certaine Privileges obteined for the English

and Danish Merchants by Canutus the King of England, 3 1 3

The flourishing state of Merchandise in the City of London

in the dayes of Wilhelmus Malmesburiensis, . . 314.

A testimony of the said Wil. of Malmesbury concerning

traffique to Bristow in his time, . . . .315

The league betweene Henry the second, and Frederick
Barbarossa Emperour of Germany, partly touching
trade of Merchandise, . . . . .316

A generall safe conduct granted by King John to all

forreine Merchants, . . . . •319

The letters of King Henry the third, unto Haquinus king

of Norwey, . . . . , . .320

A mandate for the king of Norway his ship called, The Cog, 322

A Charter granted for the behalfe of the Merchants of

Colen, in the 20. yeere of Henry the thirde, . . 323

THE TABLE

A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued. page

The Charter of Lubeck granted for seven yeeres in the

time of Henry the third, . . . . .324

A Charter of the Merchants of Almaine, or the Stilyard-

merchants, . . , , . . .326

A mandate of King Edward the first concerning outlandish

Merchants, ....... 327

King Edw. the first his great Charter granted to forreine

Merchants, Anno Dom. 1303, .... 327

The letters of Edward the second unto Haquinus King of
Norway, concerning certain English Merchants arrested
in Norway, . . . . . . '339

Another letter of Edw, the second unto the said Haquinus

for the merchants aforesaid, .... 343

A third letter of King Edward the second to the said

Haquinus in the behalfe of our English merchants, . 344

An Ordinance for the Staple to be holden at one certaine

place, 350

IX

ILLUSTRATIONS

Queen Elizabeth,

PAGE

Frontispiece

From the engraving published by Joannes Woutnelius,
1596. The name of the engraver of this plate is
unknown. Sir William Stirling Maxwell assigns it
to Crispin van de Passe, while Henry ^Bromley, in
his Catalogue of Engraved British Portraits, believes
it to be the work of one of the brothers Wierix.

Facsimile of the Title Page to the First Edition
of 'The Principall Navigations,' 1589,

XXIV

Facsimile of the Title Page to the First Volume

of the Second Edition, 1598, . . . xxxii

Facsimile of the Title Page to the Second Volume

of the Second Edition, 1599, . . . Ixiv

Facsimile of the Title Page to the Third Volume

of the Second Edition, 1600, . . . Ixxiv

XI

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

*Typus Orbis Terrarum/ i

This Map, which first appeared in the Theatrum Orbis
Terrarum of Abraham Ortelius, Antwerp, 1570,
was inserted in the First Edition of The Principall
Navigations y 1589. It is referred to by Hakluyt
in the preface (p. xxx) as *one of the best generall
mappes of the world.' The map here reproduced
in facsimile is taken from the original in the First
Edition of The Principall Navigations.

Map of the World, 35^

This is a facsimile of the Map sometimes, but rarely, found
in copies of the Second Edition of The Principall
Navigations ; it is now believed to be the Map alluded
to by Shakespeare in Twelfth Night, Act III, Scene 2.
in the passage ' He does smile his face into more
lines than is in the new map with the augmen-
tation of the Indies/ It is also held to be the first
map engraved in England upon the projection
called Mercator's, but which was really the work of
Edward Wright, mathematician and hydrographer,
and author of Certaine Errors in Navigation, 1599.

PUBLISHERS' NOTE

The first edition of ' The Principall Navigations,
Voiages and Discoveries of the English nation, made
by Sea or ouer Land, to the most remote and farthest
distant Quarters of the earth at any time within the
compasse of these 1 500. yeeres. ... By Richard Hakluyt
Master of Artes, and Student sometime of Christ-
Church in Oxford ' was ' imprinted at London by
George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, Deputies to
Christopher Barker, Printer to the Queenes most
excellent Maiestie ' in the year 1589, in one
volume foolscap folio. Some copies of this first edition
contain a cancel of pp. 491-501, substituting for 'The
Ambassage of Sir Hierome Bowes to the Emperour of
Moscouie 1583' a different account entitled 'A briefe
discourse of the voyage of Sir lerome Bowes knight, her
Maiesties ambassador to the Emperour of Muscouia, in
the yeere 1582 : and printed this second time, according
to the true copie I receiued of a gentleman that went
in the same voyage, for the correction of the errours
in the former impression.' It was, of course, this
amended account which appeared in the second edition,
but for the purposes of comparison the original account
will be printed as an appendix in the third volume.

PUBLISHERS' NOTE

A second edition of ' The Principal! Navigations *
revised and enlarged, and with the voyages now stated
as having been made ' within the compasse of these
1 600. yeeres * was ' imprinted at London by George
Bishop, Ralph Newberie and Robert Barker* in the
years 1598, 1599, and 1600, in three volumes foolscap
folio.

The title page of the first volume of the second
edition originally contained a reference to * the famous
victorie atchieued at the citie of Cadiz, 1596,' but
after the disgrace of the Earl of Essex this title
page was cancelled in many copies, and a new one,
bearing the date 1599, without any reference to the
Cadiz expedition was substituted. This reprinted title-
page states the contents of the Second Volume as well
as of the First. The text of ' the briefe and true report *
of the expedition occupying pp. 607-619 was at the
same time cut out, but in many copies has been replaced
by a modern reprint occupying one page more.

Facsimiles of the title page of the first edition and
of the three title pages of the second edition are
reproduced here ; and the dedication and preface to
the first edition are also included.

The text of this edition is an exact reprint of that
of 1 598-1 600 with the following exceptions : — the
letters i, j, u, and v are used according to modern
custom ; contracted forms such as m for ' mm,' n for
^ nn,' u for * um,' q; for 'que' have been extended,
and obvious printers' errors have been corrected. The
punctuation of the second edition has been followed
throughout. At the suggestion of Professor Skeat
references to the volumes and pages of the original
text have been inserted in the margin.

PUBLISHERS' NOTE

Professor Walter Raleigh*s Essay on the Life and
Work of Hakluyt and a full Index to the whole
text, will be included in the twelfth volume.

The Publishers desire to express their indebtedness
to Mr. Basil H. Soulsby, Superintendent of the Map
Room, British Museum, and Secretary of the Hakluyt
Society, for his assistance in the selection of maps and
illustrations.

All the maps, plans, and charts in this edition are
from contemporary sources, and have been reproduced
in exact facsimile with the view of illustrating the state
of cartography in Hakluyt's time.

Glasgow,

September, 1903.

Dedications &' Prefaces

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE IN THE
FIRST EDITION, 1589.

To the Right Honorable Sir Francis Walsingham.
Knight, Principall Secretarie to her Majestic,
Chancellor of the Duchie of Lancaster, and
one of her Majesties most honourable Privie
Councell.

IGHT Honorable, I do remember that
being a youth, and one of her Majesties
scholars at Westminster that fruitfull nur-
serie, it was my happe to visit the chamber
of M. Richard Hakluyt my cosin, a Gen-
tleman of the Middle Temple, well knowen
unto you, at a time when I found lying
open upon his boord certeine bookes of Cosmographie,
with an universall Mappe : he seeing me somewhat
curious in the view therof, began to instruct my ignorance,
by shewing me the division of the earth into three parts
after the olde account, and then according to the latter,
& better distribution, into more : he pointed with his
wand to all the knowen Seas, Gulfs, Bayes, Straights,
Capes, Rivers, Empires, Kingdomes, Dukedomes, and
Territories of ech part, with declaration also of their
speciall commodities, & particular wants, which by the
benefit of traffike, & entercourse of merchants, are plenti-
fully supplied. From the Mappe he brought me to the
Bible, and turning to the 107 Psalme, directed mee to the
23 & 24 verses, where I read, that they which go downe
to the sea in ships, and occupy by the great waters, they
see the works of the Lord, and his woonders in the deepe.

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE \

&c. Which words of the Prophet together with my ;
cousins discourse (things of high and rare delight to my |
yong nature) tooke in me so deepe an impression, that I \
constantly resolved, if ever I were preferred to the Uni- \
versity, where better time, and more convenient place might ;
be ministred for these studies, I would by Gods assistance i
prosecute that knowledge and kinde of literature, the doores ,
whereof (after a sort) were so happily opened before me. |

According to which my resolution, when, not long
after, 1 was removed to Christ-church in Oxford, my ;
exercises of duety first performed, I fell to my intended |
course, and by degrees read over whatsoever printed or |
written discoveries and voyages I found extant either in i
the Greeke, Latine, Italian, Spanish, Portugall, French, or ;
English languages, and in my publike lectures was the '■
first, that produced and shewed both the olde imperfectly ■
composed, and the new lately reformed Mappes, Globes, !
Spheares, and other instruments of this Art for demonstra- ■
tion in the common schooles, to the singular pleasure, and !
generall contentment of my auditory. In continuance of ]
time, and by reason principally of my insight in this !
study, I grew familiarly acquainted with the chiefest !
Captaines at sea, the greatest Merchants, and the best |
Mariners of our nation : by which meanes having gotten )
somewhat more then common knowledge, I passed at !
length the narrow seas into France with sir Edward
Stafford, her Majesties carefull and discreet Ligier, where ;
during my five yeeres aboad with him in his dangerous [
and chargeable residencie in her Highnes service,^il both |
heard in speech, and read in books other nations miracu- I
lously extolled for their discoveries and notable enterprises <
by sea, but the English of all others for their sluggish ■
security, and continuall neglect of the like attempts i
especially in so long and happy a time of peace, either j
ignominiously reported, or exceedingly condemned : j
which singular opportunity, if some other people our 1
neighbors had beene blessed with, their protestations are |
often and vehement, they would farre otherwise have I

XVIU

TO SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM

used. And that the trueth and evidence heerof may-
better appeare, these are the very words of Popiliniere in
his booke called L' Admiral de France, and printed at
Paris. Fol. 73. pag. 1,2. The occasion of his speech is
the commendation of the Rhodians, who being (as we are)
Islanders, were excellent in navigation, whereupon he
woondereth much that the English should not surpasse in
that qualitie, in this sort : Ce qui m'a fait autresfois
rechercher les occasions, qui empeschent, que les Anglois,
qui ont d'esprit, de moyens, & valeur assez, pour s'aquerir
un grand honneur parmi tous les Chrestiens, ne se font
plus valoir sur I'element qui leur est, & doit estre plus
naturel qu'a autres peuples : qui leur doivent ceder en la
structure, accommodement & police de navires ; comme
j'ay veu en plusieurs endroits parmi eux. Thus both
hearing, and reading the obloquie of our nation, and
finding few or none of our owne men able to replie
heerin : and further, not seeing any man to have care to
recommend to the world, the industrious labors, and
painefull travels of our countrey men : for stopping the
mouthes of the reprochers, my selfe being the last winter
returned from France with the honorable the Lady
Sheffield, for her passing good behavior highly esteemed
in all the French court, determined notwithstanding all
difficulties, to undertake the burden of that worke wherin
all others pretended either ignorance, or lacke of leasure,
or want of sufficient argument, whereas (to speake truely)
the huge toile, and the small profit to insue, were the
chiefe causes of the refusall. I call the worke a burden,
in consideration that these voyages lay so dispersed, scat-
tered, and hidden in severall hucksters hands, that I now
woonder at my selfe, to see how I was able to endure the
delayes, curiosity, and backwardnesse of many from whom
I was to receive my originals : so that I have just cause to
make that complaint of the maliciousnes of divers in our
time, which Plinie made of the men of his age : At nos
elaborata iis abscondere atque supprimere cupimus, &
fraudare vitam etiam alienis bonis, &c.

Plinius. lib.
2 5 . cap. I .
Naturalis

histor'ice.

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE

To harpe no longer upon this string, & to speake a
word of that just commendation which our nation doe
indeed deserve : it can not be denied, but as in all former
ages, they have bene men full of activity, stirrers abroad,
and searchers of the remote parts of the world, so in this
most famous and peerlesse governement of her most
excellent Majesty, her subjects through the speciall
assistance, and blessing of God, in searching the most
opposite corners and quarters of the world, and to speake
plainly, in compassing the vaste globe of the earth more
then once, have excelled all the nations and people of the
earth. For, which of the kings of this land before her
Majesty, had theyr banners ever scene in the Caspian sea?
which of them hath ever dealt with the Emperor of
Persia, as her Majesty hath done, and obteined for her
merchants large & loving privileges ? who ever saw before
this regiment, an English Ligier in the stately porch of
the Grand Signor at Constantinople ? who ever found
English Consuls & Agents at Tripolis in Syria, at Aleppo,
at Babylon, at Balsara, and which is more, who ever heard
of Englishman at Goa before now ? what English shippes
did heeretofore ever anker in the mighty river of Plate ?
passe and repasse the unpassable (in former opinion)
straight of Magellan, range along the coast of Chili, Peru,
and all the backside of Nova Hispania, further then any
Christian ever passed, travers the mighty bredth of the
South sea, land upon the Luzones in despight of the
enemy, enter into alliance, amity, and traffike with
the princes of the Moluccaes, & the Isle of Java, double
the famous Cape of Bona Speranza, arive at the Isle of
Santa Helena, & last of al returne home most richly
laden with the commodities of China, as the subjects of
this now florishing monarchy have done ?

Lucius Florus in the very end of his historic de gestis
Romanorum recordeth as a wonderfull miracle, that the
Seres, (which I take to be the people of Cathay, or China)
sent Ambassadors to Rome, to intreate frindship, as
moved with the fame of the majesty of the Romane

XX

TO SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM

Empire. And have not we as good cause to admire, that

the Kings of the Moluccaes, and Java major, have desired

the favour of her majestie, and the commerce & traffike

of her people ? Is it not as strange that the borne

naturalles of Japan, and the Philippinaes are here to be

seene, agreeing with our climate, speaking our language,

and informing us of the state of their Easterne habitations ?

For mine owne part, I take it as a pledge of Gods further

favour both unto us and them : to them especially, unto

whose doores I doubt not in time shalbe by us caried the

incomparable treasure of the trueth of Christianity, and of

the Gospell, while we use and exercise common trade with

their marchants. I must confesse to have read in the

excellent history intituled Origines of Joannes Goropius,

a testimonie of king Henrie the viii. a prince of noble

memory, whose intention was once, if death had not

prevented him, to have done some singular thing in this

case : whose words speaking of his dealing to that end

with himselfe, he being a stranger, & his history rare,

I thought good in this place verbatim to record : Ante Joannis^

viginti & plus eo annos ab Henrico Knevetto Equite ^^^°P^^

Anglo nomine Regis Henrici arram accepi, qua con- q^-i^^^^j^ hjj^

venerat, Regio sumptu me totam Asiam, quoad Turcorum -^.pag. 494.

& Persarum Regum commendationes, & legationes ad-

mitterentur, peragraturum. Ab his enim duobus Asiae

principibus facile se impetraturum sperabat, ut non solum

tuto mihi per ipsorum fines liceret ire, sed ut com-

mendatione etiam ipsorum ad confinia quoque daretur

penetrare. Sumptus quidem non exiguus erat futurus,

sed tanta erat principi cognoscendi aviditas, ut nullis

pecuniis ad hoc iter necessariis se diceret parsurum. O

Dignum Regia Maj estate animum, O me foelicem, si

Deus non ante & Knevettum & Regem abstulisset,

quam reversus ab hac peregrinatione fuissem, &c. But

as the purpose of David the king to builde a house and

temple to God was accepted, although Salomon performed

it : so I make no question, but that the zeale in this

matter of the aforesaid most renowmed prince may seeme

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE

Plutarch in
the life of
Tkemistodcs.

no lesse worthy (in his kinde) of acceptation, although
reserved for the person of our Salomon her gratious
Majesty, whome I feare not to pronounce to have re-
ceived the same Heroicall spirit, and most honorable
disposition, as an inheritance from her famous father.

Now wheras I have alwayes noted your wisdome to
have had a speciall care of the honor of her Majesty, the
good reputation of our country, & the advancing of
navigation, the very walles of this our Island, as the oracle
is reported to have spoken of the sea forces of Athens :
and whereas I acknowledge in all dutifull sort how
honorably both by your letter and speech I have bene
animated in this and other my travels, I see my selfe
bound to make presentment of this worke to your selfe,
as the fruits of your owne incouragements, & the
manifestation both of my unfained service to my prince
and country, and of my particular duty to your honour :
which I have done with the lesse suspition either of not
satisfying the world, or of not answering your owne
expectation, in that according to your order, it hath
passed the sight, and partly also the censure of the
learned phisitian M. Doctor James, a man many wayes
very notably qualified.

And thus beseeching God, the giver of all true honor
& wisdome to increase both these blessings in you, with
continuance of health, strength, happinesse, and whatso-
ever good thing els your selfe can wish, I humbly take
my leave. London the 1 7 of November.

Your honors most humble alwayes to be
commanded Richard Hakluyt.

THE PREFJCE TO THE FIRST EDITION.

Richard Hakluyt to the favourable Reader.

Have thought it very requisite for thy
further instruction and direction in this
historie (Good Reader) to acquaint thee
brieflie with the Methode and order which
I have used in the whole course thereof :
and by the way also to let thee under-
stand by whose friendly aide in this my
travell I have bene furthered : acknowledging that ancient
speach to be no lesse true then ingenious, that the offence
is great, Non agnoscere per quos profeceris, not to speake
of them by whom a man in his indevours is assisted.

Concerning my proceeding therefore in this present
worke, it hath bene this. Whatsoever testimonie I have
found in any authour of authoritie appertaining to my
argument, either stranger or naturall, I have recorded
the same word for word, with his particular name and
page of booke where it is extant. If the same were
not reduced into our common language, I have first
expressed it in the same termes wherein it is originally
written, whether it were a Latine, Italian, Spanish or
Portingall discourse, or whatsoever els, and thereunto in
the next roome have annexed the signification and trans-
lation of the wordes in English. And to the ende that
those men which were the paynefull and personall
travellers might reape that good opinion and just com-
mendation which they have deserved, and further, that
every man might answere for himselfe, justifie his reports,

RICHARD HAKLUYT

and stand accountable for his owne doings, I have referred
every voyage to his Author, which both in person hath
performed, and in writing hath left the same : for I am
not ignorant of Ptolomies assertion, that Peregrinationis
historia, and not those wearie volumes bearing the titles
of universall Cosmographie which some men that I could
name have published as their owne, beyng in deed
most untruly and unprofitablie ramassed and hurled
together, is that which must bring us to the certayne
and full discoverie of the world.

Moreover, I meddle in this worke with the Naviga-
tions onely of our owne nation : And albeit I alleage
in a few places (as the matter and occasion required) some
strangers as witnesses of the things done, yet are they none
but such as either faythfully remember, or sufficiently con-
iirme the travels of our owne people : of whom (to speake
trueth) I have received more light in some respects, then
all our owne Historians could affoord me in this case,
Bale, Foxe, and Eden onely excepted.

And it is a thing withall principally to be considered,
that I stand not upon any action perfourmed neere home,
nor in any part of Europe commonly frequented by
our shipping, as for example : Not upon that victorious
exploit not long since atchieved in our narow Seas agaynst
that monstrous Spanish army under the valiant and
provident conduct of the right honourable the lord
Charles Howard high Admirall of England : Not upon
the good services of our two woorthie Generals in their
late Portugall expedition : Not upon the two most
fortunate attempts of our famous Chieftaine Sir Frauncis
Drake, the one in the Baie of Cales upon a great part of
the enimies chiefest shippes, the other neere the Islands
upon the great Carrack of the East India, the first
(though peradventure not the last) of that imployment,
that ever discharged Molucca spices in English portes :
these (albeit singular and happy voyages of our re-
nowmed countrymen) I omit, as things distinct and
without the compasse of my prescribed limites, beyng

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neither of remote length and spaciousnesse, neither
of search and discoverie of strange coasts, the chiefe
subject of this my labour.

Thus much in brevitie shall serve thee for the generall
order. Particularlie I have disposed and digested the
whole worke into 3. partes, or as it were Classes, not
without my reasons. In the first I have martialled all
our voyages of any moment that have bene performed
to the South and Southeast parts of the world, by which I
chiefly meane that part of Asia which is neerest, and of
the rest hithermost towards us : For I find that the oldest
travels as well of the ancient Britains, as of the English,
were ordinarie to Judea which is in Asia, termed by them
the Holy land, principally for devotions sake according to
the time, although I read in Joseph Bengorion a very
authenticall Hebrew author, a testimonie of the passing of
20000. Britains valiant souldiours, to the siege and feare-
full sacking of Jerusalem under the conduct of Vespasian
and Titus the Romane Emperour, a thing in deed of all
the rest most ancient. But of latter dayes I see our men
have pierced further into the East, have passed downe the
mightie river Euphrates, have sayled from Balsara through
the Persian gulfe to the Citie of Ormuz, and from thence
to Chaul and Goa in the East India, which passages
written by the parties themselves are herein to be read.
To these I have added the Navigations of the English
made for the parts of Africa, and either within or without
the streights of Gibraltar : within, to Constantinople in
Romania, to Alexandria, and Cayro in Egypt, to Tunez,
to Goletta, to Malta, to Algier, and to Tripolis in Bar-
bary: without, to Santa Cruz, to Asafi, to the Citie of
Marocco, to the River of Senega, to the Isles of Cape
Verde, to Guinea, to Benyn, and round about the dread-
full Cape of Bona Speranza, as far as Goa.

The north, and Northeasterne voyages of our nation I
have produced in the second place, because our accesse to
those quarters of the world is later and not so auncient as
the former : and yet some of our travailes that way be of

RICHARD HAKLUYT

more antiquitie by many hundred yeeres, then those that
have bene made to the westerne coastes of America.
Under this title thou shalt first finde the old northerne
Navigations of our Brittish Kings, as of Arthur, of Malgo,
of Edgar Pacificus the Saxon Monarch, with that also of
Nicholaus de Linna under the north pole : next to them
in consequence, the discoveries of the bay of Saint
Nicholas, of Colgoieve, of Pechora, of the Isles of Vaigats,
of Nova Zembla, and of the Sea eastwards towardes the
river of Ob : after this, the opening by sea of the great
Dukedome, and Empire of Russia, with the notable and
strange journey of Master Jenkinson to Boghar in Bactria.
Whereunto thou maist adde sixe of our voyages eleven
hundred verstes up against the streame of Dwina to the
towne of Vologhda : thence one hundred, and fourescore
verstes by land to Yeraslave standing upon the mighty
river of Volga : there hence above two thousand and five
hundred versts downe the streame to the ancient marte
Towne of Astracan, and so to the manifolde mouthes of
Volga, and from thence also by ship over the Caspian sea
into Media, and further then that also with Camels unto
Georgia, Armenia, Hyrcania, Gillan, and the cheefest
Cities of the Empire of Persia : wherein the Companie of
Moscovie Marchants to the perpetuall honor of their
Citie, and societie, have performed more then any one,
yea then all the nations of Europe besides : which thing
is also acknowledged by the most learned Cosmographers,
and Historiographers of Christendome, with whose honor-
able testimonies of the action, not many for number, but
sufficient for authoritie I have concluded this second part.
Touching the westerne Navigations, and travailes of
ours, they succeede naturallie in the third and last roome,
forasmuch as in order and course those coastes, and
quarters came last of all to our knowledge and experience.
Herein thou shalt reade the attempt by Sea of the sonne
of one of the Princes of Northwales, in sayling and
searching towards the west more then 400. yeeres since :
the offer made by Christopher Columbus that renowned

Fabian.

TO THE FAVOURABLE READER

Genouoys to the most sage Prince of noble memorle
King Henrie the 7. with his prompt and cheerefull
acceptation thereof, and the occasion whereupon it became
fruitlesse, and at that time of no great effect to this king-
dome : then followe the letters Patentes of the foresaid
noble Prince given to John Cabot a Venetian and his 3.
sonnes, to discover & conquer in his name, and under
his Banners unknowen Regions : who with that royall
incouragement & contribution of the king himselfe, and
some assistance in charges of English Marchants departed
II with 5. sailes from the Port of Bristoll accompained with Robert
300. Englishmen, and first of any Christians found out
that mightie and large tract of lande and Sea, from the
circle Arcticke as farre as Florida, as appeareth in the dis-
course thereof. The triumphant raigne of King Henry
the 8. yelded some prosecution of this discoverie : for the
3. voyages performed, and the 4. intended for all Asia by
his Majesties selfe, do approove and confirme the same.
Then in processe of yeeres ariseth the first English trade
to Brasill, the first passing of some of our nation in the
ordinarie Spanish fleetes to the west Indies, and the
huge Citie of Mexico in Nova Hispania. Then im-
mediatlye ensue 3. voyages made by M. John Hawkins
now Knight, then Esquire, to Hispaniola, and the gulfe
of Mexico : upon which depende sixe verie excellent
discourses of our men, whereof some for 15. or 16.
whole yeeres inhabited in New Spaine, and ranged the
whole Countrie, wherein are disclosed the cheefest
secretes of the west India, which may in time turne to
our no smal advantage. The next leaves thou turnest, do
yeelde thee the first valiant enterprise of Sir Francis
Drake upon Nombre de Dios, the mules laden with
treasure which he surprised, and the house called the
Cruzes, which his fire consumed : and therewith is
joyned an action more venterous then happie of John
Oxnam of Plimmouth written, and confessed by a Span-
yard, which with his companie passed over the streight
Istme of Darien, and building certaine pinnesses on the

RICHARD HAKLUYT

west shoare, was the first Englishman that entered the
South sea. To passe over Master Frobisher and his
actions, which 1 have also newly though briefely printed,
and as it were revived, whatsoever Master John Davis
hath performed in continuing that discovery, which
Master Frobisher began for the northwest passage, I have
faithfully at large communicated it with thee, that so the
great good hope, & singular probabilities & almost cer-
taintie therof, which by his industry have risen, may be
knowen generally of all men, that some may yet still
prosecute so noble an action. Sir Humfrey Gilbert, that
couragious Knight, and very expert in the mysteries of
Navigation amongst the rest is not forgotten : his learned
reasons & arguments for the proofe of the passage before
named, together with his last more commendable resolu-
tion then fortunate successe, are here both to be read.
The continuance of the historic, produceth the beginnings,
and proceedings of the two English Colonies planted in
Virginia at the charges of sir Walter Raleigh, whose
entrance upon those newe inhabitations had bene happie, if
it had ben as seruiously followed, as it was cheerefully un-
dertaken. I could not omit in this parte the two voyages
made not long since to the Southwest, whereof I thinke the
Spanyard hath had some knowledge, and felt some blowes :
the one of Master Edward Fenton, and his consort Master
Luke Warde : the other of Master Robert Withrington,
and his hardie consort Master Christopher Lister as farre
as 44. degrees of southerly latitude, set out at the direction
and charge of the right honorable the Earle of Cumber-
land, both which in divers respectes may yelde both profite
and pleasure to the reader, being carefully perused.

For the conclusion of all, the memorable voyage of
Master Thomas Candish into the South sea, and from
thence about the globe of the earth doth satisfie mee, and
I doubt not but will fully content thee : which as in time
it is later then that of Sir Frauncis Drake, so in relation of
the Philippinaes, Japan, China, and the Isle of S. Helena
it is more particular, and exact : and therfore the want of

xxviii

TO THE FAVOURABLE READER

the first made by Sir Frauncis Drake will be the lesse :
wherein I must confesse to have taken more then ordin-
arie paines, meaning to have inserted it in this worke :
but being of late (contrary to my expectation) seriously
delt withall, not to anticipate or prevent another mans
paines and charge in drawing all the services of that
worthie Knight into one volume, I have yeelded unto
those my freindes which pressed me in the matter, refer-
ring the further knowledge of his proceedinges, to those
intended discourses.

Now for the other part of my promise, I must crave
thy further patience frendly reader, and some longer
suspence from the worke it selfe, in acquainting thee with
those vertuous gentlemen, and others which partly for
their private affection to my selfe, but chiefely for their
devotion to the furtherance of this my travaile, have
yelded me their severall good assistances : for I accompt
him unworthy of future favours, that is not thankefull for
former benefites. In respect of a generall incouragement
in this laborious travaile, it were grosse ingratitude in mee
to forget, and wilfull maliciousnes not to confesse that
man, whose onely name doth carrie with it sufficient
estimation and love, and that is Master Edward Dier, of
whom I will speake thus much in few wordes, that both
my selfe and my intentions herein by his frendly meanes
have bene made knowne to those, who in sundrie par-
ticulars have much steeded me. More specially in my
first part. Master Richard Staper Marchant of London,
hath furnished me with divers thinges touching the trade
of Turkie, and other places in the East. Master William
Burro wgh, Clarke of her Majesties navie, and Master
Anthonie Jenkinson, both gentlemen of great experience,
and observations in the north Regions, have much
pleasured me in the second part. In the third and last
besides myne owne extreeme travaile in the histories of
the Spanyards, my cheefest light hath bene received from
Sir John Hawkins, Sir Walter Raleigh, and my kinseman
Master Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple.

RICHARD HAKLUYT

And whereas in the course of this history often
mention is made of many beastes, birds, fishes, serpents,
plants, fruits, hearbes, rootes, apparell, armour, boates,
and such other rare and strange curiosities, which wise
men take great pleasure to reade of, but much more
contentment to see : herein 1 my selfe to my singuler
delight have bene as it were ravished in beholding
all the premisses gathered together with no small cost,
and preserved with no litle diligence, in the excellent
Cabinets of my very worshipfull and learned friends
M. Richard Garthe, one of the Clearkes of the pettie
Bags, and M. William Cope Gentleman Ussier to the
right Honourable and most prudent Counseller (the
Seneca of our common wealth,) the Lord Burleigh, high
Treasourer of England.

Nowe, because peradventure it would bee expected
as necessarie, that the descriptions of so many parts of
the world would farre more easily be conceived of the
Readers, by adding Geographicall, and Hydrographicail
tables thereunto, thou art by the way to be admonished
that I have contented my selfe with inserting into the
worke one of the best generall mappes of the world
onely, untill the comming out of a very large and most
The excellent exact terrestriall Globe, collected and reformed according
nezve^ Globe of to the newest, secretest, and latest discoveries, both
Spanish, Portugall, and English, composed by M.
Emmerie MoUineux of Lambeth, a rare Gentleman in
his profession, being therein for divers yeeres, greatly
supported by the purse and liberalitie of the worshipfull
marchant M. William Sanderson.

This being the summe of those things which I thought

good to admonish thee of (good Reader) it remaineth that

thou take the profite and pleasure of the worke : which

I wish to bee as great to thee, as my paines and labour

have bene in bringing these rawe fruits unto

this ripenesse, and in reducing these

loose papers into this order.

Farewell.

M. Mulli-
neux

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE IN THE FIRST VOLUME
OF THE SECOND EDITION, 1598.

To the right honorable my singular good Lord, the
Lord Charles Howard, Erie of Notingham,
Baron of Effingham, Knight of the noble
Order of the Garter, Lord high Admirall of
England, Ireland, and Wales, &c. one of her
Majesties most honourable privie Counsell.

Ight Honourable and my very good Lord,
after I had long since published in Print
many Navigations and Discoveries of
Strangers in divers languages, as well
here at London, as in the citie of Paris,
duruig my five yeeres abode in France,
with the woorthie Knight Sir Edward
Stafford your brother in lawe, her Majesties most prudent
and carefull Ambassador ligier with the French King :
and had waded on still farther and farther in the sweet
studie of the historie of Cosmographie, I began at length
to conceive, that with diligent observation, some thing
might be gathered which might commend our nation
for their high courage and singular activitie in the Search
and Discoverie of the most unknowen quarters of the
world. Howbeit, seeing no man to step forth to under-
take the recording of so many memorable actions, but
every man to folow his private affaires : the ardent love
of my countrey devoured all difficulties, and as it were
with a sharpe goad provoked me and thrust me forward
into this most troublesome and painfull action. And
after great charges and infinite cares, after many watchings.

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE

toiles, and travels, and wearying out of my weake body;
at length I have collected three severall Volumes of
the English Navigations, Traffiques, and Discoveries,
to strange, remote, and farre distant countreys. Which
worke of mine I have not included within the compasse
of things onely done in these latter dayes, as though
litle or nothing woorthie of memorie had bene performed
in former ages ; but mounting aloft by the space of
many hundred yeeres, have brought to light many very
rare and worthy monuments, which long have lien
miserably scattered in mustie corners, & retchlesly
hidden in mistie darkenesse, and were very like for the
greatest part to have bene buried in perpetuall oblivion.
The first Volume of this worke I have thus for the
present brought to light, reserving the other two untill
the next Spring, when by Gods grace they shall come
to the Presse. In the meane season bethinking my
selfe of some munificent and bountifull Patrone, I called
to mind your honorable Lordship, who both in regard
of my particular obligation, and also in respect of the
subject and matter, might justly chalenge the Patronage
thereof. For first I remembred how much I was bound,
and how deeply indebted for my yongest brother
Edmund Hackluyt, to whom for the space of foure
whole yeeres your Lordship committed the government
and instruction of that honorable yong noble man,
your Sonne & heire apparant, the lord William
Howard, of whose high spirit and wonderful toward-
linesse full many a time hath he boasted unto me.
Secondly, the bounden duetie which I owe to your
most deare sister the lady Sheffield, my singular good
lady & honorable mistresse, admonished me to be mind-
full of the renoumed familie of the Howards. Thirdly,
when I found in the first Patent graunted by Queene
Marie to the Moscovie companie, that my lord your
father being then lord high Admirall of England, was
one of the first favourers and furtherers, with his
purse and countenance, of the strange and wonderfull

xxxii

TO LORD CHARLES HOWARD

Discoverie of Russia, the chiefe contents of this present
Volume, then I remembred the sage saying of sweet
Isocrates, That sonnes ought not onely to be inheriters
of their fathers substance, but also of their commendable
vertues and honours. But what speake I of your
ancestors honors (which to say the trueth, are very
great, and such as our Chronicles have notably blazoned)
when as your owne Heroicall actions from time to time
have shewed themselves so admirable, as no antiquitie
hath afFoorded greater, and the future times will not
in haste (I thinke) performe the like. To come to
some particulars, when the Emperors sister, the spouse
of Spaine, with a Fleete of an 130. sailes, stoutly and
proudly passed the narow Seas, your Lordship accom-
panied with ten ships onely of her Majesties Navie
Roiall, environed their Fleet in most strange and
warrelike sort, enforced them to stoope gallant, and
to vaile their bonets for the Queene of England, and
made them perfectly to understand that olde speach
of the prince of Poets ;

Non illi imperium pelagi saevumque tridentem,
sed tibi sorte datum.

Yet after they had acknowledged their dutie, your
lordship on her Majesties behalfe conducted her safely
through our English chanell, and performed all good
offices of honor and humanitie to that forren Princesse.
At that time all England beholding your most honorable
cariage of your selfe in that so weightie service, began
to cast an extraordinarie eie upon your lordship, and
deeply to conceive that singular hope which since by
your most worthie & wonderfull service, your L hath
more then fully satisfied. I meane (among others) that
glorious, triumphant, and thrise-happy victory atchieved
against that huge and haultie Spanish Armada (which
is notably described in the ende of this volume) wherein
being chiefe and sole Commander under her sacred and
roiall Majestie, your noble government and worthy

1 xxxiii c

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE

behavior, your high wisedom, discretion and happinesse,
accompanied with the heavenly blessing of the Almightie,
are shewed most evidently to have bene such, as all
posteritie and succeeding ages shall never cease to sing
and resound your infinite prayse and eternall commenda-
tions. As for the late renoumed expedition and
honorable voyage unto Cadiz, the vanquishing of part
of the king of Spaines Armada, the destruction of the
rich West Indian Fleete, the chasing of so many brave
and gallant Gallies, the miraculous winning, sacking,
and burning of that almost impregnable citie of Cadiz, the j
surprising of the towne of Faraon upon the coast of !
Portugal, and other rare appendances of that enterprise, |
because they be hereafter so judicially set downe, by a '
very grave and learned Gentleman, which was an eye I
witnesse in all that action, I referre your good L. to his
faithfull report, wherein I trust (as much as in him lay)
he hath wittingly deprived no man of his right. Upon :
these and other the like considerations, I thought it fit ;
and very convenient to commend with all humilitie and j
reverence this first part of our English Voiages & Dis- |
coveries unto your Honors favourable censure and i
patronage. ;

And here by the way most humbly craving pardon, and ,
alwayes submitting my poore opinion to your Lordships I
most deep and percing insight, especially in this matter, as
being the father and principall favourer of the English
Navigation, I trust it shall not be impertinent in passing
by, to point at the meanes of breeding up of skilful!
Sea-men and Mariners in this Realme. Sithence your
Lordship is not ignorant, that ships are to litle purpose
without skilfull Sea-men ; and since Sea-men are not bred
up to perfection of skill in much lesse time (as it is said)
then in the time of two prentiships ; and since no kinde
of men of any profession in the common wealth passe
their yeres in so great and continual! hazard of life ; and
since of so many, so few grow to gray heires : how
needfull it is, that by way of Lectures and such like

TO LORD CHARLES HOWARD

instructions, these ought to have a better education, then
hitherto they have had ; all wise men may easily judge.
When I call to minde, how many noble ships have bene
lost, how many worthy persons have bene drenched in the
sea, and how greatly this Realme hath bene impoverished
by losse of great Ordinance and other rich commodities
through the ignorance of our Sea-men, I have greatly
wished there were a Lecture of Navigation read in this
Citie, for the banishing of our former grosse ignorance in
Marine causes, and for the increase and generall multi-
plying of the sea-knowledge in this age, wherein God
hath raised so generall a desire in the youth of this
Realme to discover all parts of the face of the earth, to
this Realme in former ages not knowen. And, that it
may appeare that this is no vaine fancie nor devise of
mine, it may please your Lordship to understand, that the
late Emperour Charles the fift, considering the rawnesse
of his Sea-men, and the manifolde shipwracks which they
susteyned in passing and repassing betweene Spaine and
the West Indies, with an high reach and great foresight,
established not onely a Pilote Major, for the examination
of such as sought to take charge of ships in that voyage,
but also founded a notable Lecture of the Art of Naviga-
tion, which is read to this day in the Contractation house
at Sivil. The readers of which Lecture have not only
carefully taught and instructed the Spanish Mariners by
word of mouth, but also have published sundry exact and
worthy treatises concerning Marine causes, for the
direction and incouragement of posteritie. The learned
works of three of which readers, namely of Alonso de
Chavez, of Hieronymo de Chavez, and of Roderigo
Zamorano came long ago very happily to my hands,
together with the straight and severe examining of all
such Masters as desire to take charge for the West Indies.
Which when I first read and duely considered, it seemed
to mee so excellent and so exact a course, as I greatly
wished, that I might be so happy as to see the like order
established here with us. This matter, as it seemeth,

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE

tooke no light impression in the royall brest of that |

most renowmed and victorious prince King Henry the i

eight of famous memory ; who for the increase of |

knowledge in his Sea-men, with princely liberalitie '.
erected three severall Guilds or brotherhoods, the one

at Deptford here upon the Thames, the other at King- '
ston upon Hull, and the third at Newcastle upon Tine :

which last was established in the 28. yeere of his j

reigne. The chiefe motives which induced his princely I

wisedome hereunto, himselfe expresseth in maner fol- ;

lowing. Ut magistri, marinarii, gubernatores, & alii |

ofiiciarii navium, juventutem suam in exercitatione j

gubernationis navium transigentes, mutilati, aut aliquo i

alio casu in paupertatem collapsi, aliquod relevamen j

ad eorum sustentationem habeant, quo non solum illi !

reficiantur, verumetiam alii juvenes moveantur & in- '

stigentur ad eandem artem exercendam, ratione cujus, ^

doctiores & aptiores fiant navibus & aliis vasis nostris & i

aliorum quorumcunque in Mare gubernandis & manu- j

tenendis, tam pacis, quam belli tempore, cum opus '

postulet, &c. To descend a litle lower, king Edward ,

the sixt that prince of peerelesse hope, with the advise I

of his sage and prudent Counsaile, before he entred \

into the Northeasterne discovery, advanced the worthy ;

and excellent Sebastian Cabota to be grand Pilot of |

England, allowing him a most bountifull pension of :

i66.1i. vi.s. viii.d. by the yeere during his life, as \

appeareth in his Letters Patents which are to be scene ;

in the third part of my worke. And if God had 1

granted him longer life, I doubt not but as he delt :

most royally in establishing that office of Pilote Major '

(which not long after to the great hinderance of this \

Common wealth was miserably turned to other private ■

uses) so his princely Majestie would have shewed him- ■

selfe no nigard in erecting, in imitation of Spaine, :

the like profitable Lecture of the Art of Navigation. |

And surely when I considered of late the memorable ;

bountie of sir Thomas Gresham, who being but a I

xxxvi

TO LORD CHARLES HOWARD

Merchant hath founded so many chargeable Lectures, and
some of them also which are Mathematical!, tending to
the advancement of Marine causes ; I nothing doubted of
your Lordships forwardnes in settling and establishing of
this Lecture ; but rather when your Lordship shall see
the noble and rare effects thereof, you will be heartily sory
that all this while it hath not bene erected. As therefore
our skill in Navigation hath hitherto bene very much
bettered and increased under the Admiraltie of your
Lordship ; so if this one thing be added thereunto,
together with severe and straight discipline, I doubt not
but with Gods good blessing it will shortly grow to the
hiest pitch and top of all perfection : which whensoever it
shall come to passe, I assure my selfe it will turne to the
infinite wealth and honour of our Countrey, to the pros-
perous and speedy discoverie of many rich lands and
territories of heathens and gentiles as yet unknowen, to
the honest employment of many thousands of our idle
people, to the great comfort and rejoycing of our friends,
to the terror, daunting and confusion of our foes. To
ende this matter, let mee now I beseech you speake unto
your Lordship, as in times past the elder Scipio spake to
Cornelius Scipio Africanus : Quo sis, Africane, alacrior ad
tutandam Rempublicam, sic habeto : Omnibus, qui
patriam conservaverint, adjuverint, auxerint, certum esse
in coelo, ac definitum locum, ubi beati asvo sempiterno
fruantur. It remaineth therefore, that as your Lordship
from time to time under her most gracious and excellent
Majestic, have shewed your selfe a valiant protectour, a
carefull conserver, and an happy enlarger of the honour
and reputation of your Countrey ; so at length you may
enjoy those celestial blessings, which are prepared to such
as tread your steps, and seeke to aspire to such divine and
heroical vertues. And even here I surcease, wishing all
temporal and spiritual! blessings of the life present and
that which is to come to be powred out in most ample
measure, not onely upon your honourable Lordship, the
noble and vertuous Lady your bedfellow, and those two

xxxvii

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE

rare jewels, your generous ofF-springs, but also upon all
the rest wheresoever of that your noble and renowmed
family. From London the 7. day of this present October

1598.

Your honours most humble alwayes
to be commanded :

Richard Hakluyt Preacher.

X XXVI 11

THE PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION, 1598.

A preface to the Reader as touching the princi-
pal! Voyages and discourses in this first part.

Aving for the benefit and honour of my
Countrey zealously bestowed so many
yeres, so much traveile and cost, to bring
Antiquities smothered and buried in darke
silence, to light, and to preserve certaine
memorable exploits of late yeeres by our
English nation atchieved, from the greedy
and devouring jawes of oblivion : to gather likewise, and as
it were to incorporate into one body the torne and scattered
limmes of our ancient and late Navigations by Sea, our
voyages by land, and traffiques of merchandise by both :
and having (so much as in me lieth) restored ech parti-
cular member, being before displaced, to their true joynts
and ligaments ; I meane, by the helpe of Geographie and
Chronologie (which I may call the Sunne and the Moone,
the right eye and the left of all history) referred ech
particular relation to the due time and place : I do this
second time (friendly Reader, if not to satisfie, yet at
least for the present to allay and hold in suspense thine
expectation) presume to offer unto thy view this first part
of my threefold discourse. For the bringing of which
into this homely and rough-hewen shape, which here thou
seest ; what restlesse nights, what painefull dayes, what
heat, what cold I have indured ; how many long &
chargeable journeys I have traveiled ; how many famous
libraries I have searched into ; what varietie of ancient

xxxix

PREFACE TO THE

and moderne writers I have perused ; what a number
of old records, patents, privileges, letters, &c. I have
redeemed from obscuritie and perishing ; into how mani-
fold acquaintance I have entred ; what expenses I have not
spared ; and yet what faire opportunities of private gaine,
preferment, and ease I have neglected ; albeit thy selfe
canst hardly imagine, yet I by daily experience do finde
& feele, and some of my entier friends can sufficiently
testifie. Howbeit (as I told thee at the first) the honour
and benefit of this Common weale wherein I live and
breathe, hath made all difficulties seeme easie, all paines
and industrie pleasant, and all expenses of light value and
moment unto me.

For (to conteine my selfe onely within the bounds of
this present discourse, and in the midst thereof to begin)
wil it not in all posteritie be as great a renowme unto our
English nation, to have bene the first discoverers of a Sea
beyond the North cape (never certainly knowen before)
and of a convenient passage into the huge Empire of
Russia by the bay of S. Nicolas and the river of Duina ;
as for the Portugales to have found a Sea beyond the Cape
of Buona Esperanza, and so consequently a passage by
Sea into the East Indies ; or for the Italians and Spaniards
to have discovered unknowen landes so many hundred
leagues Westward and Southwestward of the streits of
Gibraltar, & of the pillers of Hercules ? Be it granted
that the renowmed Portugale Vasques de Gama traversed
the maine Ocean Southward of Africke : Did not Richard
Chanceler and his mates performe the like Northward of
Europe ? Suppose that Columbus that noble and high-
spirited Genuois escried unknowen landes to the Westward
of Europe and Africke : Did not the valiant English
knight sir Hugh Willoughby ; did not the famous Pilots
Stephen Burrough, Arthur Pet, and Charles Jackman
accoast Nova Zembla, Colgoieve, and Vaigatz to the North
of Europe and Asia ? Howbeit you will say perhaps, not
with the like golden successe, not with such deductions of
Colonies, nor attaining of conquests. True it is, that our

xl

SECOND EDITION 1598 j

successe hath not bene correspondent unto theirs: yet in this j
our attempt the uncertaintie of finding was farre greater,

and the difficultie and danger of searching was no whit \

lesse. For hath not Herodotus (a man for his time, most |
skilfull and judicial in Cosmographie, who writ above ^ j

2000. yeeres ago) in his 4. booke called Melpomene, signi- |
iied unto the Portugales in plaine termes ; that Africa,

except the small Isthmus between the Arabian gulfe and the ,

Mediterran sea, was on all sides environed with the Ocean r ]

And for the further confirmation thereof, doth he not ;

make mention of one Neco an Egyptian King, who (for ,!

trials sake) sent a fleet of Phoenicians downe the Red sea ; !

who setting forth in Autumne and sailing Southward till t

they had the Sunne at noonetide upon their sterbourd ]

(that is to say, having crossed the Equinoctial and the ^

Southerne tropique) after a long Navigation, directed their S

course to the North, and in the space of 3. yeeres envi- \

roned all Africk, passing home through the Gaditan J

streites, and arriving in ^gypt? And doth not II Plinie \\Lik2.nat. \

tel them, that noble Hanno, in the flourishing time and ^'^^^' ^^P- ^7- ^

estate of Carthage, sailed from Gades in Spaine to the J

coast of Arabia foelix, and put downe his whole journall j

in writing? Doth he not make mention, that in the time |

of Augustus Caesar, the wracke of certaine Spanish ships 1i

was found floating in the Arabian gulfe ? And, not to be \

over-tedious in alleaging of testimonies, doth not Strabo 1

in the 2. booke of his Geography, together with Cornelius 1

Nepos and Plinie in the place beforenamed, agree all in \

one, that one Eudoxus fleeing from king Lathyrus, and \

valing downe the Arabian bay, sailed along, doubled the 1

Southern point of Africk, and at length arrived at Gades ? j

And what should I speake of the Spaniards? Was not ;

divine II Plato (who lived so many ages ago, and plainely ||/« Timceo. !

described their West Indies under the name of Atlantis) !

was not he (I say) instead of a Cosmographer unto them ? |

Were not those Carthaginians mentioned by Aristotle lib. ;

II de admirabil. auscult. their forerunners? And had they ik^P\^«^^«, ;

not Columbus to stirre them up, and pricke them torward rojy. \

xli !

PREFACE TO THE

unto their Westerne discoveries ; yea, to be their chiefe
loads-man and Pilot ? Sithens therefore these two worthy-
Nations had those bright lampes of learning (I meane the
most ancient and best Philosophers, Historiographers and
Geographers) to shewe them light ; and the load-starre of
experience (to wit those great exploits and voyages layed
up in store and recorded) whereby to shape their course :
what great attempt might they not presume to undertake ?
But alas our English nation, at the first setting foorth for
their Northeasterne discovery, were either altogether des-
titute of such cleare lights and inducements, or if they
had any inkling at all, it was as misty as they found the
Northren seas, and so obscure and ambiguous, that it was
meet rather to deterre them, then to give them encourage-
ment.

But besides the foresaid uncertaintie, into what dangers
and difficulties they plunged themselves. Animus memi-
nisse horret, I tremble to recount. For first they were to
expose themselves unto the rigour of the sterne and un-
couth Northren seas, and to make triall of the swelling
waves and boistrous winds which there commonly do
surge and blow : then were they to saile by the ragged and
perilous coast of Norway, to frequent the unhaunted
shoares of Finmark, to double the dreadfull and misty
North cape, to beare with Willoughbies land, to run along
within kenning of the Countreys of Lapland and Corelia,
and as it were to open and unlocke the seven-fold mouth
of Duina. Moreover, in their Northeasterly Navigations,
upon the seas and by the coasts of Condora, Colgoieve,
Petzora, Joughoria, Samoedia, Nova Zembla, &c. and
their passing and returne through the streits of Vaigatz,
unto what drifts of snow and mountaines of yce even in
June, July, and August, unto what hideous overfals, uncer-
taine currents, darke mistes and fogs, and divers other
fearefull inconveniences they were subject and in danger
of, I wish you rather to learne out of the voyages of sir
Hugh Willoughbie, Stephen Burrough, Arthur Pet and
the rest, then to expect in this place an endlesse catalogue

xlii

SECOND EDITION 1598

thereof. And here by the way I cannot but highly com-
mend the great industry and magnanimity of the Hollan-
ders, who within these few yeeres have discovered to 78.
yea (as themselves affirme) to 81. degrees of Northerly
latitude : yet with this proviso ; that our English nation
led them the dance, brake the yce before them, and gave
them good leave to light their candle at our torch. But
nowe it is high time for us to weigh our ancre, to hoise up
our sailes, to get cleare of these boistrous, frosty, and misty-
seas, and with all speede to direct our course for the milde,
lightsome, temperate, and warme Atlantick Ocean, over
which the Spaniards and Portugales have made so many
pleasant prosperous and golden voyages. And albeit I
cannot deny, that both of them in their East and West
Indian Navigations have indured many tempests, dangers
and shipwracks : yet this dare I boldly affirme ; first that
a great number of them have satisfied their fame-thirsty
and gold-thirsty mindes with that reputation and wealth,
which made all perils and misadventures seeme tolerable
unto them ; and secondly, that their first attempts (which
in this comparison I doe onely stand upon) were no whit
more difficult and dangerous, then ours to the Northeast.
For admit that the way was much longer, yet was it never
barred with yce, mist, or darknes, but was at all seasons of
the yeere open and Navigable ; yea and that for the most
part with fortunate and fit gales of winde. Moreover they
had no forren prince to intercept or molest them, but their
owne Townes, Islands, and maine lands to succour them.
The Spaniards had the Canary Isles : and so had the Por-
tugales the Isles of the A9ores, of Porto santo, of
Madera, of Cape verd, the castle of Mina, the fruitful!
and profitable Isle of S. Thomas, being all of them con-
veniently situated, and well fraught with commodities.
And had they not continual! and yerely trade in some one
part or other of Africa, for getting of slaves, for sugar, for
Elephants teeth, graines, silver, gold, and other precious
wares, which served as allurements to draw them on by
little and litle, and as proppes to stay them from giving

xliii

PREFACE TO THE

over their attempts? But nowe let us leave them and
returne home unto our selves.

In this first Volume (friendly Reader) besides our
Northeasterne Discoveries by sea, and the memorable
voyage of M. Christopher Hodson, and M. William
Burrough, Anno 1570. to the Narve, wherein with
merchants ships onely, they tooke five strong and warrelike
ships of the Freebooters, which lay within the sound of
Denmark of purpose to intercept our English Fleete :
besides all these (I say) thou maiest find here recorded, to
the lasting honor of our nation, all their long and
dangerous voyages for the advauncing of traffique by river
and by land to all parts of the huge and wide Empire of
Russia : as namely Richard Chanceler his first fortunate
arrivall at Newnox, his passing up the river of Dwina to
the citie of Vologda for the space of iioo. versts, and
from thence to Yaruslave, Rostove, Peraslave, and so to
the famous citie of Mosco, being 1500. versts travell in
all. Moreover, here thou hast his voiage penned by
himselfe (which I hold to be very authentical, & for the
which I do acknowledge my selfe beholding unto the
excellent Librarie of the right honorable my lord Lumley)
wherein he describeth in part the state of Russia, the
maners of the people and their religion, the magnificence
of the Court, the majestie, power, and riches of the
Emperour, and the gracious entertainment of himselfe.
But if he being the first man, and not having so perfect
intelligence as they that came after him, doeth not fullie
satisfie your expectation in describing the foresayd
countrey and people ; I then referre you to Clement
Adams his relation next following, to M. Jenkinsons
discourse as touching that argument, to the smooth
verses of M. George Turbervile, and to a learned and
excellent discourse set downe, pag. 475. of this volume,
and the pages following. Unto all which (if you please)
you may adde Richard Johnsons strange report of the
Samoeds, pag. 283. But to returne to our voyages
performed within the bounds of Russia, I suppose (among

xliv

SECOND EDITION 1598

the rest) that difficult journey of Southam and Sparke,
from Colmogro and S. Nicholas Baie, up the great river of
Onega, and so by other rivers and lakes to the citie of
Novogrod velica upon the West frontier of Russia, to be
right woorthy of observation ; as likewise that of Thomas
Alcock from Mosco to Smolensko, and thence to Tirwill
in Polonia, pag. 304. & that also of M. Hierome Horsey
from Mosco to Vobsko, and so through Liefland to Riga,
thence by the chiefe townes of Prussia and Pomerland to
Rostok, and so to Hamburg, Breme, Emden, &c. Neither
hath our nation bene contented onely throughly to search
into all parts of the Inland, and to view the Northren,
Southerne, and Westerne frontiers, but also by the rivers
of Moscua, Occa and Volga, to visite Cazan and Astracan,
the farthest Easterne and Southeasterne bounds of that
huge Empire. And yet not containing themselves within
all that maine circumference, they have adventured their
persons, shippes, and goods, homewards and outwards,
foureteene times over the unknowen and dangerous
Caspian sea ; that valiant, wise, and personable gentleman
M. Anthonie Jenkinson being their first ring-leader : who
in Anno 1558. sailing from Astracan towards the East
shore of the Caspian sea, and there arriving at the port of
Mangusla, travelled thence by Urgence and Shelisur, and
by the rivers of Oxus and Ardok, 40. dayes journey over
desert and wast countreys, to Boghar a principall citie of
Bactria, being there & by the way friendly entertained,
dismissed, and safely conducted by certaine Tartarian
kings and Murses. Then have you a second Navigation
of his performance to the South shore of the foresayd
Caspian sea, together with his landing at Derbent, his
arrivall at Shabran, his proceeding unto Shamaky, the
great curtesie vouchsafed on him by Obdolowcan king of
Hircan, his journey after of 30. dayes Southward, by
Yavate, Ardouil, and other townes and cities to Casben,
being as then the seate imperiall of Shaugh Thamas the
great Sophy of Persia, with divers other notable accidents
in his going foorth, in his abode there, and in his returne

xlv

PREFACE TO THE

home. Immediately after you have set downe in five
severall voiages the successe of M. Jenkinsons laudable
and well-begun enterprise, under the foresayd Shaugh
Thamas, under Shally Murzey the new king of Hircan,
and lastly our traffique with Osman Basha the great
Turkes lieutenant at Derbent. Moreover, as in M.
Jenkinsons travel to Boghar the Tartars, with their
territories, habitations, maner of living, apparell, food,
armour, &c. are most lively represented unto you : so
likewise in the sixe Persian Journals you may here and
there observe the state of that countrey, of the great
Shaugh and of his subjects, together with their religion,
lawes, customes, & maner of government, their coines,
weights and measures, the distances of places, the tempera-
ture of the climate and region, and the natural commodi-
ties and discommodities of the same.

Furthermore in this first Volume, all the Ambassages
and Negotiations from her Majestie to the Russian
Emperor, or from him unto her Majestie, seemed by
good right to chalenge their due places of Record. As
namely, first that of M. Randolph, 1568. then the
emploiment of M. Jenkinson 1571. thirdly. Sir Jerome
Bowes his honorable commission and ambassage 1582.
and last of all the Ambassage of M. Doct. Fletcher 1588.
Neither do we forget the Emperours first Ambassador
Osep Napea, his arrivall in Scotland, his most honourable
entertainment and abode in England, and his dismission
into Russeland. In the second place we doe make
mention of Stephen Tuerdico, and Pheodata Pogorella ;
thirdly, of Andrea Savin ; and lastly, of Pheodor
Andrewich Phisemski. And to be briefe, I have not
omitted the Commissions, Letters, Privileges, Instructions,
Observations, or any other Particulars which might serve
both in this age, and with all posteritie, either for
presidents in such like princely and weightie actions to
bee imitated, or as woorthy monuments in no wise to bee
buried in silence. Finally, that nothing should be wanting
which might adde any grace or shew of perfection unto

xlvi

SECOND EDITION 1598

this discourse of Russia ; I have prefixed before the begin-
ning thereof, the petigree and genealogie of the Russian
Emperors and Dukes, gathered out of their owne
Chronicles by a Polonian, containing in briefe many
notable antiquities and much knowledge of those partes :
as likewise about the conclusion, I have signified in the
branch of a letter, the last Emperour Pheodor Ivanowich
his death, and the inauguration of Boris Pheodorowich
unto the Empire.

But that no man should imagine that our forren trades
of merchandise have bene comprised within some few
yeeres, or at least wise have not bene of any long con-
tinuance ; let us now withdraw our selves from our ajffaires
in Russia, and ascending somewhat higher, let us take a
sleight survey of our trafiiques and negotiations in former
ages. First therefore the Reader may have recourse unto
the 1 24 page of this Volume, & there with great delight
and admiration, consider out of the judicial Historiographer
Cornelius Tacitus, that the Citie of London fifteene
hundred yeeres agoe in the time of Nero the Emperour,
was most famous for multitude of merchants and con-
course of people. In the pages folowing he may learne
out of Venerable Beda, that almost 900. yeeres past, in the
time of the Saxons, the said citie of London was multorum
emporium populorum, a Mart-towne for many nations.
There he may behold, out of William of Malmesburie, a
league concluded betweene the most renoumed and
victorious Germane Emperour Carolus Magnus, and the
Saxon king OfFa, together with the sayd Charles his
patronage and protection granted unto all English mer-
chants which in those dayes frequented his dominions.
There may hee plainly see in an auncient testimonie
translated out of the Saxon tongue, how our merchants
were often woont for trafliques sake, so many hundred
yeeres since, to crosse the wide Seas, and how their
industry in so doing was recompensed. Yea, there
mayest thou observe (friendly Reader) what privileges the
Danish king Canutus obtained at Rome of Pope John, of

xlvii

PREFACE TO THE

Conradus the Emperour, and of king Rudolphus for our
English merchants Adventurers of those times. Then if
you shall thinke good to descend unto the times and ages
succeeding the conquest, there may you partly see what
our state of merchandise was in the time of king Stephen
and of his predecessor, and how the Citie of Bristol (which
may seeme somewhat strange) was then greatly resorted
unto with ships from Norway and from Ireland. There
may you see the friendly league betweene king Henry the
second, and the famous Germane Emperour Friderick
Barbarossa, and the gracious authorizing of both their
merchants to traffique in either of their dominions. And
what need I to put you in mind of king John his
favourable safe-conduct, whereby all forren merchants
were to have the same privileges here in England, which
our English merchants enjoied abroad in their severall
countreys. Or what should I signifie unto you the
entercourse of league and of other curtesies betweene
king Henry the third, and Haquinus king of Norway ;
and likewise of the free trade of merchandise between
their subjects : or tell you what favours the citizens of
Colen, of Lubek, and of all the Hansetownes obtained of
king Edward the first ; or to what high endes and pur-
poses the generall, large, and stately Charter concerning
all outlandish merchants whatsoever was by the same
prince most graciously published ? You are of your
owne industry sufficiently able to conceive of the letters
& negotiations which passed between K. Edward the 2.
& Haquinus the Noruagian king ; of our English
merchants and their goods detained upon arrest at
Bergen in Norway ; and also of the first ordination of
a Staple, or of one onely setled Mart-towne for the
uttering of English woolls & woollen fells, instituted
by the sayd K. Edward last before named. All which
(Reader) being throughly considered, I referre you then
to the Ambassages, Letters, Traffiques, and prohibition
of Traffiques, concluding and repealing of leagues,
damages, reprisals, arrests, complaints, supplications,

xlvili

SECOND EDITION 1598

compositions and restitutions which happened in the
time of king Richard the 2. and king Henry the 4.
between the said kings and their subjects on the one
partie ; and Conradus de Zolner, Conradus de Jungingen,
and Ulricus de Jungingen, three of the great masters ot
Prussia, and their subjects, with the common societie of
the Hans-townes on the other partie. In all which dis-
course you may note very many memorable things ; as
namely first the wise, discreet, and cautelous dealing of
the Ambassadors and Commissioners of both parts, then
the wealth of the foresaid nations, and their manifold
and most usuall kinds of wares uttered in those dayes,
as likewise the qualitie, burthen, and strength of their
shipping, the number of their Mariners, the maner of
their combates at sea, the number and names of the
English townes which traded that way, with the particular
places as well upon the coast of Norway, as every where
within the sound of Denmark which they frequented ;
together with the inveterate malice and craftie crueltie of
the Hanse. And because the name, office, and dignitie
of the masters generall, or great Masters of Prussia
would otherwise have bene utterly darke and unknowen
to the greater part of Readers, I have set downe immedi-
atly before the first Prussian ambassage, pagina 144
a briefe and orderly Catalogue of them all, contayning
the first originall and institution of themselves and of
their whole knightly order and brotherhood, with the
increase of revenues and wealth which befell them after-
ward in Italy and Germany and the great conquests
which they atchieved upon the infidels of Prussia, Samo-
gitia, Curland, Liefland, Lituania, &c. also their decay and
finall overthrow, partly by the revolt of divers Townes
and Castles under their jurisdiction, and partly by the
meanes of their next mightie neighbour the King of Poland.
After all these, out of 2. branches of 2. ancient
statutes, is partly shewed our trade and the successe
thereof with divers forren Nations in the time of K.
Henry the sixt.

I xlix d

PREFACE TO THE

Then followeth the true processe of English policie, I
meane that excellent and pithy treatise de politia con-
servativa maris : which I cannot to any thing more fitly
compare, then to the Emperour of Russia his palace
called the golden Castle, and described by Richard
Chanceller pag. 238. of this volume : whereof albeit \
the outward apparance was but homely and no whit i
correspondent to the name, yet was it within so beautified |
and adorned with the Emperour his majesticall presence, ■■
with the honourable and great assembly of his rich- \
attired Peers and Senatours, with an invaluable and huge \
masse of gold and silver plate, & with other princely i
magnificence ; that well might the eyes of the beholders ^
be dazeled, and their cogitations astonished thereat. For \
indeed the exteriour habit of this our English politician, I
to wit, the harsh and unaffected stile of his substantial! ,
verses and the olde dialect of his wordes is such ; as |
the first may seeme to have bene whistled of Pans I
oaten pipe, and the second to have proceeded from
the mother of Evander : but take you off his ut- i
most weed, and beholde the comelinesse, beautie, and '
riches which lie hid within his inward sense and sentence ; |
and you shall finde (I wisse) so much true and sound •
policy, so much delightfuU and pertinent history, so many |
lively descriptions of the shipping and wares in his time
of all the nations almost in Christendome, and such a |
subtile discovery of outlandish merchants fraud, and of
the sophistication of their wares ; that needes you must ;
acknowledge, that more matter and substance could in no
wise be comprised in so little a roome. And notwith-
standing (as I said) his stile be unpolished, and his ;
phrases somewhat out of use ; yet, so neere as the written :
copies would give me leave, I have most religiously ■
without alteration observed the same': thinking it farre j
more convenient that himselfe should speake, then that !
I should bee his spokesman ; and that the Readers should j
enjoy his true verses, then mine or any other mans fained i
prose. j

SECOND EDITION 1598

Next after the conclusion of the last mentioned dis-
course, the Reader may in some sort take a vieu of our
state of merchandise under K. Edward the fourth, as
likewise of the establishing of an English company in the
Netherlands, and of all the discreet provisoes, just ordina-
tions, & gratious privileges conteined in the large Charter
which was granted for the same purpose.

Now besides our voyages and trades of late yeeres
to the North and Northeast regions of the world, and
our ancient traffique also to those parts ; I have not
bene unmindefull (so farre as the histories of England
and of other Countreys would give me direction) to
place in the fore-front of this booke those forren con-
quests, exploits, and travels of our English nation,
which have bene atchieved of old. Where in the first
place (as I am credibly informed out of Galfridus
Monumetensis, and out of M. Lambert his Apxc^^ovo/mla)
I have published unto the world the noble actes of
Arthur and Malgo two British Kings. Then followeth
in the Saxons time K. Edwin his conquest of Man
and Anglesey, and the expedition of Bertus into Ireland.
Next succeedeth Octher making relation of his doings,
and describing the North Countreys, unto his soveraigne
Lord K. Ecfrid. After whom Wolstans Navigation
within the Sound of Denmark is mentioned, the
voyage of the yong Princes Edmund and Edward into
Sweden and Hungarie is recorded, as likewise the
mariage of Harald his daughter unto the Russian duke
Jeruslaus. Neither is that Englishman forgotten, who
was forced to traveile with the cruel Tartars into their
Countrey, and from thence to beare them company into
Hungary and Poland. And because those North-
eastern e Regions beyond Volga, by reason of the huge
deserts, the colde climate, and the barbarous incivilitie
of the people there inhabiting, were never yet
throughly traveiled by any of our Nation, nor suffi-
ciently knowen unto us ; I have here annexed unto
the said Englishmans traveile, the rare & memorable

li

PREFACE TO THE

journals of 2. Friers, who were some of the first j

Christians that travailed farthest that way, and brought I

home most particular intelligence & knowledge of all |

things which they had seene. These Friers were sent i

as Ambassadours unto the savage Tartars (who had |

as then wasted and overrunne a great part of Asia, |

and had pierced farre into Europe with fire and sword) i

to mitigate their fury, and to offer the glad tidings of I

the Gospel unto them. The former, namely Johannes !

de Piano Carpini (whose journey, because he road sixe '

moneths poste directly beyond Boristhenes, did, I thinke, ■

both for length and difBcultie farre surpasse that of |

Alexander the great, unto the river of Indus) was in the '

yeere 1246. sent with the authoritie and commission of '

a Legate from Pope Innocentius the fourth : who ]

passed through more garisons of the Tartars, and I

wandered over more vast, barren, and cold deserts, I

then (I suppose) an army of an hundred thousand good I

souldiers could have done. The other, to wit, William :

de Rubricis, was 1253. by the way of Constantinople, ;
of the Euxin sea, and of Taurica Chersonesus imployed

in an ambassage from Lewis the French King (waging .
warre as then against the Saracens in the Holy land)
unto one Sartach a great duke of the Tartars, which
Sartach sent him forthwith unto his father Baatu, and

from Baatu he was conducted over many large territories !

unto the Court of Mangu-Can their Emperour. Both !

of them have so well played their parts, in declaring ,

what befell them before they came at the Tartars, what i

a terrible and unmanerly welcomming they had at their |

first arrivall, what cold intertainment they felt in traveil- I
ing towards the great Can, and what slender cheere they
found at his Court ; that they seeme no lesse worthy of
praise then of pitie. But in describing of the Tartars
Countrey, and of the Regions adjacent, in setting downe
the base and sillie beginnings of that huge and over-
spreading Empire, in registring their manifolde warres
and bloody conquests, in making relation of their hords

lii

SECOND EDITION 1598

and mooveable Townes, as likewise of their food, apparell
and armour, and in setting downe their unmercifull
lawes, their fond superstitions, their bestiall lives, their
vicious maners, their slavish subjection to their owne
superiours, and their disdainfull and brutish inhumanitie
unto strangers, they deserve most exceeding and high
commendation. Howbeit if any man shall object that
they have certaine incredible relations : I answere, first,
that many true things may to the ignorant seeme in-
credible. But suppose there be some particulars which
hardly will be credited ; yet thus much I will boldly
say for the Friers, that those particulars are but few,
and that they doe not avouch them under their owne
names, but from the report of others. Yet farther,
imagine that they did avouch them, were they not to
be pardoned as well as Herodotus, Strabo, Plutarch,
Plinie, Solinus, yea & a great many of our new principall
writers, whose names you may see about the end of
this Preface ; every one of which hath reported more
strange things then the Friers between them both ?
Nay, there is not any history in the world (the most
Holy writ excepted) whereof we are precisely bound to
beleeve ech word and syllable. Moreover sithens these
two journals are so rare, that Mercator and Ortelius (as
their letters unto me do testifie) were many yeeres
very inquisitive, and could not for all that attaine unto
them ; and sithens they have bene of so great accompt
with those two famous Cosmographers, that according
to some fragments of them they have described in their
Mappes a great part of those Northeastern Regions ;
sith also that these two relations containe in some respect
more exact history of those unknowen parts, then all
the ancient and newe writers that ever I could set mine
eyes on : I thought it good, if the translation should
chance to swerve in ought from the originals (both for
the preservation of the originals themselves, and the
satisfying of the Reader) to put them downe word for
word in that homely stile wherein they were first

liii

PREFACE TO THE

penned. And for these two rare jewels, as likewise i

for many other extraordinary courtesies, I must here |

acknowledge my selfe most deepely bounden unto the j

right reverend, grave, and learned Prelate, my very j

good lord the Bishop of Chichester, and L. high j

Almner unto her Majestic ; by whose friendship and \

meanes I had free accesse unto the right honor, my L. |

Lumley his stately library, and was permitted to copy j
out of ancient manuscripts, these two journals and some

others also. '

After these Friers (though not in the next place) i

foloweth a testimonie of Gerardus Mercator, and another \

of M. Dee, concerning one Nicholas de Linna an j

English Franciscan Frier. i

Then succeedeth the long journey of Henry Earle ;

of Derbie, and afterward king of England into Prussia ;

& Lithuania, with a briefe remembrance of his valiant !

exploits against the Infidels there ; as namely, that with I

the help of certaine his Associates, he vanquished the ^

king of Letto his armie, put the sayd king to flight, \

tooke and slew divers of his captains, advanced his I

English colours upon the wall of Vilna, & made the ■

citie it selfe to yeeld. Then mention is made also of '

Tho. of Woodstock his travel into Pruis, and of his ■

returne home. And lastly, our old English father \

Ennius, I meane, the learned, wittie, and profound |

Geffrey Chaucer, under the person of his knight, doeth I

full judicially and like a cunning Cosmographer, make ■

report of the long voiages and woorthy exploits of our i

English Nobles, Knights, & Gentlemen, to the Northren, i

and to other partes of the world in his dayes. j

Neither have we comprehended in this Volume, i

onely our Trades and Voiages both new and old ; but i
also have scattered here and there (as the circumstance
of times would give us leave) certaine fragments con-
cerning the beginnings, antiquities, and grouth of the

classical and warrelike shipping of this Island : as namely, ■
first of the great navie of that victorious Saxon prince

liv '

SECOND EDITION 1598

king Edgar, mentioned by Florentius Wigorniensis,
Roger Hoveden, Rainulph of Chester, Matthew of
Westminster, Flores historiarum, & in the libel of
English policie, pag. 202. and 203. of this present
volume. Of which Authors some affirme the sayd
Fleet to have consisted of 4800. others of 4000. some
others of 3600. ships : howbeit (if I may presume to
gloze upon the text) I verily thinke that they were not
comparable, either for burthen, strength, building, or
nimble stirrage unto the ships of later times, and
specially of this age. But howsoever it be, they all
agree in this, that by meanes of the sayd huge Fleet
he was a most puissant prince ; yea, and some of them
affirme together with William of Malmesbury, that he
was not onely soveraigne lord of all the British seas,
and of the whole Isle of Britaine it selfe, but also that
he brought under his yoke of subjection, most of the
Isles and some of the maine lands adjacent. And for
that most of our Navigators at this time bee (for want
of trade and practise that way) either utterly ignorant,
or but meanely skilful!, in the true state of the Seas,
Shoulds, and Islands, lying between the North part of
Ireland and of Scotland ; I have for their better en-
couragement (if any weightie action shall hereafter
chance to drawe them into those quarters) translated
into English a briefe treatise called, A Chronicle of
the Kings of Man. Wherein they may behold as well
the tragical and dolefull historie of those parts, for the
space almost of 300. yeeres, as also the most ordinarie
and accustomed navigations, through those very seas,
and amidst those Northwesterne Isles called the Hebrides,
so many hundred yeeres agoe. For they shall there
read, that even then (when men were but rude in sea-
causes in regard of the great knowledge which we now
have) first Godredus Crovan with a whole Fleet of
ships, throughly haunted some places in that sea :
secondly, that one Ingemundus setting saile out of
Norway, arrived upon the Isle of Lewis : then, that

ly

PREFACE TO THE

Magnus the king of Norway came into the same seas
with 1 60. sailes, and having subdued the Orkney Isles
in his way, passed on in Uke conquering maner, directing
his course (as it should seeme) even through the very
midst, and on all sides of the Hebrides, who sailing
thence to Man, conquered it also, proceeding afterward
as farre as Anglesey ; and lastly crossing over from the
Isle of Man to the East part of Ireland. Yea, there
they shall read of Godredus the sonne of Olavus his
voiage to the king of Norway, of his expedition with
80. ships against Sumerledus, of Sumerled his expedition
with 53. ships against him; of Godred his flight and
second journey into Norway ; of Sumerled his second
arrival with 160. shippes at Rhinfrin upon the coast of
Man, and of many other such combates, assaults, &
voyages which were performed onely upon those seas
& Islands. And for the bringing of this woorthy
monument to light, we doe owe great thanks unto the
judiciall and famous Antiquarie M. Camden. But
sithens we are entred into a discourse of the ancient
warrelike shipping of this land, the Reader shall give
me leave to borow one principall note out of this litle
historie, before I quite take my leave thereof: and that
is in few words, that K. John passed into Ireland with
a Fleet of 500. sailes ; so great were our sea-forces
even in his time. Neither did our shipping for the
warres first begin to flourish with king John, but long
before his dayes in the reign of K. Edward the
Confessor, of William the Conqueror, of William Rufus
and the rest, there were divers men of warre which
did valiant service at sea, and for their paines were
roially rewarded. All this and more then this you
may see recorded, pag. 17. out of the learned Gentle-
man M. Lambert his Perambulation of Kent ; namely,
the antiquitie of the Kentish Cinque ports, which of
the sea-townes they were, how they were infranchised,
what gracious privileges and high prerogatives were
by divers kings vouchsafed upon them, and what services

Ivi

SECOND EDITION 1598

they were tied unto in regard thereof; to wit, how
many ships, how many souldiers, mariners, Garsons,
and for how many dayes each of them, and all of them
were to furnish for the kings use ; and lastly, what
great exploits they performed under the conduct of
Hubert of Burrough, as likewise against the Welshmen,
upon 200. French ships, and under the commaund of
captaine Henry Pay. Then have you, pag. 117. the
franke and bountifull Charter granted by king Edward
the first, upon the foresayd Cinque portes : & next
thereunto a Roll of the mightie fleet of seven hundred
ships which K. Edward the third had with him unto
the siege of Caleis : out of which Roll (before I proceed
any further) let me give you a double observation. First,
that these ships, according to the number of the mariners
which were in all 141 51. persons, seeme to have bene
of great burthen ; and secondly, that Yarmouth an
haven towne in Northfolke (which I much wonder at)
set foorth almost twise as many ships and mariners, as
either the king did at his owne costs and charges, or
as any one citie or towne in England besides. Howbeit
Tho. Walsingham maketh plaine and evident mention
of a farre greater Fleete of the same king ; namely, of
1 100. shippes lying before Sandwich, being all of them
sufficiently well furnished. Moreover, the Reader may
behold, pag. 186, a notable testimonie of the mightie
ships of that valiant prince king Henry the 5. who
(when after his great victory at Agincourt the Frenchmen
to recover Harflew had hired certaine Spanish and
Italian ships and forces, & had united their owne
strength unto them) sent his brother John duke of
Bedford to encounter them, who bidding them battell,
got the victory, taking some of their ships, and sinking
others, and putting the residue to dishonorable flight.
Likewise comming the next yeere with stronger powers,
and being then also overcome, they were glad to conclude
a perpetuall league with K. Henry; & propter eorum
naves (saieth mine Author) that is, for the resistance

Ivii

PREFACE TO THE

of their ships, the sayd king caused such huge ships
to be built, quales non erant in mundo, as the like were
not to be found in the whole world besides.

But to leave our ancient shipping, and descend unto
later times ; I thinke that never was any nation blessed of
Jehovah, with a more glorious and wonderfull victory
upon the Seas, then our vanquishing of the dreadfull
Spanish Armada, 1588. But why should I presume to
call it our vanquishing ; when as the greatest part of them
escaped us, and were onely by Gods out-stretched arme
overwhelmed in the Seas, dashed in pieces against the
Rockes, and made fearefull spectacles and examples of his
judgements unto all Christendome ? An excellent dis-
course whereof, as likewise of the honourable expedition
under two of the most noble and valiant peeres of this
Realme, I meane, the renoumed Erie of Essex, and the
right honorable the lord Charles Howard, lord high
Admirall of England, made 1596. unto the strong citie of
Cadiz, I have set downe as a double epiphonema to con-
clude this my first volume withall. Both of which, albeit
they ought of right to have bene placed among the
Southerne voyages of our nation : yet partly to satisfie
the importunitie of some of my special friends, and partly,
not longer to deprive the diligent Reader of two such
woorthy and long-expected discourses ; I have made bold
to straine a litle curtesie with that methode which I first
propounded unto my selfe.

And here had I almost forgotten to put the Reader in
mind of that learned and Philosophical treatise of the true
state of Iseland, and so consequently of the Northren
Seas & regions lying that way : wherein a great number
of none of the meanest Historiographers and Cosmogra-
phers of later times, as namely, Munster, Gemma Frisius,
Zieglerus, Krantzius, Saxo Grammaticus, Olaus Magnus,
Peucerus and others, are by evident arguments convinced
of manifold errors : that is to say, as touching the true
situation and Northerly latitude of that Island, and of the
distance thereof from other places ; touching the length of

Iviii

SECOND EDITION 1598

dayes in Sommer and of nights in Winter, of the tempera-
ture of the land and sea, of the time and maner of the
congealing, continuance, and thawing of the Ice in those
Seas, of the first Discoverie and inhabiting of that Island,
of the first planting of Christianitie there, as likewise of
the continuall flaming of mountains, strange qualities of
fountains, of hel-mouth, and of purgatorie which those
authors have fondly written and imagined to be there.
All which treatise ought to bee the more acceptable ; first
in that it hath brought sound trueth with it ; and secondly^
in that it commeth from that farre Northren climate which
most men would suppose could not affoord any one so
learned a Patrone for it selfe.

And thus (friendly Reader) thou seest the briefe
summe and scope of all my labours for the common-
wealths sake, and thy sake, bestowed upon this first
Volume : which if thou shalt as thankefully accept, as I
have willingly and freely imparted with thee, I shall bee
the better encouraged speedily to acquaint thee with
those rare, delightfull and profitable histories,
which I purpose (God willing) to pub-
lish concerning the Southerne
and Westerne partes
of the World.

Postscriptum.

Not knowing any other place so convenient, I am here to advertise
the friendly Reader of certaine faultes escaped in the printing of this
booke, and to request him that in the Page 54. and in the last line save
two, hee would in stead of Kine, read Swine, and he shall thereby avoid
a great contradiction : likewise pag. 187. that hee would unto the ende
of the second verse of the Prologue to the English Policy, make supply of
the word Rest, which is there wanting: also pag. 221. lin. 29. for
woorthinesse read woorthies, &c. Other faults (if there bee any) are
(I doubt not) easily corrigible.

lix

PJNEGTRICK FERSES ON THE AUTHOR ^ HIS BOOKE.

Elg A7ro8j]/jiLag Bperravodv
riovrj/jua Pc^apSov rov AWvltov^

T"y(i}v 6 Bpox^wj-os.

O'^(T0L yalav e^ovan /3poToi evog eKTrecpvacri
o)? aWrjXa opav eOvecri -^app-a (pvarei.
0*9 ^e 0' a\i7r\ayKT0<; /ULeTeKcaOev eOuea irXeicrTa,

OLKOL jui/uLvutova' a^iayacFTO^ echv.
E"^o^a ^peTTavol S\ aWcov a-^LcrQevTe^ epavrai,

'iSfJL€Pai aXXoOpowv (pvXa TroXucrirepea.
TvSoug €(T7r6pL0vg koli ewovg, KSloirag re,

KOI MocrYOL'9, fcai iravT ea-yaTOuiiVTa yevt],
liOVToov S' oia /uLoXicTTa kXvtu, KXvTog A KXviTog

ypdy^ev apKppaSecog, juLvrj/j! ael ea-cro/iJievov.

In navales Richardi Hakluyti Commentarios.

ANglia magnarum foecunda puerpera rerum,
sive solum spectes nobile, sive salum ;
Quae quantum sumptis se nobilitaverit armis,

sive domi gessit praelia, sive foris ;
Multorum celebrant matura volumina : tanta^

Insula materiem parvula laudis alit.
At se in quot, qualesque, & quando effuderit oras.

qua fidit ignotum pervia classis iter,
Solius Hakluyti decus est, praedivite penna

ostendisse suis civibus ausa mari.

Ix

PANEGYRICK VERSES

Quaecunque idcirco celeri gens Anglica navi,

Oceani tristes spernere doctaminas,
A prima generisque & gentis origine gessit,

qua via per fluctus ulla patere potest,
Sive decus, laudemque secuta, ut & hostibus alas

demeret, atque suis laeta pararet opes :
Hoc opus Hakluyti ; cui debet patria multum,

cui multum, patriae quisquis amicus erit.
Qua re namque magis se nostra Britannia jactat,

quam quod sit pra^ter ca^tera classe potens ?
Quam prius obsessam tenebris sic liberat, ut nunc

quisque sciat, quam sit nobile classis opus.
Quam si Daedalice utemur, surgemus in altum,

sin autem Icarice, quod voret, aequor habet.

Rich. Mulcaster.

Ejusdem in eundem.

Qui gravi primus cecinit camcena
Aureum vellus, proceresque Grascos,
quos sibi adjunxit comites Jason

Vectus in Argo
Nave, quam primum secuisse fluctus
praedicant salsos, sibi comparavit
Inde non unquam moritura magnas

praemia fama^.
Tanta si merces calamum secuta
Unic« navis referentis acta.
Quanta Richardum manet Hakluytum

gloria ? cujus
Penna descripsit freta mille, mille
Insulae nostrae celeres carinas,
Quae per immensi loca pervolarunt

omnia mundi.
Senties gratam patriam, tuaeque
Laudis aeternum memorem, & laboris :
Quae tua cura, calamoque totum

ibit in orbem :

Ixi

PANEGYRICK VERSES

Quam doces omni studio fovere
Nauticum robur, validamque classem.
Hac luet quisquis violentus Anglos

usserit hostis.

In eximium opus R. Hakluyti de Anglorum ad
disjunctissimas regiones navigationibus Gulielmi
Camdeni Hexastichon.

Nglia quae penitus toto discluditur orbe,
Angulus orbis erat, parvus & orbis erat.
Nunc cum sepositos alios detexerit orbes,

Maximus orbis honos, Orbis & orbis erit.
At quid Haklute tibi monstranti base debeat orbis ?
Laus tua, crede mihi, non erit orbe minor.

A'

I

I

Di Marc' Antonio Pigafeta Gentilhuomo Vicentino. j

Gnota mi starei, con poco honore \
Sepolta neir oscure, antiche carte,

S'alcun de figli miei con spesa & arte \
Non havesse hor scoperto il mio splendore.

Ramusio pria pieno d' ardente amore
Manifesto le mie piu riche parte,

Che son la dove il Maragnon diparte, |

E dove il Negro allaga, el Gange scorre, I

Hakluyto poi senza verun risguardo ]

Di fatica o di danno accolt' ha insieme, i

Cio c' ha potuto haver da typhi Inglesi. i

Onde vedrassie dove bella sguardo, •

E la Dwina agghiaccia, e V Obi freme, \

Et altri membri miei non ben palesi. j

Ixii

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE IN THE SECOND VOLUME
OF THE SECOND EDITION, 1599.

To the Right Honorable Sir Robert Cecil Knight,
principall Secretarie to her Majestie, master of
the Court of Wardes and Liveries, and one of
her Majesties most honourable privie Counsell.

Ight honorable, having newly finished a
Treatise of the long Voyages of our
Nation made into the Levant within the
Streight of Gibraltar, & from thence over-
land to the South and Southeast parts of
the world, all circumstances considered, I
found none to whom I thought it fitter to
bee presented then to your selfe : wherein having begun
at the highest Antiquities of this realme under the
government of the Romans ; next under the Saxons ; and
thirdly since the conquest under the Normans, I have
continued the histories unto these our dayes. The time
of the Romans affoordeth small matter. But after that
they were called hence by forren invasions of their
Empire, and the Saxons by degrees became lords in this
Hand, and shortly after received the Christian faith, they
did not onely travell to Rome, but passed further unto
Jerusalem, and therewith not contented, Sigelmus bishop
of Shireburne in Dorcetshire caried the almes of king
Alfred even to the Sepulcher of S. Thomas in India,
(which place at this day is called Maliapor) and brought
from thence most fragrant spices, and rich jewels into
England : which jewels, as William of Malmesburie in
two sundry treatises writeth, were remaining in the afore-

Ixiii

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE

sayd Cathedrall Church to be seene even in his time.
And this most memorable voyage into India is net onely
mentioned by the aforesayd Malmesburie, but also by
Florentius Wigorniensis, a grave and woorthy Author
which lived before him, and by many others since, and
even by M. Foxe in his first volume of his Acts and
Monuments in the life of king Alfred. To omit divers
other of the Saxon nation, the travels of Alured bishop of
Worcester through Hungarie to Constantinople, and so
by Asia the lesse into Phoenicia and Syria, and the like
course of Ingulphus, not long afterward Abbot of
Croiland, set downe particularly by himselfe, are things in
mine opinion right worthy of memorie. After the com-
ming in of the Normans, in the yeere 1096, in the reigne
of William Rufus, and so downward for the space of
above 300 yeeres, such was the ardent desire of our nation
to visite the Holy land, and to expell the Saracens and
Mahumetans, that not only great numbers of Erles,
Bishops, Barons, and Knights, but even Kings, Princes,
and Peeres of the blood Roiall, with incredible devotion,
courage and alacritie intruded themselves into this
glorious expedition. A sufficient proofe hereof are the
voiages of prince Edgar the nephew of Edmund Ironside,
of Robert Curtois brother of William Rufus, the great
benevolence of king Henry the 2. and his vowe to have
gone in person to the succour of Jerusalem, the personall
going into Palaestina of his sonne king Richard the first,
with the chivalrie, wealth, and shipping of this realme ;
the large contribution of king John, and the travels of
Oliver Fitz-Roy his sonne, as is supposed, with Ranulph
Glanvile Erie of Chester to the siege of Damiata in
JEgypt : the prosperous voyage of Richard Erie of
Cornwall, elected afterward king of the Romans, and
brother to Henry the 3, the famous expedition of prince
Edward, the first king of the Norman race of that name ;
the journey of Henry Erie of Derbie, duke of Hereford,
and afterward king of this realme, by the name of Henry
the 4. against the citie of Tunis in Africa, and his

Ixiv

> ^ "^iil

X

H

COND

THE PR

ATIONS, V

and Difcoueiiesofi

orcuer-Iandjto the So

World,at any rime wjthin tl

Diuidcdintot

41-^'

i- 'i^iT

IfllMlJlflJ

2 ^sS-stJJ'i-^

iHii

^ -sill's^ ill

-G Ji ,§ -5 X"-!

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL

preparation of ships and gallies to go himselfe into the Holy
land, if he had not on the sudden bene prevented by-
death ; the travel of John of Holland brother by the
mothers side to king Richard the 2 into those parts. All
these, either Kings, Kings sonnes, or Kings brothers,
exposed themselves with invincible courages to the
manifest hazard of their persons, lives, and livings,
leaving their ease, their countries, wives and children,
induced with a Zelous devotion and ardent desire to
protect and dilate the Christian faith. These memorable
enterprises in part concealed, in part scattered, and for the
most part unlooked after, I have brought together in the
best Method and brevitie that I could devise. Where-
unto I have annexed the losse of Rhodes, which although
it were originally written in French, yet maketh it as
honourable and often mention of the English nation, as
of any other Christians that served in that most violent
siege. After which ensueth the princely promise of the
bountifull aide of king Henry the 8 to Ferdinando newly
elected king of Hungarie, against Solyman the mortall
enemie of Christendome. These and the like Heroicall
intents and attempts of our Princes, our Nobilitie, our
Clergie, & our Chivalry, I have in the first place exposed
and set foorth to the view of this age, with the same
intention that the old Romans set up in wax in their
palaces the Statuas or images of their worthy ancestors ;
whereof Salust in his treatise of the warre of Jugurtha,
writeth in this maner : Saepe audivi ego Quintum maxi-
mum, Publium Scipionem, praeterea civitatis nostras
praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere, cum majorum imagines
intuerentur, vehementissime animum sibi ad virtutem ac-
cendi. Scilicet non ceram illam, neque figuram, tantam
vim in sese habere, sed memoria rerum gestarum flammam
eam egregiis viris in pectore crescere, neque prius sedari,
quam virtus eorum famam & gloriam adasquaverit. I
have often heard (quoth he) how Quintus maximus,
Publius Scipio, and many other worthy men of our citie
were woont to say, when they beheld the images and
I Ixv e

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE

portraitures of their ancestors, that they were most
vehemently inflamed unto vertue. Not that the sayd
wax or portraiture had any such force at all in it selfe, but
that by the remembring of their woorthy actes, that flame
was kindled in their noble breasts, and could never be
quenched, untill such time as their owne valure had
equalled the fame and glory of their progenitors. So,
though not in wax, yet in record of writing have I
presented to the noble courages of this English Monarchie,
the like images of their famous predecessors, with hope of
like efl^ect in their posteritie. And here by the way if
any man shall think, that an universall peace with our
Christian neighbours will cut off the emploiment of
the couragious increasing youth of this realme, he is
much deceived. For there are other most convenient
emploiments for all the superfluitie of every profession in
this realme. For, not to meddle with the state of Ireland,
nor that of Guiana, there is under our noses the great &
ample countrey of Virginia; the In-land whereof is found
of late to bee so sweete and holesome a climate, so rich
and abundant in silver mines, so apt and capable of all
commodities, which Italy, Spaine, and France can affoord,
that the Spaniards themselves in their owne writings
printed in Madrid 1586, and within few moneths after-
ward reprinted by me in Paris, and in a secret mappe of
those partes made in Mexico the yeere before for the king
of Spaine, (which originall with many others is in the
custodie of the excellent Mathematician M. Thomas
Hariot) as also in their intercepted letters come unto my
hand, bearing date 1595. they acknowledge the In-land to
be a better and richer countrey then Mexico and Nueva
Spania it selfe. And on the other side their chiefest
writers, as Peter Martyr ab Angleria, and Francis Lopez
de Gomara, the most learned Venetian John Baptista
Ramusius, and the French Geographers, as namely,
Popiliniere and the rest, acknowledge with one consent,
that all that mightie tract of land from 67. degrees North-
ward to the latitude almost of Florida was first discovered

Ixvi

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL

out of England, by the commaundement of king Henry
the seventh, and the South part thereof before any other
Christian people of late hath bene planted with divers
English Colonies by the royal consent of her sacred
Majestie under the broad scale of England, whereof one
as yet remaineth, for ought we know, alive in the
countrey. Which action, if upon a good & godly peace
obtained, it shal please the Almighty to stirre up her
Majesties heart to continue with her favourable coun-
tenance (as upon the ceasing of the warres of Granada, hee
stirred up the spirite of Isabella Queene of Castile, to
advaunce the enterprise of Columbus) with transporting of
one or two thousand of her people, and such others as
upon mine owne knowledge will most willingly at their
owne charges become Adventurers in good numbers with
their bodies and goods ; she shall by Gods assistance, in
short space, worke many great and unlooked for effects,
increase her dominions, enrich her cofers, and reduce
many Pagans to the faith of Christ. The neglecting
hitherto of which last point our adversaries daily in many
of their bookes full bitterly lay unto the charge of the
professors of the Gospell. No sooner should we set
footing in that pleasant and good land, and erect one or
two convenient Fortes in the Continent, or in some Hand
neere the maine, but every step we tread would yeeld us
new occasion of action, which I wish the Gentrie of our
nation rather to regard, then to follow those soft unprofit-
able pleasures wherein they now too much consume their
time and patrimonie, and hereafter will doe much more,
when as our neighbour warres being appeased, they are
like to have lesse emploiment then nowe they have,
unlesse they bee occupied in this or some other the like
expedition. And to this ende and purpose give me leave
(I beseech you) to impart this occurrent to your honour-
able and provident consideration : that in the yere one
thousand five hundred eighty and seven, when I had
caused the foure voyages of Ribault, Laudonniere, and
Gourges to Florida, at mine owne charges to bee printed

Ixvii

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE

in Paris, which by the malice of some too much afFectioned
to the Spanish faction, had bene above twentie yeeres
suppressed, assoone as that booke came to the view of that
reverend and prudent Counseller Monsieur Harlac the
lord chiefe Justice of France, and certaine other of the
wisest Judges, in great choler they asked, who had done
such intollerable wrong to their whole kingdome, as to
have concealed that woorthie worke so long ? Protesting
further, that if their Kings and the Estate had throughly
followed that action, France had bene freed of their long
civill warres, and the variable humours of all sortes of
people might have had very ample and manifold occasions
of good and honest emploiment abroad in that large and
fruitfull Continent of the West Indies. The application
of which sentence unto our selves I here omit, hastening
unto the summarie recapitulation of other matters con-
tained in this worke. It may please your Honour there-
fore to understand, that the second part of this first
Treatise containeth our auncient trade and traffique with
English shipping to the Hands of Sicilie, Candie, and Sio,
which by good warrant herein alleaged, I find to have
bene begun in the yeere 1 5 1 1 . and to have continued
untill the yeere 1552. and somewhat longer. But shortly
after (as it seemeth) it was intermitted, or rather given
over (as is noted in master Caspar Campions discreet
letters to master Michael Lock and master William
Winter inserted in this booke) first by occasion of the
Turkes expelling of the foure and twentie Mauneses
or governours of the Genouois out of the He of Sio,
and by taking of the sayd Hand wholie into his owne
hand in Aprill, 1566. sending thither Piali Basha with
fourescore gallies for that purpose ; and afterward by
his growing over mightie and troublesome in those
Seas, by the cruell invasion of Nicosia and Famagusta,
and the whole He of Cyprus by his lieutenant Generall
Mustapha Basha. Which lamentable Tragedie I have
here againe revived, that the posteritie may never
forget what trust may bee given to the oath of a

Ixviii

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL

Mahumetan, when hee hath advauntage and is in his
choler.

Lastly, I have here put downe at large the happie
renuing and much increasing of our interrupted trade in
all the Levant, accomplished by the great charges and
speciall industrie of the worshipfull and worthy Citizens,
Sir Edward Osborne Knight, M. Richard Staper, and M.
William Hareborne, together with the league for traffike
onely betweene her Majestie and the Grand Signior, with
the great privileges, immunities, and favours obteyned of
his imperiall Highnesse in that behalfe, the admissions
and residencies of our Ambassadours in his stately
Porch, and the great good and Christian offices which her
Sacred Majestie by her extraordinary favour in that Court
hath done for the king and kingdome of Poland, and
other Christian Princes : the traffike of our Nation in all
the chiefe Havens of Africa and Egypt : the searching and
haunting the very bottome of the Mediterran Sea to the
ports of Tripoli and Alexandretta, of the Archipelagus, by
the Turkes now called The white sea, even to the walles
of Constantinople : the voyages over land and by river
through Aleppo, Birrha, Babylon and Balsara, and downe
the Persian gulfe to Ormuz, and thence by the Ocean sea
to Goa, and againe over-land to Bisnagar, Cambaia, Orixa,
Bengala, Aracan, Pegu, Malacca, Siam, the langomes,
Quicheu, and even to the Frontiers of the Empire of
China : the former performed diverse times by sundry of
our nation, and the last great voyage by M. Ralph Fitch,
who with M. John Newbery and two other consorts
departed from London with her Majesties letters written
effectually in their favour to the kings of Cambaia and
China in the yere 1583, who in the yeere 1591. like
another Paulus Venetus returned home to the place of his
departure, with ample relation of his wonderfull travailes,
which he presented in writing to my Lord your father of
honourable memorie.

Now here if any man shall take exception against this
our new trade with Turkes and misbeleevers, he shall

Ixix

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE

shew himselfe a man of small experience in old and new
Histories, or wilfully lead with partialitie, or some worse
* I. Kifig. humour. * For who knoweth not, that king Salomon
ca/>. 5. Qf qI^^ entred into league upon necessitie with Hiram the
^ . ^^"' king of Tyrus, a gentile ? Or who is ignorant that the
French, the Genouois, Florentines, Raguseans, Venetians,
and Polonians are at this day in league with the Grand
Signior, and have beene these many yeeres, and have used
trade and traffike in his dominions ? Who can deny that
the Emperor of Christendome hath had league with the
Turke, and payd him a long while a pension for a part of
Hungarie ? And who doth not acknowledge, that either
hath travailed the remote parts of the world, or read the
Histories of this later age, that the Spaniards and
Portugales in Barbaric, in the Indies, and elsewhere, have
ordinarie confederacie and traffike with the Moores, and
many kindes of Gentiles and Pagans, and that which is
more, doe pay them pensions, and use them in their
service and warres ? Why then should that be blamed in
us, which is usuall and common to the most part of other
Christian nations ? Therefore let our neighbours, which
have found most fault with this new league and traffike,
thanke themselves and their owne foolish pride, whereby
we were urged to seeke further to provide vent for our
naturall commodities. And herein the old Greeke pro-
verbe was most truely verified. That evill counsaile
proveth worst to the author and deviser of the same.

Having thus farre intreated of the chiefe contents of
the first part of this second Volume, it remayneth that I
briefly acquaint your Honor with the chiefe contents of
the second part. It may therefore please you to under-
stand, that herein I have likewise preserved, disposed, and
set in order such Voyages, Navigations, Traffikes, and
Discoveries, as our Nation, and especially the worthy
inhabitants of this citie of London, have painefully
performed to the South and Southeast parts of the world,
without the Streight of Gibraltar, upon the coasts of
Africa, about the Cape of Buona Speran^a, to and

Ixx

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL

beyonde the East India. To come more neere unto
particulars, I have here set downe the very originals and
infancie of our trades to the Canarian Hands, to the
kingdomes of Barbaric, to the mightie rivers of Senega
and Gambra, to those of Madrabumba, and Sierra Leona,
and the Isles of Cape Verde, with twelve sundry voyages
to the sultry kingdomes of Guinea and Benin, to the Isle
of San Thome, with a late and true report of the weake
estate of the Portugales in Angola, as also the whole
course of the Portugale Caracks from Lisbon to the barre
of Goa in India, with the disposition and qualitie of the
climate neere and under the Equinoctiall line, the sundry
infallible markes and tokens of approching unto, and
doubling of The Cape of good Hope, the great variation
of the compasse for three or foure pointes towards the
East betweene the Meridian of S. Michael one of the
Islands of the Azores, and the aforesaid Cape, with
the returne of the needle againe due North at the Cape
Das Agulias, and that place being passed outward bound,
the swarving backe againe thereof towards the West,
proportionally as it did before, the two wayes, the one
within and the other without the Isle of S. Laurence, the
dangers of privie rockes and quicksands, the running seas,
and the perils thereof, with the certaine and undoubted
signes of land. All these and other particularities are
plainly and truely here delivered by. one Thomas Stevens
a learned Englishman, who in the yeere 1579 going as a
passenger in the Portugale Rleete from Lisbon into India,
wrote the same from Goa to his father in England :
Whereunto I have added the memorable voyage of M.
James Lancaster, who doth not onely recount and confirme
most of the things above mentioned, but also doth
acquaint us with the state of the voyage beyond Cape
Comori, and the Isle of Ceilon, with the Isles of Nicubar
and Gomes Polo lying within two leagues of the rich
Island Samatra, and those of Pulo Pinaon, with the
maine land of Jun9alaon and the streight of Malacca.
I have likewise added a late intercepted letter of a

Ixxi

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE

Portugall revealing the secret and most gainefuU trade
of Pegu, which is also confirmed by Caesar Fredericke a
Venetian, and M. Ralph Fitch now living here in London.

And because our chiefe desire is to find out ample vent
of our wollen cloth, the naturall commoditie of this our
Realme, the fittest places, which in al my readings and
observations I find for that purpose, are the manifold
Islands of Japan, & the Northern parts of China, & the
regions of the Tartars next adjoyning (whereof I read,
that the countrey in winter is Assi fria como Flandes, that
is to say, as cold as Flanders, & that the rivers be
strongly overfrozen) and therefore I have here inserted
two speciall Treatises of the sayd Countries, the one
beginning pag. 68, the other, pag. 88 : which last dis-
course 1 hold to be the most exact of those parts that is
yet come to light, which was printed in Latine in Macao
a citie of China, in China-paper, in the yeere a thousand
HvG hundred and ninetie, and was intercepted in the
great Carack called Madre de Dios two yeeres after,
inclosed in a case of sweete Cedar wood, and lapped up
almost an hundred fold in fine calicut-cloth, as though it
had beene some incomparable Jewell.

But leaving abruptly this discourse, I thinke it not
impertinent, before I make an end, to deliver some of the
reasons, that moved me to present this part of my
travailes unto your Honour. The reverend antiquitie in
the dedication of their workes made choyse of such
patrons, as eyther with their reputation and credite were
able to countenance the same, or by their wisedome and
understanding were able to censure and approove them,
or with their abilitie were likely to stand them or theirs in
steade in the ordinarie necessities and accidents of their
life. Touching the first, your descent from a father, that
was accounted Pater patriae, your owne place and credite
in execution of her Majesties inward counsailes and pub-
like services, added to your well discharging your forren
imployment (when the greatest cause in Christendome
was handled) have not onely drawen mens eyes upon you,

Ixxii

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL

but also forcibly have moved many, and my selfe among
the rest to have our labours protected by your authoritie.
For the second point, when it pleased your Honour in
sommer was two yeeres to have some conference with me,
and to demaund mine opinion touching the state of the
Country of Guiana, and whether it were fit to be planted
by the English : I then (to my no small joy) did admire
the exact knowledge which you had gotten of those
matters of Indian Navigations : and how carefull you
were, not to be overtaken with any partiall affection to the
Action, appeared also, by the sound arguments which you
made pro & contra, of the likelihood and reason of good
or ill successe of the same, before the State and common
wealth (wherein you have an extraordinarie voyce) should
be farther engaged. In consideration whereof I thinke
my selfe thrise happie to have these my travailes censured
by your Honours so well approved judgement. Touch-
ing the third and last motive I cannot but acknowledge
my selfe much indebted for your favourable letters here-
tofore written in my behalfe in mine honest causes.
Whereunto I may adde, that when this worke was to
passe unto the presse, your Honour did not onely
intreate a worthy knight, a person of speciall experience,
as in many others so in marine causes, to oversee and
peruse the same, but also upon his good report with your
most favourable letters did warrant, and with extra-
ordinarie commendation did approve and allow my
labours, and desire to publish the same. Wherefore to
conclude, seeing they take their life and light from
the most cheerefull and benigne aspect of your favour, I
thinke it my bounden dutie in all humilitie and with
much bashfulnesse to recommend my selfe and them unto
your right Honorable and favourable protection, and
your Honour to the mercifull tuition of the most High.
From London this 24. of October. 1599.

Your Honors most humble
to be commanded,

Richard Hakluyt preacher.

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE IN THE THIRD FOLUME
OF THE SECOND EDITION, 1600.

To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Cecil Knight,
principall Secretary to her Majestic, master of
the Court of Wards and Liveries, and one of
her Majesties most honourable privie Councel.

Ight honourable, your favourable accep-
tance of my second volume of The English
voyages offred unto you the last yere,
your perusing of the same at your con-
venient leasure, your good testimony of
my selfe and of my travailes therein,
together with the infallible signes of your
earnest desire to doe mee good, which very lately, when
I thought least thereof, brake forth into most bountiful
and acceptable eifects: these considerations have throughly
animated and encouraged me to present unto your pru-
dent censure this my third and last volume also. The
subject and matter herein contained is the fourth part
of the world, which more commonly then properly is
called America : but by the chiefest authors The new
world. New, in regard of the new and late discovery
thereof made by Christopher Colon, alias Columbus, a
Genouois by nation, in the yere of grace 1492. And
world, in respect of the huge extension thereof, which
to this day is not throughly discovered, neither within
the Inland nor on the coast, especially toward the North
and Northwest, although on the hither side it be knowen
unto us for the space of five thousand leagues at the least,
compting and considering the trending of the land, and

Ixxiv

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TO SIR ROBERT CECIL

for 3000. more on the backeside in the South Sea from
the Streight of Magellan to Cape Mendo9ino and Nova
Albion. So that it seemeth very fitly to be called A newe
worlde. Howbeit it cannot be denied but that Antiquitie
had some kinde of dimme glimse, and unperfect notice
thereof Which may appeare by the relation of Plato in
his two worthy dialogues of Timaeus and Critias under
the discourse of that mighty large yland called by him
Atlantis, lying in the Ocean sea without the Streight of
Hercules, now called the Streight of Gibraltar, being (as
he there reporteth) bigger then Africa & Asia : And
by that of Aristotle in his booke De admirandis audition-
ibus of the long navigation of certaine Carthaginians,
who sayling forth of the aforesaid Streight of Gibraltar
into the maine Ocean for the space of many dayes, in
the ende found a mighty and fruitfull yland, which
they would have inhabited, but were forbidden by their
Senate and chiefe governours. Moreover, above 300.
yeeres after these wee have the testimony of Diodorus
Siculus lib. 5. cap. 7. of the like mighty yland discovered
in the Westerne Ocean by the Tyrrheni, who were for-
bidden for certaine causes to inhabite the same by the
foresaid Carthaginians. And Seneca in his tragedie
intituled Medea foretold above 1500. yeeres past, that in
the later ages the Ocean would discover new worlds, and
that the yle of Thule would no more be the uttermost
limite of the earth. For whereas Virgile had said to Au-
gustus Caesar, Tibi serviat ultima Thule, alluding there-
unto he contradicteth the same, and saith, Nee sit terris
ultima Thule. Yea Tertullian one of our most ancient
and learned divines, in the beginning of his treatise de
Pallio alludeth unto Plato his Westerne Atlantis, which
there by another name he calleth Aeon, saying. Aeon in
Atlantico nunc quaeritur. And in his 40. chapter de
Apologetico he reporteth the same to be bigger then all
Africa and Asia. Of this New world and every speciall
part thereof in this my third volume I have brought to
light the best & most perfect relations of such as were

Ixxv

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE

chiefe actours in the particular discoveries and serches of
the same, giving unto every man his right, and leaving
every one to mainteine his owne credit. The order
observed in this worke is farre more exact, then here-
tofore I could attaine unto : for whereas in my two former
volumes I was enforced for lacke of sufficient store, in
divers places to use the methode of time onely (which
many worthy authors on the like occasion are enforced
unto) being now more plentifully furnished with matter,
I alwayes follow the double order of time and place.
Wherefore proposing unto my selfe the right situation
of this New world, I begin at the extreme Northerne
limite, and put downe successively in one ranke or classis,
according to the order aforesaide, all such voyages as
have bene made to the said part : which comming all
together, and following orderly one upon another, doe
much more lighten the readers understanding, and con-
firme his judgement, then if they had bene scattered
in sundry corners of the worke. Which methode I
observe from the highest North to the lowest South.
Now where any country hath bene but seldome hanted,
or any extraordinary and chiefe action occurreth, if I
finde one voyage well written by two severall persons,
sometimes I make no difficultie to set downe both those
journals, as finding divers things of good moment observed
in the one, which are quite omitted in the other. For
commonly a souldier observeth one thing, and a mariner
another, and as your honour knoweth. Plus vident oculi,
quam oculus. But this course I take very seldome and
sparingly. And albeit my worke do carry the title of
The English voyages, aswell in regard that the greatest
part are theirs, and that my travaile was chiefly undertaken
for preservation of their memorable actions, yet where our
owne mens experience is defective, there I have bene care-
ful to supply the same with the best and chiefest relations
of strangers. As in the discovery of the Grand Bay, of the
mighty river of S. Laurence, of the countries of Canada,
Hochelaga, and Saguenay, of Florida, and the Inland

Ixxvi

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL

of Cibola, Tiguex, Cicuic, and Quivira, of The gulfe
of California, & the Northwesterne sea-coast to Cabo
Mendogino and Sierra Nevada : as also of the late & rich
discovery of 15. provinces on the backside of Florida and
Virginia, the chiefest wherof is called the kingdome of
New Mexico, for the wealth, civil government, and popu-
lousnesse of the same. Moreover, because since our warres
with Spaine, by the taking of their ships, and sacking of
their townes and cities, most of all their secrets of the
West Indies, and every part thereof are fallen into our
peoples hands (which in former time were for the most
part unknowen unto us,) I have used the uttermost of
my best endevour,' to get, and having gotten, to translate
out of Spanish, and here in this present volume to publish
such secrets of theirs, as may any way availe us or annoy
them, if they drive and urge us by their sullen insolencies,
to continue our courses of hostilitie against them, and
shall cease to seeke a good and Christian peace upon
indifferent and equal conditions. What these things be,
and of how great importance your honour in part may
understand, if it please you to vouchsafe to reade the
Catalogues conteyning the 14. principal heads of this
worke. Whereby your honor may farther perceive that
there is no chiefe river, no port, no towne, no citie, no
province of any reckoning in the West Indies, that hath
not here some good description thereof, aswell for the
inland as the seast-coast. And for the knowledge of
the true breadth of the Sea betweene Nova Albion on the
Northwest part of America, and the yle of Japan lying
over against the kingdomes of Coray and China, which
until these foure yeeres was never reveiled unto us, being
a point of exceeding great consequence, I have here
inserted the voyage of one Francis Gualle a Spaniard
made from Acapulco an haven on the South sea on the
coast of New Spaine, first to the Philippinas, and then to
the citie of Macao in China, and homeward from Macao
by the yles of Japan, and thence to the back of the West
Indies in the Northerly latitude of 37. degrees |-. In

Ixxvii

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE

regions, which to good purpose may serve our peoples
turnes, if they chance to prosecute the intermitted
discovery by the Northwest, whereunto 1 finde divers
worshipfull citizens at this present much incHned. Now
because long since I did foresee, that my profession of
divinitie, the care of my family, and other occasions
might call and divert me from these kinde of endevours,
1 have for these 3. yeeres last past encouraged and
furthered in these studies of Cosmographie and forren
histories, my very honest, industrious, and learned friend
M. John Pory, one of speciall skill and extraordinary
hope to performe great matters in the same, and beneficial
for the common wealth.

Thus Sir I have portrayed out in rude lineaments

my Westerne Atlantis or America : assuring you, that

if I had bene able, I would have limned her and set

her out with farre more lively and exquisite colours : yet,

as she is, I humbly desire you to receive her with your

wonted and accustomed favour at my handes, who alwayes

wil remaine most ready and devoted to do your honour

any poore service that I may ; and in the meane season

will not faile unfainedly to beseech the Almighty to

powre upon you the best of his temporall blessings

in this world, and after this life ended with true

and much honour, to make you partaker of

his joyes eternall. From London the

first of September, the yeere

of our Lord God

1600.

Your Honours most humble to
be commanded,

Richard Hakluyt, Preacher.

f^

I

''iM M

..<s \/^ [.^M\J^ I^TIV5QV£ MVNDJ NOTA 511 MAGNITVDO CICERO'

s\j^:^

THE FIRST VOLUME

OF THE

Principall Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques
and Discoveries of the English Nation

Made to the North and Northeast quarters of the

World, with the directions, letters, priviledges

discourses, and observations incident

to the same

Certeine testimonies concerning K. Arthur and [I- ^-l
his conquests of the North regions, taken
out of the historic of the Kings of Britaine,
written by Galfridus Monumetensis, and newly
printed at Heidelberge, Anno 1587.

Lib. 9. cap. 10.

Nno Christi, 517. Arthurus, secundo
regni sui anno, subjugatis totius Hyber-
ni^ partibus, classem suam direxit in
Islandiam, eamque debellato populo sub-
jugavit. Exin divulgate per caeteras insulas
rumore, quod ei nulla Provincia resistere
poterat, Doldavius rex Gotlandiae, & Gun-
facius rex Orcadum ultro venerunt, promissoque vectigali
subjectionem fecerunt. Emensa deinde hyeme, reversus
est in Britanniam, statumque regni in firmam pacem
renovans, moram duodecim annis ibidem fecit.

The same in English.

IN the yere of Christ, 517. king Arthur in the second
yeere of his reigne, having subdued all parts of
Ireland, sailed with his fleet into Island, and brought it
and the people thereof under his subjection. The
rumour afterwards being spread thorowout all the other
Islands, that no countrey was able to withstand him,
Doldavius the king of Gotland, and Gunfacius the king
of Orkney, came voluntarily unto him, and yeelded him
their obedience, promising to pay him tribute. The

3

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES j

517- I

Winter being spent, he returned into Britaine, and estab- '

lishing his kingdome in perfect peace, he continued there j

for the space of twelve yeres.

Lib. 9 cap. 12. '

Missis deinde in diversa regna Legatis, invitantur tarn j
ex Galliis, quam ex collateralibus Insulis Oceani, j
qui ad curiam venire deberent, &c. Et paulo post : Ex |
collateralibus autem Insulis, Guillaumurius rex Hyberniae,
Malvasius rex Islandiae, Doldavius rex Gotlandiae, Gun- ■
nasius rex Orchadum, Lot rex Noruegias, Aschilius rex
Danorum. '■

The same in English. '

AFter that king Arthur sending his messengers into |
divers kingdomes, he summoned such as were to !
come to his Court, aswell out of France, as out of the |
adjacent Islands of the sea, &c. and a little after : From j
those adjacent Islands came Guillaumurius king of '
Ireland, Malvasius king of Island, Doldavius king of ;
Gotland, Gunnasius king of Orkney, Lot the king of Nor- j
way, and Aschilius the king of Denmarke. !

Lib. 9 cap. 19.

AT reges caeterarum Insularum, quoniam non duxer- .
ant in morem equites habere, pedites quot quisque j
debebat, promittunt, ita ut ex sex Insulis, videlicet, j
Hyberniae, Islandiae, Gotlandiae, Orcadum, Noruegiae, !
atque Daciae, sexies viginti millia essent annumerata. j

B

[I. 2.] The same in English. I

Ut the kings of the other Islands, because it was
not their custome to breed up horses, promised the

king as many footmen, as every m.an was bound to !

send : so that out of the six Islands, namely, of Ireland, |

Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway, and Denmarke, the ;

king had sixe score thousand souldiers sent him. !

4 \

KING ARTHUR ad.

517.
A testimonie of the right and appendances of
the crowne of the kingdome of Britaine,
taken out of M. Lambard his A'pKaiovo/mia, fol.
137. pag. 2.

ARthurus qui fuit quondam inclytissimus Rex Brit-
onum, vir magnus fuit & animosus, & miles
illustris. Parum fuit ei regnum istud, non fuit animus
ejus contentus regno Britanniae. Subjugavit igitur sibi
strenue Scantiam totam, quae modo Norweia vocatur, &
omnes insulas ultra Scantiam, scz. Islandiam, & Grenlan-
diam, quae sunt de appendiciis Norweiae, & Suechordam,
& Hyberniam, & Gutlandiam, & Daciam, Semelandiam,
Winlandiam, Curlandiam, Roe, Femelandiam, Wirelan-
diam, Flandriam, Cherelam, Lappam, & omnes alias terras
& insulas, Orientalis Oceani usque Russiam (in Lappa
scilicet posuit Orientalem metam regni Britanniae) &
multas insulas ultra Scantiam, usque dum sub Septen-
trione, quae sunt de appendicibus Scantiae, quae modo
Norweia vocatur. Fuerunt autem ibi Christiani occulte.
Arthurus autem Christianus optimus fuit, & fecit eos
baptizari, & unum Deum per totam Norweiam venerari,
& unam fidem Christi semper inviolatam custodire, &
suscipere. Ceperunt universi proceres Norweiae uxores
suas de nobili gente Britonum tempore illo, unde Nor-
wegienses dicunt se exiisse de gente & sanguine regni
hujus. Impetravit enim temporibus illis Arthurus rex
a domino Papa, & a Curia Romana, quod confirmata sit
Norweia, in perpetuum coronae Britanniae in augmentum
regni hujus, vocavitque illam dictus Arthurus Cameram
Britanniae. Hac vero de causa dicunt Norwegienses, se
debere in regno isto cohabitare & dicunt se esse de
corpore regni hujus, scilicet de corona Britanniae. Malu-
erunt enim manere in regno isto, quam in terra eorum
propria. Terra enim eorum arida est, & montuosa, &
sterilis, & non sunt ibi segetes nisi per loca. Ista vero
opulenta est, & fertilis, & crescunt hie segetes, & caetera
universa. Qua ex causa saepius per vices gesta sunt bella

5

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

517-

atrocissima inter Anglos & Norwegienses, & interfecti
sunt innumerabiles. Occupaverunt vero Norwegienses
terras multas & insulas regni hujus, quas adhuc detinent
occupatas, nee potuerunt unquam postea penitus evelli.
Tandem modo confederati sunt nobis fide, & sacramento,
& per uxores suas, quas postea ceperunt de sanguine
nostro, & per affinitates, & conjugia. Ita demum con-
stituit, & eis concessit bonus rex Edouardus propinquus
noster (qui fuit optimus filius pacis) per commune con-
silium totius regni. Qua de causa possent, & debent
prasdicti de caetero nobiscum cohabitare, & remanere in
regno, sicut conjurati fratres nostri.

The same in English.

ARthur which was som.etimes the most renowmed
king of the Britains, was a mightie, and valiant
man, and a famous warriour. This kingdome was too
litle for him, & his minde was not contented with it.
He therefore valiantly subdued all Scantia, which is now
called Norway, and all the Islands beyond Norway, to wit.
Island and Greenland, which are apperteining unto Nor-
way, Sweveland, Ireland, Gotland, Denmarke, Semeland,
Windland, Curland, Roe, Femeland, Wireland, Flanders,
Cherilland, Lapland, and all the other lands & Islands of
the East sea, even unto Russia (in which Lapland he
placed the Easterly bounds of his Brittish Empire) and
many other Islands beyond Norway, even under the
North pole, which are appendances of Scantia, now called
Norway. These people were wild and savage, and had
not in them the love of God nor of their neighbors,
because all evill commeth from the North, yet there were
among them certeine Christians living in secret. But
king Arthur was an exceeding good Christian, and caused
them to be baptized, and thorowout all Norway to worship
one God, and to receive and keepe Inviolably for ever,
faith in Christ onely. At that time all the noble men of
Norway tooke wives of the noble nation of the Britaines,
whereupon the Norses say, that they are descended of the

6

KING MALGO ad.

580.
race and blood of this kingdome. The aforesayd king
Arthur obteined also in those dayes of the Pope & court
of Rome, that Norway should be for ever annexed to the
crowne of Britaine for the inlargement of this kingdome,
and he called it the chamber of Britaine. For this cause
the Norses say, that they ought to dwell with us in this
kingdome, to wit, that they belong to the crowne of
Britaine : for they had rather dwell here then in their
owne native countrey, which is drieand full of mountaines, [I. 3.]
and barren, and no graine growing there, but in certeine
places. But this countrey of Britaine is fruitfull, wherein
corne and all other good things do grow and increase : for
which cause many cruell battels have bene oftentimes
fought betwixt the Englishmen and the people of Norway,
and infinite numbers of people have bene slaine, & the
Norses have possessed many lands and Islands of this
Empire, which unto this day they doe possesse, neither
could they ever afterwards be fully expelled. But now at
length they are incorporated with us by the receiving of
our religion and sacraments, and by taking wives of our
nation, and by affinitie, and mariages. For so the good
king Edward (who was a notable mainteiner of peace)
ordeined and granted unto them by the generall consent
of the whole kingdome, so that the people may, and
ought from hencefoorth dwell and remaine in this king-
dome with us as our loving sworne brethren.

A testimonie out of the foresayd Galfridus Monu-
metensis, concerning the conquests of Malgo,
king of England. Lib. 11. cap. 7.

Ortiporio successit Malgo, omnium fere Britanniae

\&V

I pulcherrimus, multorum tyrannorum depulsor,
robustus armis, largior caeteris, & ultra modum
probitate praeclarus. Hie etiam totam Insulam obtinuit,
& sex conprovinciales Oceani Insulas : Hyberniam vide-
licet, atque Islandiam, Gotlandiam, Orcades, Noruegiam,
Daciam, adjecit dirissimis praeliis potestati suae.

7

M

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

580.

The same in English.

Algo succeeded Vortiporius which was the goodliest
man in person of all Britaine, a prince that expulsed
many tyrants. He was strong and valiant in warre, taller
then most men that then lived, and exceeding famous for
his vertues. This king also obteined the government of
the whole Island of Britaine, and by most sharpe battailes
he recovered to his Empire the sixe Islands of the Ocean
sea, which before had bene made tributaries by king
Arthur, namely Ireland, Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway,
and Denmarke.

The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man
by Edwin the Saxon king of Northumberland
v^ritten in the second Booke and fift Chapter
of Beda his Ecclesiasticall historic of the English
nation.

Duinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis, id est, ejus quas
ad borealem Humbri fluminis plagam inhabitat,
majore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt,
Anglorum pariter & Britonum populis praefuit, praeter
Cantuarios tantum, necnon & Menavias Britonum insulas,
quae inter Hiberniam & Britanniam sitae sunt, Anglorum
subjecit potestati.

The same in English.

EDwin king of the people of Northumberland, that is
to say, of them which inhabit to the North of the
river Humber, being of greater authoritie then any other
potentate in the whole Isle of Britaine, bare rule as well
over the English as the British nation, except onely the
people of Kent : who also brought in subjection under
the English, the Isles of Man and Anglesey, and the other
Northwesterne Isles of the Britons, which are situate
betweene Britaine and Ireland.

EDWIN OF NORTHUMBERLAND a.d. I

624. \

1

Another testimonie alledged by Beda to the same

purpose. Lib. 2. cap. 9. i

ANno ab incarnatione Domini sexcentesimo vicesimo !

quarto, gens Nordanhumbrorum, hoc est, ea natio i

Anglorum quae ad aquilonarem Humbri fluminis plagam ,

habitat, cum rege suo Eduino, verbum fidei (prasdicante "

Paulino, cujus supra meminimus) suscepit : cui videlicet |

regi in auspicium suscipiendae fidei, & regni coelestis )

potestas, & terreni creverat imperii : ita ut (quod nemo '

Anglorum ante eum fecit) omnes Britanniae fines, qua vel j

ipsorum vel Britonum Provinciae habitabantur, sub ditione ;

acceperit. Quin & Menavias insulas (sicut & supra '

docuimus) imperio subjugavit Anglorum. Quarum prior H
quas ad austrum est, & situ amplior, & frugum proventu

atque ubertate foelicior, nongentarum sexaginta familiarum J

mensuram, juxta aestimationem Anglorum, secunda tre- |

centarum & ultra spatium tenet. ^

i
The same in English. [I. 4]

IN the yeere from the incarnation of our Lord, sixe I

hundreth twentie and foure, the people of Nor- '

thumberland, to wit, those English people which inhabit !

on the North side of the river of Humber, together with j

their king Edwin, at the Christian preaching and per- *

swasion of Paulinus above mentioned, embraced the '

Gospel. Under which king, after he had once accepted 4
of the Christian faith, the power both of the heavenly

& of his earthly kingdome was inlarged ; insomuch, that j
he (which no English king had done before him) brought

under his subjection all the provinces of Britaine, which ]

were inhabited either by the English men themselves, or i

by the Britons. Moreover, he subdued unto the crowne '

of England (as we have above signified) the Hebrides, ■

commonly called the Westerne Islands. The principall j

wherof being more commodiously and pleasantly seated :
towards the South, and more abounding with corne then
the rest, conteineth according to the estimation of the

9

*.

A.D.
624.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

English, roome enough for 960. families, and the second
for 300. and above.

The voyage of Bertus, general! of an armie sent
into Ireland by Ecfridus king of Northumber-
land, in the yere of our Lord 684, out of the
4. Booke and 26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesi-
asticall Hystorie.

Nno Dominicas incarnationis sexcentesimo
octogesimo quarto, Ecfridus rex Nordan-
humbrorum, misso Hiberniam cum excer-
citu duce Berto, vastavit misere gentem
innoxiam, & nationi Anglorum semper
amicissimam, ita ut nee ecclesiis quidem
aut monasteriis manus parceret hostilis.
At insulani & quantum valuere armis arma repellebant,
& invocantes divinae auxilium pietatis coelitus se vindicari
continuis diu imprecationibus postulabant. Et quamvis
maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint, creditum
tamen est, quod hi qui merito impietatis su^ maledice-
bantur, ocyus Domino vindice, poenas sui reatus luerent.

The same in English.

IN the yeere of our Lord 684, Ecfrid the king of
Northumberland sent captaine Bert into Ireland with
an armie, which Bert miserably wasted that innocent
nation being alwayes most friendly unto the people of
England, insomuch that the fury of the enemy spared
neither churches nor monasteries. Howbeit the Islanders
to their power repelled armes with armes, and craving
Gods aid from heaven with continual! imprecations and
curses, they pleaded for revenge. And albeit cursed
speakers can by no meanes inherit the kingdome of God,
it was thought notwithstanding, that they which were
accursed for their impiety did not long escape the ven-
geance of God imminent for their offences.

10

I

OCTHER S VOYAGE BEYOND NORWAY ad.

c. 890

The voyage of Octher made to the Northeast parts j

beyond Norway, reported by himselfe unto t

Alfred the famous king of England, about the i

yere 890. ^

Cther said, that the countrey wherein he
dwelt was called Helgoland. Octher tolde
his lord king Alfred that he dwelt furthest
North of any other Norman. He sayd
that he dwelt towards the North part of
the land toward the West coast : and
affirmed that the land, notwithstandino^ it

stretcheth marveilous farre towards the North, yet it is all
desert and not inhabited, unlesse it be very few places, here
and there, where certeine Finnes dwell upon the coast,
who live by hunting all the Winter, and by fishing in Fynfies live by
Summer. He said that upon a certeine time he fell into hu7iting y
a fantasie and desire to proove and know how farre that P^^^^S-
land stretched Northward, and whether there were any
habitation of men North beyond the desert. Whereupon
he tooke his voyage directly North along the coast, having
upon his steereboord alwayes the desert land, and upon
the leereboord the maine Ocean : and continued his
course for the space of 3. dayes. In which space he was
come as far towards the North, as commonly the whale The place
hunters use to travell. Whence he proceeded in his ^^^^^!^^, ^^^
course still towards the North so farre as he was able to "^.^^,^//!_
saile in other 3. dayes. At the end whereof he perceived
that the coast turned towards the East, or els the sea
opened with a maine gulfe into the land, he knew not
how farre. Well he wist and remembred, that he was
faine to stay till he had a Westerne winde, and somewhat
Northerly : and thence he sailed plaine East along the
coast still so far as he was able in the space of 4. dayes.
At the end of which time he was compelled againe to stay [I. 5.]
till he had a full Northerly winde, forsomuch as the coast
bowed thence directly towards the South, or at least wise

1 1

A.D.

c. 890.

The river of
Duina of
likelihood.

A Desert
countrey.

Fynnes.

Biarmia.

Tet fynnes.

The Fynnes
and Biarmes
speake one
language.
II Or, morsses,
their teeth
commended.
Use of ye
Morsses skinne
for cables.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

the sea opened into the land he could not tell how tarre :
so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full
South, so farre as he could travaile in 5. dayes ; and at
the fifth dayes end he discovered a mightie river which
opened very farre into the land. At the entrie of which
river he stayed his course, and in conclusion turned backe
againe, for he durst not enter thereinto for feare of the
inhabitants of the land : perceiving that on the other side
of the river the countrey was thorowly inhabited : which
was the first peopled land that he had found since his
departure from his owne dwelling : whereas continually
thorowout all his voyage, he had evermore on his steere-
boord, a wildernesse and desert countrey, except that in
some places, he saw a few fishers, fowlers, and hunters,
which were all Fynnes : and all the way upon his leere-
boord was the maine ocean. The Biarmes had inhabited
and tilled their countrey indifferent well, notwithstanding
he was afrayed to go upon shore. But the countrey of
the Terfynnes lay all waste, and not inhabited, except it
were, as we have sayd, whereas dwelled certeine hunters,
fowlers, and fishers. The Biarmes tolde him a number of
stories both of their owne countrey, and of the countreyes
adjoyning. Howbeit, he knew not, nor could affirme any
thing for certeine trueth : forsomuch as he was not upon
land, nor saw any himselfe. This onely he judged, that
the Fynnes and Biarmes speake but one language. The
principall purpose of his traveile this way, was to encrease
the knowledge and discoverie of these coasts and
countreyes, for the more commoditie of fishing of II horse-
whales, which have in their teeth bones of great price and
excellencie : whereof he brought some at his returne unto
the king. Their skinnes are also very good to make
cables for shippes, and so used. This kinde of whale is
much lesse in quantitie then other kindes, having not in
length above seven elles. And as for the common kind
of whales, the place of most and best hunting of them is
in his owne countrey : whereof some be 48. elles of
length, and some 50. of which sort he affirmed that he

12

i

OCTHER'S VOYAGE BEYOND NORWAY ad.

c. 890.

himselfe was one of the sixe, which in the space of 3. dayes

killed threescore. He was a man of exceeding wealth in

such riches, wherein the wealth of that countrey doth

consist. At the same time that he came to the king, he

had of his owne breed 600. tame Deere, of that kinde Sixe hundreth

which they call Rane Deere : of the which number 6. were ^^^^ Deere,

stall Rane Deere, a beast of great value, and marveilously

esteemed among the Fynnes, for that with them they

catch the wilde Rane Deere. He was among the chiefe

men of his countrey one : and yet he had but 20. kine,

and 20. swine, and that little which he tilled, he tilled it

all with horses. Their principall wealth consisteth in the

tribute which the Fynnes pay them, which is all in skinnes T'he Fynnes

of wilde beasts, feathers of birds, whale bones, and cables, ^^"^'^^^^'

and tacklings for shippes made of Whales or Scales

skinnes. Every man payeth according to his abilitie. '^ote.

The richest pay ordinarily 15. cases of Marterns, 5. Rane

Deere skinnes, and one Beare, ten bushels of feathers, a ^^^/^^ ^z-

coat of a Beares skinne, two cables threescore elles long a whales and

piece, the one made of Whales skin, the other of Scales. Se ales skins.

He sayd, that the countrey of Norway was very long A description

and small. So much of it as either beareth any good ^f^'^^'^^^y-

pasture, or may be tilled, lieth upon the Sea coast, which

notwithstanding in some places is very rockie and stonie :

and all Eastward, all along against the inhabited land, lie

wilde and huge hilles and mountaines, which are in some

places inhabited by the Fynnes. The inhabited land is

broadest toward the South, & the further it stretcheth

towards the North, it groweth evermore smaller and

smaller. Towards the South it is peradventure threescore

miles in bredth or broader in some places : about the

middest, 30. miles or above, and towards the North where

it is smallest, he affirmeth that it proveth not three miles

from the Sea to the mountaines. The mountaines be in T'he bredth of

breadth of such quantitie, as a man is able to traveile over ^^j ^°^^^^^^^^

r • 1 1 • 1 1 1 ofNorzoas.

m a rortnight, and in some places no more then may be

traveiled in sixe dayes. Right over against this land, in

the other side of the mountaines, somewhat towards the

13

A.D.

c. 890.
Swethlajtd.
Queeneland.

Boats carted
on mens backs.

[I. 6.]
II O;-, streight.
It seemeth to
be about
Elsenborg.

The descrip-
tion of the sound
ofDenmarke.

Gotland.

II Vandals.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES j

I
South, lieth Swethland, and against the same towards the :
North, lieth Queeneland. The Queenes sometimes pass-
ing the mountaines, invade and spoile the Normans : and :
on the contrary part, the Normans likewise sometimes \
spoile their countrey. Among the mountaines be many I
and great lakes in sundry places of fresh water, into the 1
which the Queenes use to carie their boats upon their j
backs over land, and thereby invade and spoile the
countrey of the Normans. These boats of theirs be very
little and very light.

The voyage of Octher out of his countrey of Hal- i
goland into the sound of Denmarke unto a port I
called Hetha, v^hich seemeth to be Wismer or I
Rostorke.

OCther sayd that the countrey wherein he dwelled, |
was called Halgoland : and affirmed that there was '
no man dwelling towards the North from him. From
this countrey towards the South, there is a certeine II port
called Scirings hall, whither, he sayth, that a man was not
able to saile in a moneths space, if he lay still by night,
although he had every day a full winde. And he shall
saile all the way along the coast, having on his steereboord,
first Jutland and the Islands which lie betwixt this countrey
& Jutland, still along the coast of this countrey, till he
came to Scirings hall, having it on his larboord. At
Scirings hall there entreth into the land a maine gulfe of
the Sea, which is so broad, that a man cannot see over it :
and on the other side against the same, is Gotland, and
then Silland. This sea stretcheth many hundreth miles
up into the land. From Scirings hall he sayd that he
sailed in 5. dayes to the port which is called Hetha, which
lieth betwixt the countries of II Wendels, Saxons, and
Angles, whereunto it is subject. And as he sailed thither-
ward from Scirings hall, he had upon his steereboord
Denmarke, and on his leereboord the maine sea, for the
space of 3. dayes : and 2. dayes before, he arrived in

H

WOLSTAN'S VOYAGE TO TRUSCO a.d.

c. 890.
Hetha, he had Gotland on leerboord, and Silland, with Hetha but two
divers other Islands. In that countrey dwelt English 'ipei sailing
men, before they came into this land. And these 2. dayes //^^;4/I/i?
he had upon his leereboord the Islands that are subject to he Wwner or
Denmarke. Rostocke.

Wolstans navigation in the || East sea, from Hetha Within the
to Trusco, which is about Dantzig. ^marke

Olstan sayd, that he departed from Hetha,
and arrived at Trusco, in the space of 7.
dayes, and 7. nights : during which time,
his shippe kept her course continually
under saile. All this voyage Wenedland
was still upon his steerboord, and on his
leerboord was Langland, Layland, Falster,
and Sconie : all which countreyes are subject to Denmarke.
Upon his leerboord also, was Bargenland, which hath a Bargenland,
private king, unto whom it is subject. Having left Bar- ^^' Bomholme.
genland, he passed by Blekingie, Meere, Eland and Got-
land, having them on his leerboord : all which countreys
are subject to Sweden : and Wenedland was all the way
upon his steerboord, until he came to Wixel mouth. Wixel Wixelis the
is a very great river which runneth along betwixt Witland ^'^^'^^' ^^.^^
and Wenedland. Witland is apperteining to the Easter- ^^J^^ ^^ ^
lings: and the river of Wixel runneth out of || Wenedland Dantzig.
into Eastmeere, which Eastmeere is at the least 15. miles \\0r, Prussia.
in breadth. There runneth also another river called Using
from the East, and falieth into Eastmeere, out of another
lake upon the banke, whereupon is situated Fruso. So Fruso.
that Using comming out of II Eastland, and Wixel out of 1| Or,
Wenedland, fall both together into Eastmeere, and there Lituania.
Wixel depriveth Using of his name, and runneth thence
West & North into the sea ; whereof the place is called
Wixelmouth.

Eastland is a very large land, and there be many cities The descrip-
and townes within it, and in every one of them is a king : ^^^'^ ^f
whereby there is continually among them great strife ^^^^^ '

15

A.D.

c. 890.

Mares milke a
chief e dnnke.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

and contention. There is great plentie of hony and I
fish. !

The wealthiest men drinke commonly Mares milke, and '
the poore people and slaves meade. There is no ale ,
brewed among the Easterlings, but of mead there is

plentie.

^ i

The navigation of King Edgar, taken out of Floren- 1
tius Wigorniensis, Hoveden, and M. Dee his
discourse of the Brittish Monarchie, pag. 54, '

55, &c.

Have often times (sayd he) and many !
wayes looked into the state of earthly j
kingdomes, generally the whole world over
(as farre as it may be yet knowen to
Christian men commonly) being a studie
of no great difficultie, but rather a purpose
somewhat answerable to a perfect Cosmo-
grapher, to finde himselfe Cosmopolites, a citizen and
member of the whole and onely one mysticall citie
universall, and so consequently to meditate of the Cosmo-
politicall government thereof, under the King almightie,
passing on very swiftly toward the most dreadfull and most
comfortable terme prefixed.

And I finde (sayd he) that if this Brittish Monarchie
would heretofore have followed the advantages which they
have had onward, they might very well, yer this, have sur-
passed by justice, and godly sort, any particular Monarchie
els, that ever was on earth since mans creation : and that
to all such purposes as to God are most acceptable, and to
all perfect common wealths, most honorable, profitable, and
comfortable.

But yet (sayd he) there is a little locke of Lady
Occasion flickering in the aire, by our hands to catch hold
on, whereby we may yet once more (before all be utterly
past, and for ever) discreetly and valiantly recover and
enjoy, if not all our ancient & due appurtenances to this

16

\

KING EDGAR a.d.

973-

Imperiall Brittish monarchic, yet at the least some such
notable portion thereof, as (al circumstances duely and
justly apperteining to peace & amitie with forrein princes [I- 7-]
being offred & used) this may become the most peace-
able, most rich, most puissant, & most florishing mon-
archic of al els (this day) in christendome. Peaceable, I
say, even with the most part of the selfe same respects
that good king Edgar had (being but a Saxon) and by
sundry such meanes, as he chiefly in this Empire did put
in proofe and ure triumphantly, whereupon his sirname
was Pacificus, most aptly and justly. This peaceable
king Edgar had in his minde about six hundred yeeres
past, the representation of a great part of the selfe same
Idaea, which from above onely, & by no mans devise
hath streamed downe into my imagination, being as it
becommeth a subject carefull for the godly prosperitie
of this British Empire under our most peaceable Queene
Elizabeth.

For, ^dgarus pacificus, Regni sui prospiciens utilitati, Flores
pariter & quieti, quatuor millia octingentas sibi robustas Historiarum.
congregavit naves e quibus mille ducentas, in plaga Angliae
Orientali, mille ducentas in Occidentali, mille ducentas in
Australi, mille ducentas in Septentrionali pelago con-
stituit, ut ad defensionem regni sui, contra exteras nationes,
bellorum discrimina sustinerent.

O wisedome imperiall, most diligently to be imitated,
videlicet, prospicere, to foresee. O charitable kingly parent,
that was touched with ardent zeale, for procuring the
publike profite of his kingdome, yea and also the peaceable
enjoying therof. O, of an incredible masse of treasure,
a kingly portion, yet, in his coffers remayning : if then he
had, (or late before) any warres, seeing no notable taxe, or
contribution publike is historically mentioned to have bene
for the charges levied : if in peace he himselfe flourished
so wealthily : O marveilous politicall, & princely prudencie,
in time of peace to foresee, and prevent, (and that most
puissantly, and invincibly) all possible malice, fraude, force,
and mischiefe forrain. O most discreet liberalitie to such
I 17 B

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

973-

excellent uses, powring out his treasure so abundantly. O

faithfull English people (then,) and worthy subjects, of
such an Imperiall and godly Governour. O your true,
and willing hearts, and blessed ready hands (then,) so to
impart such abundance of victuals for those huge Navies
maintenance : so (I say) as neither dearth of famine,
seemed (fondly) to be feared of you, for any intolerable
want likely to ensue thereby, nor prices of victuals com-
plained of to be unreasonable enhaunsed by you, finding
for their great sales so good, and rare opportunitie.

This peaceable king Edgar, was one of the perfect Im-
periall Monarches of this British Empire, and therefore
thus his fame remaineth (for ever) recorded.

ChamRe^a, Anglici orbis Basileus, flos, & Decus iEdgarus, non
Hen7-ici minus memorabilis Anglis, quam Cyrus Persis,

^ecundi. Romulus Romanis, Alexander Macedonibus,

Arsaces Parthis, Carolus Francis, Anno vitae 37.

Regni sui cum^ fratre, & post 2 1 . Idibus Julii obiit,

& apud Glascon sepelitur.

O Glastonbury, Glastonbury, the treasurie of the car-
cases of so famous, and so many persons (Quae olim mater
sanctorum dicta es, & ab aliis, tumulus sanctorum, quam
ab ipsis discipulis Domini, aedificatam fuisse venerabilis
habet Antiquorum authoritas) how lamentable is thy case
nowe ! howe hath hypocrisie and pride wrought thy deso-
lation ! though I omit here the names of very many other,
both excellent holy men, and mighty princes, whose carcases
are committed to thy custody, yet that Apostolike Joseph,
that triumphant British Arthur, and nowe this peaceable
and provident Saxon king Edgar, doe force me with
a certaine sorowful reverence, here to celebrate thy
memorie.

This peaceable king Edgar (as by ancient Recordes
may appeare) his Sommer progresses, and yerely chiefe
pastimes were, the sailing round about this whole Isle
of Albion, garded with his grand navie of 4000. saile
at the least, parted into 4. equall parts of petie Navies,

18

KING EDGAR a.d. .

973- 1

eche one being of looo. ships, for so it is anciently 1

recorded. ]

Idem quoque j^dgarus, 4000. naves congregavit, ex ^^nulphus ,
quibus omni anno, post festum Paschale, 1000. ^^^^^^"^^^'

naves ad quamlibet Angliae partem statuit, sic, ;

aestate Insulam circumnavigavit : hyeme vero, ]
judicia in Provincia exercuit : & haec omnia ad sui

exercitium, & ad hostium fecit terrorem. j

.1

COuld, and would that peaceable & wise king Edgar, \

before need, as being in peace and quiet with all 1

nations about him, and notwithstanding mistrusting his ■

possible enemies, make his pastimes so roially, politically, i

and triumphantly, with so many thousand ships, and at the i

least with ten times so many men as ships, and that yerely ? \
and shall we being not assured of such neighbors friend-
ship, as may become to us as cruel and tyrannicall enemies
as never king Edgar needed to dread the like, and they as
many and mighty princes, as never king Edgar coped with
the like, shall we (said he) not judge it some part of wis-
dome, to imitate carefully in some litle proportion (though
not with so many thousands) the prosperous pastimes of

peaceable king Edgar, that Saxonicall Alexander ? yea, j

prosperous pastimes these may bee justly counted, by which I

he also made evident to the whole world, that as he wisely \

knew the ancient bounds and limits of this British Empire, j

so that he could and would royally, justly, and trium- [I. 8.] ■

phantly enjoy the same, spite of the devil, and maugre the '

force of any forreine potentate. And al that, so highly and ]

faithfully to the glory of God finally intended and brought !

to passe, as the wisest and godliest Prelates and counsellors !

of those dayes (so counted of and recorded) coulde best 1

advise and direct him, or perchance, but sincerely com- ]

mend and duetifully incourage him in, he being of him- '

selfe so bent, as purposing first invincibly to fortifie the j

chiefe and uttermost walles of his Islandish Monarchie, 1

against all forreine encombrance possible. And in that i

fortification furthering and assuring to trust best his owne ;

19 '

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

973-

oversight and judgement, in yeerely viewing the same in
every quarter thereof, and that as it were for his pastime
Imperial!, also in Sommer time, to the ende that afterward
in all securitie, hee might in Winter time (vacare) be at
convenient leisure on land, chiefly to set foorth Gods due
honour, and secondly to understand, and diligently to
listen to the causes and complaints of his commons. For
as Matthasus Westmonasteriensis of him to his Imperial!
commendation hath left us a remembrance.

Habebat autem praeterea consuetudinem, per omnes
Regni provincias transire, ut intelligeret quomodo
legum jura, & suorum statuta decretorum, a
principibus observarentur, & ne pauperes a
potentibus praejudicium passi, opprimerentur,
diligenter investigare solebat : in uno fortitudini,
in altero Justitia^ studens, & Reipub. regnique
utilitati consulens in utroque. Hinc hostibus
circumquaque timor, & amor omnium erga eum
excreverat subditorum.

Thus we see how in opportunitie, this peaceable Edgar
procured to this Empire such prosperous securitie, that
his true and faithful! subjects, all maner of wayes (that is
at home and also at sea, both outward and inward) might
peaceably, safely and securely employ their wits and travels
for the marveilous enriching of this kingdome, and
pleasuring very many other, carying forth the natural! com-
modities of this land, abounding here above our necessary
uses (and due store reserved) and likewise againe furnish-
ing the same with all necessary and not superfluous
forreine commodities, fet from farre or forrein countreys.
This was in deed (as before is recorded) a kingly provi-
dence, Reipub. Regnique utilitati consulens, &c. besides
with great utilitie and profite publique foreseene, and by
his meanes enjoyed, he himselfe used most gladly the
advantage of that securitie, in ministring of justice, or
causing the same to be executed all his kingdome over,
not squemishly, frowningly or skornefully shunning the

20

KING EDGAR ad j

973- i

ragged and tattered sleeve of any suppliant, holding up to i

him a simple soiled bill of complaint or petition, and that j

homely contrived, or afrayde at, and timerously hasting 1
from the sickly pale face or feeble limmed suter,

extreemely constrained so to speake for himselfe, nor ;

parcially smoothering his owne conscience, to favour or j

mainteine the foule fault and trespasse unlawful! of any j

his subjects, how mightie or necessary soever, they (els) ;
were, but diligently made search, least Pauperes a poten-

tibus praejudicium passi, opprimerentur. !

Thus did publique securitie from forrein foe abroad, and j

true love of his owne subjects, garding him at home, and I

the heavenly spirit directing all his good purposes, cause '•

justice and equitie in all quarters of this Albion to flourish. '

For which his peaceable and prosperous benefits at the j

eternall king his hand obteined, hee became not insolent i

or declined to tyrannical! regiment (as some princes in j

other countreis have made their lives Comicotragical) but \

with all his foresaide invincible Seaforce, aboundant |

wealth, triumphant peace, with securitie and Justice over i

all his Monarchic prevailing, his heart was continually, ;

and most zealously bent to set foorth the glory, laude and j

honour of the Almightie Creator, the heavenly and ever- *

lasting king, by such principal! and princely meanes, as ^
(then) were deemed to God most acceptable, as many

monuments yet to our dayes remaining, do of him '*

undoubtedly testifie : As this, for one. i

Altitonantis Dei largiflua dementia, qui est rex Regum, Ex charta \

Ego T^dgarus Anglorum Basileus omniumque fa^^dationu 1

Regum, Insularum, Oceanique Britanniam circum- CatTedralis ^

jacentis, cunctarumque nationum quae infra eam wigomlce, \

includuntur, Imperator, & Dominus, gratias ago ]

ipsi Deo omnipotenti, Regi meo, qui meum Im- |

perium sic ampliavit, & exaltavit super regnum j

patrum meorum : qui licet Monarchiam totius \

Anglias adepti sunt a tempore Athelstani (qui 1

primus regnum Anglorum, & omnes Nationes, j

21

A.D.

973-

[I- 9.]

Fundatio
Ecclesi(£
Cathedralls
Eliensis.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

quas Britanniam incolunt, sibi Armis subegit)
nullus tamen eorum ultra ejus fines imperium suum
dilatare aggressus est. Mihi autem concessit pro-
pitia Divinitas, cum Anglorum Imperio, omnia
regna Insularum Oceani, cum suis ferocissimis
Regibus, usque Noruegiam, maximamque partem
Hyberniae, cum sua nobilissima Civitate Dublinia,
Anglorum regno subjugare : Quos etiam omnes,
meis Imperiis colla subdere (Dei favente gratia)
coegi. Quapropter & ego Christi gloriam, &
laudem exaltare, & ejus servitium amplificare
devotus disposui, & per meos fideles Fautores,
Dunstanum viz. Archiepiscopum, Athelwoldum, &
Oswaldum episcopos (quos mihi patres spirituales,
& Consiliatores elegi) magna ex parte, secundum
quod disposui, efFeci, &c.

And againe this in another Monument.

OMnipotentis Dei, &c. Ipsius nutu & gratia sufFultus,
Ego i^dgarus Basileus dilectae Insulae Albionis, sub-
ditis nobis sceptris Scotorum, Cumbrorum, ac Brytonum,
& omnium circumcirca Regionum, quieta pace perfruens,
studiosus sollicite de laudibus creatoris omnium occupor
addendis : Ne nunc inertia, nostrisque diebus (plus aequo)
servitus ejus tepescere videatur, &c. 18. mei terreni
Imperii anno, &c. Anno Incarnationis Dominicas, 973.

Ego ^dgarus totius Albionis Basileus hoc privilegium
(tanta roboratum authoritate) crucis Thaumate con-
firmavi.

So that by all these rehearsed Records, it is most evident
that the peaceable king Edgar, was one of those Monarchs,
in whose handes (if life had suffised) the incredible value
and priviledge granted by God and nature unto this
British monarchie, might have bene peaceably purchased in
such sort, as the very blessing and favour of the divine
Trinitie hath laid meanes for our industrie to attaine to,
and enjoye the same by.

KING EDGAR a.6

973-
And though sundry other valiant princes and kings of
this land I could recite, which in times past have either by
intent gone about, or by wise and valiant exploit, have
meetely well prospered towards this Islandish appropriate
supremacie attaining, yet never any other reasonable
meanes was used, or by humane wit, or industrie can be
contrived, to al purposes sufficient, but only by our sea
forces prevailing, and so by our invincible enjoying al
within the sea limites of our British royaltie contained.

To which incredible political mysterie attaining, no
easier, readier, or perfecter plat and introduction, is (as yet)
come to my imagination, then is the present and continual!
service of threescore good and tall warlike ships, with
twentie smaller barkes, and those 80. ships (great and
smal) with 6660. apt men furnished, and all singularly
well appointed for service both on sea and land, faithfully
and diligently to be done in such circumspect and discreet
order, as partly I have in other places declared, and further
(upon good occasion offered) may declare.

This grand navie of peaceable king Edgar, of so many
thousand ships, and they furnished with an hundred thou-
sand men at the least, with all the iinall intents of those sea
forces, so invincible, continually mainteined, the order of
the execution of their service, the godly and Imperial
successe thereof, are in a maner kingly lessons and pro-
phetical incouragements to us left, even now to bee as
provident for publique securitie as he was, to be as skilful
of our sea right and royal limits, and wisely to finde our
selves as able to recover and enjoy the same as he was, who
could not chuse, but with the passing and yeerely sayling
about this Brittish Albion, with all the lesser Isles next
adjacent round about it, he could not chuse I say, but by
such ful and peaceable possession, find himselte (according
to right, and his hearts desire) the true and soveraigne
Monarch of all the British Ocean, environing any way his
empire of Albion and Ireland, with the lesser Islands next
adjacent : with memorial whereof, as with one very
precious jewel Imperial, hee adorned the title and crowne

23

A.D.

973-

"Note the
Queenes Ma-
jesties royaltie
over the Bri-
tish Ocean sea,
round about
the British
Empire.

An. Dom.
1017.

[I. 10.]

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

of his regalitie, as with the testimonie annexed of the
states and nobles of his Empire, to commit to perpetuall
memorie, the stile of his chiefe worldly dignitie, in this
very tenor of words before also remembred.

Ego ^dgarus Anglorum Basileus, omniumque Regum,
Insularum, Oceanique Britanniam circumjacentis,
cunctarumquenationum,quas infra earn includuntur,
Imperator, & Dominus.

The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sonnes of
King Edmund Ironside into Hungarie, Anno
D. 1017. Recorded by Florentius Wigorniensis

pag- 391-

Edit consilium Edricus Canuto regi, ut
clitunculos Eadwardum & Eadmundum
regis Eadmundi filios necaret. Sed quia
magnum dedecus sibi videbatur, ut in
Anglia perimerentur, parvo elapso tem-
pore, ad regem Suavorum occidendos
misit. Qui, licet foedus esset inter eos,
precibus illius nullatenus voluit acquiescere, sed illos ad
regem Hungarorum Salomonem nomine misit nutriendos
vitaeque reservandos. Quorum unus scilicet Eadmundus
processu temporis ibidem vitam finivit. Eadwardus vero
Agatham iiliam Germani Imperatoris Henrici in matri-
monium accepit, ex qua Margaretam Scotorum reginam,
& Christinam Sanctimonialem, & Clitonem Eadgarum
suscepit.

The same in English.

Dric counselled king: Kanutus to murther the
yong princes Edward and Edmund the sonnes of
King Edmund. But because it seemed a thing very
dishonourable unto him to have them put to death
in England, hee sent them, after a short space, unto
the king of Sweden to be slaine. Who, albeit there
was a league betweene them, would in no case con-

24

E

THE KINGS OF JNIAN

descend unto Canutus his bloody request, but sent them
unto Salomon the king of Hungarie to be nourished
and preserved alive. The one whereof namely Edmund
in processe of time there deceased. But Edward received
to wife Agatha daughter unto the Germane Emperour
Henry, of whom he begot Margaret the Queene of the
Scots, and Christina a Nunne, and Clito Edgar.

A.D.

1066.

A Chronicle of the Kings of Man, taken out of
M. Camdens Chorographie.

N the yeere of our Lord 1066. Edward
King of England, of famous memory
deceased, whom Harald sonne of Godwin
succeeded in his kingdome ; against which
Harald the king of Norwaie called Harald
Harfager fought a battel at Stainford
^ bridge, where the English winning the

fielde put all the Norwegians to flight : out of which
flight one Godredus sirnamed Crovan (the sonne of
Harald the blacke, who had before time fled out of Island)
repaired unto Godred sonne of Syrric, who then reigned
in Man, and was right friendly and honourably enterteined
by him.

In the very same yeere William the Conquerour sub-
dued England, and Godred the sonne of Syrric, king of
Man, deceased, after whom succeeded his sonne Fingal.

In the yeere 1066. Godredus Crovan gathered a fleete
of ships, and sailed unto Man, and giving battell unto the
people of the countrey, was vanquished and put to flight.
The second time also having gathered his armie and ships
together, hee came unto Man, fought with the inhabitants,
lost the victorie, and was chaced away. Yea, the third
time he assembled a great multitude, and comming by
night unto the port which is called Ramsa, hid 300. of his
men in a wood standing upon the side of the hill called
Scacafel. The Sunne was no sooner up, but the Mannians
arranged themselves and with great furie set upon Godred.

25

Fingal.

A.t>. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1066.

And in the midst of the skirmish, the foresaid 300. men
rising out of their ambush, and comming upon the backes
of the Mannians, molested them so sore, that they were
enforced to flie. But when they saw y* they were over-
come and had no place of refuge to retire unto (for the
tide of the sea had filled the chanel of the river of Ramsa)
and seeing the enemie so fiercely pursuing them on the
other side, they which remained, with lamentable outcries
beseeched Godred to spare their lives. Then hee being
mooved with compassion, and pitying their extreme
calamitie, because hee had bene of late sustained and
nourished among them, sounded a retreat and forbad his
souldiers to make any longer pursuit. The day following
Godred put his souldiers to their choice, whether they
would divide Man among themselves and inhabite it, or
whether they would take the wealth of the countrey, and
so returne unto their owne home. Howbeit, it pleased
them better to waste the whole Island and to enrich them-
selves with the commodities thereof, and so to returne
from whence they came. Nowe Godred himselfe with a
fewe Islanders which had remained with him, tooke
possession of the South part of the Island, and unto the
remnant of the Mannians he granted the North part
thereof, upon condition, that none of them should at any
time afterward dare once to chalenge any parcell of the
said ground by title of inheritance. Whereupon it com-
meth to passe, that unto this day the whole Island is the
kings owne Fee-simple, and that all the revenues thereof
pertaine unto him. Also Godredus subdued Dublin unto
himselfe & a great part of Lainestir. And he so tamed the
Boats having Scots, that none of them durst build a ship or a boate,
not past three ^-^j^ above three yron nailes in it. Hee reigned 16.
'^theni^^^^^ ^" yeeres and died in the Island called Yle. He left behinde
him three sonnes, Lagman, Harald, and Olavus. Lagman
being the eldest chalenged the kingdome and reigned
seven yeeres. Howbeit Harald his brother rebelled
against him a long time, but being at length taken by
Lagman, hee was gelt and had his eyes put out. After-

26

THE KINGS OF MAN ad.

1077.
ward Lagman repenting him that he had put out the eyes
of his brother, did of his owne accord relinquish his
kingdome, and taking upon him the badge of the crosse,
he went on pilgrimage to Jerusalem, in which journey-
also he died.

In the yeere 1075. ^^^ ^^^ principall men of the Islands
having intelligence of the death of Lagman, sent messen-
gers unto Murecardus O-Brien King of Irland, requesting
him that hee would send some wel-disposed person of his
owne kinred and blood royall, untill Olavus sonne of
Godred were come to full age. The king most willingly [I. n.]
condescended unto their request, and sent unto them one
Dopnald the sonne of Tade, charging and commaunding
him that with all meekenesse and modestie, hee should
governe that kingdome, which of right belonged not unto
him. Howbeit he, after he had once attained unto the
kingdome, neglecting the commaundement of his lord,
usurped the government with great tyrannic, committing
many heinous crimes, and so he reigned very disorderly
for the space of three yeeres. Then all the princes of
the Islands making a generall conspiracie, banded them-
selves against him, and expelled him out of their
dominions. And he flying into Irland returned no
more unto them.

In the yeere 1077. one Ingemundus was sent from the
king of Norway, to take possession of the kingdome of
the Islands. And being come unto the Island of Leodus, Lezvis.
hee sent messengers unto all the princes of the Islands to
come unto him, commaunding them to assemble themselves,
and to appoint him to be their King. In the meane
season he and his companions spent their time in robbing
and rioting, ravished women and virgines, and addicted
themselves to filthy pleasures and to the lustes of the
flesh. And when these things were reported unto the
princes of the Islands, who had assembled themselves to
chuse him king, being mightely incensed thereat, they
made haste towards him, and comming upon him in the
night, they burnt the house wherein hee was, and slue

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1077.

both him and the rest of his company, partly with sword,
and partly with fire.

In the yeere 1098. the abbey of S. Maries at Cistertium
was founded. In the same yeere also Antiochia was
taken by the Christians, and a Comet appeared.

Moreover, the same yeere there was a battel fought
betweene the inhabitants of Man, at Santwat, and they of
the North obtained the victory. In which battell were
slaine Earle Othor and Mac-Maras, chieftaines of both
parts.

The same yeere Magnus king of Norway, sonne of
Olavus, Sonne of Harald Harfagre, being desirous to
view the corps of S. Olavus king and Martyr, gave com-
maundement that his monument should be opened. But
the Bishop and the Clergie withstanding this his attempt,
the king went very boldly and by his kingly authoritie,
caused the cophin to be opened. And when hee had
seene with his eyes, and handled with his hands the
incorrupt body of the foresaid King and Martyr, a sudden
feare came upon him, and he departed with great haste.
The night following Olavus king and Martyr appeared
unto him in a vision, saying : Chuse (I say) unto your
selfe one of these two, either within 30. dayes to lose
your life with your kingdome, or else to depart from
Norway and never to see it againe. The King so soone
as he was awaked out of sleepe, called his Princes and
Senatours, and expounded the foresaide vision unto them.
And they also being astonished thereat gave him this
counsell, that with all speed he should depart out of
Norway. Then he without any further delay caused a
Navie of 1 60. ships to be provided, and so sailed unto the
Islands of Orkney, which hee presently subdued, and
passing along through all the Islands and conquering
them, at length he came unto the Isle of Man, where
he was no sooner arrived, but hee went unto the Isle of
S. Patric to see the place of battell, where the inhabitants
of Man had of late fought, because many of the dead
bodies were as yet unburied. And seeing that it was a

28

THE KINGS OF MAN ad.

1098.

most beautifull Island, it pleased him exceeding well, and
therefore hee made choice to inhabite therein his owne
selfe, and built forts there which are at this day called by
his owne name. He had the people of Galway in such
awe, that he constrained them to cut downe their owne
timber, and to bring it unto his shore for the building of
his fortes. Hee sailed on further unto the Isle of Anglesey
neere unto Wales, and finding two Earles therein (either
of them being called by the name of Hugo) he slue the
one, and the other hee put to flight, and so subdued the
Island. But the Welshmen presented many gifts unto
him, and so bidding them farewell he returned unto Man.
Unto Murecard king of Irland he sent his shooes, com-
maunding him that he should cary them on his shoulders,
upon the birth-day of our Lord through the midst of his
Palace, in the sight of his Embassadours, that thereby it
might appeare unto them, that he was subject unto king
Magnus. Which when the Irishmen heard, they tooke
it grievously and disdeined much thereat. But the King
being better advised, I had rather (said he) not only
beare his shooes, but eate his shooes, then that king
Magnus should destroy any one province in Irland.
Wherefore he fulfilied his commaundement, and
honourably enterteined his Embassadours. Many gifts
also he sent unto king Magnus by them, and concluded
a league. But the messengers returning unto their lord,
tolde him of the situation of Irland, of the beautie thereof,
of the fruitfulnesse of the soile, and of the holesomnesse
of the aire. Magnus hearing these things was fully re-
solved to conquer all Irland unto himselfe. And for
the same purpose he commaunded that a Fleet should
be made ready. But he taking his voyage with sixteene
ships, & being desirous to view the land, when he had
undiscreetly departed from his Navie, he was suddenly
invironed by the Irish, and was himselfe slaine, together
with all that were with him almost. Hee was interred
neere unto the Church of S. Patric in Armagh. Hee
reigned sixe yeeres. After his death the Princes of the

29

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1098.

[I. 12.] Islands sent for Olavus the sonne of Godredus Crovan,
who lived in the Court of Henry King of England son
unto William the Conquerour.

In the yeere 1102. Olavus sonne of Godredus Crovan
beganne his reigne and reigned fourtie yeeres : he was a
peaceable man being in league with all the Kings of
Scotland and Irland in his time. He tooke to wife AfFrica
the daughter of Fergusius of Galway, of whom he begat
Godredus. Of his concubines he begat Regnaldus,
Lagmannus, and Haraldus, and many daughters, whereof

II Argik. one married unto Sumerledus king of II Herergaidel,
which afterward occasioned the overthrow of the whole
kingdome of the Islands. He begat foure sonnes by
her, namely Dulgallus, Raignaldus, Engus, and Olavus.

In the yeere 1 134. Olavus gave unto Yvo the Abbat of
Furnes a portion of his owne ground in Man to build an
Abbey in the place which is called Russin. Also hee
inriched with revenues and indued with priviledges al
places of religion within his Islands.

In the yere 1142. Godredus ye son of Olavus sailed
unto the K. of Norway called Hinge, and doing his
homage unto him he remained with him, & was by him
honorably enterteined. The same yere the 3. sonnes of
Harald brother unto Olavus, who were brought up at the
citie of Dublin, gathering together a great multitude of
people, and all the fugitives and vagabonds of the
kingdome resorted unto Man, and demaunded of the
said king the one halfe of al the kingdome of the Islands.
Which thing when the king heard, being desirous to
pacific them, he answered that he would consult about
that matter. And a day and place being appointed, where
the consultation should bee kept, in the meane time those
miscreants conspired together, about the murthering of the
King. And when the day appointed was come, both
companies assembled themselves unto the haven towne
called Ramsa, and they sate in order, the king with his
nobilitie on the one side, and they with their confederates
on the other side. Howbeit Regnaldus who had an

30

THE KINGS OF MAN ad.

1 156.

intention to slay the king, stoode a-side in the midst of the
house talking with one of the Princes of the lande. And
being called to come unto the king he turned himselfe about
as if hee would have saluted him, and lifting up his glittering
axe, he chopt the kings head quite off at a blow. Nowe ii43-
having committed this outragious vilanie, within a short
space they divided the Island betweene themselves, and
gathering an armie together sailed unto Galway, intending
to subdue that also ; howbeit the people of Galway
assembled themselves, and with great furie encountred
with them. Then they immediately turning their backs
with great confusion fled unto Man. And as touching all
the Galwedians which inhabited in the said Island, some of
them they slue, and the residue they banished.

In the yeere 1 143. Godredus sonne of Olavus returning
out of Norway was created king of Man ; who in revenge
of his fathers death, put out the eyes of two of Haralds
sonnes and slue the thirde.

In the yeere 1144. Godredus began his reigne, and hee
reigned thirtie yeeres. In the thirde yeere of his reigne
the citizens of Dublin sent for him and created him king
of Dublin, against whom Murecardus king of Irland made
warre, and encamping himselfe at the citie called Coridelis,
he sent his brother Osibel with 3000. horsemen unto
Dublin, who was slaine by Godred and the Dubliners, the
rest of his company being put to flight. These things
being thus finished, Godredus returned unto Man, and
began to exercise tyrannic, disinheriting certaine of his
nobles, of whom one called Thorfinus the sonne of Oter,
being mightier then the rest, went unto Sumerledus, and
named Dubgal the sonne of Sumerledus, king of the
Islands, and subdued many of the said Islands on his
behalfe. Whereof when Godred had intelligence by one
Paulus, providing a Navie, hee went to meete Sumerledus
comming against him with 80. ships : and in the yeere
1 1 56. upon the night of the feast of Epiphanie, there was 1156.
a Sea-battell fought, and many being slaine on both parts,
the day folowing they were pacified, and divided the

31

A.D. ^ THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1 1 56.

kingdome of the Islands among themselves, and it con-
tinued two kingdomes from that day unto this present
time. And this was the cause of the ruine of the
monarchie of the Islands, from which time the sonnes of
Sumerled injoyed the one halfe thereof.

In the yeere 1158. Sumerled came unto Man with
53. ships, putting Godred to flight and wasting the
Island : and Godred sailed unto Norway to seeke for aide
against Sumerled. In the yere 1 1 64. Sumerled gathered
a fleete of 1 60. ships together ; and arrived at Rhinfrin,
intending to subdue all Scotland unto himselfe : howbeit,
by Gods just judgement being overcome by a few, together
with his Sonne, and an innumerable multitude of people,
he was slaine. The very same yere there was a battel
fought at Ramsa, betweene Reginald the brother of
Godred, and the inhabitants of Man, but by the
stratageme of a certaine Earle the Mannians were put
to flight. Then began Reginald to usurpe the kingly
authoritie. Howbeit his brother Godred within foure
dayes after, comming out of Norway with a great power
of armed men, apprehended his brother Reginald, gelt
him, and put out his eyes. The same yeere deceased
[I- 13-] Malcolme the king of Scots, and his brother William
succeeded in the kingdome.

In the yeere 11 66. two Comets appeared in the moneth
of August, before the rising of the Sunne, one to the
South and another to the North.

In the yeere 1171. Richard earle of Penbroke sailed
into Irland, and subdued Dublin with a great part of
Irland.

In the yere 1176. John Curcy conquered Ulster unto
himselfe. And at the same time also Vivianus legate from
the sea of Rome came into Man, &: caused king Godred
to bee lawfully wedded unto his wife Phingola, daughter
of Maclotlen son of Murkartac king of Irland, mother
of Olavus, who was then 3. yeeres old. Silvanus the
abbat married them, unto whom the very same day, king
Godred gave a portion of ground in Mirescoge, where he

32

THE KINGS OF MAN V ad.

1204.
built a Monastery : howbeit, in processe of time, the said
land with the monkes, was granted unto the abbey of
Russin.

In the yere 1172. Reginaldus the son of Eacmarcat (a
man descended of the blood royal) comming into Man
with a great multitude of people, in the absence of the
king, at the first conflict hee put to flight certaine watch-
men which kept the shoare, & slue about 30. persons.
Whereupon the very same day the Mannians arranging
themselves put him, & almost al his folowers to the
sword.

In the yere 1 183. O-Fogolt was vicount of Man.

In the yere 1185. the Sunne was ecclipsed upon the
feast of S. Philip and Jacob.

In the yere 1187. deceased Godred king of the Islands,
upon the 4. of the Ides of November, and the next sommer
his body was translated unto the island of Hy. He left
3. sonnes behinde him, Reginaldus, Olavus, and Yvarus.
In his life time he ordeined his sonne Olavus to be his
heire apparant, because he onely was borne legitimate.
But the Mannians, when Olavus was scarce ten yeeres olde,
sent unto the islands for Reginald and created him king.

In the yeere 1 187. began Reginald the sonne of Godred
to reigne over the islands : and Murchardus a man of
great power throughout all the kingdome of the islands
was put to death.

In the yere 1192. there was a battel fought betweene
Reginald and Engus the two sonnes of Sumerled : but
Engus obtained the victory. The same yere was the
abbey of Russin remooved unto Dufglas, howbeit within
foure yeeres after the monkes returned unto Russin.

In the yere 1203. Michael bishop of the islands deceased
at Fontanas, and Nicholas succeeded in his roome.

In the yere 1204. Hugo de Lacy invaded Ulster with
an armie and encountered with John de Curcy, tooke him
prisoner & subdued Ulster unto himselfe. Afterward he
permitted the said John to goe at libertie, who comming
unto king Reginald was honourably enterteined by him,
I 33 ^

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1204.

because he was his sonne in lawe, for John de Curcy had
taken to wife AfFrica the daughter of Godredus, which
founded the abbey of S. Mary de jugo domini, and was
there buried.

In the yeere 1205. John de Curcy & Reginald king of

the islands invading Ulster with a hundreth ships at the

port which is called Stranfeord did negligently besiege the

castle of Rath : but Walter de Lacy comming upon them

with his armie, put them to flight, & from that time

Curcy never recovered his land. In the yere 12 10.

Engus the son of Sumerled & his 3. sonnes were slaine.

King John At the same time John king of England conducted a

passed into ^^^x, of 500. ships into Irland, and subdued it unto

coo^ ^I himselfe : and sending a certaine earle named Fulco, unto

the isle of Man, his souldiers almost utterly wasted it in

the space of 15. dayes, and having taken pledges they

returned home into their owne countrey. King Reginald

and his nobles were at this time absent from Man.

In the yere 12 17. deceased Nicolas bishop of the
islands, and was buried in Ulster, in the house of Benchor,
whom Reginald succeeded.

I thinke it not amisse to report somevv^hat more
concerning the tv^o foresaid brethren Reginaldus
and Olavus.

REginald gave unto his brother Olavus, the island
called Lodhus or Lewes, which is saide to be larger
then the rest of the islands, but almost destitute of
inhabitants, because it is so ful of mountaines & quarreis,
being almost no where fit for tillage. Howbeit the
inhabitants thereof do live for the most part upon hunting
and fishing. Olavus therefore went to take possession of
this Island, and dwelt therein leading a poore life : and
when he saw that it would by no meanes suffice for the
sustentation of himselfe & his folowers, hee went boldly
unto his brother Reginald, who as then remained in the
islands, & spake on this wise unto him. My brother
(said he) and my lord and king, you know that the

34

THE KINGS OF MAN ' ad.

1223.

kingdom of the islands pertained unto me by right of
inheritance, howbeit because the Lord had chosen you to
beare the scepter, I doe not envie that honour unto you,
neither doeth it any whit grieve mee that you are exalted
unto this royall dignitie. Nowe therefore I beseech you
to provide mee some portion of land in the islands,
whereby I may honestly live. For the Island of Lewis [I. 14.]
which you gave me is not sufficient for my maintenance.
Which his brother Reginald hearing said that he would
consult about the premisses. And on the morow, when
Olavus was sent for to parle, Reginald commanded him to
be attached, and to be caried unto William king of
Scotland, and with him to remaine prisoner : and Olavus
remained in prison almost for the space of 7. yeres. But
at the 7. yeres end William king of Scots deceased, and
Alexander his sonne reigned in his stead. The foresaid
William, before his death, commanded that all prisoners
should be set at libertie. Olavus therefore being at
libertie came unto Man, and immediatly with a great
company of nobles tooke his journey unto S. James : and
his brother Reginald caused the said Olavus to take unto
wife, the daughter of a certaine noble man of Kentyre,
cousine german unto his owne wife, & by name being
called Lavon, and he granted unto him the possession of
Lewis. After a few dayes Reginald the bishop of the
Islands having gathered a Synod, separated Olavus and
Godred his sonne, and Lavon his wife, namely because
shee was cousin german unto his former wife. Afterward
Olavus maried Scristina daughter unto Ferkarus earle of
Rosse.

Hereupon the wife of Reginald Queene of the Islands
being incensed, sent letters unto the Island of Sky in
K. Reginald his name to her sonne Godred willing him to
take Olavus. Which commandement Godred putting in
practise, & entring the isle of Lewis for ye same purpose,
Olavus fled in a litle skiffe unto his father in law the earle
of Rosse, & in the meane time Godred wasted the isle of
Lewis. At the very same time Pol the son of Boke

35

AD. ' THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1223.

vicount of Sky, being a man of power in al the Islands,
because he would not consent unto Godred, fled, &
dwelt together with Olavus in the dominions of the earle
of Rosse, & making a league with Olavus, they went both
in a ship unto Sky. To be short, sending certaine spies,
they were informed that Godred remained secure with a
smal company in a certaine Isle called ye isle of S. Columba.
And uniting unto themselves their friends and acquaint-
ance, & others that would goe voluntarily with them, in
the dead of the night, having lanched 5. ships from the
next sea-shore, which was distant about the space of
2. furlongs from the foresaid Island, they environed the
said Island on all sides. Now Godred and his company
rising early in the morning, and seeing themselves beset
with their enemies on all sides, they were utterly astonied.
Howbeit arming themselves they began stoutly to make
resistance, but altogether in vaine. For about 9. of the
clocke in the morning, Olavus and the foresaid vicount
Pol, with al their souldiers, entred the Island, and having
slaine all whom they found without the precincts of the
Church, they apprehended Godred, gelding him, and
putting out his eyes. Unto which action Olavus gave not
his consent, neither could he withstand it, by reason of the
forenamed vicount the son of Boke. This was done in
the yere of Christ 1223. The next sommer folowing
Olavus having received pledges from all the chiefe men of
the Islands, with a fleet of 32. ships sailed unto Man, and
arrived at Rognolfwaht. At the same time Reginald and
Olavus divided the kingdome of the Islands betweene
The Isle of themselves, Man being granted unto Reginald, & besides
Man ad- his portion the name of a king also. Olavus having

vaunced to a j-^ceived certaine victuals of the people of Man, returned,

kingdome. , . . , . ^ ^. . • r

together with his company, unto his owne portion or

Islands. The yeere folowing Reginald taking unto him

Alanus lord of Galway, together with his subjects of Man,

sailed unto the Islands, that hee might take away that

portion of ground from his brother Olavus, which he had

granted unto him, and subdue it unto himselfe. How-

36

THE KINGS OF MAN a.d.

1228.

belt, by reason that the people of Man had no list to fight
against Olavus or the Islanders, because they bare good
will towards them, Reginald and Alanus lord of Galway
being defeated of their purpose, returned home unto their
owne. Within a short space after Reginald, under pre-
tense of going unto the Court of his lord the king of
England, received an 100. markes of the people of Man,
and tooke his journey unto Alanus lord of Galway. Which
the people of Man hearing tooke great indignation thereat,
insomuch that they sent for Olavus, and appointed him to
be their king.

In the yeere 1226. Olavus recovered his inheritance,
that is to say the kingdome of Man and of the Islands,
which Reginald his brother had governed for the space of
38. yeeres, and he reigned two yeeres in safetie.

In the yeere 1228. Olavus with all his nobles of Man,
and the stronger part of his people, sailed unto the
Islands. A short space after Alanus lord of Galway,
Thomas earle of Athol, & king Reginald came unto Man
with a mightie army, and wasted all the South part of
Man, spoiled the Churches, and slue all the men whom
they coulde take, insomuch, that the South part of the
saide Island was brought almost into desolation. And
then Alanus returned with his army into his owne land,
leaving behind him bailiffes and substitutes in Man, which
should gather up and render unto him the tribute of the
countrey. Howbeit king Olavus came suddenly upon
them, chaced them away and recovered his kingdome.
And the Mannians which of late were dispersed and scat-
tered abroad, began to unite themselves, and to inhabite
without feare. The same yeere, in the time of Winter,
upon the sudden, and in the very dead of the night came
king Reginald out of Galway with five ships, and burnt all [I. 15.]
the ships of his brother Olavus, and of the nobles of Man,
at the Isle of S. Patric, & concluding a peace with his
brother, remained at the port of Ragnolwath 40. dayes :
in the meane while hee allured unto himselfe all the
Islanders upon the South part of Man, who sware, that

37

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1228.

they would adventure their lives, untill hee had gotten the
one halfe of his kingdome : contrariwise Olavus joyned
unto himselfe them of the North part, & upon the 14. of
February in the place called Tingvalla, a field was fought
betweene the two brothers, wherein Olavus got the victory,
and Reginald the king was by certaine souldiers slaine
without the knowledge of his brother. Also certaine
pirates comming to the south part of Man, wasted &
spoiled it. The monkes of Russin conveyed the body of
K. Reginald, unto the abbey of S. Mary of Fournes, &
there he was interred in the place, which his owne selfe had
chosen for the purpose. After these things Olavus traveiled
unto the king of Norway, but before he was arrived there,
Haco king of Norway appointed a certaine noble man named
Husbac the son of Owmund, to be king of the Islands of
the Hebrides & called his name Haco. Then came the
said Haco with Olavus & Godred Don the son of Regi-
nald, and a multitude of Norwegians, unto the islands :
and while they were giving an assault unto a castle in the
island of Both, Haco being hit with a stone died, and was
buried in lona.

In the yere 1230. came Olavus, with Godredus Don,
& certeine Norwegians unto Man, and they parted the
kingdome among themselves, Olavus stil reteining Man.
Godred as he was going unto the islands, was slaine in the
isle of Lewis, & Olavus injoyed the kingdome of the
islands also.

In the yere 1237. upon the 12. of the Kalends of June,
Olavus Sonne of Godred king of Man deceased in the isle
of S. Patric, and was interred in the abbey of Russin. He
reigned 1 1. yeres, two while his brother was alive, and nine
after his death.

Haraldus his sonne being of the age of 14. yeres, suc-
ceeded, and he reigned 12. yeeres. The first yere of his
reigne taking his journey unto the islands, he appointed
one Loglen his kinsman to be his deputie in Man. The
Autumne folowing Haraldus sent the three sonnes of Nel,
namely Dufgaldus, Torquellus, & Molmore, and his friend

38

THE KINGS OF MAN * ad.

1249.

Joseph unto Man, that they might enter into consultation
together. Wherfore the 25. day they assembled them-
selves at Tingvalla : and malice growing betweene the
sonnes of Nel, and Loglen, they fel to blowes and skir-
mished sore on both parts, Molmore, Dufgald, and the
foresaid Joseph being all slaine in the fray. The Spring
folowing, king Harald came into the isle of Man, and
Loglen fleeing into Wales, was himselfe, together with
Godred the sonne of Olavus his pupil, and 40. others,
drowned by shipwracke.

In the yere 1238. Gospatricius and Gillescrist sonne of
Mac-Kerthac came from the king of Norway unto Man,
expelling Harald out of the said island, and taking tribute
on the behalfe of the Norwegian king, because the said
Harald refused to come unto his Court.

In the yere 1240. Gospatricius deceased and was buried
in the abbey of Russin.

In the yere 1239. Haraldus went unto the king of
Norway, who within two yeres confirmed unto him, his
heires and successors, under scale, all the islands which his
predecessors enjoyed.

In the yeere 1242. Haraldus returned out of Norway
unto Man, and being honourably received by the inhabi-
tants, he lived in peace with the kings of England and
Scotland.

In the yeere 1247. Haraldus (like as his father also before
him) was knighted by the king of England, and so being
rewarded with many gifts, he returned home. The same
yere he was sent for by the king of Norway, and he
maried his daughter. And in the yere 1249. as he was
returning home with his wife, with Laurence the elect of
Man, and with many other nobles, neere unto the confines
of Radland, he was drowned in a tempest.

In the yere 1249. Reginald the sonne of Olavus, and
brother unto Harald began to reigne the day next before
the Nones of May : and upon the 30. day of the same
moneth he was slaine by Yvarus a souldier, and other of
his complices, in the South part of a certaine medow,

39

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1249-

neere unto the Church of the holy Trinitie, and he was
buried at the Church of S. Marie at Russin.

The same yere Alexander king of Scots provided a great
navie of ships, that he might conquere the islands unto
himselfe : howbeit falling into an ague at the isle of Ker-
wary, he deceased.

Then Haraldus the sonne of Godred Don usurped the
name of a king over the islands, hee banished also all the
princes of Harald the sonne of Olavus, and ordeined his
fugitives to bee princes and nobles in their stead.

In the yere 1250. Haraldus the son of Godred Don
being summoned by letters went unto the king of Norway,
who deteined him in prison because he had unjustly pos-
sessed the kingdome. The same yeere Magnus the sonne
of Olavus, and John the sonne of Dugalt arrived at
Roghalwaht, which John named himselfe king, but the
Mannians taking it grievously, that Magnus was not
nominated, drave them from their shoare, and many of the
company perished by shipwracke.

In the yeere 1252. came Magnus the sonne of Olavus
unto Man, and was ordeined king. The yere folowing he
tooke his journey unto the king of Norway, & there he
remained one whole yere.
[I. 16.] In the yeere 1254. Haco king of Norway ordeined

Magnus the sonne of Olavus king of the Islands, con-
firming them to him and to his heires, and by name unto
Harald his brother.

In the yere 1256. Magnus tooke his journey into
England, and was by the king of England created knight.

In ye yere 1257. the Church of S. Maries of Russin
was dedicated by Richard bishop of Soder.

In the yeere 1260. Haco king of Norway came into the
parts of Scotland, and without atchieving ought, turning
his course towards the Orcades he there deceased at Kir-
was, and was buried at Bergen.

In the yeere 1265. Magnus the sonne of Olavus king
of Man and of the Islands died at the castle of Russin,
and was buried at the Church of S. Mary at Russin.

40

THE KINGS OF MAN a.d.

1316.

In the yere 1266. the kingdome of the Islands was trans-
lated unto Alexander king of Scots.

That which followeth was written in a new char-
acter or letter, and of a divers kinde from the
former.

IN the yeere 1270. upon the seventh day of October
the Fleete of Alexander king of Scots arrived at
Roghalwath, and the next day before the Sunne rising
there was a battell fought betweene the Mannians
and the Scots, in the which conflict there were slaine
§2S' Mannians : whereupon a certaine versifier writeth
to this effect :

Five hundreth fourtie men are slaine :

against ill haps,
Yee Mannians arme your selves, for feare

of afterclaps.

In the yeere 13 13. Robert king of Scots besieged the
castle of Russin, which Dingaway Dowil held against
him, howbeit at the last the king tooke the castle.

In the yeere 13 16. upon the feast of Ascension, Richard
le Mandevile and his brethren, with divers great person-
ages of Irland arrived at Ramaldwath, demaunding to
have victuals and money ministred unto them, because
they had bene spoyled by their enemies, which made
continuall warre upon them. But when the whole com-
pany of the Mannians answered that they would give
nothing, they proceeded against them in warlike maner
with two bands, till they were come under the side of
the hill called Warthfel, in the fielde where John
Mandevile remained, and there having fought a battell,
the Irish overcame the people of Man, and spoiled the
Island and the Abbey of Russin also : and when they
had reveled a whole moneth in the Island, fading their
ships they returned home.

41

A.D.

1067.

[067.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

The mariage of the daughter of Harald, slaine by
WilHam the Conquerour, unto Jeruslaus duke of
Russia, taken out of the 9. Booke of the Danish
historie written by Saxo Grammaticus. An. D.
1067.

Araldo casso, filli ejus duo confestim in
Daniam cum sorore migrarunt. Quos
Sweno, paterni illorum meriti oblitus con-
sanguineae pietatis more accepitjpuellamque
Ruthenorum regi Waldemaro, (qui & ipse
Jarislaus a suis est appellatus) nuptum
dedit. Eidem postmodum nostri temporis

dux, ut sanguinis, ita & nominis haeres, ex filia nepos
obvenit. Itaque hinc Britannicus, inde Ecus sanguis
in salutarem nostri principis ortum confluens communem
stirpem duarum gentium ornamentum effecit.

The same in EngUsh.

HArald being slaine his two sonnes with their sister
sped themselves immediatly into Denmarke. Whom
Sweno forgetting their fathers deserts received in most
kinde and friendly maner, and bestowed the yong damosell
in mariage upon Waldemarus king of Russia who was
also called by his subjects Jarislaus. Afterward the said
Waldemarus had by his daughter a nephew being duke
at this present, who succeeded his predecessour both in
lineal descent and in name also. Wherefore the English
blood on the one side and the Russian on the other
side concurring to the joyfull birth of our prince, caused
that mutual kinred to be an ornament unto both nations.

[I. 17.] The state of the shipping of the Cinque ports from
Edv^ard the Confessour and William the Con-
querour, and so downe to Edv^ard the first,
faithfully gathered by the learned Gentleman

42

SHIPPING OF THE CINQUE PORTS

M. Willaim Lambert in his Perambulation of
Kent, out of the most ancient Records of
England.

A.D.

1070.

1070.

Finde in the booke of the generall survey The antlquitie
of the Realme, which William the Con- 'f'^'' P'^'^'-
querour caused to bee made in the fourth
yeere of his reigne, and to be called
Domesday, because (as Matthew Parise
saith) it spared no man but judged all
men indifferently, as the Lord in that great
day wil do, that Dover, Sandwich, and Rumney, were in
the time of K. Edward the Confessour, discharged almost
of all maner of imposicions and burdens (which other
townes did beare) in consideration of such service to bee
done by them upon the Sea, as in their special titles shall
hereafter appeare.

Whereupon, although I might ground reasonable con-
jecture, that the immunitie of the haven Townes (which
we nowe call by a certaine number, the Cinque Ports)
might take their beginning from the same Edward : yet
for as much as I read in the Chartre of K. Edward the
first after the conquest (which is reported in our booke of
Entries) A recitall of the graunts of sundry kings to the
Five Ports, the same reaching no higher then to William
the Conquerour, I will leave my conjecture, and leane to his
Chartre : contenting my selfe to yeelde to the Conquerour,
the thankes of other mens benefits, seeing those which
were benefited, were wisely contented (as the case then
stood) to like better of his confirmation (or second gift)
then of K. Edwards first graunt, and endowment.

And to the ende that I may proceed in some maner of
array, I will first shewe, which Townes were at the begin-
ning taken for the Five Ports, and what others be now
reputed in the same number : secondly, what service they
ought, and did in times passed : and lastly, what privi-
ledges they have therefore, and by what persons they have
bene governed.

+3

A.D.

1070.
Which be the
Five Forts.

250.

Citizens were
called Barons
in old time.

Contention
betzveene Tar-
mouth, and the
Five Ports.

1250.
Antiquitie of
Yarmouth
fishing.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

If 1 should judge by the common, and rude verse,
Dover ^ Sandwicus^ Ry, Rum, Frigmare ventus^

I must say, that Dover, Sandwich, Rie, Rumney, and
Winchelsey, (for that is, Frigmare ventus) be the Five
Ports : Againe, if I should be ruled by the Rolle which
reciteth the Ports that send Barons to the Parliament, 1
must then adde to these, Hastings and Hyde, for they also
have their Barons as well as the other : and so should I
not onely, not shew which were the first Five, but also
(by addition of two others) increase both the number, and
doubtfulnesse. Leaving the verse therefore, for ignorance
of the authour and suspition of his authoritie, and for-
saking the Rolle (as not assured of the antiquitie) I will
flee to Henry Bracton, a man both ancient, learned, and
credible, which lived under K. Henry the thirde, and
wrote (above three hundreth yeeres since) learnedly of the
lawes of this Realme.

He (I say) in the third booke of his worke, and treatise
of the Crowne, taking in hand to shewe the articles inquir-
able before the Justice in Eire, (or Itinerent, as we called
them, because they used to ride from place to place
throughout the Realme, for administration of justice)
setteth forth a special fourme of writs, to be directed
severally to the Bailifes of Hastings, Hithe, Rumney,
Dover, and Sandwich, commanding them, that they should
cause twentie & foure of their Barons (for so their
Burgesses, or townesmen, and the citizens of London
likewise, were wont to be termed) to appeare before the
Kings Justices at Shipwey in Kent (as they accustomed to
do) there to enquire of such points, as should be given in
charge. Which done, hee addeth moreover, that forso-
much as there was oftentimes contention betweene them of
the Five Ports, & the inhabitants of Yarmouth in
Norfolke and Donwich in Suffolke, there should be severall
writs directed to them also, returnable before the same
Justices at the same day and place, reciting, that where the
King had by his former writs sommoned the Pleas of the
Five Ports to bee holden at Shipwey, if any of the same

44

SHIPPING OF THE CINQUE PORTS a.d. j

^'^11- "I

townes had cause to complaine of any (being within the \

liberties of the said Ports) he should be at Shipwey to •

propound against him, and there to receive according to \

law and Justice. i

Thus much I recite out of Bracton, partly to shew that .

Shipwey was before K. Edward the firsts time, the place of j

assembly for the Plees of the Five Ports : partly to notifie •

the difference, and controversie that long time since was ]

betweene these Ports, and those other townes : But pur- i

posely, and chiefly, to prove, that Hastings, and Hithe, 'f

Dover, Rumney, and Sandwich, were in Bractons time \
accompted the Five principall havens or Ports, which were

endowed with priviledge, and had the same ratified by the .i

great Chartre of England. j

Neither yet will I deny, but that soone after, Winchel- 1268. ]

sey and Rie might be added to the number. For I find \- J i

in an old recorde, that king Henry the third tooke into j

his owne hands (for the better defence of the Realme) the j

townes of Winchelsey, and Rie, which belonged before to |

the Monasterie of Fescampe in Normandie, and gave I

therefore in exchange, the Manor of Chiltham in Glouces- i

tershire, & divers other lands in Lincolneshire. This he j

did, partly to conceale from the Priors Aliens the intelli- j

gence of the secret affaires of his Realme, and partly \

because of a great disobedience & excesse, that was com- ;
mitted by the inhabitants of Wincelsey, against Prince

Edward his eldest sonne. And therefore, although I can |

easily be led to thinke, that he submitted them for their j

correction to the order, and governance of the Five ports, \

yet I stand doubtfull whether hee made them partners of \

their priviledges, or no, for that had bene a preferment, '\

and no punishment unto them : but I suspect rather, that |

his sonne king Edward the first, (by whose encouragement \

and aide, olde Winchelsey was afterward abandoned, and Winchelsey \
the newe towne builded) was the first that apparelled them -^^'^^ builded. \

with that preeminence. '^''' \

By this therefore let it appeare, that Hastings, Dover, j

Hithe, Rumney, and Sandwich, were the first Ports of j

45 i

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

priviledge : which (because they were 5. in number) both
at the first gave, and yet continue, to all the residue, the
name of Cinque Ports, although not onely Winchelsey and
Rie, be (since that time) incorporated with them as
principals, but divers other places also (for the ease of
their charge) be crept in, as partes, lims, and members of
the same.

Now therefore, somewhat shalbe said, as touching the
services that these Ports of duetie owe, and in deed have
done, to the Princes : whereof the one (I meane with what
number of vessels, in what maner of furniture, and for
how long season, they ought to wait on the king at the
Sea, upon their owne charges) shall partly appeare by that
which we shall presently say, and partly by that which shall
followe in Sandwich, and Rumney : The other shall bee
made manifest by examples, drawne out of good histories :
and they both shall be testified by the words of king
Edward the first in his owne Chartre.

The booke of Domesday before remembred, chargeth
Dover with twentie vessels at the sea, whereof eche to be
furnished with one and twentie men for fifteene dayes
together : and saith further, that Rumney and Sandwich
answered the like service. But now whether this (like)
ought to be understoode of the like altogether, both in
respect of the number and service, or of the (like) in
respect of service, according to the proportion of their
abilitie onely, I may not hereby take upon me to deter-
mine. For on the one side, if Rumney, Sandwich, and
the residue, should likewise finde twentie vessels a piece,
then (as you shall anone see) the five Ports were subject
to a greater charge at that time, then King Edward the
first layd upon them : And on the other side, if they were
onely chargeable after their proportion, then know I not
how farre to burthen them, seeing the Record of Domesday
it selfe, bindeth them to no certeintie. And therefore
leaving this as I find it, I must elsewhere make inquisition
for more lightsome proofe. And first I will have recourse
to king Edward the first his Chartre in which I read, that

46

SHIPPING OF THE CINQUE PORTS ad.

1278.

At ech time that the King passeth over the sea, the Ports
ought to rigge up fiftie and seven ships, (whereof every-
one to have twentie armed souldiers) and to mainteine j
them at their owne costes, by the space of fifteene dayes j
together.

And thus it stoode with the Ports for their generall 1278. ^

charge, in the sixt yeere of his reigne, for then was this '■

Chartre sealed. But as touching the particular burthen of .

ech one, I have seene two divers testimonies, of which the I

first is a note in French (bearing the countenance of a
Record) and is intituled, to have bene renued in the two
and twentie yeere of the Reigne of the same king, by
Stephan Penchester, then Constable of Dover Castle, in j

which the particular charge is set downe in this maner. j

The Port of Hastings ought to finde three ships. I

The lowie of Pevensey, one. ;

Bulverhithe and Petit Jahn, one. i

Bekesborne in Kent, seven.

Grenche at Gillingham in Kent, two men and \

armour, with the ships of Hastings. ]

The towne of Rie, five. j

To it was Tenterdene annexed, in the time of King ;

Henrie the sixt.
The towne of Winchelsey, tenne. :

The Port of Rumney, foure. J

Lydde, seven. |

The Port of Hythe, five.
The Port of Dover, nineteene.

The towne of Folkestone, seven. •;

The towne of Feversham, seven. ]

The Port of Sandwich, with Stonor, Fordwich, Dale,
&c. five.
These ships they ought to finde upon fortie dayes [I. 19.] ' '
summons, armed and arrayed at their owne charge, and
in ech of them twentie men, besides the Master of the \

Mariners : all which they shall likewise mainteine five
dayes together at their owne costs, giving to the Maister
sixe pence by the day, to the Constable sixe pence, and to

47 " i

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1278.

ech other Manner three pence. And after those five
dayes ended, the King shall defray the charges.

The other is a Latine Custumall of the towne of Hyde,

the which although it pretend not so great antiquity as

the first, yet seemeth it to me to import as much or more

likelihood and credit : It standeth thus.

These be the Five Ports of our soveraigne Lord the King

having liberties, which other Ports have not : Hasting,

Romenal, Heth, Dover, Sandwich, the chiefe Townes.

The services due by the same.

Hasting shall finde 21. ships, in every ship 21. men,
and a Garcion, or Boy, which is called a Gromet. To it
perteine (as the members of one towne) the Seashore in
Seford, Pevenshey, Hodeney, Winchelsey, Rie, Ihame,
Bekesbourne, Grenge, Northie, Bulwerheth.

Romenal 5. ships, in every ship 21. men, and a
Garcion : To it perteine, as members thereof, Promhell,
Lede, Eastwestone, Dengemareys, olde Rumney.

Hethe 5. ships, as Romenal before. To it perteineth
the Westhethe.

Dover 21. ships, as Hasting before. To it perteine,
Folkstane, Feversham, and S. Margarets, not concerning
the land, but for the goods and cattels.

Sandwich 5. ships, as Romenal, and Hethe. To it
perteine Fordwich, Reculver, Serre, and Dele, not for the
soile, but for the goods.

Summe of ships 57.

Summe of the men 11 87. and 57. Garcions.

This service, the Barons of the Five Ports doe acknow-
ledge to owe to the King, upon summons yerely (if it
happen) by the space of 15. dayes together, at their owne
costs and charges, accounting that for the first day of the
15. in which they shall spread their sailes to goe towards
those parts that the King intendeth : and to serve so long
after 15. dayes, as the King will, at his owne pay and
wages.

Thus much out of these ancient notes, whereby your

48

SHIPPING OF THE CIXQUE PORTS ad. .

1293. I

selfe may easily discerne the difference : but whether the i

one or the other, or (by reason of some latter dispensa- |

tion) neither of these, have place at this day, I must i

referre it to them that be privie, and of counsel! with the ;

Ports : and so leaving this also undecided, holde on the ;

way, wherein I am entred. :

This duetie of attendance therefore (being devised for
the honourable transportation, and safe conduct of the j

Kings owne person or his armie over the narrow Seas) j

the Ports have not onely most diligently ever since that
time performed, but furthermore also valiantly behaved
themselves against the enemie from time to time, in
sundrie exploits by water, as occasion hath bene profered,
or the necessitie of the Realme required.

And amongst other feats not unwoorthy perpetuall re- The good ser-
membrance, after such time as Lewes (the eldest sonne of ^'^^^ of the five
the French King) had entred the Realme to aide Stephan
Langton the Archbishop, and the Nobilitie, in the life of
King John, and had sent into France for new supply of
souldiers after his death, Hubert of Borough (then 1217.
captaine of Dover) following the opinion of Themistocles
in the exposition of the oracle of the woodden walles,
by the aide of the Port townes, armed fortie tall ships,
and meeting with eightie saile of French men upon
the high seas, gave them a most couragious encounter,
in which he tooke some, sunke others, and discomfited
the rest.

King Henrie the third also, after that he came to riper
age, had great benefit by the service of the Cinque Ports :
And king Edward the first in his Chartre, maketh their
continual! faithful! service (and especially their good
endevour, then lately shewed against the Welshmen) the 1278.
principal! cause, and motive of that his liberal! grant.

Furthermore, about the midst of the reigne of the same
king, an hundreth saile of the Navie of the Ports fought
at the Sea with a fleet of 200. French men, all which 1293.
(notwithstanding the great oddes of the number) they
tooke, and slew, and sunke so many of the Mariners, that
I 49 D

A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1293- I

France was thereby (for a long season after) in maner ]

destitute, both of Seamen, and shipping. '

1406. Finally, and to conclude this part, in the dayes of king I

Henrie the fourth, the navie of the Five Ports, under I

the conduct of one Henrie Paye, surprised one hundreth i

and twentie French ships, all laden with Salt, Iron, Oile, '
and no woorse merchandize.

The prhn- The priviledges of these Ports, being first granted by !

ledges of the Ec^^ard the Confessour, and William the Conquerour, '

and then confirmed and increased by William Rufus, -

[I. 20.] Henrie the second, Richard the first, Henrie the third, I

and king Edward the first, be very great, considering '

either the honour and ease, or the freedome and exemp- '

tion, that the inhabitants have by reason of the same. ;

I

Part of an Epistle written by one Yvo of Narbona |

unto the Archbishop of Burdeaux, conteining \

the confession of an Englishman as touching ;

the barbarous demeanour of the Tartars, which \

had lived long among them, and was drawen |

along perforce with them in their expedition |

against Hungarie : Recorded by Mathew Paris i

in the yere of our Lord 1243. i

THe Lord therefore being provoked to indignation, !

by reason of this and other sinnes committed !

among us Christians, is become, as it were, a destroying ■

enemie, and a dreadfull avenger. This I may justly ;

afBrme to be true, because an huge nation, and a !

barbarous and inhumane people, whose law is lawlesse, ;

whose wrath is furious, even the rod of Gods anger, j

overrunneth, and utterly wasteth infinite countreyes, j

cruelly abolishing all things where they come, with fire j
and sword. And this present Summer, the foresayd
nation, being called Tartars, departing out of Hungarie,
which they had surprised by treason, layd siege unto the
I Neustat. very same II towne, wherein I my selfe abode, with many
thousands of souldicrs : neither were there in the sayd

50

THE TARTARS ad.

1243-

towne on our part above 50. men of warre, whom, together
with 20. crosbowes, the captaine had left in garrison. All
these, out of certeine high places, beholding the enemies
vaste armie, and abhorring the beastly crueltie of Anti-
christ his complices, signified foorthwith unto their
governour, the hideous lamentations of his Christian
subjects, who suddenly being surprised in all the province
adjoyning, without any difference or respect of condition,
fortune, sexe, or age, were by manifolde cruelties, all of
them destroyed : with whose carkeises, the Tartarian
chieftains, and their brutish and savage followers, glutting
themselves, as with delicious cates, left nothing for vul-
tures but the bare bones. And a strange thing it is to
consider, that the greedie and ravenous vultures disdeined
to praye upon any of the reliques, which remained. Olde,
and deformed women they gave, as it were, for dayly
sustenance, unto their Canibals : the beautifull devoured
they not, but smothered them lamenting and scritching,
with forced and unnaturall ravishments. Like barbarous
miscreants, they quelled virgins unto death, and cutting
off their tender paps to present for deinties unto their
magistrates, they engorged themselves with their bodies.

Howbeit, their spials in the meane time discrying from
the top of an high mountaine the Duke of Austria, the
King of Bohemia, the Patriarch of Aquileia, the Duke of
Carinthia, and (as some report) the Earle of Baden, with
a mightie power, and in battell aray, approching towards
them, that accursed crew immediatly vanished, and all
those Tartarian vagabonds retired themselves into the
distressed and vanquished land of Hungarie ; who as they
came suddenly, so they departed also on the sudden :
which their celeritie caused all men to stand in horrour
and astonishment of them. But of the sayd fugitives, the
prince of Dalmatia tooke eight : one of which number the
Duke of Austria knew to be an English man, who was
perpetually banished out of the Realme of England, in
regard of certaine notorious crimes by him committed.
This fellow, on the behalfe of the most tyrannicall king of

5*

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1243-

the Tartars, had bene twise, as a messenger and inter-
preter, with the king of Hungarie, menacing and plainely
foretelHng those mischiefes which afterward happened,
unlesse he would submit himselfe and his kingdome unto
the Tartars yoke. Well, being allured by our Princes to
confesse the trueth, he made such oathes and protesta-
tions, as (I thinke) the devill himselfe would have beene
trusted for. First therefore he reported of himselfe, that
presently after the time of his banishment, namely about
the 30. yere of his age, having lost all that he had in the
citie of Aeon at dice, even in the midst of Winter, being
compelled by ignominious hunger, wearing nothing about
him but a shirt of sacke, a paire of shooes, and a haire
cappe onely, being shaven like a foole, and uttering an
uncoth noise as if he had bene dumbe, he tooke his
journey, and so traveiling many countreyes, and finding in
divers places friendly enterteinment, he prolonged his life
in this maner for a season, albeit every day by rashnesse of
speech, and inconstancie of heart, he endangered himselfe
to the devill. At length, by reason of extreame travaile,
and continuall change of aire and of meats in Caldea, he
fell into a grievous sickenesse, insomuch that he was wearie
of his life. Not being able therefore to go forward or
backeward, and staying there a while to refresh himselfe,
he began (being somewhat learned) to commend to writing
those wordes which hee heard spoken, and within a short
space, so aptly to pronounce, and to utter them himselfe,
that he was reputed for a native member of that countrey :
and by the same dexteritie he attained to manie languages.
This man the Tartars having intelligence of by their spies,
drew him perforce into their societie : and being admon-
ished by an oracle or vision, to challenge dominion over

[I. 21.] the whole earth, they allured him by many rewards to
their faithfull service, by reason that they wanted Inter-
preters. But concerning their maners and superstitions,
of the disposition and stature of their bodies, of their
countrey and maner of fighting &c, he protested the
particulars following to be true : namely, that they were

52

THE TARTARS ad.

1243-
above all men, covetous, hasty, deceitfull, and mercilesse :
notwithstanding, by reason of the rigour and extremitie of
punishments to be inflicted upon them by their superiours,
they are restreined from brawlings, and from mutuall
strife and contention. The ancient founders and fathers
of their tribes, they call by the name of gods, and at
certaine set times they doe celebrate solemne feasts unto
them, many of them being particular, & but foure onely
generall. They thinke that all things are created for
themselves alone. They esteeme it none offence to exer-
cise cruelty against rebels. They be hardie and strong in
the breast, leane and pale-faced, rough and huf-shouldred,
having flatte and short noses, long and sharpe chinnes,
their upper jawes are low and declining, their teeth long
and thinne, their eye-browes extending from their fore-
heads downe to their noses, their eies inconstant and
blacke, their countenances writhen and terrible, their
extreame joynts strong with bones and sinewes, having
thicke and great thighes, and short legs, and yet being
equall unto us in stature : for that length which is wanting
in their legs, is supplied in the upper parts of their bodies.
Their countrey in olde time was a land utterly desert and
waste, situated far beyond Chaldea, from whence they
have expelled Lions, Beares, & such like untamed beasts,
with their bowes, and other engines. Of the hides of
beasts being tanned, they use to shape for themselves light,
but yet impenetrable armour. They ride fast bound unto
their horses, which are not very great in stature, but
exceedingly strong, and mainteined with little provender.
They use to fight constantly and valiantly with javelins,
maces, battle-axes, and swords. But specially they are
excellent archers, and cunning warriers with their bowes.
Their backs are slightly armed, that they may not flee.
They withdraw not themselves from the combate, till they
see the chiefs Standerd of their Generall give backe.
Vanquished, they aske no favour, and vanquishing, they
shew no compassion. They all persist in their purpose of
subduing the whole world under their owne subjection, as

53

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

^243-

if they were but one man, and yet they are moe then
milhons in number. They have 60000. Courriers, who
being sent before upon light horses to prepare a place for
the armie to incampe in, will in the space of one night
gallop three dayes journey. And suddenly diffusing
themselves over an whole province, and surprising all the
people thereof unarmed, unprovided, dispersed, they make
such horrible slaughters, that the king or prince of the
land invaded, cannot finde people sufficient to wage battell
against them, and to withstand them. They delude all
people and princes of regions in time of peace, pretending
that for a cause, which indeed is no cause. Sometimes
they say, that they will make a voyage to Colen, to fetch
home the three wise kings into their owne countrey ;
sometimes to punish the avarice and pride of the Romans,
who oppressed them in times past ; sometimes to conquere
barbarous and Northren nations ; sometimes to moderate
the furie of the Germans with their owne meeke mildnesse;
sometimes to learne warlike feats and stratagems of the
French ; sometimes for the finding out of fertile ground
to suffice their huge multitudes ; sometimes againe in
derision they say, that they intend to goe on pilgrimage
to S. James of Galicia. In regard of which sleights and
collusions certaine undiscreet governors concluding a
league with them, have granted them free passage thorow
their territories, which leagues notwithstanding being
violated, were an occasion of ruine and destruction unto
the foresayd governours &c.

5+

i

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI a.d.

1246.

Libellus historicus Joannis de Piano Carpini, qui
missus est Legatus ad Tartaros anno Domini
1246. ab Innocentio quarto Pontifice maximo.
Incipit Prologus in librum Tartarorum.

Mnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos prassens
scriptum pervenerit, frater Joannes de
Piano Carpini ordinis fratrum minorum,
Apostolicas sedis Legatus, nuncius ad Tar-
taros & nationes alias Orientis, Dei gratiam
in prassenti, & gloriam in futuro, & de
inimicis suis gloriam triumphalem. Cum
ex mandato sedis Apostolic^ iremus ad Tartaros & nationes
alias Orientis, & sciremus Domini Papae & venerabilium
Cardinalium voluntatem, elegimus prius ad Tartaros pro-
ficisci. Timebamus enim ne per eos in proximo ecclesiae
Dei periculum immineret. Et quamvis a Tartaris & aliis
nationibus timeremus occidi, vel perpetuo captivari, vel
fame, siti, algore, aestu, contumelia, & laborious nimiis, [I. 22.]
& quasi ultra vires affligi (quae omnia multo plusquam
prius credidimus, excepta morte vel captivitate perpetua
nobis multipliciter evenerunt) non tamen pepercimus nobis
ipsis, ut voluntatem Dei secundum Domini papae man-
datum adimplere possemus, & ut proficeremus in aliquo
Christianis, ut saltem scita veraciter voluntate & intentione
ipsorum, possemus illam patefacere Christianis, ne forte
subito irruentes invenirent eos imparatos, sicut peccatis
hominum exigentibus alia vice contigit : & fecerunt
magnam stragem in populo Christiano. Unde quaecunque
pro vestra utilitate vobis scribimus ad cautelam, tanto
securius credere debetis, quanto nos cuncta vel ipsi
vidimus oculis nostris, qui per annum & quatuor menses Annus is 4.
& amplius ambulavimus per ipsos & cum ipsis, ac '>-''/7.f^-f '^^
fuimus inter eos, vel audivimus a Christianis qui ''■''*'"'^-
sunt inter eos captivi, & ut credimus fide dignis.
Mandatum etiam a supremo pontifice habebamus, ut
cuncta perscrutaremur & videremus omnia diligenter.

55

A.D.
1246.

Trater Bene-
dictus Polonus
comes Joannis
de Piano Car-
pint.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Quod tarn nos quam frater Benedictus ejusdem ordinis
qui nostrae tribulationis fuit socius & interpres fecimus
studiose.

De terra Tartarorum, situ, qualitate & dispositione
aeris in eadem. Cap. i.
iOlentes igitur facta scribere Tartarorum, ut

\\Jl. Sclango-
rum.

Oceania ah
J qui lone.

Syr a or da,
curia major
imperatoris.

S I lectores facilius valeant invenire, hoc modo per
capitula describemus. Primo quidem dicemus
de terra. Secundo de hominibus. Tertio de ritu.
Quarto de moribus. Quinto de ipsorum imperio. Sexto
de bellis. Septimo de terris quas eorum dominio
subjugaverunt. Octavo quomodo Bello occurratur
eisdem. De terra possumus hoc modo tractare. In
principio quidem dicemus de situ ipsius : secundo de
qualitate : tertio de dispositione aeris in eadem. Terra
vero prcedicta est in ea posita parte Orientis in qua oriens
sicut credimus conjungitur Aquiloni. Ab Oriente autem
est terra posita Kytaiorum & etiam II Solangorum : a
meridie sunt terrae Saracenorum : inter Occidentem &
Meridiem Huyrorum. Ab Occidente provincia Nay-
manorum ; ab Aquilone mari oceano circundatur. Haec
vero in parte aliqua est nimium montuosa, & in aliqua est
campestris, sed fere tota admixta glarea, raro argillosa,
plurimum est arenosa. In aliqua parte terrae sunt aliquas
modicae sylvae : alia vero est sine lignis omnino. Cibaria
autem sua decoquunt & sedent tam imperator quam
principes & alii ad ignem factum de boum stercoribus &
equorum. Terra autem praedicta non est in parte
centesima fructuosa : nee etiam potest fructum portare
nisi aquis fluvialibus irrigetur. Sed aqua & rivi ibidem
sunt pauci : flumina vero rarissima unde ibidem villae
sunt paucae ; nee aliquae civitates excepta una, quae esse
dicitur satis bona ; nos autem non vidimus illam, sed
fuimus prope ad dimidium diem, cum apud Syram ordam
essemus, quae curia est major imperatoris eorum. Et licet
alias infructuosa sit, quamvis non multum, tamen com-
petenter est alendis pecoribus apta. Aer in ipsa est

56

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI a.d.

1246.

mirabiliter inordinatus. In media etiam asstate quando in

aliis partibus solet calor maximus abundare ; ibi sunt

tonitrua magna & fulgura, ex quibus homines quam

plurimi occiduntur. Cadunt etiam ibi eodem tempore

maximae nives. Ibi sunt etiam frigidissimorum ventorum Maxima

tam maximas tempestates, quod cum labore vix possunt ^^^^'^J^^n cestate

homines ahquando equitare. Unde cum essemus apud

ordam (sic enim stationes imperatoris apud eos & principum

appellantur) jacebamus in terra prae magnitudine venti

prostrati, & propter pulveris multitudinem videre minime

poteramus. In ea etiam in hyeme nusquam pluit, sed in

aestate : & tam modicum, quod vix potest aliquando

pulverem & radices graminum madidare. Grando etiam Grando

ibi saepe maxima cadit. Unde eo tempore quando fuit ^^^^^^■

electus, & in sede regni poni debuit imperator, nobis in

curia existentibus, tanta cecidit grando, quod ex subita Maxlmahun-

resolutione, sicut plenius intelleximus, plusquam centum & dam ex subita

quadraginta homines in eadem curia fuerunt submersi. S^^^f^^^^

. j'csotutioTie ,

Res autem & habitacula plura deducta fuerunt. Ibi est

etiam in aestate subito magnus calor, & repente maximum

frigus. In hyeme vero in ahqua parte cadunt maximae

nives, in aha autem parvae. Et ut breviter de terra con-

cludam, magna est, sed ahter, sicut vidimus ocuhs

nostris, (quia per ipsam circuendam quinque mensibus Iter quhque

& dimidium ambulavimus) multo vihor est, quam mensium ^

dicere valeamus. dimidh.

De formis Tartarorum, de conjugio, vestibus &
habitaculis eorum. Cap. 2.

DIcto de terra, de hominibus est dicendum. Primo
quidem formas describemus personarum. Secundo
de ipsorum conjugio supponemus. Tertio de vesti-
bus. Quarto de habitaculis. Quinto de rebus
eorum. Forma personarum ab hominibus ahis est
remota. Inter oculos enim & genas plusquam alii [I. 23.]
homines sunt lati. Genae etiam satis prominent a
maxillis. Graciles sunt gejieraliter in cingulo exceptis
quibusdam paucis. Pene omnes sunt mediocris staturae.

57

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

Barba fere omnibus minime crescit. Aliqui tamen in
inferiori labio & in barba modicos habent crines, quos
minime tondent. Super verticem capitis in modum
clericorum habent coronas, & ab aure una usque ad
aliam, ad latitudinem trium digitorum similiter omnes
radunt. Quae rasurae coronae praedictae junguntur. Super
frontem etiam ad latitudinem duorum digitorum similiter
omnes radunt. Illos autem capillos qui sunt inter
coronam & prastaxatam rasuram crescere usque ad super-
cilia sinunt. Et ex utraque parte frontis tondendo
plusquam in medio crines faciunt longos : reliquos vero
crines permittunt crescere ut mulieres. De quibus faciunt
duas cordas, & ligant unamquamque post aurem. Pedes
etiam modicos habent. Uxores vero habet unusquisque
quot potest tenere. Aliquis centum, aliquis quinquaginta,
aliquis decem, aliquis plures vel pauciores : & omnibus
parentibus generaliter junguntur, excepta matre, filia, vel
sorore ex eadem matre, sororibus etiam ex patre : tamen
& uxores patris post mortem ducere possunt. Uxorem
etiam fratris alter frater junior post mortem vel alius de
parentela junior ducere tenetur. Reliquas mulieres omnes
sine ulla differentia ducunt in uxores, & emunt eas valde
pretiose a parentibus suis. Post mortem maritorum de
facili ad secunda conjugia non migrant, nisi quis velit
Vestes. suam novercam ducere in uxorem. Vestes autem tarn
virorum quam mulierum sunt uno modo formatas.
Palliis, cappis vel capputiis vel pellibus non utuntur.
Tunicas vero portant de Bukeramo, purpura, vel Baldaquino
in hunc modum formatas. A supremo usque deorsum
sunt scissae, quia ante pectus duplicantur. A latere vero
sinistro una, & in dextris tribus ligaturis nectuntur, & in
latere & in sinistro usque ad brachiale sunt scissae. Pellicia
cujuscunque sunt generis in eundem modum formantur :
superius tamen pellicium exterius habet pilum, sed a
posterioribus est apertum. Habet autem caudulam unam
usque ad genua retro. Mulieres vero quae sunt maritatae
habent tunicam vaide amplam & usque ad terram ante
scissam. Super caput vero habent unum quid rotundum

58

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.

de viminibus vel de cortice factum, quod in longum pro-

tenditur ad unam ulnam, & in summitate desinit in

quadrum : & ab imo usque ad summum in amplitudine

semper crescit, & in summitate habet virgulam unam

longam & gracilem de auro vel de argento seu de ligno,

vel etiam pennam : & est assutum super unum pileolum,

quod protenditur usque ad humeros. Instrumentum

praedictum est tectum de buccaramo, sive purpura vel

baldaquino : sine quo instrumento coram hominibus

nunquam vadunt, & per hoc ab aliis mulieribus cognos-

cuntur. Virgines autem & juvenes mulieres cum magna

difficultate a viris suis possunt discerni : quum per omnia

vestiuntur ut viri. Pileola habent alia quam alias nationes,

quorum formam intelligibiliter describere non valemus.

Stationes rotundas habent in modum tentorii prasparatas, Tabenmcula.

de virgis & baculis subtiliter factas. Supra vero in medio

rotundam habent fenestram unde lumen ingreditur, & ut

possit fumus exire : quia semper in medio ignem faciunt.

Parietes autem & tecta filtro sunt cooperta. Ostia etiam

de filtro sunt facta. Quaedam stationes sunt magnae,

quaedam parvae, secundum dignitatem & hominum

parvitatem. Quaedam solvuntur subito & reparantur, &

super somarios deferuntur. Quaedam dissolvi non possunt,

sed in curribus deferuntur. Minoribus autem in curru

ad deferendum unos bos ; majoribus tres vel quatuor, vel

etiam plures, vel quod est magis, sufficiunt ad portandum.

Quocunque vadunt sive ad bellum, sive alias, semper illas

deferunt secum. In animalibus sunt divites valde : in Opesinpecore.

camelis, bobus, ovibus, capris, & equis. Jumentorum

tantam habent multitudinem, quantam non credimus habere

totum mundum. Porcos & alias bestias minime habent.

De cultu & de hiis qu^ credunt esse peccata, & de
divinationibus & ritu funeris eorum, & de
purgationibus suorum peccatorum. Cap. 3.

DIcto de hominibus, dicendum est de ritu : de
quo tractabimus in hunc modum. Primo de cultu :
secundo de hiis quae credunt esse peccata : tertio de

59

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

divinationibus, & purgationibus peccatorum : quarto de
ritu funeris. Unum Deum credunt, quern credunt esse
factorem omnium visibilium & invisibilium. Et credunt
eum tam bonorum in hoc mundo quam poenarum esse
factorem : non tamen orationibus vel laudibus, aut ritu
aliquo ipsum colunt. Nihilominus habent idola quasdam
de filtro ad imaginem hominis facta ; & ilia ponunt ex
utraque parte ostii stationis, & subtus ilia ponunt
quiddam de filtro in modum uberis factum, & ilia
credunt esse pecorum custodes, & eis beneficium lactis &
pullorum prasstare. Alia vero faciunt de pannis sericis, &
ilia multum honorant. Quidam ponunt ilia in pulchro
curru tecto ante ostium stationis : & quicunque aliquid de
[I. 24.1 illo curru furatur, sine ulla miseratione occiditur. Duces,
millenarii, & centenarii unum semper habent in medio
stationis. Praedictis idolis offerunt primum lac omnis
pecoris & jumenti. Et cum primo comedere & bibere
incipiunt, primo offerunt eis de cibariis & potu. Et
cum bestiam aliquam occidunt, oiferunt cor Idolo quod
est in curru in aliquo cypho, & dimittunt usque
mane, & tunc auferunt de praesenti ejus, & decoquunt
& manducant. Primo etiam imperatori faciunt idolum,
quod ponunt in curru, ante quam stationem honor-
ifice, sicut vidimus ante ordam imperatoris istius, oiferunt
munera multa. Equos etiam offerunt ei, quos nullus
audet ascendere usque ad mortem. Alia etiam animalia
eidem offerunt. Quae vero occidunt ad manducandum,
nullum OS ex eis confringunt, sed igni comburunt. Et
etiam ad meridiem tanquam Deo inclinant, & inclinare
faciunt alios nobiles, qui se reddunt eisdem. Unde
nuper contigit quod Michael, qui fuit unus de magnis
ducibus Russiae, cum ivisset ad se reddendum Bati,
fecerunt eum prius inter duos ignes transire : Post hoc
dixerunt, quod ad meridiem Cyngis can inclinaret.
Qui respondit, quod Bati & servis suis inclinaret libenter,
sed imagini hominis mortui non inclinaret, quia non licet
hoc facere Christianis. Et cum saepe diceretur, quod
inclinaret, & nollet, mandavit ei praedictus per filium

60

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI

Jeroslai, quod occideretur si non inclinaret. Qui respondit,
quod potius vellet mori, quam hoc faceret, quia non
liceret. At ille satellitem unum misit, qui tarn diu contra
cor eum in ventre cake percussit, quousque deficeret.
Tunc quidam de suis militibus qui astabat confortans eum
dixit : Esto robustus quia haec poena non diu tibi durabit,
& statim sequetur gaudium sempiternum : post hoc fuit
caput ejus cultello prascisum. Militi vero prasdicto fuit
caput etiam cultello amputatum. Solem igitur lumina &
ignem venerantur & adorant, & aquam & terram, eis
ciborum & potus primitias offerentes, & mane potissime
antequam comedant & bibant : quia de cultu Dei nullam
legem observant. Neminem cogunt suam fidem vel
legem negare. Accidit tamen dum adhuc nuper essemus
in terra quod Andreas dux de II Sarvogle quae est in Russia
fuit apud Bati accusatus, quod educeret equos Tartarorum
de terra & venderet alias, & cum tamen non esset pro-
batum fuit occisus : quod audiens junior frater ejus, venit
cum uxore occisi ad ducem praedictum Bati, volens suppli-
care, ne terra tolleretur eisdem. Qui dixit par esse, quod
uxorem fratris carnalis praedicti duceret in uxorem : &
mulieri prascepit ducere ilium in virum secundum consue-
tudinem Tartarorum. Qui respondit, quod prius vellet
occidi, quam faceret contra legem. At ille nihilominus
tradidit eam illi, quamvis renuerat quantum posset : &
duxerunt ambo in lecto, & posuerunt puerum super illam
plorantem & clamantem, & cogerunt eos commisceri
coactione non conditionali, sed absoluta. Quamvis de
justitia facienda, vel peccato cavendo nullam habeant
legem, nihilominus tamen habent aliquas traditiones, quas
dicunt esse peccata : quas confinxerunt ipsi & patres
eorum. Unum est, cultellum figere in igne, vel etiam
quocunque modo tangere cum cultello : vel cum cultello
extrahere carnes de caldario : juxta ignem etiam incidere
cum securi. Credunt etiam quod sic auferri caput debeat
igni. Item appodiare se ad flagellum, cum quo percutitur
equus : Ipsi enim calcaribus non utuntur. Item tangere
fiagellis sagittas. Item juvenes aves occidere, vel accipere :

6i

A.D.
1246.

MaTty?-ium
Michaelis
duels Russice.

II Fel, Scir-
vogle.

Andreas dux
Russt^e.

De super-
stitiosis tradi-
tionibus eorum.
'Ede\odpr](TK€ia.

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

cum froeno equum percutere. Item os cum osse alio
frangere. Item lac vel aliquem potum vel cibum super
terram effundere. In statione mingere, sed si voluntarie
facit occiditur : si autem aliter, oportet quod pecunia
solvatur incantatori, qui purificet eos : faciat etiam
stationem & ea quae in ipsa sunt inter duos ignes transire.
Sed antequam sic purificetur nullus audet intrare vel
aliquid de ipsa portare. Item si alicui morsus imponitur,
& deglutire non potest, & de ore suo ejicit eum, fit fora-
men sub statione, & extrahunt per illud foramen, & sine
ulla misericordia occiditur. Item si aliquis calcat limen
stationis alicujus ducis interficitur eodem modo. Et

d^eoTT??. multa habent similia, de quibus longum est narrare. Sed

homines occidere, aliorum terras invadere, res aliorum
accipere, quocunque injusto modo fornicari, aliis homiiii-
bus injuriari, facere contra Dei prohibitiones & Dei
prascepta, nullum est peccatum apud eos. De vita aeterna
& damnatione perpetua, nihil sciunt. Credunt tamen quod
post mortem in alio seculo vivant, greges multiplicent,
comedant, bibant, & alia faciant, quae in hoc seculo a
viventibus hominibus fiunt. Divinationibus, auguriis,
aruspiciis, veneficiis, incantationibus multum intendunt. Et
cum a daemonibus ipsis respondetur, credunt quod Deus
ipsis loquatur, quem Deum vocant Itoga : sed Comani
Cham, id est, imperatorem ipsum appellant, quem mira-
biliter timent & reverentur : ac oblationes offerunt multas,
& primitias cibi & potus. Secundum autem responsa

Cultus lunce. ipsius faciunt universa. In principio etiam lunationis vel
plenilunio incipiunt quicquid novi agere volunt. Unde
illam magnum imperatorem appellant, eique genua flectunt
& deprecantur. Solem dicunt esse matrem lunas, eo quod
lumen a sole recipiat. Et ut breviter dicam per ignem
credunt omnia purificari. Unde cum nuncii veniunt ad
eos, vel principes, vel qualescunque personae, oportet ipsos
& munera quae portant per duos ignes transire, ut puri-
ficentur. Item si cadit ignis de coelo super pecora, vel

[I- 25.] super homines, quod ibidem saepe contingit, sive aliquid
talium evenerit eis, per quod immundos seu infortunatos

6?

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246. i

se reputant, oportet similiter per incantatores mundari. Et |

quasi omnem spem suam in talibus posuerunt. Quando Rltusfunebris. '
aliquis eorum infirmatur, ponitur in statione ejus una j

hasta, & contra illam filtrum circumvolvitur nigrum : &
ex tunc nullus audet alienus postes stationum intrare. Et ]

quando incipit agonizare, omnes recedunt ab eo ; quoniam
nullus de iis qui morti ejus assistunt, potest ordam alicujus
ducis vel imperatoris usque ad novam lunationem intrare.
Cum autem mortuus est, si est de majoribus, sepelitur
occulte in campo ubi placuerit : sepelitur autem cum
statione sedendo in medio ejus, & ponunt mensam ante
eum, & alveum carnibus plenum, & cyphum lactis
jumentini : Sepelitur autem cum eo unum jumentum cum
pullo, & equus cum fraeno & sella : & alium equum come-
dunt & stramine corium implent, & super duo vel quatuor
ligna altius ponunt, ut habeat in alio mundo stationem ubi \

moretur, & jumentum de quo lac habeat, & possit sibi \

equos multiplicare, & equos etiam in quibus valeat I

equitare. Aurum & argentum sepeliunt eodem modo cum \

ipso. Currus in quo ducitur frangitur, & statio sua
destruitur, nee nomen proprium ejus usque ad tertiam
generationem audet aliquis nominare. Alius etiam est
modus sepeliendi quosdam majores. Vaditur in campo
occulte, & ibi gramina removent cum radicibus, & faciunt
foveam magnam, & in latere illius foveae faciunt unam sub
terra, & ilium servum quem habet dilectum ponunt sub
eo, qui jacet tam diu sub eo donee incipit agonizare,
deinde extrahunt eum ut valeat respirare, & sic faciunt
ter. Et si evadet, postea est liber, & facit quicquid ei
placuerit, & est magnus in statione, ac inter parentes illius.
Mortuum autem ponunt in foveam, quas est in latere facta Idem
cum his quae superius dicta sunt. Deinde replent foveam ^fp^^^^^^i fere ;]
quae est ante foveam suam, & desuper gramina ponunt, ut ^ ' j

fuerant prius, ad hoc, ne locus ulterius valeat inveniri. i

Alia faciunt ut dictum est. In terra eorum sunt coemeteria I

duo. Unum in quo sepeliuntur imperatores, duces &
nobiles omnes : & ubicunque moriuntur, si congrue fieri '

potest, illuc deferuntur. Sepelitur autem cum eis aurum

63

?nos

A.D.
1246.

Lustrationis
ritus.

Obedientia.

Absttnentia.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

& argentum multum. Aliud est in quo sepeliuntur illi
qui in Hungaria interfecti fuerunt : multi enim ibidem
occisi fuerunt. Ad ilia coemeteria nullus audet accedere
praeter custodes, qui ad custodiendum positi sunt ibidem.
Et si aliquis accesserit, capitur, spoliatur & verberatur, &
valde male tractatur. Unde nos ipsi nescientes intravimus
terminos coemeterii eorum qui in Hungaria occisi fuerunt,
& venerunt super nos sagittas volantes : sed quia eramus
nuncii consuetudinem terras nescientes, nos liberos dimi-
serunt abire. Parentes autem & omnes alii qui morantur
in stationibus suis oportet purificari per ignem : quae
purificatio fit hoc modo. Faciunt duos ignes, & duas
hastas ponunt juxta ignes, & unam cordam in summitate
hastarum : & ligant super cordam illam quasdam scissuras
de buccharamo : sub qua corda & ligaturis inter illos duos
ignes transeunt homines, bestiae & stationes : Et sunt duas
mulieres, una hinc, & alia inde aquam projicientes, &
quasdam carmina recitantes. Et si aliqui currus ibi
franguntur, vel etiam res ibi cadunt aliquae, incantatores
accipiunt. Et si aliquis occiditur a tonitruo, omnes illos
homines qui morantur in stationibus illis, oportet prasdicto
modo ignes transire. Statio, lectus, filtra, currus, vestes, &
quicquid talium habuerint, a nullo tanguntur, sed tanquam
immunda ab omnibus respuuntur.

De consuetudinibus bonis & malis & cibis eorum.

Cap. 4.

DIcto de ritu, dicendum est de moribus : de quibus
tractabimus hoc modo. Primo dicemus de bonis,
secundo de malis : tertio de consuetudinibus : quarto de
cibis. Pr^dicti homines, scilicet Tartari sunt magis
obedientes Dominis suis, quam aliqui homines in hoc
mundo, sive religiosi, sive seculares : & magis reverentur
eosdem : neque de facili mentiuntur eis. Verbis ad
invicem raro aut nunquam contendunt, factis vero nun-
quam. Bella, rixae, vulnera, homicidia inter eos non
contingunt. Praedones & fures magnarum rerum non
inveniuntur inter eos. Unde stationes & currus eorum,

6+

JOHN DE PLANO CARPIXI a.d.

1246.
ubi habent thesaurum suum setis aut vectibus non
firmantur. Si aliquas bestiae perduntur, quicunque in-
venerit eas vel dimittit sic esse, vel ducit eas ad homines
illos, qui positi sunt ad hoc. Homines autem quorum
sunt bestiae apud eosdem illas requirunt, & absque ulla
difficultate recipiunt illas. Unus alium satis honorat : & Comltas,
ad invicem sunt satis familiares : Et cibaria quamvis inter
illos sint pauca, tamen inter se satis competenter com-
municant ilia ; & satis sunt sufferentes. Unde quum Temperantla.
jejunant uno die vel duobus diebus nihil comedentes
omnino de facili non videntur impatientes, sed cantant &
ludunt quasi comederunt bene. In equitando multum
sustinent frigus, & calorem nimium patiuntur. Non sunt
homines delicati. Invidi ad invicem non videntur. Inter
eos quasi nulla placita sunt : nullus alium spernit, sed
juvat & promovet quantum congrue potest. Mulieres Castitas
eorum sunt castas : nee de impudicitia earum inter eas ^«^'^^'«^^-
aliquid auditur. Verba tamen quasdam ex eis in joco satis [I. 26.]
habent turpia & impudica. Seditiones vero inter eas raro
vel nunquam audiuntur. Et quamvis multum inebrientur,
in ebrietate sua tamen verbis vel facto nunquam con-
tendunt. Nunc de malis moribus eorum est suppon-
endum. Superbissimi aliis hominibus sunt, & despiciunt Insokntla nd-
omnes : ideo quasi pro nihilo reputant, sive nobiles sint, "^'^^'^^^ ^xf^^'o^-
sive ignobiles. Vidimus enim in curia Imperatoris nobi-
lem virum Jeroslaum, magnum Ducem Russias, filium
etiam Regis & Reginse Georgia:, & Soldanos multos,
duces etiam Soldanorum nullum honorem debitum re-
cipere inter eos. Sed Tartari qui erant eis assignati,
quantumcunque erant viles, antecedebant eos, & semper
primum locum & summum tenebant : immo s^pe opor-
tebat eos post eorum posteriora sedere. Iracundi multum Iraamdia.
& indignantis naturae sunt : & etiam aliis hominibus plus
sunt mendaces, & fere nulla Veritas invenitur in eis. In Mendadtas.
principio quidem sunt blandi, sed in fine pungunt ut
Scorpio. Subdoli sunt & fraudulenti, & si possunt astutia Fraudulentia.
circumveniunt omnes. Homines sunt immundi, sumendo ^o^^^^-
cibum & potum, & aliis factis suis. Qui cum volunt

I 65 E

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

allquid mali facere aliis hominibus, miro modo occultant,
ut prasvidere non possint, vel contra eorum astutias re-

Temulentia. medium invenire. Ebrietas honorabilis est apud eos : &
quum multum quis bibit, ibidem rejicit, nee propter hoc

Extortio. dimittit quin iterum bibat. Valde sunt cupidi & avari,
exactores maximi ad petendum : tenacissimi retentores, &

Criidelttas. parcissimi donatores. Aliorum hominum occisio pro ni-
hilo est apud illos. Et, ut breviter dicam, omnes mali
mores eorum propter prolixitatem in scripto redigi non

C'tbt. possunt. Cibi eorum sunt omnia quae mandi possunt.

Comedunt canes, lupos, vulpes, & equos ; & in necessitate
carnes humanas. Unde quando pugnaverunt contra
quandam civitatem Kytaorum, ubi morabatur imperator
ipsorum ; eam obsederunt tam diu, quod defecerunt ipsis
Tartaris omnino expensae. Et quia non habebant quod
manducarent omnino, tunc accipiebatur de decem homini-
bus unus ad manducandum. Abluviones etiam quae
egrediuntur de jumentis cum pulHs manducant. Imo
vidimus etiam eos pediculos manducare : vidimus etiam
eos comedere mures. Mensalibus & manutergiis non
utuntur : panem non habent, nee olera, nee legumina, nee
aliquid ahud nisi carnes : & tam paucas habent, quod ali«
nationes vix inde vivere possent. Cum pinguedine car-
nium multum polluunt manus : quando vero comederunt,
tunc manus ad ocreas suas, vel ad gramina, vel ad aliquid
talium tergunt. Solent etiam honestiores habere aliquos
panniculos parvos, cum quibus ultimo tergunt manus,
quando carnes manducarunt. Cibum unus eorum incidit,
& alius accipit cum puncto cultelli morsellos, & unicuique
praebet, quibusdam plus, quibusdam minus, secundum
quod plus vel minus volunt eos honorare. Scutellas non
lavant, & si aliquando cum brodio lavant carnium, iterum
cum carnibus in olla reponunt. Ollas etiam vel caldaria,
vel alia vasa ad hoc deputata si abluunt, simili modo lavant.
Apud eos est magnum, peccatum, si de cibo vel potu perire
permittatur aliquid. Unde ossa, nisi prius extrahatur
medulla, dari canibus non permittunt. Vestes etiam non
lavant, nee lavari permittunt, & maxime quo tonitrua ab ilia

JOHN DE PLANO CAKPINI a.d. |

1 246.

hora incipiunt donee desinant. Lae jumentlnum bibunt in j
maxima quantitate si habent: bibunt etiamovinum,caprinum,
vaccinum, & camelorum. Vinum, eervisiam, & medonem

non habent, nisi ab aliis nationibus mittatur, vel donetur i

eisdem. In hyeme, nisi divites sint, lac jumentinum non i

habent. Millium cum aqua decoquunt, quod tam tenue !

faciunt, quod non comedere sed bibere possunt. Et unus i

quisque ex eis bibit cyphum unum vel duos in mane, & ;

nil plus in die manducant. In sero unicuique parum de i

carnibus datur, & brodium de carnibus bibunt. In aestate i

autem, quia tunc habent satis de lacte jumentino carnes i

raro manducant, nisi forte donentur eis, aut venatione '

aliquam bestiam ceperint, sive avem. Legem etiam sive P^^^ •
consuetudinem habent occidendi virum & mulierem quos ^''^^^^^^'■"•
in adulterio invenerint manifeste. Similiter & virginem si
fornicata fuerit, mulierem occidunt & virum. Si aliquis

invenitur in prseda vel in furto manifesto in terra potes- Furfi. ■,

tatis eorum sine ulla miseratione occiditur. Item si aliquis Jrcani i

eorum deundat consilium, maxime quando volunt ire ad ^"^^k^^^- \

bellum, centum plagae dantur super posteriora, quanto \

majores dare cum baculo magno unus rusticus potest. I

Item quando aliqui de minoribus offendunt in aliquo a j
suis majoribus non parcitur eis, sed verberibus graviter

affliguntur. Item inter filium concubinae & uxoris nulla 1

est differentia, sed dat pater unicuique eorum quod vult, j

et si est de genere ducum, ita est dux filius concubinae, j

sicut filius legitimus. Et cum unus Tartarus habet iiox^va/t/a. ;

multas uxores, unaquaeque per se suam stationem, & I

familiam habet : & cum una comedit, & bibit, & dormit I

una die, & altera die cum alia. Una tamen ex ipsis major !
est inter alias, & frequentius cum ilia quam cum aliis

commoratur. Et cum tam multae sint inter se tamen de \

facili non contendunt. Viri nihil operantur omnino ex- j

ceptis sagittis : & etiam de gregibus aliquantulam habent ;

curam, sed venantur, & exercent se ad sagittandum : j

Omnes enim a parvo usque ad magnum sagittarii sunt & j
boni. Et statim pueri eorum, cum sunt duorum anno-

rum vel trium, incipiunt equitare. Equos eorum regunt ]

67 '

AD.

1246.

[I. 27-]

Fcsmino'
Metce incog-
n'ltce eodeni
modo vest'iun-
tur.

Tartarice
popidi.
Tartar
fiiiz'ius.

Cyngis ortus
y res gesta-.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

& currunt in eis : & dantur eis arcus secundum suam
aetatem, & instruunt ad sagittandum. Agiles enim sunt &
audaces valde. Virgines & mulieres equitant, & agiliter
in equis currunt ut viri. Vidimus enim eas arcus &
pharetras portare. Et tam viri quam mulieres diu in
equitando possunt durare. Brevissimas habent strepas :
equos valde custodiunt : imo rerum omnium sunt magni
conservatores. Mulieres eorum omnia operantur. Pel-
licia, vestes, calceos, ocreas, & omnia opera quae de corio
fiunt. Currus etiam ducunt & reparant, camelos onerant,
& velocissimas sunt & strenuas in omnibus operibus suis :
foemoralibus omnes utuntur : aliquas, sicut viri, sagittant.

De ipsorum Imperio. Cap. 5.

DIcto de eorum consuetudinibus, dicendum est de
eorum imperio. Et primo de ipsius principio.
Secundo de principibus ejus. Tertio de dominio Impera-
toris & principum. Terra quaedam est in partibus
Orientisj de qua dictum est supra, quae Mongol nominatur.
Haec terra quondam quatuor populos habuit. Et unus
Yek a Mongol, id est, magni Mongali vocabatur. Se-
cundus Sumongol, id est Aquatici Mongali. Ipsi autem
se ipsos Tartaros appellabant, a quodam fluvio, qui currit
per terram eorum, qui Tartar nominatur. Alius appellatur
Merkat, quartus Metrit. Hii populi omnes unam
formam personarum, & unam linguam habebant : quamvis
inter se per principes & provincias essent divisi. In terra
Yeka-Mongol fuit qui vocabatur Cyngis. Iste incepit
esse robustus venator coram Domino. Didicit enim
homines furari, rapere, praedari. Ibat autem ad alias
terras, & quoscunque potuit capere, & sibi associare non
demittebat : homines vero suae gentis ad se inclinabat,
qui tanquam ducem ipsum sequebantur ad omnia male-
facta. Hie autem incepit pugnare cum Sumongal, sive
Tartaris, postquam homines aggregaverat sibi, & inter-
fecit ducem eorum, & multo bello omnes Tartaros sibi
subjugavit & in suam servitutem redegit. Post haec cum
omnibus his pugnavit, cum Merkat, qui erant positi juxta

68

A.D.
1246.

Naymani.

Fratres

discordantes

oppressi.

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI

terram Tartarorum, quos etiam bello sibi subjecit: Inde
procedens pugnavit contra Metritas, & etiam illos devicit.
Audentes itaque Naymani, quod Cyngis erat taliter
elevatus, indignati fuerunt. Ipsi enim habuerunt Impera-
torem, qui fuerat strenuus valde, cui dabant tributum
omnes nationes praedictae. Qui debitum universae carnis
exsolvens, filii ejus successerunt loco ejus; sed juvenes
erant & stulti, & populum nesciebant tenere : sed invicem
divisi erant & scissi : unde medio tempore Cyngis erat
taliter exaltatus, nihilominus insultum faciebant in terras
superius annotatas, viros & mulieres, & pueros occidebant,
& capiebant praedam eorum. Cyngis hoc audiens, omnes
sibi subjectos homines aggregavit. Naymani & Kara Kara Kitai.
Kitai, id est, nigri Kitai, ex adverso in quandam vallem
strictam inter montes duos, per quam nos euntes ad im-
peratorem eorum transivimus, similiter conveniunt : &
commissum est pr^lium, in quo Naymani & Kara Kitai a
Mongallis sunt devicti, & major pars eorum occisa : &
alii qui evadere non potuerunt in servitutem redacti sunt.
In terra autem praedictorum Kara Kytaorum Occaday can
filius Cyngis can, postquam positus fuit imperator, quan-
dam civitatem asdificavit, quam llOmyl appellavit. Prope
quam ad meridiem est quoddam desertum magnum, in
quo sylvestres homines pro certo habitare dicuntur, qui
nullo modo loquuntur, nee in cruribus habent juncturas :
& si quando cadunt, per se surgere sine adjutorio aliorum
minime possunt, aliquantam tamen habent discretionem.
Mongali autem in terram eorum revertentes se contra
Kytaos in praelium praeparaverunt, qui castra moventes
terram eorum intraverunt. Imperator autem Kytaorum
hoc audiens venit contra eos cum exercitu suo ; & com-
missum est praelium durum ; in quo praelio Mongali
fuerunt devicti : & omnes nobiles Mongallorum qui
erant in praedicto exercitu fuerunt occisi usque ad septem.
Cyngis vero & alii qui remanserunt in terram suam
fugerunt. Et quum aliquantulum quievisset Cyngis,
praeparavit se rursus ad praelium & contra terram
Huyrorum processit ad bellum. Isti homines Christiani

69

Occoday can.

II Fel Chanyl.

Homines
sylvestres.

De mutua

victoria

Mongalorum

ISj Kytaorum.

Tartarorum

Kytatna

clades.

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

de secta Nestorianorum erant, quos etiam bello devicit, &

eorum literas acceperunt. Nam prius scripturam aliquam

Novce victoria non habebant. Nunc autem eandem literam Mongallorum

literal. appellant. Inde process! t contra terram Saruiuorum, &

Vel Sarutur. contra terram Karavitarum, & contra terram Voyrat, ^v^

VelKaramta- contra terram Comana, quas terras omnes devicit. Inde

VdHndirat ^^^ ^^"^ terram suam reversus. Et cum aliquantulumi

quievisset, convocatis omnibus gentibus supradictis, contra

Kytaos ad bellum processit, & cum diu contra eos pug-

nasset magnam partem terrae Kytaorum vicerunt : Impera-

torem autem eorum concluserunt in sua civitate majori :

quam cum tam diu obsiderunt, quod exercitui defecerunt

expensae, & cum non haberent quod manducarent, prae-

cepit illis Cyngis can, quod de decem hominibus unum

darent ad manducandum. Illi autem de civitate pugna-

Argenium loco bant viriliter contra illos sagittis & machinis : Et cum

lapidum in deficerent lapides, pro lapidibus projecerunt argentum, &

OS em pi 0- niaxime liquefactum. Civitas enim hasc multis divitiis
jectum. ^ 1 11 •

erat plena. Et cum dm pugnassent, & eam bello vincere

minime possent, fecerunt unam magnam viam sub terra ab

exercitu usque ad mediam civitatem, & aperientes subito

[I. 28.] terram, eis nescientibus prosilierunt in medio civitatis, &

K-^tal vict'i. pugnabant cum hominibus civitatis, & illi qui erant extra

simili modo pugnabant, & concidentes portas intraverunt

civitatem : & occidentes Imperatorem & homines plures,

civitatem possidebant : & aurum & argentum, & omnes

divitias abstulerunt. Et cum terrae praedictas Kytaorum

suos homines praefecissent, in terram propriam sunt reversi.

Cyngis Et tunc Imperatore Kytaorum devicto factus est Imperator.

saiutatur Quandarn autem partem terrse Kytaorum, quae posita est

K^thalapars ^^"^ niari, usque in hodiernum diem nullatenus devicerunt.

in mart posita. Kytai autem, de quibus superius diximus, homines sunt

Kytaorum^ Pagani, qui habent literam specialem : & habent novum &

hteray t5 vetus Testamentum ; & habent vitas patrum, & Eremitas

& domos quasi Ecclesias factas, in quibus orant temporibus

suis : Et dicunt se quosdam sanctos habere. Unum

Deum colunt : Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum

honorant, & credunt vitam aeternam, sed minime bap-

70

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINl a.d.

1246.

tlzantur. Scripturam nostram honorant & reverentur :

Christianos diligunt, & Ecclesias faciunt plures. Homines

benigni & humani satis videntur : barbam non habent, &

in dispositione faciei satis concordant cum Mongalis, non

tamen sunt in facie ita lati. Linguam propriam habent : Opijidorum

meliores artifices non inveniuntur in toto mundo in ^'^''•^•

omnibus operibus, in quibus solent homines exercitari.

Terra eorum est opulenta valde in frumento, vino, auro,

argento, & serico, & omnibus rebus in quibus solet sus-

tentari humana natura. Et cum ahquantulum quievissent,

suos exercitus diviserunt. Unum de fiHis Tossuch Tlwssuch can

nomine, quem etiam Can appellabant, id est Imperatorem, Cyngtsfhus

misit cum exercitu contra Comanos, quos multo bello ^,— ^

devicit : & postquam vicerat eos in terram suam reverte-

batur. Alium etiam filium misit cum exercitu contra

Indos ; qui minorem Indiam devicerunt. Hii autem If^dia minor

nigri sunt Saraceni, qui ^thiopes nuncupantur. Hie ^^^^^^^^^^

autem exercitus contra Christianos, qui sint in India

majori in pugnam processit. Quod audiens rex terrae

illius, qui vulgo Praesbyter Johannes appellatur, venit con- Presbyter

tra eos exercitu congregato. Et faciens imagines cupreas Joannes:

hominum in sella posuit super equos, ponens ignem ^^^^ ^^

Q . I . ^ 7, ' ^ . t? siratagema.

interius, & posuit nominem cum rolle post imaginem

cupream super equum : & cum multis imaginibus, &

equis taliter prasparatis venerunt contra praedictos ad

pugnandum. Et cum ad locum praelii pervenissent, istos

equos unum juxta unum praemiserunt. Viri autem, qui

erant retro, posuerunt nescio quid super ignem qui erat in

praedicta imagine, & cum follibus fortiter sufflaverunt.

Unde factum est, quod de fumo illo aer est denigratus.

Et tunc super Tartaros jecerunt sagittas, ex quibus multi Victoria de

interfecti & vulnerati fuerunt. Et sic cum confusione eos Panaris.

de finibus suis ejecerunt : Et nunquam audivimus, quod

ultra ad eos redierunt. Cum autem per deserta redirent,

in quandam terram venerunt in qua quaedam monstra De monstrosls

foemineas imagines habentia reperierunt. Et cum inter- mulicribus Iff

rogassent eas per multos interpretes ubi essent viri terras ^^^^^^^^-^ ^'^^-

illius, responderunt quod in ilia terra quaecunque foeminae

71

strosanarratio.

A.D.
1246.

Giacies.

Burutabeth
regto.

Incolarum
mores.

Terra Kergis
Orlenialis.

Nota iter
duorutn men-
sium versus
Orientem.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

nascebantur, habebant formam humanam : Masculi vero
formam caninam. Et dum moram protraherent in terra
praedicta, Canes in alia parte convenerunt in unum : Et
dum esset hyems asperrima, se omnes projecerunt in
aquam : & post haec incontinenti in pulverem movebantur,
& ita pulvis admixtus aquas super eos congelavit : & dum
saepe hoc fecissent, giacies densa facta est super eos : Unde
cum magno impetu cum Tartaris convenerunt ad pugnam.
At illi quum sagittas super eos jactabant, ac si super
lapides sagitassent, retro sagittae redibant : Alia etiam
arma eorum in nullo eos laedere potuerunt. Canes vero
insultum facientes in eos morsibus vulneraverunt, multos
etiam occiderunt, & ita ejecerunt eos de finibus suis. Et
dum reverteretur exercitus ille, venit ad terram Buruta-
beth, quos bello vicerunt : qui sunt Pagani. Qui con-
suetudinem mirabilem imo potius miserabilem habent.
Quia cum aliquis patrum suorum humanae naturce debitum
exsolvit, omnem congregant parentelam, & comedunt
eum. Isti pilos in barba non habent : immo quoddam
ferrum in manibus portant, cum quo barbam semper
depilant, si forte aliquis crinis crescit in ipsa : & multum
etiam deformes sunt. Inde exercitus ille revertebatur in
terram suam. Cyngis can etiam eo tempore quo divisit
exercitus illos, misit in expeditione contra Orientem per
terram Kergis, quos bello non vicit : & usque ad Caspios
montes pervenit, montes autem illi sunt de lapide adaman-
tino. Unde eorum sagittas & arma ferrea ad se traxerunt.
Homines inter Caspios montes conclusos viderunt, qui
jam montem fregerunt : sed nubes quasdam erat posita
ante ipsos, ad quam accedere non poterant ullo modo, quia
statim moriebantur, cum perveniebant ad illam. Sed
antequam pervenirent ad praedictum montem plusquam
per mensem vastam solitudinem transierunt. Inde pro-
cedentes adhuc contra Orientem plusquam per mensem
per magnum desertum iverunt. Et pervenerunt ad quan-
dam terram, ubi viderunt vias tritas, sed nullum hominem
poterant invenire. Sed tantum qu^siverunt per terram,
quod invenerunt hominem cum uxore sua ; quos ante

72

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.

Cyngis can adduxerunt. Et cum interrogasset, ubi essent
homines terrae illius, responderunt quod in terra sub
montibus habitarent. At Cyngis can retenta uxore misit Trogkdyta:.
virum ilium cum nunciis suis mandans hominibus illis ut [I. 29.]
venirent ad mandatum ipsius. Illi vero euntes ad eos,
narraverunt omnia quae Cyngis can mandaverat. Qui
responderunt quod tali die venirent ad mandatum suum
faciendum. Medio vero tempore congregaverunt se per
vias occultas sub terra, & venerunt contra istos ad pug-
nandum : & irruentes subito super eos plurimos occiderunt.
At illi, Cyngis can videlicet & sui fugam ineuntes, terram
exierunt prasdictam. Illos tamen homines, virum scilicet
& mulierem secum duxerunt, qui usque ad mortem in
terra Tartarorum fuerunt. Interrogati vero quare sub 'l^'idetiir Jnc^
terra habitarent, dixerunt quod uno tempore anni quum ^l^l^'f-^"'^'
sol oritur, tantus sonitus est, quod homines nulla ratione p-jadeC ^
possunt sustinere. Immo etiam tunc percutiebant in n'wium de
organis & tympanis, & aliis instrumentis, ut ilium sonitum montibus.
non audirent. Et dum Cyngis de terra ilia reverteretur,
defecerunt ei victualia, & habebant maximam famem. Et
tunc recentia interiora unius bestiae eos contigit invenire :
quas accipientes, depositis tamen stercoribus decoxerunt ;
& coram Cyngis can portantes cum suis ilia comedit. Et Cyngis lex.
ex hoc statutum fuit ab eo, ut nee sanguis, nee interiora,
nee aliquid de bestia quod manducari potest, exceptis
stercoribus, projiciatur. Et deinde in terram propriam est
reversus : & ibidem leges & statuta multiplicia fecit, quae
Tartari non violabiliter observant. Ex quibus tantum duo
dicemus. Unum est, quod quicunque in superbia erectus,
propria authoritate sine electione principum esse voluerit
imperator, sine ulla miseratione debet occidi. Unde ante
electionem ipsius Cuynch propter hoc unus de principibus,
nepos ipsius Cyngis can fuit occisus. Volebat enim sine
electione regnare. Aliud statutum est, quod sibi debent
subjugare omnem terram : nee cum aliqua gente debent
pacem habere, nisi prius eis subdatur, quo usque veniat
tempus occisionis eorum. Debent enim occidi, ut pro-
phetatum est eis : Et illi qui evadere poterunt, ut dicunt,

73

Liben

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

debent illam legem tenere quam tenent alii, qui eos bello
devincuiit. Statuit etiam quod per millenarios, & cen-
tenarios & Decanos debeat eorum exercitus ordinari.

Interitus. Post hoc ab ictu tonitrui est occisus, peractis suis ordina-
tionibus & statutis. Hie autem habuit quatuor filios :
Unus vocabatur Occoday, secundus Tossuch can, tertius
Thaaday : & nomen quarti ignoramus. Isti quatuor filii
cum aliis majoribus qui tunc erant, primum filium vide-
licet Occoday elegerunt imperatorem, filii autem istius

Nepotes. Occoday Cuyne, qui nunc est imperator, Cocthen &

Cyrenen. Et si plures habuerit filios ignoramus. Filii
autem Tossuch can Bati : iste est ditior & potentior post
imperatorem : Ordu, iste est senior omnium ducum :
Syban, Bora, Bercuthanth : aliorum filiorum Tossuch can
nomina ignoramus. Filii Thaaday sunt Burin & Chadan,
nomina aliorum filiorum nescimus. Alterius autem filii
Cyngis can, cujus nomen nescimus, filiorum nomina sunt
hasc. Unus vocatur Mengu, cujus mater est Seroctan.
Ista domina inter omnes Tartaros, excepta matre impera-
toris, est magis nominata : & potentior est omnibus ex-
cepto Bati. Alius vocatur Becas. Alios filios habuit

Duces. plures, sed eorum nomina ignoramus. Haec sunt ducum

nomina. Ordu : iste fuit in Polonia & in Hungaria :
Bati, Cathan, Syban, Bureth. Omnes isti fuerunt in
Hungaria, Cyrpodan, iste est adhuc ultra mare contra
Soldanum Damasci. Isti remanserunt in terra : Mangu,
Cuthen, Syrennen, Hybilay, Seremum, Synocur, Thuata-
mur, Cyragay, Sybedey, senex quidam miles inter eos,
Bora, Berca, Mauci, Choranca : sed iste inter alios est
minimus. Alii vero duces sunt plures, sed eorum nomina
ignoramus.

Imperatons Imperator autem Tartarorum habet mirabile dominium

super omnes. Nullus audet in aliqua parte morari, nisi
ipse assignet ei. Ipse autem assignat ubi maneant duces :
millenarii centenariis, Centenarii decanis. Insuper quic-
quid prascipitur in quocunque tempore, quocunque loco,
sive ad bellum, sive ad mortem, sive ad vitam, sine ulla
contradictione obediunt. Etiam si petit filiam virginem

74

Tartarorum
servile in om-
nes mperiurd

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.

vel sororem, sine contradictione dant ei. Aut singulis
annis, aut intermissis aliquibus annis virgines colligit ex
omnibus finibus Tartarorum. Si ipse vult sibi retinere
aliquas retinet : alias dat suis hominibus, sicut videtur ei
expedire. Nuncios quoscunque, quotcunque & ubicunque
transmittit, oportet quod dent ei sine mora equos sub-
dititios & expensas. Undecunque venerint ei tributa vel
nuncii, oportet quod equi, currus, & expensae similiter
dentur eis. Nuncii qui veniunt aliunde in magna miseria
sunt in victu pariter & vestitu : quia expensae viles sunt
& paucs : & maxime cum veniunt ad principes, & ibi InJmmamtas
debent moram contrahere. Tunc ita parum datur decem ^^^^ Legates.
hominibus, quod inde vix possint vivere duo. Nee etiam
in curiis principum, nee in via datur eis comedere, nisi
semel in die, & satis parum. Insuper si aliquas injuriae
sibi fiunt, conqueri de facili minime possunt. Unde eos
oportet ilia patienter portare. Insuper multa tam a prin-
cipibus, quam ab aliis nationibus et minoribus ab eis ex-
iguntur : & si non daretur, vili pendunt eos, immo quasi
pro nihilo habent eos. Et si a magnis viris mittuntur,
nolunt ab eis modicum munus habere : sed dicunt : A
magno homine venistis, & cur modicum datis ? & accipere
dedignantur. Et si nuncii bene volunt facere facta sua,
oportet eos dare majora. Idcirco magnam partem rerum,
quae nobis a fidelibus erant datae, oportuit nos de necessi-
tate muneribus dare. Et sciendum, quod ita omnia sunt [I. 30.]
in manu Imperatoris praedicti, quod nemo audet dicere,
hoc est meum vel illius ; sed omnia sunt Imperatoris, res,
jumenta, & homines. Et super hoc etiam nuper emanavit
Imperatoris statutum. Idem dominium per omnia habent
duces super homines suos. Divisi enim sunt homines
Tartari, videlicet etiam alii inter duces. Nuncii etiam
ducum, quocunque eos transmittunt, & homines tam
Imperatoris quam alii omnes equos subdititios & expensas,
& qui equos custodiant, & etiam nunciis serviant sine
contradictione dare tenentur. Imperatori autem jumenta
ut habeat ex eis lac ad annum vel ad duos, vel ad tres,
sicut placuerit ei, tam duces quam alii pro redditu dare

75

A.D.
1246.

Occoday secun-
dus hnpcrator
Tartarorum.

II Barthra
civitas vel
BarcJiin.

II Vel Sargult.

Orna super
Don Jluvium.

Kioz'ia c'witas.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

tenentur. Et homines ducum idem facere tenentur
dominis suis. Inter eos enim nullus est liber. Et ut
breviter dicam, Quicquid Imperator & Duces volunt, &
quantum volunt de rebus suis accipiunt. De personis
etiam eorum disponunt per omnia, sicut volunt. Mortuo
Imperatore, sicut superius dictum est, convenerunt Duces
& elegerunt Occoday filium Cyngis can prasdicti Impera-
torem. Qui habito consilio principum divisit exercitus.
Bati, qui in secundo gradu attinebat ei, misit contra
Altisoldanum, & contra terram Biserminorum. Hii erant
Saraceni, & Comanicum loquebantur. Et cum intrasset
terram illorum pugnavit contra eos, & bello eos sibi
subjecit. Quasdam autem civitas quae || Barthra dicitur,
diu restitit ei, fecerant enim foveas multas in circuitu
civitatis & operuerant illas ; & quando illi veniebant
cadebant in foveas. Unde non potuerunt capere civitatem,
donee illas foveas replessent. Homines autem de quadam
civitate quae vocatur II lakint haec audientes exierunt
obviam eis, se sponte in manus eorum tradentes : unde
civitas eorum non erat destructa, sed plures eorum occi-
derunt, & alios transtulerunt. Et accepto spolio civitatis,
ipsam aliis hominibus repleverunt. Et venerunt contra
civitatem quae vocatur Orna. Ista civitas erat nimium
populosa : Christiani ibi erant plures ; Gazari videlicet,
Rutheni, & Alani, & alii : nee non & Saraceni. Sara-
cenorum enim erat dominium civitatis. Haec autem
civitas erat divitiis multum plena. Est enim posita super
fluvium qui vocatur Don, qui intrat in mare. Unde est
quasi portus : & forum maximum habebant de ilia civitate
alii Saraceni. Et cum non possent aliter devincere, pras-
ciderunt fluvium, qui currebat per civitatem, & illam cum
rebus omnibus submerserunt. Quo facto : postea intra-
verunt terram Tortorum, qui similiter sunt Pagani : quam
devincentes, iverunt contra Russiam, & fecerunt magnam
stragem in terra Russian, civitates & castra destruxerunt,
& homines occiderunt : etiam Kioviam quae erat Metro-
polis Russiae obsederunt : & cum diu obsedissent, illam
ceperunt, & occiderunt homines civitatis. Inde procedentes

76

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.
pugnando destruxerunt totam Russiam. De Russia
autem & Comania processerunt duces praedicti, & pugna-
verunt contra Hungaros & Polonos. Ex quibus Tartans
in Polonia & in Hungaria plures interfecti fuerunt. Et si
non fugissent, sed viriliter restitissent Hungari exivissent
Tartari de finibus suis : quia tunc habuerunt timorem,
quod omnes fugere attentabant. Sed Bati vaginato gladio
in faciem eis restitit, dicens : Nolite fugere : quia si fugitis
nullus evadet : Et si debemus mori, moriamur omnes :
quia futurum est, ut Cyngis can praedixit, quod interfici
debeamus : Et si nunc est tempus, sustineamus. Et sic
animati sunt & remanserunt, & Hungarian! destruxerunt.
Inde revertentes iverunt in terram Morduanorum, qui Morduamrum
sunt Pagani, & bello devicerunt. Inde procedentes contra ^^^'^''^•
Bileros, id est, Bulgarian! magnam, & ipsam destruxerunt Bulgaria
omnino. Inde procedentes ad Aquilonem adhuc contra ^^^g^^^-
Bascart, id est, Hungarian! magnam, & eos etiam device- Hungaria
runt. Inde egredientes iverunt ad Aquilonem, & venerunt ^^^^S.''^^-
ad Parossitas qui habent parvos stomachos & os parvulum, Parossita^.
nee manducant, sed decoquunt carnes : quibus decoctis
ponunt se inter fumum & ollam, & recipiunt fumum, &
de hoc solo reficiuntur : Sed etiamsi aliquid manducant,
hoc valde modicum est. Inde procedentes venerunt ad
Samogedos. Hii autem homines tantum de venationibus Samogedi.
vivunt : tabernacula & vestes habent tantummodo de
bestiarum pellibus. Inde ultra procedentes venerunt ad
quandam terram super Oceanum, ubi invenerunt quaedam Oceanus Sep-
monstra quae per omnia formam humanam habebant, sed ^^^^^'^"^^^^^'•f-
pedes desinebant in pedes bovinos, & faciem per omnia /r^-^^/^y^^;-^-
habebant ut canis : duo verba loquebantur more humano hominlbus.
& tertio latrabant ut canis : & sic per intervalla temporum
latratum interponebant : tum ad naturam suam redibant :
& sic intelligi poterat quod dicebant : Inde redierunt in
Comaniam, & usque nunc quidam ex eis morantur ibidem.
Cyrpodan vero eodem tempore misit Occoday can cum Expeditio
exercitu ad meridiem contra Kergis, quos etiam bello ^y^podanis.
devicit. Hii autem homines sunt pagani, qui pilos in
barba non habent. Quorum consuetude est talis. Cum

77

A.D.

[246.

Armeni.

Hit videntur

sagtttasse

balistis.

[1.3..]

Geoigia.

Terra ^oldani

Deurum.

Terra Soldanl
Halapice.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

pater moritur alicujus, pra5 dolore quasi unam corrigiam
in signum lamenti ab aure usque ad aurem de facie sua
levant. Quibus devictis, ad meridiem ivit contra Armenos.
Sed cum per deserta transiret, etiam qusdam monstra
effigiem humanam habentia invenerunt : sed non nisi
unum brachium cum manu in medio pectoris, & unum
pedem habebant : & duo sagittarunt cum uno arcu, & isti
ita fortiter currebant, quod equi eos investigare non
poterant. Currebant enim saltando super ilium unum
pedem, & cum essent fessi taliter eundo, ibant super
manum & pedem, removendo se quasi rota ; & sic cum
essent fessi iterum currebant secundum modum priorem :
aliquos tamen occidebant ex eis. Inde procedentes venerunt
in Armeniam, quam bello vicerunt, & partem Georgiae :
& alia pars venit ad mandatum eorum ; & quadraginta
millia yperperorum singulis annis dederunt, & adhuc
faciunt idem. Inde procedentes ad terram Soldani Deurum,
qui erat satis magnus & potens, cum eo pugnaverunt &
devicerunt. Inde procedentes ultra debellando & vincendo
usque ad terram Soldani Halapia^ & nunc terram illam
impugnant : nee postea usque in hodiernum diem . in
terram suam fuerunt reversi. Alius exercitus ivit contra
terram Calif de Baldach, quam sibi etiam subdiderunt : Et
quadraginta bisantia exceptis Baldachinis & aliis muneribus
omni die dant pro tributo : Et omni anno pro Calif, ut ad
eos veniat, nuncios mittunt : qui cum tributo munera
magna mittit, rogans ut eum supportent. Ipse vero
imperator munera accipit, & nihilominus ut veniat mittit
pro eo.

Qualiter Tartar! se habent in prasliis. Cap. 6.

DIcto de imperio, dicendum est hoc modo de bello.
Primo de ordinatione acierum. Secundo de armis.
Tertio de astutiis in congressione, quarto de crudelitate
quam faciunt in captivos. Quinto de oppugnatione
castrorum & civitatum. Sexto de perfidia quam exercent
cum hiis qui se reddunt eisdem. De ordinatione acierum
dicemus hoc modo. Cyngis can ordinavit, ut decern

78

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.
hominibus prseponeretur unus : & ille secundum nos
appellatur Decanus. Decern autem Decanis praeponeretur
unus, qui centenarius nuncupatur : Decern vero Centenariis
praeponeretur unus qui millenarius nuncupatur : decern
millenariis praeponeretur unus, & ille numerus vocatur
tenebre apud eos. Cuncto vero expercitui praeponuntur
duo duces vel tres, ita tamen quod habeant respectum ad
unum. Cum autem omnes sunt in bello si de decern
hominibus fugit unus vel duo, vel tres, vel etiam plures,
omnes occiduntur. Et ut breviter dicam, nisi communiter
cedant, omnes qui fugiunt occiduntur. Item si unus vel
duo aut plures audacter ad pugnam accedunt, & decem alii
non sequuntur, etiam occiduntur. Item si unus de decem
vel plures capiuntur, & alii socii sui non liberant eos, etiam
occiduntur. Duo arcus vel tres, vel unum bonum ad minus,
& tres pharetras magnas plenas de sagittis & unam
securim, & tunes ad machinas trahendas habere debet
unusquisque. Divites autem habent gladios acutos in fine,
ex una tantum parte incidentes, & aliquantulum curvos :
& habent equum armatum, crura etiam tecta. Galeas &
loricas quidam habent de corio in hunc modum formatas.
Habent quasdam corrigias de bove ad latitudinem unius
manus, & bituminant tres vel quatuor simul, & ligant
illas corrigiolis vel cordis. In corrigia superiori ponunt
cordulas in fine ; in inferiori ponunt in medio, & sic
faciunt usque ad finem. Unde quum se inclinant in
inferiores, corrigiae superiores ascendunt & sic duplicantur
super corpus, vel triplicantur. De coopertura equi faciunt
quinque partes : ex una parte faciunt unam, ex alia parte
faciunt aliam, quam partem ducunt a cauda usque ad caput :
quae ligantur ad sellam, & post sellam in dorso & etiam in
collo, super renes etiam partem aliam ponunt, ubi duae
partium ligaturas junguntur : in qua pecia faciunt unum
foramen, per quod caudas exponunt : & ante pectus ponunt
etiam unam : quae omnes protenduntur usque ad crurium
juncturas. Et ante frontem laminam ferream ponunt, quae
ex utraque parte colli partibus praedictis ligatur. Lorica
vero etiam quatuor partes habet, una pars, protenditur a

79

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

foemore usque ad collum ; sed est facta secundum dispo-
sitionem humani corporis : quia ante pectus est stricta : in
rotundum obvolvitur circa corpus a brachiis inferius :
Super humeros autem retro ad renes habent aliam peciam,
qu^ protenditur a collo usque ad aliam peciam, quae
revolvitur circa corpus : Super humeros autem istas duas
pecias anterior videlicet & posterior, ad duas laminas
ferreas quae sunt in utroque humero fibulis connectuntur.
Et in utroque brachio unam habent peciam, quas ab
humero protenduntur usque ad manus, quas etiam inferius
sunt aptas. Et in utroque crure unam habent peciam :
quas pecis omnes fibulis conjunguntur. Galea autem
superius est ferrea. Sed illud quod protegit in circuitu
collum & gulam de corio fit. Et omnes istas pecias de
corio sunt formates secundum modum superius annotatum.
Quidam autem omnia quae superius diximus habent de
ferro in hunc modum formata. Unam laminam tenuem ad
latitudinem unius digiti faciunt, & ad longitudinem palmae
unius. Et in hunc modum faciunt laminas multas : & in
unaquaque lamina octo foramina parvula faciunt, & interius
tres corrigias strictas & fortes ponunt, & laminas unam
super aliam ponunt, quasi ascendendo per gradus : &
ligant laminas praedictas ad corrigias tenuibus corrigiolis,
[I. 32.] quas mittunt per foramina superius annotata : Et in
superiori parte consuunt corrigiolam unam, ut laminas
prasdictae bene & firmiter cohasreant sibi. Et faciunt ex
laminis quasi corrigiam unam, & postea ligant per pecias
per omnia, sicut superius dictum est. Et ista faciunt tam
ad equorum quam ad hominum armaturas. Et faciunt ilia
ita lucere, quod potest homo in eis faciem suam videre.
Aliqui eorum lanceas habent : & in fine ferri lanceas unum
habent uncum, cum quo trahunt hominem de sella si
possunt. Longitudo sagittarum est duorum pedum &
unius palmae, & duorum digitorum. Et quia diversi sunt
pedes, mensuram pedum geometricam ponimus. Duodecem
grana hordei pollicis transversio est. Sexdecem pollices
transversi faciunt unum geometricum pedem. Ferramenta
sagittarum sunt acutissima, & ex utraque parte incidentia

80

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.

quasi gladius biceps, & semper portant limas juxta phare- ]

tram ad acuendum sagittas. Ferramenta praedicta caudam '

habent acutam ad longitudinem unius digiti, quam impo- '

nunt in lignum. Scutum habent de viminibus vel de
virgulis factum. Sagittas habent alias ad sagittandum aves !

bestias & homines inermes ad trium digitorum latitudinem. !

Sagittas alias habent diversimodas ad aves & bestias sagit- j

tandas. Quum ad bellum procedere volunt pra^cursores ]

prasmittunt, qui nihil secum portant praster filtra sua, \

equos & arma. Isti nihil rapiunt, domos non comburunt, I

bestias non occidunt : Sed tamen homines vulnerant <

& mortificant, & si non possunt aliud, mittunt in fugam ,
multo libentius tamen occidunt, quam fugant, post istos I

sequitur exercitus, qui cuncta quas invenit accipit, & I

homines etiam, si inveniri possunt, accipiunt & occidunt. \

Quum autem ad flumina perveniunt, hoc modo transeunt Mos tranandl
ilia etiamsi sunt magna. Majores unum rotundum & fi^^^^"^" 1

leve corium habent, in quo in summitate per circuitum '

crebras faciunt ansas, in quibus funem imponunt, & :

stringunt ita quod in circuitu faciunt quendam ventrem,
quem replent vestibus, & aliis rebus, & fortissime com- '

primunt ad invicem : post hoc in medio ponunt sellas
& alias res duriores : homines autem in medio sedent : &
ligant ad caudam equi navem hanc taliter prasparatam, &
unum hominum qui equum regat faciunt pariter cum. equo ■

ante natare : vel habent aliquando duos remos, & cum illis
remigant ultra aquam, & sic transeunt fluvium. Equos
vero pellunt in aqua, & unus homo juxta unum equum,
quem regit, natat : & alii equi ilium sequuntur. Et sic
transeunt aquas & flumina magna. Alii vero pauperiores
unam bursam de corio bene consutam unusquisque tenetur |

habere : in qua bursa vel in quo sacco vestes & omnes res j

suas imponunt; & in summitate saccum fortissime ligant, j

& suspendunt ad caudam equi, & transeunt, ut supra- I

dictum est. Sciendum est, quod cum vident hostes tunc I

vadunt ad eos, & unusquisque jacit tres sagittas vel quatuor I

contra adversarios : Et si vident quod eos superare non
possunt, retro gradiuntur ad suos : Et hoc faciunt in
I 8i F

A.D. THE ElVGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

fraudem, ut adversarii eos sequantur ad loca ubi insidias
paraverunt : Et si inimici eorum sequuntur ad prasdictas
insidias, circundant eos & sic vulnerant & occidunt. Item
si vident quod magnus exercitus est contra eos, aliquando
divertunt ab eo per unam dietam vel duas, & aliam partem
terras invadunt & spoliant : & interficiunt homines, &
terram destruunt & devastant. Et si vident quod hoc etiam
facere non possunt, cedunt retro ad decem vel duodecem
dietas : ahquando etiam morantur in loco tuto, quousque
adversariorum exercitus separetur, & tunc furtim veniunt,
& depopulantur totam terram. In bellis etiam astutissimi
sunt : quia jam per quadraginta annos & amplius cum aliis
gentibus dimicarunt. Cum autem volunt ad pugnam
accedere, omnes acies ordinant sicut deberent pugnare.
Duces sive principes exercitus bellum non intrant, sed stant
a longe contra inimicorum exercitum, & juxta se habent
pueros in equis & mulieres & equos. Et faciunt aliquando
imagines hominum, & ponunt super equos. Hoc ideo
faciunt, ut multitudo magna bellantium esse credantur.
Contra faciem equorum unam aciem captivorum & aliarum
gentium quEe sunt inter eos transmittunt : & forsitan
aliqui Tartari vadunt cum eis. Alias acies fortiorum
hominum longe mittunt a dextris & a sinistris, ut non
videantur ab adversariis suis : & sic circundant adver-
sarios & colligunt in medium, & pugnare incipiunt ex
omni parte. Et cum sunt aliquando pauci, putantur ab
adversariis qui circundati sunt, esse multi. Et maxime
cum videant illos, qui sunt cum duce vel principe exercitus
pueros & mulieres & equos, & homines fictos, ut dictum
est supra : quos credunt esse pugnatores : & per hoc
terrentur & confunduntur. Et si forte adversarii bene
pugnant, faciunt eis viam ut fugiant : & statim cum fugere
incipiunt, ab invicem separati insequuntur eos, & plures
tunc occidunt fuga, quam mortificare possent in bello.
Sciendum tamen est, quod si aliud possunt, non libenter
congrediuntur, sed homines & equos sagittis vulnerant &
mumtiones occidunt. Munitiones in hunc modum expugnant. Si
ohstdent, est talis munitio ipsam circundant, immo aliquando ita

82

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.

seplunt, ut nullus Ingredi vel exire possit. Expugnant

fortissime machinis & sagittis : & nee die nee nocte

cessant a prsslio, ut illi qui sunt in munitionibus non

quiescant. Ipsi Tartari quiescunt : quia acies dividunt &

una succedit alteri in pugnam ut non nimium fatigentur.

Et si earn taliter habere non possunt grxxum projiciunt

ignem. Imo solent aliquando accipere arvinam hominum

quos occidunt, & liquefactum projiciunt super domos :

Et ubicunque venit ignis super pinguedinem illam, quasi [I. 33-]

inextinguibiliter ardet. Et si ita non prevalent, & si

civitas ilia vel castrum habeat flumen, obstruunt illud, vel

faciunt alium alveum & submergunt illam munitionem si

possunt. Si autem non possunt suffodiunt illam, & sub

terra armati in ipsam ingrediuntur. Et cum jam intra-

verunt, una pars ignem imponit ut comburatur : & alia

pars cum illius munitionis hominibus pugnat. Si autem

nee sic illam vincere possunt, castrum vel munitionem

suam faciunt contra illam, ut ab inimicorum jaculis non

graventur, & contra illam multo tempore jacent : nisi forte

exterius adjutorium exercitus qui pugnat cum eis adhibeat,

& vi removeant ipsos. Sed cum jacent ante munitionem Punlcn fides.

blande eis loquuntur, & multa promittunt, ad hoc ut se in

eorum manus tradant : Et si illi se eis tradiderint, dicunt :

Exite, ut secundum morem nostrum vos muneremus. Et

cum illi ad eos exeunt, qu^runt qui sunt artifices inter

eos, & illos reservant : alios autem, exceptis illis quos

volunt habere pro servis cum securi occidunt. Et si

aliquibus aliis parcunt, ut dictum est, nobilibus & honestis

nunquam parcunt. Et si forte aliquo casu contingente

reservant aliquos nobiles ; nee prece nee precio ultra de

captivitate possunt exire. In bellis autem quoscunque

capiunt occidunt, nisi forte velint aliquos reservare ut

habeant eos pro servis. Occidendos autem dividunt per

centenarios, ut cum bipenni interficiantur ab eis. Ipsi vero

post hoc dividunt captivos, & unicuique servo ad inter-

ficiendum dant decem aut plures vel pauciores, secundum

quod majoribus placet.

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

S'

De terris quas eorum dominio subjugarunt.
Cap. 7.

Cripto quomodo pugnant, dicendum est de terris, quas
eorum dominio subjugarunt. De quo isto modo
scribemus. Primo dicemus quomodo faciunt cum homini-
bus pacem. Secundo de terrarum nominibus quas sibi
subdiderunt. Tertio de tyrannide quam exercent in eis.
Quarto de terris quae viriliter restiterunt. Sciendum est
quod cum nullis hominibus faciunt pacem, nisi subdentur
eis : quia, ut dictum est supra, Cyngis can habent manda-
tum, ut cunctas si possunt sibi subjiciant nationes. Et
hsec sunt ilia quae petunt ab eis, ut vadant cum eis in
exercitu contra omnem hominem quando placet, & ut dent
decimam de omnibus tam de hominibus, quam de rebus.
Computant enim decem, & unum accipiunt. De puellis
faciunt illud idem, quos in terram eorum deducunt &
tenent eos pro servis : reliquos numerant & ordinant
secundum morem. Sed quando plene habent dominium
super eos, si aliquid promiserunt eis nihil observant : sed
quascunque possunt congrue occasiones inveniunt contra
eos. Nam cum essemus in Russia, missus fuit Saracen-
orum ex parte Cuynthcan ut dicebatur & Bati : & prae-
fectus ille a quolibet homine qui habebat tres pueros unum
accipiebat : & quicunque viri non habebant uxores, illos
deducebant, & faciebant de mulieribus etiam illud idem
quae viros legitimos non habebant. Pauperes etiam qui
mendicando suum victum quaerebant similiter deportabunt.
Reliquos autem secundum eorum consuetudinem numer-
avit, praecipiens ut unusquisque tam parvus quam magnus,
& infans unius diei, sive pauper sive dives esset, tale
Ursi albi. tributum praeberet : ut scilicet daret unum pellem albi
ursi, & unum nigrum castorem, & unum Zabulum, &
unam nigram pellem cujusdam animalis quod in terra
latibulum habet, cujus nomen nescio in latinum transferre,
II Vel illic. sed Teutonice dicitur II illit : Poloni autem & Rutheni
Dochon. appellant illam Dochon : & unam nigram pellem vulpinam.

Et quicunque ista non dat, inter Tartaros debet duci, & in

84

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.

eorum redigi servitutem. Mitunt etiam pro principibus
terrarum, ut ad eos veniant sine mora : & cum venerint,
debitum honorem nullum recipiunt, sed habentur ut aliae
viles personae : & oportet ut eis munera magna praesentent,
tam ducibus quam uxoribus eorum, & officialibus, mil-
lenariis & centenariis. Imo omnes generaliter, & ipsi
etiam servi ab eis cum magna importunitate munera
quasrunt : Et non solum ab ipsis, sed etiam a nunciis
eorum cum mittuntur. Aliquibus etiam inveniunt occa-
siones ut eos occidant. Sicut de Michaele & aliis actum
est. Aliquos vero alliciunt, quos permittunt redire.
Aliquos etiam potionibus perimunt vel veneno. Eorum
enim intentio est, ut ipsi soli dominentur in terra. Idcirco
quaerunt occasiones contra nobiles, ut eos occidant. Ab
illis vero quos redire permittunt petunt eorum filios aut
fratres, quos ulterius nunquam dimittunt. Sicut factum
est de filio Jeroslai, & de quodam duce Alanorum, & aliis
plurimis. Et si moritur pater vel frater sive haeres, filium
vel fratrem nunquam dimittunt : immo illius principatum
totaliter accipiunt sibi. Sicut de quodam Solangorum Solangi.
vidimus esse factum. Baschathos suos ponunt in terris ^^^^'^\ "^'^^
eorum quos redire permittunt, quibus oportet ut ad nutum ujumurTurd
tam duces quam alii debeant obedire. Et si homines
alicujus civitatis vel terras non faciunt quod volunt, isti
Baschathi imponunt eis, quod sunt Tartaris infideles : &
sic civitatem illam vel terram destruunt, & homines qui
sunt in ea occidunt, per manum validam Tartarorum, qui
ex mandato principis illius cui obedit terra ilia veniunt eis
nescientibus, & subito irruunt super eos : sicut nuper
contigit cum in terra Tartarorum essemus de quadam [I. 34.]
civitate. Quod ipsummet de Ruthenis fecerunt in terra
Comanorum. Et non solum princeps Tartarorum qui
terram usurpavit, sed prasfectus ipsius, & quicunque
Tartarus per civitatem illam sive terram transit quasi
dominatur eidem, & maxime qui major est apud eos. In
super aurum & argentum, & alia quas volunt & quando
libet ad imperatorem vadant Tartarorum ad placitandum.
Sicut nuper contigit de duobus filiis regis Georgia. Unus

A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

enim erat legitimus, & alter de adulterio natus, qui
vocabatur David : legitimus autem Melic vocabatur.
Filio adulters terras partem relinquebat pater. Alius vero,
qui junior erat, veniebat cum matre ad Tartarorum impera-
torem, pro eo quod David prasdictus ad ipsum iter arri-
puerat veniendi. Mater alterius scilicet Melic regina
Georgiss, per quam maritus tenebat regnum, quia per
foeminas illud regnum tenebatur, mortua fuit in via. Illi
autem cum venerunt dederunt maxima munera : &
maxime legitimus filius, qui repetebat terram quam reli-
querat pater filio suo David, cum non deberet habere, quia
adulteras filius erat. Ille vero respondit : Licet sim filius
concubinas, peto tamen ut fiat mihi justitia secundum
legem Tartarorum, qui nullam differentiam faciunt inter
filios legitime & ancilla^ : unde fuit data sententia contra
filium legitimum, ut ille Davidi qui major erat subesset, &
terram haberet quiete & pacifice, quam dederat ei pater : &
sic donaria qu^ dederat, & causam quam contra fratrem
suum David habuerat, amisit. Ab illis etiam nationibus
quas longe sunt ab eis, & conjunctse sunt aliis nationibus
quas aliquo modo timent, quas non sunt eis subjectas,
tributum accipiunt & quasi misericorditer agunt cum eis,
ut non adducant exercitum super eos, vel etiam ut alii non
terreantur, se tradere eis. Sicut factum est de Obesis sive
Georgianis, a quibus quinquaginta vel quadraginta millia,
ut dictum est, yperperorum sive Bysantiorum accipiunt
pro tributo : alias ad hoc in pace esse permittunt. Tamen,
secundum quod intelleximus ab eis, rebellare proponunt.

Terrarum nomina quas vicerunt sunt hsc. Kytai, Nay-
mani, Solangi, Kara Kytai, sive nigri Kytai, Comania,
Tumat, Voyrat, Caraniti, Huyur, Soboal, Merkiti, Meniti,
Baryhryur, Gosmit, Saraceni, Bisermini, Turcomani, Byleri,
magna Bulgaria, Baschare, magna Hungaria, Kergis,
Colona, Thorati, Buritabeth, Parossiti, Sassi, Jacobiti,
Alani, sive Assi, Obesi sive Georgiani, Nestoriani, Armeni,
Cangiti, Comani Brutachi, qui sunt Jud?ji, Mordui, Torci,
Samogcdi Gazari, Samogedi, Perses, Thous, India minor sive
aquilonares. Ethiopia, Yrchasi, Rutheni, Baldach, Sarthi : Alias terras

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI a.d.

1246.

sunt plures, sed earum nomina ignoramus. Vidimus etiam
viros & mulieres fere de omnibus terris supra nominatis.
Hasc autem sunt nomina Terrarum quae eis viriliter resti-
terunt, nee sunt adhuc subditas eis, India magna, Mangia ; Mrjigia.
Quasdam pars Alanorum, Qu^dam pars Kytaorum, Sayi.
Quandam enim civitatem Sayorum praedictorum obsede-
derunt & debellare tentaverunt. At ipsi fecerunt machinas
contra machinas eorum, & Tartarorum machinas omnes
fregerunt, nee civitati appropinquare poterant ad pugnam
contra machinas & balistas. Tandem unam viam sub terra
fecerunt, & prosiluerunt in civitatem, & alii tentabant
incendere civitatem, alii pugnabant. Homines autem
civitatis unam partem populi ad extinguendum ignem
posuerunt, & alia pars fortiter pugnabat cum hiis qui in-
traverunt civitatem, & multos occiderunt ex eis, & alios
vulneraverunt, compellentes eos ad suos redire. At ipsi
videntes quod nihil possent facere, & multi homines
morerentur, recesserunt ab eis. In terra Saracenorum &
aliorum ubi sunt quasi inter eos domini, accipiunt omnes
artifices meliores, & in omnibus operibus suis ponunt.
Alii autem artifices dant eis de opere suo tributum.
Segetes omnes condunt in horreis dominorum : & uni-
cuique unum pondus satis modicum dant in die : nihil
aliud nisi ter in septimana modicum quid de carnibus eis
prebent. Et illi hoc tantum artificibus faciunt qui in civi-
tatibus commorantur. Item quando dominis placet juvenes
omnes accipiunt, & post se cum omnibus famulis suis ire
cogunt : qui de castero certo sunt numero Tartarorum ;
immo potius de numero captivorum; quia etsi inter ipsos
sunt numerati, non tamen habentur in reverentia sicut
Tartari ; sed habentur pro servis, & ad omnia pericula ut
alii captivi mittuntur. Ipsi enim in bello sunt primi :
Etiam si debet palus vel aqua periculosa transiri, eos
oportet primo vadum tentare. Ipsos est etiam necesse
operari omnia quae sunt facienda. Ipsi etiam si in aliquo
ofFendunt, vel si non obediunt ad nutum, ut asini verber-
antur. Et ut breviter dicam, modicum quid manducant,
& etiam modicum bibunt, & pessime induuntur; nisi forte

87

D

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

aliquid possunt lucrari, nisi sunt aurifabri & alii artifices
boni. Sed aliqui tarn malos dominos habent, quod nihil
eis dimittunt, nee habent tempus pras multitudine operum
dominorum, ut sibi aliquid operentur, nisi furentur sibi
tempus, quando forsitan debent quiescere vel dormire. Et
hoc si uxores vel propriam stationem permittuntur habere.
Alii autem qui tenentur in domo pro servis omni miseria
sunt repleti. Vidi enim eos ire in bracis saspissime, &
toto corpore nudos in maximo solis ardore. Et in hyeme
patiuntur maximum frigus. Vidimus etiam aliquos pedi-
cas & digitos manuum de magno frigore perdidisse. Au-
divimus etiam alios esse mortuos, vel etiam de magno
algore quasi in omnibus membris inutiles esse factos.

[I- 35-] Quomodo bello occurratur Tartaris. Cap. 8.

|Icto de terris, quas obediunt eis, supponendum est
quomodo bello occurratur eisdem. Quod videtur
nobis hoc modo dicendum. Primo scribendum est quid
intendunt. Secundo de armis & ordinatione acierum.
Tertio quomodo occurratur astutiis eorum in congressione.
Quarto de munitione castrorum & civitatum. Quinto
quid faciendum sit de captivis eorum. IntentioTartarorum
est subjicere sibi totum mundum si possunt. Et de hoc
Cyngischan habent mandatum, sicut superius dictum est.
Idcirco eorum imperator sic in literis suis scribit. Dei
fortitudo. Omnium Imperator. Et in superscriptione
sigilli sui hoc habet.

Dominus in coelo, & Cuynch Chan super terram. Dei
fortitudo, omnium hominum imperatoris sigillum. Et
ideo cum nullis hominibus faciunt pacem, ut dictum est,
nisi forte se in eorum manibus tradunt. Et quia excepta
Christianitate nulla est terra in orbe quam timent, idcirco
se ad pugnam praepararunt contra nos. Unde noverint
universi quod nobis existentibus in terra eorum in solenni
curia, quae jam ex pluribus annis indicta erat, fuimus, ubi
elegerent Cuynch imperatorem in presentia nostra, qui in
lingua eorum dicitur Chan. Qui Cuynch Chan prasdictus
erexit cum omnibus principibus vexillum contra ecclesiam

88

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.

del & Romanum imperium, & contra omnia regna Chris-
tianorum & populos occidentis, nisi forsan facerent ea, quae
mandat Domino Papas, & potentibus ac omnibus Christi-
anorum populis Occidentis : quod nulla ratione faciendum
est : tum propter nimiam servitutem & intolerabilem, quae
est hactenus inaudita, quam vidimus oculis nostris, in quam
redigunt omnes gentes sibi subjectas : tum propterea quod
nulla in eis est fides : nee potest aliqua gens confidere in
verbis eorum : quia quicquid promittunt non observant,
quando vident sibi tempora favere : & subdoli sunt in om-
nibus factis & promissis eorum. Intendunt etiam delere
omnes principes, omnes nobiles, omnes milites de terra, ut
superius dictum est : sed hoc faciunt subdole & artificiose
in subditos suos : Tum etiam quia indignum est quod
Christiani subdantur eisdem, propter abominationes eorum,
& quia in nihilum redigitur cultus dei, & animas pereunt,
& corpora ultra quam credi possit multitudine affliguntur.
In primo quidem sunt blandi, sed postea ut scorpio cru-
ciant & affligunt. Tum quia pauciores sunt numero, &
corpore debiliores quam populi Christiani. In praedicta
autem curia sunt bellatores & principes & exercitus assig-
nati. De decem hominibus mittuntur tres cum familiis
eorum, de omni terra potestatis eorum. Unus exercitus
debet intrare per Hungariam : secundus per Poloniam.
Veniunt autem pugnaturi continue octodecem annis.
Tempus est etiam eis assignatum. In Martio An. Dom.
1247. si de terra sua movebunt. Venient autem in tribus
vel in quatuor || annis usque ad Comaniam. De Comania \\Forte
autem insultum facient in terras superius annotatas. Haec ^^^^^-f^^^^-
omnia firma sunt & vera, nisi Dominus aliquod impedi-
mentum pro sua gratia faciat eis. Sicut fecit quando vene-
runt in Hungariam & Poloniam. Debebant enim proce-
dere tunc pro certo triginta annis. Sed interfectus fuit
tunc imperator eorum veneno : & propter hoc quieverunt
a praeliis usque nunc. Sed modo, quia positus est imperator
de novo, iterum se de novo ad puonam incipiunt praeparare. T^^'^^^^^P^'opo-
Adhoc sciendum est, quod imperator dixit ore suo, quod ^zm/z^w 15
vellet mittere exercitum in Livoniam & Prussiam. Et Prussiam

89

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

quoniam omnem terram volunt delere vel in servitutem
redigere, quae servitus est intolerabilis nostras genti, ut
superius dictum est : Occurrendum est igitur eis in bello.
Sed si una provincia non vult alteri opem ferre, terra ilia
delebitur contra quam pugnant, & cum illis hominibus
quos capiunt pugnabunt contra aliam terram ; & in acie
erunt primi. Si male pugnant occidentur ab eis : Si autem
bene, ipsos cum promissis adulationibus tenent : & etiam
ut ab ipsis non fugiant promittunt eis quod facient eos
dominos magnos : & post hoc quando securi esse possunt
de ipsis, ut non redeant, faciunt eos infoelicissimos servos.
Ac de mulieribus quas volunt in concubinas tenere pro
servitiis faciunt illud idem. Et ita cum hominibus de-
victae provinciae destruunt aliam terram. Nee est aliqua
provincia quae per se possit resistere eis : quia de omni
terra potestatis eorum, ut dictum est, homines congregant
ad bellum. Unde si Christiani seipsos & suam terram,
& Christianitatem volunt servare, oportet quod in unum
conveniant reges, principes & barones, & terrarum rectores,
& mittant de communi consilio homines contra eos ad
pugnam, antequam ipsi incipiant in terras diiFundi. Quo-
niam postquam incipiunt spargi per terras, undique homines
quaerunt, & nullus congrue auxilium alteri potest praebere :
quoniam ipsi catervatim undique quaerunt homines & occi-
dunt. Et si claudunt se in castris, ponunt tria millia vel
quatuor millia hominum contra castrum vel civitatem, qui
obsideant earn ; & ipsi nihilominus diffunduntur per terras
homines occidentes. Quicunque autem volunt pugnare
cum eis, haec arma debent habere. Arcus bonos & fortes,
& balistas, quas multum timent, & sagittas sufficientes : &
bonum dolabrum de bono ferro, & scutum cum longo
Temperamen- manubrio. Ferramenta sagittarum de arcu vel de balista
turn fern. debent, ut Tartari, quando sunt calida, temperari in aqua
* cum sale mixta, ut fortia sint ad penetrandum arma eorum.

Gladios & etiam ianceas cum unco, qui valeant ad trahen-
dum eos de sellis : quia de eis facillime cadunt; ac cultellos
ac loricas duplicatas ; quia illos eorum sagittae non pene-
trant: & galeam & arma alia ad protegendum corpus &

90

JOHN DE PLANO CARPI XI a.d.

1246,

equum ab armis & sagittis eorum. Et si aliqui non sunt
ita bene armati, ut dixi ; debent ire post alios ut faciunt
Tartari: & trahere contra eos de armis & sagittis. Nee
debent parcere pecuniae, quoniam comparent arma, ut pos-
sint animas & corpora, libertatem & res alias conservare.
Acies debent ordinari, ut ipsi, per millenarios, centenarios,
& decanos & duces exercitus: qui duces nequaquam debent
praelium intrare, sicut nee duces eorum, sed debent exer-
citus videre & ordinare: legemque debent ponere ut simul
incedant ad bellum, sive alias, sicut sunt ordinati. Et qui-
cunque relinquit alium sive ad bellum procedentem, sive
pugnantem, vel quicunque fugerit, nisi omnes communiter
cedant, gravissime puniatur: quia tunc pars bellantium se-
quitur fugientes, & sagittis eorum occidunt, & pars cum
hiis qui remanent pugnant, & sic confunduntur & occi-
duntur remanentes & fugientes. Similiter quicunque con-
versus fuerit ad prasdam tollendam, antequam omnino sit
exercitus contrariorum devictus, maxima poena mulctetur.
Talis enim apud Tartaros sine ulla miseratione occiditur.
Locus ad pr^liandum est eligendus, si fieri potest ut cam-
pus sit planus, & possint undique videre: & si possunt
habeant sylvam magnam a tergo vel a latere: ita tamen
quod non possunt intrare inter ipsos & sylvam: nee debent
simul omnes convenire in unum, sed facere acies multas,
& diversas ab invicem, nee tamen multum distantes. Et
contra illos qui post veniunt debent unam aciem mittere
qui eis occurrat. Et si Tartari simulant fugam, non mul-
tum vadant post eos, nisi forte quantum possunt videre,
ne forte ipsos ad paratas insidias trahant, sicut facere
Solent : Et alia sit parata ad juvandum aciem illam, si
fuerit opportunum. Insuper habeant speculatores ex Speculatores.
omni parte, ut videant quando veniant alias acies
Tartarorum retro, a dextris & a sinistris: & semper
debent mittere aciem contra aciem quas eis occurrat. Ipsi
enim semper nituntur concludere adversarios eorum in
medio, unde magnam cautelam debent habere ne hoc
facere possint, quia sic exercitus facillime debellatur.
Omnes acies hoc debent cavere, ne diu currant post eos,

91

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

propter insidias quas solent prasparare : plus enim
fraudulentia quam fortitudine pugnant. Duces ex-
ercitus semper debent esse parati ad mittendum adjutorium,
si necesse est, illis qui sunt in pugna, & propter hoc
etiam debent vitare nimium cursum post eos: ne forte
fatigentur equi eorum ; quoniam nostri multitudinem
equorum non habent. Sed Tartari ilium quern equitant
una die, ilium non ascendunt in tribus vel in quatuor
diebus post hoc. Unde non curant si fatigentur equi
eorum propter multitudinem quam habent. Et si Tartari
cedunt, non tamen nostri debent recedere, vel ab invicem
separari: quia simulando hoc faciunt, ut exercitus dividatur,
& post hoc terram libere ingrediantur, & eam destruant.
Debent etiam cavere ut non faciant nimias expensas, ut
solent ; ne propter penuriam redire compellantur, & dent
Tartaris viam, ut ipsos & alios occidant, & destruant
omnem terram ; & propter eorum superfluitatem nomen
Domini blasphemetur. Et hoc debent facere diligenter :
ut si contingat aliquos pugnatores recedere, quod alii loco
eorum succedant. Duces etiam nostri debent die nocteque
facere exercitum custodiri, ne repente & subito irruant
super ipsos : quia Tartari ut dasmones, multas excogitant
iniquitates & artes nocendi : Immo tam de die quam de
nocte semper debent esse parati : sed nee spoliati debent
jacere nee deliciose ad mensam sedere, ne imparati
inveniantur, quia Tartari semper vigilant, ut possint
nocere. Homines vero terras qui Tartaros expectant, vel
super se timent venire, occultas foveas debent habere, in
quibus sagittas, & alia debent reponere, propter duo : ut
videlicet Tartari non possint ea habere ; & si propitius
fuerit eis Deus, valeant ea postea invenire ; Eis fugientibus
de terra, debent foenum & stramina comburere, ut equi
Tartarorum ad comedendum minus inveniant. Civitates
autem & castra si volunt munire, videant prius qualia sint
in situ. Situs enim talis debet esse in castris, quod
machinis & sagittis expugnari non possit ; & aquam
habeant sufficientem & lignum, & si fieri potest, quod
introitus & exitus eis tolli non possit : & quod habeant

92

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad. j

1246. i

homines sufficientes qui possint vicissim pugnare. Et '

debent vigilare diligenter ne aliqua astutia possint castrum
furari. Expensas ad multos annos debent habere
sufficientes : custodiant tamen dihgenter illas, & in ]

mensura manducent, quia nesciunt quanto tempore eos in 1

castris oportet esse inclusos. Quum enim incipiunt, tunc ]

multis annis obsident unum castrum. Sic fit hodierna die Obsidio ii. \

in terra Alanorum de quodam monte, quem, ut credo, ^^^^^orum. :

jam obsederunt per duodecem annos ; qui viriliter j

restiterunt, & multos Tartaros & nobiles occiderunt. i

Alia autem castra & civitates, qu« talem situm non habent
debent fortiter vallari foveis profundis munitis, & muris ^

bene pra^^paratis ; & arcus & sagittas sufficientes : & \

lapides ac fundas debent habere. Et debent diligenter ^

cavere, quod non permittant Tartaros ponere machinas
suas ; & suis machinis debent eos repellere. Et si forte \

aliquo ingenio vel arte erigunt Tartari machinas suas, [I. 37.]
debent eas destruere machinis suis si possunt. Balistis |

etiam, fundis & machinis debent resistere ne civitati
appropinquent. Alias etiam debent esse parati, ut i

superius dictum est. De castris & civitatibus, qua^ sunt j

in fluminibus positas, diligenter debent videre ne possint
submergi. Sed ad hoc sciendum est, quod Tartari plus \

diligunt, quod homines claudant se in civitatibus, quam j

quod pugnent cum eis in campo. Dicunt enim eos esse '

suos porcellos in hara conclusos. Unde ponunt eis i

custodes, ut supradictum est. Si autem aliqui Tartari de '

equis suis in bello projiciuntur, statim sunt capiendi : quia j

cum sunt in terra fortiter sagittant, & equos & homines ;

vulnerant & occidunt. Et si servantur tales, potest esse, 1

quod habeatur pro eis pax perpetua, aut pecunia magna 1

redimantur : quoniam se adinvicem satis diligunt. Sed \

quomodo Tartari cognoscantur, superius dictum est ubi
forma eorum fuit expressa. Tamen quando capiuntur, si
debent servari, ne fugiant diligens est custodia adhibenda.
Sunt etiam alias multas gentes cum eis, quae per formam
superius annotatam possunt ab ipsis cognosci. Est etiam
hoc sciendum, quod multi in exercitu eorum sunt, qui si

93

A.D.

1246.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

viderent tempus, & haberent fiduciam, quod nostri non
occiderent eos, ex omni parte exercitus, sicut ipsimet nobis
dixerunt, pugnarent cum eis, & plura mala facerent ipsis,
quam alii, qui sunt eorum adversarii manifest!.

T

AsceTinns.
H Vide
Mechoi'ium
lib. I. cap. 5.

^'imon Sa/:-
qiiintiniamis.

He long and wonderful voyage of Frier John de
Piano Carpini, sent ambassadour by Pope
Innocentius the iiii. An. Do. 1246 to the great CAN
of Tartaria ; wherin he passed through Bohemia,
Polonia, Russia, and so to the citie of Kiow upon
Boristhenes, and from thence rode continually post for
the space of sixe moneths through Comania, over the
mighty and famous rivers of Tanais, Volga, and laic,
& through the countries of the people called Kangittae,
Bisermini, Kara-Kitay, Naimani, & so to the native
countrie of the Mongals or Tartars, situate in the
extreme Northeasterne partes of all Asia: and thence
backe againe the same way to Russia, and Polonia,
and so to Rome ; spending in the whole voyage among
the sayd Tartars one whole yeere & above foure
moneths : Taken out of the 32. booke of Vincentius
Beluacensis his Speculum historiale.

LiBRi xxxn.

De prima missione Fratrum Prsedicatorum &
Minorum ad Tartaros. Cap. 2.

Oc etiam tempore misit Innocentius IIII.
Papa Fr. Ascelinum de ordine Pras-
dicatorum cum tribus aliis Fratribus,
auctoritate, qua fungebantur, de diversis
ordinis sui conventibus sibi associatis,
cum literis Apostolicis ad exercitum
Tartarorum, in quibus hortabatur eos,
ut ab hominum strage desisterent, & fidei veritatem
reciperent. Et ego quidem ab uno Fratrum Praedicatorum,
videlicet a Fr. Simone de S. Quintino, jam ab illo itinere
regresso, gesta Tartarorum accepi, ilia duntaxat, quae

94

JOHN DE PLANO CARPIXI ad.

1246.

superius per diversa loca juxta congruentiam temporum
huic operi inserui. Siquidem & eo tempore quidam Frater
ordinis Minorum, videlicet Fr. Johannes de Piano carpini, Joannes de
cum quibusdam aliis missus fuit ad Tartaros, qui etiam, ^[^^^'^ ^^^'~
ut ipse testatur, per annum & quatuor menses & amplius ^^^'''
cum eis mansit, & inter eos ambulavit. A summo namque
Pontifice mandatum, ut omnia, quae apud eos erant,
diligenter scrutaretur, acceperat, tam ipse, quam Fr.
Benedictus Polonus ejusdem ordinis, qui suae tribulationis Benedkius
particeps & socius erat. Et hie ergo Fr. Joannes de his, P°^^^^^^^-
quae apud Tartaros vel oculis propriis vidit, vel a
Christianis fide dignis, qui inter illos captivi erant, audivit,
libellum historialem, conscripsit, qui & ipse ad manus Libellus his-
nostras pervenit. De quo etiam hie quasi per epilogum tonalis Jo-
inserere libet aliqua, videlicet ad supplementum eorum, ^J^^^^ ^^\^^^'^^
quae desunt in praedicta rr. bnnonis historia.

De situ & qualitate terrs Tartarorum. Cap. 3.
Johannes de Piano Carpini.

ESt in partibus Orientis terra, quae Mongal sive Tartaric
Tartaria dicitur, in ea scilicet parte sita, in qua ^^^"'ip^^o-
Oriens Aquiloni conjungi creditur. Ab Oriente quidem
habet terram Kythaorum & etiam Solangorum, a meridie
vero terram Sarracenorum. Inter llOrientem & meridiem ^Vel Occl-
terram Huynorum, & ab Occidente provinciam Nay- ^^'^'^''^•
manorum, ab Aquilone vero circundatur Oceano. In
parte aliqua nimium est montuosa, & in aliqua campestris,
sed tota fere admixta glarea plurimum arenosa, nee est
in centesima parte fructuosa. Nee enim potest fructum
portare, nisi aquis fluvialibus irrigetur, quae ibi sunt
rarissimae. Unde nee villae nee aliqua^ civitates ibidem
reperiuntur, excepta una, quae Cracurim appellatur, & satis [I. 38.]
bona esse dicitur. Nos quidem illam non vidimus, sed ad
dimidiam dietam prope fuimus, cum apud Syram ordam, 5)7v? orda.
quae curia major Imperatoris eorum est, essemus. Licet
autem alias infructifera sit ilia terra, tamen alendis
pecoribus est apta. In aliqua ejus parte sunt aliquas
sylvae modicae, alia vero sine lignis est omnino. Itaque

95

A.D.

1246.

Jeris intem-
per'ies.

Orda quid.

Tnrtarorurn
species.

Ton sura.

Habitus.

Vestes retro
caudat^e.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

tarn Imperator quam Principes, & omnes alii sedent, &
cibaria sua decoquunt ad focum, de bourn & equorum
stercoribus factum. Ipse quoque aer inordinatus est ibidem
mirabiliter. In media siquidem restate ibi tonitrua magna
& fulgura fiunt, ex quibus plurimi occiduntur homines, &
eodem quoque tempore cadunt ibidem maxima nives.
Sunt & ibi ventorum frigidissimorum tam maximae
tempestates, quod aliquando vix possunt equitare homines.
Unde cum ante ordam essemus (sic enim apud eos stationes
Imperatoris & Principum appellantur) pras venti magni-
tudine in terra prostrati jacebamus, & videre propter
pulveris magnitudinem minime poteramus. Nunquam ibi
pluit in hyeme, sed frequenter in asstate, & tam modicum,
ut vix posset ahquando pulverem & radicem graminum
madefacere. Ibi quoque maxima grando cadit s^pe. Unde
cum Imperator electus in sede regni debuit poni, nobis in
curia tunc existentibus, tanta cecidit grando, quod ex
subita resolutione plusquam CLX. homines in eadem curia
fuerunt submersi. Res etiam & habitacula plura fuerunt
deducta. Ibi etiam est in aestate subito calor magnus,
& repente maximum frigus.

De forma & habitu & victu eorum. Cap. 4.

MOngalorum autem sive Tartarorum forma ab omni-
bus aliis hominibus est remota. Inter oculos enim,
& inter genas, lati sunt plus casteris, genae quoque satis
prominent a maxillis. Nasum habent planum & modicum,
oculos etiam parvos, & palpebras usque ad supercilia
elevatas, ac super verticem in modum Clericorum coronas.
Ex utraque parte frontis tondendo, plusquam in medio
crines longos faciunt, reliquos autem sicut mulieres crescere
permittunt. De quibus duas cordas faciunt, & unam-
quamque post aurem ligant. Pedes quoque modicos habent.
Vestes tam virorum quam mulierum uno modo formatae
sunt. Palliis vel cappis vel caputiis non utuntur. Tunicas
vero miro modo formatas portant de buccaramo, vel
purpurato, vel baldaquino. Pellicium habet pilos exterius,
sed apertum est a posterioribus. Habet tamen caudulam

96

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad

1246.
unam usque ad genua retro. Vestes suas non lavant, nee
lavari permittunt, & maxime a tempore, quo tonitrua
incipiunt, usquequo desinat illud tempus. Stationes Tabemacula.
habent rotundas in modum tentorii de virgulis & baculis
subtilibus pra^paratas. Supra vero in medio rotundam
habent fenestram, unde ingrediatur lumen, & fumus exire
possit : quia semper in medio faciunt ignem : parietes
autem & tecta filtro sunt operta. Ostia quoque de filtro
sunt facta. Harum quaedam subito solvuntur, & reparan-
tur, & super summarios deferuntur : quasdam vero dissolvi
non possunt sed in curribus portantur. Et quocunque
sive ad bellum sive alias vadunt, semper illas secum
deferunt. In animalibus valde divites sunt, ut in Camelis Opeshpecore.
& bobus, capris & ovibus. Jumenta & equos habent in
tanta multitudine, quantam non credimus totum mundi
residuum habere. Porcos autem & alias bestias non
habent. Imperator ac Duces atque alii magnates in auro &
argento ac serico & gemmis abundant. Cibi eorum sunt Victus.
omnia, quas mandi possunt. Vidimus eos etiam manducare
pediculos. Lac bibunt animalium, & in maxima quanti-
tate, si habent, jumentinum. Porro in hyeme, quia nisi
divites sint, lac jumentinum non habent, millium cum
aqua decoquunt, quod tam tenue faciunt, ut illud bibere
valeant. Unde quilibet eorum scyphum bibit unum vel
duos in mane, & quandoque nihil amplius manducant in
die. In sero autem unicuique datur de carnibus modicum,
& bibunt ex eis brodium. Porro in aestate quando satis
habent de lacte jumentino, carnes comedunt raro, nisi forte
donentur eisdem, aut venatione bestiam aliquam ceperint
vel avem.

De moribus eorum bonis & malis. Cap. 5.

HAbent autem mores quosdam quidem commendabiles, net^apx'a
& quosdam detestabiles. Magis quippe sunt obedi-
entes Dominis suis, quam aliqui qui in mundo sint
homines, sive religiosi sive seculares. Nam eos maxime
reverentur, nee illis de facili mentiuntur verbis factisve :
raro vel nunquam ad invicem contendunt, bellaque vel

A.D.

1246.

Jbstinentia.

Comitas.
T^emperantta.
[I- 39-]

Castitas.

Insolentia ad-
versus exteros.

Iracund'ia.
Fraudulentia,

Sordes,

Temulent'ta^

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

rixae, vulnera vel homicidia nunquam inter eos contingunt.
Prasdones etiam ac fures rerum magnarum ibi nequaquam
inveniuntur, ideoque stationes & currus eorum, ubi thesau-
ros habent, seris aut vectibus non firmantur. Si aliqua
bestia perdita fuerit, quicunque invenit earn vel dimittit,
vel ad illos, qui ad hoc positi sunt, earn ducit. Apud
quos ille, cujus est bestia, illam requirit, & absque ulla
difficultate recipit. Unus alium satis honorat, & familia-
ritatem ac cibaria, quamvis apud eos sint pauca, liberaliter
satis communicat. Satis etiam sunt sufferentes, nee cum
jejunaverint uno die, vel duobus, omnino sine cibc,
videntur impatientes, sed cantant & ludunt, ac si bene
comedissent. In equitando multum sustinent frigus,
calorem quoque nimium patiuntur. Inter eos quasi nulla
placita sunt, & quamvis multum inebrientur, tamen in
ebrietate sua nunquam contendunt. Nullus alium spernit,
sed juvat & promovet, quantum congrue potest. Castas
sunt eorum mulieres, nee aliquid inter eos auditur de
ipsarum impudicitia. Quasdam tamen ex iis verba turpia
satis habent & impudica. Porro erga casteros homines
iidem Tartari superbissimi sunt, omnesque nobiles &
ignobiles quasi pro nihilo reputantes despiciunt. Unde
vidimus in curia Imperatoris magnum Russian ducem, &
filium regis Georgianorum, ac Soldanos multos & magnos
nullum honorem debitum recipere apud eos. Quinetiam
Tartari eisdem assignati, quantumcunque viles essent illos
antecedebant, semperque primum locum & summum tene-
bant, imo etiam saspe oportebat illos post eorum posteriora
sedere. Pr^terea iracundi sunt, & indignantis naturae
multum erga casteros homines, & ultra modum erga
eosdem mendaces. In principio quidem blandi sunt, sed
postmodum ut Scorpiones pungunt. Subdoli enim &
fraudulenti sunt, & omnes homines si possunt astutia
circumveniunt." Quicquid mali volunt eis facere, miro
modo occultant, ut sibi non possint providere, vel contra
eorum astutias remedium invenire. Immundi quoque
sunt in cibo & potu sumendis, & in caeteris factis suis.
Ebrietas apud illos est honorabilis : cumque multum aliquis

98

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.
biberit, ibidemque rejicit, non ideo cessat, quin iterum
bibat. Ad petendum maximi sunt exactores, tenacissimi
retentores, parcissimi donatores. Aliorum hominum AwpoSo/cia.
occisio apud illos est pro nihilo.

De legibus & consuetudinibus eorum. Cap. 6.

HOc autem habent in lege sive consuetudine, ut Poena
occidant viros & mulieres, si quando inveniantur in ^^«^'^^''«-
adulterio manifeste. Similiter etiam virginem, si fornicata
fuerit cum aliquo, occidunt eam cum eo. Prasterea si
aliquis in prasda vel furto manifesto invenitur, sine ulla Furti.
miseratione occiditur. Item si quis denudavit consilia,
maxime quando volunt ad bellum procedere, dantur ei
super posteriora centum plag«, quanto majores unus Jnani
rusticus cum magno baculo potest dare. Similiter cum evulgati.
aliqui de minoribus oiFendunt in aliquo, non eis a majori-
bus suis parcitur, sed verberibus graviter affliguntur.
Matrimonio autem generaliter conjunguntur omnibus, Leges matri-
etiam propinquis carne, excepta matre & filia & sorore ex ^^^^o^'^^-
eadem matre. Nam sororem tantum ex patre, & uxorem
quoque patris, post ejus mortem solent ducere. Uxorem
etiam fratris alius frater junior, post ejus mortem, vel
alius de parentela, tenetur ducere. CJnde dum adhuc Andreas Dux
essemus in terra, Dux quidam Russiae, Andreas nomine, P^ussice.

apud Baty, quod equos Tartarorum de terra educeret, & ^)^^^^/^^^-
!•• i ^ ^ J T ^ bersteinium de

alus venderet, accusatus est : quod licet non esset pro- ^.^^^^ ^q^_

batum, occisus est. Hoc audiens junior frater, & uxor chovipag,%.b.
occisi, pariter venerunt ad pr^fatum Ducem, supplicare
volentes, ne terra auferretur eisdem. At ille parvo prae-
cepit, ut fratris defuncti duceret uxorem, mulieri quoque
ut ilium in virum duceret, secundum Tartarorum con-
suetudinem. Qus respondit, se potius occidi velle, quam
sic contra legem facere. At ille nihilominus eam illi
tradidit quamvis ambo renuerent, quantum possent. Itaque
ducentes eos in lectum, clamantem puerum & plorantem
super illam posuerunt, ipsosque commisceri pariter coeg-
erunt. Denique post mortem maritorum, uxores Tartar-
orum non de facili solent ad secunda conjugia transire, nisi

99

A.D.
1246.

Melich t3

TToXvyafMia.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

forte quis velit sororiam aut novercam suam ducere. Nulla
vero differentia est apud eos inter filium uxoris & con-
cubinas, sed dat pater quod vult unicuique. Itaque si sunt
etiam ex Ducum genere, ita fit Dux filius concubinas, sicut
filius uxoris legitima^. Unde cum rex Georgiae duos filios
David fratres j^^uper, unum scilicet nomine Melich legitimum, alterum
iorgiam. y^xo David ex adulterio natum haberet, moriensque terras
partem adulteras filio reliquisset, Melich, cui etiam ex parte
matris regnum obvenerat, quia per foeminas tenebatur,
perrexit ad Imperatorem Tartarorum, eo quod & David
iter arripuerat ad ilium. Ambobus igitur ad curiam venien-
tibus, datisque maximis muneribus, petebat adulteras filius,
ut fieret ei justitia secundum morem Tartarorum. Dataque
est sententia contra Melich, ut David, qui major erat
natu, subesset, ac terram a patre sibi concessam quiete
ac pacifice possideret. Cumque Tartarorum unus habet
uxorum multitudinem, unaquaeque per se suam habet
familiam & stationem. Et una die Tartarus comedit
& bibit & dormit cum una, altera die cum alia. Una
tamen inter casteras major habetur, cum qua frequen-
tius quam cum aliis commoratur. Et licet, ut dictum
est, sint multas, nunquam tamen de facili contendunt
inter se.

De superstitiosis traditionibus ipsorum. Cap 7.

€0e\odp7)<rK€ia. /^^Uibusdam vero traditionibus indifferentia quaedam
V^ esse peccata dicunt, quas vel ipsi vel antecessores
eorum confinxerunt. Unum est, cultellum in ignem
figere, vel quocunque modo ignem cultello tangere, vel
etiam de caldaria cum cultello carnes extrahere, vel cum

[I. 40.] securi juxta ignem incidere. Credunt enim, quod sic

auferri debeat caput igni. Aliud est appodiare se ad
flagellum, quo percutitur equus : ipsi enim non utuntur
calcaribus. Item flagello sagittas tangere, juvenes aves
capere vel occidere, cum frasno equum percutere, os cum
osse alio frangere. Itemque lac, vel aliquem potum aut
cibum super terram effundere, in statione mingere. Quod
si voluntarie facit, occiditur, si autem aliter, oportet quod

100

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINl ad.

1246.

pecuniam multam incantatori solvat, a quo purificetur.

Qui etiam facial, ut static cum omnibus, quae in ipsa sunt,

inter duos ignes transeat. Antequam sic purificetur,

nullus audet intrare, nee aliquid de ilia exportare. Pr^terea

si alicui morsellus imponitur, quem deglutire non possit,

& ilium de ore suo ejicit, foramen sub statione fit, per

quod extrahitur, ac sine ulla miseratione occiditur. Iterum a^eoTT^s.

si quis calcat super limen stationis Ducis alicujus, inter-

ficitur. Multa etiam habent his similia, quas reputant

peccata. At homines occidere, aliorum terras invadere, ac

res illorum diripere, & contra Dei pra^cepta vel prohibi-

tiones facere, nullum apud eos est peccatum. De vita

asterna & damnatione perpetua nihil sciunt. Credunt

tamen, quod post mortem in alio seculo vivant, gregesque

multiplicent, comedant & bibant, & castera faciant, quas

hie a viventibus fiunt. In principio lunationis vel in Cu/fus lun^e.

plenilunio incipiunt, quic quid novi agere volunt, ipsamque

Lunam Imperatorem magnum appellant, eamque depre-

cantes genua flectunt. Omnes, qui morantur in stationi-

bus suis, oportet per ignem purificari. Qus scilicet puri-

ficatio fit hoc modo. Duos quidem ignes faciunt, & duas Lustrationh

hastas juxta eos, unamque cordam in summitate hastarum '''^^^^^•

ponunt. Ligantque super cordam illam quasdam de

Bucaramo scissiones, sub qua scilicet corda & ligaturis inter

illos ignes transeunt homines, ac bestias ac stationes.

Sunt etiam du^ mulieres, una hinc, & alia inde aquam

projicientes, ac quasdam carmina recitantes. Casterum si

aliquis a fulgure occiditur, oportet prasdicto modo per

ignes transire omnes illos, qui in illis stationibus morantur.

Statio siquidem ac lectus & currus, filtra & vestes, &

quicquid talium habent, a nullo tanguntur, sed ab homini-

bus tanquam immunda respuuntur. Et ut breviter dicam,

omnia purificari credunt per ignem. Unde quando Ignn

veniunt ad eos nuncii, vel Principes, aut qualescunque ^^^Pf^'^^j^^^^^

personam, oportet ipsos & munera sua per duos ignes, ^-^^^^^ ^^*

ut purificentur, transire, ne forte veneficia fecerint, aut

venenum seu aliquid mali attulerint.

lOI

A.D.
1246.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Tartari^e
popuU.

Chingis ortus
I3 res gestae.

Naymant.
U Infra cap.
25.

Fratres

discordantes

oppressi.

De initio imperii sive Principatus eorum.
Cap. 8.

TErra quidem ilia Orientalis, de qua dictum est supra,
quse Mongal nominatur, quatuor quondam habuisse
populos memoratur. Unus eorum Yeka Mongal, id est,
magni Mongali vocabantur. Secundus Sumongal, id est,
aquatici Mongali, qui seipsos appellabant Tartaros, a
quodam fiuvio per eorum terram currente, qui Tartar
nominatur. Tertius appellabatur Merkat. Quartus vero
Metrit. Omnes unam personarum formam & unam lin-
guam habebant hi populi, quamvis inter se per Principes
ac provincias essent divisi. In terra Yeka Mongal quidam.
fuit, qui vocabatur Chingis. Iste coepit robustus venator
esse : didicit enim homines furari, & praedam capere. Ad
alias terras ibat, & quoscunque poterat, captivabat, sibique
associabat. Homines quoque suas gentis inclinavit ad se,
qui tanquam Ducem sequebantur ipsum ad male agendum.
Coepit autem pugnare cum Sumongal, sive cum Tartaris,
& Ducem eorum interfecit, multoque bello sibi Tartaros
omnes subjecit, & in servitutem redegit. Post hasc cum
istis omnibus contra Merkatas, juxta terram positos Tar-
tarorum pugnavit, quos etiam bello sibi subjecit. Inde
procedens contra Metritas pugnam exercuit, & illos etiam
obtinuit. Audientes Naymani, quod Chingis taliter
elevatus esset, indignati sunt. Ipsi enim habuerant Im-
peratorem strenuum valde, cui dabant tributum cunct^
nationes prsdictae. Qui cum esset mortuus, filii ejus
successerunt loco ipsius. Sed quia juvenes ac stulti erant,
populum tenere nesciebant, sed ad invicem divisi ac scissi
erant. Unde Chingi prasdicto modo jam exaltato, nihilo-
minus in terras prsdictas faciebant insultum, & habitatores
occidebant, ac diripiebant prasdam eorum. Quod audiens
Chingis, omnes sibi subjectos congregavit. Naymani &
Karakytay ex adverso similiter in quandam vallem strictam
convenerunt, & commissum est praslium, in quo Naymani
& Karakytay a Mongalis devicti sunt. Qui etiam pro

102

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI a.d.

1246.
majori parte occlsi fuerunt, & alii, qui evadere non potue-
runt, ill servitutem redacti sunt. In terra praedictorum
Karakytaorum Occoday Cham, filius Chingischam, post- Occoday
quam imperator fuit positus, quandam civitatem aedificavit, ^'^'^^•
quam Chanyl appellavit. Prope quam ad Meridiem est
quoddam desertum magnum, in quo pro certo sylvestres Homines syl-
homines habitare dicuntur, qui nullatenus loquuntur,
nee juncturas in cruribus habent, & si quando cadunt,
per se surgere non valent. Sed tamen discretionem
tantam habent, quod filtra de lana Camelorum, quibus
vestiuntur, faciunt & contra ventum ponunt. Et si
quando Tartari pergentes ad eos vubierant eos sagittis,
gramina in vulneribus ponunt, & fortiter ante ipsos
fueiunt.

vestres.

De mutua victoria ipsorum 6c Kythaorum. ^ 4i-]
Cap. 9.

M

Ongali autem in terram suam revertentes, se contra* "^Haphomi^

Paulo Veneto
sunt Cathay,

Tartarojiim

Cathayna

clades.

Kythaos ad praelium paraverunt, & castra moventes,
eorum terram intraverunt. Quod audiens eorum Impera-
tor, venit cum exercitu suo contra illos, & commissum est
praslium durum, in quo Mongali sunt devicti, omnesque
nobiles eorum, qui erant in exercitu, pr^ster septem occisi
sunt. Unde cum illis volentibus aliquam impugnare
regionem, minatur aliquis stragem, adhuc respondent :
Olim etiam occisi non nisi septem remansimus, & tamen
modo crevimus in multitudinem magnam, ideoque non
terremur de talibus. Chingis autem & alii, qui reman-
serunt, in terram suam fugerunt. Cumque quievisset
aliquantulum, prasparavit se rursus ad praslium, & pro-
cessit contra terram Huyrorum. Isti sunt homines
Christiani de secta Nestorianorum. Et hos etiam Mon- t^ov^
gali devicerunt, eorumque literam acceperunt ; prius enim victoria-
scripturam non habebant, nunc autem eandem Mongal- Litera.
orum literam appellant. Inde contra terram Saruyur, &
contra terram Karanitarum, & contra terram Hudirat pro- j

cessit, quos omnes bello devicit. Inde in terram suam <

rediit, & aliquantulum quievit. Deinde convocatis omni- ]

103 ;

A.D.
1246.

Argentum loco
lapidum in hos-
ts m projectum.

Ch'mgis
sahtattir
Imperator.
Cathaynorum
litera ^ re-

Opificiorum

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

bus hominibus suls, contra Kythaos pariter processerunt,
diuque contra illos pugnantes, magnam partem terras
illorum vicerunt, eorumque Imperatorem in civitatem suam
majorem concluserunt. Quam & tarn longo tempore
obsederunt, quod exercitus expensae omnin6 defecerunt.
Cumque jam quod manducarent, penitus non haberent,
prascipit Chingischam suis, ut de decern hominibus unum
ad manducandum darent. Illi vero de civitate machinis
& sagittis viriliter contra istos pugnabant, & cum deficerent
lapideSj argentum & maxime liquefactum projiciebant.
Civitas siquidem ilia multis erat divitiis plena. Cumque
diu Mongali pugnassent, & eam bello vincere non possent,
unam magnam sub terra viam ab exercitu usque ad medium
civitatis fecerunt, & prosilientes in medium, ejus, contra
cives pugnaverunt. Illi quoque, qui extra remanserant,
eodem modo contra illos pugnabant. Denique concidentes
portas civitatis intraverunt, & imperatorem cum pluribus
occidentes urbem possederunt, aurumque & argentum, &
omnes ejus divitias abstulerunt. Et cum illi terras suos
homines prsfecissent, in terram propriam reversi sunt.
Tunc primum Imperatore Kythaorum devicto, factus est
Chingischam imperator. Quandam tamen partem illius
terr«, quia posita erat in mari, nullatenus devicerunt usque
hodie. Sunt autem Kytai homines pagani, habentes literam
specialem, & etiam, ut dicitur, veteris & novi Testamenti
scripturam. Habent etiam vitas patrum & eremitas &
domos, in quibus orant temporibus suis, ad modum Ec-
clesiarum factas. Quosdam etiam sanctos habere se dicunt,
& unum Deum colunt. Christum Jesum Dominum
venerantur, & credunt vitam asternam, sed non baptizantur.
Scripturam nostram honorant ac reverentur. Christianos
diligunt, & eleemosynas plures faciunt, homines benigni
satis & humani videntur. Barbam non habent, & in dis-
positione faciei cum Mongalis in parte concordant.
Meliores artifices in mundo non inveniuntur in omnibus
operibus, in quibus homines exercentur. Terra eorum est
opulenta nimis in frumento & vino, auro & serico ac rebus
casteris.

104

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.

De pugna ipsorum contra Indiam minorem &
maiorem. Cap. 10. '

CUm autem Mongali cum Imperatore suo Chingischam
post prasfatam victoriam aliquantulum quievissent,
exercitus suos diviserunt. Imperator siquidem unum de Thssut Can,
iiliis suis nomine Thosut, quem etiam Can, id est, Impera- ^-^^^^^S^^ ^^
torem appellabant, cum exercitu contra Comanos misit,
quos ille multo bello devicit, & postmodum in terram
suam rediit. Alium vero filium cum exercitu contra Indos India minor
misit, qui & minorem Indiam subjecit. Hi sunt nigri ^(^bellata.
Sarraceni, qui iEthipes sunt vocati. Hie autem exercitus
ad pugnam contra Christianos, qui sunt in India majori, Regis majoris
processit. Quod audiens Rex illius terrae, qui vulgo* ^"^^'^"^ strata-
Presbyter Johannes appellatur, contra illos venit exercitu i^^w /•
congregato. Et faciens imagines cupreas hominum, i^ njj^ ^ c(it>.
unamquanque posuit in sella super equum. Posuit & 51. M. Pauli
interius ignem, & hominem cum folle super equum post ^^^netl
imaginem. Itaque cum multis equis & imaginibus,
taliter praeparatis, ad pugnam contra Mongalos seu Tar-
taros processerunt. Et cam ad locum praelii pervenissent,
equos istos unum juxta alium praemiserunt. Viri autem,
qui erant retro, nescio quid super ignem, qui erat intra
imagines, posuerunt, & cum follibus fortiter sufflaverunt.
Unde factum est, ut ex Graeco igne homines & equi com-
burerentur, & etiam aer ex fumo denigraretur. Tumque
super Tartaros sagittas jecerunt Indi, ex quibus multi Victoria.
vulnerati fuerunt & interfecti. Sicque ejecerunt illos
cum magna confusione de suis finibus, nee unquam, quod
ad ipsos ultra redierint audivimus.

Qualiter ab hominibus caninis repulsi, Buritha- [I. +2.]
bethinos vicerunt. Cap. 11.

CUm autem per deserta redirent, in quandam terram
venerunt, in qua, sicut nobis apud Imperatoris curiam
per clericos Ruthenos, & alios, qui diu fuerant inter ipsos,
iirmiter asserendo referebatur, monstra quaedam, imaginem

105

A.D.

1246.
De monst?vsis
mulieribus iff
canibus mon-
strosanarratio.

U Forsan
autem videri
allegor'ica
alliisio possit
ad Can'ibaks
de qu'ibus
Petrus Mar-
tyr Mediolan.
de rebus
Oceanicis.

Burithabeth
regto.

Incolarum
mores.

Alia Chingis
expedition

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

foemineam habentia, repererunt. Quas cum per multos
interpretes interrogassent, ubi viri terrae illius essent, re-
sponderunt, quod in ilia terra quaecunque foeminae
nascebantur, habebant formam humanam, masculi vero
speciem caninam. Dumque moram in terra ilia protra-
herent. Canes in alia fluvii parte convenerunt. Et cum
esset hyems asperrima omnes se in aquam projecerunt.
Post base incontinenti sponte in pulverem volvebantur,
sicque pulvis admixtus aquae super eos congelabatur, &
ut ita pluries fecerunt, glacie super eos depressata, cum
impetu magno contra Tartaros ad pugnam convenerunt.
At vero cum illi sagittas super eos jaciebant, ac si super
lapides sagittassent, retro sagittae redibant. Alia quoque
arma eorum in nullo eos laedere poterant. Ipsi vero Canes
insultum in Tartaros facientes, morsibus vulneraverunt
multos, & occiderunt, sicque illos de suis finibus ejecerunt.
Unde adhuc inter illos est proverbium de hoc facto, quod
dicunt ad invicem ridendo : Pater meus vel frater meus a
Canibus fuit occisus. Mulieres autem illorum, quas
ceperant, ad terram suam duxerunt, & usque ad diem
mortis eorum ibidem fuerunt. Cum autem exercitus ille
Mongalorum rediret, venit ad terram Burithabeth, cujus
habitatores pagani sunt, & hos Tartari bello vicerunt. Hi
consuetudinem habent mirabilem, imo potius miserabilem.
Cum enim alicujus pater humanae naturae solvit debitum,
congregant omnem parentelam, & comedunt eum. Hi
pilos in barba non habent, imo ferrum quoddam in man-
ibus, sicut vidimus, portant, cum quo semper barbam, si
forte crinis aliquis in ea crescit, depilant. Multum
etiam deformes sunt. Inde vero ille Tartarorum exercitus
in terram suam est reversus.

Qualiter a montibus Caspiis, & ab hominibus
subterraneis repulsi sunt. Cap. 12.

CHingischam etiam illo tempore, quo dimisit alios
exercitus contra Orientem, per terram Kergis cum
expeditione perrexit, quos tamen tunc bello non vicit, &
ut nobis dicebatur, ibidem usque ad montes Caspios

106

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.
pervenit. At illi montes in ea parte, ad quam applica-
verunt, de lapide Adamantlno sunt : ideoque sagittas &
arma ferrea illorum ad se traxerunt. Homines autem
inter Caspios montes conclusi clamorem exercitus, ut
creditur, audientes, montem frangere coeperunt, & cum
alio tempore post decern annos redirent Tartari, montem
confractum invenerunt. Cumque ad illos accedere
attentassent, minime potuerunt : quia nubes quaedam erat
posita ante ipsos, ultra quam ire nullatenus poterant.
Omnino quippe visum amittebant, statim ut ad illam
perveniebant. Illi autem ex adverso credentes, quod ^ Vide an
Tartari ad illos accedere formidarent, insultum contra eos ^^^^^^^
fecerunt, sed statim ut pervenerunt ad nubem propter ^^^^°T.^j
causam praedictam, procedere non potuerunt. Ac vero Haythonus
antequam ad montes prasdictos pervenirent Tartari, plus- cap. 10.
quam per mensem per vastam solitudinem transierunt, &
inde procedentes adhuc contra Orientem, plusquam per
mensem per magnum desertum perrexerunt. Itaque
pervenerunt ad quandam terram, in qua vias quidem tritas
videbant, sed neminem invenire poterant. Tandem
quaerentes, unum hominem cum uxore sua repererunt,
quos in pr^sentiam Chingischam adduxerunt. Qui cum
interrogasset illos, ubi homines illius terrae essent, respon-
derunt, quod in terra sub m.ontibus habitarent. Tunc Troghdytce.
Chingischam retenta uxore, misit ad eos virum ilium,
mandans illis, ut venirent ad ipsius mandatum. Qui
pergens ad illos, omnia narravit, quae Chingischam eis
mandavit. Illi vero respondentes dixerunt, quod die tali
venirent ad ipsum, ut facerent ejus mandatum. Ac ipsi
medio tempore per vias occultas sub terra se congregantes,
ad pugnam contra illos venerunt, & subito super eos
irruentes, plurimos occiderunt. Solis quoque sonitus in Fabuksus
ortu suo sustinere non poterant, imo tempore, quo '^^^{■^ orientis
oriebatur, oportebat eos unam aurem ad terram ponere, & ^^^^^«^-
superiorem fortiter obturare, ne sonum ilium terribilem
audirent. Nee sic tamen cavere poterant, quin hac de
causa plurimi ex eis interirent. Videns ergo Chingischam
& sui, quod nihil proficerent, sed potius homines suos

107

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

perderent, fugerunt, ac terra ilia exierunt. Ilium tamen
virum cum uxore sua secum deduxerunt, qui etiam usque
ad mortem in terra eorum fuerunt. Interrogati vero, cur
in regione sua sub terra soleant habitare, dixerunt, quod
ibi quodam tempore anni, cum oritur Sol, tantus fit
sonitus, ut homines nulla ratione valeant sustinere. Quin
etiam tunc in organis & tympanis caeterisque musicis
instrumentis percutere solent, ut sonitum ilium non
audiant.

[I- 43] De statutis Chingischam, et morte ipsius, et iiliis

ac Ducibus. Cap. 13.

CUm autem de terra ilia reverteretur Chingischam,
defecerunt eis victualia, famemque patiebantur maxi-
mam. Tunc interiora unius bestiae recentia casu inven-
erunt : quae accipientes, depositis tantum stercoribus,
decoxerunt, & coram Chingischam deportata pariter

Chingis lex. comederunt. Ideoque statuit Chingischam, ut nee
sanguis, nee interiora, nee aliquid de bestia, quas manducari
potest, projiciatur, exceptis stercoribus. Inde ergo in
terram propriam reversus est, ibique leges & statuta
edidit, quae Tartari inviolabiliter observant, de quibus
scilicet jam alias superius dictum est. Post hoc ab ictu

Liberi. tonitrui occisus est. Habuit autem quatuor filios : Occo-

day vocabatur primus, Thossut Can secundus, Thiaday
tertius, quarti nomen ignoramus. Ab his iiii. descen-
derunt omnes Duces Mongalorum. Primus filiorum
Occoday est Cuyne, qui nunc est Imperator. Hujus
fratres Cocten & Chyrenen. Ex filiis autem Thossut Can
sunt Bathy, Ordu, Siba, Bora. Bathy post Imperatorem
omnibus ditior est ac potentior. Ordu vero omnium
Ducum senior. Filii Thiaday, sunt Hurin & Cadan.
Filii autem alterius filii Chingischam, cujus ignoramus
nomen, sunt, Mengu & Bithat & alii plures. Hujus
Mengu mater Seroctan est, Domina magna inter Tartaros,
excepta Imperatoris matre plus nominata, omnibusque
potentior, excepto Bathy. Haec autem sunt nomina

Duces. Ducum: Ordu, qui fuit in Polonia, & Hungaria, Bathy

108

Iriier'itus.

Kepotes.

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.
quoque & Huryn & Cadan & Syban & Ouygat, qui
omnes fuerunt in Hungaria. Sed & Cyrpodan, qui adhuc
est ultra mare contra quosdam Soldanos Sarracenorum, &
alios habitatores terrae transmarinae. Alii vero remanse-
runt in terra, scilicet Mengu, Chyrenen, Hubilai, Sinocur,
Cara, Gay, Sybedey, Bora, Berca, Corrensa. Alii quoque
Duces eorum plures sunt, quorum nomina nobis ignota
sunt.

De potestate Imperatoris & Ducum ejus.
Cap. 14.

POrro Imperator eorum, scilicet Tartarorum, super Imperatoris
omnes habet mirabile dominium. Nullus enim audet Tartarorum

in aliqua morari parte, nisi ubi assig^naverit ipse. Et ipse ^^^"^'^!^ ''■ '^"^'
•A • ^ T^ -u u- r^ .^ 7ies tmperium.

quidem assignat Ducibus ubi maneant. Duces autem loca

Millenariis assignant, Millenarii vero Centenariis, &
Centenarii Decanis. Quicquid autem eis prascipitur, quo-
cunque tempore, quocunque loco, sive ad bellum, sive
ad mortem, vel ubicunque, sine ulla obediunt contra-
dictions Nam etsi petit alicujus filiam virginem, vel
sororem, mox ei sine contradictione exponunt eam, imo
frequenter colligit virgines ex omnibus Tartarorum finibus,
& si vult aliquas retinere, sibi retinet, alias vero dat suis
hominibus. Nuncios etiam quoscunque & ubicunque
transmittat, oportet quod dent ei sine mora equos &
expensas. Similiter undecunque veniant ei tributa vel
nuncii, oportet equos & currus & expensas tribui. Ac Inhumanitas
vero nuncii, qui aliunde veniunt, in magna miseria, & ^^^^ Legatos.
victus & vestitus penuria sunt. Maximeque quando
veniunt ad Principes, & ibi debent moram contrahere.
Tunc adeo parum datur decem hominibus, quod vix inde
possent duo vivere. Insuper & si aliqua illis injuria^
fiunt, minime conqueri facile possunt. Multa quoque
munera tam a principibus quam a casteris ab illis petuntur :
qu£ si non dederint, vilipenduntur, & quasi pro nihilo
reputantur. Hinc & nos magnam partem rerum, quae
nobis pro expensis a lidelibus erant datae, de necessitate
oportuit in muneribus dare. Denique sic omnia sunt in

109

A.D.
1246.

Occoday sur-
rogatur patru

Bathy ejusque
expeditio.

Barchin
civitas.

Sarguit
civitas.

Orna civitas.
[I. 44-]

%VideMecho-
vium, lib. i.
ca. 3.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

manu Imperatoris, quod nemo audet dicere, Hoc meum
est vel illiuSj sed omnia, scilicet res & jumenta ac homines,
sunt ipsius. Super hoc etiam nuper emanavit statutum
ejusdem. Idem quoque per omnia dominium habent
Duces super sibi subditos homines.

De electione Imperatoris Occoday, & legatione
Ducis Bathy. Cap. 15.

MOrtuo, ut supra dictum est, Cyngischam, convenerunt
Duces, & elegerunt Occoday, fiHum ejus Impera-
torem. Qui habito consiHo Principum, divisit exercitus.
Misitque Bathy, qui in secundo gradu attingebat eum,
contra terram Altissodan & contra terram Bisminorum, qui
Sarraceni erant, sed loquebantur Comanicum. Qui terram
illorum ingressus, cum eis pugnavit, eosque sibi bello sub-
jecit. Quasdam autem civitas, nomine Barchin, diu restitit
eis. Gives enim in circuitu civitatis foveas multas fecerant,
propter quas non poterant a Tartaris capi, donee illas re-
plevissent. Gives autem urbis Sarguit hoc audientes,
exierunt obviam eis, sponte in manus eorum se tradentes.
Unde civitas eorum destructa non fuit, sed plures eorum
occiderunt, & alios transtulerunt, acceptisque spoliis,
urbem aliis hominibus repleverunt, & contra civitatem
Orna perrexerunt. Hasc erat nimium populosa & divitiis
copiosa. Erant enim ibi plures Ghristiani, videlicet Gasari
& Rutheni, & Alani, & alii nee non & Sarraceni. Erat-
que Sarracenorum civitatis dominium. Est etiam posita
super quendam magnum fluvium, & est quasi portus,
habens forum maximum. Gumque Tartari non possent eos
aliter vincere, fluvium, qui per urbem currebat, praeciderunt,
& illam cum rebus & hominibus submerserunt. Quo
facto, contra Russiam perrexerunt, & magnam stragem in
ea fecerunt, civitates & castra destruxerunt, & homines
occiderunt. Kioviam, Russias metropolin, diu obsederunt,
& tandem ceperunt, ac cives interfecerunt. Unde quando
per illam terram ibamus, innumerabilia capita & ossa homi-
num mortuorum, jacentia super campum, inveniebamus.
Fuerat enim urbs valde magna & populosa, nunc quasi ad

1 10

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINl ad.

1246.
nihilum est redacta : vix enim domus ibi remanserunt du-
centae, quarum etiam habitatores teiientur in maxima servi-
tute. Porro de Russia & de Comania Tartari contra
Hungaros & Polonos processerunt, ibique plures ex ipsis
interfecti fuerunt, & ut jam superius dictum est, si Hun-
gari viriliter restitissent, Tartari ab eis confusi recessissent.
Inde revertentes in terram Morduanorum, qui sunt Pagani, Morduanl
venerunt, eosque bello vicerunt. Inde contra Byleros, id
est, contra Bulgariam magnam profecti sunt, & ipsam om- Bulgaria
nino destruxerunt. Hinc ad Aquilonem adhuc contra ^^^S^^^-
Bastarcos, id est Hungariam magnam processerunt, & illos Hungarla
etiam devicerunt. Hinc amplius ad Aquilonem pergentes, ^^S"^-
ad Parossitas venerunt, qui parvos habentes stomachos & Pamsltce.
OS parvum, non manducant, sed carnes decoquunt, quibus
decoctis, se super ollam ponunt, & fumum recipiunt, & de
hoc solo reficiuntur, vel si aliquid manducant, hoc valde
modicum est. Hinc & ad Samogetas venerunt, qui tan- Samoget^.
tum de venationibus vivunt, & tabernacula vestesque tantum
habent de pellibus bestiarum. Inde ad quandam terram
super Oceanum pervenerunt, ubi monstra quaedam invene- Monstra
runt, quae per omnia formam humanam habebant, sed ^l^^^^^^^^^-
pedes bovinos, & caput quidem humanum, sed faciem ut
canis. Duo verba loquebantur ut homines, tertio latrabant
ut canes. Hinc redierunt in Comaniam, & usque nunc ibi
morantur ex eis quidam.

jZ)^ his regionibus Herhersteinius pag. 8.^. ^ <^i.h.

Paret enim hodie utraque Moschorum Principi. Item de

Bulgaria Guaguinus pag. loG.b.

De legatione Cyrpodan Ducis. Cap. 16.

EO tempore misit Occoday Can Cyrpodan Ducem cum E xpe ditto ^
exercitu ad meridiem contra Kergis, qui & illos bello ^VP^^^'^^^-
superavit. Hi homines sunt Pagani, qui pilos in barba
non habent. Quorum consuetudo talis est, ut cum alicu-
jus pater moritur, prae dolore quasi unam corrigiam in
signum lamenti ab aure usque aurem de facie sua levet.
His autem devictis. Dux Cyrpodan contra Armenios ivit
ad meridiem cum suis. Qui cum transirent per deserta

1 1 1

AD.
1246.

Cyclopedes.

Armenia I5
Georgia sub-
acta.

Zoldajius
Halapio".

+
Calipha
Baldacetisis.

Tartarorurn
militaris dis-
ciplina.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

quaedam, monstra invenerunt, effigiem humanam habentia,
quae non nisi unum brachium cum manu in medio pectoris,
& unum pedem habebant, & duo cum uno arcu sagitta-
bant, adeoque fortiter currebant, quod equi eos investigare
non poterant. Currebant autem super unum pedem ilium
saltando, & cum essent fatigati, taliter eundo ibant super
manum & pedem, se tanquam in circulo revolvendo.
Cumque sic etiam fesse essent, iterum secundum priorem
modum currebant. Hos Isidorus Cyclopedes appellat. Et
ex eis Tartari nonnullos occiderunt. Et sicut nobis a
Ruthenis Clericis in curia dicebatur, qui morantur cum Im-
peratore praedicto, plures ex eis nuncii venerunt in legatione
ad curiam Imperatoris, superius annotati, ut possent habere
pacem cum illo. Inde procedentes venerunt in Armeniam,
quam bello devicerunt, & etiam Georgiae partem. Alia
vero pars venit ad mandatum eorum, & singulis annis
dederunt, & adhuc dant ei pro tributo xx. millia Yper-
perarum. Hinc ad terram Soldani Deurum, potentis &
magni, processerunt, cum quo etiam pugnantes, ipsum de-
vicerunt. Denique processerunt ulterius debellando ac
vincendo usque ad terram Soldani Halapiae, & nunc etiam
terram obtinent, alias quoque terras ultra illas proponentes
impugnare: nee postea reversi sunt in terram suam usque
hodie. Idemque exercitus contra terram Caliphi Baldach
perrexit, quam etiam sibi subdidit, & ut CCCC. Byzantios,
exceptis Baldekinis caeterisque muneribus, ei quotidie pro
tributo daret, obtinuit. Sed & quolibet anno mittunt nun-
cios ad Caliphum, ut ad eos veniat. Qui cum tributo
munera magna trasmittens, ut eum supportent, rogat.
Ipse autem Imperator Tartarorum munera quidem accipit,
& nihilominus ut veniat, pro eo mittit.

Qualiter Tartari se habent in praeliis. Cap. 17.

ORdinavit Chingischam Tartaros per Decanos & cen-
tenarios & millenarios. Decern quoque millenariis
prasponunt unum, cunctoque nihilominus exercitui duos
aut tres Duces, ita tamen ut ad unum habeant respectum.
Cumque in bello contra aliquos congrediuntur, nisi com-

j

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI a.d. j

1246. I

muniter cedant, omnes qui fugiunt, occiduntur. Et si [I. 45.] j

unus aut duo, vel plures ex decern audacter accedunt ad ■

pugnam, alii vero ex illo Denario non sequuntur, similiter '

occiduntur. Sed etiam si unus ex decern vel plures capi- j

untur, socii eorum si non eos liberant, ipsi etiam occidun- \

tur. Porro arma debent habere talia. Duos arcus vel Jt-matura, \
unum bonum ad minus. Tresque pharetras sagittis plenas,
& unam securim & funes ad machinas trahendas. Divites
autem habent gladios in fine acutos, ex una parte tantum
incidentes, & aliquantulum curvos. Habent & equos

armatos, crura etiam tecta, galeas & loricas. Verum loricas "

& equorum cooperturas quidam habent de corio, super J

corpus artificiose duplicato vel etiam triplicato. Galea vero \
superius est de chalybe, vel de ferro: sed illud, quod in
circuitu protegit collum & gulam, est de corio. Quidam

autem de ferro habent omnia supradicta, in hunc modum ;

formata. Laminas multas tenues ad unius digiti latitu- '

dinem & palms longitudinem faciunt, & in qualibet octo I

foramina parvula facientes, interius tres corrigias strictas & '
fortes ponunt. Sicque laminas, unam alii quasi per gradus
ascendendo, supponunt. Itaque laminas ad corrigias, tenu-

ibus corrigiolis per foramina praedicta immissis, ligant, & I

in superiori parte corrigiolam unam ex utraque parte dupli- I
catam cum alia corrigiola consuunt, ut laminae simul bene

firmiterque cohaereant. Haec faciunt tam ad cooperturas j

equorum, quam ad armaturas hominum. Adeoque faciunt ]

ilia lucere, quod in eis potest homo faciem suam videre. |

Aliqui vero in collo ferri lanceae uncum habent, cum quo I

de sella, si possunt, hominem detrahant. Sagittarum eorum |

ferramenta sunt acutissima, ex utraque parte quasi gladius j

biceps incidentia, semperque juxta pharetram portant limas I

ad acuendum sagittas. Habent vero scuta de viminibus, '

aut de virgulis facta. Sed non credimus, quod ea soleant '

portare, nisi ad castra & ad custodiam Imperatoris ac prin- I

cipum, & hoc tantum de nocte. In bellis astutissimi sunt: Ususbellorum. <

quia per annos xlii. cum caeteris gentibus dimicarunt. \

Cum autem ad flumina pervenerunt, majores habent Mos tranandi J

rotundum ac leve corium, in cujus summitate per circui- flumina. \

I 113 H I

N'

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

turn ansas crebras facientes, funem imponunt ac stringunt,
ita quod in circuitu quasi ventrem efficiunt, quern vestibus
ac rebus caeteris replent, fortissimeque ad invicem compri-
munt. In medio autem ponunt sellas & alias res duriores:
ibi quoque sedent homines. Hujusmodi navim ad equi
caudam ligant, & hominem, qui equum regat, pariter natare
faciunt, vel habent aliquando duos remos, cum quibus
remigant. Equo igitur in aquam impulso, omnes alii equi
sequuntur ilium, & sic transeunt fluvium. Pauperior
autem quilibet unam bursam vel saccum de corio bene
consutum habet, in quo res suas omnes imponit, & in
summitate fortiter ligatum, ad equi caudam suspendit, sic-
que modo praedicto transit.

Qualiter resistendum sit eis. Cap. 18.

'Ullam aestimo provinciam esse, quae per se possit eis

resistere : quia de omni terra potestatis suae solent

homines ad bellum congregare. Et siquidem vicina pro-

vincia non vult eis opem ferre, quam impugnant, delentes

illam, cum hominibus, quos ex ilia capiunt, contra aliam

^°'^h'ir'^ pugnant. Et illos quidem in acie primos ponunt, & si

Tartaros niale pugnant, ipsos occidunt. Itaque si Christiani eis

gerendo. resistere volunt, oportet quod Principes ac rectores terrarum

in unum conveniant, ac de communi consilio eis resistant.

Habeantque pugnatores arcus fortes & balistas, quas

multum timent, sagittasque sufficientes, dolabrum quoque

Ferri tempera- de bono ferro, vel securim cum manubrio longo. Ferra-

mentum. menta vero sagittarum more Tartarorum, quando sunt

calida, temperare debent in aqua, cum sale mixta, ut fortia

sint ad penetrandum illorum arma. Gladios etiam &

lanceas cum uncis habeant, qui volunt, ad detrahendum

illos de sella, de qua facillime cadunt. Habeant & galeas

& arma caetera, ad protegendum corpus & equum ab armis

& sagittis eorum, & si qui non ita sunt armati, debent

more illorum post alios ire, & contra ipsos arcubus vel

balistis trajicere. Et sicut dictum est supra de Tartaris,

debent acies suas ordinare, ac legem pugnantibus imponere.

Quicunque conversus fuerit ad praedam ante victoriam,

114

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.

maximam debet poenam subire : talis enim apud illos
occiditur absque miseratione. Locus ad praelium, si fieri
potest, eligendus est planus, ut undique possint videre,
nee omnes debent in unum convenire, sed acies multas &
divisas, nee tamen nimis distantes ab invicem, facere.
Contra illos, qui primo veniunt, debent unam aciem
mittere, & alia parata sit ad juvandum illam opportuno
tempore. Habeant & speculatores ex omni parte, qui
videant, quando veniunt acies casterae. Nam ideo semper
debent aciem contra aciem, ut ei occurrant, mittere,
quoniam illi semper nituntur adversarios in medio con-
cludere. Hoc autem acies caveant, ne si etiam illi fugere
videantur, diu post illos currant, ne forte, sicut facere
Solent, ipsos ad paratas insidias trahant : quia plus fraudu-
lentia quam fortitudine pugnant. Et iterum ne fatigentur
equi eorum : quia nostri multitudinem non habent equo-
rum. Tartari vero quos equitant die una, non ascendunt
tribus diebus, vel quatuor postea. Prasterea si cedunt
Tartari, non ideo debent nostri recedere, vel ab invicem
separari : quoniam hoc simulando faciunt, ut exercitus [I. 46.]
dividatur, & sic ad terrae destructionem libere ingrediantur.
Caeterum Duces nostri die noctiique facere debent exer-
citum custodiri : nee jacere spoliati, sed semper ad pugnam
parati : quia Tartari quasi Daemones semper vigilant,
excogitantes artem nocendi. Porro si aliqui Tartarorum
in bello de suis equis projiciuntur, statim capiendi sunt,
quia quando sunt in terra fortiter sagittant, & equos
hominesque vulnerant.

De itinere Fratris Johannis de Piano carpini usque
ad primam custodiam Tartarorum. Cap. 19.

NOs igitur ex mandato sedis Apostolicae cum iremus ad
Orientis nationes, elegimus prius ad Tartaros profi-
cisci : quia timebamus, ne per illos in proximo Ecclesias
Dei periculum immineret. Itaque pergentes, ad regem
Boemorum pervenimus : qui cum esset nobis familiaris, •^^^^^- ^
consuluit, ut per Poloniam & Russiam iter ageremus. ^^^^^f^ ^^^'
Habebat enim consanguineos in Polonia, quorum auxilio

115

Itmerarium

A.D.
1246.

Boles la US Dux
Silesice.

* Mazovia-

* Gj-'tmislaun,
tit Mechovlus
lib, I. cap. 9.

Liter <£ Papa-
ad Russos.

Daniel, frater
Basilii.

Lituani.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Russiam intrare possemus. Datisque Uteris & bono con-
ductu, fecit & expensas nobis dari per curias & civitates
ejus, quo usque ad Ducem Slesiae Bolezlaum, nepotem
ejus, veniremus, qui etiam erat nobis familiaris & notus*
Hinc & ipse nobis similiter fecit, donee veniremus ad
Conradum, Ducem * Lautisciae, ad quem tunc, Dei gratia
nobis favente, venerat Dominus Wasilico, Dux Russiae, a
quo etiam plenius de facto audivimus Tartarorum : quia
nuncios illuc miserat, qui jam redierant ad ipsum. Audito
autem, quod oporteret nos illis munera dare, quasdam
pelles castorum & aliorum animalium fecimus emi, de hoc,
quod datum nobis fuerat in eleemosynam ad subsidium
viae. Quod agnoscentes Dux Conradus & * Ducissa
Cracoviae, & Episcopus & quidam milites, plures etiam
nobis dederunt hujusmodi pelles, Denique Dux Wasilico
a Duce Cracoviae, & Episcopo atque Baronibus pro nobis
attente rogatus, secum nos in terram suam duxit, & ut
aliquantulum quiesceremus, aliquot diebus nos in expensis
suis detinuit. Et cum rogatus a nobis, fecisset Episcopos
suos venire, legimus eis literas Domini Papae, monentis
eos, ad sanctae matris Ecclesiae unitatem redire. Ad idem
quoque nos ipsi monuimus eos, & induximus, quantum
potuimus, tam Ducem quam Episcopos & alios. Sed quia
Dux Daniel, frater Wasiliconis praedicti, praesens non erat,
quoniam ad Baty profectus erat, non potuerunt eo tempore
finaliter respondere. Post hasc Dux Wasilico transmisit
nos usque in Kioviam metropolin Russiae, cum serviente
uno. Ibamus tamen in periculo capitis semper propter
Lituanos, qui saepe faciebant insultum super terram Russiae,
& in illis maxime locis, per quos debebamus transire. At
per praedictum servientem eramus securi a Ruthenis,
quorum etiam maxima pars occisa vel captivata erat a
Tartaris. Porro in Danilone usque ad mortem tunc
infirmati fuimus. Nihilominus tamen in vehiculo per
nivem & frigus magnum trahi nos fecimus. Cum ergo
Kioviam pervenimus, habuimus de via nostra consilium
cum millenario ac caeteris ibidem nobilibus. Qui respond-
erunt nobis, quod si duceremus equos illos, quos tunc

116

A.D.

1246.

Pabulum equo-
rum Tartaric.

Micheas
xd-yKaKos.

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI

habebamuSj ad Tartaros, cum essent magnas nives, morer-
entur omnes : quia nescirent herbam fodere sub nive,
sicut equi faciunt Tartarorum, nee inveniri posset aliquod
pro els ad manducandum, cum Tartan nee stramina nee
foenum habeant, nee pabulum. Itaque decrevimus eos
illie dimittere cum duobus pueris, deputatis eorum cus-
todiae. Ideoque nos oportuit millenarlo dare munera, ut
ipsum haberemus propitium, ad dandum nobis equos sub-
ductitios & conductum. Secundo igitur die post festum
Purificationis cepto itinere, venimus ad villam Canovas,
quae sub Tartaris erat immediate. Cujus pr^fectus nobis
dedit equos & conductum usque ad aliam, in qua reperimus
prasfectum Micheam, omni malitia plenum. Qui tamen
acceptis a nobis muneribus secundum velle suum, duxit
nos usque ad primam custodiam Tartarorum.

Qualiter primo cum sociis suis receptus est a
Tartaris. Cap. 20.

CUm ergo in prima sexta feria post diem cinerum, Sole
ad occasum tendente, hospitaremur. Tartari super
nos armati horribiliter irruerunt, quasrentes cujusmodi
homines essemus : cumque respondissemus, quod Domini
Paps nuncii essemus, quibusdam cibariis a nobis acceptis,
continue discesserunt. Porro mane facto, cum surgentes
aliquantulum processissemus, majores illorum, qui erant in
custodia, nobis occurrerunt, interrogantes, cur ad eos
veniremus ? & quid negotii haberemus ? Quibus respondi-
mus, Domini Papas nuncii sumus, qui Christianorum pater ^^/^ Chr'uti-
est ac Dominus. Hie nos idcirco tam ad Reg^em quam ad ^-f^^^^ M^^'

T^ . . rj^ .. -i-xj^ Donnnus.

rrmcipes, omnesque lartaros, mittit, quia placet ei, quod
omnes Christiani Tartarorum sint amici, & pacem habeant
cum ipsis. Desiderat insuper, ut apud Deum in coelo sint Legationis
magni, & idcirco monet eos tam per nos quam per literas ^^^^^^^'
suas, ut efficiantur Christiani, fidemque recipiant Domini '^ "
nostri Jesu Christi, quia non possunt aliter salvari. Man-
dat praeterea, quod miratur de tanta occisione hominum, &
maxime Christianorum, ac potissime Hungarorum, Mon-
tanorum, & Polonorum, qui sunt ei subjecti, facta per

117

A.D.
1246.

Correiisa,

Dux limitis
occidentdis.

Mos salutandl

Tartaricos

proceies.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Tartaros, cum in nullo laesissent, aut l^dere attentassent
eos. Et quia Dominus Deus graviter est super hoc
ofFensus, monet eos, ut a talibus de castero caveant, & de
commissis poenitentiam agant. Super his etiam rogat, ut
ei rescribant, quid facere velint de csetero, & quas sit eorum
intentio. Quibus auditis, & intellectis, dixerunt Tartari,
se velle equos nobis subductitios usque ad Corrensam &
ducatum prasbere. Statimque munera petierunt, & a nobis
acceperunt. Equis igitur acceptis, de quibus descenderant
ipsi, cum eorum ducatu ad Corrensam arripuimus iter
eundi. Ipsi tamen velociter equitantes, nuncium unum
prasmiserunt ad pr^fatum Ducem cum his verbis, quse
dixeramus eisdem. Est autem Dux iste Dominus
omnium, qui positi sunt in custodia contra omnes Occi-
dentis populos, ne forte subito & improvise irruant ahqui
super illos. Et iste dicitur habere sexaginta milHa homi-
num armatorum sub se.

Qualiter recepti sunt apud Corrensam.
Cap. 21.

CUm ergo pervenissemus ad ejus curiam, fecit nobis
longe a se poni stationem, & misit ad nos pro-
curatores suos, ut quaererent a nobis, cum quo ei
vellemus inchnare, id est, quae ei munera incHnando
vellemus ofFerre. Quibus respondimus, quod Dominus
Papa non mittebat aliqua munera ; quia non erat certus,
quod ad illos pervenire possemus, & insuper veneramus
per loca valde periculosa. Veruntamen in quantum de
his, quae habebamus ex gratia Dei & Domini Papae ad
victum nostrum, sicut poterimus, honorabimus ipsum.
Acceptisque muneribus duxerunt nos ad ordam sive ten-
torium ipsius, & instructi fuimus, ut ante ostium stationis
ter cum sinistro genu inclinaremus, & caveremus attente,
ne pedem super limen ostii poneremus. Et postquam in-
travimus, oportuit nos coram Duce omnibusque majoribus,
qui ad hoc erant vocati, dicere flexis genibus ea, quae
dixeramus superius. Literas etiam Dom. Papae obtulimus :
sed interpres, quem de Kyovia, dato pretio, duxeramus, non

118

Rha,

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.

erat sufficiens ad interpretandum, nee aliquis alius habebatur
idoneus. Hinc equi nobis dati sunt, & tres Tartari, qui
nos ducerent festinanter ad ducem Bathy. Ipse est apud Bath^^ ejhque
eos potentior excepto Imperatore, cui tenentur prae cunctis po^^^f^^-
principibus obedire. Itaque iter arripuimus secunda feria
post primam dominicam || xl. & equitando, quantum equi li Quadra-
trotare poterant, quoniam habebamus equos recentes fere S^^^^"^-
ter aut quater omni die, properabamus de mane usque ad
noctem, imo etiam de nocte saepissime, nee tamen ante
quartam feriam majoris hebdomadae potuimus ad ipsum
pervenire. Ibamus autem per terram Comanorum, quas Comanla.
tota est plana, & flumina quatuor habet magna. Primum
appellatur * Neper, juxta quod ex parte Russias ambulabat * Feteiibus
Correnza & Montii, qui major est illo ex altera parte Borysthe?ies.
per campestria. Secundum appellatur * Don, super quod * Tanais.
ambulat quidam Princeps, habens in conjugio sororem
Baty, qui vocatur Tirbon. Tertium dicitur * Volga, quod
est magnum valde, super quod incedit Bathy. Quartum
nominatur * laec, super quod duo millenarii vadunt, "^ Rh^mnus,
unus ex parte fluminis una, & alter ex altera. Hi omnes
in hyeme ad mare descendunt, & in aestate super ripam
eorundem fluminum ad montes ascendunt. Hoc est Po^t^/
mare magnum, de quo brachium sancti Georgii exit, ^^^^^^^•
quod in Constantinopolin vadit. Haec autem flumina
sunt piscibus valde plena, maxime Volga, intrantque mare ^olga yion
Graecias, quod dicitur Magnum mare. Super Nepre ^'^^^'^^^
autem multis diebus ivimus per glaciem. Super littora
quoque maris Graecias satis periculose per glaciem ivimus in
pluribus locis multis diebus. Congelantur enim circa littora
undae ad tres leucas inferius. Prius autem quam ad Bathy
perveniremus, duo ex nostris Tartaris praecesserunt, ad in-
dicandum ei omnia verba, quae apud Corrensam dixeramus.

Qualiter recepti sunt apud Bathy magnum
Principem. Cap. 22.

POrro cum in finibus terrae Comanorum ad Bathy ^
, . . - . , ' Leremonia

perveniremus, bene positi ruimus per unam leucam p^j. ^^^^ jg^^^

a stationibus ejus. Cumque duci debuimus ad curiam transeundi.

119

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

ipsius, dictum fuit nobis, quod inter quos ignes transire
deberemus. Nos autem hoc nulla ratione facere volebamus.
At illi dixerunt nobis : Ite secure, quia pro nulla causa
volumus hoc facere, nisi tantum, ut si vos aliquid malum
cogitatis Domino nostro, vel portatis venenum, ignis
auferat omne malum. Quibus respondimus : quod
propter hoc, ne de tali re suspectos redderemus nos,
transiremus. Cum igitur ad Ordam pervenissemus,
EUegay. interrogati a procuratore ipsius Eldegay, cum quo inclinare

vellemus ? idem quod prius apud Corrensam respondimus,
[I. 48.] datisque muneribus & acceptis, auditis etiam itineris

causis, introduxerunt nos in stationem Principis, prius
facta inclinatione, & audita de limine non calcando, sicut
Bathy audit prius, admonitione. Ingressi autem flexis genibus, verba
legatos. nostra proposuimus, deinde literas obtulimus, & ut nobis

darentur interpretes ad transferendum eas, rogavimus.
Qui etiam in die Parasceve dati fuerunt nobis, & eas
in litera Ruthenica, Sarracenica & in Tartarica diligenter
cum ipsis transtulimus. Haec interpretatio Bathy
praesentata fuit : quam & legit, & attente notavit.
Tandem ad nostram stationem reducti fuimus, sed nulla
cibaria nobis dederunt, nisi semel aliquantulum millii in
una scutella, scilicet in prima nocte quando venimus.
Gerit se regi- |ste Bathy magnifice se gerit, habens ostiarios & omnes
■^^^' officiales ad modum Imperatoris, & sedet in eminenti

loco velut in throno cum una de uxoribus suis. Alii
vero tam fratres sui & filii, quam alii majores inferius
sedent in medio super bancum, & homines caeteri post eos
in terra deorsum, sed viri a dextris, & fceminae a sinistris.
Tentoria quoque de panno lineo habet pulchra & magna
satis, quae fuerunt Hungariae regis. Nee aliquis ad ejus
tentorium audet accedere praeter familiam, nisi vocatus,
quantumcunque sit potens & magnus, nisi forte sciatur,
quod sit voluntas ipsius. Nos etiam dicta causa sedimus
a sinistris : Sic etenim & omnes nuncii faciunt in
eundo : sed in redeundo ab Imperatore, semper ponebamur
a dextris. In medio ponitur mensa ejus prope ostium
stationis, super quam apponitur potus in aureis &

120

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI

A.D.

1246.

Ejusdem
blbendi ad
Symphonia-
cantum mos.

argenteis vasis. Nee unquam bibit Bathy, vel allquis
Tartarorum Princeps, maxime quando in publico sunt,
nisi cantetur ei vel cytharizetur. Et cum equitat, semper
portatur solinum, vel tentoriolum super caput ejus in hasta.
Sicque faciunt cuncti majores Principes Tartarorum, &
etiam uxores eorum. Idem vero Bathy satis est hominibus Authoriuzs.
suis benignus, valde tamen ab eis timetur, & in pugna est
crudelissimus, sagax est multum & astutissimus in bello :
quia jam pugnavit tempore longo.

Qualiter recedentes a Bathy per terram Comanorum
& Kangittarum transierunt. Cap. 23.

IN die porro Sabbathi sancti ad stationem fuimus vocati, Legati
& exivit ad nos procurator Bathy praedictus, dicens J^^^^i^-'' ^^
ex parte ipsius, quod ad Imperatorem Cuyne in terram . ^J^^^ . ^^^~
ipsorum iremus, retentis quibusdam ex nostris sub hac
specie, quod vellent eos remittere ad Dominum Papam,
quibus & literas dedimus de omnibus factis nostris, quas
deferrent eidem. Sed cum rediissent usque ad Montii
Ducem supradictum, ibi retenti fuerunt usque ad reditum
nostrum. Nos autem in die Paschae officio dicto, & facta
comestione qualicunque cum duobus Tartaris, qui nobis
apud Corrensam fuerant assignati, cum multis lacrymis
recessimus, nescientes utrum ad mortem vel vitam
pergeremus. Eramus tamen ita infirmi corpore, quod vix
poteramus equitare. In tota siquidem ilia quadragesima
fuerat cibus noster millium cum aqua & sale tantum, & in
aliis similiter diebus jejuniorum. Nee habebamus aliquid
ad bibendum praeter nivem in caldario liquefactam. Ibamus
autem per Comaniam equitando fortissime, quoniam
habebamus equos recentes quinquies aut pluries in die,
nisi quando per deserta ibamus, & tunc equos meliores
atque fortiores, qui possent continuum sustinere laborem,
accipiebamus. Et hoc ab ineunte quadragesima usque ad
octo dies post Pascha. Haec terra Comania ab Aquilone Comaniam de-
immediate post Russiam habet Morduynos Byleros, id scriptio.
est, magnam Bulgariam, Bastarcos, id est, magnam
Hungariam, post Bastarcos, Parositas & Samogetas. Post

A.D.

1246.

Oceaniu sep-
tentrionalis.

Terra
Kangittarum

JeroslauSy
Dux Russia",

[I- 49-]

Terra Biser
minorum.

Altisoldanus.

Monies
maximi.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Samogetas, illos, qui dicuntur habere faciem caninam in
Oceani littoribus desertis. A meridie habet Alanos,
Circassos, Gazaros, Graeciam & Constantinopolin, ac
terram Iberorum, Cathos, Brutachios, qui dicuntur esse
Judaei, caput radentes per totum, terram quoque Cithorum
atque Georgianorum & Armeniorum & Turcorum. Ab
occidente autem Hungarian! habet atque Russiam. Et
est Comania terra maxima & longa. Cujus populos,
scilicet Comanos, Tartari occiderunt, quidam tamen a facie
eorum fugerunt, & quidam in eorum servitutem redacti
sunt. Plurimi autem ex eis, qui fugerunt, ad ipsos
redierunt. Post haec intravimus terram Kangittarum, quae
magnam habet in plurimis locis penuriam aquarum, in
qua etiam homines pauci morantur propter aquae de-
fectum. Unde homines Jeroslai, Ducis Russiae, cum ad
ipsum in terram Tartarorum perrexerunt, plures eorum in
illo deserto prae siti mortui sunt. In hac etiam terra &
in Comania multa invenimus capita & ossa mortuorum
hominum, super terram jacentia tanquam sterquihnium.
Per hanc itaque terram ivimus ab octo diebus post Pascha
fere usque ad Ascensionem Dominicam. Huj usque
habitatores Pagani erant, & tam ipsi quam Comani non
laborabant, sed tantum de animahbus vivebant, nee domos
aedificabant, sed in tabernacuHs habitabant. Istos etiam
Tartari deleverunt, & habitabant in terris eorum, iUique
qui remanserunt, redacti sunt in servitutem ipsorum.

Qualiter ad primam Imperatoris futuri curiam
devenerunt. Cap. 24.

POrro de terra Kangittarum intravimus terram Biser-
minorum, qui loquuntur lingua Comanica, sed
legem tenent Sarracenorum. In hac etiam terra in-
venimus urbes innumeras cum castris dirutas, villasque
multas desertas. Huj us Dominus dicebatur Altisoldanus,
qui cum tota sua progenie a Tartaris est destructus.
Habet autem haec terra montes maximos. Et a meridie
quidem habet Hierusalem & Baldach, totamque
Sarracenorum terram. Atque in finibus illis propinquis

122

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.
morantur duo fratres carnales, Tartarorum Duces, scilicet
Burin & Cadan, filii Thiaday, qui fuit filius Chingischam. Bu?in.
Ab Aquilone vero terram habet nigrorum Kythaorum & Cadan.
Oceanum. In ilia vero moratur Syban, frater Bathy. ^^^^^^^ '^^
rer nanc ivimus a resto Ascensionis dominicae rere usque ^-^ban, frater
ad viii. dies ante festum sanct. Johan. Baptistae. Deinde Bathy.
ingressi sumus terram nigrorum Kythaorum, in qua ^^^^^'^
Imperator aediiicavit domum, ubi etiam vocati fuimus ad ^^^^^y^^-
bibendum. Et ille, qui erat ibidem ex parte imperatoris,
fecit majores civitatis, & etiam duos filios ejus, plaudere
coram nobis. Hinc exeuntes, quoddam mare parvum Mareparvum.
invenimus, in cujus littore quidam existit mons parvus.
In quo scilicet monte quoddam foramen esse dicitur, unde
in hyeme tam maximae tempestates ventorum exeunt,
quod homines inde vix & cum magno periculo transire
possunt. In asstate vero semper quidem ibi ventorum
sonitus auditur, sed de foramine tenuiter egreditur. Per
hujus maris littora plurimis diebus perreximus, quod ^^^^'

nmis

quidem licet non multum sit magnum, plures insulas ^^^^j^^^- ,

habet, & illud in sinistris dimisimus. In terra vero ilia

habitat Ordu, quem omnium Ducum Tartarorum anti- Ordu.cap.i^.

quiorem diximus, & est orda, sive curia patris ipsius,

quam inhabitat, & regis una de uxoribus ejus. Con-

suetudo enim est apud Tartaros, quod principum &

majorum curiae non delentur, sed semper ordinantur

aliquas mulieres, quae illas regant, eisque donariorum

partes, sicut Dominis earum dari solebant, dantur. Sic

tandem ad primam Imperatoris curiam venimus, in qua Prima curia

erat una de uxoribus ipsius. Imperatoris.

Qualiter ad ipsum Cuyne, Imperatorem futurum
pervenerunt. Cap. 25.

AT vero quia nondum Imperatorem videramus, nol-
uerunt vocare nos, nee intromittere ad Ordam ipsius,
sed nobis in tentorio nostro secundum morem Tartarorum
valde bene serviri fecerunt, & ut quiesceremus, nos
ibidem per unam diem tenuerunt. Inde procedentes in jy .
vigilia sanctorum Petri & Pauli, terram Naymanorum Naymanorum.

123

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

intravimus, qui sunt Pagani. In ipsa vero die Aposto-
lorum ibidem cecidit magna nix, & habuimus magnum
frigus. Hasc quidem terra montuosa & frigida est supra
modum, ibique de planicie reperitur modicum. Istas
quoque duas nationes praedictse non laborabant, sed sicut
& Tartari in tentoriis habitabant, quas & ipsi deleverant,
per hanc etiam multis diebus perreximus. Deinde terram

Tartaria. Mongalorum intravimus, quos Tartaros appellamus. Per
has itaque terras, ut credimus, tribus septimanis equitando

Juin 22. fortiter ivimus, & in die Beatae Mariae Magdalenas ad

cceeiaum Cuyne Imperatorem electum pervenimus. Ideo autem per
legatorum iter. •' X . 1 i v r • • •

omnem viam istam valde restmavimus, quia prasceptum

erat Tartaris nostris, ut cito nos deducerent ad curiam

solennem, jam ex annis pluribus indictam, propter ipsius

Imperatoris electionem. Idcirco de mane surgentes,

ibamus usque ad noctem sine comestione, & saepius tarn

tarde veniebamus, quod non comedebamus in sero, sed

quod manducare debebamus in vespere, dabatur nobis in

mane. Mutatisque frequentius equis, nullatenus parce-

batur eis, sed equitabamus velociter ac sine intermissione,

quantum poterant equi trotare.

Qualiter Cuyne Fratres Minores suscepit.
Cap. 26.

Cuyne in lega- /^Um autem pervenimus ad Cuyne, fecit nobis dari

ios benignitas. v>4 tentorium & expensas, quales Tartaris dare solent,

nobis tamen melius quam aliis nunciis faciebant. Ad

ipsum autem vocati non fuimus, eo quod nondum electus

erat, nee adhuc de imperio se intromittebat. Interpretatio

tamen literarum Domini Papae, ac verba etiam a nobis

dicta, a prasdicto Baty erant ei mandata. Cum ergo

stetissemus ibi per quinque vel sex dies, ad matrem suam

nos transmisit, ubi adunabatur curia solennis. Et cum

Tentorium venissemus illuc, tam extensum erat tentorium magnum,

return. ^^ ^^i purpura pra^paratum, eratque tam grande nostro

judicio, quod plusquam duo millia hominum poterant esse

sub illo. Et in circuitu factum erat ligneum tabulatum

variis imaginibus depictum. Illuc ergo perreximus cum

124

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1240.

Tartaris, nobis ad custodiam assignatis, ibique conven-
erant omnes duces, & unusquisque cum hominibus suis Comitia.
equitabat in circuitu per planiciem & colles. In prima [I. 50.]
die vestiti sunt omnes purpuris albis, in secunda vero
rubeis. Et tunc venit Cuyne ad tentorium illud. Porro
tertia die fuerunt omnes in blaueis purpuris, & quarta in
optimis Baldakinis. In illo autem tabulato juxta tentorium
erant dua^ majores portae, per quarum unam solus Impera-
tor debebat intrare, & ad illam nulla erat custodia,
quamvis esset aperta, quia per illam nullus audebat ingredi
vel exire : per aliam omnes, qui admittebantur, intrabant,
& ad illam custodes cum gladiis & arcubus & sagittis
erant. Itaque si quis tentorio propinquabat ultra terminos,
qui positi erant, si capiebatur, verberabatur, si fugiebat,
sagitta sive ferro sagittabatur. Multique ibi erant, qui in
fraenis, pectoralibus, sellis & hujusmodi, judicio nostro,
auri circiter viginti marcas habebant. Sic Duces infra
tentorium colloquebantur, & de Imperatoris electione
tractabant, ut a nobis creditur. Alius autem universus
populus longe extra tabulatum collocabatur, & ita fere
usque ad meridiem morabantur. Tunc incipiebant lac
jumentinum bibere, & usque ad vesperas tantum bibebant,
quod erat visu mirabile. Nos autem vocaverunt interius, Symposium
& dederunt nobis cerevisiam : quia jumentinum lac non P^<^'^'^''"^'-
bibebamus. Et hoc quidem nobis pro magno fecerunt
honore : sed tamen nos compellebant ad bibendum, quod
nullatenus poteramus propter consuetudinem sustinere.
Unde ostendimus eis, hoc esse nobis grave, ideoque nos
cessaverunt compellere. Foris autem erat Dux Jeroslaus Jeroslaus Dux
de Susdal Russiae, pluresque Duces Kythaorum & Solan- ^^^^'^•
gorum. Duo quoque filii regis Georgiae, nuncius etiam dwersmum
Caliphi de Baldach, qui erat Soldanus, & plus quam decern nationum.
alii Soldani Sarracenorum, ut credimus. Et sicut nobis a
procuratoribus dicebatur, erant ibi nunciorum plus quam
quatuor millia, inter illos, qui tributa portabant, & illos,
qui deterebant munera, & Soldanos ac Duces alios, qui ad
tradendum seipsos veniebant, & illos, pro quibus ipsi
miserant, illosque, qui terrarum praefecti erant. Hi omnes

125

A.D.

1246.

Imperil Cuy-
na pj-'imitia: .

Syra orda.

Aurea orda.

Augiisti 15.

Preces
soknnes.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

simul extra tabulatum ponebantur, eisque simul bibere
prsebebatur. Nobis autem & Duci Jerozlao fere semper
ab eis dabatur superior locus, quando cum eis eramus
exterius.

Qualiter in imperium sublimatus fuit. Cap. 27.

ET quidem, si bene meminimus, ibidem per septimanas
circiter quatuor fuimus. Credim usque, quod ibi fuit
electio celebrata, non tamen ibidem fuit publicata. Prop-
ter hoc autem id maxime credebatur, quia semper,
quando Cuyne tentorio exibat, eidem cantabatur, & cum
virgis speciosisj in summitate lanam coccineam habentibus,
inclinabatur, quod alteri Ducum nulli fiebat, quousque
exterius morabatur. Hasc autem statio sive Curia nomi-
natur ab eis Syra orda. Hinc exeuntes, unanimiter omnes
equitavimus per tres aut quatuor leucas ad alium locum,
ubi erat in quadam pulchra planicie juxta rivum inter
montes aliud tentorium, quod apud ipsos appellatur Orda
aurea, praeparatum. Ibi enim Cuyne debebat poni in sede
in die Assumptionis Dominae nostrae. Sed propter
grandinem nimiam, quae tunc, ut supra dictum est, cecidit,
res dilata fuit. Eratque tentorium in columnis positum,
quae laminis aureis erant tectae, & clavis aureis cum aliis
lignis fixae. Porro de Baldakino erat tectum superius, sed
alii erant panni exterius. Fuimus autem ibi usque ad
festum Beati Bartholomaei, in quo maxima multitudo
convenit, & contra meridiem versis vultibus stetit. Et
quidam ad jactum lapidis longe a caeteris erant, semperque
orationes faciendo, ac genua flectendo, contra meridiem
longius, & longius procedebant. Nos autem utrum in-
cantationes facerent, aut genua Deo vel alteri flecterent,
nescientes, nolebamus facere genu flexiones. Cumque
diu ita fecissent, ad tentorium reversi sunt, & Cuyne in
sede imperiali posuerunt, Ducesque coram eo genua
flexerunt. Post hoc idem fecit universus populus,
exceptis nobis, qui eis subditi non eramus.

126

H

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI a.d.

1246.

De «tate ac moribus ac sigillo ipsius. Cap. 28.

Ic autem Imperator quando sublimatus est in regnum, Cuynde a-fas
videbatur esse circlter xl. vel xlv. annorum. Medio- ^ mores.
cris erat staturae, prudens valde, nimis astutus multumque
seriosus, & gravis in moribus. Nee unquam videbat
eum homo de facili ridere, vel aliquam levitatem facere,
sicut dicebant Christiani, qui cum ipso morabantur con-
tinue. Dicebant etiam nobis asserendo firmiter Christiani,
qui erant de familia ejus, quod deberet fieri Christianus.
Cujus signum erat, quod ipse Clericos Christianos tenebat, ^ttidmrn
& expensas eis dabat. Habebat etiam semper capellam nstiamsmi.
Christianorum ante majus tentorium suum, ubi cantant
Clerici publice & aperte, ac pulsant ad horas, ut casteri
Christiani secundum mores Graecorum, quantacunque sit
ibi multitudo Tartarorum, vel etiam aliorum hominum.
Hoc tamen non faciunt alii Duces ipsorum. Est autem Majestas.
mos Imperatoris ipsius, ut nunquam ore proprio loquatur
cum extraneo, quantumcunque magnus sit, sed audit & [I. 51.]
respondet per interpositam personam, & quandocunque
negotium proponunt, vel Imperatoris responsionem audi-
unt illi, qui sub eo sunt, quantumcunque sint magni,
flexis genibus usque ad finem verborum persistunt. Nee
alicui de consuetudine super aliquo negotio loqui licitum
est, postquam ab Imperatore definitum est. Habet autem
Imperator praedictus procuratorem & protonotarios, atque
scriptores, omnesque officiales in negotiis tam publicis
quam privatis, exceptis Advocatis. Nam sine litium vel Potestns^
judiciorum strepitu secundum arbitrium Imperatoris omnia ^^^^^ '^'
fiunt. Alii quoque Principes Tartarorum de his, quas ad
illos pertinent, idem faciunt. Hoc autem noverint uni-
versi, quia nobis tunc existentibus in solenni curia, jam ex
pluribus annis indicta, idem Cuyne Imperator, de novo
electus, cum omnibus suis Principibus erexit vexillum Bellum in
contra Ecclesiam Dei, ac Romanum Imperium, & contra Chnsttanos
omnia regna Christianorum & populos Occidentis, nisi '^ ^^ ^ ^
fortasse, quod absit, facerent ea, quae mandabat Domino
Papae, atque potentibus, & omnibus Christianorum popu-

127

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

lis, videlicet ut ipsi subdantur eis. Nam excepta Christi-
anitate, nulla est terra in orbe, quam timeant, & idcirco
contra nos ad pugnam se praeparant. Hujus siquidem
Imperatoris pater, scilicet Occoday, necatus fuerat veneno,
& ob hoc a bellis quieverant tempore pauco. Intentio
autem eorum, ut dictum est supra, est, sibi totum subjicere
mundum, sicut a Chingischam habent mandatum. Unde
& ipse Imperator in Uteris suis ita scribit: Dei fortitudo,
omnium hominum Imperator. In superscriptione quoque
sigilli ejus est hoc: Deus in coelo, & Cuyne Cham super
terram, Dei fortitudo: omnium hominum Imperatoris
sigillum.

f Contra Xenophon: SUaiov ea-ri vo/uliiulov. Et praclare
Aristoteles Politic, lib. 3. cap. 12. in hanc sententiam:
^i legem pr^esse vult, is velle videtur Deum ac leges
imperare: qui autem vult hominem^ is etiam helluam ad-
jungit^ cum pr^sertim tale quid sit cupiditas & iracundia :
^ magistratus &' optimus quisque a recta via detorque-
antur i^c. Adde qua e Chrysippo adducuntur ff. li. i.
tit. 3. /. 1.

De admissione Fratrum & nunciorum ad
Imperatorem. Cap. 29.

Cuyne audit TN loco illo, ubi positus est Imperator in throno, vocati
kgatos. JL fuimus coram ipso. Cumque Chingay protonotarius

ejus nomina nostra scripsisset, illorumque a quibus missi
eramus, & Ducis Solangorum & aliorum, clamavit alta
voce, recitans ilia coram Imperatore ac Ducum universitate.
Quo facto, flexit unusquisque nostrum quater genu sinis-
trum, & monuerunt, ne tangeremus limen deorsum.
Cumque pro cultellis nos diligentissime scrutati fuissent, &
nullatenus invenissent, intravimus ostium ab Orientali
parte: quia nullus ab Occidente, nisi solus imperator, audet
intrare. Similiter & Dux ab ilia parte ingreditur solus, si
est tentorium ejus. Minores autem non multum curant
de talibus. Tunc ergo primum in ejus praesentia suam in-
travimus stationem, videlicet postquam factus est Impera-
tor ibidem. Omnes quoque nuncii tunc ab eo recepti sunt,

128

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.
sed paucissimi tentorium ejus intraverunt. Ibi vero tanta Munera
donaria ab ipsis nunciis fuerunt ei praesentata, quod quasi ^^^^"^' oblata.
videbantur infinita, videlicet in samitis ac purpureis & bal-
dakinis ac cingulis sericis cum auro praeparatis, pellibus
etiam nobilibus, caeterisque muneribus. Quoddam etiam
Solinum, sive tentoriolum, quod super caput Imperatoris
portatur, fuit eidem praesentatum, quod totum erat cum
gemmis praeparatum. Quidam vero praefectus unius pro-
vinciae adduxit ei Camelos multos cum Baldakinis tectos.
Similiter sellas positae cum instrumentis quibusdam erant,
in quibus homines interius sedere valebant. Equos etiam
multos & mulos adducebant eidem phaleratos & armatos,
quosdam quidem de corio, & quosdam de ferro. Nos
etiam requisiti fuimus, an ei munera dare vellemus: sed
jam facultas non erat, quoniam omnia fere nostra consump-
seramus. Ibidem longe a stationibus super montem erant Currus
positi currus plusquam quingenti, qui omnes auro & ^^'^'^^p^^°p^^-
argento ac sericis vestibus erant pleni. Cunctique inter
imperatorem & Duces divisi fuerunt, singulique Duces
inter homines suos partes suas, ut eis placuit, diviserunt.

De loco divisionis Imperatoris & matris suae, &
morte Jeroslai, Ducis Russian.

INde recedentes, venimus ad alium locum, ubi tentorium Tentorium
mirabile, totum de purpura rufa, quod Kitay dederant, P^^'P^reum.
erat positum. Illic interius introducti fuimus, & semper
cam intrabamus nobis dabatur ad bibendum cerevisia vel
vinum, & etiam carnes coctae, si volebamus, ad edendum.
Eratque solariolum unum, de tabulis alte praeparatum, ubi Solium ebur-
thronus Imperatoris erat positus, ex ebore mirabiliter ^^^'
sculptus, in quo etiam erat aurum, & lapides preciosi, si
bene meminimus, & illuc ascendebatur per gradus. Erat-
que rotundum superius. Banci vero erant positi in cir- [I. 52.]
cuitu sedis, ubi dominae sedebant a parte sinistra in scamnis,
a dextris autem nemo sedebat superius, sed Duces sedebant
in Bancis inferius, & hoc in medio. Alii vero sedebant
post eos, & quolibet die veniebat dominarum maxima
multitudo. Ista vero tria tentoria, de quibus supra dixi-
I 129 I

A.D.

1246.

Nex Occoda'^
vindicata
Jeroslaus Dux
Russi^e.

Cuyne cum
legatis dis-
ihnulanter
agif.

Cosmas
Russus.

Chingay
internuncius.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

mus, erant valde magna, aliaque habebant uxores ejus de
filtro albo satis magna & pulchra. Ibidem Imperator
divisus est a matre sua, quae ivit in unam terrae partem, &
Imperator in aliam ad judicia facienda. Capta siquidem
erat amica Imperatoris istius, quae veneno interfecerat
patrem ejus, eo tempore, quo exercitus eorum in Hungaria
fuit. Propter quod etiam exercitus eorum, qui erat in
partibus illis, recessit. De qua cum aliis pluribus factum
fuit judicium, & occisi fuerunt. Eodem tempore mortuus
fuit Jerozlaus. Dux magnus Soldal, quae est quaedam
Russiae pars. Vocatus enim ad matrem Imperatoris quasi
pro honore, ut manducaret ac biberet de manu ipsius, in
continenti ad hospitium est reversus, infirmatusque mor-
tuus est post septem dies, totumque corpus ejus miro
modo glaucum efFectum est, dicebaturque ab omnibus,
quod ibidem, ut terram ejus libere ac plenarie possiderent,
fuisset impotionatus.

Qualiter tandem Fratres ad Imperatorem acce-
dentes, literas dederunt & acceperunt. Cap.

DEnique Tartari nostri nos ad Imperatorem duxerunt:
qui cum audisset per illos, nos ad eum venisse, jussit
nos ad matrem redire. Volebat enim secundo die, sicut
superius dictum est, contra totam Occidentis terram vexil-
lum erigere, quod nos volebat ignorare. Itaque reversi
stetimus paucis diebus, & iterum ad ipsum reversi sumus.
Cum quo bene per mensem fuimus in tanta fame ac siti,
quod vix vivere poteramus. Nam expensae, quae nobis pro
diebus quatuor dabantur, vix uni sufficiebant. Nee in-
venire poteramus aliquid ad emendum, quia forum erat
nimis remotum. Sed Dominus nobis quendam Ruthenum,
nomine Cosmam, aurifabrum praeparavit, qui satis dilectus
Imperatori, nos in aliquo sustentavit. Et hie ncbis osten-
dit thronum Imperatoris, quem ipse fecerat, antequam
poneretur in sede, & sigillum ejusdem, quod etiam fabri-
caverat ipse. Post hoc Imperator pro nobis misit, nobisque
per Chingay protonotarium suum dici fecit, ut verba nostra

130

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI a.d.

1246.

& negotia scriberemus, eique porrigeremus. Quod & feci- 1

mus. Post plures dies nos iterum vocari fecit, & utrum |

essent apud Dominum Papam, qui Ruthenorum vel Sar- i

racenorum, aut etiam Tartarorum literam intelligerent,

interrogavit. Cui respondimus, quod nullam istarum lite- \

rarum habebamus. Sarraceni tamen erant in terra, sed j

remoti erant a Domino Papa. Diximus tamen, quia nobis Prud^ns de \

expedire videbatur, quod in Tartarico scriberent, & nobis J'^^ ^°^'~ i

interpretarentur, nos autem in litera nostra diligenter scri- ' 1

beremus, & tam literam quam interpretationem ad Domi- '

num Papam deferremus. Tunc a nobis recesserunt, & ad

Imperatorem iverunt. Porro a die Beati Martini fuimus |

vocati. Tunc Kadac, totius imperii procurator, & Chingay

& Bala, pluresque scriptores ad nos venerunt, nobisque

literam de verbo ad verbum interpretati fuerunt. Et cum '

in Latina litera scripsissemus, faciebant sibi per singulas

orationes interpretari, volentes scire, si nos in aliquo verbo

erraremus. Cum igitur ambae literae fuissent scriptae, fece- i

runt nos semel ac secundo legere, ne forte minus aliquid '

haberemus. Dixerunt enim nobis, videte, quod omnia

bene intelligatis, quia non expediret, quod non omnia \

bene intelligeretis. Literas etiam in Sarracenico scrip- ]

serunt, ut aliquis in partibus nostris inveniri posset, qui !

eas, si opus esset, legeret. :

Qualiter licentiati fuerunt. Cap. 32.

UT autem nobis Tartar! nostri dixerunt, proposuit Im- ;

perator nuncios suos nobiscum mittere. Volebat '

tamen, ut credimus, quod nos id ab eo peteremus. Sed :

Cum unus de Tartaris nostris, qui senior erat, nos ad hoc !

petendum hortaretur, nobis quidem, ut venirent, ne qua-
quam bonum videbatur. Ideoque respondimus ei, quod Legati ^ ;

non erat nostrum petere, sed si sponte ipse Imperator mit- ^^^^^^^^^ ^
teret eos, libenter eos secure conduceremus. Domino ad- ad Christimm '

juvante. Nobis autem ob plures causas ut venirent, non kgatione. '

videbatur expedire. Prima quidem fuit, quia timuimus, i

ne visis dissentionibus aut guerris, quae fiunt inter nos,
magis animarentur ad veniendum contra nos. Secunda 1

131 \

A.D

1246.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

[I. 53-]

Honorantur
commeatu ^
lautiis.

fuit, timebamus eos exploratores terrae fieri. Tertia vero,
quia timebamus eos interfici. Gentes enim nostras arro-
gantes sunt & superbae. Unde quando servientes, qui
stant nobiscum, ex rogatu Cardinalis, legati scilicet Ale-
manniae, in habitu Tartarico ibant ad ipsum, in via fere
lapidati sunt a Teutonicis, & coacti sunt deponere habitum
ilium. Consuetudo autem est Tartarorum, ut cum illis,
qui nuncios eorum occiderint, nunquam faciant pacem, nisi
sumant de ipsis ultionem. Quarta etiam causa fuit, quia
timebamus ne nobis auferrentur vi. Quinta vero causa
erat, quia de adventu eorum nulla foret utilitas, cum
nullum haberent aliud mandatum vel potestatem, nisi quod
literas Imperatoris ad Dominum Papam & ad Principes
deferrent, quas videlicet literas ipsi nos habebamus, &
malum ex eorum adventu posse contingere credebamus.
Novemb. 13. Itaque tertia die post hoc, scilicet in festo beati Briccii
nobis dederunt licentiam & literam, Imperatoris sigillo
munitam, mittentes nos ad ipsius Imperatoris matrem,
quas unicuique nostrum dedit pelliceum unum de pellibus
vulpinis, quod habebat pilos de foris, & purpuram unam.
De quibus Tartari nostri furati sunt ex unaquaque unum
passum. De ilia quoque, quae dabatur servienti, meliorem
medietatem sunt furati. Quod nos quidem non ignoravi-
mus, sed inde verba movere noluimus.

Qualiter ab illo itinere redierunt. Cap. 33.

TUnc iter ad revertendum arripuimus, ac per totam
hyemem venimus, jacentes in desertis sa^pius in nive,
nisi quantum poteramus nobis cum pede locum facere.
Ibi quippe non erant arbores, sed planus campus. Et
saepe mane nos inveniebamus totos nive, quam ventus
pellebat, coopertos. Sic venientes usque ad Ascensionem
Domini pervenimus ad Bathy. A quo cum inquireremus,
quid responderet Domino Papas, dixit se nolle aliud, nisi
quod Imperator diligenter scripserat, demandare. Datis-
que nobis de conductu literis, ab eo recessimus, & sabbatho
infra octavas Pentecostes usque ad Montii pervenimus,
ubi erant socii nostri, ac servientes, qui fuerant retenti,

132

Difficilis
legatorum
reditus.

Bathy.

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI

quos ad nos fecimus reduci. Hinc usque Corrensam
pervenimus, cui iterum a nobis donaria petenti non
dedimus, quia non habebamus. Deditque nobis duos
Comanos, qui erant ex Tartarorum plebe, usque ad
Kioviam Russias. Tartarus tamen noster non dimisit nos,
donee exiremus ultimam Tartarorum custodiam. Isti
vero alii, qui nobis a Corrensa dati sunt, in sex diebus ab
ultima custodia usque ad Kioviam nos duxerunt. Veni-
mus autem illuc ante festum Beati Johannis Baptistas xv.
diebus. Porro Kiovienses adventum nostrum percipientes,
occurrerunt nobis omnes laetanter. Congratulabantur
enim nobis, tanquam a morte suscitatis. Sic fecerunt
nobis per totam Russiam, Poloniam & Bohemiam. Daniel
& Wasilico frater ejus festum nobis magnum fecerunt, &
nos contra voluntatem nostram bene per octo dies
tenuerunt. Medioque tempore inter se & cum Episcopis,
c^terisque probis viris, super his, quas locuti fueramus
eisdem, in processu nostro ad Tartaros consilium habentes,
responderunt nobis communiter, dicentes : quod Dominum
Papam habere vellent in specialem Dominum, & in patrem,
sanctam quoque Romanam Ecclesiam in dominam &
magistram, confirmantes etiam omnia, quae prius de hac
materia per Abbatem suum transmiserant. Et super hoc
etiam nobiscum ad Dominum Papam nuncios suos &
literas transmiserunt.

A.D.

1246.

Corrensa.

Junti 8.
Gratulationes
reducibus
factce.
BasUius y
Daniel
Principcs.

Russ'i

agnoscunt pri-
matum Papa'

[The voyage

^ZZ

A.D.
1246.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

The voyage of Johannes de Piano Carpini unto

the Northeast parts of the world, in the

yeere of our Lord, 1246.

Of the first sending of certaine Friers Prasdicants and
Minorites unto the Tartars, taken out of the 32. Booke
of Vincentius Beluacensis his Speculum Historiale :
beginning at the second Chapter.

AsceUinus. I, , ^ .^ _ .iBout this time also, Pope Innocentius the

fourth sent Frier Ascelline being one of
the order of the Praedicants, together with
three other Friers (of the same authoritie
whereunto they were called) consorted
with him out of divers Covens of their
order, with letters Apostolicall unto the Tar-
tars campe : wherein hee exhorted them to give over their
bloudie slaughter of mankinde, and to receive the Christian
faith. And I, in verie deede, received the relations con-
cerning the deedes of the Tartars onelie, (which, according
to the congruence of times, I have above inserted into this
my woorke) from a Frier Minorite, called Simon de Sanct.
Quintin, who lately returned from the same voyage. And
at that verie time also, there was a certaine other Frier
Minorite, namely Frier John de Piano Carpini, sent with
certaine associates unto the Tartars, who likewise (as
himselfe witnesseth) abode and conversed with them a
yeere and three moneths at the least. For both he & one
Frier Benedict a Polonian being of the same order, and a
partaker of all his miserie and tribulation, received straight
commaundement from the Pope, that both of them shoulde
diligently searche out all things that concerned the state of
the Tartars. And therefore this Frier John hath written
a litle Historic (which is come to our hands) of such
[I. 54.] things, as with his owne eyes hee sawe among the Tartars,

or which he heard from divers Christians worthy of credit,
remaining there in captivitie. Out of which historie I

134

Simon

Quintinianus.
John de piano
Carpini.

Benedictus
Polonus.

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI a.d.

1 246. '

thought good by way of conclusion, to insert somewhat \
for the supply of those things which are wanting in the

said Frier Simon. 1

Of the situation and qualitie of the Tartars land,

By Johannes de Piano Carpini. Chap. 3. \

THere is towards the East a land which is called Mon- J description j

gal or Tartaria, lying in that part of the worlde which ofTartaria, ,

is thought to be most North Easterly. On the East part '

it hath the countrey of Kythay and of the people called J

Solangi : on the South part the countrey of the Saracens : j

on the South east the land of the Huini : and on the West j

the province of Naimani : but on the North side it is T'he North \

invironed with the Ocean Sea. In some part thereof it is ^^^^^- j

full of mountaines, and in other places plaine and smoothe !

grounde, but everie where sandie and barren, neither is \

the hundreth part thereof fruitefull. For it cannot beare ;

fruite unlesse it be moistened with river waters, which bee '

verie rare in that countrey. Whereupon they have neither ■

villages, nor cities among them, except one which is called \

Cracurim, and is said to be a proper towne. We our \

selves sawe not this towne, but were almost within halfe a \

dayes journey thereof, when we remained at Syra Orda, Syra Orda. \

which is the great court of their Emperour. And albeit \

the foresaid lande is otherwise unfruitfull, yet is it very =
commodious for the bringing up of cattell. In certaine
places thereof are some small store of trees growing, but

otherwise it is altogether destitute of woods. Therefore '

the Emperour, and his noble men and all other warme ,

themselves, and dresse their meate with fires made of the i
doung of oxen, and horses. The ayre also in that The
countrey is verie intemperate. For in the midst of ^^temperature
Sommer there be great thunders and lightnings, by the ^•'
which many men are slaine, and at the same time there
falleth great abundance of snowe. There bee also such

mightie tempestes of colde windes, that sometimes men j

are not able to sitte on horsebacke. Whereupon, being ^^/-^^^ q^^^ \

neere unto the Orda (for by this name they call the signifieth. \

135 \

AD. THE EIS^GLISH VOYAGES

1246.

habitations of their Emperours and noble men) in regarde
of the great winde we were constrained to lye groveling on
the earth, and could not see by reason of the dust. There
is never any raine in Winter, but onely in Sommer, albeit
in so little quantitie, that sometimes it scarcely sufficeth to
allay the dust, or to moysten the rootes of the grasse.
There is often times great store of haile also. Insomuch
that when the Emperour elect was to be placed in his
Emperiall throne (my selfe being then present) there fell
such abundance of haile, that, upon the sudden melting
thereof, more then 160. persons were drowned in the same
place : there were manie tentes and other thinges also
caried away. Likewise, in the Sommer season there is on
the sudden extreame heate, and suddenly againe intol-
lerable colde.

Of their forme, habite, and maner of living.
Chap. 4.

The shape of HT^He Mongals or Tartars, in outward shape, are unlike

the Tartars. X. to all Other people. For they are broader betweene

the eyes, and the balles of their cheekes, then men of

other nations bee. They have flat and small noses, litle

eyes, and eye liddes standing streight upright, they are

shaven on the crownes like priests. They weare their

haire somewhat longer about their eares, then upon their

foreheads : but behinde they let it growe long like

Their habite. womans haire, whereof they braide two lockes binding

eche of them behind either eare. They have short feet

also. The garments, as well of their men, as of their

women are all of one fashion. They use neither cloakes,

hattes, nor cappes. But they weare Jackets framed after a

strange manner, of buckeram, skarlet, or Baldakines.

Like unto Fro- Their shoubes or gownes are hayrie on the outside, and

btshirs men. q^^^ behinde, with tailes hanging downe to their

hammes. They use not to washe their garments, neither

will in any wise suffer them to bee washed, especially in

Their the time of thunder. Their habitations bee rounde and

tabernacles. cunningly made with wickers and staves in manner of

136

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINl a.d.

1246.

a tent. But in the middest of the toppes thereof, they
have a window open to convey the light in and the
smoake out. For their fire is alwayes in the middest.
Their walks bee covered with felt. Their doores are
made of felte also. Some of these Tabernacles may
quickely be taken asunder, and set together againe, and
are caried upon beastes backes. Other some cannot be
taken insunder, but are stowed upon carts. And whither-
soever they goe, be it either to warre, or to any other
place, they transport their tabernacles with them. They
are very rich in cattel, as in camels, oxen, sheep, and Their cattell.
goats. And I thinke they have more horses and mares
then all the world besides. But they have no kine nor
other beasts. Their Emperors, Dukes, & other of their
nobles doe abound with silk, gold, silver, and precious
stones. Their victuals are al things that may be eaten : Their
for we saw some of them eat lice. They drinke milke in ^'-^'^^^^-f-
great quantitie, but especially mares milke, if they have I- • 55-J
it : They seeth Mill also in water, making it so thinne,
that they may drinke thereof. Every one of them
drinkes off a cup full or two in a morning, and sometime
they eate nought else all the day long. But in the
evening each man hath a little flesh given him to eate, and
they drinke the broath thereof. Howbeit in summer
time, when they have mares milke enough, they seldome
eate flesh, unles perhaps it be given them, or they take
some beast or bird in hunting.

Of their manners both good and bad. Chap. 5.

THeir manners are partly prayse-worthie, and partly Their
detestable : For they are more obedient unto their ^^^^i^^^<^^'
lords and masters, then any other either clergie or
laie-people in the whole world. For they doe highly
reverence them, and will deceive them, neither in wordes
nor deedes. They seldome or never fall out among
themselves, and, as for fightings or brawlings, wounds or
manslaughters, they never happen among them. There Their
are neither theeves nor robbers of great riches to be ^^■^^^^^»^^-

137

A.D.
1246.

Their
courtesie.

Their
chastity.

Their
insokncie
against
strangers.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

found, and therefore the tabernacles and cartes of them
that have any treasures are not strengthened with lockes
or barres. If any beast goe astray, the finder thereof
either lets it goe, or driveth it to them that are put
in office for the same purpose, at whose handes the
owner of the said beast demaundeth it, and without any
difficultie receiveth it againe. One of them honoureth
another exceedingly, and bestoweth banquets very
familiarly and liberally, notwithstanding that good victuals
are daintie and scarce among them. They are also very
hardie, and when they have fasted a day or two without
any maner of sustenance, they sing and are merry as if
they had eaten their bellies full. In riding, they endure
much cold and extreme heat. There be, in a maner, no
contentions among them, and although they use commonly
to be drunken, yet doe they not quarell in their
drunkennes. Noe one of them despiseth another but
helpeth and furthereth him, as much as conveniently
he can. Their women are chaste, neither is there so much
as a word uttered concerning their dishonestie. Some of
them will notwithstanding speake filthy and immodest
words. But towards other people, the said Tartars be
most insolent, and they scorne and set nought by all other
noble and ignoble persons whatsoever. For we saw in
the Emperours court the great duke of Russia, the kings
Sonne of Georgia, and many great Soldanes receiving no
due honour and estimation among them. So that even
the very Tartars assigned to give attendance unto them,
were they never so base, would alwaies goe before them,
and take the upper hand of them, yea, and sometimes
would constraine them to sit behinde their backes. More-
over they are angrie and of a disdainefull nature unto
other people, and beyond all measure deceitfull, and
treacherous towards them. They speake fayre in the
beginning, but in conclusion, they sting like scorpions.
For craftie they are, and full of falshood, circumventing
all men whom they are able, by their sleights. Whatso-
ever mischiefe they entend to practise against a man, they

138

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI a.d.

1246.

keepe It wonderfully secrete, so that he may by no meanes
provide for himselfe, nor find a remedie against their
conspiracies. They are unmanerly also and uncleanly in
taking their meat and their drinke, and in other actions.
Drunkennes is honourable among them, and when any ot
them hath taken more drinke then his stomacke can well
beare, hee casteth it up and falles to drinking againe.
They are most intollerable exacters, most covetous
possessours, and most nigardly givers. The slaughter
of other people is accompted a matter of nothing with
them.

Of their lawes and customes. Chap. 6.

Moreover, they have this law or custome, that Punishments
whatsoever man or woman be manifestly taken of adultery.
in adultery, they are punished with death. A virgine
likewise that hath committed fornication, they slay
together with her mate. Whosoever be taken in of theft.
robberie or theft, is put to death without all pitie. Also, of secretes
if any man disclose their secrets, especially in time of disclosed.
warre, he receiveth an hundreth blowes on the backe with
a bastinado, layd on by a tall fellow. In like sort when any
inferiours offend in ought, they finde no favour at their
superiours handes, but are punished with grievous stripes.
They are joyned in matrimony to all in generall, yea, Lawes of
even to their neare kinsfolkes except their mother, -^^^rtmome.
daughter and sister by the mothers side. For they use
to marrie their sister by the fathers side onely, and also
the wife of their father after his decease. The yonger
brother also, or some other of his kindred, is bound to
marry the wife of his elder brother deceased. For, at the
time of our aboad in the countrey, a certaine duke of Andreas duke
Russia named Andreas, was accused before duke Baty for v^^"^^-
conveying the Tartars horses out of the land, and for
selling them to others : and although it could not be
prooved, yet was he put to death. His yonger brother
and the wife of the party deceased hearing this, came
& made their supplication unto the forenamed duke, that

139

brothers.

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

[I. 56.] the dukedome of Russia might not be taken from them.

But he commanded the youth to marrie his deceased
brothers wife, and the woman also to take him unto
her husband, according to the custome of the Tartars.
She answered, that she had rather die, then so haynously
transgresse the law. Howbeit, hee delivered her unto
him, although they both refused as much as they
could. Wherefore carying them to bed, they constrained
the youth, lamenting and weeping, to lie downe and
commit incest with his brothers wife. To be short, after
the death of their husbands, the Tartars wives use very
seldome to marrie the second time, unlesse perhaps some
man takes his brothers wife or his stepmother in mariage.
They make no difference betweene the sonne of their wife
and of their concubine, but the father gives what he
pleaseth unto each one : For of late the king of Georgia

Mel'ich 13 having two sonnes, one lawfully begotten called Melich ;

£!!ll/^^ but the other David, borne in adulterie, at his death left
part of his lande unto his base sonne. Hereupon Melich
(unto whome the kingdome fell by right of his mother,
because it was governed before time by women) went unto
the Emperour of the Tartars, David also having taken
his journey unto him. Nowe both of them comming
to the court and proffering large giftes, the sonne of
the harlot made suite, that he might have justice,
according to the custome of the Tartars. Well, sentence
passed against Melich, that David being his elder brother,
should have superioritie over him, and should quietly
and peaceably possesse the portion of land granted unto
him by his father. Whensoever a Tartar hath many
wives, each one of them hath her family and dwelling
place by her selfe. And sometime the Tartar eateth,
drinketh and lieth with one, and sometime with another.
One is accompted chiefe among the rest, with whom hee is
oftener conversant, then with the other. And notwith-
standing (as it hath bin said) they are many, yet do they
seldome fal out among themselves.

140

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI

Of their superstitious traditions. Chap. 7.

BUt by reason of certain traditions, which either they
or their predecessors have devised, they accompt
some things indifferent to be faults. One is to thrust
a knife into the fire, or any way to touch the fire with a
knife, or with their knife to take flesh out of the cauldron,
or to hewe with an hatchet neare unto the fire. For they
think by that means to take away the head or force from
the fire. Another is to leane upon the whip, wherewith
they beate their horses : for they ride not with spurs.
Also, to touch arrowes with a whip, to take or kill yong
birds, to strike an horse with ye raine of their bridle, and
to breake one bone against another. Also, to powre out
milke, meate, or any kinde of drinke upon the ground
or to make water within their tabernacle : which whoso-
ever doth willingly, he is slaine, but otherwise he must
pay a great summe of money to the inchanter to be
purified. Who likewise must cause the tabernacle with
all things therein, to passe betweene two fiers. Before it
be on this wise purified, no man dare once enter into it,
nor conveigh any thing thereout. Besides, if any man
hath a morsell given him, which he is not able to swallow,
and for that cause casteth it out of his mouth, there is an
hole made under his tabernacle, by which hee is drawen
forth and slaine without all compassion. Likewise, who-
soever treads upon the threshold of any of their dukes
tabernacles, he is put to death. Many other things there
be, like unto these, which they take for heinous offences.
But to slay men, to invade the dominions of other people,
and to rifle their goods, to transgresse the commaundements
and prohibitions of God, are with them no offences at all.
They know nothing concerning eternall life, and ever-
lasting damnation, and yet they thinke, that after death
they shall live in another world, that they shall multiply
their cattell, that they shal eate and drinke and doe other
things which living men performe here upon earth. At
a new moone, or a full moone, they begin all enterprises

141

A.D.

1246.

Ridiculous
traditions.

The Tartars
zvorship the

A.D.
1246.

Their customc
of purifying.

[I. 57.]

The people of
Tartaria.

The ori^nal
13 the ex-
ploits of
Chingis,

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

that they take in hand, and they call the moone the
Great Emperour, and worship it upon their knees. All
men that abide in their tabernacles must be purified with
fire : Which purification is on this wise, They kindle two
fires, and pitch two Javelines into the ground neere unto
the said fires, binding a corde to the tops of the Javelines.
And about the corde they tye certaine jagges of buckram,
under which corde, and betweene which fires, men, beastes,
and tabernacles do passe. There stand two women also,
one on the right side, and another on the left casting
water, and repeating certaine charmes. If any man be
slaine by lightning, all that dwell in the same tabernacle
with him must passe by fire in maner aforesaid. For
their tabernacles, beds, and cartes, their feltes and gar-
ments, and whatsoever such things they have, are touched
by no man, yea, and are abandoned by all men as things
uncleane. And to bee short, they thinke that all things
are to be purged by fire. Therefore, when any ambassa-
dours, princes, or other personages whatsoever come unto
them, they and their giftes must passe betweene two fires
to be purified, lest peradventure they have practised
some witchcraft, or have brought some poyson or other
mischiefe with them.

Of the beginning of their empire or government.

Chap. 8.

THe East countrie, whereof wee have entreated, which
is called Mongal, is reported to have had of olde
time foure sortes of people. One of their companions
was called Yeka Mongal, that is the great Mongals.
The second company was called Sumongal, that is, the
Water-Mongals, who called themselves Tartars of a
certaine river running through their countrey named
Tartar. The third was called Merkat, and the fourth
Metrit. All these people had one and the same person,
attire of body and language, albeit they were divided by
princes and provinces. In the province of Yeka Mongal,
there was a certaine man called Chingis. This man

142

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI

A.D.

1246.

became a mighty hunter. For he learned to steale men,
& to take them for a pray. He ranged into other
countries taking as many captives as he could, and joining
them unto himselfe. Also hee allured the men of his
owne countrey unto him, who followed him as their
captaine and ringleader to doe mischiefe. Then began he
to make warre upon the Sumongals or Tartars, and slewe
their captaine, and after many conflicts, subdued them
unto himselfe, and brought them all into bondage.
Afterward he used their helpe to fight against the
Merkats, dwelling by the Tartars, whom also hee van-
quished in battell. Proceeding from thence, he fought
against the Metrites, and conquered them also. The The'Namani.
Naimani hearing that Chingis was thus exalted, greatly
disdeined thereat. For they had a mighty & puissant
Emperour, unto whom all the foresaid nations payed
tribute. Whose sonnes, when he was dead, succeeded
him in his Empire. Howbeit, being young and foolish,
they knew not howe to governe the people, but were The discord of
divided, and fell at variance among themselves. Now ^^^^^^'^^•
Chingis being exalted, as is aforesaid, they neverthelesse
invaded the forenamed countries, put the inhabitants to
the sword, and carried away their goods for a pray.
Which Chingis having intelligence of, gathered all his
subjects together. The Naimani also, and the people
called Karakitay assembled and banded themselves at a
certaine straight valley, where, after a battell foughten
they were vanquished by the Mongals. And being thus
vanquished, they were, the greater part of them, slaine ;
and others, which could not escape, were carried into
captivitie. In the land of the foresayd Karakytayans,
Occoday Cham, the sonne of Chingis Cham, after he was Occoday
created Emperour, built a certaine citie, which he called ^^^^^
Chanyl. Neare unto which citie, on the South side,
there is an huge desert, wherein wilde men are certainely
reported to inhabite, which cannot speake at all, and are
destitute of joynts in their legges, so that if they fall, they
cannot rise alone by themselves. Howbeit, they are of

143

A.D.

1246.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Haython ^

Pau/us

Venetm call

them

* Cathayans.

discretion to make feltes of Camels haire, wherewith they
clothe themselves, and which they holde against the
winde. And if at any time, the Tartars pursuing them,
chance to wound them with their arrowes, they put herbes
into their wounds, and flye strongly before them.

Of the mutuall victories betweene them, and the
people of Kythay. Chap. 9.

BUt the Mongals returning home into their owne
countrey, prepared themselves to battell against the
*Kythayans : Which their Emperour hearing, set forward
against them with his armie, and they fought a cruell
battell, wherein the Mongals were overcome, and all their
nobles in the armie, except seven, were slaine. And for
this cause, when they, purposing to invade anie region,
are threatned by the inhabitants thereof to be slaine, they
doe, to this day, answere : in old time also our whole
number besides being slaine, we remayned but seven of us
alive, and yet notwithstanding we are now growen unto
a great multitude, thinke not therefore to daunt us with
such brags. But Chingis and the residue that remained
alive, fled home into their countrey : And having breathed

Netv victories, him a little, he prepared himselfe to warre, and went forth
against the people called Huyri : These men were Chris-

Letters. tians of the sect of Nestorius. And these also the

Mongals overcame, and received letters or learning from
them : for before that time they had not the arte of
writing, and nowe they call it the hand or letters of the
Mongals. Immediately after, hee marched against the
countrey of Saruyur, and of the Karanites, and against
the land of Hudirat ; all which he vanquished. Then
returned he home into his owne countrey, and breathed
himselfe. Afterward, assembling his warlike troupes, they
marched with one accord against the Kythayans, and
waging warre with them a long time, they conquered a
great part of their land, and shut up their Emperour into
his greatest citie : which citie they had so long time be-
sieged, that they began to want necessary provision for their

144

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.

armie. And when they had no victuals to feede upon,

Chingis Cham commaunded his souldiers, that they should

eate every tenth man of the companie. But they of the [I. 58.]

citie fought manfully against them, with engines, dartes,

and arrowes, and when stones wanted they threw silver, ^^^^^^' ^^f^ ^/

and especially melted silver : for the same citie abounded ^'^^ ^»^^^/^ in

•1 -1 At 1 iTv;r iiiri ^^<?^« of Stones.

with great riches. Also, when the Mongals had rought
a long time and could not prevayle by warre, they made a
great trench underneath the ground from the armie unto
the middest of the citie, and there issuing foorth they
fought against the citizens, and the remnant also without
the walks fought in like manner. At last, breaking open
the gates of the citie, they entred, and putting the
Emperour, with many other to the sworde, they tooke
possession thereof and conveighed away the golde, silver,
and all the riches therein. And having appointed certaine
deputies over the countrey, they returned home into their
owne lande. This is the first time, when the Emperour
of the Kythayans being vanquished, Chingis Cham ob- Chingh Cham
tayned the Empire. But some parte of the countrey, P^'^^^^'^^^^
because it lyeth within the sea, they could by no meanes r> r
conquere unto this day. The men of Kytay are Pagans, (^^^/^J^ i^^
having a speciall kinde of writing by themselves, and (as it the sea.
is reported) the Scriptures of the olde and newe Testa- 7;^^ letters,
ment. They have also recorded in hystories the lives of ^ the
their forefathers : and they have Eremites, and certaine ''^%"^^ ^f ^he
houses made after the manner of our Churches, which ^^ ^-^^''^'
in those dayes they greatly resorted unto. They say
that they have divers Saints also, and they worship one
God. They adore and reverence CHRIST JESUS our
Lorde, and beleeve the article of eternall life, but
are not baptized. They doe also honourably esteeme
and reverence our Scriptures. They love Christians, and
bestowe much almes, and are a very courteous and
gentle people. They have no beardes, and they agree
partly with the Mongals in the disposition of their .
countenance. In all occupations which men practise, excellent
there are not better artificers in the whole worlde. workmanship
I 145 K

A.D.
1246.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Thossut Can

son of Chinas.

India minor
subdued.

The stratagem
oft/ie king of
India.

Their countrey is exceeding rich,
silke, and other commodities.

in corne, wme

gold(

Of their warre

against India major and minor.
Chap. 10.

ANd when the Mongals with their emperour Chingis
Cham had a while rested themselves after the fore-
sayd victorie, they divided their armies. For the Em-
perour sent one of his sonnes named Thossut (whom also
they called Can, that is to say, Emperour) with an armie
against the people of Comania, whom he vanquished with
much warre, and afterward returned into his owne
country. But he sent his other sonne with an armie
against the Indians, who also subdued India minor.
These Indians are the blacke Saracens, which are also called
-(Ethiopians. But here the armie marched forward to fight
against Christians dwelling in India major. Which the
King of that countrey hearing (who is commonly called
Presbiter John) gathered his souldiers together, and came
foorth against them. And making mens images of copper,
he set each of them upon a saddle on horsebacke, and put
fire within them, and placed a man with a paire of bellowes
on the horse backe behinde every image. And so with
many horses and images in such sorte furnished, they
marched on to fight against the Mongals or Tartars. And
comming neare unto the place of the battell, they first of
all sent those horses in order one after another. But the
men that sate behind laide I wote not what upon the fire
within the images, and blew strongly with their bellowes.
Whereupon it came to passe, that the men and the horses
were burnt with wilde fire, and the
with smoake. Then the

Tartars, of whom many were wounded and slain. And so
they expelled them out of their dominions with great
confusion, neither did we heare, that ever they returned
thither againe.

,, c*.xv^ c.x^ ayre was
Indians cast dartes

darkened
upon the

146

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad. \

1 246. j

i

How being repelled by monstrous men shapen .

like dogs, they overcame the people of Buri- i

thabeth. Chap. 11. \

!

BUt returning through the deserts, they came into a ]

certaine countrey, wherin (as it was reported unto us :

in the Emperours court, by certaine clergie men of Russia, !

and others, who were long time among them, and that by ^ strange \

strong: and stedfast affirmation) they found certaine report of cer-

^ IT .''..•' 1J1 tain monstrous \

monsters resembhng women : who being asked by many „^.^^^^^ ^^^ ;

interpreters, where the men of that land were, they dogs. ]

answered, that whatsoever women were borne there, were I

indued with the shape of mankinde, but the males were -

like unto dogges. And delaying the time, in that countrey \

they met with the said dogges on the other side of the river.

And in the midst of sharpe winter, they cast themselves ,

into the water : Afterward they wallowed in the dust upon j

the maine land, and so the dust being mingled with water,

was frozen to their backes, and having often times so

done, the ice being strongly frozen upon them, with great

fiiry they came to fight against the Tartars. And when

the Tartars threwe their dartes, or shot their arrowes

among them, they rebounded backe againe, as if they had [I. 59.]

lighted upon stones. And the rest of their weapons coulde

by no meanes hurt them. Howbeit, the Dogges made an

assault upon the Tartars, and wounding some of them

with their teeth, and slaying others, at length they drave

them out of their countries. And thereupon they have a

Proverbe of the same matter, as yet rife among them,

which they speake in jesting sorte one to another ; My

father or my brother was slaine of Dogges. The women

which they tooke, they brought into their owne countrey,

who remayned there till their dying day. And in traveil-

ing homewardes, the sayd armie of the Mongals came unto ^"^ r^&^'' °J

the lande of Burithabeth (the inhabitants whereof are B^^^'^^^"^^'^^-

Pagans) and conquered the people in battell. These

people have a strange or rather a miserable kinde of

147

A.D.
1246.

The manners
of the people.

Another
expedition of
Chinas.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

custome. For when anie mans father deceaseth, he
assembleth all his kindred, and they eate him. These
men have no beards at all, for we saw them carie a certaine
iron instrument in their hands, wherewith, if any haires
growe upon their chinne, they presently plucke them out.
They are also very deformed. From thence the Tartars
armie returned to their owne home.

Hov^ they had the repulse at the Caspian moun-
taynes, and v^ere driven backe by men dv^ell-
ing in caves. Chap. 12.

Moreover Chingis Cham, at the same time when he
sent other armies against the East, hee himselfe
marched with a power into the lande of Kergis, which
notwithstanding, he conquered not in that expedition, and
as it was reported unto us, he went on forward even to
the Caspian mountaines. But the mountaines on that part
where they encamped themselves, were of adamant, and
therefore they drew unto them their arrowes, and weapons
of iron. And certaine men contained within those Caspian
mountaynes, hearing, as it was thought, the noyse of the
armie, made a breach through, so that when the Tartars
returned unto the same place tenne yeeres after, they
found the mountaine broken. And attempting to goe
unto them, they could not : for there stood a cloud before
them, beyond which they were not able to passe, being
deprived of their sight so soone as they approched there-
unto. But they on the contrary side thinking that the
Tartars durst not come nigh them, gave the assault, &
when they came at the cloud, they could not proceed for
the cause aforesaid. Also the Tartars, before they came
unto the said mountaines, passed for the space of a moneth
and more, through a vast wildernes, & departing thence
towards the East, they were above a moneth traveiling
through another huge desert. At length, they came unto
a land wherin they saw beaten waies, but could not find
any people. Howbeit, at the last, diligently seeking, they
found a man & his wife, whom they presented before

148

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.

Chingis Cham : and demanding of them where the people
of that countrey were, they answered, that the people
inhabited under the ground in mountains. Then Chingis
Cham keeping still the woman, sent her husband unto
them, giving them charge to come at his command. And
going unto them, he declared all things that Chingis Cham
had commanded them. But they answered, that they
would upon such a day visite him, to satisfie his desire.
And in the meane season, by blinde & hidden passages
under the earth, assembling themselves, they came against
the Tartars in warlike manner, and suddenly issuing forth,
they slewe a great number of them. This people were
not able to endure the terrible noise, which in that place
the Sunne made at his uprising : for at the time of the A fabulous
Sunne rising, they were inforced to lay one eare upon the ^f'^^^^^^^^f
ground, and to stoppe the other close, least they should
heare that dreadfull sound. Neither could they so escape,
for by this meanes many of them were destroyed. Chingis
Cham therefore and his company, seeing that they pre-
vailed not, but continually lost some of their number, fled
and departed out of that land. But the man and his wife
aforesaid they caried along with them, who all their life
time continued in the Tartars countrey. Being demaunded
why the men of their countrey doe inhabite under the
ground, they sayd, that at a certeine time of the yeare,
when the sunne riseth, there is such an huge noyse, that
the people cannot endure it. Moreover, they use to play
upon cymbals, drums, and other musicall instruments, to
the ende they may not heare that sounde.

Of the statutes of Chingis Cham, of his death, of
his sonnes, and of his dukes. Chap. 13.

BUt as Chingis Cham returned out of that countrey, his
people wanted victuals, & suffered extreme famin.
Then by chance they found ye fresh intrails of a beast :
which they tooke, & casting away the dung therof, caused
it to be sodden, brought it before Chingis Cham, & did y^^^ ^^^,^ ^r
eat therof. And hereupon Chingis Cham enacted ; that Chingis.

149

A.D.
1246.

[I. 60.]

The death of
Chhigis.
His sonnes.

His graund-
children.

The Tar-
tarian dukes.

The absolute
and lordly
dominion of the
Tartarian
Emperourover
/.Is subjects.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

neither the blood, nor the intrails, nor any other part of a
beast which might be eaten, should be cast away, save
onely the dunge. Wherefore he returned thence into his
owne land, and there he ordayned lawes and statutes,
which the Tartars doe most strictly and inviolably observe,
of the which we have before spoken. He was afterward
slaine by a thunderclap. He had foure sonnes : the first
was called Occoday, the second Thossut Can, the third
Thiaday : the name of the fourth is unknowen. From
these foure descended all the dukes of the Mongals. The
first Sonne of Occoday is Cuyne, who is now Emperour :
his brothers be Cocten and Chyrinen. The sonnes of
Thossut Can are Bathy, Ordu, Siba, and Bora. Bathy,
next unto the Emperour, is richer and mightier then all
the rest. But Ordu is the seignior of all the dukes.
The sonnes of Thiaday be Hurin and Cadan. The
sonnes of Chingis Cham his other sonne, whose name is
unknowen, are Mengu, Bithat, and certaine others. The
mother of Mengu was named Seroctan, and of all others
most honoured among the Tartars, except the Emperors
mother, and mightier then any subject except Bathy.
These be the names of the dukes : Ordu, who was in
Poland and in Hungarie : Bathy also & Hurin & Cadan,
and Siban, and Ouygat, all which were in Hungarie.
In like maner Cyrpodan, who is as yet beyond the sea,
making war against certaine Soldans of the Saracens, and
other inhabitants of farre countries. Others remained in
the land, as namely Mengu, Chyrinen, Hubilai, Sinocur,
Cara, Gay, Sybedey, Bora, Berca, Corrensa. There be
many other of their dukes, whose names are unknowen
unto us.

Of the authoritie of the Emperour, and of his
dukes. Chap. 14.

Moreover, the Emperour of the Tartars hath a
wonderfull dominion over all his subjects. For no
man dare abide in any place, unles he hath assigned him
to be there. Also he himselfe appointeth to his dukes

150

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI

where they should inhabite. Likewise the dukes assigne
places unto every Millenarie, or conducter of a thousand
souldiers, the Millenaries unto each captaine of an loo.
the captaines unto every corporall of ten. Whatsoever
is given them in charge, whensoever, or wheresoever, be
it to fight or to lose their lives, or howsoever it be, they
obey without any gainsaying. For if he demandeth any
mans daughter, or sister being a virgine, they presently
deliver her unto him without all contradiction : yea, often
times he makes a collection of virgines throughout all the
Tartars dominions, and those whom he meanes to keepe,
he retaineth unto himselfe, others he bestoweth upon his
men. Also, whatsoever messenger he sendeth, or whither-
soever, his subjects must without delay finde them horses
and other necessaries. In like sorte, from what countrey
soever tribute payers, or ambassadours come unto him,
they must have horses, carriages, and expenses allowed
them. Notwithstanding ambassadours comming from
other places do suffer great misery, and are in much
wante both of victuals, and of apparel : especially when
they come to any of the dukes, and there they are con-
stray ned to make some lingering abode. Then ten men
are allowed so little sustenance, that scarcely two could
live thereof. Likewise, if any injuries be offered them,
they cannot without danger make complaint. Many gifts
also are demaunded of them, both by dukes and others,
which if they doe not bestow, they are basely esteemed,
and set at nought. And hereupon, wee were of necessitie
enforced to bestowe in giftes a great part of those things
which were given us by well disposed people, to defray
our charges. To be short, all things are so in the power
and possession of the Emperour, that no man dare say.
This is mine, or, this is my neighbours ; but all, both
goods, cattell and men are his owne. Concerning this
matter also he published a statute of late. The very
same authority and jurisdiction, doe the dukes in like
sorte exercise upon their subjects.

A.D.

124b.

Their

barbarous

inhumanitie

towards

ambassadours.

151

A.D.
1246.

Occoday suc-
ceedeth his
father.

The

expedition of
Bathy.

The citie of
Barchln.

[L 6:
Ornii.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Of the election of Emperour Occoday, and of
the expedition of duke Bathy. Chap. 15.

AFter the death of Chingis Cham aforesayd, the dukes
assembled themselves and chose Occoday his sonne
to be their Emperour. And he, entering into consulta-
tion with his nobles, divided his armies, and sent duke
Bathy his nephew against the countrie of Altisoldan, and
against the people called Bisermini, who were Saracens,
but spake the language of Comania. The Tartars in-
vading their countrey, fought with them and subdued
them in battel. But a certeine citie called Barchin resisted
them a long time. For the citizens had cast up many
ditches and trenches about their citie, in regard whereof
the Tartars could not take it, till they had filled the said
ditches. But the citizens of Sarguit hearing this, came
foorth to meete them, yeelding themselves unto them of
their owne accord. Whereupon their citie was not
destroyed, but they slue manie of them and others they
carried away captive, and taking spoyles, they filled the
citie with other inhabitants, and so marched foorth against
the citie of Orna. This towne was very populous and
exceeding rich. For there were many Christians therein,
as namely Gasarians, Russians, and Alanians, with others,
and Saracens also. The government of the citie was in
the Saracens hande. It standeth upon a mighty river,
and is a kinde of porte towne, having a great marte
exercised therein. And when the Tartars could not
otherwise overcome it, they turned the said river, running
through the citie, out of his chanell, and so drowned the
citie with the inhabitantes and their goods. Which being
done, they set forward against Russia, and made foule
havocke there, destroying cities and castles and murther-
ing the people. They layd siege a long while unto Kiow
the chiefe citie of Russia, and at length they tooke it and
slue the citizens. Whereupon, traveiling through that
countrey, wee found an innumerable multitude of dead
mens skulles and bones lying upon the earth. For it was

152

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.
a very large and a populous citie, but it is nowe in a
maner brought to nothing : for there doe scarce remaine
200. houses, the inhabitants whereof are kept in extreame
bondage. Moreover, out of Russia and Comania, they
proceeded forward against the Hungarians, and the
Polonians, and there manie of them were slaine, as is
aforesaid : and had the Hungarians manfully withstood
them, the Tartars had beene confounded and driven
backe. Returning from thence, they invaded the
countrey of the Morduans being pagans, and conquered T'he
them in battell. Then they marched against the people ^'^^'^'*^^^-
called Byleri, or Bulgaria magna, & utterly wasted the Bulgaria
countrey. From hence they proceeded towards the ^^^S"^-
North against the people called Bastarci or Hungaria Hmgaria
magna, and conquered them also. And so going on ^^S*^^-
further North, they came unto the Parossitas, who having Pamsita.
little stomacks and small mouthes, eate not any thing at
all, but seething flesh they stand or sitte over the potte,
and receiving the steame or smoke thereof, are therewith
onely nourished, and if they eate anie thing it is very
little. From hence they came to the Samogetae, who live Samogetce.
onely upon hunting, and use to dwell in tabernacles onely,
and to weare garments made of beastes skinnes. From
thence they proceeded unto a countrey lying upon the
Ocean sea, where they found certaine monsters, who in The North
all things resembled the shape of men, saving that their °^^^^'
feete were like the feete of an oxe, and they had in deede
mens heads but dogges faces. They spake, as it were, Northeme
two words like men, but at the third they barked like ^lonsters.
dogges. From hence they retired into Comania, and
there some of them remaine unto this day.

Of the expedition of duke Cyrpodan. Chap. 16.

AT the same time Occoday Can sent duke Cyrpodan Ker^s.
with an armie against Kergis, who also subdued
them in battell. These men are Pagans, having no
beardes at all. They have a custome when any of their
fathers die, for griefe and in token of lamentation to

153

A.D.
1246.

Cyclopedcs.

Armenia \3

Georgia

conquered.

The Soldan of
Aleppo his
land.

The Caliph of
Baldach.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

drawe as it were, a leather thong overthwart their faces,
from one eare to the other. This nation being con-
quered, duke Cyrpodan marched with his forces South-
ward against the Armenians. And travailing through
certain desert places, they found monsters in the shape of
men, which had each of them but one arme & one hand
growing out of the midst of their breast, and but one
foote. Two of them used to shoote in one bowe, and
they ran so swiftly, that horses could not overtake them.
They ran also upon that one foote by hopping and leap-
ing, and being weary of such walking, they went upon
their hand and their foote, turning themselves round, as
it were in a circle. And being wearie of so doing, they
ran againe according to their wonted manner. Isidore
calleth them Cyclopedes. And as it was told us in court,
by the clergie men of Russia, who remaine with the
foresayd Emperour, many ambassadours were sent from
them unto the Emperours court, to obtaine peace. From
thence they proceeded forth into Armenia, which they
conquered in battell, and part also of Georgia. And the
other part is under their jurisdiction, paying as yet every
yeare unto them for tribute, 20000. pieces of coyne called
Yperpera. From thence they marched into the dominions
of the puissant and mighty Soldan called Deurum, whom
also they vanquished in fight. And to be short, they
went on farther sacking and conquering, even unto the
Soldan of Aleppo his dominions, and now they have sub-
dued that land also, determining to invade other countries
beyond it : neither returned they afterward into their
owne land unto this day. Likewise the same armie
marched forward against the Caliph of Baldach his
countrey, which they subdued also, & exacted at his
handes the dayHe tribute of 400. Byzantines, besides
Baldakines and other giftes. Also every yeare they send
messengers unto the Caliph moving him to come unto
them. Who sending back great gifts together with his
tribute beseecheth them to be favourable unto him.
Howbeit the Tartarian Emperour receiveth al his gifts,

154

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.
& yet still nevertheles sends for him, to have him
come.

How the Tartars behave themselves in warre. [I. 62.]
Chap. 17.

C Hingis Cham divided his Tartars by captaines of The military
ten, captaines of an 100. and captaines of a 1000. discipline of
And over ten Millenaries or captains of a 1000, he ^^^ Tartars.
placed, as it were, one Colonel, and yet notwithstanding
over one whole armie he authorised two or three
dukes, but yet so that all should have especiall regard
unto one of the said dukes. And when they joine
battel against any other nation, unles they do all with
one consent give backe, every man that flies is put to
death. And if one or two, or more of ten proceed
manfully to the battel, but the residue of those ten
draw backe & follow not the company, they are in
like maner slaine. Also, if one among ten or more
bee taken, their fellowes, if they rescue them not, are
punished with death. Moreover they are enjoined to
have these weapons following. Two long bowes or one Their
good one at the least, three quivers full of arrowes, & one '^veapons.
axe, and ropes to draw engines withal. But the richer
sort have single edged swords, with sharpe points, and
somewhat crooked. They have also armed horses with
their shoulders and breasts defenced, they have helmets
and brigandines. Some of them have jackes, and caparisons
for their horses made of leather artificially doubled or
trebled upon their bodies. The upper part of their
helmet is of iron or Steele, but that part which com-
passeth about the necke and the throate is of leather.
Howbeit some of them have all their foresaide furniture
of iron framed in maner following. They beate out
many thinne plates a finger broad, and a handful long,
and making in every one of them eight little holes,
they put thereunto three strong and streight leather
thongs. So they joine the plates one to another, as it
were, ascending by degrees. Then they tie the plates

155

A.D.
1246.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

unto the said thongs, with other small and slender
thongs, drawen through the holes aforesayd, and in the
upper part, on each side therof, they fasten one small
doubled thong unto another, that the plates may
iirmely be knit together. These they make, as well for
their horses caparisons, as for the armour of their men :
And they skowre them so bright that a man may
behold his face in them. Some of them upon the
necke of their launce have an hooke, wherewithall they
attempt to pull men out of their saddles. The heads of
their arrowes are exceedingly sharpe cutting both wayes
like a two edged sworde, and they alwaies carie a file
in their quivers to whet their arrowheads. They have
targets made of wickers, or of small roddes. Howbeit
they doe not (as we suppose) accustome to carrie them,
but onely about the tents, or in the Emperours or
dukes guardes, & that only in the night season. They
are most politique in warres, having bene exercised
experience l5 therein with other nations for the space of these 42.
yeres. When they come at any rivers, the chiefe men
of the company have a round and light piece of
leather, about the borders whereof making many loopes,
they put a rope into them to drawe it together like a
purse, and so bring it into the rounde forme of a ball,
which leather they fill with their garments and other
necessaries, trussing it up most strongly. But upon the
midst of the upper parte thereof, they lay their saddles
and other hard things, there also doe the men them-
selves sit. This their boate they tye unto an horse
tayle, causing a man to swimme before, & to guide
over the horse, or sometime they have two oares to row
themselves over. The first horse therefore being driven
into the water, all the other horses of the company
followe him, and so they passe through the river. But the
poorer sort of common souldiers have every man his leather
bag or sachell well sowen together, wherin he packs up all
his trinkets, and strongly trussing it up hangs it at his
horses tayle, and so passeth over, in maner aforesaid.

156

Their

cunning in
warres.

Their maner
of passing otei
rivers.

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad i

1246. 'i

Howe they may be resisted. Chap. 18. j

IDeeme not any one kingdome or province able to i

resist them : because they use to take up souldiers j
out of every countrey of their dominions. And if so

be the neighbour province which they invade, wil not 1

aide them, utterly wasting it, with the inhabitants ■■■

therof, whom they take from thence with them, they :

proceed on to fight against another countrey. And i

placing their captives in the forefront of the battell, if j

they fight not couragiously, they put them to the \

sworde. Wherefore, if Christians would withstande Counsel how \

them, it is expedient, that the provinces and governours ^^ ".'^<?^ ^<^^^^ ■

of countreies should agree in one, and so by common ^^^.^^^ * ^ :
counsell, should give them resistance. Their souldiers

also must be furnished with strong hand-bowes & cros- 1

bowes, which they greatly dread, & with sufficient i

arrowes, with maces also of good iron, or an axe with '*•;

a long handle or staffe. When they make their arrow A notable \

heads, they must (according to ye Tartars custome) dip ^^^P^^ of iron ^

them red-hot into water mingled with sake, that they ^^ ^^^^'^'
may be strong to pierce the enemies armour. They
that wil may have swords also & lances with hooks at the

ends, to pull them from their saddles, out of which they ^

are easilie removed. They must have helmets likewise ";
& other armour to defend themselves & their horses from

the Tartars weapons & arrowes, & they that are un- j
armed, must (according to ye Tartars custome) march

behinde their fellowes, and discharge at the enemie with [I. 63.]

long bowes and cros-bowes. And (as it is above said ^

of the Tartars) they must orderly dispose their bandes <

and troupes, and ordeine lawes for their souldiers. ;

Whosoever runneth to the pray or spoyle, before the |
victorie be atchieved, must undergoe a most severe

punishment. For such a fellow is put to death among ;
the Tartars without all pitie or mercie. The place of

battel must be chosen, if it be possible, in a plaine j

fielde, where they may see round about, neither must j

157 ;

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

all be in one company, but in manie and severall
bandes, not very farre distant one from another. They
which give the first encounter must sende one band
before, and must have another in a readynesse to
relieve and second the former in time convenient. They
must have spies also on every side to give them notice
when the rest of the enemies bandes approch. For
therefore ought they alwayes to send forth band against
band & troupe against troupe, because the Tartar ever
practiseth to gette his enemie in the midst and so to
environ him. Let our bands take this caveat also, if
the enemie retire, not to make any long pursuit after him,
lest peradventure (according to his custome) he might
draw them into some secret ambush : for the Tartar
fights more by policie then by maine force. And
againe, lest our horses bee tired : for we are not so
well stored with horses as they. Those horses which
the Tartars use one day, they ride not upon three or
foure dayes after. Moreover, if the Tartars draw
homeward, our men must not therefore depart and
casseir their bandes, or separate themselves asunder :
because they doe this upon policie, namely to have our i
armie divided, that they may more securely invade and |
waste the countrey. And in very deede, our captaines ;
ought both day and night to keepe their armie in a j
readines : and not to lie out of their armour, but at all |
assayes, to bee provided for battell. For the Tartars
like divels are alwaies watching and devising howe to prac-
tise mischiefe. Furthermore, if in battell any of the Tartars
be cast off their horse backes, they must presently bee |
layd holde on and taken, for being on foote they shoote 1
strongly, wounding and killing both horses and men.

* Johannes de Of the journey of frier *John unto the first j
pknoCarpini g^^j.^ ^£ ^j^^ Tartars. Chap. 19.

"E therefore by the commaundement of the sea \

apostolique setting foorth towards the nations of ]

the East, chose first to travel unto the Tartars, because \

158

w

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI

we feared that there might be great danger imminent
upon the Church of God next unto them, by their
invasions. Proceeding on therefore, we came to the
king of Bohemia, who being of our familiar acquain-
tance, advised us to take our journey through Polonia
and Russia. For we had kinsfolkes in Polonia, by
whose assistance, we might enter into Russia. Having
given us his letters, hee caused our charges also to be
defrayed, in all his chiefe houses and cities, till we
came unto his nephew Boleslaus duke of Slesia, who
also was familiar and well knowen unto us. The like
favour he shewed us also, till wee came unto Conradus
duke of * Lautiscia, unto whome then (by Gods especiall
favour towards us) lord Wasilico duke of Russia was
come, from whose mouth we heard more at large
concerning the deedes of the Tartars : for he had sent
ambassadours thither, who were returned backe unto him.
Wherefore, it being given us to understand, that we must
bestow giftes upon them, we caused certaine skinnes
of bevers and other beastes to be bought with part of
that money, which was given upon almes to succour us by
the way. Which thing duke Conradus and the * duches
of Cracow, and a bishop, and certaine souldiers being ad-
vertised of, gave us likewise more of the same skins. And
to be short, duke Wasilico being earnestly requested by the
duke of Cracow, and by the bishop and barons, on our
behalfe, conducted us with him, unto his owne land, and
there for certaine daies, enterteined us at his owne charges,
to the ende that we might refresh our selves a while. And
when, being requested by us, he had caused his bishops to
resort unto him, we reade before them the Popes letters,
admonishing them to returne unto the unitie of the Church.
To the same purpose also, we our selves admonished them,
and to our abilitie, induced as well the duke as the bishops
and others thereunto. Howbeit because duke Daniel the
brother of Wasilico aforesaid (having as then taken his
journey unto Baty) was absent, they could not at that time,
make a finall answere. After these things duke Wasilico

159

A.D.

1246.

The journey of
frier Johji i^
h'ls fellow
Legates.

Boleslaus duke
of Silesia.

* Mazoz'ia.

Grimslaua.

Daniel
brother unto
Wasilico.

I

A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

sent us forward with one of his servants as farre as Kiow

the chiefe citie of Russia. Howbeit we went alwayes in

The danger of our lives by reason of the Lituanians, who did

Lithuanians, often invade ye borders of Russia, even in those verie

places by which we were to passe. But in regard of the

foresayd servant, wee were out of the Russians daunger,

the greatest part of whome were either slaine, or caried

into captivitie by the Tartars. Moreover, at Danilon wee

were feeble even unto the death. (Notwithstanding wee

caused our selves to bee carried in a waggon through the

snowe and extreme colde.) And being come unto Kiow, wee

consulted with the Millenary, & other noble men there

concerning our journey. They told us, that if wee carried

[I. 64.] those horses, which wee then had, unto the Tartars, great

store of snowe lying upon the ground, they would all dye :

be cause they knew not howe to digge up the grasse under

The fodder of the snow, as the Tartarian horses doe, neither could there

the Tartarian ^^g ought found for them to eate, the Tartars having neither

^^^^■^' hay nor strawe, nor any other fodder. We determined

therefore to leave them behind at Kiow with two servants

appointed to keepe them. And wee were constrayned to

bestow gifts upon the Millenary, that we might obtaine his

favour to allowe us poste horses and a guide. Wherefore

beginning our journey the second daye after the feast of

the Purification, wee arrived at the towne of Canow, which

was immediatly under the dominion of the Tartars. The

governour whereof allowed us horses and a guide unto

Michceas the another towne, wherein wee found one Michaeas to be

governour, a man full of all maHce and despight. Who

notwithstanding, having received giftes at our handes,

according to his maner conducted us to the first guarde of

the Tartars.

Hov^ he and his company were at the first
received of the Tartars. Chap. 20.

WHerefore, the first Saturday next after Ash Wednes-
day, having about the Sunnes going downe, taken
up our place of rest, the armed Tartars came rushing upon

160

malicious.

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.

us in uncivil and horrible maner, being very inquisitive of
us what maner of persons, or of what condition we were :
& when we had answered them that we were the Popes
Legates, receiving some victuals at our handes, they imme-
diatly departed. Moreover in the morning rising and
proceeding on our journey, the chiefe of them which were
in the guard met with us, demaunding why, or for what I

intent and purpose we came thither ? and what busines j

we had with them ? Unto whom we answered. We are j

the legates of our lord the Pope, who is the father & lord I

of the Christians. He hath sent us as well unto your T'he contents^ \

Emperour, as to your princes, and all other Tartars for ^^^^^ legacie. ^

this purpose, because it is his pleasure, that all Christians \

should be in league with the Tartars, and should have peace '

with them. It is his desire also that they should become \

great or in favour with God in heaven, therfore he admo- ;

nisheth them aswel by us, as by his own letters, to become
Christians, and to embrace the faith of our Lord Jesu
Christ, because they could not otherwise be saved. More- J

over, he gives them to understand, that he much mar- |

veileth at their monstrous slaughters & massacres of i

mankind, & especially of Christians, but most of al of
Hungarians, Mountaineirs, & Polonians, being al his sub-
jects, having not injuried them in ought, nor attempted to
doe them injurie. And because the Lord God is grievously
offended thereat, he adviseth them from henceforth to be-
ware of such dealing, & to repent them of that which
they had done. He requesteth also, that they would write
an answere unto him, what they purpose to doe hereafter,
and what their intention is. All which things being heard
and understood, the Tartars sayd that they would appoint
us poste horses and a guide unto Corrensa. And immedi- Corrensa.
ately demanding gifts at our hands, they obtained them.
Then receiving the same horses, from which they dis-
mounted, together with a guide wee tooke our journey
unto Corrensa. But they riding a swift pace, sent a
messenger before unto the sayd duke Corrensa, to signifie the Westerne
the message, which we had delivered unto them. This marches.
I 161 L

A.D.

1246.

The maner of
saluting the
Tartarian
princes.

[1. 65.]

Duke Bathy
y his pozcer.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

duke is governour of all them, which lie in guard against
the nations of the West, least some enemy might on the
sudden and at unawares breake in upon them. And hee
is said to have 60000. men under him.

How they were received at the court of
Corrensa. Chap. 21.

BEing come therefore unto his court, hee caused our tent
to bee placed farre from him, and sent his agents to
demaund of us with what we would incline unto him, that
is to say, what giftes we would offer, in doing our obeisance
unto him. Unto whome wee answered, that our lord the
Pope had not sent any giftes at all, because he was not
certaine that wee should ever bee able to come at them :
for we passed through most dangerous places. Notwith-
standing, to our abilitie, we will honour him with some part
of those things, which have bene, by the goodnes of God,
& the favour of the Pope, bestowed upon us for our sus-
tenance. Having received our gifts, they conducted us
unto the Orda or tent of the duke, & we were instructed
to bow thrise with our left knee before the doore of the
tente, and in any case to beware, lest wee set our foote
upon the threshold of the sayd doore. And that after we
were entred, wee should rehearse before the duke and all
his nobles, the same wordes, which wee had before sayde,
kneeling upon our knees. Then presented wee the letters
of our lord the Pope : but our interpreter whome we had
hired and brought with us from Kiow was not sufficiently
able to interpret them, neither was there any other esteemed
to bee meete for the same purpose. Here certaine poste
horses and three Tartars were appoynted for us to conduct
us from hence with al speede unto duke Bathy. This
Bathy is the mightiest prince among them except the Em-
perour, & they are bound to obey him before all other
princes. We began our journey towards his court the
first tuesday in Lent, and riding as fast as our horses could
trot (for we had fresh horses almost thrise or foure times a
day) we posted from morning till night, yea very often in

162

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI a.d.

1246.

the night season also, and yet could we not come at him
before Maundie thursday. All this journey we went
through the land of Comania, which is al plaine ground,
and hath foure mighty rivers running through it : The
first is called J Neper, on the side whereof towards Russia, I Borhthenes.
duke Corrensa & Montii marched up and downe, which
Montii on the other side upon the plaines is greater then
he. The second is called J Don, upon the banke whereof + T^anais.
marcheth a certain prince having in mariage the sister of
Baty, his name is Tirbon. The third is called J Volga, X^ha.
which is an exceeding great river, upon the bankes whereof
duke Bathy marcheth. The fourth is called J laec, upon XRhynmus.
which two Millenaries doe march, on each side of the river
one. All these, in the winter time, descend down to the
sea, & in summer ascend backe by the bankes of the said
rivers up to the mountains. The sea last named is the
II Great sea, out of which the arme of S. George proceedeth, II Pontus
which runneth by Constantinople. These rivers do abound ^^}^^^' .
with plenty of fishes, but especially Volga, & they exon- ^^ ^/^^^-^ '
erate themselves into the Grecian sea, which is called Mare 'Neper 13 Don
major. Over Neper we went many daies upon the ice. run into Mare
Along the shore also of the Grecian sea we went very dan- ^y^!*^ '\l^l ^
gerously upon the ice in sundry places, & that for many 1^1 i^to the
daies together. For about the shore the waters are frozen Caspian sea.
three leagues into the sea. But before we came unto
Bathy, two of our Tartars rode afore, to give him intelli-
gence of all the sayings which we had uttered in the
presence of Corrensa.

How we were received at the court of the great
prince Bathy. Chap. 22.

Moreover, when we came unto Bathy in the land of
Comania, we were seated a good league distant from
his tabernacles. And when we should be conducted unto A ceremony
his court, it was tolde us that we must passe between two of passing be-
fires. But we would by no means be induced thereunto. ^'^'^^^^ ^^^^
Howbeit, they said unto us : you may passe through *
without al danger : for we would have you to doe it for

163

A.D.
1246.

Eldegay.

Bathy heareth
the Legates.

He behaves
himselfe like
a king.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

none other cause, but only that if you intend any mischiefe
against our lord, or bring any poyson with you, fire may
take away all evill. Unto whom we answered, that to the
end we might cleare ourselves from all suspition of any
such matter, we were contented to passe through. When
therefore we were come unto the Orda, being demanded
by his agent Eldegay with what present or gift we would
do our obeisance ? Wee gave the same answere which we
did at the court of Corrensa. The gifts being given and
received, the causes of our journey also being heard, they
brought us into the tabernacle of the prince, first bowing
our selves at the doore, & being admonished, as before,
not to tread upon the threshold. And being entred, we
spake unto him kneeling upon our knees, & delivered
him our letters, and requested him to have interpreters to
translate them. Who accordingly on good friday were
sent unto us, and we together with them, diligently
translated our sayd letters into the Russian, Tartarian, and
Saracen languages. This interpretation was presented
unto Bathy, which he read, & attentively noted. At
length wee were conducted home againe unto our owne
lodging, howbeit no victuals were given unto us, except it
were once a litle Millet in a dich, the first night of our
comming. This Bathy caries himselfe very stately &
magnificently, having porters and all officers after the
maner of the Emperour, and sittes in a lofty seate or
throne together with one of his wives. The rest, namely,
as well his brethren and sonnes, as other great personages
sit underneath him in the midst upon a bench, and others
sit downe upon the ground, behinde him, but the men on
the right hand and the women on the left. He hath very
faire and large tentes of linnen cloth also, which were once
the kings of Hungaria. Neither dare any man come into
his tent (besides them of his owne family) unles he be
called, be he never so mighty and great, except perhaps it
be knowen that it is his pleasure. Wee also, for the same
cause, sate on the left hand ; for so doe all ambassadors in
but in returning from the Emperour, we were
164

gouig

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI a.d. j

1 246. j

alwaies placed on the right hand. In the middest stands ^

his table, neare unto the doore of the tent, upon the which 1

there is drinke filled in golden and silver vessels. Neither "^^^'^^^ custome 1
doth Bathy at any time drinke, nor any other of the fj]lfj%^^ \

Tartarian princes, especially being in a publique place, but muskke. ^

they have singing and minstrilsie before them. And j

alwaies, when hee rides, there is a canopie or small tent |

caried over his head upon the point of a javeline. And so i

doe all the great princes of the Tartars, & their wives also. j
The sayd Bathy is courteous enough unto his owne men,

and yet is hee had in great awe by them : he is most cruel j
in fight : he is exceedingly prudent and politique in warre,

because he hath now continued a long time in martiall \

affaires. '

How departing from Bathy, they passed through [I. (i^.'l \
the land of Comania, and of the Kangittas.
Chap. 23.

Moreover, upon Easter even we were called unto the j

tent, and there came forth to meete us the foresaid \

agent of Bathy, saying on his masters behalfe, that we i

should go into their land, unto the Emperor Cuyne, \

deteining certaine of our company with this pretence, that )

they would send them backe unto the Pope, to whom we !
gave letters of al our affaires to deliver unto him. But

being come as farre as duke Montii aforesaid, there they ^ hey travelled ;

were kept untill our returne. Upon Easter day, having P^^^fr^^ j

said our praiers, and taken a slender breakfast, in the ^^^"^22 ofJuh ^

company of two Tartars, which were assigned unto us by Eastward of \

Corensa we departed with many teares, not knowing Volga. \

whether we went to death or to life. And we were so i

feeble in bodie, that we were scarce able to ride. For all j

that Lent through, our meat was Millet onely with a little \

water and salte. And so likewise upon other fasting \

dayes. Neither had we ought to drinke, but snowe j

melted in a skillet. And passing through Comania we )

rode most earnestly, having change of horses five times or i

oftener in a day, except when we went through deserts, for ;;

165 !

A.D.
1246.

A description
of Comania.

The North
Ocean.

The land of the
Kangittce.

Jeroslaus duke
of Russia.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

then we were allowed better and stronger horses, which
could undergoe the whole labour. And thus farre had we
travailed from the beginning of Lent untill eight dayes
after Easter. The land of Comania on the North side
immediately after Russia, hath the people called Morduyni
Byleri, that is, Bulgaria magna, the Bastarci, that is,
Hungaria magna, next unto the Bastarci, the Parositae and
the Samogetas. Next unto the Samogetae are those people
which are sayd to have dogges faces, inhabiting upon the
desert shores of the Ocean. On the South side it hath the
Alani, the Circassi, the Gazari, Greece and Constantinople ;
also the land of Iberia, the Cathes, the Brutaches who are
said to be Jewes shaving their heads all over, the landes
also of Scythia, of Georgia, of Armenia, of Turkie. On
the West side it hath Hungaria, and Russia. Also
Comania is a most large and long countrey. The inhabi-
tantes whereof called Comani the Tartars slewe, some
notwithstanding fled from them, and the rest were sub-
dued under their bondage. But most of them that fled
are returned againe. Afterward wee entred the iande of
the Kangittae, which in many places hath great scarcetie of
waters, wherin there are but fewe inhabitants by reason
of the foresayd defect of water. For this cause divers
of the servants of Jeroslaus duke of Russia, as they were
traveiling towards him into the land of Tartaria, died for
thirst, in that desert. As before in Comania, so likewise
in this countrey, wee found many skulles and bones of
dead men lying upon the earth like a dunghill. Through
this countrey we were traveiling from the eight day after
Easter untill Ascension day. The inhabitants therof were
Pagans, and neither they nor the Comanians used to till
the ground, but lived onely upon cattell, neither built they
any houses but dwelled in tents. These men also have
the Tartars rooted out, and doe possesse and inhabite their
countrey, howbeit, those that remained are reduced into
their bondage.

166

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINl a.d.

1 246.

How they came unto the first court of the new
Emperour. Chap. 24.

Moreover, out of the land of the Kangittae, we entered Thelandofthe
into the countrey of ye Bisermini, who speake the Btsermim.
language of Comania, but observe the law of the Saracens.
In this countrey we found innumerable cities with castles
ruined, & many towns left desolate. The lord of this
country was called Soldan Alti, who with al his progenie, A hi Soldanus.
was destroyed by the Tartars. This country hath most
huge mountains. On the South side it hath Jerusalem Huge moun-
and Baldach, and all the whole countrey of the Saracens. ^^^'^^•^•
In the next territories adjoyning doe inhabite two carnall
brothers dukes of the Tartars, namely. Burin and Cadan, ^^^'^^ ^^'-^
the sonnes of Thyaday, who was the sonne of Chingis ^^'
Can. On the North side thereof it hath the land of the
blacke Kythayans, and the Ocean. In the same countrie The North
Syban the brother of Bathy remaineth. Through this ^^^f^'
countrie we were traveiling from the feast of Ascension, un^J^Bath
until eight daies before the feast of S. John Baptist. And
then we entred into the land of the blacke Kythayans, in ^^'^ ^^^^^'
which the Emperour built an house, where we were called -^ ^^j^^^'
in to drinke. Also the Emperours deputy in that place
caused the chiefe men of the citie and his two sonnes to
daunce before us. Departing from hence, wee founde a
certaine small sea, upon the shore whereof stands a little A small sea,
mountaine. In which mountaine is reported to be a hole,
from whence, in winter time such vehement tempests of
winds doe issue, that traveilers can scarcely, and with great
danger passe by the same way. In summer time, the
noise in deede of the winde is heard there, but it pro-
ceedeth gently out of the hole. Along the shores of the
foresaid sea we travailed for the space of many dayes, which Many dayes.
although it bee not very great, yet hath it many islandes,
and wee passed by leaving it on our left hande. In this
lande dwelleth Ordu, whome wee sayde to bee auncient Orducap.ii.
unto all the Tartarian dukes. And it is the Orda or
court of his father which hee inhabiteth, and one of his

167

A.D.

1246.
[I. 67.]

The first
court of the
Emperour.

The land of
Naymani.

The 22. of
July.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

wives beareth rule there. For it is a custome among the
Tartars, that the Courts of Princes or of noble men are
not dissolved, but alwayes some women are appointed to
keepe and governe them, upon whom certain gifts are
bestowed, in like sort as they are given unto their Lords.
And so at length we arrived at the first court of the
Emperour, wherein one of his wives dwelt.

Howe they came unto Cuyne himselfe, who was
forthwith to be chosen Emperour. Chap.

25-

BUt because we had not as yet seene the Emperour,
they would not invite us nor admit us into his Orda,
but caused good attendance and entertainement, after the
Tartars fashion, to be given unto us in our owne tent,
and they caused us to stay there, and to refresh our selves
with them one day. Departing thence upon the even of
Saint Peter and Saint Paul, wee entered into the land of
the Naymani, who are Pagans. But upon the very feast
day of the saide Apostles, there fel a mightie snowe in that
place, and wee had extreame colde weather. This lande is
full of mountaines, and colde beyonde measure, and there
is little plaine ground to bee seene. These two nations
last mentioned used not to till their grounde, but, like
unto the Tartars, dwelt in tents, which the sayde Tartars
had destroyed. Through this countrey wee were travail-
ing manie dayes. Then entered wee into the lande of the
Mongals, whome wee call Tartars. Through the Tartars
lande wee continued our travaile (as wee suppose) for the
space of some three weekes, riding alwayes hastily and
with speede, and upon the day of Marie Magdalene we
arrived at the court of Cuyne the Emperour elect. But
therefore did we make great haste all this way, because our
Tartarian guides were straightly commaunded to bring us
unto the court Imperiall with all speede, which court hath
beene these many yeeres, ordained for the election of the
Emperour. Wherefore rising earely, wee travailed untill
night without eating of any thing, and oftentimes wee

168

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI

came so late unto our lodging, that we had no time to eate
the same night, but that which we should have eaten over
night, was given us in the morning. And often changing
our horses, wee spared no Horse-fleshe, but rode swiftly
and without intermission, as fast as our horses could trot.

How Cuyne enterteined the Minorite Friers.
Chap. 26.

BUt when wee were come unto the court of Cuyne, hee
caused (after the Tartars manner) a Tent and all
expenses necessarie to bee provided for us. And his
people entreated us with more regarde and courtesie, then
they did anie other Ambassadours. Howbeeit wee were
not called before his presence, because hee was not as yet
elected, nor admitted unto his empire. Notwithstanding,
the interpretation of the Popes letters, and the message
which we delivered, were sent unto him by the foresaid
Bathy. And having stayed there five or sixe dayes, hee
sent us unto his mother, under whome there was main-
teyned a verie solemne and royall court. And being
come thither, we saw an huge tent of fine white cloth
pitched, which was, to our judgement, of so great quantitie,
that more then two thousand men might stand within
it, and round about it there was a wall of planks set up,
painted with divers images. Wee therefore with our
Tartars assigned to attende upon us, tooke our journey
thither, and there were all the Dukes assembled, eche one
of them riding up and downe with his traine over the
hilles and dales. The first day they were all clad in white,
but the second in skarlet robes. Then came Cuyne unto
the saide tent. Moreover, the third day they were all in
blew robes, and the fourth in most rich robes of Baldakin
cloth. In the wall of boardes, about the tent aforesaid,
were two great gates, by one of the which gates, the
Emperour only was to enter, and at that gate there was no
gard of men appointed to stand, although it stood con-
tinually open, because none durst go in or come out the
same way : all that were admitted, entred by another gate,

169

A.D.

1246.

The curtesie of
Cuyne tozuards
Ambassadors.

The tent roial.

A generall
Gssemblie.

A.D.

1246.

The banquet of
the 'Nobles.

[I. 68.]
JeroslausDuke
of Susdal.

Ambassadors
of sundry na-
tions.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

at which there stood watchmen, with bowes, swords, &
arrowes. And whosoever approched unto the tent beyond
the bounds and limit assigned, being caught, was beaten,
but if he fled, he was shot at with arrowes or iron. There
were many that to our judgement, had upon their bridles,
trappers, saddles, and such like furniture, to the value of
20. markes in pure gold. The foresaid Dukes (as we
thinke) communed together within the tent, and consulted
about the election of their Emperor. But all the residue
of the people were placed farre away without the walles of
board, & in this maner they staied almost til noone.
Then began they to drink mares milk, & so continued
drinking til even tide, and that in so great quantity, as it
was wonderfull. And they called us in unto them, and
gave us of their ale, because we could not drink their
mares milke. And this they did unto us in token of
great honor. But they compelled us to drink so much,
that in regard of our customary diet, wee coulde by no
means endure it. Whereupon, giving them to under-
stand, that it was hurtful unto us, they ceassed to compel
us any more. Without the doore stoode Duke Jeroslaus
of Susdal, in Russia, and a great many Dukes of the
Kythayans, and of the Solangi. The two sonnes also of
the king of Georgia, the ligier of the Caliph of Baldach,
who was a Soldan, and (as we thinke) above ten Soldans
of the Saracens beside. And, as it was tolde us by the
agents, there were more then 4000. ambassadors, partly
of such as paide tributes, and such as presented gifts,
and other Soldans, and Dukes, which came to yeeld
themselves, and such as the Tartars had sent for,
and such as were governours of lands. All these were
placed without the lists, and had drinke given unto them.
But almost continually they all of them gave us and
Duke Jeroslaus the upper hand, when we were abroad
in their companie.

170

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI

A.D.

1246.

Thebe^nnings

of Cuyne his
empire.

The golden
Orda.

The 15. oj

August.

How he was exalted to his Empire. Chap. 27.

ANd to our remembrance, we remained there, about
the space of foure weekes. The election was to our
thinking there celebrated, but it was not published and
proclaimed there. And it was greatly suspected so to be,
because alwayes when Cuyne came forth out of the tent,
he had a noyse of musicke, and was bowed unto, or
honoured with faire wands, having purple wooll upon the
tops of them, and that, so long as he remained abroad :
which service was performed to none of the other Dukes.
The foresaid tent or court is called by them Syra Orda. ^yra Orda.
Departing thence, wee all with one accord rode 3. or 4.
leagues unto another place, where, in a goodly plaine, by a
rivers side, betweene certaine mountaines, there was another
tent erected, which was called the golden Orda. For
there was Cuyne to be placed in the throne Emperiall,
upon the day of the Assumption of our Ladie. But, for
the abundance of haile which fell at the same time, as is
above said, the matter was deferred. There was also a
tent erected upon pillars, which were covered with plates
of golde, and were joyned unto other timber with golden
nailes. It was covered above with Baldakin cloth, but Wollen cloth.
there was other cloth spread over that, next unto the ayre.
Wee abode there unto the feast of Saint Bartholomew,
what time there was assembled an huge multitude stand-
ing with their faces towards the South. And a certaine
number of them beeing a stones cast distant from the
residue, making continuall prayers, and kneeling upon
their knees, proceeded farther and farther towards the
South. Howbeit wee, not knowing whether they used
inchantments, or whether they bowed their knees to God
or to some other, woulde not kneele upon the grounde with
them. And having done so a long time, they returned to
the tent, and placed Cuyne in his throne imperiall, and
his Dukes bowed their knees before him. Afterwarde
the whole multitude kneeled downe in like maner, except
our selves, for wee were none of his subjects.

171

A.D.

1246.

His incHna-
tion to
Christianitie.

His majestie.

A lawlesse
authoritie.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Of his age and demeanour, and of his seale.
Chap. 28.

THis Emperour, when hee was exalted unto his govern-
ment, seemed to bee about the age of fourty or
fourty five yeeres. He was of a meane stature, very wise
and poHtike, and passing serious and grave in all his
demeanour. A rare thing it was, for a man to see him
laugh or behave himselfe lightly, as those Christians
report, which abode continually with him. Certaine Chris-
tians of his familie earnestly and strongly affirmed unto
us, that he himselfe was about to become a Christian.
A token and argument whereof was, that hee reteined
divers Cleargie men of the Christians. Hee had likewise
at all times a Chappell of Christians, neere unto his great
Tent, where the Clearkes (like unto other Christians, and
according to the custome of the Graecians) doe sing
publiquely and openly, and ring belles at certaine houres,
bee there never so great a multitude of Tartars, or of
other people in presence. And yet none of their Dukes
doe the like. It is the manner of the Emperour never
to talke his owne selfe with a stranger, though he be
never so great, but heareth and answeareth by a speaker.
And when any of his subjects (howe great soever they
bee) are in propounding anie matter of importaunce unto
him, or in hearing his answeare, they continue kneeling
upon their knees unto the ende of their conference.
Neither is it lawfull for any man to speake of any affaires,
after they have beene determined of by the Emperour.
The sayde Emperour, hath in his affaires both publike
and private, an Agent, and Secretary of estate, with Scribes
and all other Officials, except advocates. For, without
the noyse of pleading, or sentence giving, all things are
done according to the Emperours will and pleasure.
Other Tartarian princes do the like in those things which
belong unto them. But, be it known unto al men, that
whilest we remained at the said Emperors court, which
hath bin ordained and kept for these many yeeres, the

172

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246. j

saide Cuyne being Emperor new elect, together with \

al his princes, erected a flag of defiance against the Church \

of God, & the Romane empire, and against al Christian W^rre in- \

kingdomes and nations of the West, unlesse peradventure ^^I'^^.i agmmt ■

(which God forbid) they will condescend unto those ry ^ i ;

things, which he hath injoined unto our lord the Pope, '■ ' '^ j

& to all potentates and people of the Christians, namely, j

that they wil become obedient unto him. For, except |

Christendom, there is no land under heaven, which they !

stand in feare of, and for that cause they prepare them- !

selves to battel against us. This Emperors father, namely j

Occoday was poisoned to death, which is the cause why '

they have for a short space absteined from warre. But ^

their intent and purpose is (as I have above said) to subdue \

the whole world unto themselves, as they were commanded '

by Chingis Can. Hence it is that the Emperor in his '
letters writeth after this maner : The power of God, &
Emperour of all men. Also, upon his seale, there is this

posie ingraven : God in heaven, and Cuyne Can upon earth, j

the power of God : the seale of the Emperour of all men. \

Of the admission of the Friers and Ambassadours \
unto the Emperour. Chap. 29.

IN the same place where the Emperour was established Cuyne heareth

into his throne, we were summoned before him. And ^he Legates.
Chingay his chiefe secretary having written downe our

names, and the names of them that sent us, with the I
name of the Duke of Solangi, & of others, cried out with

a loude voice, rehearsing the said names before the 1

Emperour, and the assembly of his Dukes. Which \
beeing done, ech one of us bowed his left knee foure

times, & they gave us warning not to touch the threshold. j

And after they had searched us most diligently for knives, j

and could not find any about us, we entred in at the ;

doore upon the East side : because no man dare presume ;
to enter at the West doore, but the Emperour onely.

In like maner, every Tartarian Duke entreth on the West \

side into his tent. Howbeit the inferiour sort doe not \

173

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1246.

greatly regard such ceremonies. This therefore was the
first time, when we entred into the Emperours tent in his
presence, after he was created Emperour. Likewise all
other ambassadours were there received by him, but very
fewe were admitted into his tent. And there were pre-
Gifts presen- sented unto him such abundance of gifts by the saide
ted unto him. Ambassadours, that they seemed to be infinite, namely in
Samites, robes of purple, and of Baldakin cloth, silke
girdles wrought with golde, and costly skinnes, with other
gifts also. Likewise there was a certaine Sun Canopie, or
small tent (which was to bee caried over the Emperours
head) presented unto him, being set full of precious
stones. And a governour of one Province brought unto
him a companie of camels covered with Baldakins. They
had saddles also upon their backs, with certaine other
instruments, within the which were places for men to sitte
upon. Also they brought many horses & mules unto
him furnished w' trappers and caparisons, some being
made of leather, and some of iron. And we were
demanded whether we would bestow any gifts upon
him or no } But wee were not of abilitie so to doe,
having in a maner spent all our provision. There were
also upon an hill standing a good distance from the tents,
500. Carts ful more then 500. carts, which were all ful of silver and of
of treasure. gold, and silke garments. And they were all divided be-
tweene the Emperour and his Dukes, and every Duke
bestowed upon his owne followers what pleased him.

Of the place where the Emperor and his mother
tooke their leaves one of another, and of
Jeroslaus Duke of Russia. Chap. 30.

J tent of T^Eparting thence, we came unto another place, where
purple. \^ ^ wonderfull brave tent, all of red purple, given by

the Kythayans, was pitched. Wee were admitted into
that also, and alwaies when we entred, there was given
unto us ale and wine to drinke, & sodden flesh (when we
would) to eate. There was also a loftie stage built of
boords, where the Emperours throne was placed, being

174

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI a.d. ;

1 246.

very curiously wrought out of ivorie, wherein also there ^ throne of

was golde and precious stones, and (as we remember) ^^'^^^^- j

there were certain degrees or staires to ascend unto it. j

And it was round upon the top. There were benches j

placed about the saide throne, whereon the ladies sate ':

towarde the left hand of the Emperour upon stooles, ;

(but none sate aloft on the right hande) and the Dukes ]

sate upon benches below, the said throne being in the ■

midst. Certaine others sate behinde the Dukes, and ;
every day there resorted great companie of Ladies thither.

The three tents whereof we spake before, were very J
large, but the Emperour his wives had other great and

faire tentes made of white felt. This was the place where j

the Emperour parted companie with his mother : for she ,

went into one part of the land, and the Emperour into j

another to execute justice. For there was taken a certaine ^
Concubine of this Emperour, which had poysoned his

father to death, at the same time when the Tartars armie j

was in Hungarie, which, for the same cause returned j

home. Moreover, upon the foresaide Concubine, and T^he death of j

many other of her confederats sentence of judgement was ^'^'^^^^y ^^- j

pronounced, and they were put to death. At the same ''^^^^ ' '

time Jeroslaus the great Duke of Soldal, which is a part q^ Susdal

of Russia, deceased. For being (as it were for honours [1/70.] ' :

sake) invited to eate and drink with the Emperours ;

mother, and immediatly after the banquet, returning \

unto his lodging, he fel sicke, and within seven dayes, j

died. And after his death, his body was of a strange )

blew colour, and it was commonly reported, that the \

said Duke was poisoned, to the ende that the Tartars )

might freely and totally possesse his Dukedome. •

\

How the Friers comming at length unto the j

Emperour, gave, and received letters. ',

Chap. 31

TO be short, the Tartars brought us unto their Cuyne dissem-

Emperor, who when he had heard of them, that ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^

we were come unto him, commanded that we should ^^^^^^'

175

A.D.

1246.

Cosmas
a Russian.

The message
ofChingay.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

return, unto his mother. For he was determined the
next day, (as it is abovesaid) to set up a flag of defiance
against al ye countreis of the West, which he would have
us in no case to know. Wherefore returning, we staied
some few dayes with his mother, and so returned backe
again unto him. With whom we continued for the
space of one whole moneth in such extreme hunger and
thirst, that we could scarce hold life and soule together.
For the provision allowed us for foure dayes, was scantly
sufficient for one day. Neither could we buy us any
sustenance, because the market was too farre off. How-
beit the Lorde provided for us a Russian goldsmith,
named Cosmas, who being greatly in the Emperours
favour, procured us some sustenance. This man shewed
unto us the throne of the Emperour, which hee had
made, before it was set in the proper place, and his seale,
which he also had framed. Afterward the Emperor sent
for us, giving us to understand by Chingay his chief
Secretary, that wee should write downe our messages &
affaires, and should deliver them unto him. Which
thing we performed accordingly. After many daies he
called for us againe, demanding whether there were any
with our Lord the Pope, which understood the Russian,
the Sarracen, or the Tartarian language ? To whom we
answered, that we had none of those letters or languages.
Howbeit, that there were certaine Saracens in the land,
but inhabiting a great distance from our Lord the Pope.
And wee saide, that wee thought it most expedient, that
when they had written their mindes in the Tartarian
language, and had interpreted the meaning therof unto
us, we should diligently translate it into our own tongue,
and so deliver both the letter and the translation thereof
unto our Lord the Pope. Then departed they from us,
and went unto the Emperour. And after the day of
S. Martine, we were called for againe. Then Kadac
principal agent for the whole empire, and Chingay, and
Bala, with divers other Scribes, came unto us, and in-
terpreted the letter word for word. And having written

176

are loath to \

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI ad.

1246.
it in Latine, they caused us to interprete unto them eche
sentence, to wit if we had erred in any word. And when
both letters were written, they made us to reade them
over twise more, least we should have mistaken ought.
For they said unto us : Take heed that ye understand
all things throughly, for if you should not understand the
whole matter aright, it might breed some inconvenience.
They wrote the said letters also in the Saracen tongue,
that there might be some found in our dominions which
could reade and interprete them, if need should require.

Hov^ they were licensed to depart. Chap. 32.

ANd (as our Tartars told us) the Emperour was pur- ^^^ Legates
posed to send his ambassadors with us. Howbeit, ^^^ ^^°^^ ^
he was desirous (as we thought) that we our selves should bassadours •

crave that favour at his hands. And when one of our sent from the \

Tartars being an ancient man, exhorted us to make the said Tartars to the j
petition, we thought it not good for us, that the Emperor ^^^^^^^^'^^- \

should send his ambassadours. Wherfore we gave him <

answere, that it was not for us to make any such petition,
but if it pleased the Emperour of his owne accord to send I

them, we would diligently (by Gods assistance) see i

them conducted in safetie. Howbeit, we thought it
expedient for us, that they should not goe, and that for i

divers causes. First, because we feared, least they, seeing
the dissentions and warres which are among us, should be \

the more encouraged to make warre against us. Secondly, j

we feared, that they would be insteade of spies and intelli- ■

gencers in our dominions. Thirdly, we misdoubted that ,

they would be slaine by the way. For our nations be
arrogant and proud. For when as those servants (which
at the request of the Cardinall, attended upon us, namely :

the legates of Almaine) returned unto him in the Tartars
attire, they were almost stoned in the way, by the Dutch,
and were compelled to put off those garments. And it is •

the Tartars custome, never to bee reconciled unto such as
have slaine their Ambassadours, till they have revenged ^

themselves. Fourthly, least they should bee taken from us \

I 177 M '

A.D.

1246.

[I. 71.]

November 13.

They are re-
warded with
gifts.

The sore jour-
neys of the Le-
gates in re-
turning.

Bathy.

Corrensa.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

by mayne force. Fiftly, because there could come no
good by their ambassade, for they were to have none other
commission, or authoritie, but onely to deliver their
Emperours letter unto the Pope, and to the Princes of
Christendome, which very same letters wee our selves had,
and we knew right well, that much harme might ensue
thereof. Wherefore, the third day after this, namely,
upon the feast of Saint Brice, they gave us our passe-port
and a Letter sealed with the Emperours owne scale,
sending us unto the Emperours mother, who gave unto
eche of us a gowne made of Foxe-skinnes, with the furre
on the outside, and a piece of purple. And our Tartars
stole a yarde out of every one of them. And out of that
which was given unto our servant, they stole the better
halfe. Which false dealing of theirs, we knew well
inough, but would make no words thereof.

Hov^r they returned homewards. Chap. 33.

THen taking our journey to returne, we travailed all
Winter long, lying in the deserts oftentimes upon
the snow, except with our feete wee made a piece of
ground bare to lye upon. For there were no trees, but
the plaine champion field. And oftentimes in the
morning, we found our selves all covered with snow
driven over us by the winde. And so travailing till the
feast of our Lordes Ascension, we arrived at the court of
Bathy. Of whom when wee had enquired, what answere
he would send unto our Lord the Pope, he said that he
had nothing to give us in charge, but onely that we should
diligently deliver that which the Emperour had written.
And, having received letters for our safe conduct, the
thirteenth day after Pentecost, being Saterday, wee were
proceeded as farre as Montii, with whome our foresaide
associates and servants remained, which were withheld from
us, and we caused them to be delivered unto us. From
hence wee travailed unto Corrensa, to whom, requiring
gifts the second time at our hands, we gave none, because
we had not wherewithall. And hee appointed us two

178

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253.

Comanlans, which lived among the common people of
the Tartars, to be our guides unto the citie of Kiow
in Russia. Howbeit one of our Tartars parted not from
us, till we were past the utmost gard of the Tartars.
But the other guides, namely the Comanians, which were
given us by Corrensa, brought us from the last garde unto
the citie of Kiow, in the space of sixe dayes. And there
we arrived fifteene dayes before the feast of Saint John June 8.
Baptist. Moreover, the Citizens of Kiow having: intelli- ^°'^ ^^^^^
gence or our approch, came roortn all or them to meete corned at
us, with great joy. For they rejoyced over us, as over their retume.
men that had bene risen from death to hfe. So like wise
they did unto us throughout all Russia, Polonia, and
Bohemia. Daniel and his brother WasiJico made us a Basilius and
royall feast, and interteined us with them against our ^^.^^^^
willes for the space of eight dayes. In the meane time,
they with their Bishops, and other men of account, being
in consultation together about those matters which we had
propounded unto them in our journey towards the Tartars,
answered us with common consent, saying : that they
would holde the Pope for their speciall Lord and Father,
and the Church of Rome for their Lady & mistresse,
confirming likewise al things which they had sent con-
cerning this matter, before our comming, by their Abbate.
And for the same purpose, they sent their Ambassadours
and letters by us also, unto our Lord the Pope.

Itinerarium fratris Willielmi de Rubruquis de
ordine fratrum Minorum, Galli, Anno gratis
1253. ^^ partes Orientales.

EXcellentissimo Domino & Christianissimo, Lodovico
Dei gratia Regi Francorum illustri, frater Willielmus
de Rubruquis in ordine fratrum Minorum minimus
salutem, & semper triumphare in Christo. Scriptum est
in Ecclesiastico de sapiente. In terram alienarum gentium Eccks. 39.
transibit, bona & mala in omnibus tentabit. Hoc opus, ^^^- 4-
Domine mi Rex, feci : sed utinam ut sapiens & non
stultus. Multi enim faciunt quod facit sapiens, sed non

179

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253-

sapienter, sed magis stulte : de quorum numero timeo me
esse. Tamen quocunque modo fecerim; quia dixistis mihi
quando recessi a vobis,ut omnia scriberem vobis, quaecunque
viderem inter Tartaros, & etiam monuistis ut non timerem
vobis scribere longas literas, facio quod injunxistis : Cum
timore tamen & verecundia, quia verba congrua mihi non
suppetunt, quas debeam tant« scribere Majestati. Noverit
ergo vestra sancta majestas, quod anno Domini millessimo
ducentessimo, quinquagessimo tertio, nonas Maii ingressi
sumus mare Ponti, quod Bulgarici vocant, Majus Mare :
& habet mille octo milliaria in longum, ut didici a mer-
catoribus, & distinguitur quasi in duas partes. Circa
medium enim ejus sunt dus provincias terras, una ad
Aquilonem, & alia ad meridiem. Ilia quas est ad meri-
diem dicitur Synopolis; & est castrum & portus Soldani
Turchiae. Quas vero ad Aquilonem est, est Provincia
[I- 72.] quasdam, qu^ nunc dicitur a Latinis Gasaria, a Gr^cis
vero qui inhabitant eam super littus maris dicitur Cassaria,
hoc est Cssaria. Et sunt promontoria quasdam exten-
dentia se in mare, & contra meridiem versus Synopolim.
Et sunt trecenta milliaria inter Synopolim & Cassariam.
Ita quod sint septingenta miliaria ab istis punctis versus
Constantinopolim in longum & latum : & septingenta
versus Orientem : hoc est, Hiberiam, quas est provincia
Georgian. Ad provinciam Gasarias sive Casarias applicui-
mus, qure est quasi triangularis, ad Occidentem habens
civitatem, qua^ dicitur Kersova, in qua fuit Sanctus
Clemens marterizatus. Et navigantes coram ea vidimus
insulam in qua est templum illud quod dicitur Angelicis
manibus prasparatum. In medio vero quasi in cuspide ad
meridiem habet civitatem quas dicitur Soldaia, qua^ ex
transverso respicit Synopolim : Et illuc applicant omnes
Mercatores venientes de Turchia volentes ire ad terras
Aquilonares, & e contrario venientes de Rossia & terris
Aquilonaribus, volentes transire in Turchiam. Illi portant
varium &: grisiam, & alias pelles pretiosas. Alii portant
telas de cottone sive bombasio, & pannos sericos & species
aromaticas. Ad Orientem vero illius provincial est civitas

180

Soldaia.

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS , ad.

1253.

quas dicitur Matriga, ubi cadit fluvius Tanais in mare Matriga
Ponti per orificium habens latitudinem duodecem milli- ^^2'^^^^-
arium. Ille enim fluvius antequam ingrediatur mare
Ponti, facit quoddam mare versus Aquilonem, habens in
latitudine & longitudine septinginta milliaria, nusquam
habens profunditatem ultra sex passus, unde magna vasa
non ingrediuntur illud. Sed mercatores de Constanti-
nopoli applicantes ad praedictam civitatem Matertam,
mittunt barcas suas usque ad flumen Tanaim, ut emant
pisces siccatos, sturiones, thosas, borbatas, & alios pisces
infinitae multitudinis. Prasdicta vero provincia Cassaria
cingitur mari in tribus lateribus : ad Occidentem scilicet,
ubi est Kersova civitas Clementis, ad meridiem ubi est
civitas Soldaia, ad quam applicuimus, quae est cuspis pro-
vinciae, & ad Orientem Maricandis, ubi est civitas Materta, ^
& orificium Tanais. Ultra illud orificium est Zikia, quae Zikia.
non obedit Tartaris : Et Suevi & Hiberi ad Orientem,
qui non obediunt Tartaris. Postea versus meridiem est
Trapesunda quae habet proprium Dominum nomine
Guidonem, qui est de genere imperatorum Constantino-
politanorum, qui obedit Tartaris : postea Synopolis quae
est Soldani Turchiae qui similiter obedit : postea terra
Vastacii cujus filius dicitur Astar ab avo materno, qui non
obedit. Ab orificio Tanais versus Occidentem usque ad
Danubium totum est subditum. Etiam ultra Danubium
versus Constantinopolim, Valakia, qu^ est terra Assani, &
minor Bulgaria usque in Solonomam omnes solvunt eis
tributum. Et etiam ultra tributum condictum sumpserunt
annis nuper transactis de qualibet domo securim unam, &
totum frumentum quod invenerunt in massa. Appli-
cuimus ergo Soldaiae in 12. Kalendas Junii : & prae-
venerant nos quidam mercatores de Constantinopoli, qui
dixerunt venturos illuc nuncios de terra sancta volentes ire
ad Sartach. Ego tamen prsedicaveram publice in Ramis
Palmarum apud Sanctam Sophiam, quod non essem
nuncius, nee vester, nee alicujus, sed ibam apud illos
incredulos secundum regulam nostram. Tunc cum appli-
cuissem, monebant me dicti mercatores ut caute loquerer,

t8i

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253-

quia dixerunt me esse nuncium, & si non dicerem me esse
nuncium, quod non praeberetur mihi transitus. Tunc
loquutus sum hoc modo ad capitaneos civitatis, imo ad
vicarios capitaneorum, quia capitanei iverant ad Baatu
portantes tributum, & non fuerant adhuc reversi. Nos
audivimus, dixi, de Domino vestro Sartach in Terra
Sancta quod esset Christianus : & gavisi sunt inde
vehementer Christiani, & praecipue Dominus Rex Fran-
corum Christianissimus, qui ibi peregrinatur, & pugnat
contra Saracenos, ut eripiat loca sancta de manibus eorum :
unde volo ire ad Sartach, & portare ei literas Domini
Regis, in quibus monet eum de utihtate totius Christiani-
tatis. Et ipsi receperunt nos gratanter, & dederunt nobis
hospitium in ecclesia Episcopali. Et Episcopus ipsius
* ecclesiae fuerat ad Sartach, qui multa bona dixit mihi de
Sartach, quas ego postea non inveni. Tunc dederunt
nobis optionem utrum vellemus habere bigas cum bobus
ad portandum res nostras vel equos pro summariis. Et
mercatores Constantinopolitani consuluerunt mihi quod
non acciperem bigas, imo quod emerem proprias bigas
coopertas, in quibus apportant Ruteni pelles suas, & in ilHs
includerem res nostras quas vellem quotidie deponere, quia
si acciperem equos, oporteret me in qualibet Herbergia
deponere & reponere super ahos, & praeterea equitarem
lentiori gressu juxta boves. Et tunc acquievi consiho
eorum malo, tum quia fui in itinere usque Sarthach
duobus mensibus, quod potuissem uno mense fecisse, si
ivissem equis. Attuleram mecum de ConstantinopoH
fructus & vinum muscatum, & biscoctum deHcatum de
consiho mercatorum ad prassentandum capitaneis primis,
ut facihus pateret mihi transitus; quia nullus apud eos
respicitur rectis ocuhs, qui venit vacua manu. Quae
omnia posui in una biga, quando non inveni ibi capitaneos
civitatis, quia dicebant mihi, quod gratissima forent
Sarthach, si possem deferre ea usque ad eum. Arripuimus
ergo iter tunc circa Kalend. Junii cum bigis nostris
quatuor coopertis & cum aliis duabus quas accepimus ab
eis, In quibus portabantur lectisternia ad dormiendum de

182

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253.
nocte, & quinque equos dabant nobis ad equitandum.
Eramus enim quinque personae. Ego & socius meus [I. 73.]
frater Bartholomeus de Cremona, & Goset lator praesen-
tium, & homo dei Turgemannus, & puer NIcolaus, quem
emeram Constantinopoli de nostra eleemosyna. Dederunt
etiam duos homines qui ducebant bigas & custodiebant
boves & equos. Sunt autem alta promontoria super Mare
a Kersova usque ad orificium Tanais : & sunt quadraginta
castella inter Kersovam & Soldaiam, quorum quodhbet
fere habet proprium idioma : inter quos erant multi Goti,
quorum idioma est Teutonicum. Post ilia montana
versus Aquilonem est pulcherrima sylva in planicie, plena
fontibus & rivulis : Et post illam sylvam est planicies
maxima, quae durat per quinque dietas usque ad extremi-
tatem illius provinciae ad aquilonem, quae coarctatur habens
Mare ad Orientem & Occidentem : Ita quod est unum
fossatum magnum ab uno Mari usque ad aliud. In ilia
planicie solebant esse Comani antequam venirent Tartari,
& cogebant civitates praedictas & castra ut darent eis
tributum. Et cum venerunt Tartari, tanta multitudo
Comanorum intravit provinciam illam, qui omnes fugerunt
usque ad ripam Maris, quod comedebant se mutuo vivi
morientes : secundum quod narravit mihi quidam mer-
cator, qui hoc vidit : Quod vivi devorabant & lacerabant
dentibus carnes crudas mortuorum, sicut canes cadavera.
Versus extremitatem illius provinciae sunt lacus multi &
magni : in quorum ripis sunt fontes salmastri, quorum
aqua, quam cito intrat lacum, efficit salem durum ad
modum glaciei. Et de illis salinis habent Baatu & Sartach
magnos reditus : quia de tota Russia veniunt illuc pro
sale : & de qualibet biga onusta dant duas telas de cottone
valentes dimidiam Ipperperam. Veniunt & per Mare
multae naves pro sale, quae omnes dant tributum secundum
sui quantitatem. Postquam ergo recessimus de Soldaia,
tertia die invenimus Tartaros : inter quos cum intraveram,
visum fuit mihi recte quod ingrederer quoddam aliud
saeculum. Quorum vitam & mores vobis describam prout
possum.

183

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253-

De Tartaris & domibus eorum.

NUsquam habent manentem civitatem, sed futuram
ignorant. Inter se diviserunt Scythiam, quae durat a
Danubio usque ad ortum solis. Et quilibet Capitaneus,
secundum quod habet plures vel pauciores homines sub se,
scit terminos pascuorum suorum, & ubi debet pascere
hyeme & aestate, vere & autumno. In hyeme enim
descendunt ad calidiores regiones versus meridiem. In
aestate ascendunt ad frigidiores versus aquilonem. Loca
pascuosa sine aquis pascunt in hyeme quando est ibi nix,
quia nivem habent pro aqua. Domum in qua dormiunt
fundant super rotam de virgis cancellatis, cujus tigna sunt
de virgis, & conveniunt in unam parvulam rotam superius,
de qua ascendit collum sursum tanquam fumigatorium,
quam cooperiunt filtro albo : & frequentius imbuunt
etiam filtrum cake vel terra alba & pulvere ossium, ut
albens splendeat, & aliquando nigro. Et filtrum illud
circa collum superius decorant pulchra varietate picturae.
Ante ostium similiter suspendunt filtrum opere polimitario
variatum. Consumunt enim filtrum coloratum in faciendo
vites & arbores, aves & bestias. Et faciunt tales domos
ita magnas, quod habent triginta pedes in latitudine. Ego
enim mensuravi semel latitudinem inter vestigia rotarum
unius bigae viginti pedum : & quando domus erat super
bigam excedebat extra rotas in utroque latere quinque
pedibus ad minus. Ego numeravi in una biga viginti
duos boves trahentes unam domum : Undecem in uno
ordine secundum latitudinem bigae, & alios undecem ante
illos : Axis bigae erat magnus ad modum arboris navis :
Et unus homo stabat in ostio domus super bigam minans
boves. Insuper faciunt quadrangulos de virgulis fissis
attenuatis ad quantitatem unius arcae magnae : & postea de
una extremitate ad aliam elevant testudinem de similibus
virgis, & ostiolum faciunt in anteriori extremitate : &
postea cooperiunt illam cistam sive domunculam filtro nigro
imbuto sevo sive lacte ovino, ne possit penetrari pluvia :
quod similiter decorant opere polimitario vel plumario. Et

184

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad. i

1253.

in talibus arcis ponunt totam suppellectilem suam & the- \

saurum : quas ligant fortiter super bigas alteras quas ;

trahunt cameli, ut possint transvadare flumina. Tales areas \

nunquam deponunt de bigis. Quando deponunt domus '!

suas mansionariaSj semper vertunt portam ad meridiem ; & |

consequenter collocant bigas cum arcis hinc & inde prope :

domum ad dimidium jactum lapidis : ita quod domus stat \
inter duos ordines bigarum quasi inter duos muros. Ma-

tronae faciunt sibi pulcherrimas bigas, quas nescirem vobis [I. 74.] 1

describere nisi per picturam. II Imo omnia depinxissem i| Nota. '
vobis si scivissem pingere. Unus dives Moal sive Tartar

habet bene tales bigas cum arcis ducentas vel centum. '
Baatu habet sexdecem uxores : quaelibet habet unam mag-

nam domum, exceptis aliis parvis, quas collocant post i

magnam, quae sunt quasi camerae ; in quibus habitant j

puellas. Ad quamlibet istarum domorum appendent du- i

centae bigae. Et quando deponunt domus, prima uxor j

deponit suam curiam in capite occidental, & postea aliae \

secundum ordinem suum : ita quod ultima uxor erit in !
capite Orientali : & erit spacium inter curiam unius dominae

& alterius, jactus unius lapidis. Unde curia unius divitis !

Moal apparebit quasi una magna Villa : tunc paucissimi I

viri erunt in ea. Una muliercula ducet 20. bigas vel 30. \

Terra enim plana est. Et ligant bigas cum bobus vel ■
camelis unam post aliam : & sedebit muliercula in anteriori

minans bovem, & omnes aliae pari gressu sequentur. Si '

contingat venire ad aliquem malum passum, solvunt eas & :

transducunt sigillatim : Vadunt enim lento gressu, sicut \

agnus vel bos potest ambulare. '

De lectis eorum & poculis. ]

POstquam deposuerint domus versa porta ad meridiem, \

collocant lectum domini ad partem aquilonarem. j

Locus mulierum est semper ad latus Orientale hoc est ad :

sinistrum domini domus cum sedet in lecto suo versa facie 1

ad meridiem : locus vero virorum ad latus occidentale, \

hoc est ad dextrum. Viri ingredientes domum nullo \

modo suspenderent pharetram ad partem mulierum. Et |

185 I

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253-

super caput Domini est semper una imago quasi puppa &
statuuncula de filtro, quam vocant fratrem domini : alia
similis super caput dominas, quam vocant fratrem dominas,
affixa parieti : & superius inter utramque illarum est una
parvula, macilenta, quae est quasi custos totius domus.
Domina domus ponit ad latus suum dextrum ad pedes
lecti in eminenti loco pelliculam hoedinam impletam lana
vel alia materia, & juxta illam statuunculam parvulam
respicientem famulas & mulieres. Juxta ostium ad
partem mulieris est iterum alia imago cum ubere vaccino,
pro mulieribus quas mungunt vaccas. De officio faemina-
rum est mungere vaccas. Ad aliud latus ostii versus viros est
alia statua cum ubere equae pro viris qui mungunt equas.
Et cum convenerint ad potandum primo spargunt de potu
illi imagini, quas est super caput domini : postea aliis
imaginibus per ordinem : postea exit minister domum
cum cipho & potu, & spargit ter ad meridiem, qualibet
vice flectendo genu ; & hoc ad reverentiam ignis : postea
ad Orientem ad reverentiam aeris : postea ad Occidentem
ad reverentiam aquae : ad aquilonem projiciunt pro
mortuis. Quando tenet dominus ciphum in manu & debet
bibere, tunc primo antequam bibat, infundit terrae partem
suam. Si bibit sedens super equum, infundit antequam
bibat, super collum vel crinem equi. Postquam vero
minister sic sparserit ad quatuor latera mundi, revertitur
in domum & sunt parati duo famuli cum duobus ciphis
& totidem patenis ut deferant potum domino & uxori
sedenti juxta eum sursum in lecto. Et cum habet plures
uxores, ilia cum qua dormit in nocte sedet juxta eum in
die : & oportet quod omnes aliae veniant ad domum illam
ilia die ad bibendum : & ibi tenetur curia ilia die : &
xenia quae deferuntur, ilia deponuntur in thesauris illius
dominas. Bancus ibi est cum utre lactis vel cum alio
potu & cum ciphis.

i86

WILLIAM DE IIUBRUQUIS a.d.

1253-

De potibus eorum & qualiter provocant alios ad

bibendum.

FAciunt in hyeme optimum potum, de risio, de millio,
de melle : claret sicut vinum. Et defertur eis vinum
a remotis partibus. In aestate non curant nisi de Cosmos.
Stat semper infra domum ad introitum portas, & juxta
illud Stat citharista cum citherula sua. Citheras & vielas
nostras non vidi ibi, sed multa alia instrumenta, quae apud
nos non habentur. Et cum incipit bibere tunc unus
ministrorum exclamat alta voce, HA : & citharista ^^^^"^^^^^ ^^^
percutit cicharum. Et quando faciunt festum magnum,
tunc omnes plaudunt manibus & saltant ad vocem
citharae, viri coram Domino, & mulieres coram domina.
Et postquam dominus biberit, tunc exclamat minister sicut
prius, & tacet citharista : tunc bibunt omnes in circuitu
viri & mulieres : & aliquando bibunt certatim valde
turpiter & gulose. Et quando volunt aliquem provocare
ad potum arripiunt eum per aures & trahunt fortiter ut
dilatent ei gulam, & plaudunt & saltant coram eo. Item
cum aliqui volunt facere magnum festum & gaudium,
unus accipit ciphum plenum, & alii duo sunt ei a dextris
& sinistris : & sic illi tres veniunt cantantes usque ad
ilium cui debent porrigere ciphum, & cantant & saltant
coram eo : & cum porrigit manum ad recipiendum
ciphum, ipsi subito resiliunt, & iterum sicut prius rever- [I. 75.]
tuntur, & sic illudunt ei ter vel quater retrahendo ciphum,
donee fuerit bene exhileratus & bonum habeat appetitum,
& tunc dant ei ciphum, & cantant & plaudunt manibus
& terunt pedibus donee biberit.

De cibariis eorum.

DE cibis & victualibus eorum noveritis, quod in-
differenter comedunt omnia morticinia sua. Et inter
tot pecora & armenta non potest esse quin multa animalia
moriantur. Tamen in aestate quamdiu durat eis cosmos,
hoc est lac equinum, non curant de alio cibo. Unde tunc
si contingat eis mori bovem vel equum, siccant carnes

187

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253-

scindendo per tenues pecias & suspendendo ad solem &
ventum, quae statim sine sale siccantur absque aliquo
fastore. De intestinis equorum faciunt andulges meliores
quam de porcis : quas comedunt recentes : reliquas carnes
reservant ad hyemem. De pellibus bourn faciunt utres
magnos, quos mirabiliter siccant ad fumum. De posteriori
parte pellis equi faciunt pulcherrimos soculares. De carne
unius arietis dant comedere quinquaginta hominibus vel
centum. Scindunt enim minutatim in scutella cum sale &
aqua, aliam enim salsam non faciunt, & tunc cum puncto
cultelli vel furcinula, quas proprias faciunt ad hoc, cum
qua solemus comedere pira & poma cocta in vino,
porrigunt cuilibet circumstantium buccellam unam vel
duas, secundum multitudinem comedentium. Dominus
antequam proponitur caro arietis in primo ipse accipit
quod placet ei : & etiam si dat alicui partem specialem,
oportet quod accipiens comedat eam solus, & nemini licet
dare ei. Si non potest totum comedere, asportat secum,
vel dat garcioni suo, si est presens, qui custodiat ei : sin
aliter, recondit in saptargat suo, hoc est in bursa quadrata,
quam portant ad recondendum omnia talia, in qua & ossa
recondunt, quando non habent spacium bene rodendi ea,
ut postea rodant, ne pereat aliquid de cibo.

Quomodo faciunt Cosmos.

IPsum Cosmos, hoc est lac jumentinum fit hoc modo.
Extendunt cordam longam super terram ad duos palos
fixos in terra, & ad illam cordam ligant circiter horas
tres, pullos equarum quas volunt mungere. Tunc stant
matres juxta pullos suos & permittunt se pacifice mungi.
Et si aliqua est nimis indomita, tunc accipit unus homo
pullum & supponit ei permittens parum sugere, tunc
retrahit ilium, & emunctor lactis succedit. Congregata
ergo multitudine lactis, quod est ita dulce sicut vaccinum,
dum est recens, fundunt illud in magnum utrem sive
bucellam, & incipiunt illud concutere cum ligno ad hoc
aptato, quod grossum est inferius sicut caput hominis &
cavatum subtus : & quam cito concutiunt illud, incipit

1 88

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253.

bullire sicut vinum novum, & acescere sive fermentari, &
excutiunt illud donee extrahant butirum. Tune gustant
illud ; & quando est temperate pungitivum bibunt :
pungit enim super linguam sicut vinum raspei dum
bibitur. Et postquam homo cessat bibere, relinquit
saporem super linguam lactis amygdalini, & multum
reddit interiora hominis jucunda, & etiam inebriat debilia
capita : multum etiam provocat urinam. Faciunt etiam
Cara-cosmos, hoc est nigrum cosmos ad usum magnorum
dominorum, hoc modo. Lac equinum non coagulatur.
Ratio enim est : quod nullius animalis lac nisi cujus fetet
venter non invenitur coagulum. In ventre pulli equi non
invenitur : unde lac equas non coagulatur. Concutiunt
ergo lac in tantum, quod omnino quod spissum est in eo
vadat ad fundum recta, sicut fasces vini, & quod purum
est remanet superius, & est sicut serum, & sicut mustum
album. Faeces- sunt albs multum, & dantur servis, &
faciunt multum dormire. Illud clarum bibunt domini : &
est pro certo valde suavis potus & bonae efficacias. Baatu
habet 30. casalia circa herbergiam suam ad unam dietam,
quorum unumquodque qualibet die servit ei de tali lacte
centum equarum, hoc est, qualibet die lac trium millium
equarum, excepto alio lacte albo, quod deferunt alii.
Sicut enim in Syria rustici dant tertiam partem fructuum,
quam ipsi afferunt ad curias dominorum suorum, ita & isti
lac equarum tertias diei. De lacte vaccino primo extrahunt
butyrum & bulliunt illud usque ad perfectam decoc-
tionem, & postea recondunt illud in utribus arietinis
quos ad hoc reservant. Et non ponunt sal in butiro :
tamen propter magnam decoctionem non putrescit : &
reservant illud contra hyemem. Residuum lac quod
remanet post butirum permittunt acescere quantum acrius
fieri potest & bulliunt illud, & coagulatur bulliendo,
& coagulum illud desiccant ad solem, & efficitur durum
sicut scoria ferri. Quod recondunt in saccis contra
hyemem : tempore hyemali quando deficit eis lac, [I- 76.]
ponunt illud acre coagulum, quod ipsi vocant gri-ut, in
utre, & super infundunt aquam calidam, & concutiunt

189

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253-

fortiter donee illud resolvatur in aqua ; quae ex illo
efficitur tota acetosa, & illam aquam bibunt loco lactis.
Summe cavent ne bibant aquam puram.

De bestiis quas comedunt, & de vestibus, ac
de venatione eorum.

MAgni domini habent casalia versus meridiem, de
quibus afferunt eis milium & farinam contra
hyemem. pauperes procurant sibi pro arietibus & pellibus
commutando. Sclavi etiam implent ventrem suum aqua
crassa, & hac contend sunt. Mures cum longis caudis
non comedunt & omne genus murium habens curtam
caudam. Sunt etiam ibi multae marmotes, quas ipsi
vocant Sogur : quas conveniunt in una fovea in hyeme
20. vel 30. pariter, & dormiunt sex mensibus : quas
capiunt in magna multitudine. Sunt etiam ibi, cuniculi
habentes longam caudam sicut cati ; & in summitate
caudae habent pilos nigros & albos. Habent & multas
alias bestiolas bonas ad comedendum : quas ipsi valde
bene discernunt. Cervos non vidi ibi. lepores paucos
vidi, gaselos multos. Asinos sylvestres vidi in magna
multitudine, qui sunt quasi muli. Vidi & aliud genus
animalis quod dicitur Artak, quod habet recte corpus
arietis & cornua torta, sed tantae quantitatis, quod vix
poteram una manu levare duo cornua : & faciunt de
cornibus illis ciphos magnos. Habent falcones, gir-
falcones, & herodios in magna multitudine : quos omnes
portant super manum dexteram : & ponunt semper falconi
unam corrigiam parvulam circa collum, quae pendet ei
usque ad medietatem pectoris : per quam cum projiciunt
eum ad praedam, inclinant cum sinistra manu caput &
pectus falconis, ne verberetur a vento, vel ne feratur
sursum. Magnum ergo partem victus sui acquirunt
venatione. De vestibus & habitu eorum noveritis, quod
de Cataya & aliis regionibus Orientis, & etiam de Perside
& aliis regionibus austri veniunt eis panni serici & aurei,
& telae de bambasio, quibus induuntur in aestate. De
Russia, de Moxel, & Majore Bulgaria & Pascatir, quae est

190

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d.

1253.

major Hungaria, & Kersis : (quas omnes sunt regiones ad Major
Aquilonem & plenae sylvis;) & aliis multis regionibus ad Hungaria.
latus aquilonare, quae eis obediunt, adducuntur eis pelles
preciosas multi generis : quas nunquam vidi in partibus
nostris : Quibus induuntur in hyeme. Et faciunt semper
in hyeme duas pelliceas ad minus : unam, cujus pilus est
ad carnem : aliam cujus pilus est extra contra ventum &
nives, quae multoties sunt de pellibus lupinis vel vulpibus
vel papionibus. Et dum sedent in domo habent aliam
delicatiorem. Pauperes faciunt illas exteriores de canibus
& capris. Quum volunt venari feras, conveniunt magna
multitudo & circundant regionem in qua sciunt feras esse,
6c paulatim appropinquant sibi, donee concludant feras
inter se quasi infra circulum, & tunc sagitant ad eas.
faciunt etiam braccas de pellibus. Divites etiam furrant
vestes suas de stupa setae, quae est supra modum mollis, &
levis & calida. Pauperes furrant vestes de tela de bam-
basio, de delicatiori lana quam possunt extrahere : de gros-
siori faciunt filtrum ad cooperiendum domos suas & cistas,
& ad lectisternia. De lana etiam & tertia parte pilorum
equi admixta, faciunt cordas suas. De filtro etiam faciunt
pavellas sub sellis, & capas contra pluviam. Unde mul-
tum expendunt de lana. Habitum virorum vidistis.

De rasura virorum & ornatu mulierum.

Vlri radunt in summitate capitis quadrangulum, & ab
anterioribus angulis ducunt rasuram cristae capitis
usque ad tempora. Radunt etiam tempora & collum
usque ad summum concavitatis cervicis : & frontem
anterius usque ad frontinellam, super quam relinquunt
manipulum pilorum descendentium usque ad supercilia :
In angulis occipitis relinquunt crines, quibus faciunt tricas,
quas succingunt nodando usque ad aures. Et habitus
puellarum non differt ab habitu virorum, nisi quod ali-
quantulum est longior. Sed in crastino postquam est
nupta radit calvariam suam a medietate capitis versus
frontem, & habet tunicam latam sicut cucullam monialis,
& per omnia latiorem & longiorem, fissam ante, quam

191

Nota.

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253.

llgat sub dextro latere. In hoc enim differunt Tartar! a
Turcis : quod Turci ligant tunicas suas ad sinistram,
Tartar! semper ad dextram. Postea habent ornamentum
capitis, quod vocant botta, quod fit de cortice arboris vel
alia materia, quam possunt invenire, leviore : & est gros-
sum & rotundum, quantum potest duabus manibus com-
plecti; longum vero unius cubiti & plus, quadrum
superius, sicut capitellum unius columnas. Istud botta
cooperiunt panno serico precioso; & est concavum interius :
U- 77-] & super capitellum in medio vel super quadraturam illam
ponunt virgulam de calamis pennarum vel cannis gracilibus
longitudinis scilicet unius cubiti & plus : & illam sibi
virgulam ornant superius de pennis pavonis, & per longum
in circuitu pennulis caudae malardi, & etiam lapidibus
praeciosis. Divites dominae istud ornamentum ponunt in
summitate capitis quod stringunt fortiter cum almucia,
quae foramen habet in summitate ad hoc aptatum, & in
isto recondunt crines suos quos recolligunt a parte pos-
teriori ad summitatem capitis quasi in nodo uno &
reponunt in illo botta, quod postea fortiter ligant sub
gutture. Unde quum equitant plures dominae simul &
videntur a longe, apparent milites, habentes galeas in
capitibus cum lanceis elevatis. Illud enim botta apparet
galea de super lancea. Et sedent omnes mulieres super
equos sicut viti diversificantes coxas; & ligant cucullas
suas panno serico aerii coloris super renes, & alia fascia
stringunt ad mamillas : & ligant unam peciam albam sub
occulis, quae descendit usque ad pectus. Et sunt mulieres
mirae pinguedinis, & quae minus habet de naso pulchrior
reputatur. Deturpant etiam turpiter pinguedine facies
suas : nunquam cubant in lecto pro puerperio.

De ofBcio mulierum, & operibus earum, ac de
nuptiis earum.

|Ficium foeminarum est ducere bigas, ponere domus

super eas & deponere, mungere vaccas, facere butirum

& griut, parare pelles, & consuere eas, quas consuunt filo

denervis. dividunt enim nervos in minuta fila, & postea ilia

192

o

')aratio.

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253.

contorquent in unum longum iilum. Consuunt etiam
soculares & soccos & alias vestes. Vestes vero nunquam
lavant, quia dicunt quod Deus tunc irascitur, & quod fiant
tonitrua si suspendantur ad siccandum : Imo lavantes ver-
berant & eis auferunt. Tonitrua supra modum timent :
tunc omnes extraneos emittunt de domibus suis ; & invol-
vunt se in filtris nigris, in quibus latitant, donee transient.
Nunquam etiam lavant scutellos, imo carne cocta alveum
in quo debent ponere eam lavant brodio bulliente de
caldaria, & postea refundunt in caldariam. faciunt & fil-
trum & cooperiunt domos. Viri faciunt solum arcus &
sagittas, fabricant strepas & fraena, & faciunt cellas, carpen-
tant domos & bigas : custodiunt equos & mungunt equas,
concutiunt ipsum cosmos & lac equinum, faciunt utres in
quibus reconditur : custodiunt etiam camelos, & onerant
eos. Oves & Capras custodiunt mixtim & mungunt ali-
quando viri, aliquando mulieres. De lacte ovium inspis- PelUum
sato & salso parant pelles. Cum volunt manus vel caput
lavare implent os suum aqua & paulatim fundunt de ore
suo super manus, & eadem humectant crines suos, & lavant
caput suum. De nuptiis eorum noveritis, quod nemo
habet ibi uxorem nisi emat eam : unde aliquando sunt
puellae multum adultse ante quam nubant : semper enim
tenent eas parentes, donee vendant eas. Servant etiam
gradus consanguinitatis primum & secundum : nullum
autem servant affinitatis. Habent enim simul vel succes-
sive duas sorores. Nulla vidua nubit inter eos, hac ratione ;
quia credunt quod omnes qui serviunt eis in hac vita ser-
vient in futura. Unde de vidua credunt, quod semper
revertitur post mortem ad primum maritum. Unde acci-
dit turpis consuetudo inter eos quod filius scilicet ducit
aliquando omnes uxores patris sui, excepta matre. Curia
enim patris & matris semper accidit juniori filio. Unde
oportet quod ipse provideat omnibus uxoribus patris sui,
quia adveniunt eae cum curia paterna. Et tunc si vult
utitur eis pro uxoribus, quia non reputat sibi injuriam, si
revertatur ad patrem post mortem. Cum ergo aliquis
fecerit pactum cum aliquo de filia accipienda, facit pater
I 193 N

D

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253-

puellae convivium, & Ula fugit ad consanguineos, ut ibi
lateat : Tunc pater dicit, Ecce filia mea tua est, accipe earn
ubicunque inveneris : Tunc ille quaerit earn cum amicis suis,
donee inveniat earn, & oportet, quod vi capiat earn, & ducat
earn quasi violenter ad domum.

De justiciis eorum & judiciis, et de morte ac
sepultura eorum.

,E justiciis eorum noveritis, quod quando duo homines
pugnant, nemo audet se intermittere. Etiam pater
non audet juvare iilium. Sed qui pejorem partem habet,
appellat ad curiam domini. Et si alius post appellationem
tangat eum, interficitur. Sed oportet quod statim absque
dilatione vadat : Et ille qui passus est injuriam ducit eum
quasi captivum. Neminem puniunt capitali sententia, nisi
deprehensus fuerit in facto, vel confessus. Sed quum diffa-
matus est a pluribus, bene torquent eum, ut confiteatur.
Homicidium puniunt capitali sententia, & etiam coitum
cum non sua. Non suam dico vel uxorem vel famulam :
[I. 7^-] Sua enim sclava licet uti prout libet. Item enorme furtum
puniunt morte. Pro levi furto, sicut pro uno ariete, dum-
modo non fuerit saepe deprehensus in hoc, verberant
crudeliter. Et si dant centum ictus oportet quod habeant
centum baculos, de illis dico, qui verberantur sententia
curiae. Item falsos nuncios, quia faciunt se nuncios & non
sunt, interficiunt. Item sacrilegas, de quibus dicam vobis
postea plenius, quia tales reputant veneficas. Quando ali-
quis moritur plangunt vehementer ululando : & tunc sunt
liberi quod non dant vectigal usque ad annum. Et si quis
interest morti alicujus adulti, non ingreditur domum ipsius
Mangucham usque ad annum. Si parvulus est qui mori-
tur, non ingreditur usque post lunationem. Juxta sepul-
turam defuncti semper relinquunt domum unam. Si est
de nobilibus, hoc est de genere Chingis, qui fuit primus
pater & dominus eorum, illius qui moritur ignoratur sepul-
tura : & semper circa loca ilia ubi sepeliunt nobiles suos
est una herbergia hominum custodientium sepulturas. Non
intellexi quod ipsi recondunt thesaurum cum mortuis.

194

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d.

1253.

Comani faciunt magnum tumulum super defunctum & eri-
gunt ei statuam versa facie ad orientem, tenentem ciphum
in manu sua ante umbelicum. fabricant & divitibus pyra-
mides, id est domunculas acutas : & alicubi vidi magnas
turres de tegulis coctis : alicubi lapideas domos, quamvis
lapides non inveniantur ibi. Vidi quendam noviter de-
functum, cui suspenderant pelles sexdecem equorum, ad
quodlibet latus mundi quatuor inter perticas altas : & appo-
suerunt ei cosmos ut biberet, & carnes ut comederet : &
tamen dicebant de illo quod fuerat baptizatus. Alias vidi
sepulturas versus orientem. Areas scilicet magnas structas
lapidibuSj aliquas rotundas, aliquas quadratas, & postea
quatuor lapides longos erectos ad quatuor regiones mundi
circa aream. Et ubi aliquis infirmatur cubat in lecto &
ponit signum super domum suam, quod ibi est infirmus,
& quod nullus ingrediatur : unde nullus visitat infirmum
nisi serviens ejus. Quando etiam aliquis de magnis curiis
infirmatur, ponunt custodes longe circa curiam, qui infra
illos terminos neminem permittunt transire : timent enim
ne mali spiritus vel ventus veniant cum ingredientibus.
Ipsos divinatores vocant tanquam sacerdotes suos.

Qualiter ingressi sunt inter Tartaros, & de
ingratitudine eorum.

QUando ergo ingressi sumus inter illos barbaros, visum
fuit mihi, ut dixi superius, quod ingrederer aliud
saeculum. Circumdederunt enim nos in equis postquam
diu fecerant nos expectare sedentes in umbra sub bigis
nigris. Prima quasstio fuit, utrum unquam fuissemus
inter eos. habito quod non : inceperunt impudenter petere
de cibariis nostris, & dedimus de pane biscocto & vino
quod attuleramus nobiscum de villa : & potata una lagena
vini, petrerunt aliam, dicentes, quod homo non ingreditur
domum uno pede. non dedimus eis, excusantes nos quod
parum haberemus. Tunc quaesiverunt unde veniremus,
& quo vellemus ire. dixi eis superiora verba, quod audie-
ramus de Sartach, quod esset Christianus, & quod vellem
ire ad eum, quia habebam deferre ei literas vestras. Ipsi

195

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253.

diligenter quaesiverunt, utrum irem de mea voluntate, vel
utrum mitterer. Ego respond! quod nemo coegit me ad
eundum, nee ivissem nisi voluissem : unde de mea volun-
tate ibam, & etiam de voluntate superioris mei. Bene
cavi, quod nunquam dixi, me esse nuncium vestrum.
Tunc quaesiverunt quid esset in bigis, utrum esset aurum
vel argentum, vel vestes preciosae, quas deferrem Sartach.
Ego respondi, quod Sartach videret quid deferremus ei,
quando perveniremus ad eum ; & quod non intererat
eorum ista quaerere : sed facerent me deduci usque ad
capitaneum suum, &: ipse si vellet mihi praebere ducatum
usque ad Sartach faceret : sin minus, reverterer. Erat
enim in ilia provincia unus consanguineus Baatu, nomine
Scacatai, cui dominus imperator Constantinopolitanus
mittebat literas deprecatorias, quod me permitteret transire.
Tunc ipsi acquieverunt, praebentes nobis equos & boves &
duos homines, qui deducerent nos. Et alii qui adduxerant
nos sunt reversi. Prius tamen antequam praedicta darent,
fecerunt nos diu expectare petentes de pane nostro pro
parvulis suis : Et omnia quae videbant super famulos
nostros, cultellos, chirothecas, bursas, corrigias, omnia
admirantes & volentes habere. Excusabam me, quia
longa nobis restabat via, nee debebamus ita cito spoliare
nos rebus necessariis ad tantam viam perficiendam. Tunc
dicebant quod essem batrator. Verum est quod nihil
abstulerint vi : Sed valde importune & impudenter petunt
quae vident. Et si dat homo eis perdit, quia sunt ingrati.
Reputant se dominos mundi, & videtur eis, quod nihil
debeat eis negari ab aliquo. Si non dat, & postea indigeat
servicio eorum, male ministrant ei. Dederunt nobis bibere
de lacte suo vaccino, a quo contractum erat butirum,
acetoso valde, quod ipsi vocant Apram : & sic recessimus
ab eis. Et visum fuit mihi recte, quod evasissem de
manibus daemonum. In crastino pervenimus ad capi-
taneum. Ex quo recessimus a Soldaia usque ad Sartach
in duobus mensibus nunquam jacuimus in domo nee in

[I. 79.] tentorio, sed semper sub dio, vel sub bigis nostris, nee
vidimus aliquam villam, vel vestigium alicujus aedificii ubi

196

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d.

1253.

fuisset villa, nisi tumbas Comanorum in maxima multitu-

dine. Illo sero dedit nobis garcio qui ducebat nos bibere

cosmos ; ad cujus haustum totus sudavi propter horrorem

& novitatem, quia nunquam biberam de eo. valde tamen

sapidum videbatur mihi, sicut vere est.

De curia Scacatay, & quod Christiani non bibunt

cosmos.

MAne ergo obviavimus bigis Scacatay onustis domibus.
Et videbatur mihi quod obviaret mihi civitas magna.
Mirabar etiam super multitudine armentorum boum &
equorum & gregum ovium : paucos videbam homines qui
ista gubernarent. unde inquisivi quot homines haberet sub
se ? & dictum fuit mihi, quod non plusquam quingentos,
quorum medietatem transiveramus in alia herbergia. Tunc
incepit mihi dicere garcio qui ducebat nos, quod aliquid
oporteret Scacatay dare : & ipse fecit nos stare, & praecessit
nuncians adventum nostrum. Jam erat hora plusquam
tertia, & deposuerunt domos suas juxta quandam aquam.
Et venit ad nos interpres ipsius, qui statim cognito, quod
nunquam fueramus inter illos, poposcit de cibis nostris, &
dedimus ei, poscebat etiam vestimentum aliquod, quia
dicturus erat verbum nostrum ante dominum suum. Ex-
cusavimus nos. Quaesivit quid portaremus domino suo ?
Accepimus unum flasconem de vino, & implevimus unum
veringal de biscocto & platellum unum de pomis & aliis
fructibus. Sed non placebat ei, quia non ferebamus ali-
quem pannum pretiosum. Sic tamen ingressi sumus cum
timore & verecundia. Sedebat ipse in lecto suo tenens
citharulam in manu, & uxor sua juxta eum : de qua
credebam in veritate, quod amputasset sibi nasum inter
oculos ut simior esset : nihil enim habebat ibi de naso, &
unxerat locum ilium quodam unguento nigro, & etiam
supercilia : quod erat turpissimum in oculis nostris. Tunc
dixi ei verba supradicta. Ubique enim oportebat nos
dicere idem verbum. Super hoc enim eramus bene prae- Nofa
moniti ab illis qui fuerant inter illos, quod nunquam diligenter.
mutaremus verba nostra. Rogavi etiam eum ut dignaretur

197

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

accipere munusculum de manu nostra, excusans me, quia
monachus eram, nee erat ordinis nostri possidere aurum,
vel argentum, vel vestes preciosas. Unde non habebam
aliquid talium, quod possem ei dare : sed de cibis nostris
acciperet pro benedictione. Tunc fecit recipi, & distribuit
statim hominibus suis qui convenerant ad potandum. Dedi
etiam ei literas Imperatoris Constantinopolitani : (Hoc fuit
in octavis ascensionis) Qui statim eas Soldaiam misit ut
ibi interpretarentur : quia erant in Graeco, nee habebat
secum qui sciret literas Graecas. Quaesivit etiam a nobis,
si vellemus bibere cosmos, hoc est, lac jumentinum.
Christiani enim Ruteni, Graeci, & Alani, qui sunt inter
eos, qui volunt stricte custodire legem suam, non bibunt
illud : Imo non reputant se Christianos postquam biberunt.
Et sacerdotes eorum reconciliant eos, tanquam negassent
fidem Christianam. Ego respondi, quod habebamus
adhuc sufficienter ad bibendum : & cum ille potus
deficeret nobis, oporteret nos bibere illud, quod daretur
nobis. Quaesivit etiam quid contineretur in literis nostris,
quas mittebatis Sartach. Dixi quod clausae erant bullae
nostrae : & quod non erant in eis nisi bona verba & amica-
bilia. Quaesivit & quae verba diceremus Sartach ?
Respondi, Verba fidei Christianae. Quaesivit quae ? Quia
libenter vellet audire. Tunc exposui ei prout potui per
interpretem meum, qui nullius erat ingenii, nee alicujus
eloquentias, symbolum fidei. Quo audito, ipse tacuit &
movit caput. Tunc assignavit nobis duos homines, qui
nos custodirent, & equos & boves : & fecit nos bigare
secum, donee reverteretur nuncius, quem ipse miserat pro
interpretatione literarum imperatoris ; & ivimus cum eo
usque in crastinum Pentecostes.

Qualiter Alani venerunt ad eos in vigilia
Pentecostes.

IN vigilia Pentecostes venerunt ad nos quidam Alani,
qui ibi dicuntur II Acias, Christiani secundum ritum
Graecorum ; habentes literas Graecas & sacerdotes Graecos :
tamen non sunt schismatici sicut Graeci ; sed sine accep-

198

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d.

1253.

tione personarum venerantur omnem Christianum : &

detulerunt nobis carnes coctas, rogantes ut comederemus

de cibo eorum, & oraremus pro quodam defuncto eorum.

Tunc dixi quod vigilia erat tantas solennitatis, quod ilia die

non comederemus carnes. Et exposui eis de solennitate,

super quo fuerunt multum gavisi ; quia omnia ignorabant

quae spectant ad ritum Christianum, solo nomine Christi

excepto. Quaesiverunt & ipsi & alii multi Christiani,

Ruteni & Hungari, utrum possent salvari, quia oportebat

eos bibere cosmos, & comedere morticinia & interfecta a

Saracenis & aliis infidelibus : quae etiam ipsi Graeci & [I- 80.]

Ruteni sacerdotes reputant quasi morticinia vel idolis

immolata : quia ignorabant tempora jejunii : nee poterant

custodire etiam si cognovissent. Tunc rectificabar eos

prout potui, docens & confortans in fide. Carnes quas

detulerant reservavimus usque ad diem festum : nihil

enim inveniebamus venale pro auro & argento, nisi pro

telis & aliis II pannis : & illos non habebamus. Quum II Nota

famuli nostri offerebant eis ipperpera, ipsi fricabant digitis, diligentissime. \

& ponebant ad nares, ut odore sentirent, utrum essent

cuprum. Nee dabant nobis cibum nisi lac vaccinum acre

valde & foetidum. Vinum jam deficiebat nobis. Aqua j

ita turbabatur ab equis, quod non erat potabihs. Nisi j

fuisset biscoctum quod habebamus, & gratia dei, forte -

fuissemus mortui. J

De Saraceno qui dixit se velle baptizari, et de \

hominibus qui apparent leprosi. |

IN die pentecostes venit ad nos quidam Saracenus, qui I

cum loqueretur nobiscum, incepimus exponere fidem. j

Qui audiens beneiicia dei exhibita humano generi in '1

incarnatione Christi, & resurrectionem mortuorum, & j

judicium futurum, & quod ablutio peccatorum esset in ]

baptismo : dixit se velle baptizari. Et cum pararemus \

nos ad baptizandum eum, ipse subito ascendit equum jj

suum, dicens se iturum domum & habiturum consilium j

cum uxore sua. Qui in crastino loquens nobiscum, j

dixit quod nullo modo auderet accipere baptisma, quia i

199

A.D.
1253.

SialiiKe.

Decern die to'.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

tunc non biberet cosmos. Christiani enim illius loci hoc
dicebant, quod nullus verus Christianus deberet bibere :
& sine potu illo non posset vivere in solitudine ilia. A
qua opinione nullo modo potui divertere ilium. Unde
noveritis pro certo quod multum elongantur a fide propter
illam opinionem quas jam viguit inter illos per Rutenos,
quorum maxima multitudo est inter eos. Ilia die dedit
nobis ille capitaneus unum hominem, qui nos deduceret
usque ad Sartach : & duos qui ducerent nos usque ad
proximam herbergiam ; quae inde distabat quinque dietas
prout boves poterant ire. Dederunt etiam nobis unam
capram pro cibo & plures utres lactis vaccini, & de
cosmos parum : quia illud preciosum est inter illos. Et
sic arripientes iter recte in aquilonem, visum fuit mihi
quod unam portam inferni transissemus. Garciones qui
ducebant nos, incipiebant nobis audacter furari, quia vide-
bant nos parum cautos. Tandem amissis pluribus vexatio
dabat nobis intellectum. Pervenimus tandem ad extremi-
tatem illius provincias, quas clauditur uno fossato ab uno
mari usque ad aliud : extra quam erat herbergia eorum
apud quos intrassemus : videbantur nobis leprosi omnes :
quia erant viles homines ibi collocati, ut reciperent
tributum ab accipientibus sal a salinis superius dictis. Ab
illo loco, ut dicebant, oportebat nos ambulare quindecim
diebus, quibus non inveniremus populum. Cum illis
bibimus cosmos : & dedimus illis unum veringal plenum
fructibus & panem biscoctum. Qui dederunt nobis
octo boves, unam capram pro tanto itinere, & nescio quot
utres plenos lacte vaccino. Sic mutatis bobus arripuimus
iter, quod perfecimus decem diebus usque ad aliam
herbergiam : nee invenimus aquam in ilia via nisi in fossis
in convallibus factis, exceptis duobus parvis fluminibus.
Et tendebamus recte in orientem ex quo exivimus praedic-
tam provinciam Gasariae, habentes mare ad meridiem &
vastam solitudinem ad aquilonem : quae durat per viginti
dietas alicubi in latitudine : In qua nulla est sylva, nullus
mons, nullus lapis. Herba est optima. In hac solebant
pascere Comani, qui dicuntur Capchat. A Teutonicis

200

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253.

vero dicuntur Valani, & provincia Valania. Ab Isidore

vero dicitur a flumine Tanai usque ad paludes Meotidis

& Danubium Alania. Et durat ista terra in longitudine a Coman'ice lon-

Danubio usque Tanaim ; qui est terminus Asiae & ^^^^ °'

Europae, itinere duorum mensium velociter equitando

prout equitant Tartari : Quae tota inhabitabatur a Comanis

Capchat, & etiam ultra a Tanai usque II Etiliam : Inter \\Etiliaqu^

qu^ flumina sunt decern dietae magnae. Ad aquilonem ^ ^^^^^

vero istius provinciae jacet Russia, quae ubique sylvas \^^^^i^

habet, & protenditur a Polonia & Hungaria usque

Tanaim : quae tota vastata est a Tartaris, & adhuc

quotidie vastatur. Praeponunt enim Rutenis, quia sunt

Christiani, Saracenos : & cum non possunt amplius dare

aurum vel argentum, ducunt eos & parvulos eorum

tanquam greges ad solitudinem ut custodiant animalia

eorum. Ultra Russiam ad aquilonem est Prussia, quam Prussia.

nuper subjugaverunt totam fratres Teutonici. Et certe

de facili acquierent Russiam, si apponerent manum. Si

enim Tartari audirent, quod magnus sacerdos, hoc est,

Papa faceret cruce signari contra eos, omnes fugerent ad

solitudines suas.

De tediis qus patiebantur, & de sepultura
Comanorum.

IBamus ergo versus orientem, nihil videntes nisi
coelum & terram, & aliquando mare ad dextram, quod
dicitur Mare Tanais, & etiam sepulturas Comanorum,
quae apparebant nobis a duabus leucis secundum quod [I-
solebant parentelae eorum sepeliri simul. Quam diu
eramus in solitudine bene erat nobis : quod taedium quod
patiebar quum veniebamus ad mansiones eorum non
possem exprimere verbis. Volebat enim dux noster, quod
ad quoslibet capitaneos ingrederer cum xenio : & ad hoc
non sufficiebant expensse. Quotidie enim eramus octo
personae comedentes viaticum nostrum exceptis servienti-
bus, qui omnes volebant comedere nobiscum. Nos enim
eramus quinque, & ipsi tres qui ducebant nos : duo
ducentes bigas, & unus iturus nobiscum usque ad

201

81

A.D.
1253.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

mus ibi
a: state.

Sartach. Carnes quas dabant non sufficiebant ; nee
inveniebamus aliquid venale pro moneta. Et eum
Calor max'i- sedebamus sub bigis nostris pro umbra, quia ealor erat
ibi maximus illo tempore, ipsi ita importune ingerebant
se nobis, quod conculcabant nos, volentes omnia nostra
videre. Si arripiebat eos appetitus purgandi ventrem,
non elongabant se a nobis, quam possit faba jactari.
Imo juxta nos colloquentes mutuo faciebant immunditias
suas : & multa alia faciebant quae erant supra modum
taediosa. Super omnia gravabat me, quod cum volebam
dicere eis aliquod verbum aedificationis, interpres meus
dicebat, non facietis me praedicare : quia nescio talia verba
dicere. Et verum dicebat. Ego enim perpendi postea,
quum incepi aliquantulum intelligere idioma, quod quum
dicebam unum, ipse totum aliud dicebat, secundum quod
ei occurrebat. Tunc videns periculum loquendi per
ipsum, elegi magis tacere. Ambulavimus ergo cum
magno labore de mansione in mansionem : ita quod
paucis diebus ante festum beatae Mariae Magdalenae veni
ad fluvium magnum Tanais : qui dividit Asiam ab
Europa, sicut Nilus fluvius ^gypti, Asiam ab Africa.
In illo loco quo applicuimus fecerunt Baatu & Sartach
fieri quoddam casale de Rutenis in ripa orientali, qui
transferunt nuncios & mercatores cum naviculis. Ipsi
transtulerunt nos primo & postea bigas ponentes unam
rotam in una barca & aliam in alia, ligantes barcas ad
invicem ; & sic remigantes transibant. Ibi egit dux
noster valde stulte. Ipse enim credebat, quod illi de
casali deberent nobis ministrare equos, & dimisit animalia
quas adduxeramus in alia biga, ut redirent ad dominos
suos. Et quum postulavimus ab eis animalia, ipsi
respondebant quod habebant privilegium a Baatu, quod
non tenerentur ad aliud, nisi transferre euntes &
redeuntes : etiam a mercatoribus accipiebant magnum
tributum. Stetimus ergo ibi in ripa fluminis tribus
diebus. Prima die dederunt nobis magnam borbatam
recentem : secunda die panem de siligine & parum de
carnibus, quas acceperat procurator villas ostiatim per

202

Tanais

fluvius.

Casale Rute
nor urn.

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

Jf253-
diversas domos. Tertia die pisces siccos, quos habent
ibi in magna multitudine. Fluvius ille erat ibi tantas Latitudo
latitudinis, quantas est Sequana Parisiis. Et antequam ^^«^^^-
pervenissemus ad locum ilium, transivimus multas aquas
pulcherrimas & piscosissimas : Sed Tartari nesciunt eos
capere : nee curant de pisce nisi sit ita magnus, quod
possunt comedere carnes ejus, sicut carnes arietinas.
Ille fluvius est terminus Orientalis Russiae ; & oritur
de paludibus quae pertingunt ad Oceanum ad aquilonem. Oceanus.
Fluvius vero currit ad meridiem in quoddam magnum
Mare septingentorum millium, antequam pertingat ad
Mare Ponti : Et omnes aquae quas transivimus vadunt
ad illas partes. Habet etiam pr^dictum flumen magnam
sylvam in ripa Occidentali. Ultra locum ilium non
ascendunt Tartari versus Aquilonem : quia tunc temporis
II circa introitumx Augusti incipiunt redire versus meri- \Adintroitum
diem. Unde aliud est casale inferius ubi transeunt /^^!^^!^' ,

, . . . dtunt ad ;

nuncn tempore hyemali. ilramus igitur ibi m magna meridiem. \

angustia, quia nee equos nee boves inveniebamus pro i

pecunia. Tandem postquam ostendi eis, quod laboravi ^

pro communi utilitate omnium Christianorum, accom- \

modaverunt nobis boves & homines : nos autem opor- 1

tebat ire pedibus. Tunc temporis metebant siliginem : •

triticum non proficiebat ibi bene. Milium habent in \

magna copia. Mulieres Rutenas ornant capita sicut I

nostras. Supertunicalia sua exterius ornant vario vel -i

grisio a pedibus usque ad genua. Homines portant \

capas sicut Teutonici : sed in capite portant pileos de i

filtro acutos in summitate longo acumine. Ambulavimus ']

ergo tribus diebus non invenientes populum. Et cum ■

essemus valde fatigati & boves similiter, nee sciremus \

quorsum possemus Tartaros invenire, accurrerunt subito j

duo equi, quos recepimus cum gaudio magno, & as- i

cenderunt eos dux noster & interpres, ut specularen- I

tur quorsum possemus populum invenire. Tandem \

quarta die inventis hominibus gavisi sumus tanquam \

naufragi venientes ad portum. Tunc acceptis equis I

& bobus ivimus de mansione ad mansionem donee per- |

203 I

A.D.
1253-

[I. 82.]

Merdui Sara-

vel Volga

fiuvius.

II Kerkis.
vel A as.

Lesgi Sara-
cent.

II Reditus ejus
per Derbent.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

venimus usque ad herbergiam Sartach secundo Calendas
August!.

De regione Sartach, & de gentibus illius.

REgio ista ultra Tanaim est pulcherrima, habens
flumina & sylvas ad aquilonem. Sunt sylvae
maximae, quas inhabitant duo genera hominum : Moxel
scilicet, qui sunt sine lege, puri pagani. Civitatem non
habent sed casulas in sylvis. Dominus eorum & magna
pars eorum fuerunt interfecti in Alemania. Tartari enim
duxerant eos ad introitum Alemaniae. Unde ipsi multum
commendant Alemanos, sperantes quod adhuc liberabuntur
per eos a servitute Tartarorum. Si mercator veniat ad
eos, oportet quod ille apud quem primo descendit pro-
videat ei quamdiu vult esse inter eos. Si quis dormiat
cum uxore alterius, ille non curat nisi videat propriis
oculis : unde non sunt Zelotypi. Abundant apud eos
porci, mel, & cera, pelles precios^, & falcones. Post illos
sunt alii qui dicuntur Merdas, quos latini vocant Merduos,
& sunt Saraceni. Post illos est il Etilia, quae est major
fluvius, quam unquam viderim : & venit ab Aquilone de
majori Bulgaria tendens ad meridiem : & cadit in quen-
dam lacum habentem spacium quatuor mensium in circuitu,
de quo postea dicam vobis. Ista ergo duo flumina Tanais
& Etilia versus regiones Aquilonis per quas transivimus
non distant ab invicem nisi decem dietis, sed ad meridiem
multurn dividuntur ab invicem. Tanais enim descendit
in Mare Ponti : Etilia facit praedictum Mare sive lacum,
cum aliis multis fluminibus, quae cadunt in ilium de Per-
side. Habebamus autem ad meridiem montes maximos
in quibus habitant in lateribus versus solitudinem illam
Cergis & Alani sive II Acas, qui sunt Christiani & adhuc
pugnant contra Tartaros. Post istos prope Mare sive
lacum Etiliae sunt quidam Saraceni qui dicuntur Lesgi,
qui similiter obediunt. Post hos est Porta ferrea, quam
fecit Alexander ad excludendas Barbaras gentes de
Perside : de cujus situ dicam vobis postea, II quia transivi
per eam in reditu. Et inter ista duo flumina in illis

204

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253.
terris per quas transivimus habitabant Comani antequam
Tartar! occuparent eas.

De Curia Sartach & de gloria ejus.

INvenimus ergo Sartach prope Etiliam per tres dietas :
cujus curia valde magna videbatur nobis : quia habet
sex uxores, & filius ejus primogenitus juxta eum duas vel
tres : & quaelibet habet domum magnam & bigas forte
ducentas. Accessit autem ductor noster ad quendam
Nestorinum Coiat nomine, qui est unus de majoribus CoiatNestori-
Curiae suae. Ille fecit nos ire valde longe ad domini '^^•^•
Januam. Ita vocant ilium qui habet officium recipiendi
nuncios. In sero prascepit nobis dictus Coiat, ut
veniremus ad eum. Tunc incepit qu^rere ductor noster
quid portaremus ei, & coepit multum scandalizari, quum
vidit quod nihil parabamus ad portandum. Stetimus
coram eo, & ipse sedebat in gloria sua & faciebat sonare
citharam & saltare coram se. Tunc dixi ei verba
pr^dicta qualiter veniremus ad dominum ejus, rogans
eum ut juvaret nos ut Dominus ejus videret literas
nostras. Excusavi etiam me quia monachus eram, non
habens, nee recipiens, nee tractans aurum vel argentum
vel aliquid preciosum, solis libris & capella in qua
serviebamus deo exceptis : unde nullum xenium affere-
bamus ei nee domino suo. Qui enim propria dimiseram,
non poteram portator esse alienorum. Tunc respondit
satis mansuete, quod bene faciebam ex quo eram
monachus: sic servarem votum meum, & non indigebat
rebus nostris ; sed magis daret nobis de suis, si indigere-
mus : & fecit nos sedere & bibere de lacte suo. Et post
pauca rogavit ut diceremus benedictionem pro eo, quod
& fecimus. Quaesivit & quis esset major dominus inter
Francos. Dixi, Imperator, si haberet terram suam in
pace. Non, inquit, sed Rex Francias. Audiverat enim
de vobis a domino Baldewyno de Hannonia. Inveni
etiam ibi unum de Sociis domus Dominicae, qui fuerat
in Cypro, qui narraverat omnia quae viderat. Tunc
reversi sumus ad hospitium nostrum. In crastino misi

205

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253-

ei unum flasconem de vino Muscato, quod optime se
custodierat in tarn longa via ; & cophinum plenum
biscocto quod fuit ei gratissimum, & retinuit illo sero
famulos nostros secum. In crastino mandavit mihi quod
venirem ad curiam ; afferens literas regis & capellam &
libros mecum, quia dominus suus vellet videre ea : quod
& fecimus, onerantes unam bigam libris & capella, &
aliam pane & vino & fructibus. Tunc fecit omnes libros
& vestes explicari, & circumstabant nos in equis multi
Tartari & Christiani & Saraceni : quibus inspectis,
quaesivit, si vellem ista omnia dare domino suo, quo
audito, expavi, & displicuit mihi verbum, dissimulans
tamen respondi, domine rogamus, quatenus dominus
noster dignetur recipere panem istum, vinum & fructus
non pro xenio quia exiguum quid est, sed pro bene-
dictione, ne vacua manu veniamus coram eo. Ipse
autem videbit literas domini regis, & per eas sciet, qua
de causa venimus ad eum : & tunc stabimus mandato
ejus nos & omnes res nostrae. Vestes enim sanctae
sunt, & non licet eas contingere nisi sacerdotibus. Tunc
praecepit quod indueremus nos ituri coram domino suo :
quod & fecimus. Ego autem indutus preciosioribus
v. vestibus accepi in pectore pulvinar, quod erat valde
pulchrum, & biblium quod dederatis mihi, psalterium
pulcherrimum, quod dederat mihi domina regina, in quo
erant picturas pulchras. Socius meus accepit missale &
crucem, clericus indutus supercilicio accepit thuribulum :
sic accessimus ante dominum ejus: & levaverunt
[I- 83.] filtrum quod pendebat ante ostium ut nos posset videre.
Tunc fecerunt flectere genua ter clerico & interpreti :
a nobis non requisiverunt. Tunc monuerunt nos
valde diligenter, ut caveremus ingrediendo & egredi-
endo ne tangeremus limen domus, & ut cantaremus
aliquam benedictionem pro eo. Tunc ingressi sumus
cantando. Salve regina. In introitu autem ostii stabat
bancus cum cosmos & cum ciphis. Et convenerant
omnes uxores ejus : & ipsi Moal. Ingredientes nobiscum
comprimebant nos. Illic Coiac tulit ei thuribulum cum,

206

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d.

1253.

incenso, quod ipse respexit, tenens in manu diligenter :
postea tulit ei psalterium quod valde respexit, & uxor
ejus sedens juxta eum. Postea tulit biblium, & ipse
quaesivit, si evangelium esset ibi. Dixi, etiam tota
Scriptura Sacra. Accepit etiam crucem in manu sua, &
quaesivit de imagine, utrum esset imago Christi ?
Respondi quod sic. Ipsi Nestoriani & Armeni nunquam
faciunt super cruces suas figuram Christi. Unde
videntur male sentire de passione, vel erubescunt eam.
Postea fecit circumstantes nos retrahere se, ut plenius
posset videre ornamenta nostra. Tunc obtuli ei literas
vestras cum transcriptis in Arabico & Syriano. Feceram
enim eas transferri in Aeon in utraque litera & lingua.
Et ibi erant sacerdotes Armeni, qui sciebant Turcicum
& Arabicum, & Ille Socius domus Domini qui sciebat
Syrianum, & Turcicum & Arabicum. Tunc exivimus
& deposuimus vestimenta nostra : & venerunt scriptores
& ille Coiac, & fecerunt literas interpretari. Quibus
auditis, fecit recipi panem & vinum & fructus : vesti-
menta & libros fecit nos reportare ad hospitium. Hoc
actum est in festo Sancti Petri ad vincula.

Qualiter habuerunt in mandatis adire Baatu
patrem Sartach.

IN crastino mane venit quidam sacerdos frater ipsius
Coiac postulans vasculum cum chrismate, quia Sartach
volebat illud videre, ut dicebat, & dedimus ei. Hora
vespertina vocavit nos Coiac, dicens nobis : Dominus rex
scripsit bona verba Domino meo : Sed sunt in eis difficilia^
de quibus nihil auderet facere, sine consilio patris sui.
Unde oportet vos ire ad patrem suum, & duas bigas quas
adduxistis heri cum vestimentis & libris dimittetis mihi,
quia Dominus meus vult res diligentius videre. Ego
statim suspicatus sum malum de cupiditate ejus, & dixi
ei. Domine, non solum illas sed etiam duas quas adhuc
habemus relinquemus sub custodia vestra. Non inquit,
illas relinquetis, de aliis facietis velle vestrum. Dixi quod
hoc nullo modo posset fieri. Sed totam dimitteremus ei.

207

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253.

Tunc quaesivit si vellemus morari in terra ? Ego dixi, Si
bene intellexistis literas domini regis, potestis scire, quod
sic. Tunc dixit, quod oporteret nos esse patientes mul-
tum, & humiles. Sic discessimus ab eo illo sero. In
crastino mane misit unum sacerdotem Nestorinum pro
bigis, & nos duximus omnes quatuor. Tunc occurrens
nobis frater ipsius Coiacis, seperavit omnia nostra ab ipsis
rebus quas tuleramus pridie ad curiam, & ilia accepit
tanquam sua, scilicet libros & vestimenta : & Coiac prae-
ceperat, quod ferremus nobiscum vestimenta quibus induti
fueramus coram Sartach ut illis indueremur coram Baatu
si expediret : quas ille sacerdos abstulit nobisvi, dicens :
Tu attulisti eas ad Sartach, modo vis ferre Baatu ? Et
cum vellem ei reddere rationem, respondit mihi, Ne
loquaris nimis, & vade viam tuam. Tunc necessaria fuit
patientia, quia apud Sartach, non patebat nobis ingressus ;
nee aliquis erat, qui nobis exhiberet justiciam. Timebam
etiam de interprete, ne ipse aliquid aliter dixisset, quam
ego dixissem ei : quia ipse bene voluisset, quod de omni-
bus fecissemus xenium. Unum erat mihi solacium, quia
quum persensi cupiditatem eorum, ego subtraxi de libris
Biblium & sententias, & alios libros quos magis diligebam.
Psalterium dominae reginas non fui ausus subtrahere, quia
illud fuerat nimis notatum propter aureas picturas quas
erant in eo. Sic ergo reversi sumus cum duobus residuis
bigis ad hospitium nostrum. Tunc venit ille, qui debebat
ducere nos ad Baatu, volens cum festinatione arripere iter :
cui dixi quod nulla ratione ducerem bigas. Quod ipse
retulit ad Coiac. Tunc praecepit Coiac quod relinqueremus
eas apud ipsum cum garcione nostro : quod & fecimus.
Sic ergo euntes versus Baatu recta in Orientem, tertia die
Perven'iunt ad pervenimus ad Etiliam : cujus aquas cum vidi, mirabar
Etiham vel unde ab Aquilone descenderunt tantas aquse. Antequam
ogam, recederemus a Sartach, dixit nobis supradictus Coiac cum

Tartarivolunt aliis multis scriptoribus curiae, Nolite dicere quod dominus
vocari Moal. roster sit Christianus, sed Moal. Quia nomen Christiani-
tatis videtur eis nomen cujusdam gentis. In tantam
superbiam sunt erecti, quod quamvis aliquid forte credant

208

'■CI.

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253-
de Christo, tamen nolunt dici Christiani volentes nomen
suum, hoc est, Moal exaltare super omne nomen. Nee [I- 84.]
volunt vocari Tartar! : Tartar! enim fuerunt alia gens de
quibus sic didici.

Qualiter Sartach, & Mangucham & Kencham
faciunt reverentiam Christianis.

TEmpore quo Franci ceperunt Antiochiam tenebat
monarchiam in illis lateribus Aquilonis quidam qui
vocabatur Concan. Con est proprium nomen : Can Cofi can.
nomen dignitatis quod idem est qui divinator. Omnes
divinatores vocant Can. Unde principes dicuntur Can,
quia penes eos spectat regimen populi per divinationem.
Unde legitur in historia Antiochias, quod Turci miserunt
propter succursum contra Francos ad regnum Con can.
De illis enim partibus venerunt omnes Turci. Iste Con Unde vene-
erat Cara-Catay. Cara idem est quod nigrum. Catai ^'",^[ ^^^"
nomen gentis. Unde Cara-Catay idem est quod nigri ■^'

Catay. Et hoc dicitur ad differentiam ipsorum Catay
qui erant in Oriente super Oceanum de quibus postea Oceanus.
dicam vobis. Isti Catay erant in quibusdam alpibus per
quas transivi. Et in quadam planicie inter illas Alpes erat
quidam Nestorinus pastor potens & dominus super popu-
lum, qui dicebatur Yayman, qui erant Christiani Nestorini. ^^l Naymrji.
Mortuo Con can elevavit se ille Nestorius in regem, &
vocabant eum Nestoriani Regem Johannem : & plus P^^^h^^^' •^^-
dicebant de ipso in decuplo quam Veritas esset. Ita enim
faciunt Nestoriani venientes de partibus illis. De nihilo
enim faciunt magnos rumores. Unde disseminaverunt de
Sartach quod esset Christianus, & de Mangu Can & Ken
can : quia faciunt majorem reverentiam Christianis, quam
aliis populis, & tamen in veritate Christiani non sunt. Sic
ergo exivit magna fama de illo Rege Johanne. Et Kencham ubi
quando ego transivi per pascua ejus, nullus aliquid sciebat habitavit.
de eo nisi Nestoriani pauci. In pascuis ejus habitat 'Prater And-^
Kencam, apud cujus curiam fuit frater Andreas : & ego ^!^^ ^^ ^^^'^^
etiam transivi per eam in reditu. Huic Johanni erat ^^^^ ^^^ \,^i
frater quidam potens, pastor similiter, nomine Vut : & Unc.
I 209 o

A.D.
1253-

Caracarum.
Villula.
CriU e5
Merkit.

Moal pauper-
rimi homines.

Tartarorum
sedes.

Cyngis.

Mangu-can.

Mancherule.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

ipse erat ultra Alpes ipsorum Caracatay, distans a fratre
suo spacium trlum hebdomadarum & erat dominus cujus-
dam Villulae quae dicitur Caracarum, populum habens sub
se, qui dicebantur Crit, Merkit, qui erant Christiani
Nestorini. Sed ipse dominus eorum dimisso cultu
Christi, sectabatur idola; habens sacerdotes idolorum, qui
omnes sunt invocatores daemonum & sortilegi. Ultra
pascua istius ad decern vel quindecem dietas erant pascua
Moal : qui erant pauperrimi homines sine capitaneo &
sine lege, exceptis sortilegiis & divinationibus, quibus
omnes in partibus illis intendunt. Et juxta Moal erant
alii pauperes, qui dicebantur Tartari. Rex Johannes
mortuus fuit sine haerede, & ditatus est frater ejus Unc ;
& faciebat se vocari Can : & mittebantur armenta greges
ejus usque ad terminos Moal. Tunc temporis Chingis
faber quidam erat in populo Moal : & furabatur de
animalibus Unc can quod poterat : In tantum quod con-
questi sunt pastores Vut domino suo. Tunc congregavit
exercitum be equitavit in terram Moal, quaerens ipsum
Cyngis. Et ille fugit inter Tartaros & latuit ibi. Tunc
ipse Vut accepta praeda Moal & a Tartaris reversus est.
Tunc ipse Cyngis allocutus est Tartaros & ipsos Moal
dicens. Quia sine duce sumus opprimunt nos vicini nostri,
Et fecerunt ipsum ducem & capitaneum Tartari & Moal.
Tunc latenter congregato exercitu irruit super ipsum Vut,
& vicit ipsum, & ipse fugit in Cathaiam. Ibi capta fuit
filia ejus, quam Cyngis dedit uni ex filiis in uxorem, ex
quo ipsa suscepit istum qui nunc regnat Mangu. Tunc
ipse Cyngis premittebat ubique ipsos Tartaros : & inde
exivit nomen eorum, quia ubique clamabatur, Ecce Tartari
veniunt. Sed per crebra bella modo omnes fere deleti
sunt. Unde isti Moal modo volunt extinguere illud
nomen, & suum elevare. Terra ilia in qua primo fue-
runt, & ubi est adhuc curia Cyngiscan, vocatur Man-
cherule. Sed quia Tartari est regio circa quam fuit
acquisitio eorum, illam civitatem habent pro regali, & ibi
prope eligunt suum Can.

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad. j

1253- ]

De Rutenis & Hungaris, & Alanis, & de mari [i- 85-]

Caspio.

DE Sartach autem utrum credit in Christum vel non

nescio. Hoc scio quod Christianus non vult dici. j

Immo magis videtur mihi deridere Christianos. Ipse <

enim est in itinere Christianorum, scilicet Rutenorum, .;

Blacorum, Bulgarorum minoris Bulgariae, Soldainorum, ;

Kerkisorum, Alanorum : qui omnes transeunt per eum i

quum vadunt ad curiam patris sui deferre ei munera, !

unde magis amplectitur eos. Tamen si Saraceni veniant, !
& majus afferant, citius expediuntur. Habet etiam circa
se Nestorinos sacerdotes, qui pulsant tabulam, & cantant

officium suum. ]

Est alius qui dicitur Berta super Baatu, qui pascit Serta vel j

versus Portam ferream, ubi est iter Saracenorum omnium ^^^'^^' \

qui veniunt de Perside & de Turchia, qui euntes ad i

Baatu, & transeuntes per eum, deferunt ei munera. Et i

ille facit se Saracenum, & non permittit in terra sua j

comedi carnes porcinas. Baatu in reditu nostro praece- j

perat ei, quod transferret se de illo loco ultra Etiliam ad j

Orientem, nolens nuncios Saracenorum transire per eum, •

quia videbatur sibi damnosum. I

Quatuor autem diebus quibus fuimus in curia Sartach, j

nunquam provisum fuit nobis de cibo, nisi semel de modico I

cosmos. In via vero inter ipsum & patrem suum habui- \

mus magnum timorem. Ruteni enim & Hungari, & j

Alani servi eorum, quorum est magna multitudo inter i

eos, associant se viginti vel triginta simul, & fugiunt de \

nocte, habentes pharetras & arcus, & quemcunque inveni- |

unt de nocte interficiunt, de die latitantes. Et quando i

sunt equi eorum fatigati veniunt de nocte ad multitudinem ;

equorum in pascuis, & mutant equos, & unum vel duos \

ducunt secum, ut comedant quum indiguerint. Occur- j

sum ergo talium timebat multum Dux noster. In ilia via ;

fuissemus mortui fame, si non portavissemus nobiscum \

modicum de biscocto. -

Venimus tandem ad Etiliam maximum flumen. Est j

211 ]

A.D.
1253.

Exacta marts.

Caspii

descriptio.

Canglce po-
puli, vel
Cangitt(^.

Frater And-
reas.

Reprehenditur
Isidori error
de mart
Caspio.

[1. 86.]

Oceanus
Jquilonaris.

Isidorus.

Oceanus

Jquilonaris.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

enim in quadruple majus quam Sequana, & profundissi-
mum : Veniens de majori Bulgaria, quae est ad Aquilo-
nem, tendens in quendam lacum, sive quoddam mare,
quod modo vocant mare Sircan, a quadam civitate, quae
est juxta ripam ejus in Perside. Sed Isidorus vocat illud
mare Caspium. Habet enim montes Caspios, & Persi-
dem a meridie : montes vero Musihet, hoc est, Assassi-
norum ad Orientem, qui contiguantur cum montibus
Caspiis : Ad Aquilonem vero habet illam solitudinem, in
qua modo sunt Tartari. Prius vero erant ibi quidam qui
dicebantur Canglas : Et ex illo latere recipit Etiliam, qui
crescit in aestate sicut Nilus ^gypti. Ad Occidentem
vero habet montes Alanorum & Lesgi ; & Portam feream,
& montes Georgianorum. Habet igitur illud mare tria
latera inter montes, Aquilonare vero habet ad planiciem.
Frater Andreas ipse circumdedit duo latera ejus, meridi-
onale scilicet & Orientale. Ego vero alia duo ; Aqui-
lonare scilicet in eundo a Baatu ad Mangu cham,
Occidentale vero in revertendo de iBaatu in Syriam.
Quatuor mensibus potest circumdari. Et non est verum
quod dicit Isidorus, quod sit sinus exiens ab Oceano :
nusquam enim tangit Oceanum, sed undique circumdatur
terra.

De curia Baatu, & qualiter recepti fuerunt
ab eo.

TOta ilia regio a latere Occidentali istius maris, ubi
sunt Porta ferrea Alexandri, & montes Alanorum,
usque ad Oceanum Aquilonarem & paludes Maeotidis ubi
mergitur Tanais, solebat dici Albania : de qua dicit
Isidorus, quod habet canes ita magnos, tantaeque feritatis,
ut tauros premant, leones perimant. Quod verum est,
prout intellexi a narrantibus, quod ibi versus Oceanum
Aquilonarem faciunt canes trahere in bigis sicut boves
propter magnitudinem & fortitudinem eorum. In illo
ergo loco ubi nos applicuimus super Etiliam est casale
novum, quod fecerunt Tartari de Rutenis mixtim, qui
transponunt nuncios euntes, & redeuntes ad curiam Baatu :

212

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS

quia Baatu est in ulterior! ripa versus Orientem : nee
transit ilium locum ubi nos applicuimus ascendendo in
aestate, sed jam incipiebat descendere. De Januario enim
usque ad Augustum ascendit ipse, & omnes alii versus
frigidas regiones, & in Augusto incipiunt redire. De-
scendimus ergo in navi ab illo casali usque ad curiam ejus.
Et ab illo loco usque ad villas majoris Bulgariae versus
Aquilonem, sunt quinque dietae. Et miror quis Diabolus
portavit illuc legem Machometi. A Porta enim ferrea,
quae est exitus Persidis, sunt plusquam triginta dietae per
transversum, solitudinem ascendendo juxta Etiliam usque
in illam Bulgariam, ubi nulla est civitas, nisi quaedam
casalia prope ubi cadit Etilia in mare. Et illi Bulgari sunt
pessimi Saraceni, fortius tenentes legem Machometi, quam
aliqui alii. Quum ergo vidi curiam Baatu, expavi ; quia
videbantur prope domus ejus, quasi quaedam magna
civitas protensa in longum, & populus undique circum-
fusus, usque ad tres vel quatuor leucas. Et sicut populus
Israel sciebat unusquisque, ad quam regionem tabernaculi
deberet figere tentoria : ita ipsi sciunt ad quod latus curiae
debeant se collocare, quando ipsi deponunt domus. Unde
dicitur curia Orda lingua eorum, quod sonat medium,
quia semper est in medio hominum suorum : hoc excepto,
quod recta ad meridiem nullus se collocat, quia ad partem
illam aperiuntur portae Curiae : Sed a dextris & a sinistris
extendunt se quantum volunt secundum exigentiam
locorum : dummodo recte ante curiam, vel ex opposite
curiae non descendunt. Fuimus ergo ducti ad quendam
Saracenum, qui non providebat nobis de aliquo cibo :
sequent! die fuimus ad curiam, & fecerat extendi magnum
tentorium, quia domus non potuisset capere tot homines
& mulieres, quot convenerant. Monuit nos ductor
noster ut non loqueremur, donee Baatu praeciperet : &
tunc loqueremur breviter. Quaesivit etiam utrum misis-
setis nuncios ad eos. Dixi qualiter miseratis ad Kencham,
& quod nee ad ipsum misissetis nuncios, nee ad Sartach
literas, nisi credidissetis eos fuisse Christianos : quia non
pro timore aliquo, sed ex congratulatione, quia audiveratis

213

A.D.

1253-

Descendit
v.avi per jlu-
men Volga.

Nota.

30 dietae a

Porta ferrea.

Astracan.

Descriptio cu-
riae Baatu.

Horda sonat

medium.

Misit rex
Frafid^ ad
Kencham
nuncios.

pun.

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253-

eos esse Christianos, misistis. Tunc duxit nos ad papilio-
nem : & monebamur, ne tangeremus cordas tentorii, quas
ipsi reputant loco liminis domus. Stetimus ibi nudis
pedibus in habitu nostro discoopertis capitibus, & eramus
spectaculum magnum in oculis eorum. Fuerat enim ibi
Johannes frater Johannes de Piano carpini, sed ipse mutaverat

e ano cat- \^^\^\^^^^ j-^g contemneretur ; quia erat nuncius Domini
Papae. Tunc indued fuimus usque ad medium tentorii,
nee requisiverunt ut faceremus aliquam reverentiam genua
flectendo, sicut solent facere nuncii. Stetimus ergo coram
eo quantum possit dici, Miserere mei Deus : & omnes
erant in summo silentio. Ipse vero super solium longum
sedebat & latum sicut lectus, totum deauratum, ad quod
ascendebatur tribus gradibus, & una domina juxta eum.
Viri vero difFusi sedebant a dextris dominae & a sinistris :
quod non implebant mulieres ex parte una, quia erant ibi
solae uxores Baatu, implebant viri. Bancus vero cum
cosmos & ciphis maximis aureis & argenteis, ornatis
lapidibus praetiosis erat in introitu tentorii. Respexit ergo
nos diligentius, & nos eum : & videbatur mihi similis in
statura Domino Johanni de Bello monte cujus anima
requiescit in pace. Erat etiam vultus ejus tunc perfusus
gutta rosea. Tandem praecepit ut loquerer. Tunc ductor
noster praecepit ut flecteremus genua, & loqueremur.
Flexi unum genu tanquam homini : tunc innuit quod
ambo flecterem, quod & feci, nolens contendere super hoc.
Tunc praecepit quod loquerer. Et ego cogitans quod
orarem Dominum, quia flexeram ambo genua, Incepi
verba oratione, dicens : Domine, nos oramus Dominum,
a quo bona cuncta procedunt, qui dedit vobis ista terrena,
ut det vobis post haec coelestia : quia hasc sine illis vana
sunt. Et ipse diligenter auscultavit, & subjunxi :
Noveritis pro certo quod coelestia non habebitis, nisi
fueritis Christianus. Dicit enim Deus, Qui crediderit &
baptizatus fuerit, salvus erit : qui vero non crediderit,
condemnabitur. Ad illud verbum ipse modeste subrisit,
& alii Moal inceperunt plaudere manus deridendo nos.
Et obstupuit interpres meus, quern oportuit me confortare

214

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d.

1253-
ne timerem. Tunc facto silentio, dixi : Ego veni ad
filium vestrum, quia audivimus quod esset Christianus, &
attuli ei literas ex parte Domini Regis Francorum ; ipse Liters Regis
misit me hue ad vos. Vos debetis scire qua de causa, j^^^'^^^^^^f^^^-
Tunc fecit me surgere. Et quassivit nomen vestrum, & '- '
meum, & socii mei, & interpretis, & fecit omnia scribi.
Quassivit etiam, quia intellexerat quod exieratis terram
vestram cum exercitu ut haberetis bellum. Respondi,
Contra Saracenos violantes domum Dei Hierusalem.
Quassivit etiam si unquam misissetis nuncios ad eum.
Ad vos dixi nunquam. Tunc fecit nos sedere, & dari de
lacte suo ad bibendum, quod ipsi valde magnum reputant,
quando aliquis bibit cosmos cum eo in domo sua. Et
dum sedens respicerem terram, praecepit ut elevarem
vultum, volens adhuc nos amplius respicere, vel forte pro
sortilegio : quia habent pro malo omine vel signo, vel pro
mala Prognostica, quando aliquis sedet coram eis inclinata
facie quasi tristis, maxime quum appodiat maxillam, vel
mentum super manum. Tunc exivimus, & post pauca,
venit Ductor noster ad nos, & ducens nos ad hospitium,
dixit mihi, Dominus Rex rogat, quod retinearis in terra
ista : & hoc non potest Baatu facere sine conscientia
Mangu cham. Unde oportet quod tu & interpres tuus
eatis ad Mangu cham. Socius vero tuus & alius homo
revertentur ad curiam Sartach ibi expectantes donee
revertatis. Tunc incepit homo DEI Interpres lugere
reputans se perditum : Socius etiam meus contestari, quod
citius amputarent ei caput, quam quod divideretur a me.
Et ego dixi, quod sine socio non possem ire : Et etiam
quod bene indigebamus duobus famulis, quia si contin-
geret unum infirmari, non possem solus remanere. Tunc
ipse reversus ad curiam dixit verba Baatu. Tunc prae-
cepit : vadant duo sacerdotes & interpres : & Clericus
revertatur ad Sartach. Ille reversus dixit nobis summam.
Et quando volebam loqui pro Clerico, quod iret nobis-
cum, dixit, Non loquamini amplius, quia Baatu definivit,
& eo amplius non audeo redire ad curiam. De elee-
mosyna habebat Goset clericus viginti sex ipperpera, &

215

I

vianas juxta
Etil'iam de
scendcbmit.

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253-

non plus : quorum decern retinuit sibi & puero : &
sexdecem dedit homini Dei pro nobis. Et sic divisi
sumus cum lachrimis ab invicem : lUo redeunte ad curiam
Sartach, & nobis ibi remanentibus.

De itinere fratrum versus curiam Mangu cham.

N Vigilia Assumptionis pervenit ipse clericus ad Curiam
Sartach : & in crastino fuerunt Sacerdotes Nestorini
induti vestimentis nostris coram Sartach. Tunc ducti
fuimus ad alium hospitem, qui debebat nobis providere de
domo & cibo & equis. Sed quia non habuimus quod
daremus ei, omnia male faciebat. Et bigavimus cum
Baatu descendendo juxta Etiliam quinque septimanas.

Ouinquesepti- Aliquando habuit socius meus tantam famem, quod
dicebat mihi quasi lachrymando : videbatur mihi quod
nunquam comederim. Forum sequitur semper Curiam
Baatu. Sed illud erat tam longe a nobis, quod non
poteramus ire. Oportebat enim nos ire pedibus pro

Quidam Hun- defectu equorum. Tandem invenerunt nos quidam

^^^'^' Hungari, qui fuerant Clericuli, quorum unus sciebat

adhuc cantare multa corde, & habebatur ab aliis Hungaris
quasi Sacerdos, & vocabatur ad exequias suorum defunc-
torum : Et alius fuerat competenter instructus in Gram-
matica : qui intelligebat quicquid dicebamus ei literaliter,
sed nesciebat respondere : qui fecerunt nobis magnam
consolationem, afferentes cosmos ad bibendum, & carnes
aliquando ad comedendum : qui quum postulassent a
nobis aliquos libros, & non haberem quos possem dare,
nullos enim habebam, nisi Biblium & breviarium, dolui
multum. Tunc dixi eis, afFerte nobis chartas, & ego i
scribam vobis, quamdiu erimus hie : quod & fecerunt. i
Et scripsi utrasque horas Beatae Virginis & officium i
defunctorum. Quodam die junxit se nobis quidam i

Comanus. Comanus, salutans nos verbis latinis, dicens, Salvete i
Domini. Ego mirans, ipso resalutato, quaesivi ab eo, quis i
eum docuerat illam salutationem. Et ipse dixit quod in t.
Hungaria fuit baptizatus a fratribus nostris qui docuerant I
ilium eam. Dixit etiam quod Baatu quaesiverat ab eo ]

216

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d.

1253.

multa de nobis, & quod ipse dixerat ei conditiones ordinis
nostri. Ego vidi Baatu equitantem cum turba sua, &
omnes patres familias equitantes cum eo, secundum aesti-
mationem meam non erant quingenti viri. Tandem circa
finem exaltationis sancts crucis venit ad nos quidam dives
Moal, cujus pater erat millenarius, quod magnum est inter
eos, dicens, Ego vos debeo ducere ad Mangu cham, & est
iter quatuor mensium : & tantum frigus est ibi, quod ^'^^' f^^^^^^^"
iinduntur ibi lapides & arbores pro frigore : Videatis ^^J^^^'^^ ^^
utrum poteritis sustinere. Cui respondi : Spero in ingens frigus.
virtute Dei, quod nos sustinebimus, quod alii homines
possunt sustinere. Tunc dixit : Si non poteritis sus-
tinere, ego relinquam vos in via. Cui respondi, hoc non
esset justum : quia non ivimus pro nobis, nisi missi a
Domino vestro : Unde ex quo vobis committimur, non
debetis nos dimittere. Tunc dixit, bene erit. Post hoc
fecit nos ostendere sibi omnes vestes nostras, &: quod sibi [I. 88.]
videbatur minus necessarium fecit deponere sub custodia
hospitis nostri. In crastino attulerunt cuilibet nostrum
unam pelliceam villosam arietinam & braccas de eadem,
& botas sive bucellos secundum morem eorum cum
soccis de filtro ; & almucias de pellibus secundum
modum eorum. Et secunda die post exaltationem 26. Septemb.
Sanct« crucis incepimus equitare nos tres habentes
signarios : & equitavimus continue versus Orientem
usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum, per totam illam
terram, & adhuc amplius habitabant Cangle, quaedam C angle populi.
parentela Romanorum. Ad Aquilonem habebamus
majorem Bulgariam, & ad meridiem prasdictum mare Major Bul-
Caspium. ^^'■^'^•

De flumine lagag, & de diversis regionibus sive

nationibus.

. . . ... lagag fiumen

130stquam iveramus duodecim diebus ab Etilia in- \z. dietis a

X venimus magnum flumen, quod vocant lagag : & Volga.

venit ab Aquilone de terra Pascatir descendens in prae- P^^^^^^^ff^'^'^,

dictum mare. Idioma Pascatir & Hungarorum idem ^rum terra lei

est : & sunt pastores sine civitate aliqua. Et con- Zibier.

217

A.D.
1253-

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Hungari a

Pascat'ir

oriundi.

Nota,

tiguatur majori Bulgariae ab Occidente. Ab ilia terra
versus Orientem in latere illo Aquilonari non est
amplius aliqua civitas. Unde Bulgaria major est ultima
regio habens civitatem. De ilia regione Pascatir exierunt
Huni, qui postea dicti sunt Hungari. Unde ipsa est
major Bulgaria. Et dicit Isidorus, quod pernicibus
equis claustra Alexandri rupibus Caucasi feras gentes
cohibentia transierunt : ita quod usque in j^gyptum
solvebatur eis tributum. Destruxerunt etiam omnes
terras usque in Franciam. Unde fuerunt majoris poten-
tiae, quam sunt adhuc Tartari. Cum illis occurrerunt
Blaci & Bulgari & Vandali. De ilia enim majori
Bulgaria venerunt illi Bulgari : Et qui sunt ultra
Danubium prope Constantinopolin, & juxta Pascatir
sunt Ilac, quod idem est quod Blac : sed B. nesciunt
Tartari sonare : a quibus venerunt illi qui sunt in terra
Assani. Utrosque enim vocant Ilac, & hos & illos
lingua Rutenorum & Polonorum, & Bo^morum. Scla-
vorum est idem idioma cum lingua Vandalorum, quorum
omnium manus fuit cum Hunis : & nunc pro majori
parte est cum Tartaris quos Deus suscitavit a remotiori-
bus partibus, populum multum, & gentem stultam,
Deut.T^z.ii. secundum quod dicit Dominus, Provocabo eos, id est,
non custodientes Legem suam, in eo qui non est populus,
& in gente stulta irritabo eos : Hoc completur ad literam
super omnes nationes non custodientes Legem Dei.
Hoc quod dixi de terra Pascatir scio per fratres Pras-
dicatores, II qui iverunt illuc ante adventum Tartarorum.
Et ex tunc erant ipsi subjugati a vicinis Bulgaris Sara-
cenis, & plures eorum facti Saraceni. Alia possunt sciri
per Chronica : quia constat quod illae provinciae post
Constantinopolim, quae modo dicuntur Bulgaria, Valachia,
Sclavonia, fuerunt provinciae Graecorum. Hungaria fuit
Pannonia. Equitavimus ergo per terram Cangle a festo
Sanctae crucis usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum, quo-
libet die fere quantum est a Parisiis usque Aurelianum,
secundum quod possum estimare, & plus aliquando :
secundum quod habebamus copiam equorum. Aliquando

218

il Qui fuerunt
isti fratres ?

Cangle

planicies

ingens.

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253.

enim mutabamus bis in die vel ter equos. Aliquando
ibamus duobus diebus vel tribus, quibus non invenie-
bamus populum, & oportebat levius ire. De viginti vel
triginta equis nos semper habebamus pejores, quia ex-
tranei eramus. Omnes enim accipiebant ante nos equos
meliores. Mihi semper providebant de forti equo, quia
eram ponderosus valde : sed utrum suaviter ambularet
vel non, de hoc non auderem facere quaestionem. Nee
etiam audebam conqueri, si dure portaret. Sed fortunam
suam oportebat unumquemque sustinere. Unde orie-
batur nobis difficillimus labor : quia multoties fatiga-
bantur equi, antequam possemus pervenire ad populum.
Et tunc oportebat nos percutere & flagellare equos,
ponere etiam vestes super alios saginarios, mutare equos
saginarios ; aliquando nos duos ire in uno equo.

De fame & siti, & aliis miseriis quas
sustinuerunt in itinere.

DE fame & siti, frigore & fatigatione non est
Humerus. Non enim dant cibum nisi in sero. In
mane dant aliquid bibere, vel sorbere milium. In sero
dabant nobis carnes, scapulam arietis cum costis & de
brodio ad mensuram bibere. Quando habebamus de
brodio carnium ad satietatem optime reficiebamur. Et
videbatur mihi suavissimus potus & maxime nutriens. [i. 89.]
Feria sexta permanebam jejunus usque ad noctem, nihil
hauriens. Tunc oportebat me in tristitia & dolore come-
dere carnes. Aliquando oportebat nos comedere carnes
semicoctas vel fere crudas propter defectum materiae ignis, Defectus mate-
quando jacebamus in campis & de nocte descendebamus : ri^ ig^i^-
quia tunc non poteramus bene colligere stercora equorum
vel boum : aliam materiam ignis raro inveniebamus ; nisi
forte alicubi aliquas spinas. In ripis etiam aliquorum Jliqua
fluminum sunt alicubi sylvas. Sed hoc raro. In principio flumina.
despiciebat nos multum Ductor noster, & fastidiebat eum
ducere tam viles homines. Postea tamen quando incepit
nos melius cognoscere, ducebat nos per curias divitum
Moallorum : & oportebat nos orare pro ipsis. Unde si

219

A.D.
1253.

Fasta solitudo.

II Nota dili-
genter.
Iter versus
meridiem octo
dierum.

Astni
velocissimi.

Mantes altis-
simi.

Terrce cultce.
Kenchat villa
Saracenorum.

Septimo die
Novembris
ibant super
glaciem.

Civitas valde
parva.
Magnus
Jiuvius.
Mult^e
paludes.
Vites.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

habuissem bonum interpretem, habebam oportunitatem
seminandi multa bona. Ille Chingis primus Cham habuit
quatuor filios, de quibus egressi sunt multi, qui omnes
habent modo magnas curias : & quotidie multiplicantur
& diffunduntur per illam Vastam solitudinem, quae est
sicut mare. Per multos ergo illorum ducebat nos Ductor
noster. Et mirabantur supra modum, quia nolebamus
recipere aurum, vel argentum, vel vestes prasciosas.
Quasrebant etiam de magno Papa, si esset ita senex sicut
audierant : audierant enim quod esset quingentorum
annorum. Quasrebant de terris nostris si ibi essent
multas oves, & boves, & equi. De Oceano mari non
potuerunt intelligere, quod esset sine termino vel sine
ripa. In vigilia omnium Sanctorum dimisimus viam in
Orientem, II quia jam populus descenderat multum versus
meridiem : Et direximus iter per quasdam Alpes recte in
meridiem continue per octo dies. In ilia solitudine vidi
multos asinos, quos vocant Colan, qui magis assimulantur
mulis : quos multum prosequuti sunt Dux noste & socii
ejus, sed nihil profecerunt propter nimiam velocitatem
eorum. Septima die inceperunt nobis apparere ad meri-
diem montes altissimi : & intravimus planiciem, qua^
irrigabatur sicut hortus, & invenimus terras cultas. In
octavis omnium Sanctorum intravimus villam quandam
Saracenorum nomine Kenchat : cujus capitaneus occurre-
bat extra villam duci nostro cum cervisia & ciphis. Hie
est enim mos eorum ; quod de omnibus villis subditis eis,
occurratur nunciis Baatu, & Mangu cham cum cibo &
potu. Tunc temporis ibant ibi super glaciem. Et prius
a festo Sancti Michaelis habueramus gelu in solitudine.
Quaesivi de nomine Provincias illius : sed quia jam era-
mus in alio territorio nescierunt mihi dicere, nisi a nomine
civitatis, quae erat valde parva. Et descendebat magnus
fluvius de montibus, qui irrigabat totam regionem, secun-
dum quod volebant aquam ducere : nee descendebat in
aliquod mare, sed absorbebatur a terra : & faciebat etiam
multas paludes. Ibi vidi vites, & bibi bis de vino.

220

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253-

De interfectione Ban & habitatione
Teutonicorum.

SEquentI die venimus ad aliud casale propinquius Casale.
montibus. Et quaesivi de montibus, de quibus
intellexi, quod essent montes Caucasi : qui contiguantur Montes ^

ex utraque parte maris ab Occidente usque ad Orientem : ^^^^^-^^ ^°^- .
o 1 ^ • J- J • ^ .u tizuantur man

cz quod transiveramus mare supradictum, quod intrat q^-^^^^^/j

Etilia. Quaesivi etiam de Talas civitate, in qua erant Ta/as, vel

Teutonici servi Buri, de quibus dixerat frater Andreas, de Chlndtalas

quibus etiam qu^siveram multum in curia Sartach & "«^'^^^-^-

Baatu. Sed nihil poteram^ intelligere, nisi quod Ban ^ j.,

dominus eorum fuerat interfectus tali occasione. Ipse

non erat in bonis pascuis. Et quadam die dum esset

ebrius, loquebatur ita cum hominibus suis. Nonne sum

de genere Chingis can sicut Baatus (Et ipse erat nepos

Baatu vel frater) quare non vadam super ripam Etiliae,

sicut Baatu, ut pascam ibi ? Quae verba relata fuerunt

Baatu. Tunc ipse Baatu scripsit hominibus illius, ut

adducerent ei dominum ipsorum vinctum : quod &

fecerunt. Tunc Baatu quaesivit ab eo si dixisset tale Casale.

verbum : & ipse confessus est, tamen excusavit se, quia

ebrius erat : (quia solent condonare ebriis :) & Baatu

respondit : Quomodo audebas me nominare in ebrietate

tua ? Et fecit ei amputari caput. De illis Teutonicis

nihil potui cognoscere usque ad curiam Mangu. Sed in

supradicto casali intellexi, quod Talas erat post nos juxta

montes per sex dietas. Quando veni ad curiam Mangu

cham, intellexi quod ipse Mangu transtulerat eos de

licentia Baatu versus Orientem spacio itineris unius

mensis a Talas ad quandam villam quae dicitur Bolac : ^^^-^f ^''^^f^-

ubi fodiunt aurum, & fabricant arma. Unde non potui ^^^V^'^^^'^-

ire nee redire per eos. Transivi eundo satis prope, per

tres dietas forte, civitatem illam : sed ego ignoravi : nee

potuissem etiam declinasse extra viam, si bene scivissem.

A praedicto casali ivimus ad Orientem juxta montes prae- Intrat

dictos : & ex tunc intravimus inter homines Mangu ^^^^°^^^^^

cham, qui ubique cantabant & plaudebant coram ductore ^^^"'

221

A.D.
1253-

[I. 90.

Alpesinquibus

habitabant

Caracatay.

Magnus

jiuz'ius.

Terra culta.
Equ'ius villa
bona.

Longissime a
Perside.

Lacus qu'inde-
cem dietartim
cii'cuitu.

Cailac magna
villa ^ plena
mercatoribm.

Contomanni.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

nostro : quia ipse erat nuncius Baatu. Hunc enim
honorem exhibent sibi mutuo, ut homines Mangu cham
recipiant nuncios Baatu praedicto modo : Et similiter
homines Baatu nuncios Mangu. Tamen homines Baatu
superiores sunt, nee exequuntur ita diligenter. Paucis
diebus post hoc intravimus Alpes, in quibus solebant
habitare Cara catay : & invenimus ibi magnum fluvium,
quem oportuit nos transire navigio. Post haec intravi-
mus quandam vallem, ubi vidi castrum quod dam
destructum, cujus muri non erant nisi de luto, & terra
colebatur ibi. Et post invenimus quandam bonam villam
quae dicitur Equius, in qua erant Saraceni loquentes Persi-
cum : longissime tamen erant a Perside. Sequenti die
transgressis illis Alpibus quae descendebant a magnis mon-
tibus ad meridiem, ingressi sumus pulcherrimam planiciem
habentem montes altos a dextris, & quoddam mare a
sinistris, sive quendam lacum qui durat quindecem dietas
in circuitu. Et ilia planicies tota irrigabatur ad libitum
aquis descendentibus de montibus, quae omnes recipiuntur
in illud mare. In aestate redivimus ad latus Aquilonare
illius maris, ubi similiter erant magni montes. In planicie
praedicta solebant esse multae villae : sed pro majori parte
omnes erant destructas, ut pascerent ibi Tartari : quia
optima pascua erant ibi. Unam magnam villam invenimus
ibi nomine Cailac, in qua erat forum, & frequentabant
eam multi mercatores. In ilia quievimus quindecem die-
bus, expectantes quendam scriptorem Baatu, qui debebat
esse socius ducis nostri in negotiis expediendis in curia
Mangu. Terra ilia solebat dici Organum : & solebant
habere proprium idioma, & propriam literam : Sed haec
tota erat occupata a Contomannis. Etiam in literatura
ilia & idiomate solebant facere Nestorini de partibus illis.
Dicuntur Organa, quia solebant esse optimi Organistae vel
Citharistae, ut dicebatur mihi. Ibi primo vidi Idolatrias,
de quibus noveritis, quod sunt multae sectae in Oriente.

222

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253-

Quod Nestorini et Saraceni sunt mixti &
Idolatrae.

PRimi sunt Jugures, quorum terra contiguatur cum JugurespopuH,
terra praedicta Organum inter montes illos versus ^^°^^^^'^'-
Orientem : Et in omnibus civitatibus eorum sunt mixti
Nestorini & Saraceni. Et ipsi etiam sunt diffusi versus
Persidem in civitatibus Saracenorum. In praedicta civitate
Cealac habebant etiam ipsi tres Idolatrias, quarum duas Ca'ilac.
intravi, ut viderem stultitias eorum. In prima inveni
quendam, qui habebat cruciculam de atramento super
manum suam. Unde credidi quod esset Christianus : quia
ad omnia quae quaerebam ab eo, respondebat ut Christianus.
Unde quaesivi ab eo : Quare ergo non habetis crucem &
imaginem Jesu Christi .^ Et ipse respondit, non habemus
consuetudinem. unde ego credidi quod essent Christiani :
sed ex defectu doctrinae omitterent. Videbam enim ibi
post quandam cistam, quae erat eis loco altaris, super quam
ponunt lucernas & oblationes, quandam imaginationem
habentem alas quasi Sancti Michaelis : & alias quasi ipso-
rum tenentes digitos sicut ad benedicendum. Illo sero
non potui aliud invenire. Quia Saraceni in tantum in-
vitant eos, quod nee etiam volunt loqui inde eis. Unde
quando quaerebam a Saracenis de ritu talium, ipsi scan-
dalizabantur. In crastino fuerunt kalendae & pascha
Saracenorum & mutavi hospitium : ita quod fui hospi-
tatus prope aliam Idolatriam. Homines enim colligunt
nuncios, quilibet secundum posse suum vel portionem
suam. Tunc intrans Idolatriam praedictam inveni sacer-
dotes Idolorum. In kalendis enim aperiunt templa sua,
& ornant se sacerdotes, & offerunt populi oblationes de
pane & fructibus. Primo ergo describo vobis ritus com- Jugures secta
munes omnes Idolatrarum : & postea istorum Jugurum ; '^^'^^'•^^ f'^ '^///V
qui sunt quasi secta divisa ab aliis. Omnes adorant ad ^'^°^^^^'^^'
Aquilonem complosis manibus : & prosternentes se geni-
bus flexis ad terram, ponentes frontem super manus.
Unde Nestorini in partibus illis nullo modo jungunt
manus orando : sed orant extensis palmis ante pectus.

223

A.D.
1253-

fii'it apud
Caracarum

frater
W'llhelmus.

[I. 91.]

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Porrigunt templa sua ab Oriente in Occidentem : & in
latere Aquilonari faciunt cameram unam quasi eorum
exeuntem : vel aliter, Si est domus quadrata, in medio
domus ad latus aquilonare intercludunt unam cameram
in loco chori. Ibi ergo collocant unam arcam longam
& latam sicut mensam unam. Et post illam arcam
contra meridiem collocant principale idolum : quod ego
vidi apud Caracarum, ita magnum sicut pingitur Sanctus
Christopherus. Et dixit mihi quidam sacerdos Nesto-
rinus, qui venerat ex Cataya, quod in terra ilia est
Idolum ita magnum, quod potest videri a duabus dietis.
Et collocant alia idola in circuitu, omnia pulcherrime
deaurata : Super cistam illam, quae est quasi mensa una,
ponunt lucernas & oblationes. Omnes portae templorum
sunt apertae ad meridiem contrario modo Saracenis. Item
habent campanas magnas sicut nos. Ideo credo quod
orientales Christiani noluerunt habere eas. Ruteni tamen
habent & Graeci in Gasaria.

De templis eorum & idolis, & qualiter se habent
in officio deorum suorum.

OMnes sacerdotes eorum rasum habent totum caput
& barbam ; sunt vestiti de croceo, & servant casti-
tatem, ex quo radunt caput : Et vivunt pariter centum
vel ducenti in una congregatione. Diebus quibus intrant
templum, ponunt duo scamna, & sedent e regione chorus
contra chorum habentes libros in manibus, quos aliquando
deponunt super ilia scamna : & habent capita discooperta
quamdiu insunt in templo, legentes in silencio, &
tenentes silencium. Unde cum ingressus fuissem apud
Oratorium quoddam eorum, & invenissem eos ita se-
dentes, multis modis tentavi eos provocare ad verba, &
nullo modo potui. Habent etiam quocunque vadunt
quendam restem centum vel ducentorum nucleorum,
sicut nos portamus pater noster : Et dicunt semper haec
verba : Ou mam Hactavi : hoc est, Deus tu nosti ; se-
cundum quod quidem eorum interpretatus est mihi. Et
toties expectant remunerationem a Deo, quoties hoc

224

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d

1253.

dicendo memoratur Dei. Circa templum suum semper
faciunt pulchrum atrium, quod bene includunt muro :
& ad meridiem faciunt portam magnam, in qua sedent
ad colloquendum. Et super illam portam erigunt per-
ticam longam, quae emineat si possint, super totam villam.
Et per illam perticam potest cognosci, quod domus ilia
sit templum Idolorum. Ista communia sunt omnibus
Idolatris. Quando ergo ingressus fui praedictam Idola-
triam, inveni sacerdotes sedentes sub porta exteriori, Illi
quos vidi, videbantur mihi fratres Franci esse rasis barbis.
Tyaras habebant in capitibus cartaceas. Istorum Jugu- Tyaro'
rum sacerdotes habent talem habitum quocunque vadunt : '=^^'^^'^^'^'
semper sunt in tunicis croceis satis strictis accincti desuper
recte sicut Franci : & habent pallium super humerum
sinistrum descendens involutum per pectus & dorsum
ad latus dextrum sicut diaconus portans casulam in quad-
ragesima. Istorum literas acceperunt Tartari. Ipsi in- Chinenses ita
cipiunt scribere sursum, & ducunt lineam deorsum, & ^t^amscribunt.
eodem modo ipsi legunt & multiplicant lineas a sinistra
ad dextram. Isti multum utuntur cartis & caracteribus
pro sortilegio. Unde templa sua plena sunt brevibus Sortilegi.
suspensis. Et Mangu-cham mittit vobis literas in idio-
mate Moal & literatura eorum. Isti cornburunt mortuos Combustio
suos secundum antiquum modum, & recondunt pulverem ^ortuorum.
in summitate pyramidis. Cum ergo sedissem juxta prae-
dictos sacerdotes, postquam ingressus fueram templum
& vidissem idola eorum multa magna & parva : quaesivi
ab eis, quid ipsi crederent de Deo. Qui responderunt,
Non credimus nisi unum Deum. Et ego quaesivi. Cre-
ditis quod ipse sit spiritus vel aliquid corporale ? Dix-
erunt, credimus quod sit spiritus. Et ego : Creditis quod
nunquam sumpserit humanam naturam ^ Dixerunt, mi-
nime. Tunc ego : ex quo creditis, quod non sit nisi
unus spiritus, quare facitis ei imagines corporales, & tot
insuper.? Et ex quo non creditis quod factus sit homo,
quare facitis ei magis imagines hominum, quam alterius
animalis ? Tunc responderunt, Nos non figuramus istas
imagines Deo. Sed quando aliquis dives moritur ex
I 225 p

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253.

nostrisj vel filius, vel uxor, vel aliquis charus ejus facit
fieri imaginem defuncti, & ponit earn hie : & nos venera-
mur earn ad memoriam ejus. Quibus ego. Tunc ergo
non facitis ista nisi propter adulationem hominum. Immo
dixerunt ad memoriam. Tunc quaesiverunt a me quasi
deridendo : ubi est Deus ? Quibus ego. Ubi est anima
vestra? Dixerunt, in corpore nostro. Quibus ego.
Nonne est ubique in corpore tuo & totum regit, &
tamen non videtur? Ita Deus ubique est, & omnia
gubernat, invisibilis tamen, quia intellectus & sapientia
est. Tunc cum vellem plura ratiocinari cum illis, interpres
meus fatigatus, non valens verba exprimere, fecit me
tacere. Istorum sectae sunt Moal sive Tartari, quantum
ad hoc, quod ipsi non credunt nisi unum Deum : tamen
faciunt de filtro imagines defunctorum suorum, & induunt
eas quinque pannis preciocissimis, & ponunt in una biga
vel duabus, & illas bigas nuUus audet tangere : & sunt
sub custodia divinatorum suorum, qui sunt eorum sacer-
dotes, de quibus postea narrabo vobis. Isti divinatores
semper sunt ante curiam ipsius Mangu & aliorum divi-
tum : pauperes enim non habent eos ; nisi illi qui sunt
de genere Chingis. Et cum debent bigare, ipsi praece-
dunt, sicut columna nubis filios Israel, & ipsi considerant
locum metandi castra, & post deponunt domos suas ; &
post eos tota curia. Et tunc cum sit dies festus sive
kalendae ipsi extrahunt praedictas imagines & ponunt eas
ordinate per circuitum in domo sua. Tunc veniunt
Moal & ingrediuntur domum illam, & inclinant se ima-
ginibus illis & venerantur illas. Et illam domum nemini
ingredi extraneo licet : Quadam enim vice volui ingredi
& multum dure increpatus fui.

I. 92.] De diversis nationibus, & de illis qui comedere

solebant parentes suos.

iRaedicti vero Jugures, qui sunt mixti cum Christianis

& Saracenis, per frequentes disputationes, ut credo,

pervenerunt ad hoc, quod non credunt nisi unum deum.

Et isti fuerunt habitantes in civitatibus, qui post obedi-

226

p

WILLIAM DE KUBRUQUIS

verunt Chingis Cham : unde ipse dedit regi eorum filiam
suam. Et ipsa Caracarum est quasi in territorio eorum :
Et tota terra regis sive presbyteri Johannis & Vut fratris
ejus circa terras eorum : Sed isti in pascuis ad aquilonem,
illi Jugures inter montes ad meridiem. Inde est quod
ipsi Moal sumpserunt literas eorum. Et ipsi sunt magni
scriptores eorum : & omnes fere Nestorini sciunt literas
eorum. Post istos sunt ipsi Tangut ad orientem inter
montes illos, homines fortissimi, qui ceperunt Chingis in
bello. Et pace facta dimissus ab eis, postea subjugavit
eos. Isti habent boves fortissimos habentes caudas plenas
pilis sicut equi, & ventres pilosos & dorsa. Bassiores
sunt aliis bobus in tibiis, sed ferociores multum. Isti
trahunt magnas domos Moallorum : & habent cornua
gracilia, longa, acuosa, acutissima : ita quod oportet
semper secare summitates eorum. Vacca non permittit se
injungi nisi cantetur ei. Habent etiam naturam bubali
quia si vident hominem indutum rubeis, insiliunt in
eum volentes interficere. Post illos sunt Tebet homines
solentes comedere parentes suos defunctos, ut causa
pietatis non facerent aliud sepulchrum eis nisi viscera sua.
Modo tamen hoc dimiserunt, quia abominabiles erant
omni nationi. Tamen adhuc faciunt pulchros ciphos de
capitibus parentum, ut illis bibentes habeant memoriam
eorum in jocunditate sua. Hoc dixit mihi qui viderat.
Isti habent multum de auro in terra sua. Unde qui
indiget auro, fodit donee reperiat, & accipiat quando in-
diget, residuum condens in terra : quia si reponeret in
area vel in thesauro, crederet quod Deus auferret ei aliud
quod est in terra. De istis hominibus vidi personas mul-
tum deformes. Tangut vidi homines magnos sed fuscos.
Jugures sunt mediocris staturas sicut nostri. Apud
Jugures est fons & radix ideomatis Turci & Comanici.
Post Tebet sunt Langa & Solanga, quorum nuncios
vidi in curia : Qui adduxerant magnas bigas plusquam
decem, quarum quaelibet trahebatur sex bobus. Isti sunt
parvi homines & fusci sicut Hispani : & habent tunicas
sicut supertunicale diaconi manicis parum strictioribus :

227

A.D.

[253-

Patr'ia

Presb'iteri

Johannis.

TangutpopuH^
fortissimi.

Boves pilosis
caudis : his
similes sunt in
Quiver a
America
septentrionalis
provincia.

Tebet populi.

Auri abun-
dantia.

Tangut
homines magni
sed fusci.

Langa iff
So/afiga.

Solangi similes
Hispanis, ifj
fusci.

A.D.

1253.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Tabula de

dente

elephantino.

& habent in capitibus mitras sicut episcopi. Sed pars
anterior est parum interior quam posterior, & non ter-
minatur in unum angulum : sed sunt quadrae desuper, &
sunt de stramine rigidato per calorem magnum, & limato
in tantum, quod fulget ad radium solis sicut speculum
vel galea bene burnita. Et circa tempora habent longas
bendas de eadem materia assutas ipsi mitrae ; quae se
extendunt ad ventum sicut duo cornua egredientia de
temporibus. Et quando ventus nimis jactat eas plicant
eas per medium mitrae superius a tempore in tempus :
& jacent sicut circulus ex transverso capitis. Et princi-
palis nuncius quando veniebat ad curiam, habebat
tabulam de dente elephantino ad longitudinem unius
cubiti, & ad latitudinem unius palmi, rasam multum : Et
quandocunque loquebatur ipsi Cham, vel alicui magno
viro, semper aspiciebat in illam tabulam, ac si inveniret ibi
ea quae dicebat : nee respiciebat ad dextram vel sinistram,
nee in faciem illius cui loquebatur. Etiam accedens coram
domino & recedens nusquam respicit nisi in tabulam
suam. Ultra istos sunt alii homines, ut intellexi pro vero,
Muc popuU. qui dicuntur Muc, qui habent villas, sed nulla animalia
sibi appropriant : tamen sunt multi greges & multa
armenta in terra ipsorum, & nullus custodit ea. Sed cum
aliquis indiget aliquo, ascendit collem & clamat, & omnia
animalia audientia clamorem accedunt circa ilium, &
permittunt se tractari quasi domestica. Et si nuncius vel
aliquis extraneus accedat ad regionem illam, ipsi includunt
eum in domo, & ministrant ei necessaria, donee negocium
ejus fuerit expeditum. Quia si iret extraneus per
regionem, animalia ad odorem ejus fugerent, & efficeren-
tur sylvestria. Ultra est magna Cathaya, cujus incolae
antiquitus ut credo dicebantur Seres. Ab ipsis enim
veniunt optimi panni serici. Et ille populus dicitur Seres
a quodam oppido eorum. Bene intellexi, quod in ilia
regione est oppidum habens muros argenteos & pro-
pugnacula aurea. In ista terra sunt multae provinciae,
quarum plures adhuc non obediunt Moallis. Et inter *
Aliqua desiderantur.
228

Magna
Cathaya.

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS

A.D.

1253-

The journal of frier William de Rubruquis a [I. 93.]
French man of the order of the minorite friers,
unto the East parts of the worlde. An. Dom.

1253-

O his most Soveraigne, & most Christian
Lord Lewis, by Gods grace the renowmed
king of France, frier William de Rubruk,
the meanest of the Minorites order,
wisheth health & continual triumph in
CHRIST.

It is written in the booke of Ecclesi- Ecclus. 39.
asticus concerning the wise man : He shall travell ^^^- 4-
into forren countries, and good and evill shall he trie
in all things. The very same action (my lord and king)
have I atchieved : howbeit I wish that I have done it
like a wise man, and not like a foole. For many there
be, that performe the same action which a wise man doth,
not wisely but more undiscreetly : of which number I
feare my selfe to be one. Notwithstanding howsoever
I have done it, because you commanded mee, when I
departed from your highnes, to write all things unto you,
which I should see among the Tartars, and you wished
me also that I should not feare to write long letters, I have
done as your majestic injoined me : yet with feare and
reverence, because I want wordes and eloquence sufficient
to write unto so great a majestie. Be it knowen there-
fore unto your sacred Majestie, that in the yeare of our
Lord 1253. about the Nones of May, we entered into the
sea of Pontus, which the Bulgarians call the great sea.
It containeth in length (as I learned of certaine merchants)
1008 miles, and is in a maner, divided into two parts.
About the midst thereof are two provinces, one towards
the North, and another towards the South. The South
province is called Synopolis, and it is the castle and porte
of the Soldan of Turkie : but the North province is
called of the Latines, Gasaria : of the Greeks, which

229

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253-

inhabite upon the sea shore thereof, it is called Cassaria,
that is to say Caesaria. And there are certaine head lands
stretching foorth into the sea towards Synopolis. Also,
there are 300. miles of distance betweene Synopolis and
Cassaria. Insomuch that the distance from those points
or places to Constantinople, in length and breadth is about
700. miles : and 700. miles also from thence to the East,
namely to the countrey of Hiberia which is a province of

Gasaria. Georgia. At the province of Gasaria or Cassaria we
arrived, which province is, in a maner, three square,
having a citie on the West part thereof called Kersova,
wherein S. Clement suffered martyrdome. And sayling
before the said citie, we sawe an island, in which a Church
is sayd to be built by the hands of angels. But about the
midst of the said province toward the South, as it were,
upon a sharpe angle or point, standeth a citie called

Soidaia. Soldaia directly over against Synopolis. And there doe
all the Turkie merchants, which traffique into the North
countries, in their journey outward, arrive, and as they
returne homeward also from Russia, and the said
Northerne regions, into Turkie. The foresaid merchants
transport thither ermines and gray furres, with other rich
and costly skinnes. Others carrie cloathes made of cotton
or bombast, and silke, and divers kindes of spices. But
upon the East part of the said province standeth a citie

The citie of called Matriga, where the river Tanais dischargeth his

Matriga. streames into the sea of Pontus, the mouth wherof is
twelve miles in breadth. For this river, before it entreth
into the sea of Pontus, maketh a little sea, which hath in
breadth and length seven hundreth miles, & it is in no
place thereof above sixe paces deepe, whereupon great
vessels cannot sayle over it. Howbeit the merchants of

WMatriga. Constantinople, arriving at the foresayd citie of II Materta,
send their barkes unto the river of Tanais to buy dried
fishes. Sturgeons, Thosses, Barbils, and an infinite number
of other fishes. The foresayd province of Cassaria is
compassed in with the sea on three sides thereof : namely
on the West side, where Kersova the citie of Saint

230

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253.

Clement is situate : on the South side the citie of Soldaia
whereat we arrived : on the East side Maricandis, and
there stands the citie of Matriga upon the mouth of the
river Tanais. Beyond the sayd mouth standeth Zikia, Zikia.
which is not in subjection unto the Tartars : also the
people called Suevi and Hiberi towards the East, who
likewise are not under the Tartars dominion. Moreover
towards the South, standeth the citie of Trapesunda,
which hath a governour proper to it selfe, named Guydo,
being of the linage of the emperours of Constantinople,
and is subject unto the Tartars. Next unto that is
Synopolis the citie of the Soldan of Turkie, who likewise
is in subjection unto them. Next unto these lyeth the
countrey of Vastacius, whose sonne is called Astar, of
his grandfather by the mothers side, who is not in
subjection. All the land from the mouth of Tanais
Westward as farre as Danubius is under their jurisdiction.
Yea beyond Danubius also, towards Constantinople,
Valakia, which is the land of Assanus, and Bulgaria minor
as farre as Solonia, doe all pay tribute unto them. And I

besides the tribute imposed, they have also, of late yeares, [I- 94-]
exacted of every houshold an axe, and all such corne \

as they found lying on heapes. We arrived therefore at '\

Soldaia the twelfth of the Kalends of June. And divers \

merchants of Constantinople, which were arrived there ,j

before us, reported that certaine messengers were com- \

ming thither from the holy land, who were desirous to j

travell unto Sartach. Notwithstanding I my self had I

publikely given out upon Palme Sunday within ye Church \

of Sancta Sophia, that I was not your nor any other mans
messenger, but that I travailed unto those infidels ■

according to the rule of our order. And being arrived,
the said merchants admonished me to take diligent heede
what I spake : because they having reported me to be a
messenger, if I should say the contrary, that 1 were no \

messenger, I could not have free passage granted unto me. \

Then I spake after this maner unto the governors of the
citie, or rather unto their Lieutenants, because the

231

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253-

governors themselves were gone to pay tribute unto
Baatu, & were not as yet returned. We heard of your
lord Sartach (quoth I) in the holy land, that he was
become a Christian : and the Christians were exceeding
glad therof, & especially the most Christian king of
France, who is there now in pilgrimage, & fighteth against
the Saracens to redeeme the holy places out of their
handes : wherfore I am determined to go unto Sartach,
& to deliver unto him ye letters of my lord the king,
wherein he admonisheth him concerning the good and
commoditie of all Christendome. And they received us
with gladnes, and gave us enterteinement in the cathedrall
Church. The bishop of which Church was with Sartach,
who told me many good things concerning the saide
Sartach, which afterward I found to be nothing so. Then
put they us to our choyce, whither we woulde have cartes
and oxen, or packe horses to transport our cariages. And
the marchants of Constantinople advised me, not to take
cartes of the citizens of Soldaia, but to buy covered cartes
of mine owne, (such as the Russians carrie their skins in)
and to put all our carriages, which I would daylie take
out, into them : because, if I should use horses, I must
be constrained at every baite to take downe my carriages,
and to lift them up againe on sundry horses backs : and
besides, that I should ride a more gentle pace by the oxen
drawing the cartes. Wherfore, contenting my selfe with
their evil counsel, I was traveiling unto Sartach 2.
moneths which I could have done in one, if I had gone
by horse. I brought with me from Constantinople (being
by the marchants advised so to doe) pleasant fruits,
muscadel wine, and delicate bisket bread to present unto
the governours of Soldaia, to the end I might obtaine free
passage : because they looke favourablie upon no man
which commeth with an emptie hand. All which thinges
I bestowed in one of my cartes, (not finding the gover-
nours of the citie at home) for they told me, if I could
carrie them to Sartach, that they would be most acceptable
unto him. Wee tooke our journey therefore about the

232

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d. ]

1253. ]

kalends of June, with fower covered cartes of our owne
and with two other which wee borrowed of them, wherein \
we carried our bedding to rest upon in the night, and |
they allowed us five horses to ride upon. For there were i
just five persons in our company : namely, I my selfe and \
mine associate frier Bartholomew of Cremona, and Goset ^^'^^^' Bat-^ho- j
the bearer of these presents, the man of God Turgeman- ^^.^^^^^ !
nus, and Nicolas my servant, whome I bought at Con- \
stantinople with some part of the almes bestowed upon ;
me. Moreover, they allowed us two men, which drave ■
our carts and gave attendance unto our oxen and horses. j
There be high promontories on the sea shore from '
Kersova unto the mouth of Tanais. Also there are fortie ' ;
castles betweene Kersova and Soldaia, every one of which ;
almost have their proper languages : amongst whome j
there were many Gothes, who spake the Dutch tongue.
Beyond the said mountaines towards the North, there is a •:
most beautifuU wood growing on a plaine ful of fountaines >
& freshets. And beyond the wood there is a mightie ]
plaine champion, continuing five dayes journey unto the ■
very extremitie and borders of the said province north-
ward, and there it is a narrow Isthmus or neck land, ^'^^ "f^^^ °f '
having sea on the East & West sides therof, insomuch qI^^^^^^^^ :
that there is a ditch made from one sea unto the other. i
In the same plaine (before the Tartars sprang up) were .,
the Comanians wont to inhabite, who compelled the |
foresayd cities and castles to pay tribute unto them. But d
when the Tartars came upon them, the multitude of the •
Comanians entred into the foresaid province, and fled all ;
of them, even unto the sea shore, being in such extreame '\
famine, that they which were alive, were constrained to \
eate up those which were dead : and (as a marchant re- 1
ported unto me who sawe it with his owne eyes) that the
living men devoured and tore with their teeth, the raw ]
flesh of the dead, as dogges would gnawe upon carrion. I
Towards the borders of the sayd province there be many j
great lakes : upon the bankes whereof are salt pits or j
fountaines, the water of which so soone as it entereth into j

233 ,

AD THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253.

the lake, becommeth hard sake like unto ice. And out of
those salte pittes Baatu and Sartach have great revenues :
for they repayre thither out of all Russia for salte : and
for each carte loade they give two webbes of cotton
amounting to the value of half an Yperpera. There come
by sea also many ships for salt, which pay tribute every
one of them according to their burden. The third day
after wee were departed out of the precincts of Soldaia, we
The Tartars, found the Tartars. Amongst whome being entred, me
[I- 95-] thought I was come into a new world. Whose life and

maners I wil describe unto your Highnes as well as I can.

Of the Tartars, and of their houses. Chap. 2.

THey have in no place any setled citie to abide in,
neither knowe they of the celestiall citie to come.
They have divided all Scythia among themselves, which
stretcheth from the river Danubius even unto the rising
of the sunne. And every of their captaines, according to
the great or small number of his people, knoweth the
bounds of his pastures, and where he ought to feed his
cattel winter and summer. Spring and autumne. For in
the winter they descend unto the warme regions south-
ward. And in the summer they ascend unto the colde
regions northv/ard. In winter when snowe lyeth upon
the ground, they feede their cattell upon pastures without
water, because then they use snow in stead of water.
Their houses wherein they sleepe, they ground upon a
round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and com-
pacted together : the roofe whereof consisteth (in like
sorte) of wickers, meeting above into one little roundell,
out of which roundell ascendeth upward a necke like unto
a chimney, which they cover with white felte, and often-
times they lay morter or white earth upon the sayd felt,
with the powder of bones, that it may shine white. And
sometimes also they cover it with blacke felte. The sayd
felte on the necke of their house, they doe garnish over
with beautifull varietie of pictures. Before the doore
likewise they hang a felt curiously painted over. For

234

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad, j

1253. I

they spend all their coloured felt, in painting vines, trees, :,

birds, and beastes thereupon. The sayd houses they ;

make so large, that they conteine thirtie foote in breadth. \

For measuring once the breadth betweene the wheele-ruts

of one of their cartes, I found it to be 20 feete over : and ^

when the house was upon the carte, it stretched over the i

wheeles on each side five feete at the least. I told 22. ,

oxen in one teame, drawing an house upon a cart, eleven ]

in one order according to the breadth of the carte, and ]

eleven more before them : the axletree of the carte was of j

an huge bignes like unto the mast of a ship. And a fellow i

stood in the doore of the house, upon the forestall of the j

carte driving forth the oxen. Moreover, they make j

certaine fouresquare baskets of small slender wickers as I

big as great chestes : and afterward, from one side to )

another, they frame an hollow lidde or cover of such like ;

wickers, and make a doore in the fore side thereof. And |

then they cover the sayd chest or little house with black ■

felt rubbed over with tallow or sheeps milke to keepe the !

raine from soaking through, which they decke likewise

with painting or with feathers. And in such chests they i

put their whole houshold stuffe & treasure. Also the !

same chests they do strongly bind upon other carts, \

which are drawen with camels, to ye end they may wade j

through rivers. Neither do they at any time take down i

the sayd chests from off their carts. When they take

down their dwelling houses, they turne the doores alwayes !

to the South : & next of all they place the carts laden '\

with their chests, here & there, within half a stones cast of i

ye house : insomuch that the house standeth between two ]

ranks of carts, as it were, between two wals. The matrons J

make for themselves most beautiful carts, which I am not ThebenefiteoJ j

able to describe unto vour maiestie but by pictures onlie: ^P^^^^^^"^'^

rr 11-1 Mi-ii • 111- r stranse coun-

ror 1 would right willingly have painted al things tor you, ^^.^^f^ \

had my skill bin ought in that art. One rich Moal or j

Tartar hath 200. or 100. such cartes with chests. Duke |

Baatu hath sixteene wives, every one of which hath one

great house, besides other little houses, which they place ]

235 ;

I

\

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253.

behind the great one, being as it were chambers for their
maidens to dwel in. And unto every of the said houses
do belong 200. cartes. When they take their houses from
off the cartes, the principal wife placeth her court on the
West frontier, and so all the rest in their order : so that
the last wife dwelleth upon the East frontier : and one of
the said ladies courts is distant from another about a
stones cast. Whereupon the court of one rich Moal or
Tartar will appeare like unto a great village, very few
men abiding in the same. One woman will guide 20. or
30. cartes at once, for their countries are very plaine, and
they binde the cartes with camels or oxen, one behind
another. And there sittes a wench in the foremost carte
driving the oxen, and al the residue follow on a like pace.
When they chance to come at any bad passage, they let
them loose, and guide them over one by one : for they
goe a slowe pace, as fast as a lambe or an oxe can walke.

Of their beds, and of their drinking pots.
Chap. 3.

Aving taken downe their houses from off their cartes,
and turning the doores Southward, they place the
bed of the master of the house, at the North part thereof.
The womens place is alwaies on the East side, namely on
the left hand of the good man of the house sitting upon
his bed with his face Southwards : but the mens place is
upon ye West side, namely at the right hand of their
master. Men when they enter into the house, wil not in
[I. 96.] any case hang their quivers on the womens side. Over
the masters head there is alwayes an image, like a puppet,
made of felte, which they call the masters brother : and
another over the head of the good wife or mistresse,
which they call her brother being fastened to the wall :
and above betweene both of them, there is a little leane
one, which is, as it were the keeper of the whole house.
The good wife or mistresse of the house placeth aloft at
her beds feete, on the right hand, the skinne of a Kidde
stuffed with wooll or some other matter, and neare unto

236

H

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253.

that a litle image or puppet looking towards the maidens
and women. Next unto the doore also on the womens
side, there is another image with a cowes udder, for the
women that milke the kine. For it is the duety of their
women to milke kine. On the other side of the doore
next unto the men, there is another image with the udder
of a mare, for the men which milke mares. And when
they come together to drinke and make merie, they
sprinckle parte of their drinke upon the image which is
above the masters head : afterward upon other images in
order : then goeth a servant out of the house with a
cuppe full of drinke sprinckling it thrise towards the
South, and bowing his knee at every time : and this is
done for the honour of the fire. Then perfourmeth he
the like superstitious idolatrie towards the East, for the
honour of the ayre : and then to the West for the honour
of the water : & lastly to the North in the behalfe of the
dead. When the maister holdeth a cuppe in his hande to
drinke, before he tasteth thereof, hee powreth his part
upon the ground. If he drinketh sitting on horse backe,
hee powreth out part thereof upon the necke or maine of
his horse before hee himselfe drinketh. After the ser-
vaunt aforesaide hath so discharged his cuppes to the
fower quarters of the world, hee returneth into the house :
and two other servants stand ready with two cuppes, and
two basons, to carrie drinke unto their master and his
wife, sitting together upon a bed. And if he hath more
wives then one, she with whome hee slept the night be-
fore, sitteth by his side the daye following : and all his
other wives must that day resorte unto the same house to
drinke : and there is the court holden for that day : the
giftes also which are presented that daye are layd up in
the chests of the sayd wife. And upon a bench stands a
vessell of milke or of other drinke and drinking cuppes.

[Of their
237

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1 253-

I

Of their drinkes, and how they provoke one

another to drinking. Chap. 4.
N winter time they make excellent drinke of Rise, of
Mill, and of honie, being well and high coloured like
wine. Also they have wine brought unto them from farre
countries. In summer time they care not for any drinke,
but Cosmos. And it standeth alwaies within the entrance
of his doore, and next unto it stands a minstrell with his
fidle. 1 sawe there no such citerns and vials as ours com-
monly be, but many other musicall instruments which are
not used among us. And when the master of the house
begins to drinke, one of his servants cryeth out with a
lowde voice HA, and the minstrell playes upon his fidle.
They use the And when they make any great solemne feast, they all of
h ice custom e in t^gj^ d^p their hands & daunce to the noyse of musique,
the men before their master and the women before their
mistresse. And when the master hath drunke, then cries
out his servant as before, and the minstrell stayeth his
musique. Then drinke they all around both men and
women : and sometimes they carowse for the victory very
filthily and drunkenly. Also when they will provoke
any man, they pul him by the eares to the drinke, and so
lug and draw him strongly to stretch out his throate
clapping their handes and dauncing before him. More-
over when some of them will make great feasting and
rejoycing, one of the company takes a full cuppe, and
two other stand, one on his right hand and another on
his left, and so they three come singing to the man who
is to have the cuppe reached unto him, still singing and
dauncing before him : and when he stretcheth foorth his
hand to receive the cuppe, they leape suddenly backe,
returning againe as they did before, and so having
deluded him thrice or fower times by drawing backe
the cuppe untill he be merie, and hath gotten a good
appetite, then they give him the cuppe, singing and
dauncing and stamping with their feete, untill he hath
done drinking.

238

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253.

Of their foode and victuals. Chap. 5.

Concerning their foode and victuals, be it knowen unto
your Highnesse that they do, without al difference or
exception, eat all their dead carrions. And amongst so
many droves it cannot be, but some cattell must needes
die. Howbeit in summer, so long as their Cosmos, that
is, their mares milke lasteth, they care not for any foode.
And if they chance to have an oxe or an horse dye, they
drie the flesh thereof: for cutting it into thin slices and
hanging it up against the Sunne and the wind, it is Drfingoffiesh
presently dried without salt, and also without stenche ^^ ^^^ ^^^'^^
or corruption. They make better puddings of their [I. 97.]
horses then of their hogs, which they eate being new
made : the rest of the flesh they reserve untill winter.
They make of their oxe skins great bladders or bags,
which they doe wonderfully dry in the smoake. Of the
hinder part of their horse hides they make very fine
sandals & pantofles. They give unto 50. or an 100.
men the flesh of one ram to eat. For they mince it in a
bowle with salt and water (other sauce they have none)
and then with the point of a knife, or a litle forke which
they make for the same purpose (such as wee use to take
rosted peares or apples out of wine withal) they reach
unto every one of the company a morsel! or twaine,
according to the multitude of guestes. The master of
the house, before the rams flesh be distributed, first of all
himselfe taketh thereof, what he pleaseth. Also, if he
giveth unto any of the company a speciall part, the
receiver therof must eat it alone, and must not impart
ought therof unto any other. Not being able to eate it
up all, he caries it with him, or delivers it unto his
boy, if he be present, to keepe it : if not, he puts it
up into his Saptargat, that is to say, his foure square
buget, which they use to cary about with them for the
saving of all such provision, and wherein they lay up
their bones, when they have not time to gnaw them
throughly, that they may burnish them afterward,

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to the end that no whit of their food may come to
nought.

How they make their drinke called Cosmos.
Chap. 6.

THeir drinke called Cosmos, which is mares milke, is
prepared after this maner. They fasten a long line
unto 2. posts standing firmely in the ground, & unto the
same line they tie the young foles of those mares, which
they mean to milke. Then come the dams to stand by
their foles gently suffering themselves to be milked. And
if any of them be too unruly, then one takes her fole, &
puts it under her, letting it suck a while, and presently
carying it away againe, there comes another man to milke
the said mare. And having gotten a good quantity of
this milke together (being as sweet as cowes milke) while
it is newe they powre it into a great bladder or bag, and
they beat the said bag with a piece of wood made for the
purpose, having a club at the lower ende like a mans
head, which is hollow within : and so soone as they beat
upon it, it begins to boile like newe wine, & to be sower
and sharp of taste, and they beate it in that maner till
butter come thereof. Then taste they thereof, and being
indifferently sharpe they drinke it : for it biteth a mans
tongue like the wine of raspes, when it is drunk. After
a man hath taken a draught therof, it leaveth behind it a
taste like the taste of almon milke, and goeth downe very
pleasantly, intoxicating weake braines : also it causeth urine
to be avoided in great measure. Likewise Caracosmos,
that is to say black Cosmos, for great lords to drink, they
make on this maner. First they beat the said milke
so long till the thickest part thereof descend right downe
to the bottome like the lees of white wine, and that
which is thin and pure remaineth above, being like unto
whay or white must. The said lees or dregs being very
white, are given to servants, and will cause them to
sleepe exceedingly. That which is thinne and cleare
their masters drinke : and in very deed it is marveilous

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WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

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sweete and holesome liquor. Duke Baatu hath thirty
cottages or granges within a daies journey of his abiding
place : every one of which serveth him dayly with the
Caracosmos of an hundreth mares milk, and so all of
them together every day with the milke of 3000. mares,
besides white milke which other of his subjects bring.
For even as the husbandmen of Syria bestow the third
part of their fruicts and carie it unto the courts of their
lords, even so doe they their mares milke every third
day. Out of their cowes milke they first churne butter,
boyling the which butter unto a perfect decoction, they
put it into rams skinnes, which they reserve for the
same purpose. Neither doe they sake their butter : and
yet by reason of the long seething, it putrifieth not :
and they keepe it in store for winter. The churnmilke
which remaineth of the butter, they let alone till it be
as sowre as possibly it may be, then they boile it and
in boiling, it is turned all into curdes, which curds they
drie in the sun, making them as hard as the drosse of
iron : and this kind of food also they store up in sachels
against winter. In the winter season when milke faileth
them, they put the foresaid curds (which they cal Gry-ut)
into a bladder, and powring hot water thereinto, they
beat it lustily till they have resolved it into the said
water, which is thereby made exceedingly sowre, and
that they drinke in stead of milke. They are very
scrupulous, and take diligent heed that they drinke not
fayre water by it selfe.

Of the beastes which they eat, of their garments,
and of their maner of hunting. Chap. 7.

GReat lords have cottages or granges towards the
South, from whence their tenants bring them
Millet and meale against winter. The poorer sort
provide themselves of such necessaries, for ye exchange
of rams, & of other beasts skins. The Tartars slaves
fil their bellies with thick water, & are therewithal!
contented. They wil neither eate mise with long tailes,
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nor any kinde of mise with short tailes. They have

also certaine litle beasts called by them Sogur, which

[I. 98.] lie in a cave twenty or thirty of them together, al the

whole winter sleeping there for the space of sixe

moneths : and these they take in great abundance.

There are also a kind of conies having long tayles like

unto cats : & on the outside of their tailes grow blacke

& white haires. They have many other small beasts

good to eat, which they know and discerne right well.

I saw no Deere there, & but a fewe hares, but a great

number of Roes. I saw wild asses in great abundance,

which be like unto Mules. Also I saw another kind

of beast called Artak, having in al resemblance the body

of a ram, & crooked homes, which are of such bignes,

that I could scarce lift up a paire of them with one

hand : & of these homes they make great drinking

cups. They have Falcons, Girfalcons, & other haukes

Our falconers in great plenty, all which they cary upon their right

use the left hands : & they put alwaies about their Falcons necks

^^' a string of leather, which hangeth down to ye midst

strange cus- ^^ ^^^i^ gorges, by the which string, when they cast

tome, which them off the fist at their game, with their left hand

/ leave to be they bow downe the heads & breasts of the sayd haukes,

scanned by j^^^^ ^^icy should be tossed up & downe, & beaten

themselves. ^^^^ ^^^ wind, or least they should soare too high.

Wherefore they get a great part of their victuals, by

hunting & hauking. Concerning their garments and

attire be it knowen unto your Majestic, that out

of Cataya & other regions of the East, out of Persia

also and other countries of the South, there are brought

unto them stuffes of silke, cloth of gold, & cotton

cloth, which they weare in time of summer. But out

of Russia, Moxel, Bulgaria the greater, & Pascatir,

that is Hungaria the greater, and out of Kersis (all

which are Northerne regions & full of woods) & also

out of many other countries of the North, which are

subject unto them, the inhabitants bring them rich and

costly skins of divers sortes (which I never saw in our

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WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

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countries) wherewithal they are clad in winter. And

alwaies against winter they make themselves two gownes,

one with the fur inward to their skin, & another with

the furre outward, to defend them from wind & snow,

which for the most part are made of woolves skins, or

Fox skins, or els of Papions. And when they sit within

the house, they have a finer gowne to weare. The

poorer sort make their upper gowne of dogs or of

goats skins. When they goe to hunt for wild beasts,

there meets a great company of them together, & in-

vironing the place round about, where they are sure to

find some game, by litle & litle they approch on al

sides, til they have gotten the wild beasts into the j

midst, as it were into a circle, & then they discharge

their arrowes at them. Also they make themselves

breeches of skins. The rich Tartars somtimes fur

their gowns with pelluce or silke shag, which is exceeding

soft, light, & warme. The poorer sort do line their l

clothes with cotton cloth which is made of the finest 1

wooll they can pick out, & of the courser part of the 1

said wool, they make felt to cover their houses and |

their chests, and for their bedding also. Of the same ■

wool, being mixed with one third part of horse haire, 1

they make all their cordage. They make also of the j

said felt coverings for their stooles, and caps to defende Great expense ;

their heads from the weather : for all which purposes
they spend a great quantity of their wooll. And thus
much concerning the attyre of the men.

Of the fashion which the Tartars use in cutting
their haire, and of the attire of their v^omen.
Chap. 8.

THe men shave a plot foure square upon the crownes
of their heads, and from the two formost corners
they shave, as it were, two seames downe to their
temples : they shave also their temples and the hinder
part of their head even unto the nape of the necke :
likewise they shave the forepart of their scalp downe

243

of wooll.

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

^253.

to their foreheads, & upon their foreheads they leave
a locke of hayre reaching downe unto their eye browes :
upon the two hindermost corners of their heads, they
have two lockes also, which they twine and braid into
knots and so bind and knit them under each eare one.
Moreover their womens garments differ not from their
mens, saving that they are somwhat longer. But on
the morrowe after one of their women is maried, shee
shaves her scalpe from the middest of her head down
to her forehead, & weares a wide garment like unto
the hood of a Nunne, yea larger and longer in all
parts then a Nuns hood, being open before and girt
unto them under the right side. For herein doe the
Tartars differ from the Turkes : because the Turkes
fasten their garments to their bodies on the left side :
but the Tartars alwaies on the right side. They have
also an ornament for their heads which they call Botta,
being made of the barke of a tree, or of some such
other lighter matter as they can find, which by reason
of the thicknes & roundnes therof cannot be holden
but in both hands together : & it hath a square sharp
spire rising from the top therof, being more then a
cubite in length, & fashioned like unto a pinacle. The
said Botta they cover al over with a piece of rich silke :
& it is hollow within : & upon the midst of the sayd
spire or square toppe, they put a bunch of quils or of
slender canes a cubite long and more : & the sayd
bunch, on the top thereof, they beautifie with Peacocks
feathers, & round about al ye length therof, with the
feathers of a Malards taile, & with precious stones
also. Great ladies weare this kind of ornament upon
their heads binding it strongly with a certain hat or
coyfe, which hath an hole in the crowne, fit for the
[I. 99.] spire to come through it : & under the foresaid ornament
they cover the haires of their heads, which they gather
up round together from the hinder part therof to the
crowne, & so lap them up in a knot or bundel within
the said Botta, which afterward they bind strongly under

244

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

J 253.
their throtes. Hereupon when a great company of
such gentlewomen ride together, and are beheld a far
off, they seem to be souldiers with helmets on their
heads carrying their launces upright : for the said Botta
appeareth like an helmet with a launce over it. Al
their women sit on horsebacke bestriding their horses
like men : & they bind their hoods or gownes about
their wastes with a skie coloured silke skarfe, & with
another skarfe they girde it above their breasts : &
they bind also a piece of white silke like a mufler or
maske under their eyes, reaching down unto their breast.
These gentlewomen are exceeding fat, & the lesser their
noses be, the fairer are they esteemed : they daube
over their sweet faces with grease too shamefully : and
they never lie in bed for their travel of childbirth.

Of the dueties injoined unto the Tartarian women,
and of their labours, and also of their
mariages. Chap. 9.

THe duties of women are, to drive carts : to lay their
houses upon carts &: to take them downe again : to
milke kine : to make butter & Gry-ut : to dresse skins &
to sow them, which they usually sowe v/ith thread made
of sinewes, for they divide sinewes into slender threads, &
then twine them into one long thread. They make
sandals & socks & other garments. Howbeit they never
wash any apparel : for they say that God is then angry, &
that dreadful thunder wil ensue, if washed garments be
hanged forth to drie : yea, they beat such as wash, & take
their garments from them. They are wonderfully afraid
of thunder : for in the time of thunder they thrust all
strangers out of their houses, & then wrapping themselves
in black felt, they lie hidden therein, til the thunder be
overpast. They never wash their dishes or bowles : yea,
when their flesh is sodden, they wash the platter wherein
it must be put, with scalding hot broth out of the pot, &
then powre the said broth into the pot againe. They
make felte also, & cover their houses therewith. The

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AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

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duties of the men are to make bowes & arrowes, stirrops,
bridles, and saddles : to build houses & carts, to keepe
horses : to milke mares : to churne Cosmos and mares
milke, & to make bags wherein to put it : they keepe
camels also & lay burthens upon them. As for sheepe &
goates they tend and milke them, aswell the men as the
women. With sheeps milke thicked & salted they dresse
and tan their hides. When they wil wash their hands or
their heads, they fil their mouthes full of water, &
spouting it into their hands by little and little, they
sprinckle their haire & wash their heades therwith. As
touching mariages, your Highnes is to understand, that
no man can have a wife among them till he hath bought
her : whereupon somtimes their maids are very stale
before they be maried, for their parents alwaies keepe
them till they can sel them. They keepe the first and
second degrees of consanguinitie inviolable, as we do : but
they have no regard of the degrees of affinity : for they
wil marrie together, or by succession, two sisters. Their
widowes marie not at al, for this reason : because they
beleeve, that al who have served them in this life, shall do
them service in the life to come also. Whereupon they
are perswaded, that every widow after death shal returne
unto her own husband. And herehence ariseth an
abominable & filthy custome among them, namely that
the Sonne marieth somtimes all his fathers wives except
his own mother : For the court or house of the father or
mother falleth by inheritance alwaies to the yonger son.
Wherupon he is to provide for all his fathers wives,
because they are part of his inheritance aswel as his fathers
possessions. And then if he will he useth them for his
owne wives : for he thinks it no injurie or disparagement
unto himselfe, although they returne unto his father after
death. Therfore when any man hath bargained with
another for a maid, the father of the said damosel makes
him a feast : in the meane while she fleeth unto some of
her kinsfolks to hide her selfe. Then saith her father
unto the bridegrome: Loe, my daughter is yours, take

246

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

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her wheresoever you can find her. Then he and his
friends seek for her till they can find her, and having
found her hee must take her by force and cary her, as it
were, violently unto his owne house.

Of their execution of justice and judgement :
and of their deaths and burials. Chap. 10.

Concerning their lawes or their execution of justice,
your Majesty is to be advertised, that when two men
fight, no third man dare intrude himself to part them.
Yea, the father dare not help his owne sonne. But he
that goes by the worst must appeale unto the court of his
lord. And whosoever els offereth him any violence after
appeale, is put to death. But he must go presently
without all delay : and he that hath suffered the injury,
carieth him, as it were captive. They punish no man with
sentence of death, unles hee bee taken in the deede
doing, or confesseth the same. But being accused by the
multitude, they put him unto extreame torture to make
him confesse the trueth. They punish murther with
death, and carnall copulation also with any other besides [I. 100.]
his owne. By his own, I meane his wife or his maid
servant, for he may use his slave as he listeth himself.
Heinous theft also or felony they punish with death. For
a light theft, as namely for stealing of a ram, the party
(not being apprehended in the deed doing, but otherwise
detected) is cruelly beaten. And if ye executioner laies
on an 100. strokes, he must have an 100. staves, namely
for such as are beaten upon sentence given in the court.
Also counterfeit messengers, because they feine themselves
to be messengers, when as indeed they are none at all,
they punish with death. Sacrilegious persons they use in
like maner (of which kind of malefactors your Majesty
shall understand more fully hereafter) because they
esteeme such to be witches. When any man dieth, they
lament & howle most pitifully for him : & the said
mourners are free from paying any tribute for one whole
yeare after. Also whosoever is present at the house

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AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES I

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where any one growen to mans estate lieth dead, he must
not enter into the court of Mangu-Can til one whole yere
be expired. If it were a child deceased he must not enter
into the said court til the next moneth after. Neere unto
the grave of the partie deceased they alwaies leave one
cottage. If any of their nobles (being of the stock of
Chingis, who was their first lord & father) deceaseth, his
sepulcher is unknowen. And alwayes about those places
where they interre their nobles, there is one house of men
to keep the sepulchers. I could not learn that they use
to hide treasures in the graves of their dead. The Co-
manians build a great toomb over their dead, & erect the
image of the dead party thereupon, with his face towards
the East, holding a drinking cup in his hand, before his
navel. They erect also upon the monuments of rich
men, Pyramides, that is to say, litle sharpe houses or
pinacles : & in some places I saw mighty towers made of
brick, in other places Pyramides made of stones, albeit
there are no stones to be found thereabout. I saw one
newly buried, in whose behalfe they hanged up i6. horse
hides, unto each quarter of the world 4, betweene certain
high posts : & they set besides his grave Cosmos for him
to drink, & flesh to eat : & yet they sayd that he was
baptized. I beheld other kinds of sepulchers also towards
the East : namely large flowres or pavements made of
stone, some round & some square, & then 4. long stones
pitched upright, about the said pavement towards the 4.
regions of the world. When any man is sicke, he lieth in
his bed, & causeth a signe to be set upon his house, to
signifie that there lieth a sicke person there, to the end
that no man may enter into the sayd house : whereupon
none at all visit any sicke party but his servant only.
Moreover, when any one is sicke in their great courts,
they appoint watchmen to stand round about the said
court, who wil not suffer any person to enter within the
precincts thereof. For they feare least evill spirits or
winds should come together with the parties that enter in.
They esteeme of soothsayers, as of their priests.

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WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d.

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Of our first entrance among the Tartars, and of
their ingratitude. Chap. ii.

ANd being come amongst those barbarous people, me
thought (as I said before) y' 1 was entred into a new
world : for they came flocking about us on horse back,
after they had made us a long time to awaite for them
sitting in the shadow, under their black carts. The first
question which they demanded was whether we had ever
bin with them heretofore, or no ? And giving them
answere that we had not, they began impudently to beg
our victuals from us. And we gave them some of our
bisket & wine, which we had brought with us from the
towne of Soldaia. And having drunke off one flagon of
our wine they demanded another, saying, that a man
goeth not into the house with one foote. Howbeit we
gave them no more, excusing our selves that we had but
a litle. Then they asked us, whence we came, & whither
we were bound ? I answered them with the words above
mentioned : that we had heard concerning duke Sartach,
that he was become a Christian, & that unto him our
determination was to travel, having your Majesties letters
to deliver unto him. They were very inquisitive to know
whether I came of mine own accord, or whether I were
sent ? I answered that no man compelled me to come,
neither had I come, unles I my selfe had bin willing : &
that therefore I was come according to mine own wil, & to
the will of my superior. I tooke diligent heed never to
say that I was your Majesties ambassador. Then they
asked what I had in my carts ; whether it were gold or
silver, or rich garments to carie unto Sartach ? I answered
that Sartach should see what we had brought, when we
were once come unto him, & that they had nothing to do
to aske such questions, but rather ought to conduct me
unto their captaine, and that he, if he thought good,
should cause me to be directed unto Sartach : if not, that
I would returne. For there was in the same province one
of Baatu his kinsmen called Scacati, unto whom my lord

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the Emperor of Constantinople had written letters of
request, to suffer me to passe through his territory. With
this answere of ours they were satisfied, giving us horses
& oxen, & two men to conduct us, Howbeit before they
would allow us the foresayd necessaries for our journey,
they made us to awayt a long while, begging our bread for
their yong brats, wondering at all things which they sawe
about our servants, as their knives, gloves, purses, &
points, and desiring to have them. I excused my self that
[I. loi.] we had a long way to travel, & that we must in no wise
so soon deprive our selves of things necessary, to finish so
long a journey. Then they said that I was a very varlet.
True it is, that they tooke nothing by force from me :
howbeit they wil beg that which they see very importu-
natly & shamelesly. And if a man bestow ought upon
them, it is but cost lost, for they are thankles wretches.
They esteeme themselves lords & think y' nothing should
be denied them by any man. If a man gives them nought,
& afterward stands in neede of their service, they will do
right nought for him. They gave us of their cowes
milke to drink after ye butter was cherned out of it, being
very sower, which they cal Apram. And so we departed
from them. And in very deed it seemed to me y^ we
were escaped out of the hands of divels. On the morrow
we were come unto the captain. From the time wherin
we departed from Soldaia, till we arrived at the court of
Sartach, which was the space of two moneths, we never lay
in house or tent, but alwaies under the starry canopy, & in
the open aire, or under our carts. Neither yet saw we any
village, nor any mention of building where a village had
bin, but the graves of the Comanians in great abundance.
The same evening our guide which had conducted us,
gave us some Cosmos. After I had drunke thereof I
sweat most extreamly for the novelty and strangenes,
because I never dranke of it before. Notwithstanding
me thought it was very savory, as indeed it was.

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Of the court of Scacatai : and how the Christians
drinke no Cosmos. Chap. 12.

ON the morrowe after we met with the cartes of Sca-
catai laden with houses, and me thought that a
mighty citie came to meete me. I wondered also at the
great multitude of huge droves of oxen, & horses, and at
the flockes of sheepe. I could see but a fewe men that
guided all these matters : wherupon I inquired how many
men he had under him, & they told me that he had not
above 500. in all, the one halfe of which number we were
come past, as they lay in another lodging. Then the ser-
vant which was our guide told me, that I must present
somwhat unto Scacatay : & so he caused us to stay, going
himselfe before to give notice of our comming. By this
time it was past three of the clocke, and they unladed
their houses nere unto a certain water : And there came
unto us his interpreter, who being advertised by us that
wee were never there before, demanded some of our vic-
tuals, & we yeelded unto his request. Also he required
of us some garment for a reward, because he was to inter-
pret our sayings unto his master. Howbeit we excused
our selves as well as wee could. Then he asked us, what
we would present unto his Lord ? And we tooke a flagon
of wine, & filled a maund with bisket, & a platter with
apples & other fruits. But he was not contented therewith,
because we brought him not some rich garment. Notwith-
standing we entred so into his presence with feare and
bashfulnes. He sate upon his bed holding a citron in his
hand, and his wife sate by him : who (as I verily thinke)
had cut and pared her nose betweene the eyes, that she
might seeme to be more flat and saddle-nosed : for she
had left her selfe no nose at all in that place, having
annointed the very same place with a black ointment, and
her eye browes also : which sight seemed most ugly in our
eies. Then I rehearsed unto him the same wordes, which
I had spoken in other places before. For it stoode us in
hand to use one and the same speech in all places. For

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A caveat right we were wel forewarned of this circumstance by some
worthy the which had been amongst the Tartars, that we should never
^°^^i' varie in our tale. Then I besought him, that he would

vouchsafe to accept that small gifte at our hands, excusing
my selfe that I was a Monke, and that it was against our
profession to possesse gold, or silver, or precious garments,
and therefore that I had not any such thing to give him,
howbeit he should receive some part of our victuals in
stead of a blessing. Hereupon he caused our present to be
received, and immediately distributed the same among his
men, who were mette together for the same purpose, to
drinke and make merrie. I delivered also unto him the
Emperor of Constantinople his letters (this was eight
dayes after the feast of Ascension) who sent them forthwith
to Soldaia to have them interpreted there : for they were
written in Greeke, and he had none about him that was
skilfull in the Greeke tongue. He asked us also whether
we would drink any Cosmos, that is to say mares milke }
(For those that are Christians among them, as namely the
Russians, Grecians, and Alanians, who keep their own law
very strictly, wil in no case drinke thereof, yea, they ac-
compt themselves no Christians after they have once drunke
of it, & their priests reconcile them unto the Church as
if they had renounced the Christian faith.) I gave him
answere, that we had as yet sufficient of our owne to
drinke, and that when our drinke failed us, we must be
constrained to drink such as should be given unto us. He
enquired also what was contained in our letters, which
your Majestie sent unto Sartach } I answered : that they
were sealed up, and that there was nothing conteined in
them, but good and friendly wordes. And he asked what
wordes wee would deliver unto Sartach ? I answered : the
words of Christian faith. He asked again what these
words were } For he was very desirous to heare them.
[I. 1 02.] Then 1 expounded unto him as well as I could, by mine
interpreter, (who had no wit nor any utterance of speech)
the Apostles creed. Which after he had heard, holding
his peace, he shooke his head. Then hee assigned unto us

252

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad. \

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two men, who shoulde give attendance upon our selves, s

upon our horses, and upon our Oxen. And hee caused i

us to ride in his companie, till the messenger whome hee \

had sent for the interpretation of the Emperours letters, 5

was returned. And so wee traveiled in his companie till ^
the morowe after Pentecost.

Howx the Alanians came unto us on Pentecost

or Whitson even. Chap. 13. ^

UPon the even of Pentecost, there came unto us cer- :

taine Alanians, who are there called *Acias, being *0r, Jkas. 1
Christians after the maner of the Grecians, using greeke

bookes and Grecian priests : howbeit they are not schis- '

matiques as the Grecians are, but without acception of ;

persons, they honour al Christians. And they brought ■

unto us sodden flesh, requesting us to eat of their meat, 1

and to pray for one of their company being dead. Then i

I sayd, because it was the even of so great and so solemne ■

a feast day, that we would not eate any flesh for that time. J

And I expounded unto them the solemnitie of the sayd \

feast, whereat they greatly rejoyced : for they were ignorant ■
of all things appertayning to Christian religion, except only
the name of Christ. They and many other Christians,
both Russians, and Hungarians demanded of us, whether
they might be saved or no, because they were constrained
to drinke Cosmos, & to eate the dead carkases of such
things, as were slaine by the Saracens, and other infidels ?
Which even the Greeke & Russian priests themselves
also esteeme as things strangled or offered unto idoles :

because they were ignorant of the times of fasting, neither \

could they have observed them albeit they had knowen J

them. Then instructed I them aswell as I could and ■

strengthened them in the faith. As for the flesh which j

they had brought we reserved it untill the feast day. For C/of/i is the |

there was nothing to be sold among the Tartars for gold ^^^'c^ march- :

& silver, but only for cloth and garments, of the which "l^fj^^^^ 1

kind of marchandise wee had none at all. When our ' \

servants offered them any coine called Yperpera, they j

253 \

j
1

u

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rubbed it with their fingers, and put it unto their noses,
to try by the smell whether it were copper or no. Neither
did they allow us any foode but cowes milke onely which
was very sowre & filthy. There was one thing most
necessary greatly wanting unto us. For the water was so
foule and muddy by reason of their horses, that it was not
meete to be drunk. And but for certaine bisket, which
was by the goodnes of God remaining unto us, we had
undoubtedly perished.

Of a Saracen which said that he would be bap-
tized : and of certaine men which seemed
to be lepers. Chap. 14.

Ton the day of Pentecost there came unto us a
certain Saracen, unto whome, as hee talked with
us, we expounded the Christian faith. Who (hearing
of Gods benefits exhibited unto mankind by the in-
carnation of our Saviour Christ, and the resurrection
of the dead, & the judgement to come, & that in
baptisme was a washing away of sinnes) sayd, that hee
would be baptized. But when we prepared our selves
to the baptizing of him, he suddenly mounted on
horsebacke, saying that he would goe home and consult
with his wife what were best to be done. And on the
morrow after he told us, that he durst in no case receive
baptisme, because then he should drinke no more Cos-
mos. For the Christians of that place affirme that no
true Christians ought to drinke thereof: and that with-
out the said liquor he could not live in that desert.
From which opinion, I could not for my life remove
him. Wherefore be it knowen of a certainty unto
your highnes, that they are much estranged from the
Christian faith by reason of that opinion which hath
bin broached & confirmed among them by the Russians,
of whom there is a great multitude in that place. The
same day Scacatay the captaine aforesayd gave us one
man to conduct us to Sartach, and two other to guide
us unto the next lodging, which was distant from that

254

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

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place five dayes journey for oxen to travell. They
gave unto us also a goate for victuals, and a great
many bladders of cowes milke, & but a little Cosmos,
because it is of so great estimation among them. And
so taking our journey directly toward the North, me
thought that wee had passed through one of hell gates.
The servants which conducted us began to play the
bold theeves with us, seeing us take so little heed unto
our selves. At length having lost much by their
theevery, harme taught us wisdome. And then we
came unto the extremity of that province, which is
fortified with a ditch from one sea unto another :
without the bounds wherof their lodging was situate.
Into the which, so soone as we had entred, al the
inhabitants there seemed unto us to be infected with
leprosie: for certain base fellowes were placed there to
receive tribute of al such as tooke salt out of the salt Salt pits.
pits aforesaid. From that place they told us that we [I. 103.]
must travel fifteen daies journey, before we shuld find
any other people. With them wee dranke Cosmos, and
gave unto them a basket full of fruites and of bisket.
And they gave unto us eight oxen and one goate, to
sustaine us in so great a journey, and I knowe not how
many bladders of milke. And so changing our oxen, "^^^ ^a^^s
we tooke our journey which we finished in tenne J'^^^'^^y-
dayes, arriving at another lodging: neither found we
any water all that way, but onely in certaine ditches made
in the valleys, except two small rivers. And from the
time wherein wee departed out of the foresaid province
of Gasaria, we travailed directly Eastward, having a
Sea on the South side of us, and a waste desert on
the North, which desert, in some places, reacheth
twenty dayes journey in breadth, and there is neither
tree, mountaine, nor stone therein. And it is most
excellent pasture. Here the Comanians, which were
called Capthac, were wont to feede their cattell. How-
beit by the Dutch men they are called Valani, and the
province it selfe Valania. But Isidore calleth all that

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A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

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The length of tract of land stretching from the river of Tanais to the
Comania. }^]^g of Maeotis, and so along as farre as Danubius, the
countrey of Alania. And the same land continueth in
length from Danubius unto Tanais (which divideth
Asia from Europe) for the space of two moneths
journey, albeit a man should ride poste as fast as the
Tartars use to ride : and it was all over inhabited by
the Comanians, called Capthac : yea and beyond Tanais,
as farre as the river of Edil or Volga : the space be-
tweene the two which rivers is a great and long
Russia. journey to bee travailed in ten dayes. To the North

of the same province lieth Russia, which is full of
wood in all places, and stretcheth from Polonia and
Hungaria, even to the river of Tanais : and it hath
bene wasted all over by the Tartars, and as yet is
daily wasted by them.

Of our afflictions v^hich we sustained : and of
the Comanians maner of buriall. Chap. 15.

Prussia. ^ I ^Hey preferre the Saracens before the Russians,

A because they are Christians, and when they are
able to give them no more golde nor silver, they drive
them and their children like flockes of sheepe into the
wildernes, constraining them to keepe their cattell there.
Beyond Russia lieth the countrey of Prussia, which the
Dutch knights of the order of Saint Maries hospitall of
Jerusalem have of late wholly conquered and subdued.
And in very deede they might easily winne Russia, if
they would put to their helping hand. For if the
Tartars should but once know, that the great Priest,
that is to say, the Pope did cause the ensigne of the
crosse to bee displaied against them, they would flee
all into their desert and soHtarie places. We therefore
went on towards the East, seeing nothing but heaven
and earth, and sometimes the sea on our right hand,
called the Sea of Tanais, and the sepulchres of the
Comanians, which appeared unto us two leagues off,
in which places they were wont to burie their kinred

256

WILLIAM DE KUBRUQUIS ad, j

1253. j

altogether. So long as we were travelling through the I
desert, it went reasonably well with us. For I cannot
sufficiently expresse in words the irkesome and tedious

troubles which I susteined, when I came at any of their ;
places of abode. For our guide would have us goe in

unto every Captaine with a present, and our expenses j

would not extend so farre. For we were every day eight j

persons of us spending our waifaring provision, for the j

Tartars servants would all of them eate of our victuals. j

We our selves were five in number, and the servants our I

guides were three, two to drive our carts, and one to j

conduct us unto Sartach. The flesh which they gave us ;

was not sufficient for us : neither could we finde any !

thing to be bought for our money. And as we sate Extreme heau \
under our carts in the coole shadowe, by reason of the ^^ ^ommer.

extreame and vehement heate which was there at that !

time, they did so importunately and shamelesly intrude :

themselves into our companie, that they would even j
tread upon us, to see whatsoever things we had. Having
list at any time to ease themselves, the filthy lozels had

not the maners to withdrawe themselves farther from us, j

then a beane can bee cast. Yea, like vile slovens they j

would lay their tailes in our presence, while they were ■

yet talking with us : many other things they committed, i

which were most tedious and loathsome unto us. But '

above all things it grieved me to the very heart, that j

when I would utter ought unto them, which might tend i

to their edification, my foolish interpreter would say: |

you shall not make me become a Preacher now : I tell I
you, I cannot nor I will not rehearse any such wordes.

And true it was which he saide. For I perceived after- ;

ward, when I began to have a litle smattering in the •
language, that when I spake one thing, he would say
quite another, whatsoever came next unto his witlesse
tongues end. Then seeing the danger I might incurre

in speaking by such an interpreter, I resolved much i
rather to holde my peace, and thus we traveiled with

great toile from lodging to lodging, till at the length, {

I 257 R I

A.D.
1253.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Tanais.

[I. 104.]

The breadth
of Tanais.

He is much
deceived.

a fewe dayes before the feast of Saint Marie Magdalene,
we arrived at the banke of the mightie river Tanais which
divideth Asia from Europa, even as the river Nilus of
j^gypt disjoyneth Asia from Africa. At the same place
where wee arrived, Baatu and Sartach did cause a
certaine cottage to be built, upon the Easterne banke of
the river, for a companie of Russians to dwell in to the
ende they might transport Ambassadours and merchants
in ferrie-boates over that part of the river. First they
ferried us over, and then our carts, putting one wheele
into one lyter, and the other wheele into another lyter,
having bounde both the lyters together, and so they
rowed them over. In this place our guide played the
foole most extreamely. For hee imagining that the
said Russians, dwelling in the cottage, should have
provided us horses, sent home the beasts which we
brought with us, in another cart, y' they might returne
unto their owne masters. And when we demanded to
have some beasts of them, they answered, that they
had a priviledge from Baatu, wherby they were bound
to none other service, but only to ferry over goers
& commers : and that they received great tribute of
marchants in regard therof. We staied therfore by
the said rivers side three daies. The first day they gave
unto us a great fresh turbut : the second day they be-
stowed rye bread, and a litle flesh upon us, which the
purveyer of the village had taken up at everie house for
us : and the third day dried fishes, which they have there
in great abundance. The saide river was even as broad
in that place, as the river of Sein is at Paris. And before
we came there, we passed over many goodly waters, and
full of fish : howbeit the barbarous and rude Tartars
know not how to take them : neither do they make any
reckoning of any fish, except it be so great, that they may
pray upon the flesh therof, as upon the flesh of a ram.
This river is the limite of the East part of Russia, and it
springeth out of the fennes of Masotis, which fennes
stretch unto the North Ocean. And it runneth South-

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WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253.

ward into a certain great sea 700. miles about, before
it falleth into the sea called Pontus Euxinus. And al
the rivers, which we passed over, ran with ful stream
into those quarters. The foresaid river hath great store
of wood also growing upon the West side thereof.
Beyond this place the Tartars ascend no farther unto
the North : for at that season of the yeere, about the About the
iirst of August, they begin to returne backe unto the beginning of
South. And therfore there is another cottage somwhat y-^f^^^^ ^^_
lower, where passengers are ferried over in Winter tume South-
time. And in this place wee were driven to great zcard.
extremitie, by reason that we could get neither horses,
nor oxen for any money. At length, after I had
declared unto them, that my comming was to labour
for the common good of all Christians, they sent us
oxen & men ; howbeit we our selves were faine to
travel on foote. At this time they were reaping their
rye. Wheat prospereth not wel in that soile. They
have the seed of Millium in great abundance. The
Russian women attire their heads like unto our women.
They imbroder their safegards or gowns on the outside,
from their feet unto their knees with particoloured or
grey stuffe. The Russian men weare caps like unto
the Dutch men. Also they weare upon their heads
certain sharpe, & high-crowned hats made of felt, much
like unto a sugar loafe. Then traveiled we 3. daies
together, not finding any people. And when our selves
and our oxen were exceeding weary and faint, not
knowing how far off we should find any Tartars, on
the sudden, there came two horses running towards us,
which we tooke with great joy, and our guide and in-
terpreter mounted upon their backes, to see, how far
off they could descry any people. At length upon the
fourth day of our journey, having found some inhabitants,
we rejoyced like sea-faring men, which had escaped out of
a dangerous tempest, and had newly recovered the haven.
Then having taken fresh horses, and oxen, we passed
on from lodging to lodging, till at the last, upon the

259

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253.

second of the Kalends of August, we arrived at the
habitation of Duke Sartach himselfe.

T

Of the dominion of Sartach, and of his Subjects.

Chap. 16.

He region lying beyond Tanais, is a very goodly

countrey, having store of rivers and woods toward

the North part thereof. There be mighty huge woods

The people of which two sorts of people do inhabite. One of them

pTans^^^ is called Moxel, being meere Pagans, and without law.

They have neither townes nor cities, but only cottages

in ye woods. Their lord & a great part of themselves

were put to the sword in high Germanie. Whereupon

they highly commend the brave courage of the

Almans, hoping as yet to be delivered out of the

bondage of the Tartars, by their meanes. If any

merchant come unto them, he must provide things

necessary for him, with whom he is first of all enter-

teined, all the time of his abode among them. If any

lieth with another mans wife, her husband, unles he be an

eiewitnes therof, regardeth it not : for they are not

jelous over their wives. They have abundance of hogs,

and great store of hony & waxe, and divers sorts of

The people rich & costly skins, and plentie of falcons. Next unto

behtfaZ^-''' ^^^^ ^^^ °^^^^ people called Merclas, which the Latines

cgjii. cal Merdui, and they are Saracens. Beyond them is the

river of Etilia or Volga, which is ye mightiest river

that ever I saw. And it issueth from the North part of

Bulgaria the greater, & so trending along Southward,

disimboqueth into a certain lake containing in circuit

the space of 4. moneths travel, whereof I will speak

The circuite hereafter. The two foresaid rivers, namely Tanais &

of the Caspian ^^^y^^^ otherwise called Volga, towards the Northren

regions through the which we traveiled, are not distant

[I. 105.] asunder above x. daies journey, but Southward they

are divided a great space one from another. For

Tanais descendeth into the sea of Pontus : Etilia

maketh the foresaid sea or lake, with the help of many

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WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d.

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other rivers which fal therinto out of Persia. And we

had to the South of us huge high mountains, upon the

sides wherof, towards the said desert, doe the people

called Cergis, and the Alani or Acas inhabit, who are Kergis or

as yet Christians, & wage warre against the Tartars. ^'^■^•

Beyond them, next unto the sea or lake of Etilia,

there are certaine Saracens called Lesgi, who are in The Saracens

subjection unto the Tartars. Beyond these is Porta ^^ ^ ^■*^'

ferrea, or the yron gate, nowe called Derbent, which

Alexander built to exclude the barbarous nations out

of Persia. Concerning the situation whereof, your

majestie shall understand more about the end of this

Treatise : for I travailed in my returne by the very ^^ ^^^«^«^^>^

same place. Betweene the two foresaid rivers, in the ^

regions through the which we passed did the Comanians

of olde time inhabite, before they were overrun by the

Tartars.

Of the Court of Sartach, and of the magnificence
thereof. Chap. 17.

ANd we found Sartach lying within three daies journey
of the river Etilia : whose Court seemed unto us to
be very great. For he himselfe had sixe wives, and his
eldest Sonne also had three wives : every one of which
women hath a great house, & they have ech one of them
about 200. cartes. Our guide went unto a certaine
Nestorian named Coiat, who is a man of great authoritie Coiat the
in Sartachs Court. He made us to goe very farre unto ^^^^°^'^^^'
the Lordes gate. For so they call him, who hath the
office of enterteining Ambassadours. In the evening
Coiac commanded us to come unto him. Then our
guide began to enquire what we would present him
withal, & was exceedingly offended, when he saw that
we had nothing ready to present. We stoode before
him, and he sate majestically, having musicke and
dauncing in his presence. Then I spake unto him in
the wordes before recited, telling him, for what purpose
I was come unto his lorde, and requesting so much

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AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253.

favour at his hands, as to bring our letters unto the
sight of his Lord. I excused my selfe also, that I was
a Monke, not having, nor receiving, nor using any
golde, or silver, or any other precious thing, save
onely our bookes, and the vestiments wherein wee
served God : and that this was the cause why I
brought no present unto him, nor unto his Lord. For
I that had abandoned mine owne goods, could not be
a transporter of things for other men. Then hee
answered very courteously, that being a Monke, and so
doing, I did well : for so I should observe my vowe :
neither did himselfe stand in neede of ought that we
had, but rather was readie to bestow upon us such things
as we our selves stood in neede of: and he caused
us to sit downe, and to drinke of his milke. And
presently after he requested us to say our devotions
for him : and we did so. He enquired also who was
the greatest Prince among the Franckes ? And I saide,
the Emperour, if he could injoy his owne dominions
in quiet. No (quoth he) but the king of France. For
he had heard of your Highnes by lord Baldwine of
Henault. I found there also one of the Knights of the
Temple, who had bene in Cyprus, and had made report
of all things which he sawe there. Then returned wee
unto our lodging. And on the morow we sent him a
flagon of Muscadel wine (which had lasted very wel
in so long a journey) and a boxe full of bisket, which
was most acceptable unto him. And he kept our
servants with him for that evening. The next morning
he commanded me to come unto the Court, and to
bring the kings letters and my vestimentes, and bookes
with me : because his Lorde was desirous to see them.
Which we did accordingly, lading one cart with our
bookes and vestiments, and another with bisket, wine,
and fruites. Then he caused all our bookes and vesti-
ments to bee laide forth. And there stoode round
about us many Tartars, Christians and Saracens on
horseback. At the sight whereof, he demanded whether

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WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

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I would bestow all those things upon his Lord or no ?
Which saying made me to tremble, and grieved me full
sore. Howbeit, dissembling our griefe as well as we
could, we shaped him this answere : Sir, our humble
request is, that our Lorde your master would vouch-
safe to accept our bread, wine, and fruits, not as a
present, because it is too meane, but as a benediction,
least we should come with an emptie hand before him.
And he shall see the letters of my sovereigne Lord the
king, and by them he shall understand for what cause
we are come unto him, and then both our selves, and
all that we have, shall stand to his curtesie : for our
vestiments be holy, and it is unlawfull for any but
Priests to touch them. Then he commaunded us to
invest our selves in the saide garments, that we might
goe before his Lord : and wee did so. Then I my
selfe putting on our most precious ornaments, tooke in
mine armes a very faire cushion, and the Bible which
your Majesty gave me, and a most beautifull Psalter,
which the Queenes Grace bestowed upon me, wherein
there were goodly pictures. Mine associate tooke a
missal and a crosse : and the clearke having put on his
surplesse, tooke a censer in his hand. And so wee
came unto the presence of his Lord : and they lifted
up the felt hanging before his doore, that hee might
behold us. Then they caused the clearke and the [l. io6.]
interpreter thrise to bow the knee : but of us they
required no such submission. And they diligently
admonished us to take heed, that in going in, and in
comming out, we touched not the threshold of the house,
and requested us to sing a benediction for him. Then we
entred in, singing Salve Regina. And within the entrance
of the doore, stood a bench with cosmos, and drinking
cups thereupon. And all his wives were there assembled.
Also the Moals or rich Tartars thrusting in with us
pressed us sore. Then Coiat caried unto his lord the
censer with incense, which he beheld very diligently,
holding it in his hand. Afterward hee caried the Psalter

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A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

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unto him, which he looked earnestly upon, and his wife
also that sate beside him. After that he caried the Bible :
then Sartach asked if the Gospel were contained therein ?
Yea (said I) and all the holy scriptures besides. He tooke
the crosse also in his hand, and demanded concerning the
image, whether it were the image of Christ or no ^ I said
it was. The Nestorians & the Armenians do never make
No good the figure of Christ upon their crosses. Wherfore either

consequence. ^^y seem not to think wel of his passion, or els they are
ashamed of it. Then he caused them that stood about us,
to stand aside, that he might more fully behold our
ornaments. Afterward I delivered unto him your
Majesties letters, with the translation therof into the
Arabike, & Syriake languages. For I caused them to be
translated at Aeon into the character, & dialect of both
the saide tongues. And there were certain Armenian
priests, which had skil in the Turkish & Arabian
languages. The aforesaid knight also of the order of the
Temple had knowledge in the Syriake, Turkish, &
Arabian tongues. Then we departed forth, and put off
our vestiments, and there came unto us certaine Scribes
together with the foresaid Coiat, & caused our letters to
be interpreted. Which letters being heard, he caused our
bread, wine and fruits to be received. And he permitted
us also to carie our vestiments and bookes unto our owne
lodging. This was done upon the feast of S. Peter ad
vincula.

Hovs^ they were given in charge to goe unto
Baatu the Father of Sartach. Chap. i8.

THe next morning betimes came unto us a certaine
Priest, who was brother unto Coiat, requesting to
have our boxe of Chrisme, because Sartach (as he said)
was desirous to see it : and so we gave it him. About
eventide Coiat sent for us, saying : My lord your king
wrote good words unto my lord and master Sartach.
Howbeit there are certaine matters of difficulty in them
concerning which he dare not determine ought, without

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the advise and counsell of his father. And therfore of
necessitie you must depart unto his father, leaving behind
you the two carts, which you brought hither yesterday
with vestiments and bookes, in my custodie : because my
lorde is desirous to take more diligent view thereof. I
presently suspecting what mischiefe might ensue by his
covetousnes, said unto him : Sir, we will not onely leave
those with you, but the two other carts also, which we
have in our possession, will we commit unto your
custodie. You shall not (quoth he) leave those behinde
you, but for the other two carts first named, we will
satisfie your request. I saide that this could not con-
veniently be done : but needes we must leave all with
him. Then he asked, whether we meant to tarie in the
land ? I answered : If you throughly understand the
letters of my lorde the king, you know that we are even
so determined. Then he replied, that we ought to bee
patient and lowly : and so we departed from him that
evening. On the morrowe after he sent a Nestorian
Priest for the carts, and we caused all the foure carts to be
delivered. Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to
meet us, and separated all those things, which we had
brought the day before unto the Court, from the rest,
namely, the bookes and vestiments, and tooke them away
with him. Howbeit Coiat had commanded, that we
should carie those vestiments with us, which wee ware in
the presence of Sartach, that we might put them on
before Baatu, if neede should require : but the said
Priest tooke them from us by violence, saying : thou
hast brought them unto Sartach, and wouldest thou carie
them unto Baatu ? And when I would have rendred a
reason, he answered : be not too talkative, but goe your
wayes. Then I sawe that there was no remedie but
patience : for wee could have no accesse unto Sartach
himselfe, neither was there any other, that would doe us
justice. I was afraide also in regard of the interpreter,
least he had spoken other things then I saide unto him :
for his will was good that we should have given away all

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A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

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that wee had. There was yet one comfort remaining unto
me : for when I once perceived their covetous intent, I
conveyed from among our bookes the Bible, and the
sentences, and certaine other bookes which I made speciall
account of. Howbeit I durst not take away the Psalter
of my soveraigne Lady the Queene, because it was too
wel known, by reason of the golden pictures therein.
And so we returned with the two other carts unto our
lodging. Then came he that was appointed to be our
guide unto the court of Baatu, willing us to take
our journey in all poste-haste : unto whom I said, that I
would in no case have the carts to goe with me. Which
thing he declared unto Coiat. Then Coiat commaunded,
[I. 107.] that we should leave them and our servant with him :
And we did as he commanded. And so traveling
directly Eastward towards Baatu, the third day we came
They are come to Etilia or Volga : the streams whereof when I beheld,
ayaiie as j ^Q^^^gj-ed from what regions of the North such huge
and mighty waters should descend. Before we were
departed from Sartach, the foresaid Coiat, with many
other Scribes of the court said unto us : doe not make
The Tartars report that our Lord is a Christian, but a Moal.
wu be called Because the name of a Christian seemeth unto them to
be the name of some nation. So great is their pride,
that albeit they beleeve perhaps some things concerning
Christ, yet will they not bee called Christians, being
desirous that their owne name, that is to say, Moal
should be exalted above all other names. Neither wil
This history of ^^J be called by the name of Tartars. For the
PresbiterJohn Tartars were another nation, as I was informed by them.
in the 'North-
east, is allead- Hov^ Sartach, and Mangu-Can, and Ken-Can
ged at large ^^^ revcrence unto Christians. Chap. lo.

by Gerardus ^ ^ ^

Mercator in \ T the same time when the French-men tooke

his generall £\^ Antioch, a certaine man named Con Can had

mappe. dominion over the Northren regions, lying thereabouts.

Con is a proper name : Can is a name of authority or

dignitie, which signifieth a diviner or soothsayer. All

266

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d.

1253.

diviners are called Can amongst them. Whereupon their
princes are called Can, because that unto them belongeth
the government of the people by divination. Wee doe
reade also in the historie of Antiochia, that the Turkes
sent for aide against the French-men, unto the kingdome
of Con Can. For out of those parts the whole nation of From whence
the Turkes first came. The said Con was of the nation ^^^ Turkes
of Kara-Catay. Kara signifieth blacke, and Catay is the -^'^ ^^^
name of a countrey. So that Kara-Catay signifieth the
blacke Catay. This name was given to make a difference
between the foresaid people, and the people of Catay,
inhabiting Eastward over against ye Ocean sea: con- An Ocean sea.
cerning whom your majesty shall understand more here-
after. These Catayans dwelt upon certaine Alpes, by the
which I travailed. And in a certain plaine countrey
within those Alpes, there inhabited a Nestorian shepheard,
being a mighty governour over the people called Yayman, Nayman.
which were Christians, following the sect of Nestorius.
After the death of Con Can, the said Nestorian exalted
himselfe to the kingdome, and they called him King Presbiter
John, reporting ten times more of him then was true. '^°^^'
For so the Nestorians which come out of those parts,
use to doe. For they blaze abroade great rumors, and
reports upon just nothing. Whereupon they gave out
concerning Sartach, that he was become a Christian, and
the like also they reported concerning Mangu Can,
and Ken Can : namely because these Tartars make more
account of Christians, then they doe of other people,
and yet in very deede, themselves are no Christians.
So likewise there went foorth a great report concerning
the said king John. Howbeit, when I travailed along
by his territories, there was no man that knew any thing
of him, but onely a fewe Nestorians. In his pastures The place of
or territories dwelleth Ken Can, at whose Court Frier ^^^ ^^^^ ^"
Andrew was. And I my selfe passed by it at my ^^°^'^^-
returne. This John had a brother, being a mightie
man also, and a shepheard like himselfe, called Vut, and ^«^ ^^"y or
he inhabited beyond the Alpes of Cara Catay, being ^"^^ ^'^'^■

267

A.D.
1253-

The village of
Car a Carum.
Crit and
Merkit.

Moal in olde
time a begger-
ly people.

The place of
the Tartars.

Cyngis.

[I. io8.]
Mangu-Can.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

distant from his brother John, the space of three weekes
journey. He was lord over a certain village, called Cara
Carum, having people also for his subjects, named Crit, or
Merkit, who were Christians of the sect of Nestorius.
But their Lorde abandoning the worship of Christ,
followed after idoles, reteining with him Priests of the
saide idoles, who all of them are worshippers of devils
and sorcerers. Beyond his pastures some tenne or
fifteene dayes journey, were the pastures of Moal, who
were a poore and beggerly nation, without governour,
and without Lawe, except their soothsayings, and their
divinations, unto the which detestable studies, all in
those partes doe apply their mindes. Neere unto
Moal were other poore people called Tartars. The
foresaid king John died without issue male, and there-
upon his brother Vut was greatly inriched, and caused
himselfe to be named Can : and his droves and flockes
raunged even unto the borders of Moal. About the
same time there was one Cyngis, a blacke smith among
the people of Moal. This Cyngis stole as many cattel
from Vut Can, as he could possibly get : insomuch
that the shepheards of Vut complained unto their Lord.
Then provided he an armie, and marched up into the
countrey of Moal to seeke for the saide Cyngis. But
Cyngis fledde among the Tartars, and hidde himselfe
amongest them. And Vut having taken some spoiles
both from Moal, and also from the Tartars, returned
home. Then spake Cyngis unto the Tartars, and unto
the people of Moal, saying : Sirs, because we are
destitute of a governour and Captaine, you see howe
our neighbours do oppresse us. And the Tartars and
Moals appointed him to be their Chieftaine. Then
having secretly gathered together an armie, he brake in
suddenly upon Vut, and overcame him, and Vut fledde
into Cataya. At the same time was the daughter of
Vut taken, which Cyngis married unto one of his sonnes,
by whom she conceived, & brought forth the great
Can, which now reigneth, called Mangu-Can. Then

268

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d. |

1253- I

Cyngis sent ye Tartars before him in al places where \

he came : and thereupon was their name published and j

spread abroade : for in all places the people woulde j

crie out : Loe, the Tartars come, the Tartars come. :

Howbeit, through continuall warres, they are nowe, all \

of them in a maner, consumed and brought to nought. '

Whereupon the Moals indevour what they can, to \

extinguish the name of the Tartars, that they may exalt *

their owne name. The countrey wherein they first \

inhabited, and where the Court of Cyngis Can as yet j

remaineth, is called Mancherule. But because Tartaria Mancherule. \

is the region, about which they have obtained their ;

conquests, they esteeme that as their royall and chiefe ^

citie, and there for the most part doe they elect their .

great Can. '

Of the Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians : and .;
of the Caspian Sea. Chap. 20.

NOw, as concerning Sartach, whether he beleeves in \

Christ, or no, I knowe not. This I am sure of, \

that he will not be called a Christian. Yea rather he 1

seemeth unto mee to deride and skoffe at Christians. |

He lieth in the way of the Christians, as namely of the |
Russians, the Valachians, the Bulgarians of Bulgaria the

lesser, the Soldaianes, the Kerkis, and the Alanians : ^

who all of them passe by him, as they are going to \

the Court of his father Baatu, to carie giftes : whereupon )

he is more in league with them. Howbeit, if the j

Saracens come, and bring greater giftes then they, they 1

are dispatched sooner. He hath about him certaine ]

Nestorian Priestes, who pray upon their beades, and '

sing their devotions. Also, there is another under !

Baatu called Berta, who feedeth his cattell toward Porta Or^ Berca. \
ferrea, or Derbent, where lieth the passage of all those

Saracens, which come out of Persia, and out of Turkie to ^

goe unto Baatu, and passing by, they give rewards unto \

him. And he professeth himselfe to be a Saracene, and '\

will not permit swines flesh to be eaten in his dominions. '

269

AD THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253.

Howbeitj at the time of our returne, Baatu commanded
him to remove himselfe from that place, and to inhabite
upon the East side of Volga : for hee was unwilling that
the Saracens messengers should passe by the saide Berta,
because he sawe it was not for his profite. For the space
of foure dayes while we remained in the court of Sartach,
we had not any victuals at all allowed us, but once onely
a litle Cosmos. And in our journey betweene him and
his father, wee traveiled in great feare. For certaine
Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians being servants unto
the Tartars (of whom they have great multitudes among
them) assemble themselves twentie or thirtie in a com-
panie, and so secretly in the night conveying themselves
from home, they take bowes and arrowes with them,
and whomesoever they finde in the night season, they
put him to death, hiding themselves in the day time.
And having tired their horses, they goe in the night
unto a company of other horses feeding in some pas-
ture, and change them for newe, taking with them
also one or two horses besides, to eate them when
they stand in neede. Our guide therefore was sore
afraide, least we should have met with such com-
panions. In this journey wee had died for famine, had
we not caried some of our bisket with us. At length
we came unto the mighty river of Etilia, or Volga.
For it is foure times greater, then the river of Sein, and
of a wonderfull depth : and issuing forth of Bulgaria the
greater, it runneth into a certaine lake or sea, which of
late they cal the Hircan sea, according to the name of
a certain citie in Persia, standing upon the shore thereof.
Howbeit Isidore calleth it the Caspian sea. For
it hath the Caspian mountaines and the land of
Persia situate on the South side thereof: and the moun-
taines of Musihet, that is to say, of the people called
Assassini towards the East, which mountaines are con-
joyned unto the Caspian mountaines : but on the North
side thereof lieth the same desert, wherein the Tartars doe
now inhabite. Howbeit heretofore there dwelt certaine

270

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d.

1253.

people called Chaiiglae. And on that side it receiveth ChangU.

the streams of Etilia ; which river increaseth in Sommer j

time, like unto the river Nilus in -^gypt. Upon the ,1

West part thereof, it hath the mountaines of Alani, and ;

Lesgi, and Porta ferrea, or Derbent, and the mountaines \

of Georgia. This Sea therefore is compassed in on three \

sides with the mountaines, but on the North side with

plaine grounde. Frier Andrew, in his journey tra veiled ^rier ;

round about two sides therof, namely the South and the ^^^^'^^ \

East sides : and I my selfe about other two, that is to {

say, the North side in going from Baatu to Mangu-Can,

and in returning likewise : and the West side in comming •

home from Baatu into Syria. A man may travel round I

about it in foure moneths. And it is not true which ■

Isidore reporteth, namely that this Sea is a bay or gulfe i,

comming forth of the Ocean : for it doeth, in no part ;

thereof, joyne with the Ocean, but is invironed on all

sides with lande. 1

Of the court of Baatu : and howe we w^ere [l- 109.] 'i

interteined by him. Chap. 21. \

AL the region extending from the West shore of the \

foresaid sea, where Alexanders Iron gate, other- J

wise called the citie of Derbent, is situate, and from l

the mountaines of Alania, all along by the fennes of !

Masotis, whereinto the river of Tanais falleth, and so \

forth, to the North Ocean, was wont to be called ^^^ ^°^'^^ *

Albania. Of which countrey Isidore reporteth, that ^^^^"- '

there be dogs of such an huge stature, and so fierce, '■

that they are able in fight to match bulles, and to master j

lions. Which is true, as I understand by divers, who '

tolde me, that there towardes the North Ocean they '
make their dogges to draw in carts like oxen, by reason

of their bignesse and strength. Moreover, upon that -
part of Etilia where we arrived, there is a new cottage
built, wherein they have placed Tartars and Russians
both together, to ferrie over, and transport messengers
going and comming to and fro the court of Baatu. For

271

A.D.
1253-

He descendeth
dozvne the
river Volga in
a barke.

Astracan.

The descrip-
tion of Baatu
his court.

Horda signifi-
eth the midst.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Baatu remaineth upon the farther side towards the East.
Neither ascendeth hee in Sommer time more Northward
then the foresaide place where we arrived, but was even
then descending to the South. From Januarie untill
August both he and all other Tartars ascend by the
banks of rivers towards cold and Northerly regions,
and in August they begin to returne backe againe.
We passed downe the streame therefore in a barke, from
the foresaid cottage unto his court. From the same
place unto the villages of Bulgaria the greater, standing
toward the North, it is five dayes journey. I wonder
what devill caried the religion of Mahomet thither.
For, from Derbent, which is upon the extreame borders
of Persia, it is above 30. daies journey to passe over-
thwart the desert, and so to ascend by the banke of
Etilia, into the foresaid countrey of Bulgaria. All which
way there is no citie, but onely certaine cottages neere
unto that place where Etilia falleth into the sea. Those
Bulgarians are most wicked Saracens, more earnestly
professing the damnable religion of Mahomet, then
any other nation whatsoever. Moreover, when I first
beheld the court of Baatu, I was astonied at the sight
thereof: for his houses or tents seemed as though they
had bene some huge and mighty citie, stretching out a
great way in length, the people ranging up and downe
about it for the space of some three or foure leagues.
And even as the people of Israel knew every man, on
which side of the tabernacle to pitch his tent : even so
every one of them knoweth right well, towards what
side of the court he ought to place his house when
he takes it from off the cart. Wherupon the court
is called in their language Horda, which signifieth, the
midst : because the governour or chieftaine among them
dwels alwaies in the middest of his people : except onely
that directly towards the South no subject or inferiour
person placeth himselfe, because towards that region the
court gates are set open : but unto the right hand, and
the left hand they extend themselves as farre as they

272

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad. |

1253.

will, according to the conveniencie of places, so that they

place not their houses directly opposite against the court. j
At our arrival we were conducted unto a Saracen, who

provided not for us any victuals at all. The day follow- .;

ing, we were brought unto the court : and Baatu had ,
caused a large tent to be erected, because his house or

ordinarie tent could not containe so many men and ]

women as were assembled. Our guide admonished us ]

not to speake, till Baatu had given us commandement so j

to doe, and that then we should speake our mindes j

briefly. Then Baatu demanded whether your Majestie l

had sent Ambassadours unto him or no ? I answered, •

that your Majestie had sent messengers to Ken-Can : !

and that you would not have sent messengers unto him, \

or letters unto Sartach, had not your Highnes bene ■
perswaded that they were become Christians : because

you sent not unto them for any feare, but onely for i

congratulation, and curtesies sake, in regard that you :

heard they were converted to Christianitie. Then led I

he us unto his pavilion : and wee were charged not to :

touch the cordes of the tent, which they account in stead j

of the threshold of the house. There we stoode in our !

habite bare-footed, and bare-headed, and were a great ■
and strange spectacle in their eyes. For indeed Frier Jo/in de Pkm

John de Piano Carpini had byn there before my comming: ^^^P^^- \
howbeit, because he was the Popes messenger, he changed

his habit that he might not be contemned. Then we j

were brought into the very midst of the tent, neither i

required they of us to do any reverence by bowing our 1
knees, as they use to doe of other messengers. Wee

stood therefore before him for the space wherein a man j

might have rehearsed the Psalme, Miserere mei Deus : \

and there was great silence kept of all men. Baatu ■

himselfe sate upon a seate long and broad like unto a i

bed, guilt all over, with three staires to ascend thereunto, j

and one of his ladies sate beside him. The men there ^

assembled, sate downe scattering, some on the right hand \
of the saide Lady, and some on the left. Those places

I 273 s 1

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253.

on the one side which the women filled not up (for there
were only the wives of Baatu) were supplied by the men.
Also, at the very entrance of the tent, stoode a bench
furnished with cosmos, and with stately great cuppes of
silver, and golde, beeing richly set with precious stones.
Baatu beheld us earnestly, and we him : and he seemed
[I. no.] to me to resemble in personage, Monsieur John de beau
mont, whose soule resteth in peace. And hee had a fresh
ruddie colour in his countenance. At length he com-
manded us to speake. Then our guide gave us direction,
that wee should bow our knees & speak. Wherupon 1
bowed one knee as unto a man : then he signified that I
should kneele upon both knees: and 1 did so, being loath
to contend about such circumstaunces. And again he
commanded me to speak. Then I thinking of praier unto
God, because I kneeled on both my knees, began to pray
on this wise : Sir, we beseech the Lord, from whom all
good things doe proceed, and who hath given you these
earthly benefites, that it would please him hereafter to
make you partaker of his heavenly blessings : because the
former without these are but vain and improfitable. And
I added further. Be it knowen unto you of a certainty,
that you shal not obtain the joyes of heaven, unles you
become a Christian : for God saith, Whosoever beleeveth
& is baptized, shalbe saved : but he that beleeveth not,
shalbe condemned. At this word he modestly smiled :
but the other Moals began to clap their hands, and to
deride us. And my silly interpreter, of whom especially
I should have received comfort in time of need, was
himself abashed & utterly dasht out of countenance.
Then, after silence made, I said unto him, I came unto
your Sonne, because we heard that he was become a
Christian : and I brought unto him letters on the behalfe
The letter i of of my sovereigne Lord the king of France : and your
the Trench sonne sent me hither unto you. The cause of my
^"^' comming therefore is best known unto your selfe. Then

he caused me to rise up. And he enquired your
majesties name, and my name, and the name of mine

274

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253-

associate and interpreter, and caused them all to be put
down in writing. He demaunded likewise (because he
had bene informed, that you were departed out of your
owne countreys with an armie) against whom you waged
warre ? I answered : against the Saracens, who had defiled
the house of God at Jerusalem. He asked also, whether
your Highnes had ever before that time sent any
messengers unto him, or no ? To you sir ? (said I) never.
Then caused he us to sit downe, and gave us of his milke
to drinke, which they account to be a great favour,
especially when any man is admitted to drinke Cosmos
with him in his own house. And as I sate looking
downe upon the ground, he commanded me to lift up my
countenance, being desirous as yet to take more diligent
view of us, or els perhaps for a kinde of superstitious
observation. For they esteeme it a signe of ill lucke, or
a prognostication of evill unto them, when any man sits
in their presence, holding downe his head, as if he were
sad : especially when he leanes his cheeke or chinne
upon his hand. Then we departed forth, and immediatly
after came our guide unto us, and conducting us unto
our lodging, saide unto me : Your master the King
requesteth that you may remaine in this land, which
request Baatu cannot satisfie without the knowledge and
consent of Mangu-Can. Wherefore you, and your
interpreter must of necessitie goe unto Mangu-Can,
Howbeit your associate, and the other man shall returne
unto the court of Sartach, staying there for you, till you
come backe. Then began the man of God mine inter-
preter to lament, esteeming himselfe but a dead man.
Mine associate also protested, that they should sooner
chop off his head, then withdrawe him out of my com-
panie. Moreover I my selfe saide, that without mine
associate I coulde not goe : and that we stood in neede of
two servants at the least, to attend upon us, because, if
one should chance to fall sicke, we could not be without
another. Then returning unto the court, he told these
sayings unto Baatu. And Baatu commanded saying : let

275

u

A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253-

the two Priests and the interpreter goe together, but let
the clearke returne unto Sartach. And comming againe
unto us, hee tolde us even so. And when I would
have spoken for the clearke to have had him with
us, he saide : No more words : for Baatu hath resolved,
that so it shall be, and therefore I dare not goe unto
the court any more. Goset the clearke had remain-
ing of the almes money bestowed upon him, 26.
Yperperas, and no more; 10. whereof he kept for him-
selfe and for the lad, and 16. he gave unto the man of
God for us. And thus were we parted asunder with
teares : he returning unto the court of Sartach, and
our selves remaining still in the same place.

Of our journey tov^ards the Court of Mangu
Can. Chap. 22.

Pon Assumption even our clearke arrived at the

court of Sartach. And on the morrow after, the

Nestorian Priestes were adorned with our vestments in

the presence of the saide Sartach. Then wee our selves

were conducted unto another hoste, who was appointed

to provide us houseroome, victualles, and horses. But

because wee had not ought to bestowe upon him, hee did

T/iey travell all things untowardly for us. Then wee rode on for-

five zceekes by j^^iT&Q with Baatu, descending: alonff by the banke of Etilia,

the banke of r -l r r 1 .1 c .• •

Etiliti ^^^ ^^^ space or nve weekes together : bometimes mme

associate was so extreme] ie hungrie, that hee would tell
mee in a manner weeping, that it fared with him as though
hee had never eaten any thing in all his life before.
There is a faire or market following the court of Baatu at
all times : but it was so farre distant from us that we

[I. III.] could not have recourse thereunto. For wee were con-
strained to walke on foote for want of horses. At length

Hungarians, certaine Hungarians (who had sometime bene after a sort
Cleargie men) found us out : and one of them could as
yet sing many songs without booke, and was accompted
of other Hungarians as a Priest, and was sent for unto
the funerals of his deceased countrey men. There was

276

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS

A.D.
1253.

another of them also pretily wel instructed in his Gram-
mer : for hee could understand the meaning of any thing
that wee spake, but could not answere us. These
Hungarians were a great comfort unto us, bringing us
Cosmos to drinke, yea, and sometimes flesh for to eate
also : who, when they requested to have some bookes of
us, and I had not any to give them (for indeede we had
none but onely a Bible, and a breviarie) it grieved mee
exceedingly. And I saide unto them : Bring mee some
inke and paper, and I will write for you so long as we
shall remaine here : and they did so. And I copied out
for them Horas beatae Virginis, and Officium defunctorum.
Moreover, upon a certaine day, there was a Comanian A Comaman.
that accompanied us, saluting us in Latine, and saying :
Salvete Domini. Wondering thereat and saluting him
againe, I demaunded of him, who had taught him that
kinde of salutation ? Hee saide that hee was baptized in
Hungaria by our Friers, and that of them hee learned it.
He saide moreover, that Baatu had enquired many things
of him concerning us, and that hee tolde him the estate of
our order. Afterwarde I sawe Baatu riding with his
companie, and all his subjects that were housholders or
masters of families riding with him, and (in mine estima-
tion) they were not five hundred persons in all. At
length about the ende of Holy roode, there came a
certaine rich Moal unto us (whose father was a Millenarie,
which is a great office among them) saying : I am the man
that must conduct you unto Mangu-Can, and wee have
thither a journey of foure moneths long to travell, and A journey of
there is such extreame colde in those parts, that stones and +• ^'^^^^-^
trees doe even rive asunder in regarde thereof. Therefore - '^^^ ^^^'
I would wish you throughly to advise your selves, whether
you be able to indure it or no. Unto whome I answered :
I hope by Gods helpe that we shalbe able to brooke that
which other men can indure. Then he saide : if you
cannot indure it, I wil forsake you by the way. And I
answered him : it were not just dealing for you so to doe :
for wee goe not thither upon anie businesse of our owne,

277

A.D.

1253-

The 1 6. oj
September.

46. days.
Or, Kan^tta-.

Or, laic.

laic twelve
dayes journey
from Volga.

Pascadr.

The

Hungarians
descendedfrom
the Bascirdes.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

but by reason that we are sent by your lord. Wherfore
sithence we are committed unto your charge, you ought
in no wise to forsake us. Then he saide : all shalbe well.
Afterward he caused us to shewe him all our garments :
and whatsoever hee deemed to be lesse needfull for us, he
willed us to leave it behind in the custodie of our hoste.-
On the morrow they brought unto ech of us a furred
gowne, made all of rammes skinnes, with the wool stil
upon them, and breeches of the same, and bootes also or
buskins according to their fashion, and shooes made of
felt, and hoods also made of skinnes after their maner.
The second day after Holy rood, we began to set forward
on our journey, having three guides to direct us : and we
rode continually Eastward, till the feast of All Saints.
Throughout all that region, and beyonde also did the
people of Changle inhabite, who were by parentage
descended from the Romanes. Upon the North side of
us, wee had Bulgaria the greater, and on the South, the
foresaid Caspian sea.

Of the river of lagac : and of divers regions or
nations. Chap. 23.

HAving traveiled twelve dayes journey from Etilia, wee
found a mightie river called lagac : which river
issuing out of the North, from the land of Pascatir,
descendeth into the foresaid sea. The language of
Pascatir, and of the Hungarians is all one, and they are all
of them shepheards, not having any cities. And their
countrey bordereth upon Bulgaria the greater, on the
West frontier thereof From the Northeast part of the
said countrey, there is no citie at all. For Bulgaria the
greater is the farthest countrey that way, that hath any
citie therein. Out of the forenamed region of Pascatir,
proceeded the Hunnes of olde time, who afterwarde were
called Hungarians. Next unto it is Bulgaria the greater.
Isidore reporteth concerning the people of this nation, that
with swift horses they traversed the impregnable walles
and bounds of Alexander, (which, together with the rocks

278

\

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253.

of Caucasus, served to restraine those barbarous and blood-
thirstie people from invading the regions of the South)
insomuch that they had tribute paied unto them, as farre
as ^gypt. Likewise they wasted all countreis even unto
France. Whereupon they were more mightie then the
Tartars as yet are. And unto them the Blacians, the Valachlans.
Bulgarians, and the Vandals joyned themselves. For out
of Bulgaria the greater, came those Bulgarians. More-
over, they which inhabit beyond Danubius, neere unto
Constantinople, and not farre from Pascatir, are called Ilac,
which (saving the pronunciation) is al one with Blac, (for
the Tartars cannot pronounce the letter B) from whom
also descended the people which inhabit the land of
Assani. For they are both of them called Ilac (both
these, & the other) in ye languages of the Russians, ye
Polonians, & the Bohemians. The Sclavonians speake all [I. 112.]
one language with the Vandals, all which banded them-
selves with the Hunnes : and now for the most part, they
unite themselves unto the Tartars : whom God hath
raised up from the utmost partes of the earth, according
to that which the Lord saith : I will provoke them to ^^«^- 32
envy (namely such as keepe not his Law) by a people,
which is no people, and by a foolish nation will I anger
them. This prophecie is fulfilled, according to the literal
sense thereof, upon all nations which observe not the Law
of God. Al this which I have written concerning the
land of Pascatir, was told me by certaine Friers praedicants,
which travailed thither before ever the Tartars came
abroad. And from that time they were subdued unto
their neighbors the Bulgarians being Saracens, whereupon
many of them proved Saracens also. Other matters con-
cerning this people, may be known out of Chronicles.
For it is manifest, that those provinces beyond Con-
stantinople, which are now called Bulgaria, Valachia, &
Sclavonia, were of old time provinces belonging to the
Greekes. Also Hungaria was heretofore called Pannonia.
And wee were riding over the land of Cangle, from the ^^^f/j^-^^
feast of Holy roode, untill the feast of All Saints : traveil- duntrey^^

279

21,

Rom. 10. V.
19-

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

^253-

ing almost every day (according to mine estimation) as
farre, as from Paris to Orleans, and sometimes farther, as
we were provided of poste horses : for some dayes we had
change of horses twise or thrise in a day. Sometimes we
travailed two or three daies together, not finding any
people, and then we were constrained not to ride so fast.
Of 20. or 30. horses we had alwayes the woorst, because
wee were strangers. For every one tooke their choice of
the best horses before us. They provided mee alwaies of
a strong horse, because I was very corpulent & heavy :
but whether he ambled a gentle pase or no, I durst not
make any question. Neither yet durst I complaine,
although he trotted full sore. But every man must be
contented with his lot as it fell. Whereupon wee were
exceedingly troubled : for oftentimes our horses were tired
before we could come at any people. And then wee were
constrained to beate and whip on our horses, and to lay
our garments upon other emptie horses : yea and some-
times two of us to ride upon one horse.

Of the hunger, and thirst, and other miseries,

which wtt sustained in our journey.

Chap. 24.

OF hunger and thirst, colde and wearinesse, there was
no end. For they gave us no victuals, but onely in
the evening. In the morning they used to give us a little
drinke, or some sodden Millet to sup off. In the evening
they bestowed flesh upon us, as namely, a shoulder and
breast of rams mutton, and every man a measured
quantitie of broath to drinke. When we had sufficient of
the flesh-broath, we were marvellously wel refreshed.
And it seemed to me most pleasant, and most nourishing
drinke. Every Saterday I remained fasting until night,
without eating or drinking of ought. And when night
came, I was constrained, to my great grief and sorow, to
eat flesh. Sometimes we were faine to eate flesh halfe
sodden, or almost rawe, and all for want of fewel to seethe
it withal : especially when we lay in the fields, or were

280

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253. J

benighted before we came at our journeis end : because
we could not then conveniently gather together the doung j
of horses or oxen : for other fewel we found but seldome,
except perhaps a few thornes in some places. Likewise Certawe
upon the bankes of some rivers, there are woods growing ^^^^^^' ,1
here and there. Howbeit they are very rare. In the ,
beginning our guide highly disdained us, and it was '^
tedious unto him to conduct such base fellowes. After- !
ward, when he began to know us somewhat better, he \
directed us on our way by the courts of rich Moals, and \
we were requested to pray for them. Wherefore, had 1 \
caried a good interpreter with me, I should have had j
opportunitie to have done much good. The foresaid ;
Chingis, who was the first great Can or Emperour of the i
Tartars, had foure sonnes, of whome proceeded by naturall \
descent many children, every one of which doeth at this !
day enjoy great possessions : and they are daily multiplied ;
and dispersed over that huge and waste desert, which is, '<
in dimensions, like unto the Ocean Sea. Our guide j
therefore directed us, as we were going on our journey, i
unto many of their habitations. And they marveiled ;
exceedingly, that we would receive neither gold, nor silver, S
nor precious and costly garments at their hands. They
inquired also, concerning the great Pope, whether he was !
of so lasting an age as they had heard ? For there had '
gone a report among them, that he was 500. yeeres olde.
They inquired likewise of our countreis, whether there
were abundance of sheep, oxen, & horses or no } Con-
cerning the Ocean sea, they could not conceive of it, j
because it was without limits or banks. Upon the even
of ye feast of Al Saints, we forsook the way leading i
towards the East, (because the people were now descended j
very much South) and we went on our journey by certaine \
Alpes, or mountaines directly Southward, for the space of Eight dayes
8. dayes together. In the foresaid desert I saw many j°^^^0 ^°^^^-
asses (which they cal Colan) being; rather like unto mules : '^^T' ' -r. r
these aid our guide & his companions chase very eagerly : foote.
howbeit, they did but lose their labour : for the beastes ^'

281 -

A.D.

1253-

High
mountaines.

[I. ..3.]

Manured
gf-ounds.

Kenchat a
village of the

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

were two swift for them. Upon the 7. day there appeared
to the South of us huge high mountaines, and we entred
into a place which was well watered, and fresh as a garden,
and found land tilled and manured. The eight day after
the feast of All Saints, we arrived at a certain towne of

Saracens.

The 7. day of
'November.

the Saracens, named Kenchat, the governour whereof met
our guide at the townes end with ale and cups. For it is
their maner at all townes and villages, subject unto them,
to meet the messengers of Baatu and Mangu-Can with
meate and drinke. At the same time of the yere, they
went upon the yce in that countrey. And before the
feast of S. Michael, we had frost in the desert. I
enquired the name of that province : but being now in
a strange territorie, they could not tell mee the name
thereof, but onely the name of a very smal citie in
A great river, the same province. And there descended a great river
downe from the mountaines, which watered the whole
region, according as the inhabitants would give it passage,
by making divers chanels and sluces : neither did this
river exonerate it selfe into any sea, but was swallowed
up by an hideous gulfe into the bowels of the earth :
and it caused many fennes or lakes. Also I saw many
vines, and dranke of the wine thereof.

Many lakes.
Vines.

A cottage.
The mountains
of Caucasus
are extended
unto the East-
erne Sea.

The citie oj-
Talas, or
Chincitalas.
Frier
Andrew.

How Ban was put to death : and concerning the
habitation of the Dutch men. Chap. 25.

THe day following, we came unto another cottage
neere unto the mountains. And I enquired what
mountains they were, which I understood to be the
mountains of Caucasus, which are stretched forth, &
continued on both parts to the sea, from the West unto
the East : and on the West part they are conjoyned unto
the foresaid Caspian sea, wherinto the river of Volga
dischargeth his streams. I enquired also of the city of
Talas, wherein were certaine Dutchmen servants unto one
Buri, of whom Frier Andrew made mention. Concerning
whom also I enquired very diligently in the courts of
Sartach & Baatu. Howbeit I could have no intelligence

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad.

1253-
of them, but onely that their lord & master Ban was
put to death upon the occasion following : This Ban was
not placed in good and fertile pastures. And upon a
certain day being drunken, he spake on this wise unto his
men. Am not I of the stocke and kinred of Chingis Can,
as well as Baatu ? (for in very deede he was brother or
nephew unto Baatu.) Why then doe I not passe and
repasse upon the banke of Etilia, to feed my cattel there,
as freely as Baatu himselfe doeth ? Which speeches of
his were reported unto Baatu. Whereupon Baatu wrote
unto his servants to bring their Lorde bound unto him.
And they did so. Then Baatu demanded of him whether
he had spoken any such words ? And hee confessed that
he had. Howbeit, (because it is the Tartars maner to
pardon drunken men) he excused himselfe that he was
drunken at the same time. Howe durst thou (quoth
Baatu) once name mee in thy drunkennesse ? And with
that hee caused his head to be chopt off. Concerning the
foresaid Dutchmen, I could not understand ought, till 1
was come unto the court of Mangu-Can. And there I
was informed that Mangu-Can had removed them out
of the jurisdiction of Baatu, for the space of a moneths
journey from Talas Eastward, unto a certaine village,
called Bolac : where they are set to dig gold, and to T^e village of
make armour. Whereupon I could neither goe nor come ^^-''^^•
by them. I passed very neere the saide citie in going
forth, as namely, within three dayes journey thereof: but
I was ignorant that I did so : neither could I have turned
out of my way, albeit I had knowen so much. From the
foresaide cottage we went directly Eastward, by the
mountaines aforesaid. And from that time we travailed ^^ entreth
among the people of Mangu-Can, who in all places sang
and daunced before our guide, because hee was the
messenger of Baatu. For this curtesie they doe affoord
eche to other : namely, the people of Mangu-Can re-
ceiving the messengers of Baatu in maner aforesaide :
and so likewise the people of Baatu intertaining the
messengers of Mangu-Can. Notwithstanding the people

283

hito the
territories of
Mangu-Can.

A.D.
1253-

Certain Alpes
wherein the
Car a Catal-
ans inhabited.
A mighty
riz'er.

Ground tilled.
Equius.

J lake of
Jifteene dayes
journey in
compasse.

[I 1,+.]

Cailac a great
citie, and full
of merchants.

Contomanni.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

of Baatu are more surlie and stoute, and shewe not so
much curtesie unto the subjectes of Mangu-Can, as they
doe unto them. A fewe dayes after, wee entered upon
those Alpes where the Cara Catayans were woont to
inhabite. And there wee found a mightie river : inso-
much that wee were constrained to imbarke our selves,
and to saile over it. Afterward we came into a certaine
valley, where I saw a castle destroyed, the walles whereof
were onely of mudde : and in that place the ground was
tilled also. And there wee founde a certaine village, named
Equius, wherein were Saracens, speaking the Persian
language : howbeit they dwelt an huge distance from
Persia. The day following, having passed over the
foresaide Alpes which descended from the great mountains
Southward, we entred into a most beautiful plaine, having
high mountaines on our right hande, and on the left
hande of us a certaine Sea or lake, which containeth fifteene
dayes journey in circuite. All the foresayde plaine is
most commodiously watered with certaine freshets dis-
tilling from the said mountaines, all which do fall into
the lake. In Sommer time wee returned by the North
shore of the saide lake, and there were great mountaines
on that side also. Upon the forenamed plaine there were
wont to bee great store of villages : but for the most part
they were all wasted, in regarde of the fertile pastures,
that the Tartars might feede their cattel there. Wee
found one great citie there named Cailac, wherein was
a mart, and great store of Merchants frequenting it.
In this citie wee remained fifteene dayes, staying for a
certaine Scribe or Secretarie of Baatu, who ought to have
accompanied our guide for the dispatching of certaine
affaires in the court of Mangu. All this countrey was
wont to be called Organum : and the people thereof had
their proper language, and their peculiar kinde of writing.
But it was altogether inhabited of the people called
Contomanni. The Nestorians likewise in those parts
used the very same kinde of language and writing. They
are called Organa, because they were wont to be most

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad

1253.

skilfull in playing upon the Organes or citherne, as it
was reported unto me. Here first did I see worshippers
of idoles, concerning whom, bee it knowen unto your
majestie, that there be many sects of them in the
East countries.

, How the Nestorians, Saracens, and Idolaters are
I joyned together. Chap. 26.

THe first sort of these idolaters are called Jugures : T'he people
whose land bordereth upon the foresaid land of '^^Qiaters^'^^ ^
Organum, within the said mountains Eastward : and in
al their cities Nestorians do inhabit together, and they
are dispersed likewise towards Persia in the cities of
the Saracens. The citizens of ye foresaid city of Cailac
had 3. idole-Temples : and I entred into two of them,
to beholde their foolish superstitions. In the first of
which I found a man having a crosse painted with ink
upon his hand, wherupon I supposed him to be a
Christian : for he answered like a Christian unto al
questions which I demanded of him. And I asked
him. Why therefore have you not the crosse with the
image of Jesu Christ therupon } And he answered :
We have no such custome. Whereupon I conjectured
that they were indeede Christians : but, that for lacke
of instruction they omitted the foresaide ceremonie. For
I saw there behind a certaine chest (which was unto them
in steed of an altar, whereupon they set candles and
oblations) an image having wings like unto the image
of Saint Michael, and other images also, holding their
fingers, as if they would blesse some body. That evening
I could not find any thing els. For the Saracens doe
onely invite men thither, but they will not have them
speake of their religion. And therfore, when I enquired
of the Saracens concerning such ceremonies, they were
offended thereat. On the morrow after were the
Kalends, and the Saracens feast of Passeover. And
changing mine Inne or lodging the same day, I tooke
up mine abode neere unto another idole-Temple. For

285

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

J253.

the citizens of the said citie of Cailac doe curteously
invite, & lovingly intertaine all messengers, every man
of them according to his abilitie and portion. And
entring into the foresaid idole-Temple, I found the
Priests of the said idoles there. For alwayes at the
Kalends they set open their Temples, and the priests
adorne themselves, and offer up the peoples oblations
of bread and fruits. First therefore I will describe
unto you those rites and ceremonies, which are common
unto all their idole-Temples : and then the superstitions
of the foresaid Jugures, which be, as it were, a sect dis-
tinguished from the rest. They doe all of them worship
towards the North, clapping their hands together, and
prostrating themselves on their knees upon ye earth,
holding also their foreheads in their hands. Wherupon
the Nestorians of those parts will in no case joyne
their hands together in time of prayer : but they pray,
displaying their hands before their breasts. They
extend their Temples in length East and West : and
upon the North side they build a chamber, in maner of
a Vestry for themselves to goe forth into. Or sometimes
it is otherwise. If it be a foure square Temple, in the
midst of the Temple towards the North side therof,
they take in one chamber in that place where the quire
should stand. And within the said chamber they place
a chest long and broad like unto a table : and behinde
the saide chest towardes the South stands their principall
Frier William idole : which I sawe at Caracarum, and it was as bigge
was at Cara- ^s the idole of Saint Christopher. Also a certaine
Nestorian priest, which had bin in Catay, saide that in
that countrey there is an idole of so huge a bignes, that
it may be seen two daies journey before a man come at it.
And so they place other idoles round about the foresaid
principal idole, being all of them finely gilt over with pure
golde : and upon the saide chest, which is in manner of a
table, they set candles and oblations. The doores of their
Temples are alwayes opened towards the South, contrary
to the custome of the Saracens. They have also great

286

carum.

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS a.d.

1253-
belles like unto us. And that is the cause (as I thinke)
why the Christians of the East will in no case use great
belles. Notwithstanding they are common among the
Russians, and Graecians of Gasaria.

Of their Temples and idoles : and howe they
behave themselves in worshipping their false
gods. Chap. 27.

I A LI their Priests had their heads and beards shaven
■ .l\, quite over : and they are clad in saffron coloured
garments : and being once shaven, they lead an unmaried
life from that time forward : and they live an hundreth or [I. 1 1 5.]
two hundreth of them together in one cloister or covent.
Upon those dayes when they enter into their temples, they
place two long foormes therein : and so sitting upon the
sayd foormes like singing men in a quier, namely the one
halfe of them directly over against the other, they have
certaine books in their hands, which sometimes they lay Bookes.
downe by them upon the foormes : and their heads are
bare so long as they remaine in the temple. And there
they reade softly unto themselves, not uttering any voice
at all. Whereupon comming in amongst them, at the
time of their superstitious devotions, and finding them all
siting mute in maner aforesayde, I attempted divers waies
to provoke them unto speach, and yet could not by any
means possible. They have with them also whithersoever
they goe, a certaine string with an hundreth or two
hundreth nutshels thereupon, much like to our bead-roule
which we cary about with us. And they doe alwayes utter
these words : Ou mam Hactani^ God thou knowest : as
one of them expounded it unto me. And so often doe
they expect a reward at Gods hands, as they pronounce
these words in remembrance of God. Round about their
temple they doe alwayes make a faire court, like unto a
churchyard, which they environ with a good wall : and
upon the South part thereof they build a great portal,
wherein they sit and conferre together. And upon the
top of the said portall they pitch a long pole right up,

287

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253.

exalting it, if they can, above all the whole towne besides.
And by the same pole all men may knowe, that there
stands the temple of their idoles, These rites and cere-
monies aforesayd be common unto all idolaters in those
parts. Going upon a time towardes the foresayd idole-
temple, I found certain priests sitting in the outward
portal. And those which I sawe, seemed unto me, by
their shaven beards, as if they had bene French men.
They wore certaine ornaments upon their heads made of
paper. The priestes of the foresaide Jugures doe use such
attire whithersoever they goe. They are alwaies in their
safiron coloured jackets, which be very straight being
laced or buttened from the bosome right downe, after the
French fashion. And they have a cloake upon their left
shoulder descending before and behind under their right
arme, like unto a deacon carying the houssel-boxe in time
Paper. of lent. Their letters or kind of writing the Tartars did

5o do the receive. They begin to write at the top of their paper
people of China Jj-^wing their lines right downe : and so they reade and
^dravchz their ^'^^^iply their lines from the left hand to the right. They
lines perpendi- doe use certaine papers and characters in their magical
cularly down- practises. Whereupon their temples are full of such short
ward, '^ not scroules hanged round about them. Aso Mangu-Can
^th^U^hthand ^^^^ ^^^^^ letters unto your Majestie written in the
to the leftc. language of the Moals or Tartars, and in the foresayd
hand or letter of the Jugures. They burne their dead
according to the anncient custome, and lay up the ashes in
the top of a Pyramis. Now, after I had sit a while by the
foresaid priests, and entred into their temple and scene
many of their images both great and small, I demanded of
them what they beleeved concerning God } And they
answered : We beleeve that there is onely one God. And
I demaunded farther : Whether do you beleve that he is
a spirit, or some bodily substance } They saide : We
beleeve that he is a spirite. Then said I : Doe you
beleeve that God ever tooke mans nature upon him .^
They answered : Noe. And againe I said : Sithence ye
beleeve that he is a spirit, to what end doe you make so

288

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS ad

1253-
many bodily images to represent him ? Sithence also you
beleeve not that hee was made man : why doe you
resemble him rather unto the image of a man then of any
other creature ? Then they answered saying : we frame
not those images whereby to represent God. But when
any rich man amongst us, or his sonne, or his wife, or any
of his friends deceaseth, hee causeth the image of the dead
party to be made, and to be placed here : and we in
remembrance of him doe reverence thereunto. Then I
replyed : you doe these things onely for the friendship
and flatterie of men. Noe (said they) but for their
memory. Then they demanded of me, as it were in
scoffing wise : Where is God ? To whom I answered :
where is your soule ? They said, in our bodies. Then
saide I, is it not in every part of your bodie, ruling and
guiding the whole bodie, and yet notwithstanding is not
seene or perceived ? Even so God is every where and
ruleth all things, and yet is he invisible, being under-
standing and wisedome it selfe. Then being desirous to
have had some more conference with them, by reason,
that mine interpreter was weary, and not able to expresse
my meaning, I was constrained to keepe silence. The
Moals or Tartars are in this regard of their sect : namely
they beleeve that there is but one God : howbeit they
make images of felt, in remembrance of their deceased
friends, covering them with five most rich and costly
garments, and putting them into one or two carts, which
carts no man dare once touch : and they are in the
custody of their soothsayers, who are their priests, con-
cerning whom I will give your Highnesse more at large
to understand hereafter. These soothsayers or diviners
do alwaies attend upon the court of Mangu and of other
great personages. As for the poorer or meaner sorte,
they have them not, but such onely as are of the stocke
and kindred of Chingis. And when they are to remove
or to take any journey, the said diviners goe before them,
even as the cloudie piller went before the children of
Israel. And they appoint ground where the tents must
I 289 T

B

AD THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253.

be pitched, and first of al they take down their owne
[I. 116.] houses: & after them the whole court doth the like.
Also upon their festival daies or kalends they take forth
the foresayd images, and place them in order round, or
circle wise within the house. Then come the Moals or
Tartars, and enter into the same house, bowing themselves
before the said images and worship them. Moreover, it
is not lawfuU for any stranger to enter into that house.
For upon a certaine time I my selfe would have gone in,
but I was chidden full well for my labour.

Of divers and sundry nations : and of certaine
people which were wont to eate their owne
parents. Chap. 28.

'Ut the foresayd Jugures (who live among the
Christians, and the Saracens) by their sundry dis-
putations, as I suppose, have bene brought unto this, to
beleeve, that there is but one onely God. And they
dwelt in certaine cities, which afterward were brought in
subjection unto Chingis Can : whereupon he gave his
daughter in mariage unto their king. Also the citie of
Caracarum it selfe is in a manner within their territory :

The countrey and the whole countrey of king or Presbyter John, & of

ofPresbite?- j^jg brother Vut lyeth neere unto their dominions : saving,
that they inhabite in certaine pastures Northward, and the
sayde Jugures betweene the mountaines towardes the
South. Whereupon it came to passe, that the Moals
received letters from them. And they are the Tartars
principall scribes : & al the Nestorians almost can skill of
their letters. Next unto them, between the foresaid

Tangut. mountaines Eastward, inhabiteth the nation of Tangut,

who are a most valiant people, and tooke Chingis in
battell. But after the conclusion of a league hee was set
at libertie by them, and afterward subdued them. These

Strange oxen, people of Tangut have oxen of great strength, with tailes
like unto horses, and with long shagge haire upon their
backes and bellyes. They have legges greater then other
oxen have, and they are exceedingly fierce. These oxen

290

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS

drawe the great houses of the Moals : and their homes
are slender, long, streight, and most sharpe pointed :
insomuch that their owners are faine to cut off the endes
of them. A cowe will not suffer her selfe to be coupled
unto one of them, unles they whistle or sing unto her.
They have also the qualities of a Buffe : for if they see
a man clothed in red, they run upon him immediately
to kill him. Next unto them are the people of Tebet,
men which were wont to eate the carkases of their
deceased parents : that for pities sake, they might make
no other sepulchre for them, then their owne bowels.
Howbeit of late they have left off this custome, because
that thereby they became abominable and odious unto al
other nations. Notwithstanding unto this day they make
£ne cups of the skuls of their parents, to the ende that
when they drinke out of them, they may amidst all their
jollities and delights call their dead parents to remem-
brance. This was tolde mee by one that saw it. The
sayd people of Tebet have great plentie of golde in their
land. Whosoever therefore wanteth golde, diggeth till
he hath found some quantitie, and then taking so much
thereof as will serve his turne, he layeth up the residue
within the earth : because, if he should put it into his
chest or storehouse, hee is of opinion that God would
withholde from him all other gold within the earth. I
sawe some of those people, being very deformed creatures.
In Tangut I saw lusty tall men, but browne and swart in
colour. The Jugures are of a middle stature like unto
our French men. Amongst the Jugures is the originall
and roote of the Turkish, and Comanian languages.
Next unto Tebet are the people of Langa and Solanga,
whose messengers I saw in the Tartars court. And they
had brought more then ten great cartes with them, every
one of which was drawen with sixe oxen. They be little
browne men like unto Spaniards. Also they have jackets,
like unto the upper vestment of a deacon, saving that the
sleeves are somewhat streighter. And they have miters
upon their heads like bishops. But the fore part of their

291

A.D.
1253-

The people of
Tebet.

Abundance of
golde.

The stature of
the people of
Tangut, and
of the Jugures.

Langa U
Solanga.

The people
of Solanga
resemble
Spaniards.

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1253

miter is not so hollow within as the hinder part : neither
is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the toppe : but there
hang downe certaine square flappes compacted of a kinde
of strawe which is made rough and rugged with extreme
heat, and is so trimmed, that it glittereth in the sunne
beames, like unto a glasse, or an helmet well burnished.
And about their temples they have long bands of the
foresayd matter fastened unto their miters, which hover in
the wind, as if two long homes grewe out of their heads.
And when the winde tosseth them up and downe too
much, they tie them over the midst of their miter from
one temple to another : and so they lie circle wise over-
thwart their heads. Moreover their principal messenger
Atabkofele- comming unto the Tartars court had a table of elephants
phants tooth. ^QQ^j^ about him of a cubite in length, and a handfull in
breadth, being very smoothe. And whensoever hee spake
unto the Emperor himselfe, or unto any other great \
personage, hee alwayes beheld that table, as if hee had j
found therein those things which hee spake : neither did
he cast his eyes to the right hand, nor to the lefte, nor \
upon his face, with whom he talked. Yea, going too and I
fro before his lord, he looketh no where but only upon 1
The people ^^^ table. Beyond them (as I understand of a certainty) I
called Muc. there are other people called Muc, having villages, but no :
[I. 117.] one particular man of them appropriating any cattell unto ,i
himselfe. Notwithstanding there are many flockes and
droves of cattell in their countrey, & no man appointed to
keepe them. But when any one of them standeth in
neede of any beast, hee ascendeth up unto an hill, and
there maketh a shout, and all the cattell which are within !
hearing of the noyse, come flocking about him, and suffer '
themselves to be handled and taken, as if they were tame, i
And when any messenger or stranger commeth into their j
countrie, they shut him up into an house, ministring there i
things necessary unto him, untill his businesse be dis- \
patched. For if anie stranger should travell through that I
countrie, the cattell would flee away at the very sent of (
him, and so would become wilde. Beyond Muc is great

292

CHARTER TO THE CINQUE PORTS

A.D.
1278

Cathaya, the inhabitants whereof (as I suppose) were of Great
olde time, called Seres. For from them are brought most ^^^^^y^-
excellent stuffes of silke. And this people is called Seres
of a certain towne in the same countrey. I was crediblie
informed, that in the said countrey, there is one towne
having walles of silver, and bulwarkes or towers of golde.
There be many provinces in that land, the greater part
whereof are not as yet subdued unto the Tartars. And
amongst*

Somewhat is wanting.

Part of the great Charter granted by king Edward
the first to the Barons of the Cinque portes, in
the sixt yeere of his reigne 1278. for their
good services done unto him by sea : wherein
is mention of their former ancient Charters
from Edward the Confessor, William the
Conqueror, William Rufus, Henry the second,
king Richard the first, king John, and Henry
the third continued unto them.

Dward by the grace of God king of
England, lord of Ireland, & duke of
Gascoigne, to all Archbishops, Bishops,
Abbots, Priors, Earles, Barons, Justices,
Shirifs, Provosts, Officers, & to all Bay-
liffes and true subjects greeting. You
shall knowe that for the faithfull service
that our Barons of the five Ports hitherto to our pre-
decessors kings of England, & unto us lately in our armie
of Wales have done, and for their good service to us and
our heires kings of England, truly to be continued in
time to come, we have granted & by this our Charter
confirmed for us and our heires, to the same our Barons
and to their heires, all their liberties and freedomes. So
that they shall be free from all toll, and from all custome ;
that is to say from all lastage, tallage, passage, cariage,

293

A.D.
1278.

The fishing
at great
Yarmouth.

Henry the
third.

Edzuard the
confessor.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

rivage, asponsage, and from all wrecke, and from all their
sale, carying and recarying through all our realme and
dominion, with socke and souke, toll and theme. And
that they shall have Infangthefe, and that they shall be
wreckefree, lastagefree, and lovecopfree. And that they
shall have Denne and Strande at great Yarmouth, accord-
ing as it is contayned in the ordinance by us thereof made
perpetually to bee observed. And also that they are free
from all shires and hundreds : so that if any person will
plead against them, they shall not aunswere nor pleade
otherwise then they were wont to plead in the time of the
lord, king Henrie our great grandfather : And that they
shall have their findelles in the sea and in the land : And
that they be free of all their goods and of all their
marchandises as our freemen. And that they have their
honours in our court, and their liberties throughout all
the land wheresoever they shall come. And that they
shall be free for ever of all their lands, which in the time
of Lord Henrie the king our father they possessed : that
is to say in the 44. yere of his reign, from all maner of
summonces before our Justices to any maner of plead-
ings, journeying in what shire soever their lands are.
So that they shall not be bound to come before the
Justices aforesaid, except any of the same Barons doe
implead any man, or if any man be impleaded. And that
they shall not pleade in any other place, except where
they ought, and where they were wont, that is to say, at
Shepeway. And that they have their liberties and free-
domes from hencefoorth, as they and their predecessors
have had them at any time better, more fully and honour-
ably in the time of the kings of England, Edward,
William the first, William the second, Henrie the king
our great grandfather, and in the times of king Richard,
and king John our grandfathers, and lord king Henrie
our father, by their Charters : as the same Charters which
the same our Barons thereof have, and which we have
scene, doe reasonably testifie. And we forbid that no man
unjustly trouble them nor their marchandise upon our

294

CHARTER TO THE CINQUE PORTS ad.

1278.

forfeyture often pounds. So nevertheless, that when the
same Barons shall fayle in doing of Justice or in receiving
of Justice, our Warden, and the wardens of our heires of [I. 118.]
the Cinque Portes, which for the time shall be, their
Ports and liberties may enter for to doe their full Justice.
So also that the sayd Barons and their heires, do unto us
and to our heirs kings of England by the yeare their full
service of 57. shippes at their costs by the space of fifteene 57- ^f^}P^ °f
dayes at our somounce, or at the somounce of our heires. p ?^^ ,
We have granted also unto them of our speciall grace that ^^ ^^^^,^ ^^^
they have Outfangthefe in their lands within the Ports king \^. dayes
aforesayd, in the same maner that Archbishops, Bishops, (it their owne
Abbots, Earles and Barons, have in their manours in the ^^^^^•
countie of Kent. And they be not put in any Assises,
Juries, or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure
against their will : and that they be free of all their owne
wines for which they do travaile of our right prise, that
is to say, of one tunne before the mast, and of another
behind the maste. We have granted furthermore unto
the said Barons for us and our heires, that they for ever
have this liberty, that is to say. That we or our heires
shall not have the wardship or mariages of their heires by
reason of their landes, which they holde within the
liberties and Portes aforesayde, for the which they doe
their service aforesayd : and for the which wee and our
progenitors had not the wardships and mariages in time
past. But we our aforesayd confirmation upon the
liberties and freedomes aforesayde, and our grants
following to them of our especiall grace, of newe have
caused to be made, saving alwaies in al things our kingly
dignitie : And saving unto us and to our heires, plea
of our crowne, life and member. Wherefore we will
and surely command for us and our heires that the
aforesaid Barons and their heires for ever have all the
aforesaid liberties and freedomes, as the aforesaid Charters
do reasonably testifie. And that of our especial grace
they have outfangthefe in their lands within the Ports
aforesaid after the maner that Archbishops, Bishops,

295

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1278.

Abbots, Earles and Barons have in their manours in the
county of Kent. And that they be not put in Assises,
Juries, or Recognisances by reason of their forreine
tenure against their will. And that they bee free of
their owne wines for which they travaile of our right
price or custome, that is to say of one tunne of wine
before the maste, and of another tunne behinde the
maste. And that likewise for ever they have the libertie
aforesayde : that is to say : That wee and our heires
have not the wardships or mariages of their heires by
reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties
and Portes aforesayd, for which they doe their service
aforesaid, and for which wee and our predecessors the
wardships and mariages have not had in times past.
But our aforesayd confirmation of their liberties and
freedomes aforesaid and other grants following to them
of our especiall grace of new we have caused to bee
made. Saving alwayes and in all things our regall
dignity. And saving unto us and our heires the pleas
of our crowne of life and member as is aforesayd. These
being witnesses, the reverend father Robert of Portuens
Cardinall of the holie Church of Rome, frier WiUiam
of Southhampton Prior povincial of the friers preachers
in England, William of Valencia our uncle, Roger of
the dead sea, Roger of Clifford, Master Robert Samuel
deane of Sarum, Master Robert of Scarborough the
Archdeacon of East Riding, Master Robert of Seyton,
Bartholomew of Southley, Thomas of Wayland, Walter
of Hoptan, Thomas of Normannel, Steven of Pennes-
ter, Frances of Bonava, John of Lenetotes, John of
Metingham and others. Given by our hand at West-
minster the fourteenth day of June, in the sixth yeare
of our reigne.

296

THE FLEET BEFORE CALAIS

The roll of the huge fleete of Edward the third
before Calice, extant in the kings great ward-
robe in London, whereby the wonderfull
strength of England by sea
may appeare.

The South fleete,
' Shippes 25

in those dayes

The Kings

London

Aileford

Hoo

Maydstonc

Hope

New Hi the

Margat

II Motue

Feversham

Sandwich

Dover

Wight

Winchelsey

Way mouth

2
24

2

24
2

2

59

5

49

15

) Mariners 4 1 9
f Shippes 25
\ Mariners 662
f Shippes
I Mariners
f Shippes
\ Mariners
f Shippes
I Mariners
J Shippes
) Mariners

Shippes

Mariners
) Shippes
I Mariners 160
f Shippes 2
I Mariners 22
I Shippes 2
\ Mariners 25
(Ships 22

I Mariners 504
\ Ships 16

) Mariners 336

Ships 13

Mariners 220
( Ships 21

I Mariners 596
j Ships 15

[Mariners 263

Lyme

Seton

Sydmouth

Exmouth

Tegmouth

Dartmouth

Portsmouth

PI

imou

th

Loo

Yalme

II Fowey

Bristol

Tenmouth

Hasting

25

3
62

10

93

7

Romney

\ Ships 4

) Mariners 62
I Ships 2

I Mariners
j Ships
I Mariners
j Ships
\ Mariners
f Ships
) Mariners 120
I Ships 3 I

( Mariners 757
f Ships 5

\ Mariners 96
\ Ships 26

) Mariners 603
f Ships 20

I Mariners 3 1 5
J Ships 2

I Mariners 47
Ships 47

Mariners 770
( Ships 22

] Mariners 608
i Ships 2

j Mariners 25
\ Ships 5

I Mariners 96
Ships 4

Mariners (^^

A.D.

c. 1345.

Thomas Wal-
singham
write th y*
he had once
1 1 00. strong
shippes.

I Or, Morne.

I. ..9.]

i Or, Foy.

297

A.D.

c. 1345.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

t Or, Pad-
stow.

Rye
Hithe
Shoreham
XOr,^eford. J Soford

Newmouth

Hamowl-
hooke

Hoke

Southhamp-
ton

Leymington
Poole
Warham <

Ships 9.

Manners 156.
Ships 6.

Mariners 122,
Ships 20.

Mariners 329.

5-
80.

Stockhith.
[I. 120.]

Bamburgh

Newcastle

Walcrich

Hertilpoole

HuU

Yorke

Ravenser

Ships
Mariners
Ships 2

Mariners 18
Ships 7,

Mariners 1 17
Ships II,

Mariners 208,
Ships 21

Mariners 576
Ships 9

Mariners 159,
Ships 4

Mariners 94
Ships 3

Mariners 59

Swanzey

Ilfercombe

J Patricke-
stowe

Polerwan

Wadworth

Kardife

Bridgwater

Kaermar-
then

Caileches-
worth

Mulbrooke

Summe of the
South fleete.

Ships

Mariners
( Ships
(^ Mariners
[ Ships
\ Mariners

Ships

Mariners

Ships

Mariners
J Ships
( Mariners
J Ships
I Mariners
j Ships
( Mariners

Ships

Mariners

Ships

Mariners
Ships 493

Mariners 9630

29.
6.

79-

2.

27.

I.
60.

I.
14.

I.

51-
I.

15-
I.

16.

I.
12.

I.

12,

The North fleete.

I y<n • ' Woodhouse

( Mariners 9.

i Ships 17.

Mariners 314.
Ships I.

Mariners 12.
j Ships 5.

( Mariners 145.
J Ships 16.

(^ Mariners 466.
( Ships I.

I Mariners 9.
J Ships I.

( Mariners 27.

Strokhithe

Barton

Swinefleete

Saltfleet

Grimesby

Waynefleet

Ships

Mariners

Ships

Mariners

Ships

Mariners

Ships

Mariners

Ships

Mariners

Ships

Mariners

Ships

Mariners

I
22,

I
10.

30-
I

1 1
2,

49.

1 1
171
2.

49.

THE FLEET BEFORE CALAIS

Wrangle

j^ Lenne
Blackney

l^hips l' Mersey

( Manners 8. ^

I Ships 1 6. Brightling-

( Mariners 382. sey

J^hips l' Colchester

I Manners 38.

Scarborough | Mariners

19.

43-

Whitbanes
Maiden

r Ships
Yernmouth < Mariners

(1950. or 1075.
J Ships 6.

( Mariners 102.
i Ships 3.

[Mariners 62.
j Ships 13.

I Mariners 303.
j Ships 14.

) Mariners 283.
(Ships 12.

[Mariners 239.

The summe totall of f Ships
all the English fleete\ Mariners

Donwich

Orford

Goford

Herwich

Ipswich

Derwen

Boston

Swinhumber

Barton

The Summe
of the North
fleete.

J Ships
I Mariners
J Ships
\ Mariners

Ships

Mariners

Ships

Mariners

Ships
I Mariners
j Ships
I Mariners
j Ships
( Mariners 361.
f Ships I.

"[ Mariners 32.
j Ships 5.

[ Mariners 9 1 .
Ships 217.

Mariners 4521.

700.
14151.

I.

6.

5-
61.

5-

90.

I.

17-

2.

32.
I.

15-
17-

Bay on

Spayne

Ireland

Estrangers the

Ships

Mariners
j Ships
( Mariners
f Ships
"[ Mariners

15

439

7

184

I

25

ships and mariners,
i Ships

Flanders
Gelderland

I Mariners
J Ships
1 Mariners

14.

133-
I.

24.

The summe of all the Estrangers

Ships
Mariners

38.
805.

A.D.

c. 1345-

Nozv Brkkel-

sey.

1 Or, Linne,

Or,

Vermouth,

THe summe of expenses aswell of wages, & prests, [I. 121.]
as for the expenses of the kings houses, and for
other gifts and rewards, shippes and other things
necessary to the parties of France and Normandie,

299

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES j

c- 1345. I

and before Calice, during the siege there, as it appeareth
in the accompts of William Norwel keeper of the \
kings Wardrobe, from the 21. day of April in the !
18 yeere of the reigne of the said king, unto the I
foure and twentieth day of November in the one and
twentieth yeere of his reigne, is iii. hundreth xxxvii.
thousand li. ix.s. iiii.d.

A note out of Thomas Walsingham touching ;

the huge Fleete of eleven hundred v^ell |

furnished ships w^herew^ith king Edward the I

third passed over unto Calais in the yeere j

1359- i

ANno gratia^ 1359. Johannes Rex Francias sub umbra !
pacis, & dolose obtulit Regi Angliae Flandriam,
Picardiam, Aquitaniam, aliasque terras quas equitaverat
& vastarat : pro quibus omnibus ratificandis idem Rex ;
Edwardus in Franciam nuncios suos direxit ; quibus
omnibus Franci contradixerunt. Unde motus Rex
Angliae, celeriter se & suos praeparavit ad transfretan-
dum, ducens secum principem Walliae Edwardum suum
primogenitum, ducem Henricum Lancastriae, & fere 1
proceres omnes, quos comitabantur vel sequebantur |
pcene mille currus, habuitque apud Sanwicum instructas '
optime undecies centum naves, & cum hoc apparatu ad '
humiliandum Francorum fastum Franciam navigavit, '
relicto domino Thoma de Woodstock filio suo juniore
admodum parvulo, Anglici regni custode, sub tutela
tamen.

The same in English.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1359. John the French king \
craftily, and under pretence of peace, offered unto :
Edward the third king of England, Flanders, Picardie, j
Gascoigne, and other territories which he had spoyled
and wasted : for the ratifying of which agreement, the
foresaid king Edward sent his ambassadors into France, :
but the Frenchmen gainsaied them in all their articles and |

300

NICHOLAS DE LYNNA

demaunds. Whereupon the king of England being pro-
voked, speedily prepared himselfe and his forces to crosse
the seas, carying with him Edward Prince of Wales his
heire apparant, and Henry duke of Lancaster and almost
all his Nobles, with a thousand wagons and cartes attend-
ing upon them. And the said king had at Sandwich
eleven hundred ships exceedingly well furnished : with
which preparation he passed over the seas, to abate
the Frenchmens arrogancie : leaving his yonger sonne
Thomas of Woodstocke, being very tender of age, as
his vicegerent in the Realme of England ; albeit not
without a protectour, &c.

The voyage of Nicholas de Lynna a Franciscan
Frier, and an excellent Mathematician of
Oxford, to all the Regions situate under
the North pole, in the yeere 1360. and in
the raigne of Edward the 3. king of
England.

A.D.

1360.

Uod ad descriptionem partium Septen-
trionalium attinet, earn nos accipimus
ex Itinerario Jacobi Cnoyen Buscodu-
censis, qui quaedam ex rebus gestis
Arthuri Britanni citat, majorem autem
partem & potiora, a Sacerdote quodam
apud Regem Noruegi^, An. Dom. 1364.
didicit. Descenderat is ex illis quos Arthurus ad has
habitandas insulas miserat, & referebat, An. 1360. Mino-
ritam quendam Anglum Oxoniensem Mathematicum in
eas insulas venisse, ipsisque relictis ad ulteriora arte
Magica profectum descripsisse omnia, & Astrolabio
dimensum esse in banc subjectam formam fere, uti ex
Jacobo collegimus. Euripos illos quatuor dicebat tanto
impetu ad interiorem voraginem rapi, ut naves semel
ingressas nullo vento retroagi possent, neque vero un-
quam tantum ibi ventum esse, ut mola? frumentariae
circumagends sufficiat. Simillima his habet Giraldus

The words of
Gerardus
Mercator, in
the foote of his
genei'al Map^
upon the de-
scription of the
North partes.

T

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1360-

Cambrensis (qui floruit. An. 12 10.) in libro de mirabi-

libus Hyberniae, sic enim scribit. Non procul ab insulis

Hebridibus, Islandia, &c. ex parte Boreali, est maris

quasdam miranda vorago, in quam a remotis partibus

omnes undique fluctus marini tanquam ex condicto

fluuntj & recurrunt, qui in secreta naturae penetralia se

ibi transfundentes, quasi in Abyssum vorantur. Si vero

navem hac forte transire contigerit, tanta rapitur, & attra-

hitur fluctuum violentia, ut earn statim irrevocabiliter vis

voracitatis absorbeat.

Quatuor voragines hujus Oceani, a quatuor oppositis

mundi partibus Philosophi describunt, unde & tarn

marinos fluctus, quam & ^Eolicos flatus causaliter

pervenire nonnulli conjectant,

[I. 122.] The same in English.

Ouching the description of the North partes, I have
taken the same out of the voyage of James Cnoyen
of Hartzevan Buske, which alleageth certaine conquests
of Arthur king of Britaine : and the most part, and
chiefest things among the rest, he learned of a certaine
priest in the king of Norwayes court, in the yeere 1364.
This priest was descended from them which king Arthur
had sent to inhabite these Islands, and he reported that in
the yeere 1360, a certaine English Frier, a Franciscan,
and a Mathematician of Oxford, came into those Islands,
who leaving them, and passing further by his Magicall
Arte, described all those places that he sawe, and tooke
the height of them with his Astrolabe, according to the
forme that I (Gerard Mercator) have set downe in my
mappe, and as I have taken it out of the aforesaid James
Cnoyen. Hee sayd that those foure Indraughts were
drawne into an inward gulfe or whirlepoole, with so great
a force, that the ships which once entred therein, could
by no meanes be driven backe againe, and that there is
never in those parts so much winde blowing, as might be
sufficient to drive a Corne mill.

Giraldus Cambrensis (who florished in the yeere 12 10,

302

ii

NICHOLAS DE LYNNA

under king John) in his booke of the miracles of Ireland,
hath certaine words altogether alike with these, videlicet :

Not farre from these Islands (namely the Hebrides,
Island &c.) towards the North there is a certaine
woonderful whirlpoole of the sea, whereinto all the waves
of the sea from farre have their course and recourse, as it
were without stoppe : which, there conveying themselves
into the secret receptacles of nature, are swallowed up, as
it were, into a bottomlesse pit, and if it chance that any
shippe doe passe this way, it is pulled, and drawen with
such a violence of the waves, that eftsoones without
remedy, the force of the whirlepoole devoureth the same.

The Philosophers describe foure indraughts of this
Ocean sea, in the foure opposite quarters of the world,
from whence many doe conjecture that as well the flowing
of the sea, as the blasts of the winde, have their first
originall.

A.D.

1360.

There Is a no-
table whirle-
poole on the
coast ofNor-
zvay, called
Malestrande^
about the lati-
tude of 6^.

A Testimonie of the learned Mathematician
master John Dee, touching the foresaid
voyage of Nicholas De Linna.

Nno 1360. (that is to wit, in the 34. yeere
of the reigne of the triumphant king
Edward the third) a frier of Oxford, being
a good Astronomer, went in companie
with others to the most Northren Islands
of the world, and there leaving his com-
pany together, hee travailed alone, and
purposely described all the Northerne Islands, with the
indrawing seas : and the record thereof at his returne he
delivered to the king of England. The name of which
booke is Inventio Fortunata (aliter fortunae) qui liber Inventlo
incipit a gradu 54. usque ad polum. Which frier for fortunata.
sundry purposes after that did five times passe from
England thither, and home againe.

It is to be noted, that from the haven of Linne in
Norfolke (whereof the foresaid Francisan frier tooke his

A.D.
1360.

An. 2. y

Edwardi
tertii.

An. Dom.
1390.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

name) to Island, it is not above a fortnights sailing with
an ordinarie winde, and hath bene of many yeeres a
very common and usuall trade : which further appeareth
by the privileges granted to the Fishermen of the towne
of Blacknie in the said Countie of Norfolke, by king
Edward the third, for their exemption and freedome from
his ordinary service, in respect of their trade to Island.

The voyage of Henry Earle of Derbie, after
Duke of Hereford, and lastly king of Eng-
land, by the name of Henry the fourth,,
An. Dom. 1390. into Prussia and Lettov^e,
against the infidels, recorded by Thomas of
Walsingham.

Ominus Henricus Comes de Derbie per
idem tempus profectus est in le Pruys,
ubi cum adjutorio marescalli diets patriae,
& cujusdam Regis vocati Wytot devicit
exercitum Regis de Lettowe, captis qua-
tuor ducibus, & tribus peremptis, &
amplius quam trecentis, de valentioribus
exercitus supradicti pariter interemptis. Civitas quoque
\\ Alias Vilna. vocatur il Will, in cujus castellum Rex de Lettowe nomine
Skirgalle confugerat, potenti virtute dicti Comitis maxime,
[I. 123.] atque suorum capta est. Namque qui fuerunt de familia
sua primi murum ascenderant, & vexillum ejus super
muros, ceteris vel torpentibus vel ignorantibus, posuerunt.
Captaque sunt ibi vel occisa quatuor millia plebanorum,
fratre Regis de Poleyn inter caeteros ibi perempto, qui
adversarius nostri fuit. Obsessumque fuit castrum dictae
Civitatis per quinque hebdomadas : Sed propter infirmi-
tates, quibus vexabatur exercitus magistri de Pruys & de
Lifland noluerunt diutius expectare. Facti sunt Christiani
de gente de Lettowe octo. Et magister de Lifland duxit
secum in suam patriam tria millia captivorum.

304

HENRY EARL OF DERBY ad.

1390.

The same in English.

A Bout the same time L. Henry the Earle of Derbie
travailed into Prussia, where, with the helpe of the
Marshall of the same Province, and of a certaine king
called Wytot, hee vanquished the armie of the king of
Lettowe, with the captivitie of foure Lithuanian Dukes,
and the slaughter of three, besides more then three
hundred of the principall common souldiers of the sayd
armie which were slaine. The Citie also which is called
Wil or Vilna, into the castle whereof the king of Lettow
named Skirgalle fled for his savegard, was, by the valour
of the sayd Earle especially and of his followers, sur-
prised and taken. For certaine of the chiefs men of his
familie, while others were slouthfuU or at least ignorant of
their intent, skaling the walles, advanced his colours there-
upon. And there were taken and slaine foure thousand
of the common souldiers, and amongst others was slaine
the king of Poland his brother, who was our professed
enemie. And the castle of the foresaid Citie was besieged
for the space of five weekes : but by reason of the infir-
mities and inconveniences wherewith the whole armie was
annoyed, the great masters of Prussia and of Lifland
would not stay any longer. There were converted of the
nation of Lettowe eight persons unto the Christian faith.
And the master of Lifland carried home with him into his
countrey three thousand captives.

[The voyage
305 u

A.D.

II Filius natu
minimus
Edwardi 3.

Reditus.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

The voyage of Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of
Glocester into Prussia, in the yeere 1391.
written by Thomas Walsingham.

Odem tempore dux Glovernias Dominus
II Thomas de Woodstock, multis moerenti-
bus, iter apparavit versus le Pruys : quern
non Londinensium gemitus, non com-
munis vulgi moeror retinere poterant, quin
proficisci vellet. Nam plebs communis
tam Urbana quam rustica metuebant quod
eo absente aliquod novum detrimentum succresceret, quo
prassente nihil tale timebant. Siquidem in eo spes &
solatium totius patrias reposita videbantur. Ipse vero mox,
ut fines patrias suae transiit, illico adversa agitatus fortuna,
nunc hac nunc iliac turbinibus procellosis circumfertur ; &
in tantum destituitur, ut de vita etiam desperaret. Tan-
dem post Daciam, post Norwagiam, post Scoticam bar-
bariem non sine mortis pavore transcursam, pervenit
Northumbriam, & ad castellum se contulit de Tinnemutha
velut assylum antiquitus notum sibi : ubi per aliquot dies
recreatus, iter assumpsit versus manerium suum de
Plashy, magnum apportans gaudium toti regno, tam de
ejus evasione, quam de adventu suo.

The same in English.

AT the same time the Duke of Glocester Lord Thomas
of Woodstock (the yongest sonne of Edward the
third) to the great griefe of many, tooke his journey
towards Prussia : whom neither the Londoners mones nor
yet the lamentation of the communaltie could restraine
from his intended expedition. For the common people
both of the Citie and of the countrey feared lest in his
absence some newe calamitie might happen ; which they
feared not while he was present. For in him the whole
nation seemed to repose their hope and comfort. Howbeit
having skarce passed as yet the bounds of his owne

306

GEOFREY CHAUCER a.d.

1402.

countrey, he was immediatly by hard fortune tossed up
and downe with dangerous stormes and tempests, and was
brought into such distresse, that he despaired even of his
owne life. At length, having not without danger of
death, sailed along the coastes of Denmarke, Norway, and
Scotland, he returned into Northumberland, and went to
the castle of Tinmouth as unto a place of refuge knowen
of olde unto him : where, after hee had refreshed himselfe
a fewe dayes, hee tooke his journey toward his Mannour
of Plashy, bringing great joy unto the whole kingdome,
aswell in reo^ard of his safetie as of his returne.

The verses of Geofrey Chaucer in the knights [I- 124.]
Prologue, who living in the yeere 1402. (as
hee writeth himselfe in his Epistle of Cupide)
shewed that the English Knights after the
losse of Aeon, were wont in his time to
travaile into Prussia and Lettowe, and other
heathen lands, to advance the Christian faith
against Infidels and miscreants, and to seeke
honour by feats of armes.

The English Knights Prologue.

Knight there was, and that a worthie man,

that from the time that he first began

to riden out, he loved Chevalrie,
trouth, honour, freedome, and Curtesie.
full worthy was he in his lords warre :
and thereto had hee ridden no man farre,

As well in Christendome as in Heathennesse, Long travaile.

and ever had honour for his worthinesse.

At Alisandre hee was, when it was wonne : Alexandria,

full oft time hee had the bourd begon
aboven all nations in Pruce,

In Lettowe had hee riden, and in Ruce, Lettozve,Ruce,

no Christen man so oft of his degree :
In Granade at the siege had he bee

307

A.D.

.1402.
AlgcLcr in
Granado.
Layas in
Armenia.
Froysart. lib.
3. cap. 40.
Satalie in the
mayne of Asia
neere Rhods.
Tremisen is in
Barbarie.
II Or, Palice
Froysart lib.
3. cap. 40.
Turkie.
The time
when Chaucer
wrote, is thus
mentioned in
the end of
his letter of
Cupide.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

At Algezer : and ridden in Belmarye :

At Leyes was hee, and also at Satalye,

When they were wonne : and in the great see

at many a Noble armie had hee bee.

At mortall battailes had he bin fifteene,

And foughten for our faith at Tramissen,

in listes thries, and aye slayne his foe :

This ilke worthie Knight had bin also,
sometime with the lord of II Palathye
ayenst another Heathen in Turkie.

Written in the lustie moneth of May
in our Palace, where many a million
of lovers true have habitation.
The yeere of grace joyfull and jocond,
a thousand, foure hundred and second.

The original, proceedings and successe of the

Northren domestical and forren trades and traf-

fiques of this Isle of Britain from the time of Nero

the Emperour, who deceased in the yeere of our

Lord 70. under the Romans, Britons, Saxons, and

Danes, till the conquest : and from the conquest,

untill this present time, gathered out of

the most authenticall histories

and records of this

nation.

A testimonie out of the fourteenth Booke of the
Annales of Cornelius Tacitus, prooving London
to have bene a famous Mart Towne in the
reigne of Nero the Emperour, v^hich died in
the yeere of Christ 70.

T Suetonius mira constantia medios inter hostes
Londinium perrexit, cognomento quidem coloniae
non insigne, sed copia negociatorum & commeatu
maxime celebre.

308

1

GREAT TRAFFIC OF LONDON a.d.

604.

The same in English.

BUt Suetonius with wonderfull constancie passed
through the middest of his enemies, unto London,
which though it were not honoured with the name and
title of a Romane Colonie, yet was it most famous for [i, 125.]
multitude of Marchants and concourse of people.

A testimonie out of Venerable Beda (which died ^^'^^ Ealesi-
in the yeere of our Lord 734.) prooving centis Jngh-
London to have bene a Citie of great traffike rum lib. 2.
and Marchandize not long after the beginning '^^^' ^'
of the Saxons reigne.

Nno Dominies incarnationis sexcentesimo quarto
Augustinus Britanniarum Archiepiscopus ordinavit
duos Episcopos, Mellitum videlicet & Justum :
Mellitum quidem ad praedicandum provinciae Orientalium
Saxonum, qui Tamesi fluvio dirimuntur a Cantia, & ipsi
Orientali Mari contigui, quorum Metropolis Londonia
Civitas est, super ripam praefati fluminis posita, & ipsa
multorum emporium populorum, terra marique venien-
tium.

The same in English.

IN the yeere of the incarnation of Christ 604. Augus-
tine Archbishop of Britaine consecrated two Bishops,
to wit Mellitus and Justus. He appoynted Mellitus to
preach to the East Saxons, which are divided from Kent
by the river of Thames, and border upon the Easterne
sea, whose chiefe and Metropolitane Citie is London,
seated upon the banke of the aforesayd river, which is
also a Marte Towne of many nations, which repayre
thither by sea and by land.

[The league
309

AD.

c. 795.

MalmsbuK de
gestis Regum
Anglorum lib,
I. cap. 4.

Navigatio
interdicta.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

The league betweene Carolus Magnus and OfFa
King of Mercia concerning safe trade of the
EngUsh Marchants in all the Emperours
Dominion. This OfFa died in the yeere of
our Lord 795.

Negoctatorum
Anglicanoriim
patrocin'ium.

Regem

Ffa interea Carolum magnum
Francorum frequentibus legationibus
amicum paravit : quamvis non facile quod
suis artibus conduceret in Caroli animo
invenerit. Discordarunt antea, adeo ut
magnis motibus utrobique concurrentibus,
etiam negociatorum commeatus prohiber-
entur. Est Epistola Albini hujusce rei index, cujus
partem hie apponam.

Nesico quid de nobis venturum sit. Aliquid enim
dissentionis diabolico fomento inflammante, nuper inter
Regem Carolum & Regem Offam exortum est : ita ut
utrinque navigatio interdicta negociantibus cesset. Sunt
qui dicant nos pro pace in illas partes mittendos. Et
nonnullis interpositis, Nunc, inquit, ex verbis Caroli
fcedus firmum inter eum & OfFam compactum subjiciam.
Carolus gratia Dei Rex Francorum, & Longobardorum,
& patricius Romanorum, viro venerando & fratri
charissimo Offae Regi Merciorum salutem. Primo
gratias agimus omnipotent! deo, de salute animarum, de
Catholicas fidei sinceritate, quam in vestris laudabiliter
paginis reperimus exaratam. De peregrinis vero qui pro
amore Dei, & salute animarum suarum beatorum Aposto-
lorum limina desiderant adire, cum pace sine omni
perturbatione vadant. Sed si aliqui, non religioni ser-
vientes, sed lucra sectantes, inveniantur inter eos, locis
opportunis statuta solvant telonia. Negociatores quoque
volumus ut ex mandato nostro patrocinium habeant in
Regno nostro legitime. Et si aliquo loco injusta
affligantur oppressione, reclament ad nos vel nostros
judices, & plenam videbimus justitiam fieri.

310

CAROLUS MAGNUS AND OFFA ad.

c. 795.

The same in English.

IN the meane season Offa by often legacies solicited
Charles le maigne the king of France, to be his friend :
albeit he could not easily finde king Charles any whit
enclined to further and promote his craftie attempts.
Their mindes were so alienated before, that, bearing hauty
stomacks on both parts, even the mutuall traffique of Traffique
their Marchants was prohibited. The Epistle of Albinus P"-'^'^'''^-
is a sufficient testimony of this matter : part whereof I
will here put downe.

I know not (quoth he) what will become of us. For
there is of late, by the instigation of the devill, some
discord and variance sprung up betweene king Charles
and king Offa: insomuch that sailing to and fro is [I. 126.]
forbidden unto the Marchants of both their dominions. Navigaiion
Some say that we are to be sent, for the obtaining of a fi^^^^'^^^-
peace, into those partes. And againe, after a fewe lines.
Nowe (quoth he) out of Charles his owne words, I will ^ ^^^S^^ ^^~
make report of the league concluded betweene him and ^^^\ T^'
Offa. Qff-a,

Charles by the grace of God king of the Franks and
Lombards and Senatour of the Romanes, unto the reverend
and his most deare brother Offa king of the Mercians
sendeth greeting. First we doe render unto almightie
God most humble thankes for the salvation of soules, and
the sinceritie of the Catholique faith, which we, to your
great commendation, have found signified in your letters.
As touching those pilgrimes, who for the love of God
and their owne soules health, are desirous to resort unto
the Churches of the holy Apostles, let them goe in peace
without all disturbance. But if any be found amongst
them not honouring religion, but following their owne
gaine, they are to pay their ordinarie customes at places
convenient. It is our pleasure also and commandement, Protection of
that your marchants shall have lawfull patronage and ^^^^^f^^^^

^ •' ■ ' 1 • • Txn -r • ^ 1 1 Marchants.

protection in our dominions. Who, it in any place they
chance to be afflicted with any injust oppression, let them

311

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

C.795.

make their supplication unto us, or unto our Judges, and
we will see justice executed to the full.

An ancient testimonie translated out of the olde
Saxon lawes, containing among other things
the advancement of Marchants for their thrise
crossing the wide seas, set downe by the
learned Gentleman Master William Lambert
pagina 500. of his perambulation of Kent.

IT was sometime in English lawes, that the people and
the lawes were in reputation : and then were the
wisest of the people worship-worthy, every one after
his degree : Earle, and Churle, Thein, and under-Thein.
And if a churle thrived so, that hee had fully five hides
of his owne land, a Church and a Kitchin, a Belhouse,
and a gate, a seate, and a severall office in the Kings
hall, then was he thenceforth the Theins right worthy.
And if a Thein so thrived, that he served the king, and
on his message rid in his houshold, if he then had a
Thein that followed him, the which to the kings journey
five hides had, and in the kings seate his Lord served,
and thrise with his errand had gone to the king, he
might afterward with his foreoth his lords part play at
any great neede. And if a Thein did thrive so, that
he became an Earle; then was he afterward an Earles
right worthie. And if a Marchant so thrived, that he
passed thrise over the wide seas, of his owne craft, he
was thencefoorth a Theins right worthie. And if a
scholar so prospered thorow learning that he degree
had, and served Christ, he was then afterward of dig-
nitie and peace so much worthie, as thereunto belonged :
unlesse he forfaited so, that he the use of his degree
use ne might.

312

1

KING CANUTE ajd

c. 1027.

A testimonie of certaine priviledges obtained for William of
the English and Danish Marchants of Con- ^''l'^'^-^^
radus the Emperour and John the Bishop g^^^i^ Regum
of Rome by Canutus the King of England Anglorum.
in his journey to Rome, extracted out of a
letter of his written unto the Cleargie of
England.

It vobis notum quia magna congregatio
nobilum in ipsa solemnitate Pascali,
Romae cum Domino Papa Joanne, &
imperatore Conrado erat, scilicet omnes
principes gentium a monte Gargano,
usque ad istum proximum Mare : qui
omnes me & honorifice suscepere, &
magnificis donis honoravere. Maxime autem ab im-
peratore donis variis & muneribus pretiosis honoratus
sum, tam in vasis aureis & argenteis, quam in palliis &
vestibus valde pretiosis. Locutus sum igitur cum ipso
imperatore, & Domino Papa, & principibus qui ibi
erant, de necessitatibus totius populi mei, tam Angli
quam Dani, ut eis concederetur lex aequior, & pax
securior in via Romam adeundi, & ne tot clausuris
per viam arcerentur, & propter injustum teloneum
fatigarentur. Annuitque postulatis Imperator, & Rodul-
phus Rex, qui maxime ipsarum clausurarum dominatur,
cunctique principes edictis firmarunt, ut homines mei
tam Mercatores, quam alii orandi gratia viatores, absque
omni anguria clausurarum & teloneariorum, cum firma
pace Romam eant & redeant.

The same in English. [I. 127.]

YOu are to understand, that at the feast of Easter,
there was a great company of Nobles with Pope
John and Conradus the Emperour assembled at Rome, ^^^&^^j^^ ^

■, „ , T--* • r 1 • r mountaine of

namely all the Prmces or the nations rrom mount ^w^^ in
Garganus unto the West Ocean sea. Who all of them italie.

A.D.

c. 1027.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

honourably interteined me, and welcomed mee with rich
and magnificent gifts : but especially the Emperour
bestowed divers costly presents and rewards upon mee,
both in vessels of golde and silver, and also in cloakes
and garments of great value. Wherefore I conferred
with the Emperour himselfe and the Pope, and with
the other Princes who were there present, concerning the
necessities of all my subjects both Englishmen and
Danes ; that a more favourable law & secure peace in
their way to Rome might bee graunted unto them, and
that they might not bee hindered by so many stops
& impediments in their journey, and wearied by reason
of injust exactions. And the Emperour condescended
unto my request, and King Rodulphus also, who hath
greatest authoritie over the foresaid stops and streights,
and all the other princes confirmed by their Edicts,
that my subjects, as well Marchants, as others who
travailed for devotions sake, should without all hinder-
ance and restraint of the foresaid stops and customers,
goe unto Rome in peace, and returne from thence in
safetie.

Gullel.
Malmesb. de
gestis pont.
Anglorum lib.
2.

The flourishing state of Marchandise in the Citie
of London in the dayes of Willielmus Mal-
mesburiensis, which died in the yeere 1142.
in the reigne of K. Stephen.

Aud longe a Rofa quasi viginti quinque milliariis
est Londonia Civitas nobilis, opima civium

^ divitiis, constipata negociatorum ex omni terra.

& maxime ex Germania venientium, commerciis. Unde
fit ut cum ubique in Anglia caritas victualium pro sterili
proventu messium sit, ibi necessaria distrahantur & eman-
tur minore, quam alibi, vel vendentium compendio,
vel ementium dispendio. Peregrinas invehit merces
Civitatis finibus Tamesis fluvius famosus, qui citra urbem
ad 80. milliaria fonticulo fusus, ultra plus 70. nomen
profert.

314

,1

i

THE TRAFFIC TO BRISTOL ad. |

c. 1 140. \

The same in English. ;

NOt farre from Rochester, about the distance of
five and twenty miles, standeth the Noble Citie \

of London, abounding with the riches of the inhabi- j

tants, and being frequented with the traffique of Mar-
chants resorting thither out of all nations, and especially j
out of Germanie. Whereupon it commeth to passe, that Germanie. !
when any generall dearth of victuals falleth out in Eng- \
land, by reason of the scarcitie of corne, things necessary ■
may there be provided and bought with lesse gaine unto \
the sellers, and with lesse hinderance and losse unto the \
buyers, then in any other place of the Realme. Out-
landish wares are conveighed into the same Citie by the :
famous river of Thames : which river springing out of
a fountaine 80. miles beyond the Citie, is called by one i
and the selfe same name. 70. miles beneath it. j

The aforesaid William of Malmesburie v^riteth of \

traffike in his time to Bristowe in his fourth •■

booke de gestis pontificum Anglorum, after
this maner.

N eadem valle est vicus celeberrimus Bristow
nomine, in quo est navium portus ab Hiber-
nia & Norwegia & caeteris transmarinis terris

venientium receptaculum, ne scilicet genitalibus divitiis
j tam fortunata regio peregrinarum opum frauderetur

! commercio.

The same in English.

IN the same valley stands the famous Towne of
Bristow, with an Haven belonging thereunto, which
is a commodious and safe receptacle for all ships directing
their course for the same, from Ireland, Norway, and Norway.
other outlandish and foren countreys : namely that a
region so fortunate and blessed with the riches that
nature hath vouchsafed thereupon should not bee desti-
tute of the wealth and commodities of other lands.

315

A.D.
II57.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

[I. 128.] The league betweene Henry the second and
Fredericke Barbarossa Emperour of Ger-
manie, wherein is mention of friendly
traffike betweene the Marchants of the
Empire and England, confirmed in the
yeere of our Lord 11 57. recorded in the
first Booke and seventeenth Chapter of
Radevicus Canonicus Frisingensis, being an
appendix to Otto Frisingensis.

Bidem tunc affuere etiam Henrici Regis

Angliae missi, varia & preciosa donaria

multo lepore verborum adornata praes-

tantes. Inter quse papilionem unum

quantitate maximum, qualitate optimum

perspeximus. Cujus si quantitatem

requiris, non nisi machinis & instru-

mentorum genere & adminiculo levari poterat : si quali-

tatem, nee materia nee opere ipsum putem aliquando

ab aliquo hujusce apparatu superatum iri. Literas quo-

que mellito sermone plenas pariter direxerat, quarum hie

tenor fuit. Prascordiali amico sue, Frederico Dei gratia

Romanorum imperatori invictissimo, Henricus Rex

Anglias, dux Normanniae, & Aquitanias, & Comes

Andegavensis, salutem, & veras dilectionis concordiam.

Excellentiae vestrae quantas possumus referimus grates,

dominantium optime, quod nos nunciis vestris visitare,

salutare Uteris, muneribus praevenire, & quod his charius

amplectimur, pacis & amoris invicem dignatus estis

foedera inchoare. Exultavimus, & quodammodo animum

nobis crescere, & in majus sensimus evehi dum vestra

promissio, in qua nobis spem dedistis, in disponendis

Regni nostri negociis, alacriores nos reddidit, & promp-

tiores. Exultavimus inquam, & tota mente magnifi-

centiae vestrae assurreximus, id vobis in sincere cordis

afFectu respondentes, quod quicquid ad honorem vestrum

spectare noverimus, pro posse nostro effectui mancipare

316

I

HENRY II. AND BARBAROSSA ad.

1157.

parati sumus. Regnum nostrum, & quicquld ubique

nostras subjicitur ditioni vobis exponimus & vestrae

committimus potestati, ut ad vestrum nutum omnia

disponantur, & in omnibus vestri fiat voluntas imperii.

Sit igitur inter nos & populos nostros dilectionis & Commercia

pacis unitas indivisa, commercia tuta : Ita tamen ut "^^^', , ^'^f"
^ , . .... ' . . . J • 1 ..nos<5 Anglos.

vobis, qui dignitate praemmetis, imperandi cedat autnori-

tas, nobis non deerit voluntas obsequendi. Et sicut

vestras Serenitatis memoriam vestrorum excitat in nobis

munerum largitio, sic vos nostri quoque reminisci pra^op-

tamus, mittentes quae pulchriora penes nos erant, & vobis

magis placitura. Attendite itaque dantis affectum, non

data, & eo animo quo dantur accipite. De manu beati

Jacobi, super qua nobis scripsistis, in ore magistri

Hereberti & Guilielmi Clerici nostri verbum posuimus.

Teste Thoma Cancellario apud Northanton.

The same in English.

THere were present also the same time, the messen-
gers of Henry king of England presenting divers
rich and precious gifts, and that with great learning &
eloquence of speech. Amongst the which we saw a
pavilion, most large in quantity, & most excellent in
quality. For if you desire to know the quantitie therof,
it could not be erected without engines and a kinde of
instruments, and maine force : if the qualitie, I thinke
there was never any furniture of the same kinde, that
surpassed the same either in stuffe or workemanship.
The said king directed his letters also, full of sugred
speeches, the tenour whereof was this that followeth.

To his entirely beloved friend Frederick by the grace
of God Emperour of the Romanes most invincible,
Henry king of England, duke of Normandie and
Aquitaine, Earle of Anjou wisheth health and concord
of sincere amitie. We doe render unto your highnes
(most renowmed and peerelesse Prince) exceeding great
thanks for that you have so graciously vouchsafed by
your messengers to visite us, in your letters to salute

3^7

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1157.

us, with your gifts to prevent us, and (which wee doe
more highly esteeme of then all the rest) to beginne a
league of peace and friendship betweene us. We rejoyced,
and in a maner sensibly felt our selves to bee greatly
emboldened, and our courage to encrease, whilest your
promise, whereby you put us in good comfort, did
make us more cheerefull and resolute, in managing the
affaires of our kingdome. We rejoyced (I say) & in
our secret cogitations did humble obeisance unto your
Majestic, giving you at this time to understand from
the sincere & unfained affection of our heart, that
whatsoever we shal know to tend unto your honour,
we are, to our power most ready to put in practise.
Our kingdome, and whatsoever is under our juris-
diction we doe offer unto you, and commit the same
unto your highnesse, that all matters may be disposed
according to your direction, and that your pleasure may
in all things be fulfilled. Let there be therefore betweene
our selves and our subjects, an indivisible unitie of
friendship and peace, and safe trade of Marchandize :
yet so, as that unto you (who excell in dignitie) authoritie
in commanding may bee ascribed, and diligence in obey-
ing shall not want in us. And as the liberalitie of
your rewards doeth often put us in remembrance of
your Majestic, even so in like maner sending unto
[I. 129.] your Highnesse the most rare things in our custodie,
and which we thought should be most acceptable unto
you, wee doe most heartily wish that your selfe also
would not altogether bee unmindefuU of us. Have
respect therefore not unto the gifts, but unto the affection
of the giver, and accept of them with that minde, where-
with they are offered unto you.

Concerning the hand of S. James, about which you
wrote unto us, we have sent you word by M. Herbert,
and by William the Gierke. Witnes Thomas our
Chancelour at Northanton.

318

I

KING JOHN'S SAFE CONDUCT

A.D.

1 1 99.

^olit^e merca-
torum consue-
tndines.

A generall safe conduct graunted to all forreine

Marchants by king John in the || first yeere ||ii99-
of his reigne, as appeareth in the Records of
the Tower, Anno i. Regis Joannis.

Cannes Dei gratia &c. Majori & Com-
munitati Londinensi salutem. Sciatis
voluntatem esse nostram, quod omnes
Mercatores de quacunque fuerint terra
salvum habeant conductum ire & redire
cum mercibus suis in Angliam. Volu-
mus etiam quod eandem habeant pacem
in Anglia, quam Mercatores de Anglia habent in terris
illis unde fuerunt egressi. Et idee vobis praecipimus,
quod hoc faciatis denunciari in Balliva vestra, & firmiter
teneri ; permittentes eos ire & redire sine impedimento
per debitas & rectas & solitas consuetudines in Balliva
vestra. Teste Galfredo iilio Petri comite Essexiae apud
Kinefard 5. die Aprilis.

In eadem forma scribitur vicecomiti Sudsex, Majori &
communitati Civitatis Winton, Ballivo de Southampton,
Ballivo de Lenne, Ballivo Kent, Vicecomiti Norffolcias &
SufFolcias, Vicecomiti dorset & Sommerset, Baronibus de
quinque portubus, Vicecomiti de Southampton sire, Vice-
comiti de Herteford & Essex, Vicecomiti Cornubias &
Devon.

The same in English.

John by the grace of God &:c. to the Maior and
communaltie of London, greeting. You are to
understand, that it is our pleasure, that all Marchants
of what nation soever, shall have safe conduct to passe
and repasse with their Marchandize into England. It
is our will also, that they be vouchsafed the same favour
in England, which is granted unto the English Marchants
in those places from whence they come. And therefore
we give you in charge, that you cause this to be pub-

319

A.D.
I 1 99.

The ancient
customes of
Marchants.

216.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

lished, and proclaimed in your bailiwicke, & firmely to
be observed, permitting them to goe & come, without
impediment, according to the due, right and ancient
customes used in your said BaiHwicke. Witnesse
Geofry Fitz-Peter Earle of Essex at Kinefard the 5.
day of April.

The same forme of writing was sent to the sherife of
Sudsex, to the Maior and communaltie of the Citie of
Winchester, to the Baily of Southampton, the Baily
Lenne, the Baily of Kent, the sherife of Norfolke and
Suffolke, the sherife of Dorset and Sommerset, the
Barons of the Cinque-ports, the sherife of Southampton-
shire, the sherife of Hertford and Essex, the sherife
of Cornewal and Devon.

Literal regis Henrici tertii ad Haquinum Regem
Norwegias de pacis foedere & intercursu mer-
candisandi || Anno i. Henrici 3.

Enricus Dei gratia &:c. Haquino eadem
gratia Regi Norwegias salutem. Immensas
nobilitati vestras referimus gratiarum
actiones de his qu« per literas vestras &
prudentem virum Abbatem de Lisa, nobis
significastis, volentes & desiderantes foedus
pacis & dilectionis libenter nobiscum inire,
& nobiscum confoederari. Bene autem placet & placebit
nobis quod terrae nostrae communes sint, & Mercatores &
homines qui sunt de potestate vestra libere & sine
impedimento terram nostram adire possint, & homines &
Mercatores nostri similiter terram vestram. Dum tamen
literas vestras patentes super hoc nobis destinetis, & nos
vobis nostras transmittemus. Interim autem bene
volumus & concedimus, quod Mercatores tam de terra
vestra quam nostra eant, veniant, & recedant per terras
nostras. Et si quid vestrae sederit voluntati, quod facere
valeamus, id secure nobis significetis. Detinuimus autem
adhuc Abbatem praedictum, ut de navi vestra & rebus in

320

KING HENRY III.'S LETTERS ad.

c. 1229.
ea contentis pro posse nostro restitutionem fieri facer-
emus : per quern de statu nostro & Regni nostri vos
certificare curabimus, & quam citius &c. Teste me ipso
apud Lamhithe decimo die Octobris.

Eodem modo scribitur S. Duci Norwegias ibidem &
eodem die.

The letters of King Henry the third unto [i. 130-]
Haquinus King of Norway concerning a
treatie of peace and mutuall traffique of
marchandize, &c.

HEnry by the grace of God, &c. unto Haquinus by
the same grace King of Norway, sendeth greeting.
Wee render unto your highnesse unspeakeable thanks
for those things which by your letters, and by your
discreete subject the Abbat of Lisa, you have signified
unto us, and also for that you are right willing and desi-
rous to begin and to conclude betweene us both, a league
of peace and amitie. And wee for our part both nowe
are, and hereafter shalbe well contented, that both our
lands be common, to the ende that the Marchants and
people of your dominions may freely and without
Impediment resort unto our land, and our people and
Marchants may likewise have recourse unto your terri-
tories. Provided, that for the confirmation of this
matter, you send unto us your letters patents, and wee
will send ours also unto you. Howbeit in the meane
while wee doe will and freely graunt, that the Marchants
both of our and your lands, may goe, come, and returne
to and from both our Dominions. And if there be ought
in your minde, whereby we might stand you in any
stead, you may boldly signifie the same unto us. Wee
have as yet deteined the foresaid Abbat, that wee might,
to our abilitie, cause restitution to be made for your ship,
and for the things therein contained : by whome wee will
certifie you of our owne estate, and of the estate of our
I 321 X

A.D.

c. 1229.

II Antiqua

consuetudo

GildhalU

Coloniensium

Londini,

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

kingdome so soone, &c. Witnesse our selfe at Lamhith

the tenth of October.

Another letter in the same forme and to the same effect
was there and then sent unto S. Duke of Norway.

Mandatum pro Coga Regis Norwegias Anno 13.

Henrici 3.

Andatum est omnibus Ballivis portuum in quos
Ventura est Coga de Norwegia, in qua venerint in
Angliam milites Regis Norwegiae & Mercatores
Saxonias, quod cum praedictam Cogam in portus suos
venire contigerit, salvo permittant ipsam Cogam in por-
tubus suis morari, quamdiu necesse habuerit, & libere sine
impediment© inde recedere quando voluerint. Teste Rege.

The same in English.

A Mandate for the King of Norway his Ship

called the Cog.

WEe will and commaund all bailifes of Fortes, at the
which the Cog of Norway (wherein certaine of the
king of Norwaie his souldiers, and certaine Marchants of
Saxonie are comming for England) shall touch, that, when
the foresaid Cog shall chance to arrive at any of their
Havens, they doe permit the said Cog safely to remaine
in their said Havens so long as neede shall require, and
without impediment also freely to depart thence, whenso-
ever the governours of the sayd ship shall thinke it
expedient. Witnesse the King.

Carta pro Mercatoribus de Colonia anno 20. Henrici
3. Confirmata per Regem Edwardum primum
8. Julii Anno Regni 18. prout extat in rotulo
cartarum de Anno 18. Regis Edv^ardi primi.

Ex Archiepiscopis &c. salutem. Sciatis nos quietos
clamasse pro nobis & haeredibus nostris dilectos
nostros, Cives de Colonia, & mercandisam suam de
illis duobus solidis, II quos solebant dare de Gildhalla sua

322

KING HENRY III.'S CHARTER a.d.

c. 1236.

London, & de omnibus aliis consuetudinibus & demandis, [I. 131-]
quae pertinent ad nos in London, & per totam terram
nostram ; & quod libere possunt ire ad ferias, per totam
terram nostram & emere & vendere in villa London &
alibi, salva libertate Civitatis nostrae London. Quare
volumus & firmiter prascipimus pro nobis & haeredibus
nostris, quod praedicti cives de Colonia praenominatas
libertates & liberas consuetudines habeant per totam
terram nostram Angliae sicut praedictum est. His testibus,
venerabili patre Waltero Caerleolensi Episcopo, Willielmo
de Ferariis, Gilberto Basset, Waltero de Bello campo,
Hugone Disspenser, Waltero Marescallo, Galfrido Dis-
penser, Bartholom^o Pech, Bartholomaeo de Saukevill, &
aliis. Data per manum venerabilis patris Radulphi Cicis-
trensis Episcopi, Cancellarii nostri apud Davintre Octavo
die Novembris, Anno Regni nostri vicesimo.

The same in English.

A Charter graunted for the behalfe of the Mar-
chants of Colen in the twentieth yeere of
Henry the third, confirmed by King Edward
the first, as it is extant in the roule of Char-
ters, in the eighteenth yeere of King Edward
the first.

THe King unto Archbishops &c. greeting. Be it
knowen unto you, that wee have quite claimed, and
for us and our heires released our welbeloved the Citizens
of Colen and their marchandize, from the payment of
those two shillings which they were wont to pay out of
their Gildhall at London, and from all other customes and The ancient
demaunds, which perteine unto us, either in London, or ^^-^^^^^^ ^f^he
in any other place of our Dominions : and that they may qhJ/^Ji j^
safely resort unto Payers throughout our whole Kingdome, London.
and buy and sell in the Citie of London. Wherefore we
will and firmely command for us and our heires, that the
forenamed Marchants of Colen may enjoy the liberties
and free priviledges above-mentioned, throughout our

2>2Z

A.D.

c. 1236.

Ricardus

Comes Cor-
nubice Rex
Romanorum,

Carta
conditionalis.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

whole kingdome of England as is aforesaid. Witnesses,
the reverend father Walter Bishop of Carlil, William de
Ferariis, Gilbert Basset, Walter de Beau-champ, Hugh
Disspenser, Walter Marescal, Geofrie Disspensser, Bar-
tholomew Peach, Bartholomew de Saukevill and others.
Given by the hand of the reverend father Ralph Bishop of
Chichester and our Chauncellour at Davintre, the eight
day of November, in the twentieth yeere of our reigne.

Carta Lubecensibus ad septennium concessa.
Anno 41. Henrici 3.

Enricus dei gracia Rex Angliae, dominus
Hibernias, dux Normanniae, Aquitaniae, &
Comes Andegaviae, omnibus Ballivis suis
salutem. Sciatis nos ad instantiam dilecti
& fidelis fratris nostri Ricardi Comitis
Cornubiae in Regem Romanorum electi,
suscepisse in protectionem & defensionem
nostram & salvum & securum conductum nostrum Bur-
genses de Lubek in Alemania cum omnibus rebus &
mercandisis quas in Regnum nostrum deferent, vel facient
deferri. Et eis concessimus, quod de omnibus rebus &
mercandisis suis nihil capiatur ad opus nostrum vel
alterius contra voluntatem eorundem ; sed libere vendant
& negocientur inde in Regno praedicto, prout sibi viderint
expedire. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod dictis Burgen-
sibus vel eorum nunciis in veniendo in terram nostram
cum rebus & mercandisis suis, ibidem morando, & inde
recedendo, nullum inferatis, aut ab aliis inferri permittatis
impedimentum aut gravamen. Nee eos contra quietantiam
praedictam vexetis, aut ab aliis vexari permittatis. In
cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus
patentes per septennium durantes : Dum tamen iidem
Burgenses interim bene & fideliter se habuerint erga
praefatum electum fratrem nostrum. Teste meipso apud
Westmonasterium undecimo die Maii Anno Regni nostri
quadragesimo primo. Hasc litera duplicata est, pro Bur-
gensibus & mercatoribus Dacis, Brunswig, & Lubek.

324

CHARTER OF LUBECK ad.

c. 1257.

The same in English. [I. 132-]

The charter of Lubek granted for seven yeeres,
obtained in the one and fortieth yeere of
Henry the third.

HEnry by the grace of God King of England, Lord of
Ireland, Duke of Normandie and Aquitaine, and
Earle of Anjou, to all his Bailifs sendeth greeting. Know
ye that at the instant request of our welbeloved and
trusty brother Richard Earle of Cornewal being of late
elected king of the Romanes, we have received under our
protection and defence, and under our safe and secure
conduct, the citizens of Lubek in Alemain, with all their
goods and wares, which they shall bring or cause to be
brought into our kingdome. We have also granted unto
them, that of all their goods and merchandize, nothing
shal be seized unto the use of our selves, or of any other
without their owne consent, but that they may freely sell
and exercise traffike therewith, according as they shall
thinke expedient. And therefore we straightly command
you, that neither your selves do offer, nor that you permit
any other to offer any impediment or molestation unto the
said Burgers or unto their messengers, either at their
comming into our land, with their goods and marchandize,
in the time of their abode there, or at their departure
from thence, and that yee neither molest them your
selves, nor yet suffer them by others to be molested,
contrary to the aforesaid Charter. In testimonie whereof,
we have caused these our Letters to be made Patents,
during the space of seven yeeres next following.

Provided, that the sayd Burghers doe in the meane
time behave themselves well and faithfully towards our
foresaid elected brother. Witnesse our selves at West-
minster the eleventh day of March, in the one and fortieth
yeere of our reigne.

This Letter was doubled, namely for the Burghers,
and the Marchants of Denmarke, of Brunswig,
and of Lubecke.

325

A.D.

c. 1260.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Carta pro Mercatoribus Alemannias, qui habent
domum in London, quae Gildhalla Teutoni-
corum vulgariter nuncupatur Anno 44.
Henrici tertii, & Anno primo & 29.
Edwardi primi renovata & confirmata.

D instantiam Serenissimi princlpis Rich-
ard! Romanorum Regis charissimi fra-
tris nostri concedimus mercatoribus
Alemanniae, illis videlicet qui habent
domum in Civitate nostra London,
quae Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulgariter
nuncupatur, quod eos universos manu-
tenebimus per totum Regnum nostrum in omnibus
iisdem libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus, quibus
ipsi nostris & II progenitorum nostrorum temporibus
usi sunt & gavisi. Ipsosque extra hujusmodi liber-
tates & liberas consuetudines non trahemus, nee trahi
aliquatenus permittemus. In cujus rei testimonium has
literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes.

The same in English.

A charter for the Marchants of Almaine, who
have an house at London commonly called
XTheStiliard. :[: the Guild hall of the Dutch, graunted in

the 44. yeere of Henry the third, renued
and confirmed in the i. & 29. yeere of
Edward the first.

II Nota anti-
quit a tern.

AT the instant request of the most gracious Prince
Richard king of the Romanes our most deare
brother, wee doe graunt unto the Marchants of Alemain
(namely unto those that have an house in our citie of
London, commonly called the Guildhall of the Dutch
Merchants) that we will, throughout our whole Realme,
maintaine all and every of them, in all those liberties
and free customes, which both in our times, and in the

326

EDWARD I.'S GREAT CHARTER ad.

1303-
times of our progenitors, they have used and enjoyed.
Neither will we inforce them beyond these liberties and ^ote the
free customes, nor in any wise permit them to be in- ^^^^f«^^^^-
forced. In witnesse whereof, wee have caused these
our letters to be made patents.

Mandatum regis Edv^ardi primi de mercatoribus [l. 133.]
alienigenis.

MErcatores extranei vendant mercimonia sua in
civitate London &c. infra quadraginta dies post
ingressum suum, anno 3. Edwardi primi.

The same in English.

A mandate of king Edward the first concerning
outlandish marchants.

WE will and command that outlandish marchants
doe sel their wares in the citie of London &c.
within forty dayes of their arrivall.

The great Charter granted unto forreine mar-
chants by king Edward the first, in the 31
yeare of his reigne commonly called Carta
mercatoria, Anno Domini 1303.

Dwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae, Dominus
Hiberniae, dux Aquitaniae, Archiepiscopis,
Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comiti-
bus, Baronibus, Justitiariis, Vicecomiti-
bus, pra^positis, ministris, & omnibus
ballivis & fidelibus suis salutem. Circa
bonum statum omnium mercatorum sub-
scriptorum regnorum, terrarum, & provinciarum, vide-
licet Alemanniae, Franciae, Hispaniae, Portugalliae,
Navarrae, Lombardias, Thusciae, Provincial, Cataloniae,
ducatus nostri Aquitaniae, Tholosaniae, Caturluni, Flan-
driae, Brabantiae, & omnium aliarum terrarum &
locorum extraneorum, quocunque nomine censeantur,
venientium in regnum nostrum Angliae & ibidem

327

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

'303-

conversantium nos praecipua cura sollicitat, qualiter

sub nostro dominio tranquillitatis & plenas securitatls

immunitas eisdem mercatoribus futuris temporibus

prasparetur. Ut itaque vota ipsorum reddantur ad

nostra & regni nostri servitia promptiora, ipsorum

petitionibus favorabiliter annuentes, & pro statu eorun-

dem plenius assecurando, in forma quae sequitur ordin-

antes, pro nobis & haeredibus nostris in perpetuum

subscripta dictis mercatoribus duximus concedenda.

1. Inprimis videlicet quod omnes mercatores dictorum
regnorum & terrarum salve & secure sub tuitione
& protectione nostra in dictum regnum nostrum
Anglias, & ubique infra potestatem nostram alibi
veniant cum mercandisis suis quibuscunque, de mura-
gio, pontagio & pannagio liberi & quieti. Quodque
infra idem regnum & potestatem nostram in civitatibus,
burgis, & villis mercatoriis possunt mercari duntaxat
in grosso tam cum indigenis seu incolis ejusdem regni
& potestatis nostrae praedictae, quam cum alienigenis,
extraneis, vel privatis. Ita tamen quod merces, quae
vulgariter merceriae vocantur, ac species, minutatim
vendi possint, prout antea fieri consuevit. Et quod
omnes prasdicti mercatores mercandisas suas, quas ipsos
ad prasdictum regnum & potestatem nostram adducere,
seu infra idem regnum & potestatem nostram emere,
vel alias acquirere contigerit, possint quo voluerint tam
infra regnum & potestatem nostram praedictam, quam

Exceptio extra ducere vel portare facere, praeterquam ad terras

contra notorios manifestorum & notoriorum hostium regni nostri, sol-
regm hostes. yendo consuetudines quas debebunt : vinis duntaxat
exceptis, quae de eodem regno seu potestate nostra,
postquam infra idem regnum seu potestatem nostram
ducta fuerint, sine voluntate & licentia speciali non
liceat eis educere quoquo modo.

2. Item quod praedicti mercatores in civitatibus, burgis,
& villis prasdictis pro voluntate sua hospitari valeant,
& morari cum bonis suis ad gratiam ipsorum, quorum
sunt hospitia sive domus.

328

\

EDWARD I.'S GREAT CHARTER ad.

1303-

Item quod quilibet contractus per ipsos mercatores 3.
cum quibuscunque personis undecunque fuerint super
quocunque genere mercandisae initus, firmus sit &
stabilis, ita quod neuter mercatorum ab illo contractu
possit recedere, vel resilire, postquam denarius Dei inter
principales personas contrahentes datus fuerit & receptus.
Et si forsan super contractu ejusmodi contentio oriatur,
fiat inde probatio aut inquisitio secundum usus & con-
suetudines feriarum & villarum, ubi dictum contractum [I. 134.]
fieri contigerit & iniri.

Item promittimus praefatis mercatoribus pro nobis & 4.
haeredibus nostris in perpetuum concedentes, quod
nullam prisam vel arrestationem, seu dilationem occa-
sione prisam de caetero de mercimoniis, mercandisis seu
aliis bonis suis per nos vel alium seu alios pro aliqua
necessitate vel casu contra voluntatem ipsorum merca-
torum aliquatenus faciemus, aut fieri patiemur, nisi
statim soluto precio pro quo ipsi mercatores aliis ejus-
modi mercimonia vendere possint, vel eis aliter satisfacto,
ita quod reputent se contentos : Et quod super merci-
monia, mercandisaSj seu bona ipsorum per nos vel minis-
tros nostros nulla appreciatio aut estimatio imponetur.

Item volumus quod omnes ballivi & ministri feriarum, 5.
civitatum, burgorum, & villarum mercatoriarum merca-
toribus antedictis conquerentibus coram iis celerem
justitiam faciant de die in diem sine dilatione secundum
legem mercatoriam, de universis & singulis quae per Lex
eandem legem poterunt terminari. Et si forte inveni- mercatoria.
atur defectus in aliquo ballivorum vel ministrorum prae-
dictorum, unde iidem mercatores vel eorum aliquis
dilationis incommoda sustinuerint vel sustineant, licet
mercator versus partem in principali recuperaverit damna
sua, nihilominus ballivus vel minister alius versus nos,
prout delictum exigit puniatur. Et punitionem istam
concedimus in favorem mercatorum praedictorum pro
eorum justitia maturanda.

Item quod in omnibus generibus placitorum, salvo 6.
casu criminis pro quo infiigenda est poena mortis, ubi

329

A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1303-

mercator implacitatus fuerit, vel alium implacitaverit,
cujuscunque conditionis idem implacitatus extiterit, ex-
traneus vel privatus, in nundinis, civitatibus, sive Burgis,
ubi fuerit sufficiens copia mercatorum praedictarum ter-
rarum, & inquisitio fieri debeat, sit medietas inquisitionis
de eiisdem mercatoribus, & medietas altera de probis
& legalibus hominibus loci illius ubi placitum illud esse
contigerit. Et si de mercatoribus dictarum terrarum
Humerus non inveniatur sufficiens, ponentur in inquisi-
tione illi qui idonei invenientur ibidem, & residii sint de
aliis bonis hominibus & idoneis de locis in quibus
placitum illud erit.
7- Item volumus, ordinamus, & statuimus, quod in
qualibet villa mercatoria & feria regni nostri praedicti
& alibi infra potestatem nostram pondus nostrum in certo
loco ponatur, & ante ponderationem statera in praesentia
emptoris & venditoris vacua videatur, & quod brachia
sint equalia : & ex tunc ponderator ponderet in asquali.
Et cum stateram posuerit in asquali statim amoveat
manus suas, ita quod remaneat in aequali : quodque
per totum regnum & potestatem nostram sit unum
pondus & una mensura : & signo standardi nostri
signentur : Et quod quilibet possit habere stateram
unius quaternionis, & infra, ubi contra domini loci,
aut libertatem per nos & antecessores nostros concessam
illud non fuerit, sive contra villarum & feriarum
consuetudinem hactenus observatam.
^' Item volumus & concedimus, quod aliquis certus homo
fidelis & discretus Londini residens assignetur justitiarius
mercatoribus memoratis, coram quo valeant specialiter
placitare, & debita sua recuperare celeriter, si Vicecomites
& Majores eis non facerent de die in diem celeris justitiae
complementum : Et inde fiat Commissio extra Cartam

Lex praesentem concessa mercatoribus antedictis : scilicet de his

mercatoria ^^ ^^^^ mX.^x mercatores & mercatores secundum legem

^ ■ mercatoriam deducenda.

9- Item ordinamus & statuimus, & ordinationem illam
statutumque pro nobis & haeredibus nostris in perpetuum

330

Custumce.

EDWARD I.'S GREAT CHARTER ad.

1303-

volumus firmiter observari, quod pro quacunque libertate,
quam nos vel haeredes nostri de caetero concedemus,
praefati mercatores supradictas libertates vel earum aliquam
non amittant. Pro praedictis autem libertatibus & liberis
consuetudinibus obtinendis, & prisis nostris remittendis
iidem supradicti mercatores universi & singuli pro se &
omnibus aliis de partibus suis nobis concorditer & unani-
miter concesserunt, quod de quolibet dolio vini, quod
adducent vel adduci facient infra regnum & potestatem
nostram, & unde marinariis fretum solvere tenebuntur,
solvent nobis & haeredibus nostris nomine Custum^ duos Antlqu^^
solidos ultra antiquas custumas debitas & in denariis solvi
consuetas nobis, aut alias infra quadraginta dies, postquam
extra naves ad terram posita fuerint dicta vina. Item de
quolibet sacco lanarum, quem dicti mercatores, aut alii
nomine ipsorum ement & e regno educent, aut emi &
educi facient, solvent quadraginta denarios de incremento
ultra custumam antiquam dimidias marcae, quas prius fuerat
persoluta. Et pro lasta coriorum extra regnum & potes-
tatem nostram vehendorum dimidiam marcam supra id
quod ex antiqua custuma ante solvebatur. Et similiter
de trecentis pellibus lanitis extra regnum & potestatem
nostram ducendis quadraginta denarios ultra certum illud,
quod de antiqua custuma fuerat prius datum. Item duos [I. 135.]
solidos de quolibet scarlato & panno tincto in grano.
Item decem & octo denarios de quolibet panno, in quo
pars grani fuerit intermixta. Item duodecem denarios de
quolibet panno alio sine grano. Item duodecem denarios
de qualibet aeris quintalla.

Cumque de praefatis mercatoribus nonnulli eorum alias 10.
exercere soleant mercandisas, ut de Averio ponderis, & de
aliis rebus subtilibus, sicut de pannis Tarsensibus, de
serico, & cindallis, de seta & aliis diversis mercibus, &
de equis etiam & aliis animalibus, blado & aliis rebus &
mercandisis multimodis, quae ad certam custumam facile
poni non poterunt, iidem mercatores concesserunt dare
nobis & haeredibus nostris de qualibet libra argenti
estimationis seu valoris rerum & mercandisarum hujus-

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1303.

modi, quocunque nomine censeantur, tres denarios de
libra in introitu rerum & mercandisarum ipsarum in
regnum & potestatem nostram praedictam infra viginti
dies postquam hujusmodi res & mercandisae in regnum &
potestatem nostram adductae & etiam ibidem exoneratae
seu venditas fuerint. Et similiter tres denarios de qualibet
libra argenti in eductione quarumcunque rerum & mer-
candisarum hujusmodi emptarum in regno & potestate
nostris prasdictis ultra custumas nobis aut aliis ante datas.
Et super valore & estimatione rerum & mercandisarum
hujusmodi de quibus tres denarii de qualibet libra argenti
sicut prasdicitur sunt solvendi, credatur eis per literas,
quas de Dominis aut sociis suis ostendere poterunt : Et
si literas non habeant stetur in hac parte praedictorum
mercatorum, si praesentes fuerint, vel valetorum suorum
in eorundem mercatorum absentia, juramentis.
II. Liceat insuper sociis de societate praedictorum mer-
catorum infra regnum & potestatem nostram praedictas,
lanas vendere aliis suis sociis, & similiter emere ab iisdem
absque custuma solvenda. Ita tamen quod dictae lanae ad
tales manus non deveniant, quod de custuma nobis debita
defraudemur. Et praeterea est sciendum, quod postquam
supradicti mercatores semel in uno loco infra regnum &
potestatem nostram custumam nobis concessam superius
pro mercandisis suis in forma solverint supradicta, &
suum habeant inde warantum, sive hujusmodi mercandisae
infra regnum & potestatem nostram remaneant, sive
exterius deferantur, (exceptis vinis, quas de regno &
potestate nostris prasdictis sine voluntate & licentia nostra
sicut praedictum est, nullatenus educantur :) Volumus, ac
pro nobis, ac haeredibus nostris concedimus, quod nulla
exactio, prisa, vel praestatio, aut aliquod onus super
personas mercatorum prasdictorum, mercandisas seu bona
eorundem aliquatenus imponatur contra formam expressam
superius & concessam. His testibus veracibus principali-
bus, Roberto Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo totius Anglias
primate, Waltero Coventriae & Lichfildiae episcopo,
Henrico de Lacy Lincolniense, Humfredo de Bohum

332

\

EDWARD i;S GREAT CHARTER ad.

1303-
comite Herfordiense & Essexiae & Constabulo magno
Angliae, Adomaro de Valentia, Galfrido de Gaymal,
Hugone de Lespensor, Waltero de Bello campo, senescallo
hospitii nostri, Roberto de Buriis, & aliis. Datum per
manum nostram apud Windesore, primo die Februarii,
anno regni nostri xxxi.

The aforesaid generall Charter in English.

EDward by the grace of God king of England, lord of
Ireland, duke of Aquitaine, to Archbishops, Bishops,
Abbots, Priors, Earles, Barons, Justices, Vicounts, gover-
nours, officers, and all bayliffes, and his faithfull people
sendeth greeting. Wee have speciall care for the good
estate of all marchants of the kingdomes, lands, and
countreis following : to wit of Almaine, France, Spaine,
Portugal, Navarre, Lombardie, Florence, Provence,
Catalonia, of our duchie of Aquitaine, Tholosa, Catur-
lune, Flanders, Brabant, and of all other forreine countreis
and places by what name soever they be called, which
come into our kingdome of England, and there remayne,
that the sayd marchants may live in quiet and full
securitie under our dominion in time to come. Where-
fore that their hearts desires may bee more readily inclined
to our service and the service of our kingdome, wee
favourably agreeing to their petitions, for the fuller asring
of their estate, have thought good to graunt to the sayd
marchants for us and our heires for ever these priviledges
under written, ordaining in forme as followeth.

First, that all marchants of the sayd kingdomes and i-
countreys may come into our kingdome of England, and
any where else into our dominion with their marchandises
whatsoever safely and securely under our defence and
protection without paying wharfage, pontage, or pannage.
And that in Cities, Boroughs, and market townes of the
sayd kingdome and dominion they may traffique onely by
the great as well with the naturall subjects and inhabi-
tantes of our aforesayde kingdome and dominion, as with
forreiners, straungers, or private persons. Yet so, that

333

1303-

[I. ,36.]

An exception
for traficking
with ye known
enemies oj the
kingdome.

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

marchandises which are commonly called mercerie wares,
and spices, may be sold by the small, as heretofore hath
bin accustomed. And that all the aforesaid marchants
may cary or cause to be caried whither they will, aswell
within our realme or dominion, as out of the same ;
saving unto the countreis of the manifest and knowne
enemies of our kingdome, those marchandises which they
shall bring into our foresayd realme and dominion, or
buy, or otherwise purchase in our sayd realme and
dominion, paying such customes as they ought to doe :
except onely wines, which it shall not be any wayes
lawfull for them to cary out of our sayd realme and
dominion without our speciall favour and licence, after
they be once brought into our realme and dominion.

2. Item that the aforesayd marchants may at their pleasure
lodge & remaine with their goods in the cities, boroughs,
and townes aforesaid, with the good liking of those which
are owners of their lodgings.

3. Item that every bargaine made by the said marchants
with any maner of persons, of what places soever they be,
for any kind of marchandise whatsoever, shalbe firme &
stable, so that none of both the marchants shall shrinke or
give backe from that bargaine, after that the earnest penie
be once given and taken betweene the principall bar-
gayners. And if peradventure any strife arise about the
same bargaine, the triall and inquirie thereof shall be
made according to the uses and customes of the fayres
and townes where it chanced that the said bargaine was
made and contracted.

4- Item, we promise the aforesaid marchants granting for
ever for us and our heires, that from hence foorth we will
not in any wise make nor cause to be made any stay or
arrest, or any delay by reason of arrest of their wares,
marchandises or other goods, by our selves, or by any
other or others for any neede or accident against the will
of the sayd marchants, without present payment of such a
price as the marchants would have sold those marchandises
for to other men, or without making of them other

334

EDWARD I.'S GREAT CHARTER ad.

1303-
satisfaction, so that they shall hold themselves well con-
tented : and that no price or valuation shalbe set upon
their wares, marchandises, & goods by us or by any
officer of ours.

Item, we will that all bayliffes and officers of fayres, 5.
cities, boroughs, and market townes shall doe speedie Where is this
justice from day to day without delay according to the ^'^^ ^'^^ ^^~
lawe of Marchants to the aforesayd marchants when
they shall complaine before them, touching all and
singuler causes, which may be determined by the same
law. And if default be found in any of the bayliffes
or officers aforesayd, whereby the sayd marchants or any
of them have sustained, or do sustaine any damage
through delay, though the marchant recover his losses
against the partie principall, yet the bayliffe or other
officer shall be punished to us ward, according to the
qualitie of the default. And wee doe grant this punish-
ment in favour of the aforesayd marchants in regard of
the hastening of their justice.

Item, that in al maner of pleas, saving in case where 6.
punishment of death is to be inflicted, where a marchant
is impleaded, or sueth another, of what condition soever
hee bee which is sued, whether stranger or home borne,
in fayres, cities, or boroughs, where sufficient numbers
of marchants of the foresayd countreis are, and where
the triall ought to bee made, let the one halfe of the
Jurie be of the sayd marchants, and the other halfe of
good and lawfull men of the place where the suite
shall fall out to bee : and if sufficient number of mar-
chants of the sayd countries cannot bee found, those
which shall be found fit in that place shall be put
upon the jurie, and the rest shall be chosen of good
and fit men of the places where such suit shall chance
to be.

Item we will, we ordaine, and wee appoint, that in 7-
every market towne and fayre of our realme aforesayd
and elsewhere within our dominion our weight shall bee
set in some certaine place ; and that before the weighing

335

AD THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1303-

the balance shall bee seene emptie in the presence of
the buyer and of the seller, and that the skales bee
equall : and that afterward the weigher weigh in the
equall balance. And when hee hath set the balances
even, let him straightway remoove his hands, so that
the balance way remayne even : And that throughout
all our kingdome and dominion there be one weight
and one measure, and that they be marked with the
marke of our standard. And that every man may have
a weight of one quarter of an hundred, and under,
where the same hath not bin contrary to the liberty of
the lord of the place, and contrary to the libertie
granted by us and our predecessors, or contrary to the
custome of townes and fayres which hath hitherto beene
observed.

8. Item we will and we grant that some certaine fayth-
full and discreete man resident in London be appointed
to doe Justice to the aforesayd marchants, before whome
they may have their sutes decided, and may speedilie
recover their debts, if the Shiriffes and Maior should
not from day to day give them speedy justice. And
hereof let a Commission be made : which we grant unto
the aforesaid marchants besides this present Charter : to
wit of such things as betweene marchant and marchant
are to be decided according to the lawe of marchants.

9. Item we ordayne and appoynt, and wee will that this
ordinance and statute shall firmely bee observed for ever
for us and our heires, that the aforesayd marchants shal

[I. 137-] not loose the aforesayd liberties nor any of them, for
any liberty whatsoever, which wee or our heires here-
after shall grant. And for the obtayning of the afore-
sayd liberties and free customes, and for remission of
our arresting of their goods, the aforesayd marchants
all and every of them for themselves and all other of
their parties with one accorde and one consent have
granted unto us, that of every tunne of wine, which
they shall bring or cause to be brought into our realme
and dominion, for which they shall bee bound to pay

336

EDWARD I.'S GREAT CHARTER ad.

1303-
freight unto the mariners, besides the olde customes
which are due and were woont to bee payd unto us, they
will pay unto us and to our heires in the name of a
custome two shillings in money, either out of hande, or
else within fortie dayes after the sayd wines shall bee
brought on land out of the shippes. Item for every
sacke of wooll, which the sayd marchants or others in
their name shall buy and carie out of the realme, or
cause to bee brought and caried out, they will pay forty
pence above the old custome of halfe a marke, which
was payed heretofore : And for a last of hides to bee
caryed out of our realme and dominion halfe a marke
above that which heretofore was payed by the olde
custome. And likewise for three hundreth Felles with
the wooll on them to bee transported out of our realme
and dominion fortie pence, above that certaine rate which
before was payed by the olde custome : Also two
shillings upon every scarlate and every cloth died in
graine. Item eighteene pence for every cloth wherein
any kind of graine is mingled. Item twelve pence upon
every cloth dyed without graine. Item twelve pence
upon everie quintall of copper.

And whereas sundrie of the aforesayd marchants are
woont to exercise other marchandises, as of Haver de
pois, and other fine wares, as sarcenets, lawnes, cindalles,
and silke, and divers other marchandises, and to sell
horses and other beastes, corne, and sundrie other things
and marchandises, which cannot easily bee reduced unto
a certaine custome : the sayd marchants have granted to
give unto us, and to our heires of every pound of silver
of the estemation and value of these kinde of goods
and marchandises, by what name soever they be called,
three pence in the pound in the bringing in of these
goods into our realme and dominion aforesaid, within
twentie dayes after these goods and marchandises shall
be brought into our realme and dominion, and shall be
there unladen and solde. And likewise three pence upon
every pound of silver in the carying out of any such
1 337 Y

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1303-

goods and marchandises which are bought in our realme
and dominion aforesayd above the customes beforetime
payd unto us or any of our progenitors. And touching
the value and estimation of these goods and marchan-
dises, whereof three pence of every pound of silver, as
is aforesayd, is to be payd, credite shalbe given unto
them upon the letters which they are able to shewe
from their masters or parteners. And if they have no
letters in this behalfe, we will stand to the othe of the
foresayd marchants if they bee present, or in their
absence to the othes of their servants.

Moreover, it shall be lawfull for such as be of the
company of the aforesayd marchants within our realme
and dominion aforesayd, to sell woolles to other of their
company, and likewise to buy of them without paying
of custome. Yet so, that the said wools come not to
such hands, that wee be defrauded of the custome due
unto us. And furthermore it is to be understood, that
after that the aforesaid marchants have once payed in
one place within our realme and dominion, the custome
above granted unto us in forme aforesayd for their
marchandises, & have their warrant therof, whether
these marchandises remayne within our kingdome or be
caried out (excepting wines, which in no wise shalbe carried
forth of our realme and dominion aforesayd, without
our favour & licence as is aforesayd) we wil and we grant
for us and our heires, that no execution, attachment, or
loane, or any other burthen be layd upon the persons
of the aforesayd marchants, upon their marchandises or
goods in any case, contrary to the forme before men-
tioned and granted. The faithfiill & principall witnesses
of these presents are these, Robert Archbishop of Canter-
bury, Primate of all England, Walter bishop of Coven-
trey and Lichfield, Henry Lacie of Lincolne, Humfrey
de Bohume, Earle of Herford and Essex, high Constable
of England, Adomare of Valentia, Geofrey of Gaymal,
Hugh Spenser, Walter Beauchampe Seneschall of our
house, Robert of Bures, and others. Given by our

338

KING EDWARD II.'S LETTERS ad. ■

1313- ]

owne hand at Windesore the first day of February, in i

the yere of our reigne xxxi. \

De mercatoribus Angliae in Norwegia arestatis, & :

eorum mercimoniis de arrestandis liters Edwardi ;
secundi anno sexto regni sui, Haquino regi

Norwegia. '

J^STjAgnifico principi domino Haquino Dei gratia regi j

l^^a Norwegis illustri, amico suo charissimo Edwardus ■

— ' eadem Dei gratia rex Angliae, Dom. Hiberniae, &

dux Aquitaniae salutem cum dilectione sincera. Miramur ;

non modicum & in intimis conturbamur de gravaminibus j

& oppressionibus quas subditis nostris infra regnum [I. 138.] I

vestrum causa negociandi venientibus his diebus plus '

solito absque causa rationabili, sicut ex gravi querela \
didicimus, inferuntur. Nuper siquidem Willihelmus

filius Laurentii de Waynfleete, Simon filius Alani de t

eadem, Guido filius Mathei & eorum socii mercatores !

nostri nobis conquerendo monstrarunt, quod cum ipsi \

quosdam homines & servientes suos cum tribus navibus 1

suis ad partes regni vestri, ad negotiandum ibidem !
transmisissent : & naves illae in portu villae vestrae de Fi/Ia de

Tonnesbergh halece & aliis bonis diversis usque ad Tonnesbergh. ;

magnam summam oneratae fuissent : Et licet nautis i

navium praedictarum hominibusque & servientibus prae- \

dictis a regno vestro libere cum navibus & bonis praedictis i

ad partes Angliae redeundi vestras fieri feceritis de con- j

ductu, postmodum tamen antequam naves illse propter !

venti contrarietatem portum praedictum exire potuerunt, \

quidam ballivi vestri naves praedictas cum hominibus & ;

bonis omnibus tunc existentibus in eisdem, occasione \

mortis cujusdam militis nuper ballivi vestri in Vikia per 1

malefactores & piratas, dum naves praedictae in portu ;
supradicto sicut praemittitur remanserunt supra mare ut

dicitur interfecti, de mandato vestro ut dicebant arrest- I

arunt, & diu sub aresto hujusmodi detinebant, quousque \

videlicet homines & marinarii praedicti de quadraginta \

339

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

libris sterlingorum certo die statute ad opus vestrum pro
qualibet navi praedictarum solvendis inviti & coacti
securitatem invenissent : Et similiter de eisdem navibus
cum hominibus pr^dictis infra portum praedictum citra
festum nativitatis Sancti Joannis Baptistae proximo futuro
ad standum tunc ibidem de personis & navibus suis vestrae
gratiae seu voluntatis arbitrio reducendis tres obsides
ulterius liberassent : quod ipsis valde grave censetur, &
auditu mirabile auribus audientium non immerito reputa-
tur. Et quia contra rationem & asquitatem, omnemque
justitiam fore dinoscitur, atque legem, quod delinquen-
tium culpae seu demerita in personis vel rebus illorum
qui criminis rei conscii vel participes, seu de hujusmodi
delinquentium societate non fuerunt, aliqualiter ulcis-
cantur, vestram amicitiam affectuose requirimus &
rogamus, quatenus praemissa diligenti meditatione zelo
justitiae ponderantes, obsides praedictos jubere velitis ab
hostagiamento hujusmodi liberari, dictamque securitatem
relaxari penitus & resolvi. Scientes pro certo, quod si
malefactores prasdicti, qui dictum militem vestrum, ut
dicitur, occiderunt, alicubi infra regnum seu potestatem
nostram poterunt inveniri, de ipsis justitiam & judicium
secundum legem & consuetudinem ejusdem regni fieri
faciemus. Non enim possumus his diebus a^quanimiter
tolerare, quod naves praedictae seu aliae de regno nostro,
quae semper promptae ad nostrum servitium esse debent,
extra idem regnum ad partes remotas se divertant sine
nostra licentia speciali. Quid autem ad hanc nostram
instantiam faciendum decreveritis in praemissis, nobis si
placeat rescribatis per praesentium portatorem. Datas apud
Windesore decimo sexto die Aprilis.

340

KING EDWARD Il.'S LETTERS ad.

The same in English.

The letters of Edward the second unto Haquinus
king of Norway, concerning the English mar-
chants arrested in Norway, and their goods
to be freed from arrest.

O the mighty Prince, lord Haquinus, by
the grace of God the famous king of
Norway his most deare friend, Edward
by the same grace of God, king of
England, lord of Ireland, duke of Aqui-
taine, greeting and sincere love. We
marvell not a little, and are much dis-
quieted in our cogitations, considering the greevances and
oppressions, which (as wee have beene informed by
pitifull complaints) are at this present, more then in times
past, without any reasonable cause inflicted upon our
subjects, which doe usually resort unto your kingdome
for traffiques sake. For of late one William the sonne of
Laurence of Wainfleete, and one Simon the sonne of Alan
of the same towne, and Guido the sonne of Mathew, and
their associates our marchants, in complayning wise
declared unto us : that having sent certaine of their factors
and servants, with three shippes into your dominions,
there to exercise traffique, and the sayd ships being laden
in the haven of your towne of Tonnesbergh, with Her- The tozvne of
rings and other commodities, to a great value : and also Tonesbergh.
the said mariners, men, and servants of the foresayd
shippes, being licenced by vertue of the safe conduct
which you had granted them, freely to returne from your
kingdome unto the parts of England with their ships and
goods aforesayd, but afterward not being able to depart
out of your haven by reason of contrary windes : certaine
of your bayliffes upon occasion of the slaughter of a
knight being himselfe also of late your bayliffe of Vikia,
committed by malefactors and Pirates upon the sea,
whilest the sayd shippes remained in the haven aforesayd,

341

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

did at your commandement (as they say) arrest, and for a
long season also deteined under that arrest, the foresaid
[I. 139.] ships, with all the men and goods that were in them :
namely untill such time, as the men and mariners afore-
saide (beeing driven perforce, and constrained thereunto)
should lay in sufficient securitie for the payment of fortie
pounds sterling, upon a certain day appointed, unto your
use, for every of the foresaide ships : and also untill they
had moreover delivered three pledges, for the bringing of
the saide ships and men backe againe into the foresaid
haven, before the feast of the nativitie of S. John the
Baptist next ensuing, then and there to stand unto your
favour and curtesie, as touching the said persons, and
those ships of theirs : which dealing, the parties themselves
take very grievously, yea, and all others that heare thereof
thinke it to be a strange and unwonted course. And
because it is most undoubtedly contrary to all reason,
equitie, justice, and lawe, that the faults or demerits of
offenders should in any sort be punished in such persons,
or in their goods, as neither have bene accessory nor
partakers in the crime, nor have had any society with the
saide offenders : we doe heartily intreat and request your
Highnes, that weighing and pondering the matter in the
balance of justice, you would of your love and friendship,
command the foresaid pledges to be set at libertie, and
the said securitie utterly to bee released and acquited.
And know you this for a certaintie, that if the foresaide
malefactors, who (as it is reported) slewe your Knight
aforesaide, shall any where within our realme and
dominions be found, we wil cause justice and judgement
to bee executed upon them, according to the Lawe and
custome of our sayde Realme. For we cannot in these
times conveniently and well indure, that the ships afore-
saide, or any other ships of our kingdome (which ought
alwayes to be in a readinesse for our service) should
without speciall licence, depart out of our saide kingdome,
unto forreine dominions. Nowe, what you shall think
good at this our request to performe in the premisses,

342

KING EDWARD II.'S LETTERS ad.

1313-

may it please you by the bearer of these presents to returne
an answere unto us. Geven at Windsore the 16. of April.

Another Letter of Edward the second, to Haqui-
nus King of Norway, in the behalfe of cer-
taine English Marchants.

MAgnifico Principi Dom. Haquino Dei gratia regi
Norwegias illustri, amico suo charissimo, Edwardus
eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae, dominus Hyberniae, & dux
Aquitaniae, salutem cum dilectione sincera. Querelam
dilectorum Mercatorum nostrorum Thomae de Swyn de
Waynfleete, & Simonis filii Alani de eadem recepimus, j

continentem, Quod cum ipsi nuper quosdam servientes ^

suos infra regnum vestrum pro suis ibidem exercendis j

mercimoniis transmisissent, Thesaurarius vester bona & |

mercimonia praedictorum Thomae & Simonis ad valenciam i

quadraginta librarum, quae servientes praedicti in villa de
Northberne in sua custodia habuerunt, die Sancti ^orthhem^
Michaelis ultimo praeterita fecit absque causa rationabili ^^ ^' ,

arestari, & ea adhuc taliter arestata detinet injuste, in
ipsorum Thomae & Simonis damnum non modicum & \

depauperationem manifestam. Et quia eisdem mercatori- I

bus nostris subvenire volumus, quatenus suadente justitia :

poterimus in hac parte, vestram amicitiam requirimus cum j

afFectu, quatenus audita querela praedictorum Thomae j

& Simonis, vel ipsorum atturnatorum super restitutione \

bonorum & mercimoniorum prasdictorum impendere \

velitis eisdem celeris justitiae complementum : Ita quod
pro defectu exhibitionis justitiae super arestatione praedicta \

non oporteat nos pro mercatoribus nostris praedictis de i

alio remedio providere. Nobis autem quid ad hanc nos- '

tram instantiam duxeritis faciendum, rescribere velitis .;

per praesentium portitorem. Datae ut supra. f

The same in English. \

TO the mightie Prince Lord Haquinus, by the grace \

of God the famous King of Norway, his most \
deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of

343 '

A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

England, Lorde of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitaine,
greeting and sincere love. Wee received the complaint
of our welbeloved Merchants Thomas de Swyn of Wayn-
fleet, and Simon the sonne of Alanus of the same towne :
the contents whereof are, that whereas of late, the saide
parties sent certaine of their servants to traffike in your
kingdome, your Treasurer upon the feast of S. Michael
last past, without any just or reasonable occasion, caused
the goods and merchandise of the foresaide Thomas and
Simon, to the value of fortie pound, which their said
servants had under their custodie at the towne of North-
berne, to be arrested, and as yet also injuriously deteineth
the same under the same arrest, to the great damage and
impoverishing of the sayd Thomas and Simon. And
forasmuch as our desire is to succour these our marchants
so far foorth as we can. Justice requiring no lesse in this
[I. 140.] behalfe, we doe right earnestly request you, that having
hearde the complaint and supplication of the foresayde
Thomas and Simon, or of their Atturneyes, you woulde
of your love and friendship, vouchsafe them speedie
administration of Justice, about the restitution of their
goods and marchandise aforesaide : least that for want
of the exhibiting of Justice about the foresaid arrest,
we be constrained to provide some other remedie for
our marchants aforesaid. Our request is, that you would
by the bearer of these presents, returne an answere unto
us, what you are determined to doe, at this our instant
motion. Given as above.

A third letter of King Edward the second, to
Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe
of certaine English Marchants.

MAgnifico Principi Domino Haquino Dei gratia Regi
Norwegiae illustri, amico suo charissimo, Edwardus
eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae, dominus Hyberniae, &
dux Aquitaniae, salutem cum dilectione sincera. Pro
mercatoribus nostris Lennas, & partium vicinarum, quos
Ballivus & Officiarii vestri civitatis vestrae Bergen dudum

344

KING EDWARD II.'S LETTERS ad.

ceperunt, & stricto career! manciparunt, quorum multi ut
jam intelleximus, propter alimentorum subtractionem &
duritiam, ac asperitatem carceris perierunt, ut ipsorum
& bonorum suorum deliberationem praecipere curaretis,
vestrae serenitati Regiae nostras nuper transmisimus literas
speciales. Sed vos, retentis adhuc in carcere nostris
mercatoribus sicut prius, nobis per literas vestras quas
audivimus & intelleximus diligenter, inter castera rescrip-
sistis, quod quidam mercatores de regno vestro de
injuriis, violentiis & arrestationibus, quibus in regno
nostro his diebus sunt, ut asserunt, contra justitiam
aggravati, multipliciter conqueruntur, adjiciendo in vestris
Uteris memoratis, quod quidam iniquitatis filii in villa
Lennae, ad piscandum ut dicebant halecia venientes,
quendam militem Ballivum vestrum, in Vikia una cum
decem aliis subditis vestris, in vestris & regni vestri
negotiis existentibus crudeliter occiderunt. Super quibus
mens nostra gravatur quamplurimum & turbatur, pras-
sertim quum nunquam nostrae fuerit voluntatis, quod
injuriae, violentiae, seu arrestationes aliqu^ mercatoribus,
vel aliis de regno vestro per aliquos de regno &
potestate nostris fierent indebite vel injuste : nee adhuc
intelligere possumus, quod mercatoribus vestris per ali-
quem vel aliquos de subditis nostris hue usque aliter
factum fuerit : Scientes pro certo quod si nobis per
inquisitiones legitimas constare poterit hujusmodi grava-
mina subditis vestris infra regnum nostrum illata fuisse,
nos sufficientes emendas, & satisfactiones debitas super
illis, celerisque justitiae complementum fieri faciemus.
Et insuper si malefactores praedicti, qui praefatum
militem, & alios secum existentes, ut prasmittitur, occi-
derunt, de regno, seu potestate nostra sint, vel infra
idem regnum vel potestatem poterunt inveniri, de ipsis
judicium & justitiam fieri prascipiemus, secundum Leges
& consuetudines regni nostri. Et quia inter nos & vos,
nostrosque & vestros subditos hinc inde foveri desidera-
mus mutuam concordiam & amorem ; ita quod merca-
tores nostri & vestri mercandisas suas in nostris &

345

A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1313-

Antiquitas vestHs regnis & dominiis libere, & absque impedimento

commerctt in- y^leant exercere, prout temporlbus proP:enitorum nos-
ter Andtam ^ . ^ • o f- 1 • °

y Norzve- trorum neri consuevit, <x ex dictarum literarum vestrarum

giam. serie collegimus evidenter vos promptos esse similiter,

& paratos ad omnia & singula, quas pro vobis & vestris
subditis super discordiis, contentionibus, aut gravaminibus
inter nostros & vestros subditos qualitercunque suscitatis
pro bono pacis & justitiae fuerint aequanimiter facienda:
Nos consimilia pro nobis & nostris, quantum ad nos
& ad ipsos attinet, illius amore, qui pacis author fore
dinoscitur, & pro quiete & commodo populi utriusque
regnorum nostrorum, quatenus jus & ratio dictitaverint,
promittimus nos facturos : Vestram amicitiam requirentes
obnixius & rogantes, quatenus mercatores nostros prae-
dictos, qui adhuc superstites relinquuntur, quos etiam
tempore, quo dicta felonia committi dicebatur, inter-
clusos tenebat custodia carceralis, jubere velitis nostri
contemplatione, zeloque justitiae ab hujusmodi custodia
liberari, bona ab ipsis capta eis prout justum fuerit
restitui faciendo. Et ut deliberatio mercatorum nostro-
rum praedictorum, & bonorum suorum eo facilius con-
cedatur, placeat vobis cum diligentia debita ponderare,
quod Galfridus Drewe, & quidam alii mercatores nostri
de Lenne, quibusdam mercatoribus de regno vestro
occasione ejusdem gravaminis ipsis mercatoribus vestris,

[I. 141.] ad sectam Tidemanni Lippe infra regnum nostrum,
ut dicebatur, illati, centum libras sterlingorum per-
solverunt, sicut in quodam scripto indentato inter
Ingelramum Lende de Thorenden, & quosdam alios
mercatores vestros ex parte una, & praefatum Galfridum,
& quosdam alios de regno nostro similiter ex altera
confecto, vidimus contineri. Si qui vero de subditis
vestris de aliquibus subditis nostris, de aliqua injuria
ipsis facta querelas in curia nostra deponere voluerint,
& prosequi cum effectu, ipsorum subditorum vestrorum
petitiones admitti, & eis super querelis hujusmodi plenam
& celerem justitiam fieri faciemus. Ita quod iidem sub-
diti vestri exinde reputare debebunt merito se contentos.

346

KING EDWARD II. S LETTERS ad.

Et interim de excessibus & gravaminibus subditis vestris
infra regnum nostrum qualitercunque illatis inquiri facie-
mus cum diligentia veritatem. Vestrae igitur voluntatis
beneplacitum in praemissis nobis rescribere velitis per
praesentium portitorem. Datae apud Westminster tertio
die Aprilis.

The same in English.

TO the mightie Prince king Haquinus, by the grace
of God the famous king of Norway, his most
deare friend Edward by the same grace of God, king
of England, lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine, greeting
and sincere love. We sent of late unto your royall
majestie our special letters, for the behalfe of our late
marchants of Lenne, and of the coast adjoyning (whome
your baily and officers of the citie of Bergen lately
apprehended, committing them to close prison, many
of whome, as we understand, are, for want of due
nourishment, and by reason of the extremitie & loath-
somnesse of the prison, quite perished) that you would
cause them and their goods to bee released. Howbeit,
you reteining as yet our marchants in durance as before,
in your letters, which we have diligently heard, and
throughly understood, have, amongst other matters,
returned this answere unto us : that certaine marchants
of your kingdome doe make sundrie complaints of
injuries, violences and arrests, whereby they have lately
(as themselves avouch) contrary to justice bene aggrieved
and oppressed in our dominions : adding moreover in
your sayde letters, that certaine sonnes of iniquitie of
the towne of Lenne, comming, as they saide, to fish
tor herrings, cruelly murthered a certaine Knight, who
was in times past your bayliffe of Vikia, together with
ten others of your subjects, being imployed about the
affaires of your kingdome. In consideration whereof
our minde is exceedingly and above measure grieved
and troubled, especially sithence it was never any part
of our intent, that any injuries, violences, or arrests

347

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

should unjustly be inflicted upon any marchants, or
any others of your realme by any of our kingdomes :
neither can we as yet have any intelligence, that any
such hard measure hath bene offered unto any of your
marchants, by any one or moe of our subjects : giving
you for a certaintie to understand, that if upon lawfull
inquisition we shalbe advertised of any such grievances,
which have bene offered unto your subjects within our
realme, we will cause speedie justice to be administred,
and sufficient recompence, and due satisfaction to be
made in regarde thereof. And moreover, if the saide
malefactors, which, as it is aforesaid, slewe the fore-
named Knight, and others of his companie, either be
appertaining unto our kingdome and dominion, or may
at any time be found within our saide kingdome or
dominion, we will command justice and judgement to
be executed upon them, according to the lawes and
customes of our realme. And forasmuch as our desire
is, that mutuall concord and amitie should be mainteined
and cherished between your and our subjects on both
The antiquity parts : SO that our and your marchants may, in both

ojtiapque Q^j. ;^ga]j^es and dominions, freely and without impedi-

bctwccnc hi n?- . . . .

land and Nor- i^^^t exercise their traffique, as in the times of our

way. progenitors it hath bene accustomed : Whereas also we

evidently gathered out of the contents of your letter,
that you are in like sort readie and willing to put all
things in practise, which are by you and your subjects
(for the taking away of discords, contentions, and moles-
tations howsoever occasioned, and sprung up betweene
your and our subjects) lovingly to be performed : we
also doe promise for our selves, and our subjects, so
much as in us and them lieth, for his sake who is
knowen to be the author of peace, and for the benefite
&: tranquilitie of both our Realmes (as justice and
reason shall move us) to doe the like. , Desiring and
earnestly requesting at your hands, that of your love
and friendship, having regard of us, and consideration
of justice, you would commaund that our foresaide

348

KING EDWARD II.'S LETTERS a.d. J

marchants, who as yet remaine alive, and who also at 1
the time of the saide felonie committed, were shut

up in close prison, be delivered out of the saide i

thraldome, causing their goods which have bene taken '

from them, to bee, according unto justice, restored to |

them again. And that the deliverie of our foresaide j
marchants and goods, may be the more easily yeelded

unto, may it please you with diligent observation to i

consider, that Gefferey Drew, and certaine other of our j

marchants of Lenne, upon occasion of the greivances I

offered unto your marchants within our Realme, (as !

the report goeth) at the suite of Tidman Lippe, paide j

unto the same your marchants an hundreth pound |

sterling : even as in a certain Indenture made betweene [I. 142.] '
Ingelram Lende of Thorenden, and some other of your

marchants on the one part, and betweene the foresaide i

Gefirey, and certaine of our marchants on the other |

part, wee sawe conteined. Moreover, if any of your ;

subjects be minded to exhibite, and effectually to i

prosecute their complaints in our Court, concerning any ■

of our subjects, or of any injury done unto them, we j

will cause the petitions of those your subjects to be ;

admitted, and also full and . speedie justice to be i

administred, upon any such like complaints of theirs. '.

Insomuch, that those your subjects shal thinke them- !

selves right well and sufficiently contented therewithall. ]

And in the meane space we will cause diligent in- '
quisition of the trueth to be made, of all excesses and

grievances howsoever offered unto your subjects within I

our dominions. May it please you therfore, by the 1

bearer of these presents, to returne an answere unto |
us, what you are determined to doe in the premisses.

Given at Westminster, the third day of April. '

[De Stapula
3+9

A.D.
1320.

Major 13

Communitas

stapula.

Charta anno
regni sexto
confecta.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

De Stapula tenenda in certo loco ordinatio,
Anno 13. Edwardi secundi.

REx collectoribus custumae lanarum & pellium
lanutarum in portu London salutem. Cum nos
vicesimo die Maii anno regni nostri sexto attendentes
damna & gravamina, quas mercatoribus de regno nostro
diversimode evenerunt, ex eo quod mercatores tam
indigenae quam alienigenae lanas & pelles lanutas infra
regnum & potestatem nostram ementes, & se cum
eisdem lanis & pellibus ad vendendum eas ad diversa
loca infra terras Brabantias, Flandriae, & de Artoys
eorum libito voluntatis transtulerint : & volentes etiam
hujusmodi damnis & gravaminibus quatenus bono modo
possemus providere, de consilio nostro ordinaverimus,
quod mercatores indigenae & alienigenae lanas & pelles
hujusmodi infra regnum & potestatem praedictam ementes,
& ad terras prasdictas ibidem vendendas ducere volentes,
lanas illas & pelles ad certam stapulam infra aliquam
earundem terrarum, per Majorem & Communitatem
eorundem mercatorum, de regno nostro ordinandam
assignari, ac prout & quando expedire viderint mutan-
dum, & non ad alia loca in terris illis ducant, seu duci
faciant ullo modo : & inter castera concesserimus
mercatoribus de regno nostro supradicto pro nobis .&
haeredibus nostris, quod ipsi Major & consilium
dictorum mercatorum, qui pro tempore fuerint, quibus-
cunque mercatoribus indigenis seu alienigenis, qui
contra dictam ordinationem venerint, & modo rationa-
bili convicti fuerint, certas pecunias summas pro delictis
illis imponant, & quod illae hujusmodi summs de
bonis & mercimoniis mercatorum sic delinquentium,
ubicunque ea infra regnum & potestatem praedictam
inveniri contigerit, per ministros nostros ad opus
nostrum leventur : prout in Charta nostra inde confecta
plenius continetur : quam quidem Chartam per singulos
comitatus regni nostri super costeras maris fecimus
publican, & firmiter inhiberi, ne qui mercatores indigenae

350

ORDINANCE OF THE STAPLE

seu alienigenae contra tenorem Chartae praedictas sub
poenis contentis in eadem venerint ullo modo : Ac
postmodum dato nobis intelligi, quod quamplures
mercatores tarn indigenae quam alienigenae, lanas &
pelles lanutas infra regnum & potestatem praedictas
ementes, & se cum eisdem lanis & pellibus ad
vendendum eas ad alia loca in dictis terris, quam ad
Stapulam juxta concessionem nostram praedictam per
Majorem & communitatem dictorum mercatorum de
regno nostro in aliqua terrarum illarum ordinatam &
assignatam transtulerint in nostri contemptum, & contra
Chartam ordinationis, publicationis & inhibitionis pras-
dictarum assignaverimus quosdam fideles nostros in
diversis partibus regni ad inquirendum de lanis &
pellibus lanutis ad dictas terras alibi quam ad Stapulam
illam ductis, ita quod emendas inde ad nos pertinentes,
ad opus nostrum leventur ; etiam intellexerimus, quod
quasi omnes mercatores tam indigenae quam alienigenae
hujusmodi mercimonia in dicto regno nostro exercentes
sunt culpabiles de prasmissis : & quod plures inde
indictati, ac alii timentes inde indictari, lanas suas ac
pelles lanutas sub nominibus aliorum non culpabilium
faciunt advocari, & extra regnum nostrum transmitti
quibusdam alienigenis, sic culpabilibus in dictum regnum
fqrsitan non reversuris, ut sic forisfacturas praedictas
effugiant, & nos de emenda ad nos sic pertinente
illudant : quae si permitterentur sic transire in nostri
damnum non modicum redundarent. Nos volentes
hujusmodi fraudibus obviare, & nostris damnis quatenus
bono modo poterimus praecavere, vobis praecipimus
firmiter injungentes, quod a singulis mercatoribus lanas
seu pelles lanutas per portum praedictum ad partes
exteras ducere volentibus corporale sacramentum ad
sancta Dei Evangelia recipiatis, quod ipsi lanas seu
pelles lanutas sub nomine ipsius, cujus propriae sunt,
& non alterius advocabunt. & tunc recepta ab illo cujus
lanae & pelles hujusmodi erunt, vel nomine suo
sufficiente securitate pro qua respondere volueritis, de

351

A.D.
1320.

A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1320.

respondendo & faciendo nobis id quod ad nos pertinet
de lanis & pellibus lanutis per ipsum ductis seu missis
[I. 143.] ad aliquam dictarum terrarum Flandriae & Brabantiae,
& de Artoys contra formam Chartae, proclamationis, &
inhibitionis supradictarum, si ipsum super hoc convinci
contingat, lanas & pelles illas lanutas extra portum prae-
dictum, recepta prius custuma debita de eisdem, ad
partes exteras transire permittatis. Teste Rege apud
Doveram decimo octavo die Junii, per ipsum Regem
& Consilium.

Et postmodum per breve de privato sigillo eodem
modo mandatum est collectoribus custumae praedicts in
portubus subscriptis : Videlicet,

In portu villas Southhampton.

In portu villae Weymouth.

In portu villae Sancti Botolphi.

In portu villas de Kingtone super Hull.

In portu villas de novo Castro.

In portu villae de magna lernemutha.

In portu villas de Lenne.

In portu villas de Gypwico.

The same in English.

An Ordinance of the Staple to bee holden at
one certaine place.

THe King unto his Collectors of custome, for wooll
and woollen fels, in his port of London, greeting.
Whereas we upon the 20. of May, in the sixt yeere of
our reigne, considering the damages and grievances
that have diversly happened unto the marchants of our
realme, upon occasion that the marchants both of our
owne, & of other countreis, buying up wooll and
woollen fels within our kingdome and dominions, have,
for the better sale thereof, at their pleasure conveyed
themselves, and trasported the said wooll & fels into
sundry places within the provinces of Brabant, Flanders
and Artoys : and being desirous also, to our power, to

352

ORDINANCE OF THE STAPLE ad.

1320.
provide a remedie against such damages and incon-
veniences, have ordained by our counsel, that all
marchants, both homeborne and aliens, buying up such
wools and fels, within our kingdome and dominion
aforesaid, and being desirous to transport them into
the foresaid provinces, there to bee solde, may carrie
the saide wools and fels, or cause them to be caried to
some certaine staple, within any of the saide Provinces,
by the Maior and Communaltie of the said marchants
of our realme, to be appointed and assigned, and when
they shall thinke it expedient, to be changed and
removed, and not unto any other place within the
saide Provinces whatsoever : and whereas also, amongst
other things, we have granted unto the marchants of
our foresaid realme, for us and our heires, that the
Maior and Councel of the saide marchants for the
time being, may impose upon all marchants, home-
borne or aliens whatsoever, that shall transgresse the
foresaid ordination, and shall thereof lawfully be con-
victed, certaine summes of money to be paid for their
offences, and that such summes must by our ministers
and officers, to our use, be levied out of the goods
and wares of the marchants so offending, wheresoever
they shall chance to be found within our kingdome and
dominions aforesaid, as in our Charter made for the ^ Charter
same purpose, it is more plainly expressed, (which ^.^"^^ ^^ ^^^
Charter we have caused to be published upon the Sea- \-^^ J^-
coasts, throughout all the countreys of our realme, and
a strong prohibition to be proclaimed, that no marchants,
neither home-borne, nor strangers, may in any wise
transgresse the tenour of the foresaide Charter, under
the penalties therein contained) and whereas afterward
it beeing given us to understand, that divers mar-
chants both home-borne, and aliens, bought up such
woolles and woollen felles within our saide Realme and
dominions, and conveyed themselves with the saide wools
and felles for the sale thereof, unto other places within
the foresaide Provinces, besides the saide Staple, which
I 353 z

AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1320. ^ i

was, according to our graunt aforesaide, appointed and |
ordained by the Maior and communaltie of the said j
marchants of our Realme, in some one of those Pro- 1
vinces, to the contempt of our authoritie, and contrary !
to the Charter of the ordination, publication, and inhibi- j
tion aforesaide, wee assigned certaine of our faithfull ;
subjects, in divers parts of our Realme, to make inquisi- |
tion for such wools and woollen felles, as were conveyed
unto any other place of the saide Provinces, then unto the 1
Staple, so that by these meanes, the penalties due unto !
us might bee levied unto our use : and having intelligence !
also, that in a maner all marchants both home-borne, and
strangers bartering such wares in our kingdome, are |
culpable of the premisses, and that many being indicted j
thereupon, and others fearing to bee indicted, doe cause i
their wools and woollen felles to bee avouched under the |
[I. ]44.] names of persons not culpable, and to be sent over unto j
certaine strangers being also culpable, and not minding \
perhaps to return any more into our realme, that they
may so escape the foresaid forfeitures, and defraud us of
the penaltie, appertaining of right unto us, (which abuses,
if they were suffered so to goe unpunished woulde re-
dound unto our extreame hinderance :) and beeing like-
wise desirous to withstand such deceitefull dealing, and
so farre forth as wee can, to prevent our owne losses,
we firmely command, and streightly charge you, that you
doe receive of every particular marchant, desirous to
convey any wools, or woollen fels out of the foresaid
port, into any forrein dominions, a corporal oath upon
Gods holy Evangelists : that they shall avouch all those
wools and woollen fels under his name unto whom they
doe properly belong, & under the name of none other :
and then taking sufficient security from the owner of
those wools and fels, or in his name, in regard whereof
you wil undertake to warrantize, and make good unto
us those penalties and forfaitures which shal unto us
appertaine, for all wools, and woollen fels conveied or
sent by any of the foresaid merchants unto any of the

354

I

ORDINANCE OF THE STAPLE

said provinces of Flanders, Brabant, and Artoys, contrary
to the Charter of the Proclamation and inhibition above
mentioned (if they shal chance to be convinced hereof)
that first, our due custome being received, you doe permit
the said wools and woollen fels to passe out of the fore-
said port into forrein countries. Witnes the king at
Dover the i8. day of June. By the king himselfe and
his Councell.

And afterwarde by a Writte under the Kings privie
Seale there was a like commandement given unto the
Collectors of the custome aforesayde in the portes under-
written.

That is to say :

Weymouth.

Southhampton.

Saint Botulphs towne, nov/ called Boston.

Kingtone upon Hull,

Newcastle.

lernemouth magna, or Yermouth.

Lenne.

Gypwick or Ipswich.

A.D.

1320.

In the port
of the
Towne of

END OF VOLUME I.

V k. .

:^-<

ii^^^^^^^^^