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The Principal
Navigations Voyages Traffiques and
Discoveries of the English Nation
In Twelve Volumes
Volume VII
GLASGOW
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY
ROBERT MACLEHOSE AND COMPANY LTD. FOR
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW
MACMILLAN AND CO. LTD. LONDON
THE MACMILLAN CO. NEW YORK
SIMPKIN, HAMILTON AND CO. LONDON
MACMILLAN AND BOWES CAMBRIDGE
DOUGLAS AND FOULIS EDINBURGH
MCMIV
PhataJravurB by Annan X. B ana , Glasgow.
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND
' vX
The Principal
Navigations Voyages
Traffiques & Discoveries
of the English Nation
Made by Sea or Over-land to the
Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters
of the Earth at any time within the
compasse of these 1600 Yeeres
By
RICHARD HAKLUYT
Preacher, and sometime Student of
Christ-Church in Oxford
VOLUME VII
Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons
Publishers to the University
THE TABLE
A Catalogue of the Voyages of this seventh volume
made to the South and South-east quarters,
and the Voyages undertaken for the finding
of a Northwest Passage ; with the Ambas-
sages, Treatises, Priviledges, Letters, and
other observations, depending upon the
Voyages of this seventh Volume :
The voyage of the Right honourable the Earle of Cumber-
land to the Azores, in the yeere 1589. .
A fight performed by ten marchants ships of London against
12 Spanish gallies, in the Streit of Gibraltar. An.
159°
The valiant fight performed in the Streit of Gibraltar by the
Centurion of London, against five Spanish gallies, An.
I591
PAGE
31
35
A true report of the fight about the Isles of the Azores,
betweene the Revenge one of her Majesties ships,
under the conduct of Sir Richard Grinvile, and an
Armada of the king of Spaine, An. 1 591. . • 38
A particular note of the West Indian fleete expected to
have arrived in Spaine, An. 1592, with the number
of ships of the same fleete that perished and suffered
shipshrack &c. ....•• 54
v
THE TABLE
A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued, PAGE
A voyage of certaine ships of London to the coast of Spaine,
and the Azores, An. I 59 1. Reported by M. Robert
Flick 56
A large testimony of John Huighen van Linschoten concern-
ing the worthy exploits atchieved by the right hon.
the erle of Cumberland, by Sir Martin Frobisher, Sir
Richard Grinvile, and divers other English Captains,
about the Isles of the Acores, and upon the coastes
of Spaine and Portugale, in the yeares 1589, 1590, 1 591. 62
A relation concerning the estate of the Island and Castle of
Arguin, and touching the rich and secret trade from
the inland of Africa thither, written in the yere 1 5 9 1 . 88
The voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassell to the
rivers of Senega and Gambra, neere the coast of
Guinea, Anno 1591. . . . . . 90
Two briefe relations concerning the Cities and Provinces of
Tombuto and Gago, and concerning the exceeding
great riches of the sayd Provinces, and the conquest
thereof by the king of Marocco, and of the huge masse
of gold, which he yerely receiveth thence for tribute.
Written Anno 1594. ..... 99
A briefe extract of a patent granted to M. Thomas Gregory
of Tanton, and others, for traffick betweene the river
of Nonnia, and the rivers of Madrabumba and Sierra
Leona, on the coast of Guinea, An. 1592. . . 102
The taking of two Spanish ships laden with quicksilver and
with the Popes Bulles, bound for the West Indies, by
M. Thomas White in the Amitie of London, An.
*592 103
The taking of the mightie and rich Carak called The Madre
de Dios, and of the Santa Clara a Biskaine of 600
tunnes, as likewise the firing of another great Carak
called The Santa Cruz, Anno 1592. , . , 105
THE TABLE
A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued. page
The firing and sinking of the stout and warlike Carak called
The Cinquo Chaguas, or The five woundes, by three
ships of the R. H. the Earle of Cumberland, Anno
1 59+- 1 18
A report of the casting away of the Tobie, a ship of
London, neere Cape Espartel on the coast of Barbary
without the Streight of Gibraltar, in the yeere of our
Lord 1593. . . . . . .124
The letters of the Queens Majestie sent by Laurence
Aldersey unto the Emperour of Ethiopia, Anno
1597 129
The most ancient voyage and discovery of the West Indies
performed by Madoc the sonne of Owen Guined
prince of North Wales, Anno 1 170; taken out of the
history of Wales, &c. . . . . 133
The verses of Meredith the sonne of Rhesus making men-
tion of Madoc the sonne of Owen Guined, and of his
Navigation unto unknowen lands. . . . 135
The offer of the discovery of the West Indies by Christopher
Columbus to K. Henry the 7. February the 13. Anno
1488 ; with the Kings acceptance of the said offer. . 135
Another testimony concerning the foresaid offer made by
Bartholomew Columbus to K. Henry the seventh, on
the behalfe of his brother Christopher Columbus. . 139
The letters patents of K, Henry the 7. granted unto John
Cabot and his 3. sonnes, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius,
for the discovery of new and unknowen lands, Anno
H95 Hi
The signed bill of K. Henry the 7. on the behalfe of John
Cabot. . . . . . . .145
THE TABLE
A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued.
PAGE
The voyage of Sebastian Cabota to the North part or
America, for the discovery of a Northwest passage, as
farre as 58. degrees of latitude, and from thence back
againe all along the coast, till he fell with some part of
Florida, anno 1497; confirmed by 6. testimonies: The
first taken out of the mappe of Sebastian Cabota cut
by Clement Adames ; the second used by Galeacius
Butrigarius the Popes legate, and reported by him ;
the third out of the preface of Baptista Ramusius before
his third volume of Navigations ; the 4. out of the
thirde decade of Peter Martyr ab Angleria ; the 5. out
of the general history of Lopez de Gomara ; and the 6.
out of Fabians chronicle. . . . . .145
A briefe extract concerning the discovery of Newfound-
land 155
The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian
Cabota, constituting him Grand pilote of England,
Anno 1549. • • • • • .156
A discourse written by sir Humfrey Gilbert knight, to proove
a passage by the Northwest to Cataya, and the East
Indies. . . . . . . .158
The first voyage of M. Martin Frobisher to the Northwest
for the search of a passage to China, anno 1576. . 204
The second voyage of M. Martin Frobisher to the West
and Northwest regions, in the yeere 1577. . . 211
The third and last voyage of M. Martin Frobisher for the
discovery of a Northwest passage, in the yere 1578. . 231
Experiences and reasons of the Sphere to proove all parts of
the worlde habitable, and thereby to confute the
position of the five Zones. .... 250
THE TABLE
A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued. page
A letter of M. Martin Frobisher to certaine Englishmen,
which were trecherously taken by the Salvages of Meta
incognita in his first voyage. .... 309
Articles and orders prescribed by M. Martin Frobisher to the
Captaines and company of every ship, which accom-
panied him in his last Northwestern voyage. . . 322
A generall and briefe description of the country and con-
dition of the people, which are founde in Meta
incognita. ....... 367
The letters patents of her Majesty graunted to M. Adrian
Gilbert and others for the search and discovery of a
Northwest passage to China. . . . -375
The first voyage of M. John Davis for the discovery of a
Northwest passage, 1585.. . . . . 381
The second voyage of M. John Davis for the discovery of
the Northwest pass. 1586. .... 393
A letter of M. J. Davis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London,
concerning his second voyage. .... 407
The voyage and course which the Sunshine a barke of 50.
tunnes, & the Northstarre a small pinnesse, being 2.
vessels of the Fleete of M. John Davis, held, after hee
had sent them from him to discover a passage betweene
Groenland and Iseland, 1587. . . . . 408
The third voyage Northwestward, made by M. John Davis
Gentleman for the discovery of a passage to the Isles of
the Moluccas, or the coast of China in the yeere 1587. 414
A letter of M. John Davis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London,
concerning his 3. voyage. ..... 423
THE TABLE
A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued. page
A traverse-booke of M. John Davis contayning all the princi-
pall notes and observations taken in his third and last
voyage to the Northwest. . . . . .424
A report of M. John Davis concerning his three voyages
made for the discovery of the Northwest passage, taken
out of a treatise of his intituled The worlds hydro-
graphical description. ..... 440
The voyage of M. Nicolas Zeno and M. Anthony his
brother, to the yles of Frisland, Island, Engronland,
Estotiland, Drogeo, and Icaria, begun in the yeere
1380 445
A testimony of Ortelius for the credit of the history of M.
Nicolas, & M. Antonio Zeni. . . 464
ILLUSTRATIONS
George Clifford, Third Earl of Cumberland, Frontispiece
George Clifford, third Earl of Cumberland, was born at
Brougham Castle in Westmoreland in 1558. He
succeeded to the title in January 1569-70. In
1 571 he went to Trinity College, Cambridge, and
took his M.A. degree in 1576. He is also said to
have studied mathematics and geography at Oxford.
In 1586 he fitted out his first expedition 'intended
for the South Sea ' under the command of Captains
Robert Withrington and Christopher Lister. In
1588 he commanded the 'Elizabeth Bonaventure'
against the Spanish Armada. In 1589 he made an
expedition to the Azores and suffered great hardships
on the return home (see p. 22). Between 1591 and
1595 he fitted out four more expeditions, and in
January 1597-8 he fitted out the largest of all,
intended for the West Indies, with himself in com-
mand on the ' Malice Scourge.' This ship
subsequently became famous for her East Indian
voyages under the name of the ' Red Dragon.' The
expedition, like most of the former ones, was a
failure. Cumberland died in London on 30th
October 1605. He is said to have been a man of
great personal beauty, and stood high in Elizabeth's
favour. The portrait, showing the Queen's glove
which he wore as a badge in his hat, is reproduced
from the original by an unknown painter in the
National Portrait Gallery.
xi
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Sir Richard Grenville, ...... 48
Sir Richard Grenville or Greynville belonged to a
Cornish family and was born about 1 541. He was
a cousin of Sir Walter Raleigh. In 1571 he sat in
Parliament as member for Cornwall. He made his
first sea voyage in May 1585 when he commanded
a fleet of seven ships intended for the settlement of
Virginia. On his way home 'he tooke a Spanish
ship of 300 tunne richly loaden, boording her with
a boate made with boards of chests, which fell
asunder, and sunke at the ships side, assoone as
ever he and his men were out of it.' In
1 586 he made another voyage to Virginia. In 1 588
he was engaged in planning measures of defence for
the western counties in anticipation of the Spanish
Armada. In 1591 the action off the Azores took
place which resulted in the loss of the ' Revenge '
and his death. The portrait here reproduced is
taken from the British museum copy of Holland's
Heroologia published in London in 1620.
John Huighen van Linschoten, .... 64
Linschoten was born at Haarlem about 1563, but it was
from Enkhuizen, whither his parents had removed,
that in I 576 Linschoten set out on the travels which
have made his name famous. He first went to Spain
where he stayed six years ; next he joined the
Spanish fleet for the East Indies and was at Goa in
1583 when John Newbery and Ralph Fitch arrived
as prisoners from Ormuz. His account of their
escape is given in Volume V page 505 of this edition.
In 1 591 he was at Terceira in the Azores when the
Spanish fleet put in for repairs after the action with
the * Revenge,' and his ' large testimony ' of the
fight as related to him by the Spaniards, with the
description of the great storm which followed it, will
be found at page 80. In 1594-5 he accompanied
Barents in his voyages to the Arctic regions. He
died in 161 1. The portrait is taken from a copy in
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
the British Museum of Boissardi's Bibliotheca she
Thesaurus Virtutis published at Frankfort in 1628.
Map of the World by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, . 176
This, the only known map by Sir Humphrey Gilbert
now in existence, is taken from the copy in the
British Museum of his Discourse of a Discoverie of a
new passage to Cathaia published in London in 1576.
It was * made onelye for the particular declaration of
this discovery.'
Sir Martin Frobisher, ...... 208
Frobisher was born about 1535. He made his first
voyage, to Guinea, in 1554. In 1571 he was
employed in sea service off the coast of Ireland,
where he attracted the notice of Sir Humphrey
Gilbert. On the grant of a charter to the Company
of Cathay in 1577 he was appointed Captain-
general and admiral of the Company's fleet. In
1576-78 he was occupied in his voyages in search
of the North-west passage. In 1580 he was made
clerk of Her Majesty's ships. In September 1585
he sailed for the West Indies in Drake's expedition
as vice-admiral on the 'Primrose'. He was in com-
mand of the ' Triumph' against the Armada in
1588 and was knighted by Lord Howard of
Effingham for ' that hee had valiantly and discreetly
behaved himself in the fight on the 25th July. In
1594 in the 'Dreadnought' he was employed at
the relief of Brest and Crozon, was wounded in the
hip while landing his men at Crozon, and taken
back to Plymouth where he died shortly after his
arrival. The portrait is taken from the copy in the
British Museum of Holland's Heroologia, 1620.
Map of the World, a.d. 1578, .... 256
This map, made to illustrate George Best's Discourse
4 to proove all partes of the worlde habitable/ is
taken from the British Museum copy of A True
PAGE
ILLUSTRATIONS
Discourse of the Late Voyages of Discoverie for finding
of a Passage to Cathay a, by the North-Weast, under
the Conduct of Martin Frobisher, General. Imprinted
at London by Henry Bynnyman, 1578.
Map of Meta Incognita, 3 36
This ' particular card ' intended to set ' so farre forth as
the secretes of the voyage may permit' Frobisher's
discoveries on the coast of Meta Incognita is taten
from Bynnyman's True Discourse cited above.
Map of the World, by Michael Lock, . . 368
According to the fragment of Autobiography preserved
in the British Museum, Michael Lock or Lok was
born in 1 5 32. He says : ' My late father, Sr William
Lok, knight, alderman of London, kept me at scholes
of grammer in England till I was xiii yeres old,
which was A° Dni, 1545, and he being sworn ser-
vant to King Henry the VIIIth his mercer and also
his agent beyond the seas dyvers affayres, he then
sent me over seas to Flanders and France to learn
those languages and to know the world. Synce
which tyme I have contynued these xxxii yeres in
travaile of body and study of mynde, following my
vocation in the trade of merchandise, whereof I have
spent the first xv yeres in contynuall travaile of body,
passing through allmost all the cuntrees of Chris-
tianity. Namely out of England, into Scotland,
Ireland, Flanders, Germany, France, Spayne, Italy
and Greece, both by land and by sea, not without
great labors, cares, dangers and expenses of mony
incident ; having had the charge (as capitayn) of
a great ship of burden 1000 tuns, by the space of
more then iii yeres in dyvers voyages in the Levant
seas, wherewithall I returned into England. In
which travailes, besides the knowledge of all those
famous common languages of those cuntries, I sought
allso for the knowledge of the state of all their com-
mon wealths, chiefly in all matters apperteining to
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
the traffique of merchants. And the rest of my
tyme I have spent in England under the happy
raigne of the Queenes Matie now being.5 Lock was
one of the promoters of Frobisher's voyages and was
greatly impoverished through their failure financially.
He was imprisoned in the Fleet at the instance of
William Borough in 158 1. He died about 161 5.
The map, which is dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney,
is taken from the copy in the Hunterian Library,
University of Glasgow, of the Divers Voyages touching
the discoverie of America, published by Hakluyt in
1582.
Letter from John Davis to Walsingham, 3rd
October, 1585, . . . . . .392
John Davis, or Davys, 'the Navigator,' was born at
Sandridge about 1550. He was a neighbour and
companion of Humphrey and Adrian Gilbert.
In 1585-6 he made his voyages in search of the
North-west passage, and on his return home from
his first voyage in 1585 he wrote this letter to Sir
Francis Walsingham. In 1589 he joined the Earl
of Cumberland's expedition off the Azores, and
in 1 59 1 he went with Thomas Cavendish as Rear-
admiral on the * Desire.' In 1598 he was pilot of a
Dutch ship, the * Lion,' and in 1600 was appointed
Pilot-major of the first East Indian fleet under
Captain James Lancaster. In 1605, when pilot
of the 'Tiger' under Sir Edward Michelborne,
his ship was treacherously attacked by Japanese
pirates near Bintung, in the Straits of Malacca,
and he was killed. He wrote a treatise on naviga-
tion, the Seaman's Secrets, first published in 1594,
and the Worldes Hydrographical Description, published
in 1595, and he invented the ' backs taff/ for taking
the altitude of the sun.
The following is the translation of the letter, which is re-
produced from the original in the British Museum :
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
* Right honorable most dutyfully craving pardon for
this my rashe boldnes, I am herby, according to my
duty, to signyfy unto yor honor that the north-west
passage is a matter nothing doubtfull, but at any
tyme almost to be passed, the sea navigable, voyd of
yse, the ayre tollerable, and the waters very depe.
I have also found an yle of very grate quantytie,
not in any globe or map dyscrybed, yelding a
sufficient trade of furre and lether, and although this
passage hath bine supposed very impassible, yeat
through Gods mercy, I am in experience ann ey
wyttnes to the contrary, yea in this most desperate
clymate ; which, by Gods help, I wyll very shortly
most at large revele unto yor honor as sone as I can
possible take order for my maryners and shipping.
Thus depending upn yor honors good favor, I most
humbly comytt you to God this third of October.
Yor honors for ever most dutyfull
John Davys.'
Map of the Earl of Cumberland's Voyage to the
Azores, by Edward Wright, 1589, . . 466
'The excellent Mathematician and Enginier Master
Edward Wright' was born at Garveston, Norfolk,
about 1558. He went up to Caius College Cam-
bridge in 1576, graduated B.A. in 1 580-1, M.A. in
1584 and was a fellow from 1587-96. He accom-
panied the Earl of Cumberland to the Azores in
1589 and wrote the account of the voyage. It is
now generally held that he was the discoverer of the
so-called 'Mercator's' projection. He was appointed
lecturer on navigation to the East India Company.
He died in 161 5. The map here reproduced was
made by Wright to illustrate the Earl of Cumberland's
Voyage to the Azores in 1589 and is taken from a
copy of his Certain Errors in Navigation published in
London in 1599, now in the Grenville Library in
the British Museum.
THE SEVENTH VOLUME
OF THE
Principall Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques
and Discoveries of the English Nation
Made to the South and South-east quarters of the
World, and the Voyages undertaken for the
finding of a Northwest Passage, with
the directions, letters, privileges
discourses, and observations
incident to the same
The voiage of the right honorable George Erie
of Cumberland to the Azores, &c. Written
by the excellent Mathematician and Enginier
master Edward Wright.
He right honorable the Erie of Cumber-
land having at his owne charges prepared
his small Fleet of foure Sailes onely,
viz. The Victorie one of the Queenes
ships royall ; the Meg and Margaret
small ships, (one of which also he was
forced soone after to send home againe,
finding her not able to endure the Sea) and a small
Caravell, and having assembled together about 400 men
(or fewer) of gentlemen, souldiers, and saylers, embarked
himself and them, and set saile from the Sound of
Plimmouth in Devonshire, the 18 day of June 1589.
being accompanied with these captaines and gentlemen
which hereafter folow.
Captaine Christopher Lister a man of great resolution,
captaine Edward Carelesse, alias Wright, who in sir
Francis Drakes West-Indian voyage to S. Domingo and
Carthagena, was captaine of the Hope. Captaine Boswell,
M. Mervin, M. Henry Long, M. Partridge, M. Norton,
M. William Mounson captaine of the Meg, and his
viceadmirall, now sir William Mounson, M. Pigeon
captaine of the Caravell.
About 3 dayes after our departure from Plimmouth
we met with 3 French ships, whereof one was of
Newhaven, another of S. Malos, and so finding them to
VII 1 a
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
be Leaguers & lawful Prises, we tooke them and sent
two of them for England with all their loding, which was
fish for the most part from New-found-land, saving
that there was part thereof distributed amongst our small
Fleet, as we could find Stowage for the same : and in
the third, all their men were sent home into France.
The same day & the day folowing we met with some
other ships, whom (when after some conference had with
them, we perceived plainly to bee of Roterodam and
Emden, bound for Rochell) we dismissed.
The 28 and 29 dayes we met divers of our English
ships, returning from the Portugall voiage which my
lord relieved with victuals. The 13 day of July being
Sonday in the morning, we espied 1 1 ships without
sight of ye coast of Spaine, in the height of 39 degrees,
whom wee presently prepared for, & provided to meet
them, having first set forth captaine Mounson in the
Meg, before us, to descry whence they were. The Meg
approching neere, there passed some shot betwixt them,
[II. ii. 156.] whereby, as also by their Admiral and Viceadmirall
putting foorth their flags, we perceived that some fight
was likely to follow. Having therefore fitted our selves
for them, we made what hast we could towards them
with regard alwayes to get the wind of them, and about
10 or 11 of the clocke, we came up to them with the
Victory. But after some few shot & some litle fight
passed betwixt us, they yeelded themselves, & the masters
of them all came aboord us, shewing their several Pas-
ports from the cities of Hamburg and Lubeck, from
Breme, Pomerania and Calice.
They had in them certaine bags of Pepper & Syna-
mom, which they confessed to be the goods of a Jew
in Lisbon, which should have bene caried by them into
their country to his Factor there, and so finding it by
their owne confession to be lawful Prise, the same was
soone after taken and devided amongst our whole com-
pany, the value wherof was esteemed to be about 4500
pounds, at two shillings the pound.
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND a.d.
1589
The 17 day the foresaid ships were dismissed, but 7
of their men that were willing to go along with us for
sailers, we tooke to helpe us, and so held on our course
for the Azores.
The 1 of August being Friday in the morning, we
had sight of the Hand of S. Michael, being one of the
Eastermost of the Azores toward which we sailed all that
day, and at night having put foorth a Spanish flag in
our main-top, that so they might the lesse suspect us,
we approched neere to the chiefe towne and road of that
Hand, where we espied 3 ships riding at anker and
some other vessels : all which we determined to take in
the darke of the night, and accordingly attempted about
10 or 11 of the clocke, sending our boats well manned
to cut their cables and hausers, and let them drive into
the sea. Our men comming to them, found yl one of
those greatest ships was the Falcon of London being
there under a Scottish Pilot who bare the name of her as
his own. But 3 other smal ships that lay neere under 1 ships fir^
the castle there, our men let loose and towed them away
unto us, most of the Spaniards that were in them leaping
over-boord and swimming to shore with lowd and
lamentable outcries, which they of the towne hearing
were in an uprore, and answered with the like crying.
The castle discharged some great shot at our boats, but
shooting without marke by reason of the darknesse they
did us no hurt. The Scots likewise discharged 3 great
pieces into the aire to make the Spaniards thinke they
were their friends and our enemies, and shortly after the
Scottish master, & some other with him, came aboord
to my lord doing their dutie, and ofrring their service,
&c. These 3 ships were fraught with wine and Sallet-
oile from Sivil.
The same day our Caravel chased a Spanish Caravel
to shore at S. Michael, which caried letters thither, by
which we learned that the Caraks were departed from
Tercera 8 dayes before.
The 7 of August we had sight of a litle ship which
3
ib/y tozved out
of harbour
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
wee chased towards Tercera with our pinnasse (the
weather being calme) and towards evening we overtooke
her, there were in her 30 tunnes of good Madera wine,
certaine woollen cloth, silke, taffata, &c. The 14 of
August we came to the Hand of Flores, where we de-
termined to take in some fresh water and fresh victuals,
such as the Hand did affoord. So we manned our boats
with some 120 men and rowed towards the shore; where-
to when we approched the inhabitants that were assembled
at the landing place, put foorth a flag of truce, where-
upon we also did the like.
When we came to them, my Lord gave them to
understand by his Portugall interpreter, that he was a
friend to their king Don Antonio, and came not any way
to injury them, but that he ment onely to have some
fresh water and fresh victuals of them, by way of ex-
change for some provision that he had, as oile, wine, or
pepper, to which they presently agreed willingly, & sent
some of their company for beeves and sheepe, and we
in the meane season marched Southward about a mile
to Villa de Santa Cruz, from whence all the inhabitants
yong and old were departed, and not any thing of value
left. We demanding of them what was the cause hereof,
they answered, Feare ; as their usuall maner was when
any ships came neere their coast.
We found that part of the Hand to be full of great
rockie barren hils and mountains, litle inhabited by reason
that it is molested with ships of war which might partly
appeare by this towne of Santa Cruz (being one of their
chiefe townes) which was all ruinous, and (as it were) but
the reliques of the ancient towne which had bene burnt
about two yeeres before by certaine English ships of
war, as the inhabitants there reported.
At evening as we were in rowing towards the Victory,
an huge fish pursued us for the space well nigh of two
miles together, distant for the most part from the boats
sterne not a speares length, and sometimes so neere
that the boat stroke upon him, the tips of whose finnes
4
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND ad.
1589.
about the ghils (appearing oft times above the water)
were by estimation 4 or 5 yards asunder, and his jawes
gaping a yard and an halfe wide, which put us in feare of
overturning the pinnasse, but God bee thanked (rowing
as hard as we could) we escaped. .
When we were about Flores a litle ship called the
Drake, brought us word that the Caraks were at Tercera,
of which newes we were very glad, & sped us thitherward
with all the speed we could : and by the way we came
to Fayal road the seven and twentieth day of August, [II. ii. 157.]
after sunne set, where we espied certaine shippes ryding
at anker, to whom we sent in our Skiffe with Captaine
Lister and Captaine Monson in her to discover the
roaders : and least any daunger should happen to our
boate, we sent in likewise the Sawsie Jacke and the small
Caravell ; but the wind being off the shoare, the shippes
were not able to fet it so nigh as the Spaniards ride, which
neverthelesse the boate did, and clapped a shippe aboord
of two hundred and fiftie tunnes, which caried in her
fourteene cast peeces, and continued fight alone with
her for the space of one houre untill the comming up
of other boates to the reskue of her, which were sent
from the shippes, and then a fresh boording her againe
one boate in the quarter, another in the hause, wee entred
her on the one side, and all the Spaniards lept overboord
on the other, save Juan de Palma the Captaine of her
and two or three more, and thus we became possessors
of her. This shippe was mored to the Castle which shot
at us all this while : the onely hurt which we received of
all this shot was this, that the master of our Caravell
had the calfe of his legge shot away. This shippe was
laden with Sugar, Ginger, and hides lately come from
S. Juan de Puerto Rico ; after we had towed her cleare
off the castle, we rowed in againe with our boats, and
fetched out five small ships more, one laden with hides,
another with Elephants teeth, graines, coco-nuts, and
goates skins come from Guinie, another with woad, and
two with dogge-fish, which two last we let drive in the
5
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
sea making none account of them. The other foure
we sent for England the 30 of August.
At the taking of these Prizes were consorted with
us some other small men of warre, as Maister John
Davis, with his shippe, Pinnesse, and Boate, Captaine
Markesburie with his ship, whose owner was Sir Walter
Ralegh, the Barke of Lime, which was also consorted
with us before.
The last of August in the morning we came in sight
of Tercera, being about some nine or ten leagues from
shoare, where we espied comming towards us, a small
boat under saile, which seemed somewhat strange unto us,
being so farre from land, and no shippe in sight, to which
they might belong : but comming neere, they put us
An escape of out of doubt, shewing they were English men (eight
%.Engushi;:e7i *n numDer) that had lately beene prisoners in Tercera,
and finding opportunitie to escape at that time, with that
small boat committed themselves to the sea, under Gods
providence, having no other yard for their maine saile,
but two pipe staves tyed together by the endes, and
no more provision of victuals, then they could bring in
their pockets and bosomes. Having taken them all into
the Victorie, they gave us certaine intelligence, that
the Carackes were departed from thence about a weeke
before.
Thus beeing without any further hope of those Caraks,
we resolved to returne for Fayall, with intent to surprize
the towne, but untill the ninth of September, we had
either the winde so contrary, or the weather so calme,
that in all that time, we made scarce nine or ten leagues
way, lingring up and downe not farre from Pico.
The tenth of September, being Wednesday in the
afternoone, wee came againe to Fayal roade. Whereupon
immediatly my Lord sent Captaine Lister, with one of
Graciosa (whom Captaine Munson had before taken)
and some others, towards Fayal, whom certaine of the
Inhabitants met in a boat, and came with Captaine Lister
to my Lord, to whom hee gave this choice : either to
6
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND ad
1589.
suffer him quietly to enter into the platforme there
without resistance, where he and his companie would
remaine a space without offering any injurie to them,
that they (the Inhabitants) might come unto him and
compound for the ransome of the Towne ; or else to
stand to the hazard of warre.
With these words they returned to the towne : but
the keepers of the platforme answered, that it was against
their oath and allegeance to king Philip to give over
without %ht. Whereupon my Lord commanded the
boates of every ship, to be presently manned, and soone
after landed his men on the sandie shoare, under the
side of an hill, about halfe a league to the Northwards
from the platforme : upon the toppe of which hill certaine
horsemen and footmen shewed themselves, and other two
companies also appeared, with ensignes displayed, the
one before the towne upon the shore by the sea side,
which marched towards our landing place, as though
they would encounter us ; the other in a valley to the
Southwards of the platforme, as if they would have come
to helpe the Townesmen : during which time, they in
the platforme also played upon us with great Ordinance.
Notwithstanding my L. (having set his men in order)
marched along the sea shore, upon the sands, betwixt
the sea & the towne towards the platforme for the space
of a mile or more, & then the shore growing rockie, &
permitting no further progresse without much difficultie,
he entred into the towne & passed through the street T^ taking of
without resistance, unto the platforme ; for those com- thf torwne **d
, c 7 . , r T , . platforme of
panies betore mentioned at my Lo. approching, were paya/m
soone dispersed, and suddenly vanished.
Likewise they of the platforme, being all fled at my [II. ii. 158.]
Lordes comming thither, left him and his company to scale
the walles, to enter and take possession without resistance.
In the meane time our shippes ceased not to batter
the foresaid Towne and Platforme with great shotte,
till such time as we saw the Red-Crosse of England
flourishing upon the Forefront thereof.
7
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
A description This Fayal is the principall towne in all that island,
of the towne of fc js situate directly over against the high and mighty
mountaine Pico, lying towards the West Northwest from
that mountaine, being devided therefrom by a narrow
Sea, which at that place is by estimation about some
two or three leagues in bredth betweene the Isles of
Fayal and Pico.
The towne conteyned some three hundred housholds,
their houses were faire and strongly builded of lime
and stone, and double covered with hollow tyles much
like our roofe-tyles, but that they are lesse at the one
end then at the other.
Every house almost had a cisterne or well in a garden
on the backe side: in which gardens grew vines (with
ripe clusters of grapes) making pleasant shadowes, and
Tabacco nowe commonly knowen and used in England,
wherewith their women there dye their faces reddish, to
make them seeme fresh and young: Pepper Indian and
common ; figge-trees bearing both white and red %ges :
Peach trees not growing very tall : Orenges, Limons,
Quinces, Potato-roots, &c. Sweete wood (Cedar I
thinke) is there very common, even for building and
firing.
My Lord having possessed himselfe of the towne
and platforme, and being carefull of the preservation
of the towne, gave commandement, that no mariner or
souldier should enter into any house, to make any spoyle
thereof. But especially he was carefull that the Churches
and houses of religion there should be kept inviolate,
which was accordingly performed, through his appoint-
ment of guarders and keepers for those places : but
the rest of the towne eyther for want of the former
inhibition, or for desire of spoyle & prey, was rifled,
& ransacked by the souldiers & mariners, who scarcely
left any house unsearched, out of which they tooke
such things as liked them, as chestes of sweete wood,
chaires, cloth, coverlets, hangings, bedding, apparell : and
further ranged into the countrey, where some of them
8
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND a.d.
1589.
also were hurt by the inhabitants. The Friery there
conteyning and maintayning thirtie Franciscan Friers
(among whom we could not finde any one able to speake
true Latine) was builded by a Fryer of Angra in Tercera
of the same order, about the yeare of our Lord one
thousand five hundred and sixe. The tables in the hall
had seates for the one side onely, and were alwayes
covered, as readie at all times for dinner or supper.
From Wednesday in the afternoone, at which time
we entred the towne, til Saturday night, we continued
there, untill the Inhabitants had agreed and payed for
the ransome of the towne, two thousand duckats, most
part whereof was Church-plate.
We found in the platforme eight and fiftie yron
peeces of Ordinance, whereof three and twentie (as I
remember) or more were readie mounted upon their
carriages, betweene Barricadoes, upon a platforme
towardes the sea-side, all which Ordinance wee tooke,
and set the platforme on fire, and so departed : My
Lord having invited to dinner in the Victorie, on the
Sunday following, so many of the Inhabitants as would
willingly come (save onely Diego Gomes the Governour,
who came but once onely to parle about the ransome)
onely foure came and were well entertained, and solemnely
dismissed with sound of drumme and trumpets, and a
peale of Ordinance : to whom my Lord delivered his
letter subscribed with his owne hand, importing a re-
quest to all other Englishmen to abstaine from any
further molesting them, save onely for fresh water, and
victuals necessary for their intended voyage. During our
abode here (viz. the 1 1 of September) two men came out
of Pico which had beene prisoners there : Also at Fayal
we set at libertie a prisoner translated from S. Jago who
was cousin to a servant of Don Anthonio king of Portu-
gall in England : These prisoners we deteyned with us.
On Munday we sent our boates a shore for fresh water,
which (by reason of the raine that fell the former night)
came plentifully running downe the hilles, and would
9
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
otherwise have beene hard to be gotten there. On
Tuesday likewise having not yet sufficiently served our
turnes, we sent againe for fresh water, which was then
not so easie to be gotten as the day before, by reason
of a great winde : which in the afternoone increased also
in such sort, that we thought it not safe to ride so neere
the land ; whereupon we weyed anker and so departed
Northwest and by west, alongst the coast of Fayal Island.
Some of the Inhabitants comming aboord to us this day,
tolde us that alwayes about that time of the yeere such
windes West Southwest blew on that coast.
This day, as we sayled neere Saint Georges Island, a
huge fish lying still a litle under water, or rather even
therewith, appeared hard by a head of us, the sea break-
ing upon his backe, which was blacke coloured, in such
sort as deeming at the first it had beene a rocke, and the
[II. ii. 159.] ship stemming directly with him, we were put in a
sudden feare for the time : till soone after we saw him
move out of the way.
The 16 of September in the night it lightened much,
whereupon there followed great winds and raine, which
continued the 17 18 19 20 and 21 of the same. The 23
of September we came againe into Faial road to weigh an
anker which (for haste and feare of foule weather) wee
had left there before, where we went on shore to see the
towne, the people (as we thought) having now setled
themselves there againe, but notwithstanding many of
them through too much distrustfulnesse, departed and
prepared to depart with their packets at the first sight
of us : untill such time as they were assured by my
Lord, that our comming was not any way to injury
them, but especially to have fresh water, and some other
things needefull for us, contenting them for the same.
So then we viewed the Towne quietly, and bought
such things as we desired for our money as if we had
bene in England. And they helped to fill us in fresh
water, receiving for their paines such satisfaction as con-
tented them.
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND ad.
1589.
The 25 day we were forced againe to depart from
thence, before we had sufficiently watered, by reason of a
great tempest that suddenly arose in the night, in so
much, that my Lord himselfe soone after midnight
raysed our men out of their Cabines to wey anker,
himselfe also together with them haling at the Capsten,
and after chearing them up with wine.
The next day we sent our Caravell and the Sawsie-
Jacke to the road of Saint Michael, to see what they
could espie : we following after them upon the 27 day,
plying to and fro, came within sight of S. Michael, but
by contrary windes the 28 29 and 30 dayes wee were
driven to leewarde, and could not get neere the Island.
The first of October wee sayled alongst Tercera, and
even against Brasill (a promontorie neere to Angra the
strongest Towne in that Island) wee espied some boates
comming to the Towne, and made out towardes them :
but being neere to the lande they ranne to shoare and
escaped us.
In the afternoone we came neere to Graciosa, where-
upon my Lord foorthwith sent Captain Lister to the
Ilanders, to let them understand that his desire was
onely to have water and wine of them, and some fresh
victuals, and not any further to trouble them. They
answered they could give no resolute answere to this
demaund, untill the Governors of the Hand had con-
sulted therupon, and therefore desired him to send
againe to them the next day.
Upon the second day of October early in the morning,
we sent forth our long boat and Pinnesse, with emptie
Caske, and about some fiftie or sixty men together with
the Margaret, and Captaine Davis his shippe : for we
now wanted all the rest of our consortes. But when
our men would have landed, the Ilanders shot at them,
and would not suffer them. And troupes of men
appeared upon land, with ensignes displayed to resist
us : So our boates rowed alongst the shoare, to finde
some place where they might land, not with too much
n
aj>. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
disadvantage : our shippes and they still shooting at the
Ilanders : but no place could be founde where they might
land without great perill of loosing many of their lives,
and so were constrayned to retire without receiving any
answere, as was promised the day before. We had three
men hurt in this conflict, whilest our boates were to-
gether in consulting what was best to be done : two of
them were stroken with a great shot (which the Ilanders
drew from place to place with Oxen) wherewith the one
lost his hand, and the other his life within two or three
dayes after : the third was shot into his necke with a
small shot, without any great hurt.
With these newes our company returned backe againe
at night, whereupon preparation was made to goe to them
againe the next day : but the day was farre spent before
we could come neere them with our ship : neither could
we finde any good ground to anker in, where we might
lye to batter the Towne, and further we could finde no
landing place, without great danger to loose many men :
which might turne not only to the overthrow of our
voiage, but also put the Queenes ship in great perill for
want of men to bring her home. Therefore my Lord
thought it best to write to them to this effect : That he
could not a litle marvell at their inhumanitie and crueltie
which they had shewed towards his men, seeing they were
sent by him unto them in peaceable manner to receive
their answere which they had promised to give the day
before : and that were it not for Don Antonio their law-
full king his sake, he could not put up so great injury
at their hands, without just revengement upon them:
notwithstanding for Don Antonio his sake, whose friend
he was, he was yet content to send to them once againe
for their answere : At night Captaine Lister returned
with this answere from them. That their Gunner shot
off one of their peeces, which was charged with pouder
onely, and was stopped ; which our men thinking it had
bin shot at them, shot againe, and so beganne the fight :
[II. ii. 160.] and that the next morning they would send my Lord a
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND ad.
1589
resolute answere to his demaunde, for as yet they could
not knowe their Governours minde herein. The next
morning there came unto us a boate from the shoare
with a flagge of truce, wherein were three of the chiefe
men of the Island, who agreed with my Lorde that hee
should have of them sixtie buttes of wine, and fresh
victuals to refresh himselfe and his companie withall:
but as for fresh water, they could not satisfie our neede
therein, having themselves little or none, saving such as
they saved in vessels or cisternes when it rayned, and that
they had rather give us two tunnes of wine then one of
water : but they requested that our souldiers might not
come on shoare, for they themselves would bring all they
had promised to the water-side, which request was
graunted, we keeping one of them aboord with us
untill their promise was performed, and the other we
sent to shoare with our emptie Caske, and some of our
men to helpe to fill, and bring them away with such
other provision as was promised : so the Margaret, Cap-
taine Davis his shippe, and another of Weymouth stayed
ryding at anker before the Towne, to take in our pro-
vision. This shippe of Weymouth came to us the day
before, and had taken a rich Prize (as it was reported)
worth sixteene thousand pound, which brought us newes
that the West-Indian Fleete was not yet come, but would
come very shortly. But we with the Victorie put off
to sea, and upon Saturday the fourth of October, we
tooke a French shippe of Saint Malo (a citie of the un-
holy league) loden with fish from Newfoundland : which
had beene in so great a tempest, that she was constrayned
to cut her mayne mast overboord for her safetie, and
was now comming to Graciosa, to repaire her selfe. But
so hardly it befell her, that she did not onely not repaire
her former losses, but lost all that remayned unto us.
The chiefe of her men we tooke into our ship, and sent
some of our men, mariners, and souldiers into her to
bring her into England.
Upon the Sunday following at night, all our pro-
13
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
mised provision was brought unto us from Gratiosa :
and we friendly dismissed the Ilanders with a peale of
Ordinance.
Upon Munday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, we plyed
to and fro about those Islandes, being very rough weather.
And upon Thursday at night, being driven some three
or foure leagues from Tercera, we saw fifteene saile of
the West-Indian Fleete comming into the Haven at
Angra in Tercera. But the winde was such, that for the
space of foure dayes after, though wee lay as close by the
winde as was possible, yet we could not come neere them.
In this time we lost our late French Prize, not being able
to lie so neere the winde as we, and heard no more
of her till we came to England where shee safely arrived.
Upon Munday we came very neere the Havens mouth,
being minded to have runne in amongst them, and to
have fetched out some of them if it had beene possible :
But in the end this enterprise was deemed too daun-
gerous, considering the strength of the place where they
rode, being haled and towed in neerer the towne, at the
first sight of our approching, and lying under the pro-
tection of the Castle of Brasill, on the one side (having
in it five and twentie peeces of Ordinance) and a fort
on the other side wherein were 13 or 14 great brasse
pieces. Besides, when we came neere land the winde
prooved too scant for us to attempt any such enterprise.
Upon Tuesday the fourteenth of October we sent our
boate to the roade to sound the depth, to see if there
were any ankoring place for us, where we might lie
without shot of the Castle and Fort, and within shot of
some of those shippes, that we might either make them
come out to us, or sinke them where they lay. Our
boate returned having found out such a place as we
desired, but the winde would not suffer us to come
neere it, and againe if we could have ankored there, it
was thought likely that they would rather runne them-
selves a ground to save their lives and liberties, and some
of their goods, then come foorth to loose their liberties
14
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND ad.
1589.
and goods to us their enemies. So we shot at them
to see if we could reach them, but it fell farre short.
And thus we departed, thinking it not probable that they
would come foorth so long as we watched for them before
the havens mouth, or within sight of them. For the
space of five dayes after we put off to sea, and lay without
sight of them, and sent a pinnesse to lie out of sight
close by the shore, to bring us word if they should come
foorth. After a while the Pinnesse returned and tolde
us that those ships in the Haven had taken downe their
sayles, and let downe their toppe mastes : so that wee
supposed they would never come foorth, till they per-
ceived us to bee quite gone.
Wherefore upon the 20 of October, hearing that there
were certaine Scottish ships at Saint Michael, we sayled
thither, and found there one Scottish roader, and two
or three more at Villa Franca, the next road a league
or two from the towne of S. Michael, to the Eastwards:
of whom we had for our reliefe some small quantitie
of wine (viz. some five or sixe buttes of them all) and
some fresh water, but nothing sufficient to serve our
turne.
Upon Tuesday the one and twentieth of October, we
sent our long boate to shore for fresh water at a brooke
a little to the Westwards from Villa Franca.
But the Inhabitants espying us came downe with two [II. ii. 161.]
Ensignes displayed, and about some hundred and fiftie
men armed, to withstand our landing. So our men
having spent all their pouder upon them in attempting
to land, and not being able to prevaile at so great oddes,
returned frustrate.
From hence we departed towardes Saint Maries Island,
minding to water there, and then to goe for the coast
of Spaine. For we had intelligence that it was a place
of no great force, and that we might water there very
well : therefore upon Friday following, my Lord sent
Captaine Lister, and Captaine Amias Preston now Sir
Amias Preston (who not long before came to us out
J5
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
of his owne shippe, and she loosing us in the night, hee
was forced to tarry still with us) with our long boate
and Pinnesse, and some sixtie or seventie shotte in them,
with a friendly letter to the Ilanders, that they would
grant us leave to water, and we would no further trouble
them.
So we departed from the Victorie for the Hand, about
nine of the clocke in the forenoone, and rowed freshly
untill about 3 a clocke afternoone. At which time our
men being something weary with rowing, and being
within a league or two of the shore, and 4 or 5 leagues
from the Victorie, they espied (to their refreshing) two
ships ryding at anker hard under the towne, whereupon
having shifted some 6 or 7 of our men into Captaine
Davis his boate, being too much pestered in our owne,
and retayning with us some 20 shot in the pinnesse,
we made way towardes them with all the speede we
could.
By the way as we rowed we saw boates passing betwixt
the roaders and the shore, and men in their shirtes
swimming and wading to shoare, who as we perceived
afterwardes, were labouring to set those shippes fast on
ground, and the Inhabitants as busily preparing them-
selves for the defence of those roaders, their Hand, and
themselves. When we came neere them, Captaine Lister
commaunded the Trumpets to be sounded, but pro-
hibited any shot to be discharged at them, untill they
had direction from him : But some of the companie,
either not well perceiving or regarding what he sayd,
immediatly upon the sound of the Trumpets discharged
their pieces at the Islanders, which for the most part lay
in trenches and fortefied places unseene, to their owne
best advantage : who immediatly shot likewise at us,
both with small and great shot, without danger to
themselves : Notwithstanding Captaine Lister earnestly
hastened forward the Saylers that rowed, who beganne to
shrinke at that shot, flying so fast about their eares, and
himselfe first entring one of the shippes that lay a litle
16
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND a.d.
1589.
further from shoare then the other, we spedily followed
after him into her, still plying them with our shot. And
having cut in sunder her Cables and Hausers, towed her
away with our Pinnesse. In the meane time Captaine
Davis his boate overtooke us and entred into the other
shippe, which also (as the former) was forsaken by all her
men : but they were constrayned to leave her & to come
againe into their boate (whilest shot and stones from
shoare flew fast amongst them) finding her to sticke so
fast a grounde, that they could not stire her : which
the Townesmen also perceiving, and seeing that they
were but fewe in number, and us (busied about the
other ship) not comming to ayde them, were preparing
to have come and taken them. But they returned unto
us, and so together we came away towards the Victory,
towing after us the Prize that we had now taken, which
was lately come from Brasill, loden with Sugar.
In this fight we had two men slaine and 1 6 wounded :
and as for them, it is like they had litle hurt, lying for
the most part behind stone walles, which were builded
one above another hard by the sea side, upon the end
of the hill whereupon the Towne stoode betwixt two
valleyes. Upon the toppe of the hill lay their great
Ordinance (such as they had) wherewith they shot leaden
bullets, whereof one pierced through our Prizes side,
and lay still in the shippe without doing any more harme.
The next day we went againe for water to the same
Hand, but not knowing before the inconvenience and
disadvantage of the place where we attempted to land,
we returned frustrate.
The same night the 25 of October we departed for
S. Georges Hand for fresh water, whither we came on
Munday following October 27, and having espied where
a spout of water came running downe : the pinnesse and
long boate were presently manned and sent under the
conduct of Captaine Preston, and Captaine Munson, by
whom my Lord sent a letter to the Ilanders as before,
to grant us leave to water onely, and we would no
vii 17 B
AD- THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
further trouble them : notwithstanding our men comming
on shoare found some of the poore Danders, which for
feare of us hid themselves amongst the rockes.
And on Wednesday following our boats returned with
fresh water, whereof they brought only sixe tunnes for
the Victorie, alleaging they could get no more, thinking
[II. ii. 162.] (as it was supposed) that my Lord having no more
provision of water and wine, but onely 12 tunnes, would
not goe for the coast of Spaine, but straight for the coast
of England, as many of our men greatly desired : not-
withstanding my Lord was unwilling so to doe, and was
minded the next day to have taken in more water : but
through roughnesse of the seas and winde, and un-
willingnesse of his men it was not done. Yet his Hon.
purposed not to returne with so much provision unspent,
and his voyage (as he thought) not yet performed in
such sort as mought give some reasonable contentment
or satisfaction to himselfe and others.
Therefore because no more water could now con-
veniently be gotten, and being uncertaine when it could
be gotten, and the time of our staying aboord also un-
certaine, the matter being referred to the choyse of the
whole companie, whither they would tarrie longer, till
wee might be more sufficiently provided of fresh water,
or goe by the coast of Spaine for England, with halfe
so much allowance of drinke as before, they willingly
agreed that every mease should bee allowed at one meale
but halfe so much drinke as they were accustomed
(except them that were sicke or wounded) and so to
goe for England, taking the coast of Spaine in our way,
to see if we could that way make up our voyage.
Upon Saturday Octob. 31 we sent the Margaret
(because she leaked much) directly for England, together
with the Prize of Brasile which we tooke at S. Marie,
and in them some of our hurt and wounded men or
otherwise sicke were sent home as they desired, for
England : but Captaine Monson was taken out of the
Megge into the Victorie.
18
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND a.d.
1589.
So we held on our course for the coast of Spaine
with a faire winde and a large which before we seldome
had. And upon Twesday following being the 4 of
Novemb. we espied a saile right before us, which we
chased till about three a clocke in the afternoone, at
which time we overtaking her, she stroke sayle, and
being demaunded who was her owner and from whence
she was, they answered, a Portugall, and from Pernan-
bucke in Brasile. She was a ship of som no tuns
burden, fraighted with 410 chestes of Sugar, and 50
Kintals of Brasill-wood, every Kintall contayning one
hundred pound weight : we tooke her in latitude nine
and twentie degrees, about two hundred leagues from
Lisbone westwards : Captaine Preston was presently sent
unto her, who brought the principall of her men aboord
the Victorie, and certaine of our men, mariners and
souldiers were sent aboord her. The Portugals of this
Prize told us that they saw another ship before them
that day about noone. Having therefore dispatched all
things about the Prize aforesaid and left our long boat
with Captaine Davis, taking his lesser boat with us,
we made way after this other ship with all the sayles
we could beare, holding on our course due East, and
giving order to Captaine Davis his ship and the Prize
that they should follow us due East, and that if they
had sight of us the morning following they should
follow us still : if not, they should goe for England.
The next morning we espied not the sayle which we
chased, and Captaine Davis his ship and the Prize were
behinde us out of sight : but the next Thursday the
sixt of November (being in latitude 38 degrees 30
minutes, and about sixtie leagues from Lisbone west-
wards) early in the morning Captaine Preston descried
a sayle some two or three leagues a head of us, after
which we presently hastened our chase, and overtooke
her about eight or nine of the clocke before noone.
She came lately from Saint Michaels roade, having beene
before at Brasill loden with Sugar and Brasile. Having
19
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
sent our boat to them to bring some of the chiefe of
their men aboord the Victorie, in the meane time whilest
they were in comming to us one out of the maine toppe
espied another saile a head some three or foure leagues
from us. So immediately upon the returne of our boate,
having sent her backe againe with some of our men
aboord the prize, we pursued speedily this new chase,
with all the sayles we could packe on, and about
two a clocke in the afternoone overtooke her : she had
made provision to fight with us, having hanged the
sides of the ship so thicke with hides (wherewith
especially she was loden) that musket shot could not have
pearced them : but yer we had discharged two great
pieces of our Ordinance at her, she stroke sayle, and
approching neerer, we asking of whence they were, they
answered from the West-Indies, from Mexico, and Saint
John de Lowe (truely called Ulhua.) This ship was
of some three or foure hundred tunnes, and had in her
seven hundred hides worth tenne shillings a peece : sixe
chests of Cochinell, every chest houlding one hundred
pound weight, and every pound worth sixe and twentie
shillings and eight pence, and certaine chests of Sugar
and China dishes, with some plate and silver.
The Captaine of her was an Italian, and by his be-
haviour seemed to be a grave, wise, and civill man :
he had put an adventure in this shippe five and twentie
thousand Duckats. Wee tooke him with certaine other
of her chiefest men (which were Spaniards) into the
Victorie : and Captaine Lister with so manie other of
[II. ii. 163.] the chiefest of our Mariners, souldiers, and saylers as
were thought sufficient, to the number of 20. or there
abouts, were sent into her. In the meane time (we
staying) our other prizes which followed after, came up
to us. And nowe wee had our hands full and with
joy shaped our course for England, for so it was thought
meetest, having now so many Portugals, Spaniards and
Frenchmen amongst us, that if we should have taken
any more prizes afterwards, wee had not bene well able
20
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND a.d.
1589.
to have manned them without endangering our selves.
So about 6. of the clocke in the afternoone (when our
other prize had overtaken us) wee set saile for England.
But our prizes not being able to beare us company
without sparing them many of our sailes, which caused
our ship to rowle and wallow, in such sort that it was
not onely very troublesome to us, but, as it was thought,
would also have put the maine Maste in danger of
falling overboord : having acquainted them with these
inconveniences, we gave them direction to keepe their
courses together, folowing us, and so to come to Ports-
mouth. We tooke this last prize in the latitude of
39. degrees, and about 46. leagues to the Westwards
from The Rocke.
She was one of those 16. ships which we saw going
into the haven at Angra in Tercera, October 8. Some
of the men that we tooke out of her tolde us, that
whilest wee were plying up and downe before that haven,
as before was shewed, expecting the comming foorth of
those shippes, three of the greatest and best of them,
at the appointment of the Governour of Tercera, were
unloden of their treasure and marchandize. And in
every of them were put three hundred Souldiers, which
were appointed to have come to lay the Victory aboord
in the night, and take her : but when this should have
bene done the Victory was gone out of their sight.
Now we went meerily before the winde with all the
sailes we could beare, insomuch that in the space of
24. houres, we sailed neere 47. leagues, that is seven-
score English miles, betwixt Friday at noone and
Saturday at noone (notwithstanding the shippe was very
foule, and much growne with long being at Sea) which
caused some of our company to make accompt they
would see what running at Tilt there should bee at
Whitehall upon the Queenes day. Others were imagin-
ing what a Christmas they would keepe in England with
their shares of the prizes we had taken. But so it befell,
that we kept a colde Christmas with the Bishop and
21
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
his clearks (rockes that lye to the Westwards from Sylly,
and the Westerne parts of England :) For soone after
the wind scanting came about to the Eastwards (the
worst part of the heavens for us, from which the winde
could blow) in such sort, that we could not fetch any
part of England. And hereupon also our allowance of
drinke, which was scant ynough before, was yet more
more scanted, because of the scarcitie thereof in the
shippe. So that now a man was allowed but halfe a
pinte at a meale, and that many times colde water, and
scarce sweete. Notwithstanding this was an happie estate
in comparison of that which followed : For from halfe
a pinte we came to a quarter, and that lasted not long
neither, so that by reason of this great scarcitie of drinke,
and contrarietie of winde, we thought to put into Ireland,
there to relieve our wants. But when wee came neere
thither, lying at hull all night (tarrying for the daylight
of the next morning, whereby we might the safelyer
bring our ship into some convenient harbour there)
we were driven so farre to lee-ward, that we could fetch
no part of Ireland, so as with heavie hearts and sad
cheare, wee were constreined to returne backe againe, and
expect till it should please God to send us a faire winde
either for England or Ireland. In the meane time we
were allowed every man three or foure spoones full of
vineger to drinke at a meale : for other drinke we had
none, saving onely at two or three meales, when we had
in stead hereof as much wine, which was wringed out
of Wine-lees that remained. With this hard fare (for by
reason of our great want of drinke, wee durst eate but
very litle) wee continued for the space of a fourtnight
or thereabouts : Saving that now and then wee feasted
for it in the meane time : And that was when there fell
any haile or raine : the haile-stones wee gathered up and
did eate them more pleasantly then if they had bene
the sweetest Comfits in the world ; The raine-drops were
so carefully saved, that so neere as wee coulde, not one
was lost in all our shippe. Some hanged up sheetes tied
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND ad.
1589.
with cordes by the foure corners, and a weight in the
midst that the water might runne downe thither, and so
be received into some vessell set or hanged underneth :
Some that wanted sheetes, hanged up nakins, and cloutes,
and watched them till they were thorow wet, then wring-
ing and sucking out the water. And that water which
fell downe and washed away the filth and soyling of the
shippe, trod under foote, as bad as running downe the
kennell many times when it raineth, was not lost I warrant
you, but watched and attended carefully (yea sometimes
with strife and contention) at every scupper-hole, and
other place where it ranne downe, with dishes, pots, Cannes,
and Jarres, whereof some drunke hearty draughts even
as it was, mud and all, without tarrying to dense or
settle it : Others clensed it first, but not often, for it
was so thicke and went so slowly thorow, that they
might ill endure to tary so long, and were loth to loose
too much of such precious stuffe : some licked with
their tongues (like dogges) the boards under feete, the
sides, railes, and Masts of the shippe : others that were
more ingenious, fastened girdles or ropes about the [II. ii. 164.]
Mastes, dawbing tallow betwixt them and the Maste
(that the raine might not runne downe betweene) in
such sort, that those ropes or girdles hanging lower on
the one side then on the other, a spout of leather was
fastened to the lowest part of them, that all the raine
drops that came running downe the Maste, might meete
together at that place, and there be received.
Hee that got a canne of water by these meanes was
spoken of, sued to, and envied as a rich man. Quam
pulchrum digito monstrari & dicier hie est ? Some of the
poore Spaniards that we had taken (who notwithstanding
had the same allowance that our owne men had) would
come and crave of us, for the love of God, but so much
water as they could holde in the hollow of their hand :
and they had it, notwithstanding our great extremitie,
to teache them some humanitie in stead of their accus-
tomed barbaritie, both to us and other nations heretofore.
23
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
They put also bullets of lead into their mouthes to slake
their thirst.
Now in every corner of the shippe were heard the
lamentable cries of sicke and wounded men sounding
wofully in our eares, crying out and pitifully complaining
for want of drinke, being ready to die, yea many dying
for lacke thereof, so as by reason of this great extremitie
we lost many more men, then wee had done all the
voyage before : having before this time bene so well
and sufficiently provided for, that we lived in maner
as well and healthfully, and died as few as if wee had
bene in England, whereas now lightly every day some
were cast overboord.
But the second day of December 1589. was a festivall
day with us, for then it rained a good pace, and wee
saved some pretie store of raine water (though wee were
well wet for it, and that at midnight) and filled our
skins full besides : notwithstanding it were muddie and
bitter with washing the shippe, but (with some sugar
which we had to sweeten it withall) it went merrily
downe, yet remembred we and wished for with all our
hearts, many a Conduit, pumpe, spring, & streame of
cleare sweete running water in England : And how
miserable wee had accompted some poore soules whom
we had seene driven for thirst to drinke thereof, and
how happy we would now have thought our selves if
we might have had our fills of the same : yet should
wee have fared the better with this our poore feasting,
if we might have had our meate and drinke (such and
so much as it was) stand quietly before us : but beside
all the former extremities, wee were so tossed and tur-
moiled with such horrible stormie and tempestuous
weather, that every man had best holde fast his Canne,
cup, and dish in his hands, yea and himselfe too, many
times, by the ropes, railes, or sides of the ship or else he
should soone finde all under feete.
Herewith our maine saile was torne from the yarde
and blowne overboord quite away into the sea without
24
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND a.d.
1589.
recovery, and our other sailes so rent and torne (from
side to side some of them) that hardly any of them
escaped hole. The raging waves and foming surges of
the sea came rowling like mountaines one after another,
and overraked the waste of the shippe like a mightie
river running over it, whereas in faire weather it was
neere 20. foote above the water, that nowe wee might
cry out with the princely Prophet Psalme 107. vers. 26.
They mount up to heaven, and descend to the deepe,
so that their soule melteth away for trouble : they reele
too and fro, and stagger like a drunken man, and all
their cunning is gone. With this extremitie of foule
weather the ship was so tossed and shaken, that by the
craking noise it made, and by the leaking which was
now much more then ordinary, wee were in great
feare it would have shaken in sunder, so that now
also we had just cause to pray a litle otherwise then
the Poet, though marring the verse, yet mending the
meaning.
Deus maris & Cceli, quid enim nisi vota supersunt,
Solvere quassatae parcito membra ratis.
Notwithstanding it pleased God of his great goodnesse
to deliver us out of this danger. Then forthwith a
new maine saile was made and fastened to the yard,
and the rest repaired as time and place would suffer :
which we had no sooner done, but yet againe wee were
troubled with as great extremitie as before, so that againe
we were like to have lost our new maine saile, had not
Master William Antony the Master of the ship him-
selfe (when none else would or durst) ventured with
danger of drowning by creeping along upon the maine
yarde (which was let downe close to the railes) to gather
it up out of the sea, and to fasten it thereto, being
in the meane while oft-times ducked over head and
eares into the sea.
These stormes were so terrible, that there were some
in our company, which confessed they had gone to seas
for the space of 20. yeeres, and had never seene the
25
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
like, and vowed that if ever they returned safe home,
they would never come to Sea againe.
The last of November at night we met with an
English ship, out of which (because it was too late that
night) it was agreed that we should have had the next
morning two or three Tunnes of wine, which, as they
said, was al the provision of drink they had, save only
[II. ii. 165.] a But or two, which they must needs reserve for their
owne use : but after that, we heard of them no more,
till they were set on ground upon the coast of Ireland,
where it appeared that they might have spared us much
more then they pretended they could, so as they might
wel have relieved our great necessities, and have had
sufficient for themselves besides, to bring them into
England.
The first of December at night we spake with another
English ship, and had some beere out of her, but
not sufficient to carry us into England, so that wee
were constrained to put into Ireland, the winde so
serving.
The next day we came to an anker, not far from the
S. Kelmes under the land & winde, where we were
somewhat more quiet, but (that being no safe harbour to
ride in) the next morning wee went about to weigh
anker, but having some of our men hurt at the Capsten,
wee were faine to give over and leave it behinde, holding
on our course to Ventrie haven, where wee safely arrived
the same day, that place being a very safe and con-
venient harbor for us, that now wee might sing as
we had just cause, They that goe downe to the Sea,
&c.
So soone as we had ankered here my Lord went
foorthwith to shoare, and brought presently fresh water
and fresh victuals, as Muttons, pigges, hennes, &c. to
refresh his company withall. Notwithstanding himselfe
had lately bene very weake, and tasted of the same
extremitie that his Company did : For in the time of
our former want, having a little fresh water left him
26
L
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND a.d.
1589.
remaining in a pot, in the night it was broken, and the
water drunke and dried up. Soone after the sicke and
wounded men were carried to the next principall Towne,
called Dingenacush, being about three miles distant
from the foresaide haven, where our shippe roade, to
the Eastwards, that there they might be the better re-
freshed, and had the Chirurgians dayly to attend upon
them. Here we wel refreshed our selves whilest the
Irish harpe sounded sweetely in our eares, and here
we, who for the former extremities were in maner halfe
dead, had our lives (as it were) restored unto us
againe.
This Dingenacush is the chiefe Towne in al that part
of Ireland, it consisteth but of one maine streete, from
whence some smaller doe proceede on either side. It
hath had gates (as it seemeth) in times past at either
ende to open and shut as a Towne of warre, and a
Castle also. The houses are very strongly built with
thicke stone walles, and narrow windowes like unto
Castles : for as they confessed, in time of trouble, by
reason of the wilde Irish or otherwise, they used their
houses for their defence as Castles. The castle and all
the houses in the Towne, save foure, were won, burnt,
and ruinated by the Erie of Desmond. These foure
houses fortified themselves against him, and withstood
him and all his power perforce, so as he could not
winne them.
There remaineth yet a thicke stone wall that passeth
overthwart the midst of the streete which was a part
of their fortification. Notwithstanding whilest they thus
defended themselves, as some of them yet alive con-
fessed, they were driven to as great extremities as the
Jewes, besieged by Titus the Romane Emperour, inso-
much that they were constrained to eat dead mens
carcases for hunger. The Towne is nowe againe some-
what repaired, but in effect there remaine but the ruines
of the former Towne. Commonly they have no chim-
neis in their houses, excepting them of the better sort,.
27
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
so that the smoake was very troublesom to us, while we
continued there. Their fewell is turfes, which they have
very good, and whinnes or furres. There groweth little
wood thereabouts, which maketh building chargeable
there : as also want of lime (as they reported) which they
are faine to fetch from farre, when they have neede
thereof. But of stones there is store ynough, so that
with them they commonly make their hedges to part ech
mans ground from other ; and the ground seemeth to be
nothing else within but rockes and stones : Yet it is
very fruitfull and plentifull of grasse, and graine, as may
appeare by the abundance of kine and cattel there : inso-
much that we had good muttons (though somewhat lesse
then ours in England) for two shillings or five groates a
piece, good pigges and hennes for 3. pence a piece.
The greatest want is industrious, painefull, and hus-
bandly inhabitants to till and trimme the ground : for the
common sort, if they can provide sufficient to serve
from hand to mouth, take no further care.
Of money (as it seemeth) there is very small store
amongst them, which perhaps was the cause that made
them double and triple the prizes of many things we
bought of them, more then they were before our com-
ming thither.
Good land was here to be had for foure pence the
Mines in Ire- Acre yeerely rent. There are Mines of Alome, Tinne,
land. brasse, and yron. Stones wee sawe there as cleare as
Christall, naturally squared like Diamonds.
That part of the Countrey is all ful of great moun-
taines and hills, from whence came running downe the
pleasant streames of sweete fresh running water. The
naturall hardnesse of that Nation appeareth in this, that
their small children runne usually in the middest of
Winter up and downe the streetes bare-foote and bare-
Ill, ii. 166.] legged, with no other apparell (many times) save onely a
mantell to cover their nakednesse.
The chiefe Officer of their Towne they call their
Soveraigne, who hath the same office and authoritie
28
L
THE EARL OF CUMBERLAND ad.
1589.
among them that our Maiors have with us in England,
and hath his Sergeants to attend upon him, and beare
the Mace before him as our Maiors.
We were first intertained at the Soveraignes house,
which was one of those 4. that withstood the Erie of
Desmond in his rebellion. They have the same forme
of Common prayer word for word in Latin, that we have
here in England. Upon the Sunday the Soveraigne
commeth into the Church with the Sergeant before him,
and the Sheriffe and others of the Towne accompany
him, and there they kneele downe every man by himselfe
privately to make his prayers. After this they rise and
go out of the Church againe to drinke, which being
done, they returne againe into the Church, and then the
Minister beginneth prayers.
Their maner of baptizing difTereth something from
ours : part of the service belonging thereto is repeated in
Latin, and part in Irish. The Minister taketh the child
in his hands, and first dippeth it backwards, and then
forwards, over head and eares into the cold water in the
midst of Winter, whereby also may a'ppeare their naturall
hardnesse, (as before was specified.) They had neither
Bell, drum, nor trumpet, to call the Parishioners together,
but they expect till their Soveraigne come, and then they
that have any devotion follow him.
They make their bread all in cakes, and, for the tenth
part, the bakers bake for all the towne.
We had of them some 10. or 11. Tunnes of beere for
the Victory, but it proved like a present purgation to
them that tooke it, so that we chose rather to drinke
water then it.
The 20. of December we loosed from hence, having
well provided our selves of fresh water, and other things
necessary, being accompanied with sir Edw. Dennie, his
Lady, and two yong sonnes.
This day in the morning my Lord going ashoare to
dispatch away speedily some fresh water that remained
for the Victory, the winde being very faire for us,
29
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589.
brought us newes that there were 60. Spanish prizes
taken and brought to England. For two or three dayes
wee had a faire winde, but afterwards it scanted so, that
(as I said before) we were faine to keepe a cold Christmas
with The Bishop and his clearkes.
After this we met with an English ship, that brought
us joyful news of 91. Spanish prizes that were come to
England : and sorrowfull newes withall, that the last and
best prize we tooke, had suffered shipwracke at a place
upon the coast of Cornwal which the Cornish men cal
Captaine Lis- \\s Efferne, that is, Hel-cliffe, and that Captaine Lister
ter drowned. anj ^[ the men in the ship were drowned, save 5. or 6.
the one halfe English, the other Spanish that saved
themselves with swimming : but notwithstanding much
of the goods were saved, and reserved for us, by sir
Francis Godolphin, and the worshipful gentlemen of the
Countrey there. My Lord was very sorry for Captaine
Listers death, wishing that he had lost his voyage to
have saved his life.
The 29. of December we met with another shippe, that
tolde us the same newes, and that sir Martin Frobisher,
& Captaine Reymond had taken the Admirall and vice-
Admirall of the Fleet that we espied going to Tercera
haven. But the Admiral was sunke with much leaking,
neere to the Idy Stone, a rocke that lieth over against
Plimouth sound, and the men were saved.
This ship also certified us that Captaine Prestons
ship had taken a prize loden with silver. My Lord
entred presently into this ship, & went to Falmouth, and
we held on our course for Plimouth. At night we came
neere to the Ram-head (the next Cape Westwards from
Plimouth sound) but we were afraid to double it in the
night, misdoubting the scantnesse of the winde. So we
stood off to Sea halfe the night, and towards morning
had the winde more large, and made too little spare
thereof, that partly for this cause, and partly through
mistaking of the land, wee were driven so much to lee-
wards, that we could not double that Cape : Therefore
30
A VALIANT FIGHT
we returned backe againe, and came into Falmouth haven,
where wee strucke on ground in 17. foote water: but it
was a low ebbe, and ready againe to flowe, and the
ground soft, so as no hurt was done. Here with glad-
nesse wee set foote againe upon the English ground (long
desired) and refreshed our selves with keeping part of
Christmas upon our native soile.
The valiant fight performed by 10. Merchants
ships of London, against 12. Spanish gallies
in the Straights of Gibraltar, the 24. of April
1590.
A.D.
1590.
T is not long since sundry valiant ships
appertaining to the Marchants of London,
were fraighted & rigged forth, some for
Venice, some for Constantinople, & some
to sundry other places of tranque, among
whom these ensuing met within the
* Straights of Gibraltar, as they were
taking their course homewards, having before escaped all
other danger. The first whereof was the Salomon
appertaining to M. Alderman Barnam of London, and [II. ii. 1
M. Bond, and M. Twyd of Harwich ; which went foorth
the first day of February last. The second was the February
Margaret and John belonging to M. Wats of London: J59°-
The thirde was the Minion : The fourth was the
Ascension. The fifth was the Centurion of Master
Cordal : The sixt the Violet : the seventh the Samuel :
the eight the Crescent : the ninth the Elizabeth : and the
10. was the Richard belonging to M. Duffield. All
these ships being of notable and approved service, com-
ming neere to the mouth of the Straights hard by the
coast of Barbary, descried twelve tall Gallies bravely
furnished and strongly provided with men and munition,
ready to seaze upon these English ships : which being
perceived by the Captaines and Masters thereof, wee
made speedy preparation for the defence of our selves,
31
67.]
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1590.
still waiting all the night long for the approching of the
enemie. In the morning early being the Tuesday in
Easter weeke, and the 24 of April 1590. according to
our usual customes, we said Service and made our
prayers unto Almightie God, beseeching him to save us
from the hands of such tyrants as the Spaniards, whom
we justly imagined to be, and whom we knew and had
found to be our most mortall enemies upon the Sea.
And having finished our prayers, and set our selves in
a readinesse, we perceived them to come towards us, and
that they were indeede the Spanish Gallies that lay under
the conduct of Andre Doria, who is Vice-roy for the
King of Spaine in the Straights of Gibraltar, and a
notable knowne enemie to all Englishmen. So when
they came somewhat neerer unto us, they waved us a
maine for the King of Spaine, and wee waved them a
maine for the Queene of England, at which time it
pleased Almightie God greatly to incourage us all in such
sort, as that the neerer they came the lesse we feared
their great multitudes and huge number of men, which
were planted in those Gallies to the number of two or
three hundred men in ech Gallic And it was thus con-
cluded among us, that the foure first and tallest ships
should be placed hindmost, and the weaker & smallest
ships formost, and so it was performed, every man being
ready to take part of such successe as it should please
God to send.
At the first encounter the Gallies came upon us very
fiercely, yet God so strengthened us, that if they had
bene ten times more, we had not feared them at all.
Whereupon the Salomon being a hot shippe, and having
sundry cast pieces in her, gave the first shotte in such
a sowre sort, as that it shared away so many men as sate
on the one side of a Gallie, and pierced her through in
such maner, as that she was ready to sinke, which made
them to assault us the more fiercely. Whereupon the
rest of our shippes, especially the foure chiefest, namely,
the Margaret and John, the Minion, and the Ascension
32
A VALIANT FIGHT a.d.
1590.
followed, and gave a hot charge upon them, and they
at us, where began a hot and fierce battaile with great
valiancie the one against the other, and so continued for A fight of sixe
the space of sixe houres. About the beginning of this )ures on^
our fight there came two Flemings to our Fleet, who
seeing the force of the Gallies to be so great, the one of
them presently yeelded, strooke his sailes, and was taken A faint
by the Gallies, whereas if they would have offered them- ^Teminz
selves to have fought in our behalfe and their owne
defence, they needed not to have bene taken so cowardly
as they were to their cost. The other Fleming being
also ready to performe the like piece of service began to
vaile his sailes, and intended to have yeelded immediatly.
But the Trumpetter in that shippe plucked foorth his
faulchion and stepped to the Pilote at the helme, and
vowed that if he did not speedily put off to the English
Fleete, and so take part with them, he would presently
kill him : which the Pilote for feare of death did, and so
by that meanes they were defended from present death,
and from the tyrannie of those Spaniards, which doubt-
lesse they should have found at their handes.
Thus we continued in fight sixe houres and somewhat
more, wherein God gave us the upper hand, and we
escaped the hands of so many enemies, who were con-
strained to flie into harbour and shroude themselves from
us, and with speed to seeke for their owne safetie. This
was the handie worke of God, who defended us all from
danger in such sort, as that there was not one man of us
slaine. And in all this fierce assault made upon us by
the Spanish power, wee sustained no hurt or damage at
all more then this, that the shrouds and backestay of the
Salomon, who gave the first and last shot, and galled
the enemie shrewdly all the time of the battell, were
cleane striken off.
The battel being ceased, we were constrained for want
of wind to stay and waft up and downe, and then went
backe againe to Tition in Barbary, which is sixe leagues
off from Gibraltar, and when we came thither we found
vii 33 c
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1 590.
the people wonderous favourable to us, who being but
Moores and heathen people shewed us where to have
fresh water and al other necessaries for us. And there
we had such good intertainment, as if we had bene in
any place of England.
The governour was one that favoured us greatly, whom
wee in respect of his great friendship presented with giftes
and such commodities as we had in our custodie, which
he wonderfully wel accepted of: and here we stayed
foure dayes.
After the battell was ceased, which was on Easter
Tuesday, we stayed for want of winde before Gibraltar,
untill the next morning, where wee were becalmed, and
[II. ii. 168.] therefore looked every houre when they would have sent
foorth some fresh supply against us, but they were farre
unable to doe it, for all their Gallies were so sore
battered, that they durst not come foorth of the harbour,
by reason of our hot resistance which they so lately before
had received. Yet were they greatly urged thereunto by
the Governour of the said Towne of Gibraltar.
At our being at Tition in Barbary, there we heard
report of the hurt that wee had done to the Gallies, for
at our comming from them wee could not well discerne
any thing at all by reason of the smoake which the
powder had made : there we heard that we had almost
spoiled those twelve Gallies by shooting them cleane
through, that two of them were ready to sinke, and that
wee had slaine of their men such great abundance, as that
they were not able to furnish forth any more Gallies at
all for that yeere.
Thus after we came from Tition, we assayed to depart
the Straight three severall times, but could not passe,
yet, God be thanked, the fourth time wee came safely
away, and so sailed with a pleasant winde untill wee came
upon the coast of England, which was in the beginning
of the moneth of July 1590.
34
THE < CENTURION'S ' VALIANT FIGHT
The valiant fight performed in the Straight of
Gibraltar, by the Centurion of London, against
five Spanish Gallies, in the moneth of April
1591.
N the moneth of November 1590, there
were sundry shippes appertaining to
severall Marchants of London, which
were rigged and fraught foorth with
marchandize, for sundry places within
the Straight of Gibraltar : who, together
having winde and weather, which oft-
time fell out very uncertaine, arrived safely in short
space, at such places as they desired. Among whom was
the Centurion of London, a very tall shippe of burden,
yet but weakely manned, as appeareth by this discourse
following.
This aforesaid shippe called The Centurion safely
arrived at Marseils, where after they had delivered their
goods, they stayed about the space of five weekes, and
better, and then tooke in lading, intending to returne to
England.
Now when the Centurion was ready to come away
from Marseils, there were sundry other shippes of smaller
burden which entreated the Master thereof, (whose name
is Robert Bradshaw, dwelling at Lime-house) to stay a
day or two for them, untill they were in a readinesse to
depart with them, thereby perswading them, that it would
be farre better for them to stay and goe together in
respect of their assistance, then to depart of themselves
without company, and so happily for want of aide fall
into the hands of their enemies in the Spanish Gallies.
Upon which reasonable perswasion, notwithstanding that
this shippe was of such sufficiencie as they might hazard
her in the danger of the Sea, yet they stayed for those
litle shippes, according to their request, who together did
put to Sea from Marseils, and vowed in generall not to
35
A.D.
1591
ad THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1591.
flie one from another, if they should happen to meete
with any Spanish Gallies.
These small shippes, accompanied with the Centurion,
sayling along the coast of Spaine, were upon Easter day
in the Straight of Gibraltar suddenly becalmed, where
immediatly they saw sundry Gallies make towards them,
in very valiant and couragious sort : the chiefe Leaders
and souldiers in those Gallies bravely apparelled in silke
coates, with their silver whistles about their neckes, and
great plumes of feathers in their hattes, who with their
Calivers shot at the Centurion so fast as they might: so
that by 10. of the clocke and somewhat before, they had
boorded the Centurion, who before their comming had
prepared for them, and intended to give them so soure a
welcome as they might. And thereupon having prepared
their close fights, and all things in a readinesse, they
called upon God, on whom onely they trusted : and
having made their prayers, and cheered up one another
to fight so long as life endured, they beganne to discharge
their great Ordinance upon the Gallies, but the little
shippes durst not come forward, but lay aloofe, while five
Gallies had boorded them, yea and with their grapling
irons made their Gallies fast to the said shippe called the
Centurion.
The Gallies were grapled to the Centurion in this
maner, two lay on one side, and two on another, and the
Admirall lay full in the sterne, which galled and battered
the Centurion so sore, that her maine Maste was greatly
weakened, her sailes filled with many holes, and the
Mizzen and sterne made almost unserviceable.
During which time there was a sore and deadly fight
on both sides, in which the Trumpet of the Centurion
sounded foorth the deadly points of warre, and encouraged
them to fight manfully against their adversaries : on the
contrary part, there was no warlike Musicke in the
[II. ii. 1 69. J Spanish Gallies, but onely their whistles of silver, which
they sounded foorth to their owne contentment : in which
fight many a Spaniard was turned into the Sea, and they
36
THE < CENTURION'S ' VALIANT FIGHT ad.
1591.
in multitudes came crauling and hung upon the side of
the shippe, intending to have entred into the same, but
such was the courage of the Englishmen, that so fast
as the Spaniards did come to enter, they gave them such
entertainment, that some of them were glad to tumble
alive into the Sea, being remedilesse for ever to get
up alive. In the Centurion there were in all, of men
and boyes, fourtie and eight, who together fought most
valiantly, and so galled the enemie, that many a brave
and lustie Spaniard lost his life in that place.
The Centurion was fired five severall times, with wilde
fire and other provision, which the Spaniards threw in
for that purpose : yet, God be thanked, by the great
and diligent foresight of the Master it did no harme
at all.
In every of the Gallies there were about 200.
souldiers : who together with the shot, spoiled, rent,
and battered the Centurion very sore, shot through her
maine Maste, and slew 4. of the men in the said shippe,
the one of them being the Masters mate.
Ten other persons were hurt, by meanes of splinters
which the Spaniards shotte : yea, in the ende when their
provision was almost spent, they were constrained to
shoote at them hammers, and the chaines from their
slaves, and yet God bee thanked, they received no more
domage : but by spoyling and overwearying of the
Spaniards, the Englishmen constrained them to ungrapple
themselves, and get them going : and sure if there had
bene any other fresh shippe or succour to have relieved
and assisted the Centurion, they had slaine, suncke, or
taken all those Gallies and their Souldiers.
The Dolphin lay a loofe off and durst not come
neere, while the other two small shippes fledde away,
so that one of the Gallies went from the Centurion
and set upon the Dolphin, which shippe immediatly
was set on fire with their owne powder, whereby both
men and shippe perished : but whether it was with their
good wills or no, that was not knowen unto the Cen-
37
A.D.
1591
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
turion, but sure, if it had come forward, and bene an
aide unto the Centurion, it is to bee supposed that it
had not perished.
Five houres and a halfe this fight continued, in which
time both were glad to depart onely to breath themselves,
but when the Spaniards were gone, they never durst
returne to fight : yet the next day sixe other Gallies
came and looked at them, but durst not at any hand
meddle with them.
Thus God delivered them from the handes of their
enemies, and gave them the victory : for which they
heartily praised him, and not long after safely arrived
in London.
IgT There were present at this fight Master John
Hawes Marchant, and sundry other of good
accompt.
A report of the trueth of the fight about the
Isles of Azores, the last of August 1 591.
betwixt the Revenge, one of her Majesties
shippes, and an Armada of the king of Spaine ;
Penned by the honourable Sir Walter Ralegh
knight.
Ecause the rumours are diversly spred,
as well in England as in the Lowe
countreis and elsewhere, of this late
encounter betweene her Majesties ships
and the Armada of Spaine ; and that the
Spaniards according to their usuall maner,
fill the world with their vaine-glorious
vaunts, making great apparance of victories, when on the
contrary, themselves are most commonly and shamefully
beaten and dishonoured ; thereby hoping to possesse the
ignorant multitude by anticipating & forerunning false
reports : It is agreeable with all good reason, for mani-
festation of the truth, to overcome falshood and un-
trueth ; that the beginning, continuance and successe of
38
THE LAST FIGHT OF THE < REVENGE ' a.d.
'591
this late honourable encounter of Sir Richard Greenvil,
and other her Majesties Captaines, with the Armada of
Spaine ; should be truely set downe and published with-
out partialitie or false imaginations. And it is no
marveile that the Spaniard should seeke by false and
slanderous pamphlets, advisoes and Letters, to cover their
owne losse, and to derogate from others their due honors,
especially in this fight being performed far off: seeing
they were not ashamed in the yeere 1588. when they
purposed the invasion of this land, to publish in sundry
languages in print, great victories in wordes, which they
pleaded to have obteined against this Realme ; and spred
the same in a most false sort over all parts of France,
Italy, and elsewhere. When shortly after it was happily
manifested in very deed to al Nations, how their Navy
which they termed invincible, consisting of 140. saile
of shippes, not onely of their owne kingdome, but
strengthened with the greatest Argosies, Portugal
Caracks, Florentines, and huge hulks of other Countreis,
were by 30. of her Majesties owne ships of war, and
a few of our owne Marchants, by the wise, valiant, [II. ii. 170,
and advantagious conduct of the L. Charles Howard
high Admirall of England, beaten and shuffled together ;
even from the Lizard in Cornwall first to Portland, where
they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes, with his
mighty ship ; from Portland to Cales, where they lost
Hugo de Moncado, with the Gallias of which he was
Captaine, and from Cales, driven with squibs from their
anchors, were chased out of the sight of England, round
about Scotland and Ireland. Where for the sympathie
of their barbarous religion, hoping to finde succour and
assistance, a great part of them were crusht against the
rocks, and those other that landed, being very many in
number, were notwithstanding broken, slaine, and taken,
and so sent from village to village coupled in halters,
to be shipped into England. Where her Majestie of
her Princely and invincible disposition, disdaining to put
them to death, and scorning either to retaine or entertaine
39
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1591.
them : they were all sent backe againe to their countreys,
to witnes and recount the worthy achievements of their
invincible and dreadfull Navy : Of which the number of
Souldiers, the fearefull burthen of their shippes, the
commanders names of every squadron, with all other
their magasines of provisions, were put in print, as an
Army and Navy unresistable, and disdaining prevention.
With all which so great and terrible an ostentation, they
did not in all their sailing round about England, so much
as sinke or take one shippe, Barke, Pinnesse, or Cockbote
of ours : or ever burnt so much as one sheepecote of
this land. Whenas on the contrarie, Sir Francis Drake,
with onely 800. souldiers not long before, landed in
their Indies, and forced Sant-lago, Santo Domingo,
Cartagena, and the forts of Florida.
And after that, Sir John Norris marched from Peniche
in Portugall, with a handfull of souldiers, to the gates
of Lisbone, being above 40 English miles. Where the
Earle of Essex himselfe and other valiant Gentlemen
braved the Citie of Lisbone, encamped at the very gates ;
from whence, after many dayes abode, finding neither
promised partie, nor provision to batter ; they made
retrait by land, in despight of all their Garrisons, both
of horse & foote. In this sort I have a little digressed
from my first purpose, onely by the necessarie comparison
of theirs and our actions : the one covetous of honour
without vaunt of ostentation ; the other so greedy to
purchase the opinion of their owne affaires, and by false
rumors to resist the blasts of their owne dishonours,
as they will not onely not blush to spread all manner
of untruthes : but even for the least advantage, be it
but for the taking of one poore adventurer of the
English, will celebrate the victory with bonefires in every
towne, alwayes spending more in faggots, then the pur-
chase was worth they obtained. When as we never
thought it worth the consumption of two billets, when
we have taken eight or ten of their Indian shippes at
one time, and twentie of the Brasill fleete. Such is
40
THE LAST FIGHT OF THE REVENGE' a.d.
1591.
the difference betweene true valure, and ostentation : and
betweene honorable actions, and frivolous vaineglorious
vaunts. But now to returne to my purpose.
The L. Thomas Howard with sixe of her Majesties
shippes, sixe victualers of London, the Barke Ralegh,
& two or three other Pinnases riding at anker neere unto
Flores, one of the Westerly Hands of the Azores, the
last of August in the afternoone, had intelligence by one
Captaine Middleton of the approch of the Spanish
Armada. Which Middleton being in a very good sailer
had kept them company three dayes before, of good
purpose, both to discover their forces the more, as also
to give advise to my L. Thomas of their approch. Hee
had no sooner delivered the newes but the fleete was
in sight : many of our shippes companies were on shore
in the Ilande ; some providing balast for their ships ;
others filling of water and refreshing themselves from
the land with such things as they could either for money,
or by force recover. By reason whereof our ships being
all pestered and romaging every thing out of order, very
light for want of balast, and that which was most to
our disadvantage, the one halfe part of the men of every
shippe sicke, and utterly unserviceable : for in the
Revenge there were ninety diseased : in the Bonaventure,
not so many in health as could handle her maine saile.
For had not twenty men beene taken out of a Barke
of sir George Careys, his being commaunded to be sunke,
and those appointed to her, she had hardly ever recovered
England. The rest, for the most parte, were in little
better state. The names of her Majesties shippes were
these as followeth, the Defiance, which was Admiral, the
Revenge Viceadmirall, the Bonaventure commaunded by
Captaine Crosse, the Lion by George Fenner, the Fore-
sight by M. Thomas Vavasour, and the Crane by Duffild.
The Foresight & the Crane being but smal ships ; only
the other were of the middle size ; the rest, besides the
Barke Ralegh, commanded by Captaine Thin, were
victuallers, and of small force or none. The Spanish
41
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1591.
fleet having shrouded their approch by reason of the
Island ; were now so soone at hand, as our shippes had
scarce time to way their anchors, but some of them were
driven to let slippe their Cables and set saile. Sir Richard
Grinvile was the last that wayed, to recover the men that
were upon the Island, which otherwise had bene lost.
The L. Thomas with the rest very hardly recovered the
winde, which Sir Richard Grinvile not being able to doe,
[II. ii. 171.] was perswaded by the Master and others to cut his maine
sayle, and cast about, and to trust to the sayling of the
ship ; for the squadron of Sivil were on his weather bow.
But Sir Richard utterly refused to turne from the enemie,
alleaging that hee would rather choose to die, then to
dishonour himselfe, his countrey, and her Majesties
shippe, perswading his companie that hee would passe
through the two squadrons, in despight of them, and
enforce those of Sivil to give him way. Which hee
performed upon divers of the formost, who, as the
Mariners terme it, sprang their luffe, and fell under the
lee of the Revenge. But the other course had beene
the better, and might right well have bene answered in
so great an impossibility of prevaling. Notwithstanding
out of the greatnesse of his minde, he could not be
perswaded. In the meane while as hee attended those
which were nearest him, the great San Philip being in
the winde of him, and comming towards him, becalmed
his sailes in such sort, as the shippe could neither make
way, nor feele the helme : so huge and high carged was
the Spanish ship, being of a thousand and five hundreth
tuns. Who after layd the Revenge aboord. When he
was thus bereft of his sailes, the ships that were under
his lee luffing up, also layd him aboord : of which the
next was the Admiral of the Biscaines, a very mighty and
puissant shippe commanded by Brittandona. The sayd
Philip carried three tire of ordinance on a side, and eleven
pieces in every tire. She shot eight forth right out of
her chase, besides those of her sterne ports.
After the Revenge was entangled with this Philip,
42
THE LAST FIGHT OF THE REVENGE'
foure other boorded her ; two on her larboord, and two
on her starboord. The fight thus beginning at three of
the clock in the afternoone, continued very terrible all
that evening. But the great San Philip having received
the lower tire of the Revenge, discharged with crossebar-
shot, shifted her selfe with all diligence from her sides,
utterly misliking her first entertainement. Some say that
the shippe foundred, but we cannot report it for truth,
unlesse we were assured. The Spanish ships were filled
with companies of souldiers, in some two hundred be-
sides the mariners ; in some five, in others eight
hundreth. In ours there were none at all beside the
mariners, but the servants of the commanders and some
few voluntary gentlemen onely. After many enter-
changed volies of great ordinance and small shot, the
Spaniards deliberated to enter the Revenge, and made
divers attempts, hoping to force her by the multitudes
of their armed soulders and Musketters, but were still
repulsed againe and againe, and at all times beaten backe
into their owne ships, or into the seas. In the beginning
of the fight, the George Noble of London having
received some shot thorow her by the Armadas, fell
under the lee of the Revenge, and asked Sir Richard
what he would command him, being but one of the
victuallers and of small force : Sir Richard bid him save
himselfe, and leave him to his fortune. After the fight
had thus, without intermission, continued while the day
lasted and some houres of the night, many of our men
were slaine and hurte, and one of the great Gallions of
the Armada, and the Admirall of the Hulkes both
sunke, and in many other of the Spanish shippes great
slaughter was made. Some write that sir Richard was
very dangerously hurt almost in the beginning of the
fight, and lay speechlesse for a time ere hee recovered.
But two of the Revenges owne company, brought home
in a ship of Lime from the Ilandes, examined by some
of the Lordes, and others, affirmed that hee was never
so wounded as that hee forsooke the upper decke, till
43
A.D.
[591.
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1591.
an houre before midnight ; and then being shot into the
bodie with a Musket as hee was a dressing, was againe
shot into the head, and withall his Chirurgion wounded
to death. This agreeth also with an examination taken
by sir Francis Godolphin, of foure other mariners of
the same shippe being returned, which examination, the
said sir Francis sent unto master William Killegrue, of
her Majesties privy Chamber.
But to returne to the fight, the Spanish ships which
attempted to bord the Revenge, as they were wounded
and beaten off, so alwayes others came in their places,
she having never lesse then two mighty Gallions by her
sides, and aboard her : So that ere the morning, from
three of the clocke the day before, there had flfteene
severall Armadas assayled her ; and all so ill approved
their entertainement, as they were by the breake of day,
far more willing to harken to a composition, then hastily
to make any more assaults or entries. But as the day
encreased, so our men decreased : and as the light grew
more and more, by so much more grewe our discomforts.
For none appeared in sight but enemies, saving one
small ship called the Pilgrim, commaunded by Jacob
Whiddon, who hovered all night to see the successe :
but in the morning bearing with the Revenge, was
hunted like a hare amongst many ravenous houndes,
but escaped.
All the powder of the Revenge to the last barrell was
now spent, all her pikes broken, fortie of her best men
slaine, and the most part of the rest hurt. In the be-
ginning of the fight shee had but one hundreth free
from sicknes, and fourescore & ten sicke, laid in hold
upon the Ballast. A small troup to man such a ship,
& a weake garrison to resist so mighty an army. By
those hundred al was susteined, the voleis, boordings,
and entrings of fifteen ships of warre, besides those which
[II. ii. 172.] beat her at large. On the contrary, the Spanish were
always supplied with souldiers brought from every
squadron : all maner of Armes and powder at will.
44
THE LAST FIGHT OF THE REVENGE7 a.d.
i 591.
Unto ours there remained no comfort at all, no hope,
no supply either of ships, men, or weapons ; the Mastes
all beaten over boord, all her tackle cut asunder, her
upper worke altogether rased, and in effect evened shee
was with the water, but the very foundation or bottome
of a ship, nothing being left over head either for flight
or defence. Sir Richard finding himselfe in this dis-
tresse, and unable any longer to make resistance, having
endured in this fifteene houres fight, the assault of
fifteene severall Armadas, all by turnes aboord him, and
by estimation eight hundred shotte of great Artillerie,
besides many assaults and entries ; and that himselfe
and the shippe must needes be possessed by the enemy,
who were now all cast in a ring round about him.
(The Revenge not able to moove one way or other,
but as she was moved with the waves and billow of
the sea) commaunded the Master gunner, whom hee
knew to be a most resolute man, to split and sinke
the shippe ; that thereby nothing might remaine of glory
or victory to the Spaniards : seeing in so many houres
fight, and with so great a Navie they were not able
to take her, having had fifteene houres time, above
ten thousand men, & fiftie and three saile of men of The Spanish
warre to performe it withall : and perswaded the com- 53 sa*b-
pany, or as many as hee could induce, to yeelde them-
selves unto God, and to the mercie of none else ; but
as they had, like valiant resolute men, repulsed so many
enemies, they should not nowe shorten the honour of
their Nation, by prolonging their owne lives for a few
houres, or a fewe dayes. The Master gunner readily
condescended and divers others ; but the Captaine and
the Master were of another opinion, and besought Sir
Richard to have care of them : alleaging that the
Spaniard would be as ready to entertaine a composition,
as they were willing to offer the same: and that there
being divers sufficient and valiant men yet living, and
whose wounds were not mortal, they might do their
Countrey and prince acceptable service hereafter. And
45
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1591.
whereas Sir Richard had alleaged that the Spaniards
should never glory to have taken one shippe of her
Majestie, seeing they had so long and so notably
defended themselves; they answered, that the shippe
had sixe foote water in holde, three shot under water,
which were so weakely stopped, as with the first working
of the sea, she must needs sinke, and was besides so
crusht and brused, as shee could never be removed out
of the place.
And as the matter was thus in dispute, and Sir Richard
refusing to hearken to any of those reasons : the Master
of the Revenge (while the Captaine wanne unto him the
greater party) was convoyd aboord the Generall Don
Alfonso Bacan. Who (finding none over hastie to enter
the Revenge againe, doubting least Sir Richard would
have blowne them up and himselfe, and perceiving by
the report of th Master of the Revenge his dangerous
disposition) yeelded that all their lives should be saved,
the company sent for England, & the better sort to
pay such reasonable ransome as their estate would
beare, and in the meane season to be free from Gaily
or imprisonment. To this he so much the rather con-
descended as wel, as I have said, for feare of further
losse and mischiefe to themselves, as also for the desire
he had to recover Sir Richard Greenvil ; whom for his
notable valure he seemed greatly to honour and
admire.
When this answere was returned, and that safetie of
life was promised, the common sort being now at the
ende of their perill, the most drew backe from Sir
Richard and the Master gunner, being no hard matter
to disswade men from death to life. The Master gunner
finding himselfe and Sir Richard thus prevented and
mastered by the greater number, would have slaine him-
selfe with a sword, had he not bene by force with-held
and locked into his Cabben. Then the Generall sent
many boates aboord the Revenge, and divers of our men
fearing Sir Richards disposition, stole away aboord the
46
THE LAST FIGHT OF THE < REVENGE ' a,d.
1591.
Generall and other shippes. Sir Richard thus over-
matched, was sent unto by Alfonso Bacan to remoove
out of the Revenge, the shippe being marveilous un-
savorie, filled with blood and bodies of dead, and
wounded men like a slaughter house. Sir Richard
answered that hee might doe with his body what he
list, for hee esteemed it not, and as he was carried out
of the shippe hee swounded, and reviving againe desired
the company to pray for him. The Generall used Sir
Richard with all humanitie, and left nothing unattempted
that tended to his recoverie, highly commending his
valour and worthinesse, and greatly bewailing the danger
wherein he was, being unto them a rare spectacle, and
a resolution sildome approoved, to see one shippe turne
toward so many enemies, to endure the charge and
boording of so many huge Armadas, and to resist and
repell the assaults and entries of so many souldiers.
All which and more is confirmed by a Spanish Captaine
of the same Armada, and a present actor in the fight,
who being severed from the rest in a storme, was by
the Lion of London a small ship taken, and is now
prisoner in London.
The generall commander of the Armada, was Don
Alphonso Bacan, brother to the Marques of Santa Cruz.
The admiral of the Biscaine squadron, was Britandona.
Of the squadron of Sivil, the Marques of Arumburch. [II. ii. 173.]
The Hulkes and Flybotes were commanded by Luis
Coutinho. There were slaine and drowned in this fight,
well neere one thousand of the enemies, and two speciall
commanders Don Luis de sant John, and Don George
de Prunaria de Mallaga, as the Spanish captaine con-
fesseth, besides divers others of speciall account, whereof
as yet report is not made.
The Admirall of the Hulkes and the Ascension of
Sivil were both sunke by the side of the Revenge ; one
other recovered the rode of Saint Michael, and sunke
also there ; a fourth ranne her selfe with the shore to
save her men. Sir Richard died as it is sayd, the second
47
ad THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1591.
or third day aboord the Generall, and was by them
greatly bewailed. What became of his body, whether
it were buried in the sea or on the land we know
not : the comfort that remayneth to his friends is, that
hee hath ended his life honourably in respect of the
reputation wonne to his nation and countrey, and of the
same to his posteritie, and that being dead, he hath not
outlived his owne honour.
For the rest of her Majesties ships that entred not
so farre into the %ht as the Revenge, the reasons and
causes were these. There were of them but sixe in all,
whereof two but small ships ; the Revenge ingaged past
recovery : The Hand of Flores was on the one side, $3
saile of the Spanish, divided into squadrons on the other,
all as full filled with souldiers as they could containe :
Almost the one halfe of our men sicke and not able to
serve : the ships growne foule, unroomaged, and scarcely
able to beare any saile for want of balast, having bene
sixe moneths at the sea before. If all the rest had
entred, all had bene lost : for the very hugenes of the
Spanish fleete, if no other violence had beene offered,
would have crusht them betweene them into shivers.
Of which the dishonour and losse to the Queene had
bene farre greater then the spoyle or harme that the
enemie could any way have received. Notwithstanding
it is very true, that the Lord Thomas would have entred
betweene the squadrons, but the rest would not con-
descend ; and the master of his owne ship offred to leape
into the sea, rather then to conduct that her Majesties
ship and the rest to bee a pray to the enemie, where
there was no hope nor possibilitie either of defence or
victory. Which also in my opinion had ill sorted or
answered the discretion and trust of a Generall, to com-
mit himselfe and his charge to an assured destruction,
without hope" or any likelyhood of prevailing : thereby
to diminish the strength of her Majesties Navy, and to
enrich the pride and glory of the enemie. The Foresight
of the Queenes commaunded by M. Thomas Vavisor
48
<£ '.J&f'twfk&ko >s
SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE
THE LAST FIGHT OF THE ' REVENGE' ad.
1591.
performed a very great fight, and stayed two houres as
neere the Revenge as the weather would permit him,
not forsaking the fight, till he was like to be encompassed
by the squadrons, & with great difficultie cleared him-
selfe. The rest gave divers voleis of shot, and entred
as farre as the place permitted, and their owne neces-
sities, to keepe the weather gage of the enemie, untill
they were parted by night. A fewe dayes after the fight
was ended, and the English prisoners dispersed into
the Spanish and Indie ships, there arose so great a
storme from the West and Northwest, that all the fleete
was dispersed, as well the Indian fleete which were then
come unto them, as the rest of the Armada that attended
their arrivall, of which 14. saile together with the Re-
venge, and in her 200 Spaniards, were cast away upon
the Isle of S. Michael. So it pleased them to honor
the buriall of that renowmed ship the Revenge, not
suffering her to perish alone, for the great honour she
atchieved in her life time. On the rest of the Ilandes
there were cast away in this storme, 15 or 16 more of
the ships of warre : and of an hundred and odde saile
of the Indie fleete, expected this yeere in Spaine, what
in this tempest, and what before in the bay of Mexico,
and about the Bermudas, there were 70 and odde con-
sumed and lost, with those taken by our shippes of
London, besides one very rich Indian ship, which set
her selfe on fire, beeing boorded by the Pilgrim, and
five other taken by master Wats his ships of London,
between the Havana and Cape S. Antonio. The fourth
of this moneth of November we received letters from
the Tercera, affirming that there are 3000 bodies of
men remaining in that Hand, saved out of the perished
ships : & that by the Spaniards owne confession, there
are 10000 cast away in this storme, besides those that
are perished betweene the Hands and the maine. Thus
it hath pleased God to fight for us, and to defend the
justice of our cause, against the ambicious and bloody
pretenses of the Spaniard, who seeking to devoure
VII 49 d
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
I591*
all nations, are themselves devoured. A manifest testi-
mony how injust and displeasing, their attempts are in
the sight of God, who hath pleased to witnes by the
successe of their affaires, his mislike of their bloody and
injurious designes, purposed and practised against all
Christian princes, over whom they seeke unlawfull and
ungodly rule and Empery.
One day or two before this wracke happened to the
Spanish fleete, when as some of our prisoners desired
to be set on shore upon the Ilandes, hoping to be from
thence transported into England, which libertie was for-
merly by the Generall promised : One Morice Fitz John,
sonne of olde John of Desmond, a notable traytour,
cousin german to the late Earle of Desmond, was sent
to the English from shippe to shippe, to perswade them
to serve the King of Spaine. The arguments hee used
[II. ii. 174.] to induce them were these. The increase of pay which
he promised to be trebled : advancement to the better
sort : and the exercise of the true Catholique Religion,
and safetie of their soules to all. For the first, even
the beggerly and unnaturall behaviour of those English
and Irish rebels, that served the King in that present
action, was sufficient to answere that first argument of
rich pay. For so poore and beggerly they were, as for
want of apparell they stripped their poore Countrey men
prisoners out of their ragged garments, worne to noth-
ing by sixe months service, and spared not to despoyle
them even of their bloody shirtes, from their wounded
bodies, and the very shooes from their feete ; A notable
testimonie of their rich entertainment and great wages.
The second reason was hope of advancement if they
served well, and would continue faithfull to the King.
But what man can bee so blockishly ignorant ever to
expect place or honour from a forraine King, having no
other argument or perswasion then his owne disloyaltie ;
to be unnaturall to his owne Countrey that bred him ; to
his parents that begat him, and rebellious to his true
Prince, to whose obedience he is bound by oath, by
THE LAST FIGHT OF THE REVENGE' a.d.
1591
nature, and by Religion ? No, they are onely assured
to be imployed in all desperate enterprises, to bee helde
in scorne and disdaine ever among those whom they
serve. And that ever traitour was either trusted or
advanced T could never yet reade, neither can I at this
time remember any example. And no man coulde have
lesse becommed the place of an Orator for such a purpose,
then this Morice of Desmond. For the Erie his cosen
being one of the greatest subjects in that kingdom of
Ireland, having almost whole Countreis in his possession ;
so many goodly Mannors, castles, and lordships; the
Count Palatine of Kerry, five hundred gentlemen of his
owne name and family to follow him, besides others (all
which he possessed in peace for three or foure hundred
yeeres) was in lesse then three yeeres after his adhering
to the Spaniards and rebellion, beaten from all his holdes,
not so many as ten gentlemen of his name left living,
himselfe taken and beheaded by a souldier of his owne
nation, and his land given by a Parliament to her
Majestie, and possessed by the English : His other cosen
Sir John of Desmond taken by Master John Zouch, and
his body hanged over the gates of his native Citie to be
devoured by ravens : the thirde brother Sir James hanged,
drawne, and quartered in the same place. If hee had
withall vaunted of his successe of his owne house, no
doubt the argument would have mooved much, and
wrought great effect : which because, hee for that present
forgot, I thought it good to remember in his behalfe.
For matter of Religion it would require a particuler
volume, if I should set downe how irreligiously they
cover their greedy and ambicious pretenses, with that
veile of pietie. But sure I am, that there is no kingdome
or common-wealth in all Europe, but if they be reformed,
they then invade it for religion sake : if it bee, as they
terme Catholique, they pretend title ; as if the Kings of
Castile were the naturall heires of all the world : and so
betweene both, no kingdome is unsought. Where they
dare not with their owne forces to invade, they basely
51
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1591.
entertaine the traitours and vacabonds of all Nations :
seeking by those and by their runnagate Jesuits to winne
parts, and have by that meane ruined many Noble houses
and others in this lande, and have extinguished both
their lives and families. What good, honour, or fortune
ever man yet by them atchieved, is yet unheard of, or
unwritten. And if our English Papists doe but looke
into Portugall, against which they have no pretence of
Religion, how the Nobilitie are put to death, imprisoned,
their rich men made a praye, and all sorts of people
captived ; they shall finde that the obedience even of the
Turke is easie and a libertie, in respect of the slaverie
and tyrannie of Spaine. What have they done in Sicill,
in Naples, Millaine, and in the Low countreis ; who hath
there bene spared for Religion at all ? And it commeth
to my remembrance of a certaine Burger of Antwerpe,
whose house being entred by a company of Spanish
souldiers, when they first sacked the Citie, hee besought
them to spare him and his goods, being a good Catho-
lique, and one of their owne partie and faction. The
Spaniards answered, that they knew him to be of a good
conscience for himselfe, but his money, plate, jewels, and
goods, were all hereticall, and therefore good prize. So
they abused and tormented the foolish Fleming, who
hoped that an Agnus Dei had bene a sufficient target
against all force of that holy and charitable nation.
Neither have they at any time as they protest invaded
the kingdomes of the Indies and Peru, and elsewhere,
but onely led thereunto, rather to reduce the people to
Christianitie, then for either gold or Emperie. When as
in one onely Island called Hispaniola, they have wasted
thirtie hundred thousand of the naturall people, besides
many millions else in other places of the Indies : a poore
and harmelesse people created of God, and might have
bene wonne to his knowledge, as many of them were, and
almost as many as ever were perswaded thereunto. The
storie whereof is at large written by a Bishop of their
owne nation called Bartholomew de las Casas, and trans-
52
THE LAST FIGHT OF THE REVENGE' a.d.
1591.
lated into English and many other languages, intituled
The Spanish cruelties. Who would therefore repose
trust in such a nation of ravenous strangers, and especially
in those Spaniards which more greedily thirst after
English blood, then after the lives of any other people of [II. ii. 175.]
Europe, for the many overthrowes and dishonours they
have received at our hands, whose weakenesse wee have
discovered to the world, and whose forces at home,
abroad, in Europe, in India, by sea and land, wee have
even with handfulles of men and shippes, overthrowen
and dishonoured. Let not therefore any English man, of
what religion soever, have other opinion of the Spaniards,
but that those whom hee seeketh to winne of our Nation,
he esteemeth base and trayterous, unworthy persons, or
unconstant fooles : and that he useth his pretence of
religion, for no other purpose but to bewitch us from
the obedience of our naturall Prince, thereby hoping in
time to bring us to slavery and subjection, and then none
shall be unto them so odious, and disdayned as the
traitours themselves, who have solde their Countrey to
a stranger, and forsaken their faith and obedience con-
trarie to nature & religion ; and contrarie to that humane
and generall honour, not onely of Christians, but of
heathen and irreligious nations, who have alwayes sus-
tayned what labour soever, and embraced even death
it selfe, for their countrey, Prince, or common-wealth.
To conclude, it hath ever to this day pleased God to
prosper and defend her Majestie, to breake the purposes
of malicious enemies, of forsworne traytors, and of injust
practises and invasions. She hath ever beene honoured
of the worthiest kings, served by faithfull subjects, and
shall by the favour of God, resist, repell, and confound
all whatsoever attempts against her sacred person or
kingdome. In the meane time let the Spaniard and
traytour vaunt of their successe, and wee her true and
obedient vassals, guided by the shining light of her
vertues, shall alwayes love her, serve her, and obey her
to the end of our lives.
53
A.D.
1591
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
particular note of the Indian fleet, expected
to have come into Spaine this present yeere
of 1 59 1. with the number of shippes that are
perished of the same : according to the ex-
amination of certaine Spaniards lately taken
and brought into England by the ships of
London.
He fleete of Nova Hispania, at their first
gathering together and setting foorth,
were two and fiftie sailes. The Admirall
was of sixe hundred tunnes, and the
Vice Admirall of the same burthen.
I Foure or five of the shippes were of
nine hundred and 1000 tunnes a peece,
some five hundred, and some foure hundred and the
least of two hundred tuns. Of this fleet 19 were cast
away, and in them 2600 men by estimation, which was
done along the coast of Nova Hispania, so that of the
same fleet there came to the Havana but 23 sailes.
The fleete of Terra Firma were, at their first departure
from Spaine, fiftie sailes, which were bound for Nombre
de Dios, where they did discharge their lading, and
thence returned to Cartagena, for their healths sake, untill
the time the treasure was readie they should take in,
at the said Nombre de Dios. But before this fleete
departed, some were gone by one or two at a time, so
that onely 23 sayles of this fleete arrived in the Havana.
22 sailes of Nova Hispania.
23 sailes of Terra Firma.
12 sailes of San Domingo.
9 sailes of the Hunduras.
The whole 77 shippes, joyned and set sailes all to-
gether at the Havana, the 17 of July, according to our
account, and kept together untill they came into the
height of thirtie five degrees, which was about the tenth
54
At the Havana
there met
A NOTE OF THE INDIAN FLEET a.d.
i 591.
of August, where they found the winde at Southwest
chaunged suddenly to the North, so that the sea comming
out of the Southwest, and the wind very violent at
North, they were put all into great extremitie, and then
first lost the Generall of their fleete, with 500 men in
her ; and within three or foure dayes after, an other
storme rising, there were five or sixe other of the biggest
shippes cast away with all their men, together with their
Vice-Admirall.
And in the height of 38. degrees, about the end of
August, grew another great storme, in which all the fleet
saving 48. sailes were cast away: which 48. sailes kept
together, untill they came in sight of the Islands of
Corvo and Flores, about the fift or sixt of September,
at which time a great storme separated them : of which
number fifteene or sixeteene were after seene by these
Spanyards to ride at anchor under the Tercera ; and
twelve or foureteene more to beare with the Island of
S. Michael ; what became of them after that these
Spaniards were taken cannot yet be certified ; their
opinion is, that very few of the fleet are escaped, but
are either drowned or taken. And it is otherwaies of
late certified, that of this whole fleete that should have
come into Spaine this yeere, being one hundred twentie [H. ii. 176.
and three sayle, there are arrived as yet but five and
twentie. This note was taken out of the examination of
certaine Spaniardes, that were brought into England by
sixe of the ships of London, which tooke seven of the
above named Indian Fleete, neere the Islands of Acores.
[A report
55
A.D.
1591.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
report of Master Robert Flicke directed to
Master Thomas Bromley, Master Richard
Staper, and Master Cordall concerning the
successe of a part of the London supplies sent
to my Lord Thomas Howard to the Isles of
the Azores, 1 591 .
Orshipfull, my heartie commendations unto
you premised : By my last of the twelfth
of August from this place I advertised
you particularly of the accidents of our
Fleete untill then. It remayneth now to
relate our endevours in accomplishing the
order received for the joyning with my
Lorde Thomas Howard, together with the successe wee
have had. Our departure from hence was the seventeenth
of August, the winde not serving before. The next day
following I caused a Flagge of Counsell to be put foorth,
whereupon the Captaines and Masters of every shippe
came aboord, and 1 acquainted them with my Com-
mission, firmed by the Right honourable the Lordes of
her Majesties Counsell, and with all the advertisements
of Sir Edward Denny, of my Lordes determination to
remaine threescore leagues to the West of Fayal, spread-
ing North and South betwixt thirtie seven and a halfe or
thirty eight and a halfe degrees. And not finding him
in this heighth to repaire to the Isles of Flores and
Corvo, where a Pinnesse of purpose should stay our
comming untill the last of August, with intent after that
day to repaire to ye coast of Spaine, about the heigth of
The Rocke, some twentie or thirtie leagues off the shoare.
The which being advisedly considered of, having regard
unto the shortnesse of time, by reason of our long abode
in this place, and the uncertainety of the weather to favour
us, it was generally holden for the best and securest way
to meete with my Lorde, to beare with the heigth of The
Rocke, without making any stay upon the coast, and so
k6
A REPORT OF ROBERT FLICKE a.d.
1591.
directly for the Islands which was accordingly fully agreed
and performed. The 28 day wee had sight of the Bur-
lings, and the 29 being thwart of Peniche, the winde
serving us, without any stay we directed our course West
for the Islands. The 30 day we met with Captaine
Royden in the Red-Rose, sometime called the Golden
Dragon, separated from my Lorde of Cumberland in a
storme : who certified us of 50 sayles of the Spanish
kings Armadas to be gone for the Hands, but could not
informe us any newes of my Lord Thomas Howard,
otherwise then upon presumption to remaine about the
Islandes, and so wee continued our course the winde
standing with us.
The 4 of September we recovered Tercera, and ranged
along all the Islands, both on the South and North sides
the space of foure dayes : during which time it was not
our hap to meete with any shipping, whereby either to
understand of my Lord, or of the Indian Fleete : here-
upon we directed our course to the West from Fayal,
according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny. The
1 1 day in the plying to the Westwards we descried a sayle
out of our maine toppe, and in the afternoone betweene
two and three of the clocke having raysed her hull, the
weather became calme, so that the ship could not fetch
her. I sent off my Skiffe throughly manned, furnished
with shot and swords, The Cherubin, and the Margaret
and John doing the like. Upon this the sayle stood off
againe, and the night approching, our boates lost her and
so returned. In this our pursute after the sayle the
Centurion being left a sterne, the next morning wee
missed her, and spent that day in plying up and downe
seeking her. And for as much as every of the ships had
received order, that, if by extremity of weather or any
other mischance they should be severed from our Fleete,
they should meete and joyne at Flores, we, according to
the instructions of Sir Edward Denny, proceeded to the
finding of my Lord Thomas Howard, being in the heigth
appointed and not able to holde the same by reason of
57
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1 591.
extreme tempestes which forced us to the Isles of Flores
and Corvo, which we made the 14 day in the morning,
and there also joyned againe with the Centurion, whose
company before we had lost : who declared unto us that
the 12 day, being the same day they lost us, they met
with five and forty sailes of the Indian Fleete. The
same night upon these newes we came to an anker be-
tweene Flores and Corvo, and the morow following at
the breake of day, a flagge of Counsell being put out,
the Captaines & Masters came abord me: where, for the
desire to understand some tidings of my Lord, as also the
supplying of our want of water, it was thought good to
send our boats furnished on shore, under the conduct of
Captaine Brothus, and then it was also ordered after our
[II. ii. 177.] departure thence to range along the Southsides of the
Islands to the end we might either understand of my
Lord, or else light on the Indian fleete ; and in the miss-
ing of our purpose to direct our course for Cape Sant
Vincente.
The boates, according to the foresayd determination,
being sent on shoare, it chaunced that The Costely ryding
uttermost in the roade, did weigh to bring her selfe more
neere among us for the succour of the boates sent off,
and in opening the land discovered two sayles, which we
in the roade could not perceive : whereupon shee gave
us a warning piece, which caused us to wave off our
boates backe, and before they could recover our shippes,
the discryed ships appeared unto us, towardes the which
we made with all haste, and in a very happie houre, as it
pleased God. In that wee had not so soone cleared the
lande, and spoken with one of them, which was a Barke
of Bristol!, who had also sought my Lorde in the heigths
A violent appointed and could not finde him, but a violent storme
arose, in such manner, as if we had remained in the
roade, we had beene in daunger of perishing : and the
same extremely continued during the space of threescore
houres. In which storme I was separated from our
Fleete, except the Cherubin and the Costely, which kept
58
storme.
Prize taken.
taken.
A REPORT OF ROBERT FLICKE ad.
1591.
company with mee. And so sayling among the Hands,
I viewed the roade of Fayal, and finding no Roaders
there, went directly for the Isle Tercera.
The nineteenth day in the morning comming unto ye
same with intent to edge into the Road, a tempest arose,
and scanted the winde, that we could not seaze it : from
the which being driven we fell among certaine of the
Indian Fleete, which the sayde storme dispersed, and put
them from the road : whereupon my selfe with the other
two ships in companie gave several! chases, and thereby
lost the company each of other.
In following our chase above noone we made her to A Portugal!
strike and yeelde, being a Portugall, laden with hides,
salsa-perilla and Anile. At this very instant we espied
another, and taking our Prize with us followed her, and
somewhat before night obtayned her, named the Con-
ception, Francisco Spinola being Captaine, which was A rich ^est-
laden with hides, Cochonillio, and certaine raw silke. [n7ta n%e
And for that the seas were so growen, as neither with
boate nor shippe they were to bee boorded, we kept them
till fit opportunitie. The same night a litle before day
there happened another into our company, supposing us
by our two prizes to be of their Fleete, which we untill
the morning dissembled.
The 20 day in the morning, the sayle being shot some-
what a head of us, having a speciall care for the safe
keeping of the two former, we purposed to cause our
Prizes to put out more sayle thereby to keepe them neere
in giving chase to the other : unto the which the Master
would not hearken nor be perswaded, but that they would
follow us : by the which his wilfulnesse by such time as
we had caused the other to yeelde, and sent men aboord,
the Conception, Francisco Spinola Captaine being brought
a sterne, and having gotten the winde of us, stood oft
with all her sayles bearing, so as we were forced to make
a new chase of her : and had not the winde enlarged upon
us we had lost her. In the pursute before we recovered
her and brought our selves againe in company of our
59
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1 591.
other Prizes, the whole day was spent, and by this meanes
we lost the oportunitie of that day, the weather fitly
serving to boord the Portugall Prize, which was in great
distresse, and made request to take them being readie to
sinke, and, as we well perceived, they ceased not to pumpe
day and night : the which ship to all our judgements the
same night perished in the sea.
The one and twentie day the Conception, whereof
Francisco Spinola was Captaine, being also in a leake,
and the same still increasing notwithstanding the con-
tinuall pumping, in such sort as not to be kept along
above water, I tooke and discharged out of her two and
forty chestes of Cochonillio and silkes, and so left her
with 1 1 foote water in holde, and her furniture and 4700
hides, unto the seas.
The other Prize which we have brought into the
harborough is named Nostra Sennora de los remedios,
whereof Francisco Alvares is Captaine, laden with 16
chests of Cochonillio, certaine fardels of raw silke, and
about 4000 hides. Upon the discharge of the goods
your worships shall be particularly advertised thereof.
In the boording of the Prizes the disorder of the
company was such, as that they letted not presently
besides the rifling of the Spaniards to breake open the
chests and to purloyne such money as was in them :
notwithstanding that it was ordered at convenient leasure
to have gone aboord my selfe, and there in the presence
of three or foure witnesses to have taken a just account
thereof, and the same to have put in safe keeping,
according to the effects of articles received in this behalfe.
And whereas there were also certaine summes of money
[II. ii. 178.] taken from the company which they had thus purloyned
and embeseled, and the same with some other parcels
brought aboord my ship, amounting unto 2129 pezoes
& a halfe, the company as pillage due unto them de-
manded to have the same shared, which I refused, &
openly at the maine maste read the articles firmed by
my Lord Treasurer and my lord Admirall, whereby we
60
A REPORT OF ROBERT FLICKE a.d.
1591,
ought to be directed, and that it was not in mee any way
to dispose thereof untill the same were finally determined
at home. Hereupon they mutined and at last grew into
such furie, as that they would have it or els breake downe
the cabbine, which they were also readie to put in practise,
whereby I was forced to yeeld, least the Spaniards which
we had abord being many perceiving the same, might
have had fit opportunitie to rise against us, which, after
their brawles were appeased, they sought to have put in
execution.
By the last advise from Castile the Generall of the
kings Armada which is lately come to sea hath received
commaundement to joyne his Fleete with those of the
Indies, and for to stay altogether at Tercera untill the
1 5 of October : for that 6 pataches with 7 or 8 millions
of the kings treasure will come by that time, or els they
stay their comming from Havana until January next, or
the kings further pleasure therein to be knowen. These
Pataches are said to be of 300 tuns the piece, and to cary
30 pieces of brasse, and also of saile reported to have
the advantage of any shipping.
There perished of the Indies Fleete sunke in the sea
before their comming to Flores 1 1 sailes, whereof the
General was one, and not one man saved. And it is
by the Spaniards themselves presupposed that the stormes
which we had at Flores & at Tercera have devoured
many more of them, whereof in part we were eye
witnesses. And so what by the seas and our men of
warre I presume that of 75 sailes that came from Havana,
halfe of them will never arrive in Spaine.
The 1 1 day of October at night we came to anker in
the sound of Plimouth, and the next morning with our
Prize came into Cattewater : for which God be thanked :
for that a vehement storme arose, and with such fury
increased, as that the Prize was forced to cut over her
maine maste : otherwise with the violence of the storme,
her ground tackle being bad, she had driven on shore :
which was the most cause that moved me to put in here ;
61
1591.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
intending now here to discharge the goods without
further adventure, and have certified thus much unto my
Lord Admirall, and therewith also desired to understande
the direction of the Lords of the Counsell together with
yours, insomuch as my Lord Thomas Howard is not
returned. How the rest of our consorts which were
separated from us by weather have sped, or what Prizes
they have taken, whereof there is much hope by reason
of the scattering of the West Indian Fleete, as yet we
are able to say nothing. And thus expecting your
answere, and for all other matters referring me unto
the bearer Captaine Furtho, I end. Plymouth the 24 of
October. 1591.
Your worships loving friend
Robert Flicke.
A large testimony of John Huighen van Lin-
schoten Hollander, concerning the worthy
exploits atchieved by the right honourable the
Earle of Cumberland, By Sir Martine Fro-
bisher, Sir Richard Greenvile, and divers
other English Captaines, about the Isles of the
Acores, and upon the coasts of Spaine and
Portugall, in the yeeres 1589, 1590, 1 59 1 ,
&c. recorded in his excellent discourse of
voiages to the East and West Indies, cap. 96.
97. and 99.
He 22 of July 1589 about Evening,
being by the Islands of Flores & Corvo,
we perceived 3 ships that made towards
us, which came from under the land,
which put us in great feare : for they
came close by our Admirall, and shot
divers times at him, and at another ship
of our companie, whereby we perceived them to be
Englishmen, for they bare an English flago^e upon their
62
LINSCHOTEN'S LARGE TESTIMONY a.d.
1589-91.
maine tops, but none of them shewed to be above 60
tunnes in greatnes. About Evening they followed after
us, and all night bore lanternes with candles burning
in them at their sternes, although the Moone shined.
The same night passing hard by the Island of Fayal, the
next day being betweene the Island of S. George that
lay on our right hand, and the small Island called
Graciosa on our left hand, we espied the 3 English ships
still following us yl tooke counsell together, whereof one
sailed backwards, thinking that some other ship had come
after us without company, & for a time was out of sight,
but it was not long before it came again to ye other two,
wherwith they tooke counsel & came all 3 together
against our ship, because we lay in the lee of al our ships,
& had ye Island of S. George on the one side in stead
of a sconce, thinking to deale so with us, that in ye end
we should be constrained to run upon the shore, whereof
we wanted not much, and in that manner with their [II. ii. 179.]
fiagges openly displayed, came lustily towardes us, sound-
ing their Trumpets, and sayled at the least three times
about us, beating us with Musket and Caliver, and some
great pieces, and did us no hurt in the body of our
shippe, but spoyled all our sayles and ropes, and to
conclude, wee were so plagued by them, that no man
durst put foorth his head, and when wee shot off a peece,
wee had at the least an houres worke to lade it againe,
whereby wee had so great a noise and crie in the shippe,
as if we had all bene cast away, whereat the English men
themselves beganne to mocke us, and with a thousand
jesting words called unto us. In the meane time the
other shippes hoised all their sayles, and did the best
they could to saile to the Island of Tercera, not looking
once behinde them to helpe us, doubting they should
come too late thither, not caring for us, but thinking
themselves to have done sufficiently so they saved their
owne stakes, whereby it may easily be seene what company
they keepe one with the other, and what order is among
them. In the ende the English men perceiving small
^3
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589-91.
advantage against us, (little knowing in what case and
feare we were, as also because wee were not farre from
Tercera) left us, which made us not a litle to rejoyce,
as thinking our selves to bee risen from death to life,
although wee were not well assured, neyther yet voyde
of feare till we lay in the road before Tercera, and under
the safetie of the Portingales fort, and that we might get
thither in good time wee made all the sailes we could :
on the other side we were in great doubt, because we
knew not what they did in the Island, nor whether they
were our friends or enemies, and we doubted so much
the more, because we found no men of warre nor any
Carvels of advise from Portingal, as wee made our
accounts to doe, that might convoy us from thence, or
give us advise, as in that countrey ordinarily they use
to do : and because the English men had bene so
victorious in those parts, it made us suspect that it went
not well with Spaine : they of the Island of Tercera were
in no lesse feare then we, for seeing our fleete, they
thought us to bee Englishmen, and that wee came to
overrun the Island, because the 3. Englishmen had bound
up their flags, and came in company with us : for the
which cause the Island sent out two Carvels that lay
there with advise from the king, for the Indians ships
that should come thither. Those Carvels came to view
us, and perceiving what we were, made after us, where-
upon the English ships left us, and made towardes them,
because the Carvels thought them to be friends, and
shunned them not, as supposing them to bee of our
company, but we shot foure or five times and made signes
unto them that they should make towards the Island,
which they presently did. The Englishmen perceiving
that, did put forwards into the sea, & so the Carvels
horded us telling us that the men of the Island were all in
armes, as having received advise from Portugall, that Sir
Francis Drake was in readinesse, and woulde come unto
those Islands. They likewise brought us newes of the
overthrow of the Spanish fleet before England, and that
64
JOHN HUIGHEN VAN LINSCHOTEN
LINSCHOTEN'S LARGE TESTIMONY a.d.
1589-91.
the English men had bene before the gates of Lisbon :
whereupon the king gave us commandement that we
should put into the Island of Tercera, and there lie under
the safety of the Castle until we received further advise
what we should do, or whether we should saile : for that
they thought it too dangerous for us to go to Lisbon.
Those newes put our fleet in great feare, and made us
looke upon eche other not knowing what to say, as being
dangerous for them to put into the road, because it lieth
open to the sea : so that the Indian ships, although they
had expresse commandement from the king, yet they
durst not anker there, but onely used to come thither,
and to lie to and fro, sending their boates on land to
fetch such necessaries as they wanted, without ankering :
but being by necessitie compelled thereunto, as also by
the kings commandement, and for that we understood
the Erie of Cumberland not to bee farre from those
Islands with certaine ships of warre, we made necessitie
a vertue, and entring the road, ankered close under the
Castle, staying for advise and order from the king, to
performe our voyage, it being then the 24. of July,
and S. James day.
The day before the Erie of Cumberland with 6. or
7. ships of war, sailed by the Island of Tercera, and to
their great good fortune passed out of sight, so that
they dispatched themselves in all haste, and for the more
securitie, tooke with them 4. hundred Spaniards, of those
that lay in Garrison in the Island, and with them they
sayled towards Lisbon, having a good wind : so that
within 1 1 daies after they arrived in the river of Lisbon
with great gladnes & triumph : for if they had stayed but
one day longer before they had entred the river, they
had all beene taken by Captaine Drake, who with 40
ships came before Cascais at the same time that the
Indian ships cast anker in the river of Lisbon, being
garded thither by divers Gallies.
While I remained in Tercera, the Erie of Cumb. came
to S. Marie, to take in fresh water, and some other
yii 65 e
a-b: THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589-91.
victuals : but the inhabitants would not suffer him to
have it, but wounded both himselfe & divers of his men,
whereby they were forced to depart without having any
thing there.
The Erie of Cumberland while I lay in Tercera, came
unto the Isle of Graciosa, where himselfe in person,
with seven or eight in his company went on land, asking
[II. ii. 180.] certaine beastes, hens, and other victuals, with wine and
fresh water, which they willingly gave him, and therewith
he departed from thence, without doing them any hurt :
for the which the inhabitants thanked him, and com-
mended him for his courtesie, and keeping of his
promise.
The same time that the Erie of Cumberland was in
the Island of Graciosa, he came likewise to Fayall, where
at the first time that he came, they beganne to resist
him, but by reason of some controversie among them,
they let him land, where he razed the Castle to the
ground, and sunke all their Ordinance in the sea, taking
with him certaine Caravels and ships that lay in the road,
with provision of all things that he wanted : and therewith
departed againe to sea. Whereupon the king caused the
principall actors therein to be punished, and sent a
company of souldiers thither againe, which went out of
Tercera, with all kinde of warlike munition, and great
shot, making the foretresse up againe, the better to
defend the Island, trusting no more in the Portugales.
The 99 Chapter.
THe ninth of October 1589. there arrived in Tercera
fourteene ships that came from the Spanish Indies,
laden with Cochenile, Hides, Golde, Silver, Pearles, and
other rich wares. They were fiftie in companie, when
they departed out of the Haven of Havana, whereof,
in their comming out of the Channell, eleven sunke in
the same Channell by foule weather, the rest by a storme
were scattered and separated one from the other. The
next day there came another ship of the same companie,
66
LINSCHOTEN'S LARGE TESTIMONY a.d.
1589-91.
that sailed close under the Island, so to get into the
Roade : where she met with an English ship that had
not above three cast peeces, and the Spaniards 12. They
fought a long time together, which we being in the
Island might stand and behold : whereupon the
Governour of Tercera sent two boates of Musketiers to
helpe the shippe : but before they could come at her,
the English ship had shot her under water, and we saw
her sinke into the Sea with all her sayles up, and not
any thing seene of her above the water. The Englishmen
with their boate saved the Captaine and about thirtie
others with him, but not one penie-worth of the goods,
and yet in the shippe there was at the least to the value
of two hundred thousand Duckats in Golde, Silver, and
Pearles, the rest of the men were drowned which might
be about fiftie persons, among the which were some
Fryers and women, which the Englishmen would not
save. Those that they had saved they set on land : and
then they sayled away. The seven and twentieth of
the same moneth, the sayd fourteene ships having re-
freshed themselves in the Island departed from Tercera
toward Sivill, and comming upon the coast of Spaine
they were taken by the English ships that lay there to
watch for them, two onely excepted which escaped away,
and the rest were wholly caried into England.
About the same time the Erie of Cumberland with one
of the Queenes ships, and five or sixe more, kept about
those Islands and came oftentimes so close under the
Island, and to the Road of Angra, that the people on
land might easily tell all his men that he had aboord, and
knewe such as walked on the Hatches : they of the Island
not once shooting at them, although they might easily
have done it, for they were within Musket shot both
of the towne and fort. In these places he continued
for the space of two moneths, and sayled round about
the Islands, and landed in Graciosa and Fayal, as in the
description of those Islands I have alreadie declared. Here
he tooke divers ships and Caravels, which he sent into
67
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589-91.
England : so that those of the Island durst not once
put foorth their heads. At the same time about three or
foure dayes after the Earle of Cumberland had beene in
the Island of Fayal, and was departed from thence, there
arrived in the said Island of Fayal sixe Indian shippes,
whose Generall was one Juan Dorives : and there they dis-
charged in the Hand 4 millions of golde and silver. And
having with all speede refreshed their ships, fearing the
comming of the Englishmen they set sayle, and arrived
safely in S. Lucar, not meeting with the enemie, to the
great good lucke of the Spaniards and hard fortune of
the Englishmen : for that within lesse then two dayes
after the gold and silver was laden againe into the Spanish
ships, the Erie of Cumberland sayled againe by that
Island : so that it appeared that God would not let them
have it, for if they had once had sight thereof, without
doubt it had bene theirs, as the Spaniards themselves
confessed.
In the moneth of November there arrived in Tercera
two great shippes, which were the Admirall and Vice-
admirall of the Fleete laden with silver, who with stormie
weather were separated from the Fleete, and had beene
in great torment and distresse, and readie to sinke : for
they were forced to use all their Pumps : so that they
wished a thousand times to have met with the Englishmen
to whom they would willingly have given their silver and
all that ever they brought with them, onely to save their
lives. And although the Erie of Cumberland lay still
I. ii. 181.] about those Islands, yet they met not with him, so that
after much paine and labour they got into the Road before
Angra, where with all speede they unladed and discharged
above five millions of silver, all in pieces of 8 or 10
pound great : so that the whole Kay lay covered with
plates and chests of silver, full of Ryales of eight, most
wonderfull to behold, (each million being ten hundred
thousand duckats,) besides pearles, gold, and other stones,
which were not registred. The Admirall and chiefe
commaunder of those ships and Fleete called Alvaro
68
LINSCHOTEN'S LARGE TESTIMONY a.d.
1589-91.
Flores de Quiniones was sicke of the Neapolitan disease,
and was brought to land, whereof not long after he died
in Sivillia. He brought with him the Kings broad seale
and full authoritie to be Generall and chiefe commaunder
upon the Seas, and of all Fleetes or ships, and of all
places and Islands, or lands wheresoever he came : where-
upon the governour of Tercera did him great honour, and
betweene them it was concluded, perceiving the weaknesse
of their ships, and the danger of the Englishmen, that
they would send the shippes emptie with souldiers to
convey them, either to Sivill or Lisbon, where they could
first arrive, with advise unto his Majestie of all that
had past, and that he would give order to fetch the
silver with good and safe convoy. Whereupon the said
Alvaro Flores stayed there, under colour of keeping the
silver, but specially because of his disease, and for that
they were afFraide of the Englishmen. This Alvaro
Flores had alone for his owne part above 50000 Duckats
in pearles which he shewed unto us, & sought to sell
them or barter them with us for spices or bils of ex-
change. The said two ships set sayle with 3 or 4 hundred
men, as well souldiers as others that came with them
out of India, and being at sea had a storme, wherewith
the Admiral burst and sunke in the sea, & not one
man saved. The Vice-Admirall cut downe her mast,
and ranne the ship on ground hard by Setuval, where it
burst in pieces, some of the men saving themselves by
swimming, that brought the newes, but the rest were
drowned.
In the same moneth there came two great ships out
of the Spanish Indies, and being within half a mile of
the Road of Tercera, they met with an English ship,
which, after they had fought long together, tooke them
both. About 7 or 8 moneths before, there had beene
an English shippe in Tercera, that under the name of
a Frenchman came to traffike in the Island, there to lade
woad, and being discovered was both ship and goods
confiscated to the kings use, and all the men kept
69
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589-91.
prisoners : yet went they up and downe the streetes to
get their livings, by labouring like slaves, being in deede
as safe in that Island, as if they had beene in prison.
But in the ende upon a Sunday, all the Saylers went
downe behinde the hils called Bresil : where they found
a Fisher-boat, whereinto they got and rowed into the
sea to the Erie of Cumberlands shippes, which to their
great fortune chanced at that time to come by the
Island, and ankered with his ships about halfe a mile
from the Road of Angra, hard by two small Islands,
which lie about a bases shot from the Island and are
full of Goats, Deere and Sheepe, belonging to the in-
habitants of the Island of Tercera. Those Saylers knew
it well, and thereupon they rowed unto them with their
boates, and lying at anker that day, they fetched as many
Goates and sheepe as they had neede of: which those
of the towne and of the Island well saw and behelde,
yet durst not once goe foorth : so there remained no
more on land but the Master and the Marchant of the
said English ship. This Master had a brother in lawe
dwelling in England, who having newes of his brothers
imprisonment in Tercera, got licence of the Queene of
England to set forth a ship, therewith to see if he could
recover his losses of the Spaniards by taking some of
them, and so to redeeme his brother that lay prisoner
in Tercera, and he it was that tooke the two Spanish
ships before the Towne, the Master of the ship aforesaid
standing on the shore by me, and looking upon them,
for he was my great acquaintance. The ships being
taken that were worth 300 thousand duckats, he sent al
the men on land saving onely two of the principall
Gentlemen, which he kept aboord thereby to ransome
his brother : and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian
ships that were taken, with a letter to the Governor of
Tercera : wherein he wrote that he should deliver him
his brother, & he would send the 2 Gentlemen on land :
if not, he would saile with them into England, as indeed
he did, because the Governour would not doe it, saying
70
LINSCHOTEN'S LARGE TESTIMONY a.d,
1589-91.
that the Gentlemen might make that suite to the king
of Spaine himselfe. This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper
with us, and the Englishmen likewise, where he shewed
us all the manner of their fight, much commending the
order and maner of the Englishmens fighting, as also their
courteous using of him : but in the end the English
Pilot likewise stole away in a French ship, without paying
any ransome as yet.
In the moneth of Januarie 1590 there arrived one ship
alone in Tercera, that came from the Spanish Indies,
and brought newes that there was a Fleete of a hundred
shippes which put out from the Firme land of the
Spanish Indies, and by a storme were driven upon the
coast called Florida, where they were all cast away, she
having onely escaped, wherin there were great riches,
& many men lost, as it may well be thought : so that
they made their account, that of 220 ships that for cer-
taine were knowen to have put out of Nova Spagna,
S. Domingo, Havana, Capo verde, Brasilia, Guinea, &c. [II. ii. 182.]
in the yeere 1589. to saile for Spaine & Portugall,
there were not above 14 or 15 of them arrived there
in safetie, all the rest being either drowned, burst or
taken.
In the same moneth of January there arrived in Ter-
cera 15 or 16 ships that came from Sivil, which were
most Flieboats of the Low countries, and some Britons
that were arrested in Spaine : these came full of souldiers,
and wel appointed with munition, to lade the silver that
lay in Tercera, and to fetch Alvares de Flores by the
kings commandement into Spaine. And because that
time of the yeere there are alwayes stormes about those
Hands, therefore they durst not enter into the road of
Tercera, for that as then it blew so great a storme that
some of their ships that had ankred were forced to cut
downe their mastes, and were in danger to be lost : and
among the rest a ship of Biscaie ran against the land
and was striken in pieces, but all the men saved them-
selves. The other ships were forced to keepe the sea
71
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589-91.
and seperate themselves one from the other, where wind
and weather would drive them untill the 15 of March
for that in all that time they could not have one day of
faire weather to anker in, whereby they endured much
miserie, cursing both the silver and the Hand. This storme
being past, they chanced to meet with a small English
ship of about 40 tunnes in bignesse, which by reason
of the great wind could not beare all her sailes : so
they set upon her and tooke her, and with the English
flag in their Admirals sterne, they came as proudly into
the haven as if they had conquered all the realme of
England : but as the Admiral! that bare the English
flag upon her sterne was entring into the road, there
came by chance two English ships by the Hand that
paied her so well for her paines, that they were forced
to cry Misericordia, and without all doubt had taken
her, if she had bene but a mile further in the sea :
but because she got under the Fortresse, which also
began to shoot at the Englishmen, they were forced
to leave her, and to put further into the sea, having
slaine five or sixe of the Spaniards. The Englishmen
that were taken in the small shippe were put under
hatches, and coupled in bolts, and after they had bene
prisoners 3 or 4 dayes, there was a Spanish Ensigne-
bearer in the ship that had a brother slaine in the Fleet
that came for England, who as then minding to revenge
his death, and withall to shew his manhood on the
English captives that were in the English ship, which
they had taken, as is aforesayd, tooke a poiniard in his
hand and went downe under the hatches, where finding
the poore Englishmen sitting in boltes, with the same
poiniard he stabbed sixe of them to the heart : which
two others of them perceiving, clasped each other about
the middle, because they would not be murthered by
him, & threw themselves into the sea and there were
drowned. This acte was of all the Spaniards much
disliked and very ill taken, so that they caried the
Spaniard prisoner unto Lisbon, where being arrived, the
72
LINSCHOTEN'S LARGE TESTIMONY a.d.
1589-91.
king of Spaine willed he should be sent into England,
that the Queene of England might use him as she
thought good : which sentence his friends by intreatie
got to be reversed, notwithstanding he commanded he
should without all favour be beheaded : but upon a good
Friday the Cardinall going to masse, all the captaines
and Commanders made so great intreaty for him, that
in the end they got his pardon. This I thought good
to note, that men might understand the bloody & dis-
honest minds of the Spaniards when they have men
under their subjection.
The same two English ships which folowed the
Spanish Admirall till he had got the Fort of Tercera,
as I sayd before, put into the sea, where they met with
another Spanish ship being of the same Fleet, that had
likewise bene scattred by the storme and was onely
missing, for the rest lay in the road. This small ship
the Englishmen tooke, and sent all the men on shore,
not hurting any of them : but if they had knowen what
had bene done unto the foresayd English captives, I
beleeve they would soone have revenged themselves, as
afterward many an innocent soule paied for it. This
ship thus taken by the Englishmen, was the same that
was taken and confiscated in the Hand of Tercera by
the Englishmen that got out of the Hand in a fisher
boat (as I said before) and was sold unto the Spaniards
that as then came from the Indies, wherewith they
sayled to S. Lucar, where it was also arrested by the
duke, and appointed to go in company to fetch the
silver in Tercera, because it was a ship that sailed well,
but among the Spaniards Fleet it was the meanest of
the company. By this means it was taken from the
Spaniards and caried into England, and the owners had it
againe when they least thought of it.
The 19 of March the aforesayd ships being 19 in
number, set saile, having laden the kings silver, and
received in Alvaro Flores de Quiniones, with his com-
pany and good provision of necessaries, munition and
73
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1589-91.
souldiers that were fully resolved (as they made shew) to
fight valiantly to the last man before they would yeeld
or lose their riches : and although they set their course
for S. Lucar, the wind drave them unto Lisbon, which
(as it seemed) was willing by his force to helpe them,
and to bring them thither in safetie, although Alvaro de
Flores, both against the wind and weather would per-
force have sailed to Saint Lucar, but being constrained
by the wind and importunitie of the sailers that protested
they would require their losses and damages of him, he
[II. ii. 183.] was content to saile to Lisbon: from whence the silver
was by land caried unto Sivil. At Cape S. Vincent there
lay a Fleet of 20 English ships to watch for the Armada,
so that if they had put into S. Lucar, they had fallen right
into their hands, which if the wind had served they had
done. And therefore they may say that the wind hath
lent them a happy voiage : for if the Englishmen had
met with them, they had surely bene in great danger, and
possibly but few of them had escaped, by reason of the
feare wherewith they were possessed, because fortune or
rather God was wholy against them : which is a sufficient
cause to make the Spaniards out of heart, & to the
contrary to give the Englishmen more courage, and to
make them bolder for that they are victorious, stout and
valiant : and seeing all their enterprises do take so good
effect, that thereby they are become lords and masters
of the sea, and need care for no man, as it wel appeareth
by this briefe discourse.
The 7 of August 1590. a navie of English ships was
seen before Tercera, being 20 in number, and 5 of them
the Queenes ships : their Generall was one Martin
Frobisher, as we after had intelligence. They came
purposely to watch for the Fleet of the Spanish Indies,
and for the Indian ships, and the ships of the countreys
in the West : which put the Ilanders in great feare,
specially those of Fayal, for that the Englishmen sent a
trumpet to the Governour to aske certaine wine, flesh,
and other victuals for their money and good friendship.
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LINSCHOTEN'S LARGE TESTIMONY a.d.
1589-91.
They of Fayal did not onely refuse to give eare unto
them, but with a shot killed their messenger or trum-
peter : which the Englishmen tooke in evill part, sending
them word that they were best to looke to themselves
and stand upon their guard, for they ment to come and
visite them whether they would or no. The Governour
made them answere, that he was there in the behalfe of
his majestie of Spaine, and that he would doe his best
to keepe them out, as he was bound : but nothing was
done, although they of Fayal were in no litle feare,
sending to Tercera for aide, from whence they had
certaine barkes with pouder and munition for warre, with
some bisket and other necessary provision.
The 30 of August we received very certaine newes
out of Portugal, that there were 80 ships put out of
the Groine laden with victuals, munition, money and
souldiours, to goe for Britaine to aide the Catholiques
and Leaguers of France against the king of Navarre. At
the same time two Netherland hulkes comming out of
Portugall to Tercera being halfe the Seas over, met with
4 of the Queenes ships, their Generall being sir John
Hawkins, that staied them, but let them go againe
without doing them any harme. The Netherlanders
reported, that each of the Queenes ships had 80 pieces
of Ordinance, and that captaine Drake lay with 40 ships
in the English chanell watching for the armie of the
Groine : and likewise that there lay at the Cape S.
Vincent ten other English ships, that if any ships escaped
from the Hands, they might take them. These tidings
put the Ilanders in great feare, least if they failed of the
Spanish fleete and got nothing by them, that then they
would fall upon the Hands, because they would not
returne emptie home, whereupon they held streit watch,
sending advise unto the king what newes they heard.
The first of September there came to the Hand of S.
Michael a Portugall ship out of the haven of Phernam-
buck in Brasile, which brought newes that the Admirall
of the Portugall Fleet that came from India, having
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missed the Hand of S. Helena, was of necessitie con-
strained to put into Phernambuck, although the king had
expresly under a great penaltie forbidden him so to doe,
because of the wormes that there doe spoile the ships.
The same shippe wherein Bernardin Ribero was Admirall
the yeere before 1589. sailed out of Lisbon into the
Indies, with 5 ships in her company, whereof but 4 got
into India, the 5 was never heard of, so that it was
thought to be cast away : the other foure returned safe
againe into Portugall, though the Admiral was much
spoiled, because he met with two English ships that
fought long with him, and slew many of his men, but
yet he escaped from them.
The 5 of the same moneth there arrived in Tercera a
caravel of the Hand of Corvo, & brought with her 50
men that had bin spoiled by the Englishmen who had set
them on shore in the Hand of Corvo, being taken out of
a ship that came from the Spanish Indies, they brought
tidings that the Englishmen had taken 4 more of the
Indian ships, & a caravel with the king of Spaines letters
of advise for the ships comming out of the Portugal
Indies, & that with those which they had taken, they
were at the least 40 English ships together, so y' not one
bark escaped them, but fel into their hands, & that
therefore the Portugall ships comming out of India durst
not put into the Hands, but tooke their course under
40 & 42 degrees, and from thence sailed to Lisbon,
shunning likewise the cape S. Vincent, otherwise they
could not have had a prosperous journey of it, for that as
then the sea was ful of English ships. Whereupon the
king advised the fleet lying in Havana in ye Spanish
Indies ready to come for Spaine, that they should stay
there all that yeere till the next yeere, because of the
great danger they might fal into by ye Englishmen,
which was no smal charge, & hinderance to the fleet, for
that the ships that lie there do consume themselves, and
in a maner eat up one another, by reason of the great
number of people, together with the scarcitie of al things,
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so that many ships chose rather one by one to adventure [II. ii. 184.]
themselves alone to get home, then to stay there : all
which fell into the Englishmens hands, wherof divers of Great havock
the men were brought into Tercera, for that a whole ^ *ai
day we could see nothing els, but spoiled men set on
shore, some out of one ship, some out of another, that
pitie it was to see all of them cursing the Englishmen &
their owne fortunes, with those that had bene the causes
to provoke the Englishmen to fight, and complaining
of the small remedie and order taken therein by the
king of Spaines officers.
The 19 of the same moneth there came to Tercera a
Caravel of Lisbon, with one of the kings officers,
to cause the goods that were saved out of the ship
which came from Malacca (for ye which we staied
there) to be laden and sent to Lisbon. And at the same
time there put out of the Groine one Don Alonso de
Bacan, with 40 great ships of warre to come unto the
Hands, there to watch for the fleet of the Spanish &
Portugall Indies, and the goods of the Malacca ship
being laden, they were to convoy them all together into
the river of Lisbon : but being certaine daies at sea,
alwaies having a contrary wind, they could not get unto
the Hands, onely two of them that were scattred from the
fleet, arrived at Tercera, and not finding the fleet, they
presently returned to seeke them : in the meane time the
king changed his mind, & caused the fleet to stay in
India, as I said before : and therefore hee sent worde
unto Don Alonso de Bassan, that hee should returne
againe to the Groine, which he presently did (without
doing any thing, nor once approching neer the Hands,
saving onely the two foresayd ships, for he well knew
that the Englishmen lay by the Hand of Corvo, but he
would not visit them : and so he returned to the haven
the Groine, whereby our goods that came from Malacca
were yet to ship, and trussed up againe, and forced to
stay a more fortunate time with patience perforce.
The 23 of October there arrived in Tercera a Caravel
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with advise out of Portugall, that of 5 ships which in
the yere 1590 were laden in Lisbon for the Indies, 4 of
them were turned againe to Portin. After they had
bene 4 moneths abroad, & that the Admirall, wherein
the Viceroy called Mathias dAlbukerk sailed, had onely
gotten to India, as afterward newes thereof was brought
over-land, having bin at the least 1 1 moneths at sea &
never saw land, and came in great misery to Malacca.
In this ship there died by the way 280 men, according to
a note by himselfe made, and sent to the Cardinal at
Lisbon, with the names & surnames of every man,
together with a description of his voiage, & the misery
they had endured, which was onely done, because he
would not lose the government of India : and for that
cause he had sworne either to lose his life, or to arrive
in India, as in deed he did afterwards, but to the great
danger, losse and hinderance of his companie, that were
forced to buy it with their lives, & onely for want of
provision, as it may wel be thought : for he knew full
well that if he had returned backe againe into Portugal as
the other ships did, he should have bin cassiered from
his Indian regiment, because the people began already to
murmure at him for his proud & lofty mind. And
among other things that shewed his pride the more,
behind above the gallery of his ship he caused Fortune
to be painted, & his own picture w1 a staffe standing by
her, as it were threatning Fortune, with this posie, Quero
que vencas, that is, I wil have thee to overcome : which
being read by the Cardinal & other gentlemen (that to
honor him brought him aboord his ship) it was thought
to be a point of exceeding folly : but it is no strange
matter among the Portugals : for they above all others
must of force let the foole peepe out of their sleeves,
specially when they are in authoritie, for that I knew the
said Mathias dAlbukerk in India, being a souldier and a
captaine, where he was esteemed and accounted for one
of the best of them, & much honoured, and beloved of
all men, as behaving himselfe curteously to every man,
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whereby they all desired that he might be Viceroy. But
when he once had received his patent with full power &
authoritie from the king to be Viceroy, he changed so
much from his former behavior, that by reason of his
pride, they all began to feare and curse him, and that
before hee departed out of Lisbon, as it is often seene
in many men that are advanced unto state and dignitie.
The 20 of Januarie 1591. there was newes brought out
of Portugall into Tercera, that the Englishmen had taken
a ship that the king had sent into the Portugal-Indies,
wl advise to the Viceroy for the returning againe of the
4 ships that should have gone to India, & because the
ships were come backe againe, that ship was stuffed and
laded as full of goods as possible it might be, having like-
wise in ready money 500 thousand duckets in roials of
8, besides other wares. It departed from Lisbon in the
moneth of November 1590. & met with the Englishmen,
with whom for a time it fought, but in the end it was
taken and caried into England with men & all, yet
when they came there, the men were set at libertie, and
returned into Lisbon, where the captaine was committed
prisoner ; but he excused himselfe and was released, with
whom I spake my selfe, & he made this report unto me.
At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from
the Mine laden with gold, & 2 ships laden with pepper
& spices that were to saile into Italy, the pepper onely
that was in them, being worth 1 70 thousand duckets : all
these ships were caried into England, & made good
prise.
In the moneth of July 1 59 1 . there hapned an earth- [II. ii. 185.]
quake in the Hand of S. Michael, which continued from
the 26 of July, to the 12 of August, in which time no
man durst stay within his house but fled into the fields,
fasting & praying with great sorow, for that many of
their houses fel down, and a towne called Villa Franca,
was almost cleane razed to the ground, all the cloisters
& houses shaken to the earth, and therein some people
slaine. The land in some places rose up, and the cliffs
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a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
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remooved from one place to another, and some hils were
defaced and made even with the ground. The earth-
quake was so strong, that the ships which lay in the
road and on the sea, shaked as if the world would have
turned round : there sprang also a fountaine out of the
earth, from whence for the space of 4 daies, there flowed
a most cleare water, & after that it ceased. At the same
time they heard such thunder & noise under the earth, as
if all the devils in hell had bin assembled together in that
place, wherewith many died for feare. The Hand of
Tercera shooke 4 times together, so that it seemed to
turne about, but there hapned no misfortune unto it.
Earthquakes are common in those Hands, for about 20
yeres past there hapned another earthquake, wherein
a high hill that lieth by the same towne of Villa
Franca, fell halfe downe, & covered all the towne with
earth, and killed many men. The 25 of August the
kings Armada comming out of Ferol arrived in Tercera
being in all 30 ships, Biskaines, Portugals and Spaniards,
and 10 dutch flieboats that were arrested in Lisbon to
serve the king, besides other small ships & pataxos, that
came to serve as messengers from place to place, and to
discover the seas. This navie came to stay for, and con-
voy the ships that should come from the Spanish Indies,
and the flieboats were appointed in their returne home,
to take in the goods that were saved in the lost ship that
came from Malacca, and to convoy them to Lisbon.
The 13 of September the said Armada arrived at the
Hand of Corvo, where the Englishmen with about 16
ships as then lay, staying for the Spanish fleet, whereof
some or the most part were come, and there the English
were in good hope to have taken them. But when they
perceived the kings army to be strong, the Admiral being
the lord Thomas Howard, commanded his Fleet not to
fal upon them, nor any of them once to separate their
ships from him, unlesse he gave commission so to do :
notwithstanding the viceadmirall sir Richard Greenvil
being in the ship called the Revenge, went into the
80
LINSCHOTEN'S LARGE TESTIMONY a.d.
1589-91.
Spanish fleet, and shot among them doing them great
hurt, & thinking the rest of the company would have
folowed, which they did not, but left him there, & sailed
away : the cause why could not be knowen. Which the
Spaniards perceiving, with 7 or 8 ships they boorded her,
but she withstood them all, fighting with them at the
least 12 houres together and sunke two of them, one
being a new double Flieboat of 600 tunnes, and Admiral
of the Flieboats, the other a Biscain : but in the end by
reason of the number that came upon her, she was taken,
but to their great losse : for they had lost in fighting and
by drowning above 400 men, and of the English were
slaine about 100, Sir Richard Greenvil himselfe being
wounded in his braine, whereof afterwards he died. He
was caried into the ship called S. Paul, wherein was the
Admirall of the fleet Don Alonso de Bacan : there his
wounds were drest by the Spanish surgeons, but Don
Alonso himselfe would neither see him nor speake with
him : all the rest of the captaines and gentlemen went to
visite him, and to comfort him in his hard fortune, won-
dering at his courage and stout heart, for y4 he shewed
not any signe of faintnes nor changing of colour; but
feeling the houre of death to approch, he spake these
words in Spanish, and said : Here die I Richard Greenvil
with a joyful & quiet mind, for that I have ended my
life as a true souldier ought to do, that hath fought for
his countrey, Queene, religion and honor, whereby my
soule most joyfull departeth out of this body, & shal
alwayes leave behind it an everlasting fame of a valiant
& true souldier that hath done his dutie as he was bound
to doe. When he had finished these or such other like
words, he gave up the Ghost, with great & stout courage,
& no man could perceive any true signe of heavines in
him.
This sir Rich. Greenvil was a great and a rich gentle-
man in England, & had great yeerely revenues of his
owne inheritance, but he was a man very unquiet in
his mind, and greatly affected to war ; insomuch as of
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his owne private motion he offred his service to the
Queene : he had performed many valiant acts, and was
greatly feared in these Hands, and knowen of every man,
but of nature very severe, so that his owne people hated
him for his fiercenesse, & spake very hardly of him : for
when they first entred into the fleet or Armada, they
had their great saile in a readinesse, and might possibly
enough have sailed away, for it was one of the best ships
for saile in England, and the master perceiving that the
other ships had left them, & folowed not after, com-
manded the great saile to be cut that they might make
away : but sir Rich. Greenvil threatned both him & al the
rest that were in the ship, yl if any man laid hand upon
it, he would cause him to be hanged, and so by that
occasion they were compelled to fight & in the end were
taken. He was of so hard a complexion, that as he con-
tinued among the Spanish captains while they were at
dinner or supper with him, he would carouse 3 or 4
glasses of wine, and in a braverie take the glasses be-
[II. ii. 186.] tweene his teeth and crash them in pieces & swalow
them downe, so that oftentimes the blood ran out of
his mouth without any harme at all unto him : & this
was told me by divers credible persons that many times
stood and beheld him. The Englishmen that were left
in the ship, as the captaine of the souldiers, the master
and others were dispersed into divers of the Spanish ships
that had taken them, where there had almost a new
fight arisen between the Biscains and the Portugals :
while each of them would have the honour to have
first boorded her, so that there grew a great noise and
quarel among them, one taking the chiefe ensigne, and
the other the flag, and the captaine and every one held his
owne. The ships that had boorded her were altogether
out of order, and broken, and many of their men hurt,
whereby they were compelled to come into the Island of
Tercera, there to repaire themselves : where being arrived,
I and my chamber-felow, to heare some newes, went
aboord one of the ships being a great Biscain, and one of
LINSCHOTEN'S LARGE TESTIMONY a.d.
1589.91.
the 12 Apostles, whose captaine was called Bartandono,
that had bin General of the Biscains in the fleet that went
for England. He seeing us called us up into the gallery,
where with great curtesie he received us, being as then
set at dinner with the English captaine that sate by him,
and had on a sute of blacke velvet, but he could not
tell us any thing, for that he could speake no other
language but English and Latine, which Bartandono also
could a litle speake. The English captaine got licence
of the governour that he might come on land with his
weapon by his side, and was in our lodging with the
Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Hand, being of
that ship whereof the sailers got away, as I said before.
The governour of Tercera bade him to dinner, and
shewed him great curtesie. The master likewise with
licence of Bartandono came on land and was in our
lodging, and had at the least 10 or 12 wounds, as well
in his head as on his body, whereof after that being at #
sea between Lisbon & the Hands he died. The captaine
wrote a letter, wherein he declared all the maner of the
fight, and left it with the English marchant that lay in
our lodging, to send it to the lord Admiral of England.
This English captaine comming unto Lisbon, was there
wel received and not any hurt done unto him, but with
good convoy sent to Setuval, and from thence sailed into
England with all the rest of the Englishmen that were
taken prisoners.
The Spanish armie staied at the Hand of Corvo til
the last of September, to assemble the rest of the fleet
together, which in the ende were to the number of 140
sailes of ships partly comming from India, and partly of
the army, and being altogether ready to saile to Tercera
in good company, there suddenly rose so hard & cruell
a storme, that those of the Hands did affirme, that in
mans memorie there was never any such seen or heard
off before : for it seemed the sea would have swalowed
up the Hands, the water mounting higher then the cliffs,
which are so high that it amaseth a man to behold them :
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but the sea reached above them, and living fishes were
throwen upon the land. This storme continued not only
a day or two with one wind, but 7 or 8 dayes continually,
the wind turning round about in al places of the com-
passe, at the lest twise or thrise during that time, and all
alike, with a continuall storme and tempest most terrible
to behold, even to us that were on shore, much more
then to such as were at sea : so that onely on the coasts
and clifFes of the Hand of Tercera, there were above 12
ships cast away, and not onely upon the one side, but
round about it in every corner, wherby nothing els was
heard but complaining, crying, lamenting & telling, here
is a ship broken in pieces against the clifFes, and there
another, and all the men drowned : so that for the space
of 20 dayes after the storme, they did nothing els but
fish for dead men that continually came driving on the
The wracke of shore. Among the rest was the English ship called the
the Revenge. Revenge, that was cast away upon a clifFe neere to the
Hand of Tercera, where it brake in an hundred pieces &
sunke to the ground, having in her 70 men Galegos,
Biscains, and others, with some of the captive English-
men, whereof but one was saved that got up upon the
clifFes alive, and had his body and head all wounded, and
he being on shore brought us the newes desiring to be
shriven, & thereupon presently died. The Revenge had
in her divers faire brasse pieces that were all sunke in ye
sea, which they of the Hand were in good hope to waigh
up againe the next Sommer after. Among these ships
that were cast away about Tercera, was likewise a Flie-
boat, one of those that had bin arrested in Portugall to
serve the king, called the white Dove, the master of her
was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland,
and there were in her 100 souldiers, as in every one of
the rest there were. He being over-ruled by the captaine
that he could not be master of his owne, sayling here and
there at the mercy of God, as the storme drove him, in
the end came within the sight of the Hand of Tercera,
which the Spaniards perceiving thought all their safetie
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LINSCHOTEN'S LARGE TESTIMONY a.d.
1589-91.
onely to consist in putting into the road, compelling the
Master and the Pilot to make towards the Hand, although
the master refused to doe it, saying, that they were most
sure there to be cast away and utterly spoyled : but the
captaine called him drunkard and Heretique, and striking
him with a staffe, commaunded him to doe as hee would
have him. The Master seeing this and being compelled
to doe it, sayd : well then my Masters, seeing it is the
desire of you all to bee cast away, I can but lose one life, [II. ii. 187.]
and therewith desperately he sailed towards the shore, and
was on that side of the Hand, where there was nothing
els but hard stones and rocks, as high as mountaines,
most terrible to beholde, where some of the inhabitants
stood with long ropes and corke bound at the end thereof,
to throw them downe unto the men, that they might lay
holde upon them, and save their lives : but few of them
got so neere, most of them being cast away, and smitten
in pieces before they could get to the wall. The ship
sailing in this maner (as I sayd before) towards the Hand,
and approching to the shore, the master being an olde
man, and full of yeeres, called his sonne that was in the
ship with him, and having imbraced one another, and
taken their last farewell, the good olde father willed his
sonne not to take care for him, but seeke to save him-
selfe ; for (sayd he) sonne thou art yong, & mayest have
some hope to save thy life, but as for me it is no great
matter (I am olde) what become of me, and therewith
ech of these shedding many teares, as every loving father
and kinde childe may well consider, the ship fell upon
the cliffes, and brake in pieces, the father on the one side,
the sonne on the other side falling into the sea, ech laying
holde upon that which came next to hand, but to no
purpose ; for the sea was so high and furious, that they
were all drowned, and onely foureteene or fifteene saved
themselves by swimming, with their legs and armes halfe
broken and out of joynt, among which was the Masters
sonne, and foure other Dutch boyes : the rest of the
Spaniards and Sailers, with the Captaine and Master, were
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drowned. Whose heart would not melt with teares to
beholde so grievous a sight, specially considering with
himselfe that the greatest cause thereof was the beastlines
and insolency of the Spaniards, as in this onely example
may well be seene ? Whereby may be considered how
the other shippes sped, as we our selves did in part
beholde, and by the men that were saved did heare more
at large, as also some others of our countreymen that
as then were in the like danger can well witnesse.
On the other Hands the losse was no lesse then in
Tercera : for on the Hand of Saint George there were
two ships cast away : on the Hand of Pico two ships : on
the Hand of Gratiosa three ships : and besides those there
came every where round about divers pieces of broken
ships, and other things fleeting towards the Hands, where-
with the sea was all covered most pitifull to beholde.
On the Hand of S. Michael there were foure ships cast
away, and betweene Tercera and S. Michael three more
were sunke, which were seene and heard to cry out ;
whereof not one man was saved. The rest put into the
sea without masts, all torne and rent: so that of the
Above 100 whole fleet and armada, being 140 ships in all, there were
Spanish and |=)ut ^2 or ^ arrived in Spaine and Portugall, yea, and
shipsdrowned. tnose ^ew w^tn so great misery, paine and labour, that
not two of them arrived there together, but this day one,
and to morrow another, next day the third, and so one
after the other to the number aforesayd. All the rest
were cast away upon the Hands, and overwhelmed in the
Sea, whereby may be considered what great losse and
hindrance they received at that time : for by many mens
judgements it was esteemed to be much more then was
lost by their army that came for England ; and it may
well be thought, and presumed, that it was no other but
a just plague purposely sent by God upon the Spaniards,
and that it might truely be sayd, the taking of the
Revenge was justly revenged upon them, and not by the
might or force of man, but by the power of God, as
some of them openly sayd in the He of Tercera, that they
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LINSCHOTEN'S LARGE TESTIMONY ad.
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beleeved verily God would consume them, and that he
tooke part with the Lutherans and heretiks : saying
further that so soone as they had throwen the dead body
of the Viceadmirall Sir Richard Greenfield over-boord,
they verily thought that as he had a divellish faith and
religion, and therefore the divels loved him, so he
presently sunke into the bottome of the sea, and downe
into hell, where he raised up all the divels to the revenge
of his death : and that they brought so great stormes and
torments upon the Spaniards, because they onely main-
tained the Catholike & Romish religion. Such and the
like blasphemies against God, they ceased not openly to
utter, without being reprooved of any man therein, nor
for their false opinions : but the most part of them rather
sayd and affirmed, that of trueth it must needs be so.
As one of those Indian fleets put out of Nova Spagna,
there were 35 of them by storme and tempest cast away
and drowned in the Sea, being 50 in all ; so that but 1 5
escaped. Of the fleet that came from Santo Domingo
there were 14 cast away, comming out of the chanell of
Havana, whereof the Admirall and Viceadmirall were two
of them : and from Terra Firma in India there came
two ships laden with golde and silver, that were taken by
the Englishmen : and before the Spanish army came to
Corvo, the Englishmen at times had taken at the least
20 ships, that came from S. Domingo, India, Brasilia,
&rc. and were all sent into England.
[A relation
87
A.D.
1591
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Commodities
fit for Arguin
[II. ii. 188.] A relation sent by Melchior Petoney to Nigil
de Moura at Lisbon, from the Hand and
Castle of Arguin, standing a little to the
Southward of Cape Blanco, in the Northerly
latitude of 19 degrees, concerning the rich
and secret trade from the inland of Africa
thither: Anno 1 59 1 .
S concerning the trade to this Castle and
Hand of Arguin, your worship is to
understand, that if it would please the
kings majesty to send hither two or
three caravels once in a yeere with
Flanders and Spanish commodities, as
Bracelets of glasse, Knives, Belles,
Linnen-cloth, Looking-glasses, with other kinds of small
wares, his highnesse might do great good here. For
50 leagues up into the land the Moores have many
exceeding rich golde mines ; insomuch that they bring
downe their golde to this Castle to traffique with us :
and for a small trifle they will give us a great wedge
of gold. And because here is no trade, the sayd
Moores cary their golde to Fez being 250 leagues distant
from hence, and there doe exchange the same for the
foresayd kindes of commodities. By this meanes also his
majesty might stop that passage, and keepe the king
of Fez from so huge a masse of golde. Scarlet-clothes,
and fine Purples are greatly accepted of in these parts.
It is a most fertile countrey within the land, and yeeldeth
great store of Wheat, flesh of all kindes, and abundance
of fruits. Therefore, if it were possible, you should do
well to deale with his majesty, either himselfe to send a
couple of caravels, or to give your worship leave to
traffique here : for here is a very good harbour where
ships may ride at ancre hard by the Castle. The
countrey where all the golde-mines are is called The
kingdome of Darha. In this kingdome are great store
88
Wedges of
golde given for
small trifles.
Scarlet & fine
Purple cloth
greatly
accepted.
A good harbor
before the
Castle of
Arguin.
THE RICH TRADE FROM AFRICA a.d.
1591.
of cities and townes ; and in every city and towne a
Captaine with certaine souldiers ; which Captaines are
lords and owners of the sayd townes. One city there is Concerning
called Couton, another Xanigeton, as also the cities of f^ffj™
Tubguer, Azegue, Amader, Quaherque, and the towne Africanm a
of Faroo. The which townes and cities are very great little after the
and fairely built, being inhabited by rich Moores, and be&nningof
abounding with all kinde of cattell, Barley and Dates. hts 6 booke'
And here is such plenty of golde found upon the sands
by the rivers side, that the sayd Moores usually carry the
same Northward to Marocco, and Southward to the city
of Tombuto in the land of Negros, which city standeth
about 300 leagues from the kingdome of Darha ; and this
kingdome is but 60 leagues from this Hand and Castle
of Arguin. Wherefore 1 beseech your worship to put
his majesty in remembrance hereof; for the sayd cities
and townes are but ten dayes journey from hence. 1
heartily wish that his majesty would send two or three
marchants to see the state of the Countrey, who might
travell to the aforesayd cities, to understand of their rich
trade. For any man may go safe and come safe from
those places. And thus without troubling of your
worship any further, I humbly take my leave. From
the Hand and Castle of Arguin the 20 of January 1 591 .
Your worships servant
Melchior Petoney.
[The voyage
89
A.D.
1591.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
The voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas
Dassel to the rivers of Senega and Gambra
adjoyning upon Guinea, 1 59 1 , with a discourse
of the treasons of certain of Don Antonio
his servants and followers.
Y vertue of her Majesties most gracious
charter given in the yeere 1588, and in
the thirtieth yeere of her Highnesse
reigne, certaine English marchants are
granted to trade, in and from the river
of Senega to and in the river of Gambra,
on the Westerne coast of Africa. The
chiefest places of traffique on that coast betweene these
rivers, are these :
1 Senega river : The commodities be hides, gumme,
elephants teeth, a few graines, ostrich feathers, amber-
griece, and some golde.
2 Beseguiache, a towne by Capo Verde * leagues from
& Gambra. Senega river : The commodities be small hides, and a
few teeth.
3 Refisca Viejo, a towne 4 leagues from Beseguiache :
The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth now
and then.
4 Palmerin, a towne 2 leagues from Refisca : The
commodities be small hides, and a few elephants teeth
now and then.
5 Porto dAlly, a towne 5 leagues from Palmerin :
The commodities be small hides, teeth, amber-griece, and
a little golde : and many Portugals are there.
6 Candimal, a towne halfe a league from Porto d'Ally :
The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth now
and then.
7 Palmerin, a towne 3 leagues from Candimal : The
commodities be small hides, and a few teeth now and
then.
8 Joala, a towne 6 leagues from Palmerin : The
90
The names of
the chiefe
places of
traffike be-
tweene Senega
[II. ii. 189.]
RAINOLDS AND DASSEL ad
1591.
commodities be hides, waxe, elephants teeth, rice, and
some golde : and many Spaniards and Portugals are
there.
9 Gambra river : The commodities are rice, waxe,
hides, elephants teeth, and golde.
The Frenchmen of Diepe and New-haven have traded 0ur tra(ie
thither above thirty yeres : and commonly with foure or htth?r '*?&***
five ships a yere, whereof two small barks go into the
river of Senega. The other were woont (untill within
these foure yeres, that our ships came thither) to ride
with their ships in the road of Porto d'Ally and so sent
their small shaloups of sixe or eight tunnes to some
of these places on the Sea coast before repeated. Where
in all places generally they were well beloved and as
courteously entertained of the Negros, as if they had
bene naturally borne in the countrey. And very often
the Negros come into France and returne againe, which is
a further increasing of mutuall love and amity. Since
our comming to ijiat coast the Frenchmen ride with their
shippes at Refisca Viejo, and suffer us to ancre with
our shippes at Porto d'Ally. The Frenchmen never use
to go into the river of Gambra : which is a river of secret Gambia a
trade and riches concealed by the Portugals. For long ^^{^f
since one Frenchman entred the river with a small barke concealed.
which was betrayed, surprised, and taken by two gallies
of the Portugals.
In our second voyage and second yeere there were by Tfo second
vile trecherous meanes of the Portugals and the king CYW-
of the Negros consent in Porto dAlly and Joala about
forty Englishmen cruelly slaine and captived, and most Foriy EnS!isk
or all of their goods confiscated : whereof there returned men, iraitfr~
1 i-i 1 1 a t 1 1 ousb s'atne
onely two, which were the marchants. And also by pro- and captived,
curement of Pedro Gonsalves, one of Don Antonio the
kings servants, Thomas Dassel and others had bene
betrayed, if it had not pleased almighty God to reveale
the same, whereby it was prevented.
From the South side of Senega river on the Sea coast
unto about Palmerin is all one kingdome of Negros.
91
A.D.
Cape Verde.
Besegueache.
Besegueache.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
The kings name is Melick Zamba, who dwelleth two
dayes journey within the land from Refisca.
The 12 of November 1591, I Richard Rainolds &
Thomas Dassel factors in a ship called the Nightingale
of London of 125 tunnes, and a pinnesse called the
Messenger of 40 tunnes arrived neere unto Capo Verde
at a litle Hand called The Hand of liberty. At this Hand
we set up a small pinnesse, with which we cary our
marchandise on land when wee traffique. And in the
meane time Thomas Dassel went with the great pinnesse
to traffike with Spaniards or Portugals in Porto d'Ally
or Joala. Over against the sayd Hand on the maine
is an habitation of the Negros called Besegueache. The
alcaide or governor thereof with a great traine came
aboord in their canoas to receive the kings dueties for
ankerage and permitting the quiet setting up of our
pinnesse : who liked passing well that no Portugall came
in the shippe, saying, we should be better thought of
by the king and people, if we never did bring Portugall,
but come of our selves as the Frenchmen ever did and
doe. And to purchase the more love, I Richard Rainolds
gave him and all his company courteous entertainment.
Also upon his intreaty, having sufficient pledge aboord,
I and others went on land with him. At this instant
there was great warre betweene this alcaide and another
governor of the next province. Neverthelesse upon our
arrivall truce was taken for a space ; and I with our
company conducted among both enemies to the governors
house in Besegueache, and were gently and friendly
feasted after their maner, and with some presents returned
safe aboord againe. The next day the alcaide came
aboord againe, to wil me to send some yron and other
commodities in the boat to traffike with the Negros, and
also requested me that I would go to Refisca with the
ship ; which I did. And one thing I noted, that a
number of Negros attended the alcaides landing in war-
like maner with bowes and poisoned arrowes, darts
poisoned, and swords, (because that the enemies by
92
RAINOLDS AND DASSEL ad.
1591.
reason of the truce taken were there also to view the
ship) who for the most part approched to him kneeling
downe and kissed the backe of his hand.
The 1 7 of November we weyed anker ; and by reason
no French ship was yet come, I went to the road of
Refisca : where I sent for the alcaides interpretors, who
came thither aboord, and received of me the kings duties
for to have free traffike with the Negros, with whom
dayly I exchanged my yron & other wares for hides and
some elephants teeth, finding the people very friendly
and tractable. And the next day after our arrivall I
went up into the land about three miles to the towne
of Refisca, where I was friendly used and well entertained Refisca.
of the alcaide, and especially of a yoong nobleman called
Conde Amar Pattay, who presented me with an oxe
for my company, goats and some yoong kids, assuring
me that the king would be glad to heare of the arrivall
of a Christians ship, whom they called Blancos, that is, [II. ii. 190.]
white men : especially of an English ship. And so dayly
the yong Conde came with a small company of horsemen
to the sea side, feasting me very kindly and courteously.
And the fift of December he with his traine came aboord
to see the ship ; which to them seemed woonderfull, as
people that seldome had seene the like : who tolde me
that his messenger from the king was returned ; and the
king rejoyced much to heare that English men were come
with a ship to trade in his ports ; and being the first
Englishman that ever came with a ship, I was the better
welcome ; promising that I or any Englishman hereafter
should be wel intreated & find good dealing at their
hands. And further the Conde on the kings behalfe
and his owne, earnestly requested, that before my de-
parture off the coast I would returne againe to his road
to conferre with him for the better continuance and
confirming of amity betweene them and Englishmen :
which I agreed unto. And so shewing him and his
company the best friendship and courtesie I could, he
went on shore, and should have had the honor of our
93
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1591.
ordinance but that he desired the contrary, being amazed
at the sight of the ship and noise of the gunnes, which
they did greatly admire.
The 13 of December at night we weighed anker, and
Porto Dally, arrived the 14 day at the road of Porto d'Ally, which
is another kingdome : the king thereof is called Amar
Meleck, & sonne to Meleck Zamba the other king, and
dwelleth a dayes journey and an halfe from Porto d'Ally.
When we had ankered, the kings kinsmen being
governors, with all the officers of that towne came aboord
to receive all duties for the ship & licence to traffike
due to the king; who there generally seemed to be
very glad that no Portugall was come in our ship out
of England ; saying it was the kings pleasure we should
bring none hereafter ; for that the king did esteeme them
as people of no truth ; and complained of one Francisco
de Costa servant to Don Antonio, how he had often and
the last yere also abused and deluded their king Amar
Meleck in promising to bring him certaine things out
of England, which he never performed, and deemed that
to be the cause of his staying behinde this voyage, and
that neither Spaniard nor Portugall could abide us, but
reported very badly and gave out hard speeches tending
to the defamation & great dishonor of England : and
also affirmed that at the arrivall of an English ship called
TheComanda The Command, of Richard Kelley of Dartmouth, one
shiP0fRich- pedro Gonsalves a Portugall that came in the sayd ship
The monstrous fr°m Don Antonio reported unto them, that we were
lies of a Por- fled out of England and come away upon intent to rob
tugatt. and do great spoile upon this coast to the Negros and
Portugals, and that Thomas Dassel had murdered
Francisco de Acosta since our comming from England,
who was comming to their king in our ship with great
presents from Don Antonio, and desired that at our
arrivall stay might be made of our goods and our selves
in secret maner ; which they denied, not giving credit
to his report, having bene often abused by such frivolous
and slanderous speeches by that nation ; telling me their
94
RAINOLDS AND DASSEL a.d.
I591'
king was sory for the former murder and captivity of
our nation, and would never yeeld to the like, having
the Portugals and Spaniards in generall hatred ever since,
and conceiveth much better of our countrey, and us, then
these our enemies report of. For which I yeelded them
hearty thanks, assuring them they should finde great
difference betweene the loyalty of the one and disloyalty
of the other: and so payed their dueties : and for that Port Dally the
it was the chiefe place of trade, I shewed them how I chtefe Piace °f
. , r . . , . ' . . . trade.
was resolved to goe to their king with certaine presents
which we had brought out of England ; which we deter-
mined for the more honor and credit of our countrey,
and augmenting of their better affection toward us.
All this while Thomas Dassel was with our great
pinnesse at the towne of Joala, being in the kingdome of Joala.
king Jocoel Lamiockeric, traffiking with the Spaniards &
Portugals there. And the forenamed Pedro Gonsalves,
which came out of England, was there also with other
English marchants about the busines of Rich. Kelley ;
and as it should seeme, for that he could not obtaine
his mischievous pretended purpose against Thomas Dassel
and others at the towne of Porto d'Ally, where I Richard
Rainolds remained, he attempted with consent of other
Portugals which were made privy to his intent to betray
the sayd Thomas Dassel at this towne, & had with bribes
seduced the chiefe commanders and Negros to effect his
wicked & most villanous practise : which as God would,
was revealed to the sayd Thomas Dassel by Rich. Cape
an Englishman and servant to the forenamed Rich.
Kelley; to whom this sayd Pedro Gonsalves had dis-
closed his secret treachery, willing him with all expedition
to stand upon his guard. Whereupon Thomas Dassel
went aboord a small English barke called The Cherubin tneLherubtn
of Lime, and there one John Payva a Portugall and °{ ,me a
servant of Don Antonio declared, that if he & one Garcia
a Portugall of the sayd towne would have consented with
Pedro Gonsalves, the sayd Thomas Dassel had bene
betrayed long before. And upon this warning Thomas
95
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1591.
Dassel the next day having gotten three Portugals aboord,
advised for our better securities to send two on land, &
detained one with him called Villa nova, telling them that
if the next day by eight of the clocke, they would bring
[II. ii. 191.] Pedro Gonsalves aboord to him, he would release the
sayd Villa nova, which they did not. And Thomas
Dassel having intelligence that certaine Negros and
Portugals were ridden post over-land to Porto d'Ally
with intent to have Richard Rainolds and his company
stayd on land, being doubtfull what friendship soever
the unconstant Negros professed (by reason they be often
wavering being overcome with drinking wine) how they
would deale, to prevent the dangerous wiles that might be
effected in the road by Portugals, and for better strength,
the 24 of December he came with his pinnesse & Por-
tugall to ride in the road of Porto d'Ally, where our
great shippe the Nightingall was : who was no sooner
arrived but he had newes also from the shore from John
Baily Anthony Dassels servant, who was there with our
goods detained by the Portugals means, that above 20
Portugals and Spaniards were come from Joala by land,
and Pedro Gonsalves in their company, to take order for
the releasing of Villa nova. So having had conference
two or three dayes with the Commanders, the Negros,
some Spaniards, and some Portugals, in the end by due
examination of the matter the Negros seeing how vilely
Pedro Gonsalves had delt, he being in their power, sayd
he should suffer death or be tortured, for an example to
others. But we in recompense of his cruelty pitied him
and shewed mercy, desiring the Negros to intreat him
well though undeserved : and thereupon the Commanders
brought him aboord the pinnesse to Thomas Dassel to
do with him what he would : where at his comming from
the shore, for lavish speeches which he used of Princes,
he was well buffetted by a Spaniard, and might have
bene slaine, if for our sakes he had not bene rescued.
While I went on shore with Villa nova, the sayd Pedro
Gonsalves confessed unto Thomas Dassel that he did
96
RAINOLDS AND DASSEL ad
1591
enquire of some Negros and Portugals if he might not
stay him and his goods in the land, and that he did
nothing but by commission from his king by his letters
which he received from London in Dartmouth after we
were departed from London, for that we presumed to
come to Guinea to traffike without a servant of his : and
further, that he had power or procuration from Francisco
de Costa the Portugall that stayed behinde in England
to detaine the goods of Anthony Dassel in Guinea.
By consent of M. Francis Tucker, John Browbeare,
and the rest of the factours of Richard Kelley, with whom
this Pedro Gonsalves came, for avoiding further mischiefe
that might be practised, we agreed that the sayd Pedro
Gonsalves should stay aboord our shippe, and not goe
any more on land untill they departed. So the ninth of
January he was delivered aboord to goe for England in
the same ship wherein he came : who was all the time
of his abode in our shippe both courteously and friendly
used at my hands, much against the mariners willes, who
could not abide such a wicked creature and caitive, that is
nourished and relieved in our countrey, and yet by
villanous meanes sought the destruction of us all.
The Spaniards and Portugals though they be dissem-
blers and not to be trusted, when they perceived how
king Amar Melicks Negros befriended and favored us,
and that it would be prejudiciall to their trade for divers
respects, if we should any way be injuried, renounced the
sayd practises, detesting the author, and protested to
defend us in such cases with all faithfulnesse : desiring we
would, as the king of Negros had commanded us, never
bring Portugal with us more: using this phrase in
disdaine of such as came out of England, let your
Portugals be barres of yron : for in trueth in regard of
the rich trade maintained by Frenchmen and by us of
late, they esteeme more of one barre of yron then of
twenty Portugals which we should bring out of England :
who at their comming thither very subtilly disadvantage
us, and doe great hurt to every party.
vii 97 g
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1591.
At the beginning of these broiles the king Amar
Melick had sent his chiefe secretary and three horses
for me Richard Rainolds : but I denied to goe by reason
of the hurley burley, though I might have had Negros
of account for pledges aboord : yet we sent the presents
unto the king ; who so soone as he understood the cause
why I came not to him, being sory and offended thereat,
commanded presently by proclamation, that no injury
should be offered us in his dominions by his owne people,
or suffered to be done by Spaniards or Portugals. And
if the Negros joyning to his kingdome should confederate
with the Spaniards and Portugals to molest or trouble
us ; that his subjects the Negros should be ready to
ayde, succor and defend us. In which people appeared
more confident love and goodwill towards us, then ever
we shall finde either of Spaniards or Portugals, though
we should relieve them of the greatest misery that can
be imagined.
In the river of Senega no Spaniard or Portugall use to
trade : and onely one Portugall called Ganigoga dwelleth
farre within the river, who was maried to a kings
daughter.
In the townes of Porto dAlly and Joala, being townes
of chiefest trade, and in the townes of Canton and Cassan
in the river of Gambra are many Spaniards and Portugals
resident by permission of the Negros ; who have rich
[II. ii. 192.] trades there along the coast, especially to San Domingo
San Domingo. an£j r-q granc[ej not far distant from Gambra river ;
Note this ' whither they transport the yron which they buy of
trade. Frenchmen and us, and exchange it for Negros ; which
be caried continually to the West Indies in such ships
as came from Spaine. Also by the governors order and
Renters of Castel de Mina and other places, where golde
is, upon the coast of Guinea, they have a place limited
how farre they must go to trade within the river of
Gambra; and further they may not go upon paine of
confiscation of their goods, and losse of life : for that the
Renters themselves send at certaine times their owne
98
LAURENCE MADOC
A.D.
I594-
barks within the river to such places, where as they have
great store of golde. And in all these places hereabouts, A ruh tra/e
where we use to trade, they have no Fort, Castle, or ftf **?
place of strength, but onely trading by the Negros safe-
conduct and permission. And the most part of the
Spaniards and Portugals that be resident in these places
be banished men or fugitives, for committing most
hainous crimes and incestuous acts, their life & conversa-
tion being agreeable ; and they are of the basest behaviour
that we have ever seene of these nations in any other
countrey.
A bricfe relation concerning the estate of the
cities and provinces of Tombuto and Gago
written in Marocco the first of August 1594,
and sent to M. Anthony Dassel marchant of
London.
Y hearty commendations premised : your
letter of late I received, and found that
you would have me discover unto you
the estate & quality of the countreyes
of Tombuto and Gago. And that you
may not thinke me to slumber in this
action, wherin you would be truely and
perfectly resolved, you shall understand, that not ten
dayes past here came a Cahaia of the Andoluzes home
from Gago, and another principall Moore, whom the
king sent thither at the first with Alcaide Hamode, and
they brought with them thirty mules laden with gold.
I saw the same come into the Alcasava with mine owne
eies : and these men themselves came not poore, but with
such wealth, that they came away without the kings
commandement : and for that cause the king will pay
them no wages for the time they have beene there. On
the other side they dare not aske the king for any wages.
And when Alcaide Hamode saw that the Cahaia of the
Andoluzes would not stay in Gago with him, he thought
99*
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1594-
good to send these thirty mules laden with golde by him,,
with letters of commendations, by which the king smelled
their riches that they brought with them : and this was
the cause of the kings displeasure towards them. So now
there remaineth in Gago Alcaide Hamode, and Alcaide
Jawdara, and Alcaide Bucthare. And here are in a
readinesse to depart in the end of this next September
Alcaide Monsor, Ben Abdrahaman Allies, Monsor Rico
with five thousand men, most of the fettilase, that is
Commodities to say, of fier-mach, & muskets. There is gone good
rot ago. store of reds & yellowes : and this yere here was want
of the same commodity ; but I trust the next yere wil be
no want. But in fine the king doth prosper wel in those
parts, and here are many pledges come hither, and namely
three of the kings sonnes of Gago and the Justice ; I
saw them come in with the treasure. Now when Alcaide
Monsor commeth to Gago, the which will be in January
next, then returneth hither Alcaide Hamode with all
the treasure, and Alcaide Monsor is to keepe Gago
untill the king take further order. And thus much
for Gago. Thus not having any other thing to write
at this present, I commend you to the mercifull
tuition of the almighty. From Marocco the first of
August 1594.
Your assured friend Laurence Madoc.
Another briefe relation concerning the late con-
quest and the exceeding great riches of the
cities and provinces of Tombuto and Gago,
written from Marocco the 30 August 1594,
to M. Anthony Dassel marchant of London
aforesayd.
Oving friend M. Dassel, two of your letters I
have received, one by the shippe called The
Amity, the other by The Concord : the chiefest
matter therein was to be satisfied of the kins of
o
Marocco his proceedings in Guinea. Therefore these
100
LAURENCE MADOC ad.
1594.
are to let you understand that there went with Al-
caide Hamode for those parts seventeene hundred
men : who passing over the sands, for want of water
perished one third part of them : and at their com-
ming to the city of Tombuto, the Negros made some Tombuto
resistance ; but to small purpose, for that they had no n'
defence but with their asagaies or javelings poisoned.
So they tooke it, and proceeded to the city of Gago, Gago taken.
where the Negros were in number infinite, and meant
to stand to the uttermost for their countrey : but the
Moores slew them so fast, that they were faine to
yeeld, and do pay tribute by the yere. The rent of [II. ii. 193-]
Tombuto is 60 quintals of golde by the yeere ; the good-
nesse whereof you know. What rent Gago will yeeld,
you shall know at the Spring, for then Alcaide Hamode
commeth home. The rent of Tombuto is come by the
cafelow or carovan, which is, as above is mentioned, 60
quintals. The report is, that Mahomed bringeth with
him such an infinite treasure as I never heard of: it
doth appeare that they have more golde then any other
part of the world beside. The Alcaide winneth all the
countrey where he goeth without fighting, and is going
downe towards the sea coast. This king of Marocco
is like to be the greatest prince in the world for money,
if he keepe this countrey. But I make account assoone
as the king of Spaine hath quietnesse in Christendome,
he wil thrust him out: for that the kings force is not
great as yet ; but he meaneth to be stronger. There
is a campe ready to go now with a viceroy : the speech is
with 3000 men : but I thinke they will be hardly 2000 ;
for by report, 3000 men are enough to conquer all the
countrey : for they have no defence of importance against
an enemy. I thinke Hamode will be returned home in
January or thereabout : for he stayeth but for the com-
ming of the viceroy. Mulley Balasen the kings sonne
of Marocco was slaine in Guinea by his owne men, and
they were presently killed, because they should tell no
tales. And thus leaving to trouble you, I commit you
IOI
A.D.
1594-
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
to God, who prosper you in all your proceedings. From
Marocco the first of August 1594.
Yours to command for ever Laurence Madoc.
Of these two rich cities and kingdomes of Tombuto
and Gago Leo Africanus writeth at large in the beginning
of his seventh booke of the description of Africa, which
worthy worke is to be annexed into the end of this
second volume.
A briefe extract of a patent granted to M. Thomas
Gregory of Tanton, and others, for traffique
betweene the river of Nonnia and the rivers
of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona on the coast
of Guinea, in the yeere 1592.
N May the 34 yeere of our gracious
soveraigne Queene Elizabeth, a patent
of special! licence was granted to Thomas
Gregory of Tanton in the county of
Somerset, and to Thomas Pope, and
certaine other marchants to traffique into
Guinea from the Northermost part of
the river of Nonnia to the Southermost parts of the
rivers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona, and to other
parts aswell to the Southeast as to the Northwest, for
a certaine number of leagues therein specified which
amount to an hundred or thereabout. Which patent
was granted for the terme of ten yeeres : as appeareth at
large in the sayd patent recorded in the Rolles in her
Majesties Chancery.
102
THE TAKING OF TWO SPANISH SHIPS
The maner of the taking of two Spanish ships
laden with quicksilver & the Popes bulles,
bound for the West Indies, by M. Thomas
White in the Amity of London. 1592.
He 26 of July 1592, in my returning
out of Barbary in the ship called the
Amity of London, being in the height
of 36 degrees or thereabout, at foure
of the clocke in the morning we had
sight of two shippes, being distant from
us about three or foure leagues : by
seven of the clocke we fetched them up, and were
within gunshot : whose boldnesse, having the king of
Spaines armes displayed, did make us judge them rather
ships of warre, then laden with marchandise. And as
it appeared by their owne speeches, they made full
account to have taken us : it being a question among
them, whether it were best to cary us to S. Lucar,
or to Lisbon. We waved ech other a maine. They
having placed themselves in warlike order one a cables
length before another, we began the fight. In the which
we continued, so fast as we were able to charge and
discharge, the space of five houres, being never a cables
length distant either of us from other. In which time
we received divers shot both in the hull of our ship,
masts, and sailes, to the number of 32 great, besides
500 musket shot and harquebuzes a crocke at the least,
which we tolde after the fight. And because we per-
ceived them to be stout, we thought good to boord
the Biscaine, which was on head the other : where lying
aboord about an houre. and plying our ordinance and
small shot; in the end we stowed all his men. Now
the other in the flieboat, thinking we had entred our
men in their fellow, bare roome with us, meaning to have
layed us aboord, and so to have intrapped us betwixt
them both : which we perceiving, fitted our ordinance
103
A.D.
1592.
Marke this
othe.
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1592.
so for him, as we quitted our selves of him, and he
boorded his fellow : by which meanes they both fell
from us. Then presently we kept our loofe, hoised our
top-sailes, and weathered them, and came hard aboord
[II. ii. 194.] the flieboat with our ordinance prepared, and gave her
our whole broad side, with the which we slew divers
of their men ; so as we might see the blood run out at
the scupper holes. After that we cast about, and new
charged all our ordinance, and came upon them againe,
willing them to yeeld, or els we would sinke them :
wherupon the one would have yeelded, which was shot
betweene winde and water ; but the other called him
traitor. Unto whom we made answere, that if he would
not yeeld presently also, we would sinke him first. And
thereupon he understanding our determination, presently
put out a white flag, and yeelded, and yet refused to
strike their own sailes, for that they were sworne never
to strike to any Englishman. We then commanded
their captaines and masters to come aboord us ; which
they did. And after examination & stowing them, we
sent certaine of our owne men aboord them, and strook
their sailes, and manned their ships : finding in them
both 126 persons living, & 8 dead, besides those which
they themselves had cast overboord. So it pleased God
to give us the victory being but 42 men and a boy,
whereof 2 were killed and 3 wounded : for the which
good successe we give God the only praise. These two
rich prizes laden with 1400 chests of quicksilver with
the armes of Castile and Leon fastened upon them, and
with a great quantity of bulles or indulgences, and
guilded Missals or Service books, with an hundred tunnes
of excellent wines, we brought shortly after into the river
of Thames up to Blacke-wall.
By the taking of this quicksilver, about 1400 chests,
the king of Spaine loseth for every quintall of the same
a quintall of silver, that should have beene delivered him
by the masters of the mines there, which amounteth to
600000 pounds.
104
THE TAKING OF THE 'MADRE DE DIOS '
More by taking of his bulles, to wit, two millions and
72 thousand for living and dead persons for the provinces
of Nova Hispania, Iucatan, Guatimala, the Honduras,
and the Phillipinas, taxed at two reals the piece. And
more for eighteene thousand bulles taxed at foure reals,
amounteth all to 107700 pounds. Summa totalis
707700 li.
More there were taken ten fardels of gilt missals and
breviaries sent for the kings account.
So the hinderance that the king receiveth by the losse
of his bulles and quicksilver amounteth as is abovesaid :
besides the lacking of his wines, about 100 tunnes,
whereby his fleet is disappointed of a great part of their
provision.
A true report of the honourable service at Sea
perfourmed by Sir John Burrough Knight,
Lieutenant generall of the fleet prepared by
the honor. Sir Walter Ralegh Knight, Lord
warden of the Stanneries of Cornwall and
Devon. Wherin chiefly the Santa Clara of
Biscay, a ship of 600 tunnes was taken, and
the two East Indian caraks, the Santa Cruz
and the Madre de Dios were forced, the one
burnt, and the other taken and brought into
Dartmouth the seventh of September, 1592.
Ir Walter Ralegh upon commission re-
ceived from her Majesty for an expedi-
tion to be made to the West Indies,
slacked not his uttermost diligence to
make full provision of all things neces-
sary, as both in his choise of good ships,
and sufficient men to performe the action
evidently appeared. For his shippes which were in
number 14 or 15, those two of her Majesties, the
Garland cV the Foresight were the chiefest; the rest
io5
A.D.
1592.
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1592.
either his owne or his good friends or adventurers of
London. For the gentlemen his consorts and officers, to
give them their right, they were so well qualited in
courage, experience, & discretion, as the greatest prince
might repute himselfe happy to be served with their
like. The honor of Lieutenant generall was imposed
upon sir John Burrough, a gentleman, for his manifold
good and heroicall parts, thought every way worthy of
that commandement : with whom after sir W. R. re-
turned was joyned in commission sir Martin Frobisher,
who for his speciall skill & knowledge in marine causes
had formerly caried imploiments of like or greater place.
The rest of the captaines, souldiers, and sailers were men
of notable resolution, and for the most part such as
heretofore had given to the world sufficient proofe of
their valour in divers services of the like nature. With
these ships thus manned sir Walter Ralegh departed
towards the WTest countrey, there to store himselfe with
such further necessaries as the state of his voyage did
needfully require : where the Westerly windes blowing
for a long time contrary to his course, bound and con-
strained him to keepe harborough so many weeks, that
the fittest season for his purpose was gone, the mindes
of his people much altered, his victuals consumed; and
withall, her Majesty understanding how crosly all this
sorted, began to call the proceeding of this preparation
into question : insomuch that, whereas the sixt of May
was first come before sir WTalter could put to sea, the
very next day sir Martin Frobisher in a pinnesse of my
lord Admirals called The Disdaine, met him, and brought
to him from her Majesty letters of revocation, with
commandement to relinquish (for his owne part) the
[II. ii. 195.] intended attempt, and to leave the charge and conduct
of all things in the hands of sir John Burrough and
sir Martin Frobisher. But sir Walter finding his honor
so farre engaged in the undertaking of this voyage, as
without proceeding he saw no remedy either to salve his
reputation, or to content those his friends which had put
106
THE TAKING OF THE MADRE DE BIOS' ad.
1592.
in adventures of great summes with him ; and making
construction of the Queenes letters in such sort as if
her commandement had bene propounded in indifferent
termes, either to advance forward or to retire, at his owne
discretion ; would in no case yeeld to leave his fleet
now under saile. ' Wherefore continuing his course into
the sea, he met within a day or two, with certaine sailes
lately come from Spaine : among which was a ship ap-
pertaining to Monsieur Gourdon governor of Caleis, and
found aboord her one M. Nevel Davies an Englishman,
who having indured a long and miserable captivity for
the space of twelve yeeres, partly in the inquisition in
Spaine, was now by good fortune escaped, and upon
returne to his countrey. This man, among other things,
reported for certaine, that there was little hope of any
good this yeere to be done in the West India ; consider-
ing that the king of Spaine had sent expresse order to
all the ports both of the Hands and of Terra firma, that
no ship should stirre that yeere, nor any treasure be layed
aboord for Spaine. But neither this unpleasant relation
nor ought els could stay his proceedings, untill a
tempest of strange and uncouth violence arising upon
Thursday the 1 1 of May, when he was athwart the Cape
Finister, had so scattered the greater part of the fleet,
and sunke his boats and pinnesses, that as the rest were
driven and severed, some this way and some that, sir
Walter himselfe being in the Garland of her Majesty was
in danger to be swallowed up of the Sea. Whereupon
sir W. Ralegh finding that the season of the yere was
too farre gone to proceed with the enterprise which he
had upon Panama, having bene held on the English coast
from February till May, and thereby spent three moneths
victuals ; and considering withall, that to lie upon the
Spanish coast or at the Ilands to attend the returne of
the East or West Indian fleets was rather a worke of
patience then ought els: he gave directions to sir John
Burgh and sir M. Frobisher to divide the fleet in two
parts ; sir M. with the Garland, cap. George Giffbrd,
107
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1592.
cap. Henry Thin, cap. Grenvile and others to lie off the
South cape, thereby to amaze the Spanish fleet, and to
holde them on their owne coast; while sir J. Burgh,
capt. Robert Crosse, capt. Tomson, & others should
attend at the Hands for the caraks or any other Spanish
ships comming from Mexico or other parts of the West
Indies. Which direction tooke effect accordingly; for
the king of Spaines Admirall receiving intelligence that
the English fleet was come on the coast, attended to
defend the South parts of Spaine, & to keepe himselfe
as nere sir Mart. Frobisher as he could, to impeach him
in all things which he might undertake ; and thereby
neglected the safeconduct of the caraks, with whom it
fared as hereafter shall appeare. Before the fleet severed
The Santa themselves they mette with a great Biscain on the
Clam a Bis- Spanish coast called Santa Clara a ship of 600 tunnes.
600 'nanus The n°ise °f tne artillery on both sides being heard,
taken. immediatly they drew to their fleet ; where after a reason-
able hot fight, the ship was entred and mastered, which
they found fraighted with all sorts of small yron-worke,
as horse-shoes, nailes, plough-shares, yron barres, spikes,
boults, locks, gimbols, & such like, valued by us at 6000
or 7000 li. but woorth to them treble the value. This
Biscain was sailing towards S. Lucar, there to take in
some further provision for the West India. This ship
being first roomaged, and after sent for England, our
fleet coasted along towards the Southcape of S. Vincent,
and by the way, about the Rocke nere Lisbon, sir John
Burrough in the Robucke spying a saile afarre off, gave
her present chase ; which being a flieboat and of good
saile, drew him farre Southwards before he could fetch
her ; but at last she came under his lee and strooke saile.
The master of which flieboat comming aboord him, con-
fessed that the king indeed had prepared a great fleet in
S. Lucar and Cadiz, and (as the report in Spaine was
currant) for the West Indies. But in deed the Spanish
king had provided this fleet upon this counsell. He
received intelligence, that sir Walter Ralegh was to put
108
THE TAKING OF THE < MADRE DE DIOS ad.
out strong for the West India : to impeach him, and
to ranconter his force he appointed this fleet ; although
looking for the arrivall of his East Indian caraks, he first
ordained those ships to waft them from the Acores. But
perswading himselfe, that if the fleet of sir Walter Ralegh
did go for the West India, then the Hands should have
none to infest them but small men of warre, which the
caraks of themselves would be well able to match ; his
order was to Don Alonso de Bacan brother to the
Marques of Santa Cruz, and Generall of his armada, to
pursue sir Walters fleet, and to confront him, what
course soever he held. And that this was true, our men
in short time by proofe understood : for sir John
Burrough, not long after the taking of his last prize
the flieboat, as he sailed backe againe towards the rest
of his company, discovered the Spanish fleet to sea-ward
of him : which having likewise espied him betwixt them
and the shore, made full account to bring him safe into
Spanish harbour ; and therefore spred themselves in such
sort before him, that indeed his danger was very great :
for both the liberty of the sea was brought into a narrow
straight, and the shore being enemy could give him no [II. ii. 196.]
comfort of reliefe : so that trusting to Gods helpe onely
and his good saile, he thrust out from among them in
spight of all their force, and to the notable illusion of all
their cunning, which they shewed to the uttermost, in
laying the way for his apprehension. But now sir John Sir John Bur-
Burrough having happily escaped their douches, finding rou& in feat
the coast guarded by this fleet, and knowing it was but fp^/f/Jf
folly to expect a meeting there with sir Martin Frobisher
(who understanding of this armada aswell as himselfe,
would be sure not to come that way) beganne to shape
his course to the Acores according to sir W. Raleghs
direction, and came in sight of S. Michael, running so The He o/S.
neere by Villa Franca, that he might easily discerne the Michael.
shippes lying there at anker. Divers small caravels both Divers small
here and betv/eene S. Georges and the Pike in his course s//^s ta^en-
toward Flores he intercepted ; of which no great intelli-
109
A.D.
1592.
Santa Cruz a
village in the
lie of Flore s.
Nezves of the
East Indian
caraks.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
gence for his affaires could be understood. Arriving
before Flores upon Thursday the 21 of June, towards
evening, accompanied onely with captaine Caufield and
the Master of his shippe, the rest not being yet arrived,
he made towards the shore with his boat, finding all the
people of Santa Cruz, a village of that Hand, in armes,
rearing their landing, and ready marshalled to defend
their towne from spoile. Sir John contrariwise made
signes of amity unto them by advancing a white flagge, a
common token of peace, which was answered againe of
them with the like : whereupon ensued entercourses of
good friendship ; and pledges were taken on both sides,
the captaine of the towne for them, and captaine Caufield
for ours : so that whatsoever our men wanted, which
that place could supply either in fresh water, victuals, or
the like, was very willingly granted by the inhabitants :
and good leave had they to refresh themselves on shore
as much and as oft as they would without restraint. At
this Santa Cruz sir John Burrough was informed, that
indeed there was among them no expectation of any
fleet to come from the West, but from the East, that no
longer since then three dayes before his arrivall a carak
was passed by for Lisbon, and that there were foure
caraks more behinde, of one consort. Sir John being
very glad of this newes, stayed no longer on shore, but
presently imbarqued himselfe, having onely in company
a small barke of threescore tunnes belonging to one M.
Hopkins of Bristoll. In the meane while that these
things thus passed at Flores, part of the rest of the
English fleet, which sir John Burrough had left upon
the coast of Spaine, drew also towards the Acores : and
whereas he quickly at sea had discovered one of the
caraks, the same evening he might descry two or three
of the Earle of Cumberlands ships (whereof one M.
Norton was captaine) which having in like sort kenned
the carak, pursued her by that course which they saw her
to runne towards the Hands. But on no side was there
any way made by reason of a great calme which yeelded
THE TAKING OF THE MADRE DE BIOS' a.d.
1592.
no breath to spread a saile. Insomuch that fitly to dis-
cover her what she was, of what burthen, force, and
countenance, sir John Burrough tooke his boat, and
rowed the space of three miles, to make her exactly :
and being returned, he consulted with the better sort of
the company then present, upon the boording her in the
morning. But a very mighty storme arising in the
night, the extremity thereof forced them all to wey
ankers, yet their care was such in wrestling with the
weather not to lose the carak, that in the morning, the
tempest being qualified, and our men bearing againe with
the shore, they might perceive the carak very neere the
land, and the Portugals confusedly carrying on shore such
things as they could any maner of way convey out of
her ; and seeing the haste our men made to come upon
them, forsooke her: but first, that nothing might be A carak called
left commodious to our men, set fire to that which they ~~ Santa
could not cary with them, intending by that meanes ^re
wholly to consume her ; that neither glory of victory nor
benefit of shippe might remaine to ours. And least the
approch and industry of the English should bring meanes
to extinguish the flame, thereby to preserve the residue
of that which the fire had not destroyed ; being foure
hundred of them in number and well armed, they
intrenched themselves on land so neere to the carak, that
she being by their forces protected, and our men kept
aloofe off, the fire might continue to the consumption of
the whole. This being noted by sir John Burrough he
soone provided a present remedy for this mischiefe. For
landing one hundred of his men, whereof many did swim An hundred
and wade more then brest high to shore, and easilv °fouv men
land
scattering those that presented themselves to guard the
coast, he no sooner drew toward their new trenches, but
they fled immediatly, leaving as much as the fire had
spared to be the reward of our mens paines. Here was
taken among others one Vincent Fonseca a Portugall,
Purser of the carak, with two others, one an Almaine
and the second a Low-dutchman, canoniers : who refusing
in
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1592.
to make any voluntary report of those things which were
demanded of them, had the torture threatened, the feare
whereof at the last wrested from them this intelligence,
that within flfteene dayes three other greater caraks then
that lately fired would arrive at the same Hand : and
that being five caraks in the fleet at their departure from
Goa, to wit, the Buen Jesus admirall, the Madre de
Dios, the S Bernardo, the S. Christophoro, and the S.
Cruz, (whose fortune you have already heard) they had
received speciall commandement from the king not to
[II. ii. 197.] touch in any case at the Hand of S. Helena, where the
Portugall caraks in their returne from the East India
were alwayes till now woont to arrive to refresh them-
selves with water and victuals. And the kings reason
was ; because of the English men of warre, who (as he
was informed) lay there in wait to intercept them. If
therefore their necessity of water should drive them to
Angola a new seeke supply any where, he appointed them Angola in
watering place tjle maine 0f Africa, with order there to stay onely the
for the caraks. 1 • • r • 1 1 • r • r '■
taking in or water to avoid the inconvenice or infections,
wherunto that hot latitude is dangerously subject. The
last rendevous for them all was the Hand of Flores, where
the king assured them not to misse of his armada thither
sent of purpose for their wafting to Lisbon. Upon this
information sir John drew to counsel, meeting there
captaine Norton, captaine Dounton, captaine Abraham
Cocke, captaines of three ships of the Earle of Cumber-
land, M. Tomson of Harwich cap. of the Dainty of sir
John Haukins, one of sir W. Raleghs fleet, and M.
Christopher Newport cap. of the Golden dragon newly
returned from the West India, and others. These being
assembled, he communicated with them what he had
understood of the foresaid examinates, and what great
presumptions of trueth their relation did cary : wishing
that forasmuch as God & good fortune had brought them
together in so good a season, they would shew the
uttermost of their indevors to bring these Easterlings
under the lee of the English obedience. Hereupon a
112
THE TAKING OF THE « MADRE DE DIOS ' a.d.
1592.
present accord on all sides followed not to part company
or leave of those seas till time should present cause to
put their consultations in execution. The next day her
Majesties good ship the Foresight commanded by sir
Rob. Crosse came in to the rest : and he likewise in-
formed of the matter was soone drawen into this service.
Thus sir John with al these ships departing thence 6
or 7 leagues to the West of Flores, they spread them-
selves abroad from the North to the South, ech ship two
leagues at the least distant from another. By which
order of extension they were able to discover the space
of two whole degrees at sea. In this sort they lay
from the 29 of June to the third of August, what time
cap. Thomson in the Dainty had first sight of the huge
carak called the Madre de Dios, one of the greatest receit
belonging to the crowne of Portugall. The Dainty
being of excellent saile got the start of the rest of our
fleet, and began the conflict somewhat to her cost, with
the slaughter and hurt of divers of her men. Within
a while after, sir John Burrough in the Robucke of sir
W. Raleghs, was at hand to second her, who saluted her
with shot of great ordinance, and continued the fight
within musket shot assisted by cap. Tomson and cap.
Newport till sir R. Crosse viceadmirall of the fleet came
up being to leeward, at whose arrival sir J. Burgh
demanded of him what was best to be done, who
answered, that if the carak were not boorded she would
recover the shore and fire herselfe as the other had done.
Wherupon sir J. Burgh concluded to intangle her ; and
sir R. Crosse promised also to fasten himselfe to her
together at the instant ; which was performed : but after
a while sir John Burgh receiving a shot with a canon
perier under water, and ready to sinke, desired sir R. C.
to fall off, that he might also cleere himselfe, and save
his ship from sinking, which with difficulty he did : for
both the Roebucke and the Foresight were so intangled,
as with much adoe could they cleere themselves.
The same evening sir R. Crosse finding the carak then
vii 113 h
A.D.
*592-
The Madre de
Dios taken.
Exceeding
humanity
shewed to the
enemy.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
sure & drawing nere the Hand perswaded his company
to boord her againe, or els there was no hope to recover
her : who after many excuses & feares, were by him
incouraged, and so fell athwart her foreships all alone ;
and so hindered her sailing that the rest had time to
come up to his succour, & to recover the carak yer she
recovered the land : and so toward the evening after
he had fought with her alone three houres single, my
lord of Cumberlands two ships came up, & with very
litle losse entred with sir R. Crosse, who had in that time
broken their courages, and made the assault easie for
the rest.
The generall having disarmed the Portugals, and
stowed them for better security on all sides, first had
presented to his eyes the true proportion of the vast body
of this carak, which did then and may still justly provoke
the admiration of all men not formerly acquainted with
such a sight. But albeit this first apparance of the
hugenesse thereof yeelded sights enough to entertaine
our mens eyes ; yet the pitifull object of so many bodies
slaine and dismembred could not but draw ech mans eye
to see, and heart to lament, and hands to helpe those
miserable people, whose limnes were so torne with the
violence of shot, and paine made grievous with the multi-
tude of woundes. No man could almost steppe but
upon a dead carkase or a bloody floore, but specially
about the helme, where very many of them fell suddenly
from stirring to dying. For the greatnesse of the stirrage
requiring the labour of twelve or foureteene men at once,
and some of our shippes beating her in at the sterne with
their ordinance often times with one shot slew foure or
five labouring on either side of the helme ; whose roomes
being still furnished with fresh supplies, and our artillery
still playing upon them with continuall volleys, it could
not be but that much bloud should be shed in that place.
Whereupon our Generall moved with singular commiser-
ation of their misery, sent them his owne chyrurgions,
denying them no possible helpe or reliefe that he or any
114
THE TAKING OF THE < MADRE DE DIOS ' a.d.
1592.
of his company could affoord them. Among the rest of [II. ii. 198.
those, whose state this chance had made very deplorable,
was Don Fernando de Mendoca Grand captaine and
Commander of this Carake : who indeed was descended
of the house of Mendoca in Spaine ; but being married
into Portugall, lived there as one of that nation ; a
gentleman well stricken in yeeres, well spoken, of comely
personage, of good stature, but of hard fortune. In his
severall services against the Moores he was twise taken
prisoner, and both times ransomed by the king. In a
former voyage of returne from the East India he was
driven upon the Baxos or sands of Juda nere the coast
of Cephala, being then also captaine of a caracke which
was there lost, and himselfe, though escaping the sea-
danger, yet fell into the hands of infidels on land ; who
kept him under long and grievous servitude. Once more
the king carying a loving respect to the man, and de-
sirous to better his condition, was content to let him try
his fortune in this Easterly navigation, and committed
unto him the conduct of this caracke, wherein he went
from Lisbon Generall of the whole fleet, and in that
degree had returned, if the Vice-rey of Goa embarked for
Portugall in the Bon Jesus had not, by reason of his late
office, bene preferred. Sir John intending not to adde
too much affliction to the afflicted, mooved with pity and
compassion of humane misery, in the end resolved freely
to dismisse this captaine & the most part of his followers
to their owne countrey, and for the same purpose be-
stowed them in certaine vessels furnished with all kindes
of necessary provision. This businesse thus dispatched,
good leasure had he to take such view of the goods as
conveniency might affoord. And having very prudently
(to cut off the unprofitable spoile & pillage whereunto
he saw the minds of many inclined) seised upon the
whole to her Majesties use, after a short & slender
romaging & searching of such things as first came to
hand, he perceived that ye wealth would arise nothing
disanswerable to expectation ; but that the variety and
"5
ad. THE ENGLISH YrOYAGES
1592.
grandure of all rich commodities would be more then
sufficient to content both the adventurers desire & the
souldiers travell. And here I cannot but enter into the
consideration and acknowledgement of Gods great favor
towards our nation, who by putting this purchase into
our hands hath manifestly discovered those secret trades
& Indian riches, which hitherto lay strangely hidden, and
cunningly concealed from us ; whereof there was among
some few of us some small and unperfect glimse onely,
which now is turned into the broad light of full and
perfect knowledge. Whereby it should seeme that the
will of God for our good is (if our weaknesse could
apprehend it) to have us communicate with them in
those East Indian treasures, & by the erection of a law-
full traffike to better our meanes to advance true religion
and his holy service. The caracke being in burden by
the estimation of the wise and experienced no lesse then
1600 tunnes had full 900 of those stowed with the
grosse bulke of marchandise, the rest of the tunnage
being allowed, partly to the ordinance which were 32
pieces of brasse of all sorts, partly to the passengers and
the victuals, which could not be any small quantity, con-
sidering the number of the persons betwixt 600 and 700,
A briefe cata- and the length of the navigation. To give you a taste
logue of ye ^as -t were) 0f the commodities, it shall suffice to deliver
'commodities of vou a generall particularity of them, according to the
yeMadrede catalogue taken at Leaden hall the 15 of September 1592.
Dior. Where upon good view it was found, that the principall
wares after the jewels (which were no doubt of great
value, though they never came to light) consisted of
spices, drugges, silks, calicos, quilts, carpets and colours,
&c. The spices were pepper, cloves, maces, nutmegs,
cinamom, greene ginger : the drugs were benjamim, frank-
incense, galingale, mirabolans, aloes zocotrina, camphire :
the silks, damasks, taffatas, sarcenets, altobassos, that is,
counterfeit cloth of gold, unwrought China silke, sleaved
silke, white twisted sike, curled cypresse. The calicos
were book-calicos, calico-launes, broad white calicos, fine
116
THE TAKING OF THE < MADRE DE DIOS ' a.d.
1592.
starched calicos, course white calicos, browne broad calicos,
browne course calicos. There were also canopies, and
course diaper-towels, quilts of course sarcenet and of
calico, carpets like those of Turky ; wherunto are to be
added the pearle, muske, civet, and amber-griece. The
rest of the wares were many in number, but lesse in
value ; as elephants teeth, porcellan vessels of China,
coco-nuts, hides, eben-wood as blacke as jet, bedsteds of
the same, cloth of the rindes of trees very strange for the
matter, and artificiall in workemanship. All which piles
of commodities being by men of approved judgement
rated but in reasonable sort amounted to no lesse then
150000 li. sterling, which being divided among the ad-
venturers (whereof her Majesty was the chiefe) was
sufficient to yeeld contentment to all parties. The
cargazon being taken out, and the goods fraighted in
tenne of our ships sent for London, to the end that the
bignesse, heigth, length, bredth, and other dimensions of
so huge a vessell might by the exact rules of Geometricall
observations be truly taken, both for present knowledge,
and derivation also of the same unto posterity, one M.
Robert Adams, a man in his faculty of excellent skill, The capacity
omitted nothing in the description, which either his arte anddm™ilom
. . . o r. ' ... . of the Madre
could demonstrate, or any mans judgement thinke woortny je ^m
the memory. After an exquisite survey of the whole
frame he found the length from the beak-head to the
sterne (whereupon was erected a lanterne) to containe 165
foote. The breadth in the second close decke whereof [II. ii. 199.]
she had three, this being the place where there was most
extension of bredth, was 46 foot and 10 inches. She
drew in water 3 1 foot at her departure from Cochin in
India, but not above 26 at her arrivall in Dartmouth,
being lightened in her voyage by divers meanes, some
5 foote. She caried in height 7 severall stories, one maine
Orlop, three close decks, one fore-castle, and a spar-decke
of two floores a piece. The length of the keele was 100
foote, of the maine-mast 121 foot, and the circuite about
at the partners 10 foote 7 inches, the maine-yard was 106
117
A.D.
1592.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
foote long. By which perfect commensuration of the
parts appeareth the hugenesse of the whole, farre beyond
the mould of the biggest shipping used among us either
for warre or receit.
Don Alonso de Bacan having a great Fleet and suffer-
ing these two caraks, the Santa Cruz to be burnt, and
the Madre de Dios to be taken, was disgraced by his
prince for this negligence.
The firing and sinking of the stout and warre-
like Carack called Las Cinque Llaguas, or,
The five Wounds, by three tall Ships set
foorth at the charges of the right honorable
the Erie of Cumberland and his friends :
Written by the discreet and valiant captaine
M. Nicholas Downton.
Besides these
3 ships there
zvas a pinnas
called the
N the latter ende of the yeere 1593. the
right honourable Erie of Cumberland, at
his owne charges and his friends, pre-
pared 3 ships all at equall rate, and
either of them had like quantitie of
victuals, and like numbers of men, there
being embarked in all 3 ships 420 men
of al sorts. The Roial Exchange went as Admirali,
wherein M. George Cave was captaine. The May-flower
Violet, or the Viceadmirall under the conduct of William Anthonie :
Why not I. and the Sampson, the charge whereof it pleased his honour
to commit unto me Nicholas Dounton. Our directions
were sent us to Plimmouth, and we were to open them
at sea.
The sixt of Aprill 1594 we set sayle in the sound of
Plimmouth, directing our course toward the coast of
Spaine.
The 24 of the sayd moneth at the Admirals direction
wee divided our selves East and West from ech other,
being then in the heigth of 43 degrees, with commaunde-
ment at night to come together againe.
118
jit for Angola.
THE FIRING OF THE FIVE WOUNDS' ad.
i 594-
The 27 day in the morning we descried the May-
flower and the litle Pinnasse with a Prise that they had
taken, being of Viana in Portugall, and bound for Angola
in Africa. This Barke was of 28 tunnes, having some
17 persons in the same. There were in her some 12 Commodities
Buts of Galicia wine, whereof we tooke into every shippe
a like part, with some Ruske in chests and barrels, with
5 buts of blew course cloth, and certaine course linnen-
cloth for Negros shirts, which goods were divided among
our fleet.
The 4 of May we had sight of our Pinnasse, and the
Admirals Shallop which had taken three Portugall
Caravels, whereof they had sent two away and kept the
third.
The second of June we had sight of S. Michael. The
third day in the morning wee sent our small pinnasse,
which was of some 24 tunnes, with the small Caravell
which we had taken at the Burlings to range the road
of all the Hands, to see if they could get any thing in the
same: appointing them to meet us W. S. W. 12 leagues
from Faiall. Their going from us was to no purpose.
They missed comming to us when we appointed, as also
we missed them, when we had great cause to have used
them.
The 1 3 of June we met with a mightie Carack of the
East Indies, called Las cinque Llagas, or The five wounds.
The May-flower was in fight with her before night. I,
in the Sampson, fetched her up in the evening, and as I
commanded to give her the broad side, as we terme it,
while I stood very needfully prying to discover her
strength : and where I might give counsel to boord her
in the night when the Admirall came up to us, and as
I remember at the very first shot she discharged at us, I
was shot in a litle above the belly, whereby I was made
unserviceable for a good while after, without touching
any other for that night. Yet by meanes of an honest
truehearted man which I had with me, one captaine
Grant, nothing was neglected : untill midnight when
119
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1594-
the Admirall came up, the May-flower, and the Samp-
son never left by turnes to ply her with their great
ordinance ; but then captaine Cave wished us to stay
till morning, at what time each one of us should give
her three bouts with our great ordinance, & so should
clap her a boord : but indeed it was long lingered in the
morning untill 10 of the clocke before wee attempted to
boord her. The Admirall laid her a boord in the mid
ship : the May-flower comming up in the quarter, as it
should seeme, to lie at the sterne of the Admirall on the
larboord side. The captaine of the sayd May-flower was
slaine at the first comming up : whereby the ship fell to
[II. ii. 200.] the sterne of the out-licar of the Carack, which (being a
piece of timber) so wounded her foresaile, that they sayd
they could come no more to fight, I am sure they did not,
but kept aloofe from us. The Sampson went aboord on
the bow, but having not rome enough, our quarter lay
on the Exchanges bow, and our bowe on the Caracks
bowe. The Exchange also at the first comming had her
captaine M. Cave shot into both the legs, the one whereof
he never recovered, so he for that present was not able
to doe his office, and in his absence he had not any
that would undertake to lead out his company to enter
upon the enemie. My friend captaine Grant did lead
my men on the Caracks side, which being not manfully
backed by the Exchanges men, his forces being smal,
made the enemie bolder then he would have bene, where-
by I had sixe men presently slaine and many more hurt,
which made them that remained unhurt to returne
aboord, and would never more give the assault. I say
not but some of the Exchanges men did very well, and
many more (no doubt) would have done the like, if there
had bene any principall man to have put them forward,
and to have brought all the company to the fight, and
not to have run into corners themselves. But 1 must
needs say, that their ship was as well provided for
defence, as any that I have seene. And the Portugals
peradventure encouraged by our slacke working, plaied
120
THE FIRING OF 'THE FIVE WOUNDS' ad
I594-
the men and had Barricados made, where they might
stand without any danger of our shot. They plied us
also very much with fire, so that most of our men were
burnt in some place or other : & while our men were
putting out of the fire, they would ever be plying them
with small shot or darts. This unusuall casting of fire
did much dismay many of our men and made them draw
backe as they did. When we had not men to enter, we
plied our great ordinance much at them as high up as
they might be mounted, for otherwise we did them litle
harme, and by shooting a piece out of our forecastle
being close by her, we fired a mat on her beak-head,
which more and more kindled, and ran from thence to
the mat on the bow-sprit, and from the mat up to the
wood of the bow-sprit, and thence to the top-saile yard,
which fire made the Portugals abaft in the ship to stagger,
and to make shew of parle. But they that had the
charge before encouraged them, making shew, that it
might easily be put out, and that it was nothing.
Whereupon againe they stood stifly to their defence.
Anone the fire grew so strong, that I saw it beyond
all helpe, although she had bene already yeelded to us.
Then we desired to be off from her, but had litle hope
to obtaine our desire ; neverthelesse we plied water very
much to keep our ship well. In deed I made litle
other reckoning for the ship, my selfe, and divers hurt
men, then to have ended there with the Carack, but most
of our people might have saved themselves in boats.
And when my care was most, by Gods providence onely,
by the burning asunder of our spritsaile-yard with ropes
and saile, and the ropes about the spritsaile-yard of the
Carack, whereby we were fast in tangled, we fell apart,
with burning of some of our sailes which we had then on
boord. The Exchange also being farther from the fire,
afterward was more easily cleared, and fell off from abaft.
And as soone as God had put us out of danger, the fire
got into the fore-castle, where, I thinke, was store of
Benjamin, and such other like combustible matter, for
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1594-
it flamed and ran over all the Carack at an instant in a
maner. The Portugals lept over-boord in great numbers.
Then sent 1 captaine Grant with the boat, with leave
to use his owne discretion in saving of them. So he
brought me aboord two gentlemen, the one an old man
called Nuno Velio Pereira, which (as appeareth by the
4 chapter in the first booke of the woorthy history of
Huighen de Linschoten) was governour of Mozambique
and Cefala, in the yeere 1582. and since that time had
bene likewise a governour in a place of importance in the
East Indies. And the shippe wherein he was comming
home was cast away a litle to the East of the Cape of
Buona Speranza, and from thence he travelled over-land
to Mozambique, and came as a passenger in this Carack.
The other was called Bras Carrero, and was captaine of a
Carack which was cast away neere Mozambique, and came
likewise in this ship for a passenger. Also three men of
the inferior sort we saved in our boat, onely these two
we clothed and brought into England. The rest which
were taken up by the other ship boats, we set all on shore
in the He of Flores, except some two or three Negros,
whereof one was borne in Mozambique, and another in
the East Indies. This fight was open off the Sound
betweene Faial and Pico 6 leagues to the Southward.
The people which we saved told us that the cause why
they would not yeeld, was, because this Carack was for
the king, and that she had all the goods belonging to
the king in the countrey for that yeere in her, and that
the captaine of her was in favour with the king, and at
his returne into the Indies should have bene Viceroy
there. And withall this ship was nothing at all pestered
neither within boord nor without, and was more like a
ship of warre then otherwise : moreover, she had the
ordinance of a Carak that was cast away at Mozambique,
and the company of her, together with the company of
another Carack that was cast away a litle to the Eastwards
of the Cape of Buona Speranza. Yet through sicknesse
which they caught at Angola, where they watered, they
122
THE FIRING OF THE FIVE WOUNDS' a.d.
1594'
say, they had not now above 1 50 white men, but Negros
a great many. They likewise affirmed that they had [II. ii. 20 1
three noblemen and three ladies in her, but we found
them to differ in most of their talke. All this day and
all the night she burned, but the next morning her
poulder which was lowest being 6c barrels blew her
abroad, so that most of the ship did swim in parts above
the water. Some of them say, that she was bigger then
the Madre de Dios, and some, that she was lesse : but
she was much undermasted, and undersailed, yet she
went well for a ship that was so foule. The shot which
wee made at her in great Ordinance before we layde her
aboord might be at seven bouts which we had, and sixe
or 7 shot at a bout, one with another, some 49 shot : the
time we lay aboord might be two houres. The shot
which we discharged aboord the Carack might be some
twentie Sacars. And thus much may suffice concerning
our daungerous conflict with that unfortunate Carack.
The last of June after long traversing of the seas we
had sight of another mightie Carack which diverse of our
company at the first tooke to be the great S. Philip the
Admirall of Spaine, but the next day being the first of
July fetching her up we perceived her indeede to be a
Carack, which after some few shot bestowed upon her
we summoned to yeeld ; but they standing stoutly to
their defence utterly refused the same. Wherefore seeing
no good could be done without boording her I consulted
what course we should take in the boording. But by
reason that wee which were the chiefe captaines were
partly slaine and partly wounded in the former conflict,
and because of the murmuring of some disordered and
cowardly companions, our valiant and resolute determina-
tions were crossed : and to conclude a long discourse in
few wordes, the Carack escaped our hands. After this
attending about Corvo & Flores for some West Indian
purchase, and being disappointed of our expectation, and
victuals growing short, we returned for England, where
I arrived at Portesmouth the 28 of August.
123
A.D.
*593-
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
The casting away of the Tobie neere Cape Es-
partel corruptly called Cape Sprat without the
Straight of Gibraltar on the coast of Barbaric
IS93-
He Tobie of London a ship of 250
tunnes manned with fiftie men, the
owner whereof was the worshipfull M.
Richard Staper, being bound for Livorno,
Zante and Patras in Morea, being laden
with marchandize to the value of 1 r or
12 thousand pounds sterling, set sayle
from Black-wall the 16 day of August 1593, and we
went thence to Portesmouth where we tooke in great
quantitie of wheate, and set sayle foorth of Stokes bay
in the Isle of Wight, the 6. day of October, the
winde being faire : and the 16 of the same moneth we
were in the heigth of Cape S. Vincent, where on the
next morning we descried a sayle which lay in try right
a head off us, to which we gave chase with very much
winde, the sayle being a Spaniard, which wee found in
fine so good of sayle that we were faine to leave her
and give her over. Two dayes after this we had sight
of mount Chiego, which is the first high-land which
we descrie on the Spanish coast at the entrance of the
Straight of Gibraltar, where we had very foule weather
and the winde scant two dayes together. Here we lay
off to the sea. The Master, whose name was George
Goodlay, being a young man, and one which never
tooke charge before for those parts, was very proud of
that charge which he was litle able to discharge, neither
would take any counsel of any of his company, but did
as he thought best himselfe, & in the end of the two
dayes of foule weather cast about, and the winde being
faire, bare in with the straights mouth. The 19 day
at night he thinking that he was farther off the land
then he was, bare sayle all that night, & an houre and
124
THE CASTING AWAY OF THE ' TOBIE ' a.d.
*593-
an halfe before day had ranne our shippe upon the
ground on the coast of Barbarie without the straight
foure leagues to the South of Cape Espartel. Where-
upon being all not a litle astonied, the Master said
unto us, I pray you forgive me ; for this is my fault
and no mans else. The company asked him whether
they should cut off the maine maste : no sayd the
Master we will hoyse out our boate. But one of our
men comming speedily up, sayd, Sirs, the ship is full
of water, well sayd the Master, then cut the mayne-
mast over boord : which thing we did with all speede.
But the after part suddenly split a sunder in such sort
that no man was able to stand upon it, but all fled
upon the foremast up into the shrouds thereof; and
hung there for a time : but seeing nothing but present
death approch (being so suddenly taken that we could
not make a raft which we had determined) we com-
mitted our selves unto the Lord and beganne with
dolefull tune and heavy hearts to sing the 12 Psalme.
Helpe Lord for good and godly men &c. Howbeit
before we had finished foure verses the waves of the
sea had stopped the breathes of most of our men.
For the foremast with the weight of our men & the
force of the sea fell downe into the water, and upon
the fall thereof there were 38 drowned, and onely 12
by Gods providence partly by swimming and other
meanes of chests gote on shoare, which was about a
quarter of a mile from the wracke of the ship. The [II. il. 202.]
master called George Goodley, and William Palmer his
mate, both perished. M. Caesar also being captaine and
owner was likewise drowned : none of the officers were
saved but the carpenter.
We twelve which the Lord had delivered from
extreme danger of the Sea, at our comming ashore fell
in a maner into as great distresse. At our first comming
on shore we all fell downe on our knees, praying the
Lord most humbly for his mercifull goodnesse. Our
prayers being done, we consulted together what course
'25
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
I593-
to take, seeing we were fallen into a desert place, &
we travelled all that day untill night, sometimes one
way and sometimes another, and could finde no kinde
of inhabitants ; onely we saw where wilde beasts had
bene, and places where there had bene houses, which
after we perceived to have bene burnt by the Portugals.
So at night falling into certaine groves of olive trees,
we climed up and sate in them to avoid the danger of
lions and other wilde beasts, whereof we saw many the
next morning. The next day we travelled untill three
of the clocke in the afternoone without any food, but
water and wilde date roots : then going over a moun-
taine, we had sight of Cape Espartel ; whereby we knew
somewhat better which way to travell, and then we went
forward untill we came to an hedgerow made with
great long canes ; we spied and looked over it, and
beheld a number of men aswell horsemen as footmen,
to the number of some five thousand in skirmish
together with small shot and other weapons. And after
consultation what we were best to do, we concluded to
yeeld our selves unto them, being destitute of all meanes
of resistance. So rising up we marched toward them,
who espying us, foorthwith some hundred of them with
their javelings in their hands came running towards us
as though they would have run us thorow : howbeit
they onely strooke us flatling with their weapons, and
said that we were Spaniards : and we tolde them that we
were Englishmen ; which they would not beleeve yet.
By and by the conflict being ended, and night approch-
ing, the captaine of the Moores, a man of some §6
yeres olde, came himselfe unto us, and by his inter-
preter which spake Italian, asked what we were, and
from whence we came. One Thomas Henmer of our
company which could speake Italian, declared unto him
that we were marchants, and how by great misfortune
our ship, marchandise, & the greatest part of our com-
pany were pitifully cast away upon their coast. But he
void of humainity & all manhood, for all this, caused
126
THE CASTING AWAY OF THE er fom^
many places of these Regions he saw great plentie of ™m™yPaies
Copper among the inhabitants. Cabot is my very mend,
whom I use familiarly, and delight to have him sometimes
keepe mee company in mine owne house. For being
called out of England by the commandement of the
Catholique King of Castile, after the death of King Henry
the seventh of that name King of England, he was made
one of our councill and Assistants, as touching the
affaires of the new Indies, looking for ships dayly to
be furnished for him to discover this hid secret of
Nature.
The testimonie of Francis Lopez de Gomara a
Spaniard, in the fourth Chapter of the second
Booke of his generall history of the West
Indies concerning the first discoverie of a
great part of the West Indies, to wit, from
58. to 38. degrees of latitude, by Sebastian
Cabota out of England.
E which brought most certaine newes
of the countrey & people of Baccalaos,
saith Gomara, was Sebastian Cabote a
Venetian, which rigged up two ships at
the cost of K. Henry the 7. of England,
having great desire to traffique for the
spices as the Portingals did. He caried
with him 300. men, and tooke the way towards Island
from beyond the Cape of Labrador, untill he found
himselfe in 58. degrees and better. He made relation
x53
A.D.
J497
Cabots voyage
from Bristol
wherein he
discovered
Newfound
land, Is the
Northerne
parts of that
land, and
from thence as
farre almost as
Florida.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
that in the moneth of July it was so cold, and the ice
so great, that hee durst not passe any further : that the
dayes were very long, in a maner without any night, and
for that short night that they had, it was very cleare.
Cabot feeling the cold, turned towards the West, re-
freshing himselfe at Baccalaos : and afterwards he sayled
along the coast unto 38. degrees, and from thence he
shaped his course to returne into England.
A note of Sebastian Cabots first discoverie of part
of the Indies taken out of the latter part of
Robert Fabians Chronicle not hitherto printed,
which is in the custodie of M. John Stow a
diligent preserver of Antiquities.
N the 13. yeere of K. Henry the 7. (by
meanes of one John Cabot a Venetian
which made himselfe very expert and
cunning in knowledge of the circuit of
the world and Hands of the same, as by
a Sea card and other demonstrations
reasonable he shewed) the king caused
to man and victuall a ship at Bristow, to search for an
Island, which he said hee knew well was rich, and re-
plenished with great commodities : Which shippe thus
manned and victualled at the kings cost, divers Marchants
of London ventured in her small stocks, being in her
as chiefe patron the said Venetian. And in the company
of the said ship, sailed also out of Bristow three or
foure small ships fraught with sleight and grosse mar-
chandizes, as course cloth, caps, laces, points & other
trifles. And so departed from Bristow in the begin-
ning of May, of whom in this Maiors time returned
no tidings.
i54
DISCOVERY OF NEWFOUNDLAND
Of three Savages which Cabot brought home
and presented unto the King in the four-
teenth yere of his raigne, mentioned by the
foresaid Robert Fabian.
A.D.
1497-
His yeere also were brought unto the
king three men taken in the Newfound
Island that before I spake of, in William
Purchas time being Maior : These were
clothed in beasts skins, & did eate raw
flesh, and spake such speach that no man
could understand them, and in their [III.
demeanour like to bruite beastes, whom the King kept
a time after. Of the which upon two yeeres after, I
saw two apparelled after the maner of Englishmen in
Westminster pallace, which that time I could not dis-
cerne from Englishmen, til I was learned what they
were, but as for speach, I heard none of them utter
one word.
A briefe extract concerning the discoverie of New-
found-land, taken out of the booke of M.
Robert Thorne, to doctor Leigh, &c.
Reason, that as some sickenesses are
hereditarie, so this inclination or desire
of this discovery I inherited from my
father, which with another marchant of
Bristol named Hugh Eliot, were the
discoverers of the Newfound-lands; of
the which there is no doubt (as nowe
plainely appeareth) if the Mariners would then have
bene ruled, and followed their Pilots minde, but the
lands of the West Indies, from whence all the golde
commeth, had bene ours ; for all is one coast as by
the Card appeareth, and is aforesaid.
[The large
i55
A.D.
*549-
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6.
to Sebastian Cabota, constituting him grand
Pilot of England.
Dwardus sextus Dei gratia Angliae, Fran-
ciae, & Hibernian rex, omnibus Christi
fidelibus, ad quos prassentes hae literae
nostras pervenerint, salutem. Sciatis
quod nos in consideratione boni &
acceptabilis servitii, nobis per dilectum
servientem nostrum Sebastianum Cabo-
tam impensi atque impendendi, de gratia nostra speciali,
ac ex certa scientia, & mero motu nostro, nee non de
advisamento, & consensu praeclarissimi avunculi nostri
Edwardi Ducis Somerseti personas nostras Gubernatoris,
ac Regnorum, dominiorum, subditorumque nostrorum
protectoris, & caeterorum consiliariorum nostrorum, de-
dimus & concessimus, ac per praesentes damus, & con-
cedimus eidem Sebastiano Cabotae, quandam annuitatem
sive annualem reditum, centum sexaginta & sex librarum,
tresdecim solidorum, & quatuor denariorum sterlingo-
rum, habendam, gaudendam, & annuatim percipiendam
praedictam annuitatem, sive annalem reditum eidem
Sebastiano Cabotae, durante vita sua naturali, de thesauro
nostro ad receptum scacarii nostri Westmonasterii per
manus thesaurariorum, & Camerariorum nostrorum,
ibidem pro tempore existentium, ad festa annuntiationis
beatas Mariae Virginis, nativitatis sancti Joannis Baptistas,
Sancti Michaelis Archangeli, & Natalis Domini per
aequales portiones solvendam. Et ulterius de uberiori
gratia nostra, ac de advisamento, & consensu praedictis
damus, & per praesentes concedimus praefato Sebastiano
Cabotae, tot & tantas Denariorum summas, ad quot &
quantas dicta annuitas sive annalis reditus centum sexa-
ginta sex librarum, tresdecim solidorum, & quatuor
denariorum, a festo sancti Michaelis Archangeli ultimo
praeterito hue usque se extendit, & attingit, habendas
156
SEBASTIAN CABOT'S LARGE PENSION ad
1549
& recipiendas praefato Sebastiano Cabotae & assignatis
suis de thesauro nostro prasdicto per manus praedic-
torum Thesaurariorum, & Camerariorum nostrorum de
dono nostro absque computo, seu aliquo alio nobis,
haeredibus, vel successoribus nostris proinde reddendo,
solvendo, vel faciendo : eo quod expressa mentio, &c.
In cujus rei testimonium, &c. Teste Rege, apud West-
monasterium 6. die Januarii, Anno 2. Regis Edwardi ^nno &•
sexti. 1>W°
The same in English.
EDward the sixt by the grace of God, King of
England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith,
to all Christian people to whom these presents shall
come, sendeth greeting. Know yee that we, in con-
sideration of the good and acceptable service done, and
to be done, unto us by our beloved servant Sebastian
Cabota, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, meere
motion, and by the advice and counsel of our most
honourable uncle Edward duke of Somerset governour
of our person, and Protector of our kingdomes,
dominions, and subjects, and of the rest of our Coun-
saile, have given & granted, and by these presents do
give and graunt to the said Sebastian Cabota, a certaine
annuitie, or yerely revenue of one hundreth, threescore
& sixe pounds, thirteene shillings foure pence sterling,
to have, enjoy, and yerely receive the foresaid annuitie,
or yerely revenue, to the foresaid Sebastian Cabota
during his natural life, out of our Treasurie at the
receit of our Exchequer at Westminster, at the hands
of our Treasurers & paymasters, there remayning for
the time being, at the feasts of the Annuntiation of the
blessed Virgin Mary, the Nativitie of S. John Baptist,
S. Michael ye Archangel, & the Nativitie of our Lord,
to be paid by equal portions.
And further, of our more speciall grace, and by the [in. a.)
advise and consent aforesaide wee doe give, and by
these presents doe graunt unto the aforesaide Sebastian
i57
A.D.
1549.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Cabota, so many, and so great summes of money as
the saide annuitie or yeerely revenue of an hundreth,
threescore and sixe pounds, thirteene shillings 4. pence,
doeth amount and rise unto from the feast of S.
Michael the Archangel last past unto this present time,
to be had and received by the aforesaid Sebastian
Cabota, and his assignes out of our aforesaid Treasurie,
at the handes of our aforesaide Treasurers, and officers
of our Exchequer of our free gift without accompt, or
any thing else therefore to be yeelded, payed, or made,
to us, our heires or successours, forasmuch as herein
expresse mention is made to the contrary.
In witnesse whereof we have caused these our Letters
to be made patents : Witnesse the King at Westminster
the sixt day of Januarie, in the second yeere of his
raigne. The yeere of our Lord 1548.
A discourse written by Sir Humphrey Gilbert
Knight, to prove a passage by the Northwest
to Cathaia, and the East Indies.
*[ The Table of the matters in every Chapter of this
discourse.
Capitulo 1.
O prove by authoritie a passage to be on
the North side of America, to goe to
Cataia, China, and to the East India.
Capitulo 2.
To prove by reason a passage to be
on the North side of America, to goe
to Cataia, Molucca?, &c.
Capitulo 3.
To prove by experience of sundry mens travailes the
opening of this Northwest passage, whereby good hope
remaineth of the rest.
158
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE ad.
1576.
Capitulo 4.
To prove by circumstance, that the Northwest passage
hath bene sailed throughout.
Capitulo 5.
To proove that such Indians as have bene driven upon
the coastes of Germanie came not thither by the South-
east, and Southwest, nor from any part of Afrike or
America.
Capitulo 6.
To proove that the Indians aforenamed came not by
the Northeast, and that there is no thorow passage
navigable that way.
Capitulo 7.
To prove that these Indians came by the Northwest,
which induceth a certaintie of this passage by experience.
Capitulo 8.
What several reasons were alleaged before the Queenes
Majestie, and certaine Lords of her Highnesse privie
Council, by M. Anth. Jenkinson a Gentleman of great
travaile and experience, to prove this passage by the
Northeast, with my severall answeres then alleaged to
the same.
Capitulo 9.
How that this passage by the Northwest is more
commodious for our traffike, then the other by the
Northeast, if there were any such.
Capitulo 10.
What commodities would ensue, this passage being
once discovered.
[To prove
i59
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
To prove by authoritie a passage to be on the
Northside of America, to goe to Cathaia, and
the East India.
Chapter 1.
WHen I gave my selfe to the studie of Geographie,
after I had perused and diligently scanned the
descriptions of Europe, Asia & Afrike, and conferred
them with the Mappes and Globes both Antique and
Moderne : I came in fine to the fourth part of the world,
commonly called America, which by all descriptions I
found to bee an Hand environed round about with Sea,
having on the Southside of it the frete or straight of
Magellan, on the West side Mar del Sur, which Sea
runneth towards the North, separating it from the East
parts of Asia, where the Dominions of the Cathaians are :
On the East part our West Ocean, and on the North
side the sea that severeth it from Groneland, thorow
which Northren Seas the Passage lyeth, which I take
now in hand to discover.
Plato in Timaeo, and in the Dialogue called Critias,
discourseth of an incomparable great Hand then called
Atlantis, being greater then all Aifrike and Asia, which
lay Westward from the Straights of Gibraltar, navigable
round about : affirming also that the Princes of Atlantis
did aswell enjoy the governance of all Affrike, and the
most part of Europe, as of Atlantis it selfe.
Also to prove Platos opinion of this Hand, and the
inhabiting of it in ancient time by them of Europe, to be
of the more credite ; Marinaeus Siculus in his Chronicle
of Spaine, reporteth that there have bene found by the
Spaniards in the gold Mines of America, certaine pieces
of Money ingraved with the Image of Augustus Caesar :
which pieces were sent to the Pope for a testimonie of
the matter, by John Rufus Archbishop of Consentinum.
Moreover, this was not only thought of Plato, but by
Marsilius Ficinus, and excellent Florentine Philosopher,,
160
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE ad
1576.
Crantor the Grsecian, and Proclus, and Philo the famous Proclus pag.
Jew (as appeareth in his booke De Mundo, and in the 24-
Commentaries upon Plato) to be overflowen and
swallowed up with water, by reason of a mightie earth-
quake, and streaming downe of the heavenly Fludgates.
The like whereof happened unto some part of Italy, when
by the forciblenes of the Sea, called Superum, it cut of}'
Sicilia from the Continent of Calabria, as appeareth in
Justine, in the beginning of his fourth booke. Also JustineLib.^.
there chanced the like in Zetland a part of Flanders.
And also the Cities of Pyrrha and Antissa, about Plinie.
Meotis palus : and also the Citie Burys, in the Corynthian
bosome, commonly called Sinus Corinthiacus, have bene
swallowed up with the Sea, and are not at this day to
be discerned : By which accident America grew to be
unknowen of long time, unto us of the later ages, and
was lately discovered againe, by Americus Vespucius, in
the yeere of our Lord 1497. which some say to have
bene first discovered by Christophorus Columbus a
Genuois, Anno 1492.
The same calamitie happened unto this Isle of Atlantis
600. and odde yeres before Plato his time, which some
of the people of the Southeast parts of the world ac-
compted as 9000. yeeres : for the maner then was to
reckon the Moone her Period of the Zodiak for a yeere,
which is our usual moneth, depending a Luminari minori.
So that in these our dayes there can no other mayne
or Islande be found or judged to bee parcell of this
Atlantis, then those Westerne Islands, which beare now
the name of America : countervailing thereby the name
of Atlantis, in the knowledge of our age.
Then, if when no part of the sayd Atlantis was
oppressed by water, and earthquake, the coasts round
about the same were navigable : a farre greater hope now
remaineth of the same by the Northwest, seeing the
most part of it was (since that time) swallowed up with A minore ad
water, which could not utterly take away the olde deeps maJus-
and chanels, but rather, be an occasion of the inlarging
VII 161 L
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
of the olde, and also an inforcing of a great many new :
why then should we now doubt of our Northwest passage
and navigation from England to India? &c. seeing that
Atlantis now called America, was ever knowen to be an
Island, and in those dayes navigable round about, which
by accesse of more water could not be diminished.
Also Aristotle in his booke De Mundo, and the
learned Germaine Simon Gryneus in his annotations
upon the same, saith that the whole earth (meaning
thereby, as manifestly doth appeare, Asia, Africk, and
Europe, being all the countreys then knowen) is but
one Island, compassed about with the reach of the sea
Atlantine : which likewise prooveth America to be an
Island, and in no part adjoyning to Asia, or the rest.
Siraboiib. 15. Also many ancient writers, as Strabo and others, called
both the Ocean sea, (which lieth East of India) Atlanti-
cum pelagus, and that sea also on the West coasts of
Spaine and Africk, Mare Atlanticum : the distance be-
tweene the two coasts is almost halfe the compasse of
the earth.
So that it is incredible, as by Plato appeareth mani-
festly, that the East Indian Sea had the name Atlanticum
pelagus of the mountaine Atlas in Afrik, or yet the
sea adjoining to Africk, had the name Oceanus Atlanticus
Valerius of the same mountaine : but that those seas and the
Anselmus in mGuntaine Atlas were so called of this great Island
rum'uprtn- Atlantis, and that the one and the other had their names
dpium.fol. 6. for a memorial of the mighty prince Atlas, sometime king
Ger. 9. 10. thereof, who was Japhet yongest sonne to Noah, in
whose time the whole earth was divided between the
three brethren, Sem, Cam, and Japhet.
Wherefore I am of opinion that America by the
Northwest will be found favourable to this our enter-
prise, and am the rather imboldened to beleeve the same,
for that I fmde it not onely confirmed by Plato, Aristotle,
and other ancient Phylosophers : but also by all the best
[II moderne Geographers, as Gemma Frisius, Munsterus,
Appianus, Hunterus, Gastaldus, Guyccardinus, Michael
162
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE ad.
1576.
Tramasinus, Franciscus Demongenitus, Bernardus Pute-
anus, Andreas Vavasor, Tramontanus, Petrus Martyr,
and also Ortelius, who doth coast out in his generall
Mappe set out Anno 1569, all the countreys and Capes,
on the Northwest side of America, from Hochelaga to
Cape de Paramantia: describing likewise the sea coastes
of Cataia and Gronland, towards any part of America,
making both Gronland and America, Islands disjoyned
by a great sea, from any part of Asia.
All which learned men and painefull travellers have
affirmed with one consent and voice, that America was an
Island : and that there lyeth a great Sea betweene it,
Cataia, and Grondland, by the which any man of our
countrey, that will give the attempt, may with small
danger passe to Cataia, the Moluccae, India, and all other
places in the East, in much shorter time, then either
the Spaniard, or Portugal doeth, or may doe, from the
neerest parte of any of their countreys within Europe.
What moved these learned men to affirme thus much, We 0USnt h
I know not, or to what ende so many and sundry fea*om n& t
travellers of both ages have allowed the same : But I reverent
conjecture that they would never have so constantly opinion of
affirmed, or notified their opinions therein to the world, worthy men.
if they had not had great good cause, and many probable
reasons, to have lead them thereunto.
Now least you should make small accompt of ancient
writers or of their experiences which travelled long before
our times, reckoning their authority amongst fables of
no importance : I have for the better assurance of those
proofes, set downe some part of a discourse, written in
the Saxon tongue, and translated into English by M.
Nowel servant to Sir William Cecil, lord Burleigh, and
lord high treasurer of England, wherein there is described
a Navigation, which one Ochther made, in the time of A Navigation
king Alfred, king of Westsaxe Anno 871. the words of °{^ff^r
which discourse were these : Hee sailed right North, mJJr^s ^f
having alwaies the desert land on the Starborde, and on
the Larbord the maine sea, continuing his course, untill
163
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
hee perceived that the coast bowed directly towards the
East, or else the Sea opened into the land he could not
A perfect de- tell how farre, where he was compelled to stay until he
MtscoZfzT had a westerne winde, or somewhat upon the North, and
age ™ sayled thence directly East alongst the coast, so farre as
hee was able in foure dayes, where he was againe inforced
to tary untill hee had a North winde, because the coast
there bowed directly towards the South, or at least
opened he knew not howe farre into the land, so that he
sayled thence along the coast continually full South, so
farre as he could travell in the space of five dayes, where
hee discovered a mighty river, which opened farre into
the land, and in the entrie of this river he turned
backe againe.
Whereby it appeareth that he went the very same way,
that we now doe yerely trade by S. Nicholas into Mos-
covia, which way no man in our age knew for certaintie
By Sir Hugh to be by sea, until it was since discovered by our English
Zu^cL- men> in the time °f KinS Edward the sixt ; but thought
ce/foranJa} before that time that Groneland had joyned to Normoria,
Borough. Byarmia, &c. and therefore was accompted a new dis-
covery, being nothing so indeede, as by this discourse
of Ochther it appeareth.
Neverthelesse if any man should have taken this
voyage in hand by the encouragement of this onely
author, he should have bene thought but simple: con-
sidering that this Navigation was written so many yeres
past, in so barbarous a tongue by one onely obscure
author, and yet we in these our dayes finde by our owne
experiences his former reports to be true.
How much more then ought we to beleeve this
passage to Cataia to bee, being verified by the opinions
of all the best, both Antique, and Moderne Geographers,
and plainely set out in the best and most allowed
Mappes, Charts, Globes, Cosmographical tables & dis-
courses of this our age, and by the rest not denied, but
left as a matter doubtfull.
164
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE ad.
1576.
To proove by reason, a passage to be on the
Northside of America, to goe to Cataia, &c.
Chap. 3.
First, all seas are maintained by the abundance of Experimented
water, so that the neerer the end any River, Bay hour English
or Haven is, the shallower it waxeth, (although by some rs'
accidentall barre, it is sometime found otherwise) But
the farther you sayle West from Island towards the place,
where this fret is thought to be, the more deepe are the
seas : which giveth us good hope of continuance of the
same Sea with Mar del Sur, by some fret that lyeth
betweene America, Groneland and Cataia.
2 Also if that America were not an Island, but a part
of ye continent adjoyning to Asia, either the people [III. 14.]
which inhabite Mangia, Anian, & Quinzay, &c. being
borderers upon it, would before this time have made
some road into it, hoping to have found some like com-
modities to their owne.
3 Or els the Scythians and Tartarians (which often
times heretofore have sought farre and neere for new
seats, driven thereunto through the necessitie of their Neede makes
cold and miserable countreys) would in all this time have ^e °J^ wlfe
found the way to America, and entred the same, had the
passages bene never so straite or difficult; the countrey
being so temperate, pleasant and fruitfull, in comparison
of their owne. But there was never any such people
found there by any of the Spaniards, Portugals, or
Frenchmen, who first discovered the Inland of that
countrey : which Spaniards, or Frenchmen must then of
necessitie have seene some one civil man in America,
considering how full of civill people Asia is : But they
never saw so much as one token or signe, that ever
any man of the knowen part of the world had bene
there.
4 Furthermore it is to be thought, that if by reason
of mountaines, or other craggy places, the people neither
165
, t0
trotte.
A.D.
1576.
The Sea hath
three motions.
1 Motum ab
oricnte in occi-
dentem.
2 Motum
ftuxus £5 re-
f.UXUi.
3 Motum cir-
cular em.
Ad cae/i
motum ele-
menta omnia
(excepta
terra) moven-
tur.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
of Cataia or Tartarie could enter the countrey of America,
or they of America have entred Asia if it were so joyned :
yet some one savage or wandring beast would in so
many yeres have passed into it : but there hath not any
time bene found any of the beasts proper to Cataia, or
Tartarie &c. in America : nor of those proper to America,
in Tartarie, Cataia, &c. or any part of Asia. Which
thing proveth America, not onely to be one Island, and
in no part adjoyning to Asia : But also that the people
of those Countreys, have not had any traffique with
each other.
5 Moreover at the least some one of those painefull
travellers, which of purpose have passed the confines of
both countreys, with intent only to discover, would as
it is most likely have gone from the one to the other :
if there had bene any piece of land, or Isthmos, to have
joyned them together, or els have declared some cause
to the contrary.
6 But neither Paulus Venetus, who lived and dwelt
a long time in Cataia, ever came into America, and yet
was at the sea coastes of Mangia, over against it where
he was embarked, and perfourmed a great Navigation
along those seas : Neither yet Verarzanus, or Franciscus
Vasques de Coronado, who travelled the North part of
America by land, ever found entry from thence by land
to Cataia, or any part of Asia.
7 Also it appeareth to be an Island, insomuch as the
Sea runneth by nature circularly from the East to the
West, following the diurnal motion of Primum Mobile,
which carieth with it all inferiour bodies moveable, aswel
celestiall as elemental : which motion of the waters is
most evidently seene in the Sea, which lieth on the
Southside of Afrike, where the current that runneth from
the East to the West is so strong (by reason of such
motion) that the Portugals in their voyages Eastward
to Calicut, in passing by Cap. de buona Speranca are
inforced to make divers courses, the current there being
so swift as it striketh from thence all along Westward
166
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE ad
1576.
upon the fret of Magellan, being distant from thence,
neere the fourth part of the longitude of the earth : and
not having free passage and entrance thorow the fret
towards the West, by reason of the narrownesse of the
sayd Straite of Magellan, it runneth to salve this wrong
(Nature not yeelding to accidentall restraints) all along
the Easterne coastes of America, Northwards so far as
Cape Fredo, being the farthest knowne place of the
same continent towards the North : which is about 4800
leagues, reckoning therewithall the trending of the land.
8 So that this current being continually maintained
with such force, as Jaques Cartier affirmeth it to be,
who met with the same being at Baccalaos, as he sayled
along the coastes of America, then either it must of
necessitie have way to passe from Cape Fredo, thorow
this fret, Westward towards Cataia, being knowen to
come so farre, onely to salve his former wrongs, by the
authority before named : or els it must needes strike
over, upon the coast of Island, Norway, Finmarke, and
Lappia, (which are East from the sayd place about 360
leagues) with greater force then it did from Cape de Posita causa,
buona Speranca, upon the fret of Magellan, or from Ponttur eIec'
the fret of Magellan to Cape Fredo, upon which coastes
Jaques Cartier met with the same, considering the short-
nesse of the Cut from the sayd Cape Fredo, to Island,
Lappia, &c. And so the cause Efficient remaining, it
would have continually followed along our coasts,
through the narrow seas, which it doth not, but is dis-
gested about the North of Labrador, by some through
passage there thorow this fret.
The like course of the water in some respect happeneth
in the Mediterrane sea (as affirmeth Conterenus) wheras Conterenm.
the current which commeth from Tanais, & Pontus
Euxinus, running along all the coasts of Greece, Italy,
France, and Spaine, and not finding sufficient way out
through Gibraltar, by meanes of the straitnesse of the
fret it runneth backe againe along the coastes of Barbary,
by Alexandria, Natolia, &c.
167
A.D.
1576.
[III. I5.]
An objection
answered.
The sea doth
evermore per-
forme this cir
cidar motion,
either in
Suprema, or
concava super-
ficie aquce.
The yce set
westward
every yeere
from Island.
Auth. Jona
Arngrimo.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
It may (peradventure) bee thought that this course of
the sea doth sometime surcease, and thereby impugne
this principle, because it is not discerned all along the
coast of America, in such sort as Jaques Cartier found
it : Whereunto I answere this : that albeit, in every part
of the Coast of America, or elswhere this current is not
sensibly perceived, yet it hath evermore such like motion,
either in the uppermost or nethermost part of the sea :
as it may be proved true, if ye sinke a sayle by a couple
of ropes, neere the ground, fastening to the nethermost
corners two gunne chambers or other weights : by the
driving whereof you shall plainely perceive, the course
of the water, and current, running with such course in
the bottome.
By the like experiment, you may finde the ordinary
motion of the sea, in the Ocean : howe farre soever you
be off the land.
9 Also there commeth another current from out the
Northeast from the Scythian Sea (as M. Jenkinson a man
of rare vertue, great travaile and experience, told me)
which runneth Westward towardes Labrador, as the other
did, which commeth from the South : so that both these
currents, must have way thorow this our fret, or else
encounter together and runne contrarie courses, in one
line, but no such conflicts of streames, or contrary courses
are found about any part of Labrodor, or Terra nova, as
witnesse our yeerely fishers, and other saylers that way,
but is there disgested, as aforesayd, and found by ex-
perience of Barnard de la Torre, to fall into Mar del Sur.
10 Furthermore, the current in the great Ocean, could
not have beene maintained to runne continually one way,
from the beginning of the world unto this day, had there
not beene some thorow passage by the fret aforesayd, and
so by circular motion bee brought againe to maintaine it
selfe : For the Tides and courses of the sea are main-
tayned by their interchangeable motions : as fresh rivers
are by springs, by ebbing and flowing, by rarefaction and
condensation.
168
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE ad.
1576.
So that it resteth not possible (so farre as my simple The flowing is
reason can comprehend) that this perpetuall current can occasioned by
by any meanes be maintained, but onely by continuall ^telfthe
reaccesse of the same water, which passeth thorow the moone boykth,
fret, and is brought about thither againe, by such cir- and maketh
cular motion as aforesayd. And the certaine falling the water
thereof by this fret into Mar del Sur is prooved by the lfne ty ™y
• j • r r> jji-r 1 of rarefaction.
testimonie and experience, or Bernard de la lorre, who An experience
was sent from P. de la Natividad to the Moluccas, Anno toproovethe
domini 1542. by commandement of Anthony Mendoza, fi®W °fthls
then Viceroy of Nova Hispania, which Bernard sayled ^rU/^r
750. Leagues, on the Northside of the Aequator, and
there met with a current, which came from the Northeast
the which drove him backe againe to Tidore.
Wherfore, this current being proved to come from
C. de buona Speranca to the fret of Magellan, and want-
ing sufficient entrance there, by narrownes of the straite,
is by the necessitie of natures force, brought to Terra
de Labrador, where Jaques Cartier met the same, and
thence certainly knowen, not to strike over upon Island,
Lappia, &c. and found by Bernard de la Torre in Mar
del Sur, on the backeside of America: therefore this
current (having none other passage) must of necessity,
fall out thorow this our fret into Mar del Sur, and so
trending by the Moluccas, China, and C. de buona
Speranca, maintaineth it selfe by circular motion, which
is all one in nature, with Motus ab Oriente in Occi-
dentem.
So that it seemeth, we have now more occasion to
doubt of our returne, then whether there be a passage
that way, yea or no : which doubt, hereafter shall be
sufficiently remooved. Wherefore, in mine opinion,
reason it self, grounded upon experience, assureth us of
this passage, if there were nothing els to put us in hope
thereof. But least these might not suffice, I have added
in this chapter following, some further proofe hereof, by
the experience of such as have passed some part of this
discoverie : and in the next adjoining to that the authority
169
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
of those, which have sailed wholy, thorow every part
thereof.
To prove by experience of sundry mens travels,
the opening of some part of this Northwest
passage : wherby good hope remaineth of the
rest.
Chap. 3.
PAulus Venetus, who dwelt many yeres in Cataia,
affirmed that hee sayled 1 500 miles upon the coastes
of Mangia, and Anian, towards the Northeast : alwayes
finding the Seas open before him, not onely as farre
as he went, but also as farre as he could discerne.
2 Also Franciscus Vasques de Coronado passing from
Mexico by Cevola, through the countrey of Quivira, to
Siera Nevada, found there a great sea, where were certaine
[III. 16.] ships laden with Merchandise, carrying on their prowes
Alcatrarxi be the pictures of certaine birds called Alcatrarzi, part whereof
Pelltcanes. Were made of golde, and part of silver, who signified by
signes, that they were thirty dayes comming thither :
which likewise proveth America by experience to be dis-
joyned from Cataia, on that part by a great Sea, because
they could not come from any part of America, as Natives
thereof: for that, so farre as is discovered, there hath not
bene found there any one Shippe of that countrey.
Baros lib. 9. 3 In like maner, John Baros testifieth that the Cosmo-
Of his first graphers of China (where he himselfe had bene) affirme
ls caP- '• tnat tne 5ea coast: trendeth from thence Northeast, to
50 degrees of Septentrional latitude, being the furthest
part that way which the Portugals had then knowledge of:
And that the said Cosmographers knew no cause to the
contrary, but that it might continue further.
By whose experiences America is prooved to be separate
from those parts of Asia, directly against the same. And
not contented with the judgements of these learned men
only, I have searched what might be further sayd for
the confirmation hereof.
170
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE ad
1576.
4 And I found that Franciscus Lopez de Gomara
affirmeth America to be an Island, and likewise Gronland :
and that Gronland is distant from Lappia 40 leagues,
and from Terra de Labrador, 50.
5 Moreover, Alvarus Nunnius a Spaniard, and learned
Cosmographer, and Jacobus Cartier, who made two
voyages into those parts, and sayled 900 miles upon
the Northeast coastes of America doe in part confirme
the same.
6 Likewise Hieronymus Fracastorius, a learned Italian,
and travailer in the North parts of the same land.
7 Also Jaques Cartier having done the like, heard
say at Hochelaga in Nova Francia, how that there was
a great Sea at Saguinay, whereof the end was not
knowen : which they presupposed to be the passage to
Cataia.
Furthermore, Sebastian Cabota by his personal ex- Written in the
perience and travel hath set foorth, and described this (i^courJe^ °f
passage in his Charts, which are yet to be seene in the
Queens Majesties privie Gallerie at Whitehall, who was
sent to make this discovery by king Henrie the seventh,
and entred the same fret : affirming that he sayled very
farre Westward, with a quarter of the North, on the
Northside of Terra de Labrador the eleventh of June,
untill he came to the Septentrionall latitude of 67 degrees
and a halfe, and finding the Seas still open, sayd, that
he might, & would have gone to Cataia, if the mutinie
of the Master and Mariners had not bene.
Now as these mens experience hath proved some part
of this passage: so the chapter following shal put you
in full assurance of the rest, by their experiences which
have passed through every part thereof.
Navigation,
[To proove
171
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
To proove by circumstance that the Northwest
passage hath bene sayled throughout.
Chap. 4.
Quinque r i ^e diversitie betweene bruite beastes and men, or
sensus. j^ betweene the wise and the simple is, that the one
2 Auditm. judgeth by sense onely, and gathereth no surety of any
3 Olfactus. thing that he hath not seene, felt, heard, tasted, or
4 Gustus. smelled : And the other not so onely, but also findeth
i. aa,us: the certaintie of things by reason, before they happen
sensu wtiver- to ^e tryed. Wherefore I have added proofes of both
salia verb sorts, that the one and the other might thereby be
mente perci- satisfied.
ptuntur. j pjrst) as Gemma Frisius reciteth, there went from
Europe three brethren through this passage : whereof
it tooke the name of Fretum trium fratrum.
2 Also Plinie affirmeth out of Cornelius Nepos,
(who wrote 57 yeeres before Christ) that there were
certaine Indians driven by tempest, upon the coast
of Germanie which were presented by the king of
Suevia, unto Quintus Metellus Celer, the Proconsull of
France.
Lib.z.cap.66. 3 And Plinie upon the same sayth, that it is no marvell
though there be Sea by the North, where there is such
abundance of moisture : which argueth that hee doubted
not of a navigable passage that way, through which
those Indians came.
4 And for the better proofe that the same authoritie of
Cornelius Nepos is not by me wrested, to prove my
opinion of the Northwest passage : you shall finde the
same affirmed more plainly in that behalfe, by the
excellent Geographer Dominicus Marius Niger, who
Pag. 590. sheweth how many wayes the Indian sea stretcheth it
selfe, making in that place recital of certaine Indians,
that were likewise driven through the North Seas from
[III. 17.] India, upon the coastes of Germany, by great tempest,
as they were sayling in trade of marchandize.
172
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE a.d.
1576.
5 Also while Frederic Barbarossa reigned Emperour, Avouched by
Anno Do. 11 60. there came certaine other Indians upon F™nciscusLo-
^ c r> pes de Gomara
the coast of Germanie ; mtoUamU
6 Likewise Othon in the stone of the Gothes amrmeth, 0f India, lib.
that in the time of the Germane Emperours, there were 1. cap. 10.
also certaine Indians cast by force of weather, upon the
coast of the sayd countrey, which foresaid Indians could
not possibly have come by the Southeast, Southwest, nor
from any part of Afrike or America, nor yet by the
Northeast : therefore they came of necessitie by this our
Northwest passage.
To proove that these Indians aforenamed came
not by the Southeast, Southwest, nor from
any other part of Afrike, or America.
Cap. 5.
First, they could not come from the Southeast by the
Cape de bona Speranca, because the roughnes of the
Seas there is such (occasioned by the currents and great
winds in that part) that the greatest Armadas the king
of Portugal hath, cannot without great difficulty passe
that way, much lesse then a Canoa of India could live
in those outragious seas without shipwracke (being a
vessell of very small burden) and have conducted them-
selves to the place aforesayd, being men unexpert in the
Arte of navigation.
2 Also, it appeareth plainely that they were not able
to come from alongst the coast of Afrike aforesayd, to
those parts of Europe, because the winds doe (for the
most part) blow there Easterly off from the shore, and
the current running that way in like sort, should have
driven them Westward upon some part of America : for
such winds and tides could never have led them from
thence to the said place where they were found, nor yet
could they have come from any of the countries afore-
sayd, keeping the seas alwayes, without skilful mariners
i73
ad THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
to have conducted them such like courses as were
necessary to performe such a voiage.
3 Presupposing also, if they had bene driven to the
West (as they must have bene, commi ng that way) then
they should have perished, wanting supplie of victuals,
not having any place (once leaving the coast of Afrike)
untill they came to America, nor from America untill
they arrived upon some part of Europe, or the Islands
adjoyning to it, to have refreshed themselves.
4 Also, if (notwithstanding such impossibilities) they
might have recovered Germanie by comming from India
by the Southeast, yet must they without all doubt have
striken upon some other part of Europe before their
arrivall there, as the Isles of the Acores, Portugal, Spaine,
France, England, Ireland, &c. which if they had done, it
is not credible that they should or would have departed
undiscovered of the inhabitants : but there was never
found in those dayes any such ship or men but only
upon the coasts of Germanie, where they have bene sundry
times and in sundry ages cast aland : neither is it like
that they would have committed themselves againe to sea,
if they had so arrived, not knowing where they were, nor
whither to have gone.
This fift 5 And by the Southwest it is unpossible, because the
reason by later current aforesayd which commeth from the East, striketh
prove/uttlrh w*tn sucn f°rce upon the fret of Magellan, and falleth
untrue. with such swiftnesse and furie into Mar del Zur, that
hardly any ship (but not possibly a Canoa, with such
unskilfull mariners) can come into our Westerne Ocean
through that fret, from the West seas of America, as
Magellans experience hath partly taught us.
6 And further, to proove that these people so arriving
upon the coast of Germany, were Indians, & not in-
That the habiters of any part either of Africa or America, it is
Indians could manifest, because the natives both of Africa and America
1 be natives nejther had, or have at this day (as is reported) other
either of
kind of boates then such as do beare neither mastes nor
Africa, or of
America. sailes, (except onely upon the coasts of Barbarie and the
i74
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE a.d.
1576.
Turkes ships) but do carie themselves from place to
place neere the shore by the ore onely.
To proove that those Indians came not by the
Northeast, and that there is no thorow navi-
gable passage that way.
Cap. 6.
IT is likely that there should be no thorow passage by
the Northeast, whereby to goe round about the world,
because all Seas (as aforesayd) are maintained by the
abundance of water, waxing more shallow and shelffie
towards the ende, as we find it doeth by experience in
Mare Glaciali, towards the East, which breedeth small
hope of any great continuance of that sea, to be navigable
towards the East, sufficient to saile thereby round about
the world.
2 Also, it standeth scarcely with reason, that the [Hf l8-]
Indians dwelling under Torrida Zona, could endure the QulC(luld
... /- , °1 j , 1 r- • 1 1 • 1 natural! loco
injune or the cold ayre, about the Septentrional latitude pr-watury
of 80. degrees, under which elevation the passage by the quam citlssime
Northeast cannot bee (as the often experience had of all corrumpitur.
the South parts of it sheweth) seeing that some of the
inhabitants of this cold climate (whose Summer is to them Quails causa
an extreme Winter) have bene stroken to death with the talls electus-
cold damps of the aire about 72 degrees, by an accidental
mishap, and yet the aire in such like Elevation is alwaies
cold, and too cold for such as the Indians are.
3 Furthermore, the piercing cold of the grosse thicke
aire so neere the Pole wil so stiffen and furre the sailes
and ship tackling, that no mariner can either hoise or
strike them (as our experience farre neerer the South,
then this passage is presupposed to be, hath taught us)
without the use whereof no voiage can be performed.
4 Also, the aire is so darkened with continuall mists
and fogs so neere the Pole, that no man can well see,
either to guide his ship, or direct his course.
5 Also the compasse at such elevation doth very
i75
A.D.
1576.
Similium
simi/is est
ratio.
Quicquid cor
rumpitur a
conirario cor-
rumpitur.
Omne simile
gignit sui
simile.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
suddenly vary, which things must of force have bene
their destructions, although they had bene men of much
more skill then the Indians are.
6 Moreover, all baies, gulfes, and rivers doe receive
their increase upon the flood, sensibly to be discerned
on the one side of the shore or the other, as many waies
as they be open to any main sea, as Mare Mediterraneum,
Mare Rubrum, Sinus Persicus, Sinus Bodicus, Thamesis,
and all other knowen havens or rivers in any part of the
world, and each of them opening but on one part to the
maine sea, doe likewise receive their increase upon the
flood the same way, and none other, which Mare Glaciale
doeth, onely by the West ; as M. Jenkinson affirmed
unto me : and therfore it followeth that this Northeast
sea, receiving increase but onely from the West, cannot
possibly open to the maine Ocean by the East.
7 Moreover, the farther you passe into any sea towards
the end of it, on that part which is shut up from the
maine sea (as in all those above mentioned) the lesse
and lesse the tides rise and fall. The like whereof also
happeneth in Mare Glaciale, which proveth but small
continuance of that Sea toward the East.
8 Also, the further yee goe toward the East in Mare
Glaciale, the lesse salt the water is : which could not
happen, if it were open to the salt Sea towards the East,
as it is to the West only, seeing Every thing naturally
ingendreth his like : and then must it be like salt through-
out, as all the seas are, in such like climate and elevation.
And therefore it seemeth that this Northeast sea is
maintained by the river Ob, and such like fresshets, as
Mare Goticum, and Mare Mediterraneum, in the upper-
most parts thereof by the rivers Nilus, Danubius, Neper,
Tanais, &c.
9 Furthermore, if there were any such sea at that
elevation, of like it should be alwaies frozen throughout
(there being no tides to hinder it) because the extreme
coldnes of the aire being in the uppermost part, and the
extreme coldnesse of the earth in the bottome, the sea
176
IR HUMPHREY GILBERT'S MAP OF THE WORLD,
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE a.d.
1576.
there being but of small depth, whereby the one accidentall
coldnesse doth meet with the other, and the Sunne not
having his reflection so neere the Pole, but at very blunt
angels, it can never be dissolved after it is frozen, not-
withstanding the great length of their day : for that the
sunne hath no heate at all in his light or beames, but
proceeding onely by an accidentall reflection, which there
wanteth in effect.
10 And yet if the Sunne were of sufficient force in
that elevation, to prevaile against this ice, yet must it be
broken before it can be dissolved, which cannot be but
through the long continuance of the sunne above their
Horizon, and by that time the Sommer would be so farre
spent, and so great darkenes and cold ensue, that no man
could be able to endure so cold, darke, and discomfortable
a navigation, if it were possible for him then, and there
to live.
1 1 Further, the ice being once broken, it must of
force so drive with the windes and tides, that no ship
can saile in those seas, seeing our Fishers of Island, and
the New found land, are subject to danger through the
great Islands of Ice which fleete in the Seas (to the sailers
great danger) farre to the South of that presupposed
passage.
12 And it cannot be that this Northeast passage should
be any neerer the South, then before recited, for then
it should cut off Ciremissi, & Turbi Tartari, with
Uzesucani, Chisani, and others from the Continent of
Asia, which are knowen to be adjoyning to Scythia,
Tartaria, &c. with the other part of the same Continent.
And if there were any thorowe passage by the
Northeast, yet were it to small ende and purpose for
our trafBque, because no shippe of great burden can
Navigate in so shallow a Sea: and ships of small burden [III. 19.
are very unfit & unprofitable, especially towards the
blustering North, to performe such a voyage.
[To proove
vii 177 M
I
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
To proove that the Indians aforenamed, came
only by the Northwest, which induceth a
certaintie of our passage by experience.
Cap. 7.
T is as likely that they came by the Northwest, as
it is unlikely that they should come either by the
Southeast, Southwest, Northeast, or from any other part
of Africa or America, and therefore this Northwest
passage having bene alreadie so many wayes proved, by
disprooving of the others, &c. I shall the lesse neede
in this place, to use many words otherwise then to
conclude in this sort, That they came onely by the
Northwest from England, having these many reasons to
leade me thereunto.
1 First, the one halfe of the windes of the compasse
might bring them by the Northwest, bearing alwayes
betweene two sheats, with which kind of sayling the
Indians are onely acquainted, not having any use of a
bow line, or quarter winde, without the which no ship
can possibly come either by the Southeast, Southwest
or Northeast, having so many sundry Capes to double,
whereunto are required such change and shift of windes.
True, both^ in 2 And it seemeth likely that they should come by
v*ntls Clique fae Northwest, because the coast whereon they were
'also inventis driven, lay East from this our passage, And all windes
ex dlametro doe naturally drive a ship to an opposite point from
spirantibus. whence it bloweth, not being otherwise guided by Arte,
which the Indians do utterly want, & therefore it
seemeth that they came directly through this our fret,
which they might doe with one wind.
3 For if they had come by the Cape de buona
Speranca, then must they (as aforesaid) have fallen upon
the South parts of America.
4 And if by the fret of Magellan, then upon the
coasts of Afrike, Spaine, Portugal!, France, Ireland or
England.
178
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE a.d.
1576.
5 And if by the Northeast, then upon the coasts of
Ceremissi, Tartarii, Lappia, Island, Terra de Labrador,
&c. and upon these coasts (as aforesaid) they have
never bene found.
So that by all likelihood they could never have come
without shipwracke upon the coastes of Germanie, if
they had first striken upon the coastes of so many
countries, wanting both Arte and shipping to make
orderly discovery, and altogether ignorant both in the
Arte of Navigation, and also of the Rockes, Flats,
Sands or Havens of those parts of the world, which in
most of these places are plentifull.
6 And further it seemeth very likely, that the in-
habitants of the most part of those countries, by which
they must have come any other way besides by the
Northwest, being for the most part Anthropophagi, or
men eaters, would have devoured them, slaine them,
or (at the least wise) kept them as wonders for the
gaze.
So that it plainely appeareth that those Indians
(which as you have heard in sundry ages were driven
by tempest upon the shore of Germanie) came onely
through our Northwest passage.
7 Moreover, the passage is certainely prooved by a
Navigation that a Portugall made, who passed through
this fret, giving name to a Promontorie farre within
the same, calling it after his owne name, Promontorium
Corterialis, neere adjoyning unto Polisacus fluvius.
8 Also one Scolmus a Dane entred and passed a
great part thereof.
9 Also there was one Salvaterra, a Gentleman of
Victoria in Spaine, that came by chance out of the
West Indias into Ireland, Anno 1568. who affirmed
the Northwest passage from us to Cataia, constantly to
be beleeved in America navigable. And further said in
the presence of sir Henry Sidney (then lord Deputie
of Ireland) in my hearing, that a Frier of Mexico,
called Andrew Urdaneta, more then eight yeeres before
179
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
his then comming into Ireland, told him there, that he
came from Mar del Sur into Germany through this
Northwest passage, & shewed Salvaterra (at that time
being then with him in Mexico) a Sea Card made by
his owne experience and travell in that voyage, wherein
was plainly set downe and described this Northwest
passage, agreeing in all points with Ortelius mappe.
And further, this Frier tolde the king of Portugall
(as he returned by that countrey homeward) that there
was (of certainty) such a passage Northwest from Eng-
land, and that he meant to publish the same : which
done, the king most earnestly desired him not in any
wise to disclose or make the passage knowen to any
[III. 20.] nation : For that (said the king) if England had know-
T he words oj iecjge anc[ experience thereof, it would greatly hinder
Portugall to both the king of Spaine and me. This Frier (as Sal-
Andro Urda- vaterra reported) was the greatest Discoverer by sea,
neta a Frier, that hath bene in our age. Also Salvaterra being
touching the perswaded of this passage by the frier Urdaneta, and
7his Northwest by tne common opinion of the Spaniards inhabiting
passage from America, offered most willingly to accompanie me in
England to this Discovery, which of like he would not have done
Cataia. «f ne nac[ stood in doubt thereof.
And now as these moderne experiences cannot be
impugned, so, least it might be objected that these
things (gathered out of ancient writers, which wrote so
many yeeres past) might serve litle to proove this
An objection, passage by the North of America, because both America
and India were to them then utterly unknowen : to
Aristotle lib. remoove this doubt, let this suffise : That Aristotle
f Xw«rA (wh° was 3°°- yeeres before christ) named Mare inc*i-
/^ 5 cum. Also Berosus (who lived 330 yeres before Christ)
hath these words, Ganges in India. Also in the first
chapter of Hester be these wordes, In the dayes of
Assuerus which ruled from India to Aethiopia, which
Assuerus lived 580 yeeres before Christ. Also Quintus
Curtius (where he speaketh of the conquests of Alex-
ander) mentioneth India. Also, Arianus, Philostratus,
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THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE a.d.
1576.
and Sidrach in his discourses of the warres of the king
of Bactria, and of Garaab, who had the most part of
India under his government. All which assureth us,
that both India and Indians were knowen in those days.
These things considered, we may (in my opinion)
not only assure our selves of this passage by the
Northwest, but also that it is navigable both to come and
go, as hath bene prooved in part and in all, by the
experience of divers, as Sebastian Cabota, Corterialis,
the three brethren above named, the Indians, and
Urdaneta the Frier of Mexico, &c.
And yet notwithstanding all this, there be some that
have a better hope of this passage to Cataia by the
Northeast then by the West, whose reasons with my
severall answeres ensue in the chapter following.
Certaine reasons alleaged for the prooving of a
passage by the Northeast, before the Queenes
Majestie, and certaine Lords of the Counsell,
by Master Anthonie Jenkinson, with my
severall answeres then used to the same.
Cap. 8,
BEcause you may understand as well those things
alleaged against me, as what doth serve for my
purpose, I have here added the reasons of Master
Anthony Jenkinson a worthy gentleman, and a great
traveller, who conceived a better hope of the passage to
Cataia from us, to be by the Northeast, then by the
Northwest.
He first said that he thought not to the contrary, The Nortk-
but that there was a passage by the Northwest, accord- west passage
ing to mine opinion : but assured he was, that there s u °'
might be found a navigable passage by the Northeast
from England, to goe to all the East parts of the
world, which he endevoured to proove three wayes.
The first was that he heard a Fisherman of Tartaria The first
say in hunting the Morce, that he sayled very farre reasm-
181
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
towards the Southeast, finding no end of the Sea :
whereby he hoped a thorow passage to be that way.
The answer or Whereunto I answered, that the Tartarians were a
resolution. barbarous people, and utterly ignorant in the Arte of
Navigation, not knowing the use of the Sea Card,
Compasse or Starre, which he confessed to be true : and
therfore they could not (said I) certainly know the
Southeast from the Northeast, in a wide sea, and a place
unknowen from the sight of the land.
Or if he sailed any thing neere the shore, yet he
(being ignorant) might be deceived by the doubling of
many points and Capes, and by the trending of the
land, albeit he kept continually alongst the shore.
And further, it might be that the poore Fisherman
through simplicitie thought that there was nothing that
Visus nonnuv- way but sea, because he saw no land : which proofe
quam falhtur (unc[er correction) giveth small assurance of a Navigable
sea by the Northeast, to goe round about the world.
For that he judged by the eye onely, seeing we in this
our cleare aire doe account twentie miles a ken at Sea.
The second His second reason is, that there was an Unicornes
reason or atie- home founc| UpGn the coast of Tartaria, which could
not come (said he) thither by any other meanes then
with the tides, through some fret in the Northeast of
Mare Glaciale, there being no Unicorne in any part of
Asia, saving in India and Cataia : which reason (in my
simple judgement) forceth as litle.
The answer or First, it is doubtfull whether those barbarous Tar-
resohtion. • j 1 tt ■ i. j
tanans do know an Unicornes home, yea, or no: and
if it were one, yet it is not credible that the Sea could
have driven it so farre, being of such nature that it will
not swimme.
[III. 21.] Also the tides running too and fro, would have driven
it as farre backe with the ebbe, as it brought it forward
with the flood.
There is also a beast called Asinus Indicus (whose
home most like it was) which hath but one home like
an Unicorne in his forehead, whereof there is great
182
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE a.d.
1576.
plenty in all the North parts therunto adjoyning, as in
Lappia, Noruegia, Finmarke, &c. as Jacobus Zieglerus
writeth in his historie of Scondia.
And as Albertus saieth, there is a fish which hath but
one home in his forehead like to an Unicorne, and
therefore it seemeth very doubtfull both from whence
it came, and whether it were an Unicornes home, yea,
or no.
His third and last reason was, that there came a con- The third and
tinuall streame or current through Mare Glaciale, of such re?son ot
swiftnesse (as a Colmax told him) that if you cast any
thing therein, it would presently be carried out of sight
towards the West.
Whereunto I answered, that there doth the like from The answer or
Maeotis Palus, by Pontus Euxinus, Sinus Bosphorus, resQUtl0n-
and along the coast of Graecia, &c. As it is affirmed by
Contarenus, and divers others that have had experience
of the same : and yet that Sea lieth not open to any
maine Sea that way, but is maintained by freshets as by
Tanais, Danubius, &c.
In like maner is this current in Mare Glaciale in-
creased and maintained by the Dwina, the river Ob, &c.
Now as I have here briefly recited the reasons alleaged,
to proove a passage to Cataia by the Northeast, with
my severall answeres thereunto : so will I leave it to
your judgement, to hope or dispaire of either at your
pleasure.
How that the passage by the Northwest is more
commodious for our traffique, then the other
by the East, if there were any such.
Cap. 9.
First, by the Northeast (if your windes doe not give
you a marvelous speedie & luckie passage) you are
in danger (being so neere the Pole) to be benighted
almost the one halfe of the yeere, and what danger that
were, to live so long comfortlesse, voide of light, (if the
183
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
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cold killed you not) each man of reason or understanding
may judge.
Some doubt of 2 Also Mangia, Quinzai, and the Molucca? are neerer
this. unto us by tke Northwest, then by the Northeast, more
then two five parts, which is almost by the halfe.
3 Also we may have by the West a yerely returne,
it being at all times navigable, whereas you have but
4. moneths in the whole yeere to goe by the Northeast :
the passage being at such elevation as it is formerly ex-
pressed, for it cannot be any neerer the South.
4 Furthermore, it cannot be finished without divers
wintrings by the way, having no havens in any temperate
climate to harbour in there : for it is as much as we ca.i
well saile from hence to S. Nicholas, in the trade cf
Moscovia, and returne in the navigable season of the
yeere, & from S. Nicholas to Cerimissi Tartari, which,
stande at 80 degrees of the Septentrionall latitude, it :s
at the least 400 leagues, which amounteth scarce to the
third part of the way, to the end of your voyage by
the Northeast.
5 And yet after you have doubled this Cape, if thei
there might be found a navigable Sea to carie you South-
east according to your desire, yet can you not winter
conveniently, until you come to 60 degrees, and to take
up one degree running Southeast, you must saile 24
leagues and three foure parts, which amounteth to 495
leagues.
6 Furthermore, you may by the Northwest saile
thither with all Easterly windes, and returne with any
Westerly windes, whereas you must have by the North-
east sundry windes, and those proper, according to the
lying of the coast and Capes, you shalbe inforced to
double, which windes are not alwaies to be had, when
they are looked for : whereby your journey should be
greatly prolonged, and hardly endured so neere the Pole.
As we are taught by sir Hugh Willoughbie, who was
frozen to death farre neerer the South.
7 Moreover, it is very doubtfull, whether we should
184
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE a.d.
1576.
long injoy that trade by the Northeast, if there were
any such passage that way, the commodities thereof once
knowen to the Moscovite, what privilege soever hee hath
granted, seeing pollicy with the masse of excessive gaine,
to the inriching (so greatly) of himselfe and all his
dominions would perswade him to presume the same,
having so great opportunitie to utter the commodities of
those countries by the Narve.
But by the Northwest, we may safely trade without
danger or annoyance of any prince living, Christian or
Heathen, it being out of all their trades.
8 Also the Queenes Majesties dominions are neerer [III. 22/
the Northwest passage then any other great princes that
might passe that way, and both in their going and
returne, they must of necessitie succour themselves and
their ships upon some part of the same, if any tempes-
tuous weather should happen.
Further, no princes navie of the world is able to in-
counter the Queenes Majesties navie, as it is at this pre-
sent : and yet it should be greatly increased by the
traffike insuing upon this discoverie, for it is the long
voyages that increase and maintaine great shipping.
Now it seemeth necessarie to declare what commodities
would growe thereby, if all these things were, as we have
heretofore presupposed, and thought them to be : which
next adjoyning are briefly declared.
What commodities would ensue, this passage
once discovered.
Cap. 10.
First, it were the onely way for our princes, to possesse
the wealth of all the East parts (as they terme them)
of the world, which is infinite : as appeareth by the
experience of Alexander the great, in the time of his con-
quest of India, and other the East parts of the world,
alleaged by Quintus Curtius, which would be a great
advancement to our countrey, a wonderfull inriching to
185
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
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our prince, and an unspeakable commoditie to all the
inhabitants of Europe.
2 For through the shortnesse of the voyage, we should
be able to sell all maner of merchandize, brought from
thence, farre better cheape then either the Portugall or
Spaniard doth or may do. And further, we should share
with the Portugall in the East, & the Spaniard in the
West, by trading to any part of America, thorow Mar
del Sur, where they can no maner of way offend us.
3 Also we might sayle to divers very rich countreys,
both civill and others, out of both their jurisdictions,
trades and traffikes, where there is to be found great
abundance of golde, silver, precious stones, cloth of
gold, silkes, all maner of spices, grocery wares, and other
kinds of merchandize of an inestimable price, which both
the Spaniard and Portugall, through the length of their
journies, cannot well attaine unto.
4 Also we might inhabite some part of those coun-
tryes, and settle there such needy people of our countrey,
which now trouble the common wealth, and through
want here at home are inforced to commit outragious
offences, whereby they are dayly consumed with the
gallowes.
5 Moreover, we might from all the aforesaid places
have a yeerely returne, inhabiting for our staple some
convenient place of America, about Sierra Nevada, or
some other part, whereas it shal seeme best for the
shortning of the voyage.
6 Beside uttering of our countrey commodities, which
the Indians, &c. much esteeme : as appeareth in Hester,
where the pompe is expressed of the great king of India,
Assuerus, who matched the coloured clothes, wherewith
his houses and tents were apparelled, with gold and
silver, as part of his greatest treasure : not mentioning
either velvets, silkes, cloth of gold, cloth of silver, or
such like, being in those countreyes most plentifull :
whereby it plainly appeareth in what great estimation
they would have the clothes of this our countrey, so
186
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE a.d.
1576.
that there would be found a farre better vent for them
by this meanes, then yet this realme ever had : and that
without depending either upon France, Spaine, Flanders,
Portugall, Hamborow, Emden, or any other part of
Europe.
7 Also, here we shall increase both our ships and
mariners, without burthening of the state.
8 And also have occasion to set poore mens children
to learne handie craftes, and thereby to make trifles and
such like, which the Indians and those people do much
esteeme : by reason whereof, there should be none occa-
sion to have our countrey combred with loiterers, vaga-
bonds, and such like idle persons.
All these commodities would grow by following this
our discovery, without injury done to any Christian
prince, by crossing them in any of their used trades,
whereby they might take any just occasion of offence.
Thus have I briefly shewed you some part of the
grounds of mine opinion, trusting that you will no
longer judge me fantasticke in this matter : seeing I have
conceived no vaine hope of this voyage, but am per-
swaded thereunto by the best Cosmographers of our age,
the same being confirmed both by reason and certaine
experiences.
Also this discovery hath bene divers times heretofore
by others both offered, attempted, and performed.
It hath bene offered by Stephan Gomes unto Carolus
the fift Emperour, in the yeere of our Lord God 1527, [III. 23.]
as Alphonso Ullva testifieth in the story of Carolus life :
who would have set him forth in it (as the story men-
tioneth) if the great want of money, by reason of his
long warres had not caused him to surcease the same.
And the king of Portugall fearing least the Emperour
would have persevered in this his enterprise, gave him to This discovery
leave the matter unattempted, the summe of 350000 °ffered>
crownes : and it is to be thought that the king of Portu-
gall would not have given to the Emperour such summes
of money for egges in mooneshine.
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a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
This discovery It hath bene attempted by Sebastian Cabota in the
attempted. t[me Qf kjng Henry the seventh, by Corterialis the Portu-
gall, and Scolmus the Dane.
This discovery And it hath bene performed by three brethren, the
performed. Indians aforesaid, and by Urdaneta the Frier of Mexico.
Also divers have offered the like unto the French
king, who hath sent two or three times to have dis-
covered the same : The discoverers spending and con-
suming their victuals in searching the gulfes and bayes
betweene Florida and Terra de Labrador, whereby the
yce is broken to the after commers.
So that the right way may now easily be found out
in short time : and that with litle jeoperdie and lesse
expences.
For America is discovered so farre towardes the North
as Cape Frio, which is at 62 degrees, and that part of
Grondland next adjoyning is knowen to stand but at
The labour of y2 degrees. So that wee have but 10 degrees to saile
fLmeTb™ N°rth & S°Uth> tC> PUt the WOrld OUt °f d°ubt hereof :
other mens an(^ lt IS likely that the king of Spaine, and the king
travel!. of Portugall would not have sit out all this while, but
that they are sure to possesse to themselves all that
trade they now use, and feare to deale in this discovery,
least the Queenes Majestie having so good opportunitie,
and finding the commoditie which thereby might ensue
to the common wealth, would cut them off, and enjoy
Why ye kings the whole traffique to her selfe, and thereby the Spaniards
toftu™ dnd and P°rtugals> witn tneir great charges, should beate the
zvouldnot bush, and other men catch the birds : which thing they
persever in foreseeing, have commanded that no pilot of theirs upon
this discovery, paine of death, should seeke to discover to the Northwest,
or plat out in any Sea card any thorow passage that way
by the Northwest.
Now, and if you will indifferently compare the hope
that remaineth, to animate me to this enterprise, with
those likelihoods which Columbus alleaged before Ferdi-
nando the king of Castilia, to proove that there were
such Islands in the West Ocean, as were after by him
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE a.d.
1576.
and others discovered to the great commodity of Spaine
and all the world : you will thinke then this Northwest
passage to be most worthy travell therein.
For Columbus had none of the West Islands set foorth
unto him, either in globe or card, neither yet once
mentioned of any writer (Plato excepted, and the com-
mentaries upon the same) from 942 yeeres before Christ,
untill that day.
Moreover, Columbus himselfe had neither seene
America nor any other of the Islands about it, neither,
understood he of them by the report of any other that
had seene them, but only comforted himselfe with this
hope, that the land had a beginning where the Sea had
an ending : for as touching that which the Spaniards doe
write of a Biscaine, which should have taught him the
way thither, it is thought to be imagined of them, to
deprive Columbus of his honour, being none of their
countrey man, but a stranger borne.
And if it were true of the Biscaine, yet did he but
rove at the matter, or (at the least) gathered the know-
ledge of it, by conjectures onely.
And albeit my selfe have not seene this passage or
any part thereof, but am ignorant of it as touching ex-
perience (as Columbus was before his attempt made) yet
have I both the report, relation, and authoritie of divers
most credible men, which have both seene and passed
through some and every part of this discovery, besides
sundry reasons for my assurance thereof: all which
Columbus wanted.
These things considered, & indifferently weighed to-
gither, with the wonderfull commodities which this
discovery may bring, especially to this realme of Eng-
land : I must needes conclude with learned Baptista
Ramusius, and divers other learned men, who said, that
this discovery hath bene reserved for some noble prince
or woorthie man, thereby to make himselfe rich, and the
world happie : desiring you to accept in good part this
briefe and simple discourse, written in haste, which if
189
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
I may perceive that it shall not sufficiently satisfie you
in this behalfe, I will then impart unto you a large dis-
course, which I have written onely of this discovery.
And further, because it sufficeth not only to know
that such a thing there is, without abilitie to performe
the same, I wil at leasure make you partaker of another
[III. 24.] simple discourse of navigation, wherein I have not a
litle travelled, to make my selfe as sufficient to bring
these things to effect, as I have bene readie to offer my
selfe therein.
And therein I have devised to amend the errors of
usuall sea cards, whose common fault is, to make the
degrees of longitude in every latitude of one like big-
nesse.
And have also devised therein a Spherical instrument,
with a compasse of variation for the perfect knowing of
the longitude.
And a precise order to pricke the sea card, together
with certaine infallible rules for the shortning of any
discovery, to know at the first entring of any fret,
whether it lie open to the Ocean more wayes then one,
how farre soever the sea stretcheth it selfe into the
land.
Desiring you hereafter never to mislike with me, for
the taking in hande of any laudable and honest enter-
prise : for if through pleasure or idlenesse we purchase
shame, the pleasure vanisheth, but the shame remaineth
for ever.
Pereas qui And therefore to give me leave without offence,
alwayes to live and die in this mind, That he is not
worthy to live at all, that for feare, or danger of death,
shunneth his countries service, and his owne honour :
seeing death is inevitable, and the fame of vertue im-
mortall. Wherefore in this behalfe, Mutare vel timere
sperno.
190
umbras
times.
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE a.d.
1576.
Certaine other reasons, or arguments to proove
a passage by the Northwest, learnedly written
by M. Richard Willes Gentleman.
FOure famous wayes there be spoken of to those
fruitfull and wealthie Islands, which wee doe usually
call Moluccaes, continually haunted for gaine, and dayly
travelled for riches therein growing. These Islands,
although they stand East from the Meridian, distant
almost halfe the length of the worlde, in extreame heate,
under the Equinoctiall line, possessed of Infidels and
Barbarians : yet by our neighbours great abundance of
wealth there is painefully sought in respect of the voyage
deerely bought, and from thence dangerously brought
home unto us. Our neighbours I call the Portugals in
comparison of the Molucchians for neerenesse unto us,
for like situation Westward as we have, for their usuall
trade with us, for that the farre Southeasterlings doe
knowe this part of Europe by no other name then
Portugall, not greatly acquainted as yet with the other
Nations thereof. Their voyage is very well understood
of all men, and the Southeasterne way round about 1 By the
Afrike by the Cape of Good hope more spoken of, better Southeast.
knowen and travelled, then that it may seeme needfull
to discourse thereof any further.
The second way lyeth Southwest, betweene the West 2 By the
India or South America, and the South continent, through Southwe^
that narrow straight where Magellan first of all men that
ever we doe read of, passed these latter yeeres, leaving
thereunto therefore his name. The way no doubt the
Spaniardes would commodiously take, for that it lyeth
neere unto their dominions there, could the Easterne
current and levant windes as easily suffer them to returne, This is an er-
as speedily therwith they may be carried thither : for rmr'
the which difficultie, or rather impossibility of striving
against the force both of winde and streame, this passage
is litle or nothing used, although it be very well knowen.
191
A.D.
1576.
3 By the
Northeast.
Ortel. tab.
A sice 3.
4 By the
Northeast.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
The third way by the Northeast, beyond all Europe
and Asia, that worthy and renowmed knight sir Hugh
Willoughbie sought to his perill, enforced there to ende
his life for colde, congealed and frozen to death. And
truely this way consisteth rather in the imagination of
Geographers, then allowable either in reason, or approved
by experience, as well it may appeare by the dangerous
trending of the Scythish Cape set by Ortelius under
the 80 degree North, by the unlikely sailing in that
Northerne sea alwayes clad with yce and snow, or at the
least continually pestred therewith, if happily it be at any
time dissolved : besides bayes and shelfes, the water
waxing more shallow toward the East, that we say nothing
of the foule mists and darke fogs in the cold clime, of
the litle power of the Sunne to cleare the aire, of the un-
comfortable nights, so neere the Pole, five moneths long.
A fourth way to go unto these aforesaid happy Islands
Moluccas sir Humphrey Gilbert a learned and valiant
knight discourseth of at large in his new passage to
Cathayo. The enterprise of it selfe being vertuous, the
fact must doubtlesse deserve high praise, and whensoever
it shal be finished, the fruits thereof cannot be smal :
where vertue is guide, there is fame a follower, & fortune
a companion. But the way is dangerous, the passage
doubtfull, the voiage not throughly knowen, and there-
fore gainesaid by many, after this maner.
Ob. 1. First, who can assure us of any passage rather by the
[III. 25.] Northwest, then by the Northeast? doe not both wayes
lye in equall distance from the North Pole ? Stand not
the North Capes of eyther continent under like elevation ?
Is not the Ocean sea beyond America farther distant from
our Meridian by 30. or 40. degrees West, then the
extreame poyntes of Cathayo Eastward, if Ortelius
InTheatro. generall Carde of the world be true? In the Northeast
that noble Knight Syr Hugh Willoughbie perished for
colde : and can you then promise a passenger any better
happe by the Northwest ? Who hath gone for triall sake
at any time this way out of Europe to Cathayo ?
192
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE ad.
[576.
If you seeke the advise herein of such as make pro- Ob. 2.
fession in Cosmographie, Ptolome the father of Geo-
graphic, and his eldest children, will answere by their
mappes with a negative, concluding most of the Sea
within the land, and making an ende of the world North-
ward, neere the 63. degree. The same opinion, when
learning chiefly florished, was received in the Romanes
time, as by their Poets writings it may appeare : tibi
serviat ultima Thyle, said Virgil, being of opinion, that
Island was the extreme part of the world habitable toward
the North. Joseph Moletius an Italian, and Mercator
a Germaine, for knowledge men able to be compared with
the best Geographers of our time, the one in his halfe
Spheres of the whole world, the other in some of his
great globes, have continued the West Indies land, even
to the North Pole, and consequently, cut off all passage
by sea that way.
The same doctors, Mercator in other of his globes
and mappes, Moletius in his sea Carde, neverthelesse
doubting of so great continuance of the former continent,
have opened a gulfe betwixt the West Indies and the
extreame Northerne land : but such a one, that either
is not to be travelled for the causes in the first objection
alledged, or cleane shut up from us in Europe by
Groenland : the South ende whereof Moletius maketh
firme land with America, the North part continent with
Lappeland and Norway.
Thirdly, the greatest favourers of this voyage can not Ob. 3.
denie, but that if any such passage be, it lieth subject
unto yce and snow for the most part of the yeere,
whereas it standeth in the edge of the frostie Zone.
Before the Sunne hath warmed the ayre, and dissolved
the yce, eche one well knoweth that there can be no
sailing: the yce once broken through the continuall
abode the sunne maketh a certaine season in those parts,
how shall it be possible for so weake a vessel as a shippe
is, to holde out amid whole Islands, as it were of yce
continually beating on eche side, and at the mouth of
vii 193 N
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
that gulfe, issuing downe furiously from the north, and
safely to passe, when whole mountaines of yce and snow
shall be tumbled downe upon her ?
Ob. 4. Well, graunt the West Indies not to continue con-
tinent unto the Pole, grant there be a passage betweene
these two lands, let the gulfe lie neerer us then commonly
in cardes we finde it set, namely, betweene the 61. and
64. degrees north, as Gemma Frisius in his mappes and
globes imagineth it, and so left by our countryman
Sebastian Cabot in his table which the Earle of Bedford
hath at Cheinies : Let the way be voyde of all difficulties,
yet doeth it not follow that wee have free passage to
Cathayo. For examples sake : You may trend all
Norway, Finmarke, and Lappeland, and then bowe
Southward to Saint Nicholas in Moscovia : you may
likewise in the Mediterranean Sea fetch Constantinople,
and the mouth of Tanais : yet is there no passage by Sea
through Moscovia into Pont Euxine, now called Mare
Maggiore. Againe, in the aforesaid Mediterranean sea,
we saile to Alexandria in Egypt, the Barbarians bring
their pearle and spices from the Moluccaes up the Red
sea or Arabian gulph to Sues, scarcely three dayes journey
from the aforesayd haven : yet have wee no way by sea
from Alexandria to the Moluccaes, for that Isthmos or
litle straight of land betweene the two seas. In like
maner although the Northerne passage be free at 61
degrees of latitude, and the West Ocean beyond America,
usually called Mar del Zur, knowen to be open at 40.
degrees elevation from the Island Japan, yea three
hundred leagues Northerly above Japan : yet may there
be land to hinder the thorow passage that way by Sea,
as in the examples aforesaid it falleth out, Asia and
America there being joyned together in one continent.
Ne can this opinion seeme altogether frivolous unto any
one that diligently peruseth our Cosmographers doings.
Josephus Moletius is of that minde, not onely in his
plaine Hemispheres of the world, but also in his Sea
card. The French Geographers in like maner be of
194
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE a.d.
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the same opinion, as by their Mappe cut out in forme
of a Hart you may perceive : as though the West Indies
were part of Asia. Which sentence well agreeth with that
old conclusion in the Schooles : Quicquid praster Africam
& Europam est, Asia est, Whatsoever land doeth neither
apperteine unto Afrike nor to Europe, is part of Asia.
Furthermore it were to small purpose to make so long, Ob. 5.
so painefull, so doubtfull a voyage by such a new found
way, if in Cathayo you should neither bee suffered to
land for silkes and silver, nor able to fetch the Molucca
spices and pearle for piracie in those Seas. Of a law
denying all Aliens to enter into China, and forbid-
ding all the inhabiters under a great penaltie to let in
any stranger into those countryes, shall you reade in [III. 26.}
the report of Galeotto Perera there imprisoned with
other Portugals : as also in the Japonish letters, how
for that cause the worthy traveller Xavierus bargained
with a Barbarian Merchant for a great summe of pepper
to be brought into Canton, a port in China. The
great and dangerous piracie used in those Seas no man
can be ignorant of, that listeth to reade the Japonish
and East Indian historic
Finally, all this great labour would be lost, all these Ob. 6.
charges spent in vaine, if in the ende our travellers
might not be able to returne againe, and bring safely
home into their owne native countrey that wealth &
riches, which they in forrein regions with adventure of
goods, & danger of their lives have sought for. By
the Northeast there is no way, the Southeast passage
the Portugals doe hold as the Lords of those Seas. At
ye Southwest Magellans experience hath partly taught
us, and partly we are persuaded by reason, how the
Easterne current striketh so furiously on that straight,
and falleth with such force into that narrow gulph, that
hardly any ship can returne that way into our West
Ocean out of Mar del Zur. The which if it be true,
as truely it is, then wee may say that the aforesayd
Easterne current or levant course of waters continually
*95
ad THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
following after the heavenly motions, looseth not alto-
gether his force, but is doubled rather by an other
current from out the Northeast, in the passage betweene
America and the North land, whither it is of necessity
caryed : having none other way to maintaine it selfe in
circular motion, & consequently the force and fury
thereof to be no lesse in the straight of Anian, where
it striketh South into Mar del Zur, beyond America
(if any such straight of Sea there be) then in Magellans
fret, both straights being of like bredth : as in Belognine
Zalterius table of new France, and in Don Diego
Hermano de Toledo his Card for navigation in that
region we doe finde precisely set downe.
Neverthelesse to approove that there lyeth a way to
Cathayo at the Northwest from out of Europe, we
have experience, namely of three brethren that went
that journey, as Gemma Frisius recordeth, and left a
name unto that straight, whereby now it is called
Fretum trium fratrum. We doe reade againe of a
Portugall that passed this straight, of whom Master
Frobisher speaketh, that was imprisoned therefore many
yeeres in Lisbone, to verifie the olde Spanish proverbe,
I suffer for doing well. Likewise Andrew Urdaneta a
Fryer of Mexico came out of Mar del Zur this way
into Germanie : his Carde (for he was a great Dis-
coverer) made by his owne experience and travell in
that voyage, hath bene seene by Gentlemen of good
credite.
Cic. 1. dc Now if the observation and remembrance of things
°ra-L m lSt'i breedeth experience, and of experience proceedeth arte,
and the certaine knowledge we have in all faculties, as
the best Philosophers that ever were doe affirme : truely
the voyage of these aforesayd travellers that have gone
out of Europe into Mar del Zur, and returned thence
at the Northwest, do most evidently conclude that way
to be navigable, and that passage free. So much the
Lib 1 Geo? more we are so to thinke, for that the first principle
Cap. 2. and chiefe ground in all Geographie, as Ptolome saith,
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THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE a.d.
1576.
is the history of travell, that is, reports made by
travellers skilful in Geometrie and Astronomie, of all
such things in their journey as to Geographie doe
belong. It onely then remaineth, that we now answere
to those arguments that seemed to make against this
former conclusion.
The first objection is of no force, that generall table Sol. 1.
of the world set forth by Ortelius or Mercator, for it
greatly skilleth not, being unskilfully drawen for that
point : as manifestly it may appeare unto any one that
conferreth the same with Gemma Frisius his universall
Mappe, with his round quartered carde, with his globe,
with Sebastian Cabota his table, and Ortelius his
generall mappe alone, worthily preferred in this case
before all Mercator & Ortelius other doings : for that
Cabota was not onely a skilful Sea man, but a long
traveller, and such a one as entred personally that
straight, sent by king Henry the seventh to make this
aforesayd Discoverie, as in his owne discourse of
navigation you may reade in his carde drawen with his
owne hand, that the mouth of the Northwesterne
straight lyeth neere the 318. Meridian, betweene 61.
and 64. degrees in the elevation, continuing the same
bredth about 10. degrees West, where it openeth
Southerly more and more, untill it come under the
tropicke of Cancer, and so runneth into Mar del Zur,
at the least 18. degrees more in bredth there, then it
was where it first began : otherwise I could as well
imagine this passage to be more unlikely then the
voyage to Moscovia, and more impossible then it for
the farre situation and continuance thereof in the frostie
clime : as now I can affirme it to be very possible and
most likely in comparison thereof, for that it neither
coasteth so farre North as the Moscovian passage
doeth, neither is this straight so long as that, before it
bow downe Southerly towardes the Sunne againe.
The second argument concludeth nothing. Ptolome Sol. 2.
knew not what was above sixteene degrees South
1 i97
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1576.
beyond the Equinoctiall line, he was ignorant of all
passages Northward from the elevation of 63. degrees:
he knewe no Ocean sea beyond Asia, yet have the
[III. 27.] Portugals trended the cape of Good hope at the South
point of Afrike, and travelled to Japan an Island in
the East Ocean, betweene Asia & America : our mer-
chants in the time of king Edward the sixt discovered
the Moscovian passage farther North then Thyle, &
shewed Groenland not to be continent with Lappeland
& Norway : the like our Northwesterne travellers have
done, declaring by their navigation that way, the ignor-
ance of all Cosmographers that either doe joyne Groen-
land with America, or continue the West Indies with
that frosty region under the north pole. As for Virgil
he sang according to the knowledge of men in his
time, as an other Poet did of the hot Zone.
Ovid. 1. Quarum quae media est, non est habitabilis aestu.
Meta. Imagining, as most men then did, Zonam torridam,
the hot Zone to be altogether dishabited for heat,
though presently wee know many famous and woorthy
kingdomes and cities in that part of the earth, and
the Island of S. Thomas neere ^Ethiopia, & the
wealthy Islands for the which chiefly all these voyages
are taken in hand, to be inhabited even under the
equinoctiall line.
So/. 3. To answere the third objection, besides Cabota and
all other travellers navigations, the onely credit of M.
Frobisher may suffice, who lately through all these
Islands of ice, and mountaines of snow, passed that
way, even beyond the gulfe that tumbleth downe from
the North, and in some places though he drewe one
inch thicke ice, as he returning in August did, yet
came he home safely againe.
So/ 4. The fourth argument is altogether frivolous & vaine,
for neither is there any isthmos or strait of land
betweene America and Asia, ne can these two landes
joyntly be one continent. The first part of my answere
is manifestly allowed of by Homer, whom that excellent
198
THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE ad.
1576.
Geographer Strabo followeth, yeelding him in this Lib. Geog.
facultie the price. The authour of that booke likewise
irepl koct/ulov to Alexander, attributed unto Aristotle, is
of the same opinion that Homer and Strabo be of, in
two or three places. Dionisius in SiKovimevr]? irepihywt-
hath this verse cqtcos wiceavos TrepiSeSpo/me ycuav diracrav.
So doth the Ocean Sea runne round about the worlde :
speaking onely of Europe, Afrike and Asia, as then Asia
was travelled and knowen. With these Doctours may Note.
you joyne Pomponius Mela. cap. 2. lib. I. Plinius lib.
2. cap. 67. and Pius 2. cap. 2. in his description of
Asia. All the which writers doe no lesse confirme the
whole Easterne side of Asia to be compassed about with
the sea, then Plato doeth affirme in Timaso, under the
name Atlantis, the West Indies to be an Island, as in
a special discourse thereof R. Eden writeth, agreeable RkhardEden.
unto the sentence of Proclus, Marsilius Ficinus, and
others. Out of Plato it is gathered that America is
an Island. Homer, Strabo, Aristotle, Dionysius, Mela,
Plinie, Pius 2. affirme the continent of Asia, Afrike,
& Europe, to be environed with the Ocean. I may
therfore boldly say (though later intelligences therof
had we none at all) that Asia & the West Indies be
not tied together by any Isthmos or straight of land,
contrary to the opinion of some new Cosmographers,
by whom doubtfully this matter hath bin brought in
controversie. And thus much for the first part of my
answere unto the fourth objection.
The second part, namely that America and Asia
cannot be one continent, may thus be proved, Kara Lib. 2. Me-
Tr\v tt}
Lieutenant Master Beast, al the rest were obedient) went Master Beast.
a shore, determining to see, if by faire means we could
either allure them to familiarity, or otherwise take some of
219
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1577-
them, and so attaine to some knowledge of those men
whom our Generall lost the yeere before.
At our comming backe againe to the place where their
tents were before, they had remooved their tents further
into the said Bay or Sound, where they might if they
were driven from the land, flee with their boates into the
sea. We parting our selves into two companies, and
compassing a mountaine came suddenly upon them by
land, who espying us, without any tarying fled to their
boates, leaving the most part of their oares behind them
for haste, and rowed downe the bay, where our two
Pinnesses met them and drove them to shore : but if
they had had all their oares, so swift are they in rowing,
it had bene lost time to have chased them.
A fierce When they were landed they fiercely assaulted our
assault of a men ^^ tneir bowes and arrowes, who wounded three
of them with our arrowes : and perceiving themselves
thus hurt, they desperatly leapt off the Rocks into the
Sea, and drowned themselves : which if they had not
done, but had submitted themselves, or if by any meanes
we could have taken them alive (being their enemies
as they judged) we would both have saved them, &
also have sought remedy to cure their wounds received
at our hands. But they altogether voyd of humanity,
and ignorant what mercy meaneth, in extremities looke
for no other then death : and perceiving they should fall
into our hands, thus miserably by drowning rather desired
death then otherwise to be saved by us : the rest per-
ceiving their fellowes in this distresse, fled into the high
mountaines. Two women not being so apt to escape as
the men were, the one for her age, and the other being
incombred with a yong child, we tooke. The old wretch,
whom divers of our Saylers supposed to be eyther a
devill, or a witch, had her buskins plucked off, to see if
she were cloven footed, and for her ougly hew and
deformity we let her goe : the yong woman and the child
we brought away. We named the place where they were
slaine, Bloodie point : and the Bay or Harborough, Yorks
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
*577-
sound, after the name of one of the Captaines of the
two Barks.
Having this knowledge both of their flercenesse and faire manes
cruelty, and perceiving that faire meanes as yet is not notable f°
1111 i r • i • • j- j i allure them to
able to allure them to familiarity, we disposed our selves, fammarip,
contrary to our inclination, something to be cruel, returned
to their tents and made a spoyle of the same : where
we found an old shirt, a doublet, a girdle, and also shooes
of our men, whom we lost the yeere before : on nothing
else unto them belonging could we set our eyes.
Their riches are not gold, silver or precious Drapery, [HI. 36.]
but their said tents and botes, made of the skins of red Boates °f
Deare and Seale skins : also dogges like unto woolves,
but for the most part black, with other trifles, more to be
wondred at for their strangenesse, then for any other
commoditie needefull for our use.
Thus returning to our ship the 3. of August, we Our departure
departed from the West shore supposed firme with -^thc West
America, after we had ankered there 13. dayes : and so
the 4. thereof we came to our Generall on the East shore,
and ankered in a faire Harborough named Anne War-
wickes sound, unto which is annexed an Island both
named after the Countesse of Warwicke, Anne Warwickes
sound and Isle.
In this Isle our Generall thought good for this voyage,
to fraight both the ship and barkes, with such stone
or supposed gold minerall, as he judged to countervaile
the charges of his first, and this his second navigation
to these Countreys.
In the meane time of our abode here some of the The c^ntrey
countrey people came to shew themselves unto us, sundry ^J s,e]c
times on the maine shore, neere adjacent to the said unt0 USt
Isle. Our Generall desirous to have some newes of his
men, whom he lost the yeere before, with some company
with him repaired with the ship boat to common, or
signe with them for familiaritie, whereunto he is per-
swaded to bring them. They at the first shew made
tokens, that three of his five men were alive, and desired
221
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1577-
penne, ynck, and paper, and that within three or foure
dayes they would returne, and (as we judged) bring those
of our men which were living, with them.
They also made signes or tokens of their King,
whom they called Cacough, & how he was carried on
mens shoulders, and a man farre surmounting any of our
company, in bignesse and stature.
With these tokens and signes of writing, penne, yncke,
and paper was delivered them, which they would not
take at our hands, but being laid upon the shore, and
Their usage the partie gone away, they tooke up : which likewise
m traffique or ^^ jQ when they desire anv thing for change of theirs,
laying for that which is left so much as they thinke
will countervaile the same, and not comming neere to-
gether. It seemeth they have bene used to this trade
or traffique, with some other people adjoyning, or not
farre distant from their Countrey.
The people After 4. dayes some of them shewed themselves upon
shew them- the firme jan 1 but nQt wjiere they were before. Our
selves the .
third time. General very glad thereof, supposing to heare of our
men, went from the Island, with the boat, and sufficient
company with him. They seemed very glad, and allured
him about a certaine point of the land : behind which
they might perceive a company of the crafty villaines to
lye lurking, whom our Generall would not deale withall,
for that he knew not what company they were, and so
with few signes dismissed them and returned to his
company.
The people An other time as our said Generall was coasting the
shew them- Countrey with two little Pinnesses, whereby at our returne
on firme land ne might make the better relation thereof, three of the
crafty villains, with a white skin allured us to them.
Once againe our generall, for that he hoped to heare
of his men, went towards them : at our comming neere
the shore whereon they were, we might perceive a
number of them lie hidden behind great stones, & those
3. in sight labouring by al meanes possible that some
would come on land : and perceiving we made no hast
222
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
, x577-
by words nor friendly signes, which they used by clapping Their first
of their hands, and being without weapon, and but 3. ™ena™ *° t0
in sight, they sought further meanes to provoke us shore^
thereunto. One alone laid flesh on the shore, which Their second
we tooke up with the Boat hooke, as necessary victuals meanes.
for the relieving of the man, woman, and child, whom
we had taken : for that as yet they could not digest our
meat : whereby they perceived themselves deceived of
their expectation, for all their crafty allurements. Yet
once againe to make (as it were) a full shew of their Their third
craftie natures, and subtile sleights, to the intent thereby ""fj^*"'
to have intrapped and taken some of our men, one of
them counterfeited himselfe impotent and lame of his
legs, who seemed to descend to the water side, with
great difficulty : and to cover his craft the more, one
of his fellowes came downe with him, and in such places
where he seemed unable to passe, he tooke him on his
shoulders, set him by the water side, and departed from
him, leaving him (as it should seeme) all alone, who
playing his counterfait pageant very well, thought thereby
to provoke some of us to come on shore, not fearing,
but that one of us might make our party good with a
lame man.
Our Generall having compassion of his impotency, Compassion to
thought good (if it were possible) to cure him thereof: cfre a cra^
1 r 1 it 1 • '1- 'amC man'
wherefore he caused a souldier to shoote at him with
his Caleever, which grased before his face. The counter-
feit villeine deliverly fled, without any impediment at
all, and got him to his bow and arrowes, and the rest
from their lurking holes, with their weapons, bowes,
arrowes, slings, and darts. Our Generall caused some
caleevers to be shot off at them, wherby some being
hurt, they might hereafter stand in more feare of us.
This was all the answere for this time we could have [III. 37.]
of our men, or of our Generals letter. Their crafty
dealing at these three severall times being thus manifest
unto us, may plainely shew their disposition in other
things to be correspondent. We judged that they used
223
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
*577-
these stratagemes, thereby to have caught some of us,
for the delivering of the man, woman and child whom
we had taken.
They are men of a large corporature, and good pro-
portion : their colour is not much unlike the Sunne burnt
Countrey man, who laboureth daily in the Sunne for his
living.
They weare their haire something long, and cut before
either with stone or knife, very disorderly. Their women
weare their haire long, and knit up with two loupes,
shewing forth on either side of their faces, and the rest
foltred upon a knot. Also some of their women race
their faces proportionally, as chinne, cheekes, and fore-
head, and the wrists of their hands, whereupon they lay
a colour which continueth darke azurine.
They eate their meat all raw, both flesh, fish, and
foule, or something per boyled with blood and a little
water which they drinke. For lacke of water they will
eate yce, that is hard frosen, as pleasantly as we will do
Sugar Candie, or other Sugar.
If they for necessities sake stand in need of the pre-
misses, such grasse as the Countrey yeeldeth they plucke
up and eate, not deintily, or salletwise to allure their
stomacks to appetite : but for necessities sake without
either salt, oyles or washing, like brute beasts devouring
the same. They neither use table, stoole, or table cloth
for comlines : but when they are imbrued with blood
knuckle deepe, and their knives in like sort, they use
their tongues as apt instruments to lick them cleane :
in doing whereof they are assured to loose none of their
victuals.
Dogges like They frank or keepe certaine dogs not much unlike
unto wolves, Wolves, which they yoke togither, as we do oxen &
horses, to a sled or traile : and so carry their necessaries
over the yce and snow from place to place : as the
captive, whom we have, made perfect signes. And when
those dogs are not apt for the same use : or when with
hunger they are constrained for lacke of other victuals,
224
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1577
they eate them : so that they are as needfull for them They eate dogs
in respect of their bignesse, as our oxen are for us. fiestl-
They apparell themselves in the skins of such beasts
as they kill, sewed together with the sinewes of them.
All the foule which they kill, they skin, and make
thereof one kind of garment or other, to defend them
from the cold.
They make their apparel with hoods and tailes, which Hoods and
tailes they give when they thinke to gratifie any friend- mles t0 thetr
ship shewed unto them : a great signe of friendship
with them. The men have them not so side as the
women.
The men and women weare their hose close to their
legges, from the wast to the knee without any open
before, as well the one kind as the other. Upon their
legges they weare hose of leather, with the furre side
inward two or three paire on at once, and especially the
women. In those hose they put their knives, needles,
and other things needfull to beare about. They put a
bone within their hose, which reacheth from the foote to
the knee, whereupon they draw their said hose, and so
in place of garters they are holden from falling downe
about their feete.
They dresse their skinnes very soft and souple with
the haire on. In cold weather or Winter they weare
the furre side inward : and in Summer outward. Other
apparell they have none but the said skinnes.
Those beasts, fishes, and foules, which they kill, are
their meat, drinke, apparell, houses, bedding, hose, shooes,
threed, and sailes for their boates, with many other
necessaries whereof they stand in need, and almost all
their riches.
Their houses are tents made of Seale skins, pitched Their houses
up with 4. Firre quarters foure square meeting at the °fsf?ff skim
ji i- i 1 • 1 ji-j *»« Firre.
top, and the skins sewed together with sinewes, and laid
thereupon : they are so pitched up, that the entrance
into them is alwayes South or against the Sunne.
They have other sorts of houses which we found not
vn 225 p
A.D.
[577-
Their weapons
of defence.
[HI. 38.]
Three sorts of
heads to their
arrozves.
Two sorts of
darts.
Two sorts of
boates made of
leather.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
to be inhabited, which are raised with stones and Whale
bones, and a skinne layd over them, to withstand the
raine, or other weather : the entrance of them being not
much unlike an Ovens mouth, whereto I thinke they
resort for a time to fish, hunt, and foule, and so leave
them untill the next time they come thither againe.
Their weapons are bowes, arrowes, darts, and slings.
Their bowes are of wood of a yard long, sinewed at the
back with strong sinewes, not glued too, but fast girded
and tyed on. Their bow strings are likewise sinewes.
Their arrowes are three pieces nocked with bone, and
ended with bone, with those two ends, and the wood in
the midst, they passe not in length halfe a yard or
little more. They are fethered with two fethers the
penne end being cut away, and the fethers layd upon
the arrow with the broad side to the wood ; insomuch
that they seeme when they are tyed on, to have foure
fethers. They have also three sorts of heads to those
arrowes : one sort of stone or yron, proportioned like to
a heart : the second sort of bone, much like unto a stopt
head, with a hooke on the same : the third sort of bone
likewise made sharpe at both sides, and sharpe pointed.
They are not made very fast but lightly tyed to, or else
set in a nocke, that upon small occasion the arrowes
leave these heads behind them : and they are of small
force, except they be very neere when they shoote.
Their Darts are made of two sorts : the one with many
forkes of bones in the fore end and likewise in the
midst : their proportions are not much unlike our toast-
ing yrons but longer : these they cast out of an instru-
ment of ;wood, very readily. The other sort is greater
then the first aforesayd, with a long bone made sharpe
on both sides not much unlike a Rapier, which I take
to bee their most hurtfull weapon.
They have two sorts of boats made of leather, set out
on the inner side with quarters of wood, artificially tyed
together with thongs of the same : the greater sort are
not much unlike our wherries, wherein sixeteene or
226
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
1577-
twenty men may sit : they have for a sayle drest the
guts of such beasts as they kill very fine and thinne,
which they sew together : the other boate is but for one
man to sit and row in with one oare.
Their order of fishing, hunting, and fouling are with Thy use t0
these said weapons: but in what sort, or how they use fi^fih, and
them we have no perfect knowledge as yet.
I can suppose their abode or habitation not to be here, It " to be snp-
for that neither their houses or apparell, are of such *^ir i„hab-lt_
force to withstand the extremity of cold, that the Coun- ing js e/se_
trey seemeth to be infected with all : neither do I see where,
any signe likely to performe the same.
Those houses or rather dennes which stand there, have
no signe of footway, or any thing else troden, which is
one of the chiefest tokens of habitation. And those
tents which they bring with them, when they have suffi-
ciently hunted and fished, they remove to other places :
and when they have sufficiently stored them of such
victuals, as the Countrey yeeldeth or bringeth forth, they
returne to their winter stations or habitations. This
conjecture do I make, for the infertility which I con-
jecture to be in that Countrey.
They have some yron whereof they make arrow heads, Their use of
knives, and other little instruments, to worke their ^ron'
boates, bowes, arrowes, and darts withall, which are very
unapt to doe any thing withall but with great labour.
It seemeth that they have conversation with some other
people, of whom for exchange they should receive the
same. They are greatly delighted with any thing that
is bright, or giveth a sound.
What knowledge they have of God, or what Idoll Anthropophagi,
they adore, we have no perfect intelligence, I thinke them
rather Anthropophagi, or devourers of mans flesh then
otherwise : for that there is no flesh or fish which they
find dead (smell it never so filthily) but they will eate
it, as they finde it without any other dressing. A loath-
some thing, either to the beholders or hearers.
There is no maner of creeping beast hurtfull, except
227
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Signes of gold some Spiders (which as many affirme, are signes of great
eure. store of gold) and also certaine stinging Gnattes, which
bite so fiercely, that the place where they bite shortly
after swelleth and itcheth very sore.
Signes of gold They make signes of certaine people that weare bright
from other plates of gold in their foreheads, and other places of
people. S . , i.6 r
r their bodies.
Description of The Countreys on both sides the streights lye very
the Countreis. ^jgh with rough stony mountaines, and great quantitie
of snow thereon. There is very little plaine ground and
no grasse, except a little which is much like unto mosse
that groweth on soft ground, such as we get Turffes in.
There is no wood at all. To be briefe there is nothing
fit or profitable for the use of man, which that Countrey
with roote yeeldeth or bringeth forth : Howbeit there
is great quantity of Deere, whose skins are like unto
Asses, there heads or homes doe farre exceede, as well
in length as also in breadth, any in these our parts or
Countreys : their feete likewise are as great as our
oxens, which we measured to be seven or eight ynches in
breadth. There are also hares, wolves, fishing beares,
and sea foule of sundry sorts.
As the Countrey is barren and unfertile, so are they
rude and of no capacitie to culture the same to any
perfection : but are contented by their hunting, fishing,
and fouling, with raw flesh and warme blood to satisfie
their greedy panches, which is their only glory.
A signe oj There is great likelihood of Earthquakes or thunder :
Earthquakes fQr ^^ there are huge and monstrous mountaines, whose
or thunder. , ° , , , .
greatest substance are stones, and those stones so shaken
with some extraordinarie meanes that one is separated
from another, which is discordant from all other Quarries.
[III. 39.] There are no rivers or running springs, but such as
N°rivers,but through the heate of the Sunne, with such water as
Sunne doth discendeth from the mountaines and hilles, whereon
cause to come great drifts of snow do lie, are ingendred.
of snow. It argueth also that there should be none : for that
the earth, which with the extremitie of the Winter is so
228
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
1577-
frosen within, that that water which should have recourse A probability
within the same to maintaine springs, hath not his thatthere
, r i ^i_ • • *. ii i_ should be nei-
motion, whereof great waters have their original!, as by thgj. > or
experience is seene otherwhere. Such valleis as are rivers in the
capable to receive the water, that in the Summer time ground.
by the operation of the Sunne descendeth from great
abundance of snowe, which continually lyeth on the
mountaines and hath no passage, sinketh into the earth
and so vanisheth away, without any runnell above the
earth, by which occasion or continuall standing of the
said water, the earth is opened, and the great frost
yeeldeth to the force thereof, which in other places foure
or five fathoms within the ground for lacke of the said
moisture, the earth (even in the very Summer time) is
frosen, and so combineth the stones together, that
scarcely instruments with great force can unknit them.
Also where the water in those valleis can have no such
passage away, by the continuance of time in such order
as is before rehearsed, the yeerely descent from the
mountaines filleth them full, that at the lowest banke of
the same, they fall into the valley, and so continue as
fishing Ponds or Stagnes in Summer time full of water,
and in the Winter hard frosen : as by skarres that
remaine thereof in Summer may easily be perceived : so
that the heat of Summer is nothing comparable or of
force to dissolve the extremitie of cold that commeth in
Winter.
Neverthelesse I am assured that below the force of the
frost within the earth, the waters have recourse, and
emptie themselves out of sight into the sea, which
through the extremitie of the frost are constrained to
doe the same : by which occasion the earth within is kept
the warmer, and springs have their recourse, which is the Springs nou-
onely nutriment of golde and Minerals within the same. nsh &oJd'
There is much to be sayd of the commodities of these
Countreys, which are couched within the bowels of the
earth, which I let passe till more perfect triall be made
thereof.
229
A.D.
*577-
Our departure
from those
Countreys.
How & when
we lost our 2 .
Barksy which
God 11 ever the -
/esse restored.
Thecondusioi
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
The 24. of August, after we had satisfied our minds
with fraight sufficient for our vessels, though not our
covetous desires with such knowledge of the Countrey,
people, and other commodities as are before rehearsed,
we departed therehence. The 17. of September we fell
with the lands end of England, and so sailed to Milford
Haven, from whence our Generall rode to the Court for
order, to what Port or Haven to conduct the ship.
We lost our two Barkes in the way homeward, the
one the 29. of August, the other the 31. of the same
moneth, by occasion of great tempest and fogge. How-
beit God restored the one to Bristowe, and the other
made his course by Scotland to Yermouth. In this
voyage we lost two men, one in the way by Gods
visitation, and the other homeward cast over borde with
a surge of the sea.
I Could declare unto the Readers, the latitude and
longitude of such places and regions as we have bene
at, but not altogether so perfectly as our masters and
others, with many circumstances of tempests and other
accidents incident to Sea faring men, which seeme not
altogether strange, but I let them passe to their reports
as men most apt to set forth and declare the same. I
have also left the names of the Countreys on both the
shores untouched, for lacke of understanding the peoples
language : as also for sundry respects, not needfull as
yet to be declared.
Countreys new discovered where commoditie is to be
looked for, doe better accord with a new name given by
the discoverers, then an uncertaine name by a doubtfull
Authour.
Our general named sundry Islands, Mountaines, Capes,
and Harboroughs after the names of divers Noble men
and other gentlemen his friends, aswel on the one shore
as also on the other.
230
A.D.
1578.
M aster Vorke.
Christopher
Hall.
The Hopcwel.
Captaine
Carew.
Andrew Die?.
MARTIN FROBISHER
The third and last voyage unto Meta Incognita,
made by M. Martin Frobisher, in the yeere
1578. Written by Thomas Ellis.
Hese are to let you know, that upon the
25. of May, the Thomas Allen being
Viceadmirall whose Captaine was M.
Yorke, M. Gibbes Master, Christopher
Hall Pilot, accompanied with the Reare-
admiral named the Hopewel, whose
Captaine was M. Henrie Carewe, the
M. Andrewe Dier, and certaine other ships came to
Gravesend, where wee ankred and abode the comming
of certaine of our Fleete which were not yet come.
The 27. of the same moneth our Fleete being nowe [III. 40.]
come together, and all things prest in a readinesse, the
wind favouring, and tide serving, we being of sailes in
number eight, waied ankers and hoised our sailes toward
Harwich to meete with our Admirall, and the residue Harwich.
which then and there abode our arrivall : where we safely
arrived the 28. thereof, finding there our Admirall, whom
we with the discharge of certaine pieces saluted, acording
to order and duety, and were welcommed with the like
courtesie : which being finished we landed : where our
Generall continued mustering his souldiers and Miners,
and setting things in order appertaining to the voyage
untill the last of the said moneth of May, which day we
hoised our sailes, and committing our selves to the con-
ducting of Almightie God, we set forward toward the
west Countrey in such luckie wise and good successe,
that by the fift of June we passed the Dursies, being
the utmost part of Ireland to the Westward.
And here it were not much amisse nor farre from our
purpose, if I should a little discourse and speake of our
adventures and chances by the way, as our landing at
Plimmouth, as also the meeting certaine poore men, Plimmouth.
which were robbed and spoyled of all that they had by
231
Dursies.
Ireland.
A.D.
1578.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Pirates and Rovers : amongst whom was a man of
Bristow. Bristow, on whom our Generall used his liberality, and
sent him away with letters into England.
But because such things are impertinent to the matter,
I will returne (without any more mentioning of the same)
to that from the which I have digressed and swarved, I
meane our ships now sailing on the surging seas, some-
time passing at pleasure with a wished Easterne wind,
sometime hindered of our course againe by the Westerne
blasts, untill the 20. day of the foresayd moneth of June,
Frizeland. on which day in the morning we fell with Frizeland,
which is a very hie and cragged land and was almost
cleane covered with snow, so that we might see nought
but craggie rockes and the tops of high and huge
hilles, sometimes (and for the most part) all covered with
foggie mists. There might we also perceive the great
Isles of yce lying on the seas, like mountaines, some
small, some big, of sundry kinds of shapes, and such a
number of them, that wee could not come neere the
shore for them.
Thus sailing alongst the coast, at the last we saw a
place somewhat voyd of yce, where our Generall (accom-
panied with certaine other) went a shore, where they sawe
certaine tents made of beasts skinnes, and boates much
the like unto theirs of Meta Incognita. The tents were
furnished with flesh, fish, skins, and other trifles :
amongst the which was found a boxe of nailes : whereby
we did conjecture, that they had either Artificers amongst
them, or els a traffike with some other nation. The
men ran away, so that wee could have no conference or
communication with them. Our Generall (because hee
would have them no more to flee, but rather incouraged
The curtesie of to stay through his courteous dealing) gave commaunde-
our Generall. ment tha|- nis men should take nothing away with them,
saving onely a couple of white dogs, for the which he
left pinnes, poynts, knives, and other trifling things,
and departed without taking or hurting any thing, and
so came abord, and hoysed sailes, and passed forwards.
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
.578.
But being scarce out of the sight thereof, there fell
such a fogge and hidious mist that we could not see one
another : whereupon we stroke our drums, and sounded
our trumpets, to the ende we might keepe together : and
so continued all that day and night till the next day that
the mist brake up : so that we might easily perceive all
the ships thus sailing together all that day, until the
next day, being the 22. of the same: on which day wee
sawe an infinite number of yce, from the which we cast
about to shun the danger thereof.
But one of our small Barkes named the Michael, whose Master
Captaine was Master Kinderslie, the Master Bartholomew K™de™l*e-
_ \ ' . , , j Bartholomew
Bull, lost our company, insomuch that we could not Bujj
obteine the sight of her many dayes after, of whom 1
meane to speake further anon when occasion shall be
ministred, and opportunitie serve. Thus we continued
in our course untill the second of July, on which day we
fell with the Queenes foreland, where we saw so much
yce, that we thought it unpossible to get into the
Straights : yet at the last we gave the adventure and
entred the yce.
Being amongst it wee sawe the Michael, of whom I The Mickaei.
spake before, accompanied with the Judith, whose Cap- -^[ Benton
taine was Master Fenton, the Master Charles Jackman, claries
bearing into the foresayd yce, farre distant from us, who Jackman.
in a storme that fell that present night, (whereof I will
at large God willing, discourse hereafter) were severed
from us, and being in, wandred up and downe the
Straights amongst the yce many dayes in great perill,
till at the last, (by the providence of God) they came
safely to harbor in their wished Port. In the Countesse The Countesse
of Warwicks sound, the 20. of July aforesayd, tenne °{0^rwlcks
dayes before any of the other shippes : who going on
shore found where the people of the Countrey had bene,
and had hid their provision in great heapes of stones
being both of flesh and fish, which they had killed ;
whereof wee also found great store in other places after [III. 41.]
our arrival. They found also divers engins, as bowes,
233
A.D.
1578.
Our entrance
iff passage,
i3c
Barke
Dionyse.
N aroze shifts
for safetie.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
slings, and darts. They found likewise certaine pieces
of the Pinnesse which our Generall left there the yeere
before, which Pinnesse he had sunke, minding to have
it againe the next yeere.
Now seeing I have entreated so much of the Judith
and the Michael : I will returne to the rest of the other
ships, and will speake a little of the storme which fell,
with the mishaps that we had, the night that we put
into the yce: whereof I made mention before.
At the first entring into the yce in the mouth of the
Straights, our passage was very narrow, and difficult
but being once gotten in, we had a faire open place
without any yce for the most part, being a league in
compasse, the yce being round about us and inclosing
us, as it were, within the pales of a parke. In which
place, (because it was almost night) we minded to take
in our sailes, and lie a hull all that night. But the
storme so increased, and the waves began to mount aloft,
which brought the yce so neere us, and comming on so
fast upon us, that we were faine to beare in and out,
where we might espie an open place. Thus the yce
comming on us so fast, we were in great danger, looking
every houre for death. And thus passed we on in that
great danger, seeing both our selves and the rest of our
ships so troubled and tossed amongst the yce, that it
would make the strongest heart to relent.
At the last the Barke Dionyse being but a weake
ship, and bruised afore amongst the yce, being so leake
that no longer she could tarry above the water, sanke
without saving any of the goods which were within her :
which sight so abashed the whole Fleete, that we thought
verily we should have tasted of the same sauce. But
neverthelesse we seeing them in such danger, manned
our boates and saved all the men in such wise, that not
one perished : God be thanked.
The storme still increased and the yce inclosed us,
so that we were faine to take downe top and top mastes :
for the yce had so invironed us, that we could see neither
234
dence.
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
.578.
land nor sea, as farre as we could kenne : so that we
were faine to cut our cables to hang over boord for
fenders, somewhat to ease the ships sides from the great
and driry strokes of the yce : some with Capstan barres,
some fending off with oares, some with plancks of two
ynches thicke, which were broken immediatly with the
torce of the yce, some going out upon the yce to beare
it off with their shoulders from the ships. But the
rigorousnes of the tempest was such, and the force of the
yce so great, that not onely they burst and spoyled the
foresaid provision, but likewise so rased the sides of the
ships, that it was pitifull to behold, and caused the hearts
of many to faint.
Thus we continued all that dismall and lamentable
night plunged in this perplexity, looking for instant
death: but our God (who never leaveth them destitute Godsprwi-
which faithfully call upon him, although he often punisheth
for amendements sake) in the morning caused the winds
to cease, and the fogge which all that night lay on the
face of the water to cleare : so that we might perceive
about a mile from us, a certaine place cleare from any
yce^ to the which with an easie breath of wind which our
God sent us, we bent our selves. And furthermore, hee
provided better for us then we deserved or hoped for :
for when we were in the foresaid cleare place, he sent us
a fresh gale at West or at West Southwest, which set us
cleare without all the yce. And further he added more :
for he sent us so pleasant a day as the like we had not of
a long time before, as after punishment consolation.
Thus we joyfull wights being at libertie, tooke in all
our sailes and lay a hull, praysing God for our deliver-
ance, and stayed to gather together our Fleete : which
once being done, we seeing that none of them had any
great hurt, neither any of them wanted, saving onely they
of whom I spake before and the ship which was lost,
then at the last wee hoised our sailes, and lay bulting off
and on, till such time as it would please God to take
away the yce that wee might get into the Straights.
235
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
A mountaine And as we thus lay off and on we came by a marveilous
of yce appear- huge mountaine of yce, which surpassed all the rest that
l"gtnsuna ever we saw . for we judged it to be neere fourescore
fathomes above water, and we thought it to be a ground
for any thing that we could perceive, being there nine
score fathoms deepe, and of compasse about halfe a mile.
d fog of long Also the fift of July there fell a hidious fogge and
continuance. mist, that continued till the nineteenth of the same : so
that one shippe could not see another. Therefore we
were faine to beare a small sayle and to observe the time :
A current to but there ran such a current of a tide, that it set us to
the Northwest. the Northwest of the Queenes foreland the backside of
all the Straights : where (through the contagious fogge
having no sight either of Sunne or Starre) we scarce
knew where we were. In this fogge the tenth of July
we lost the company of the Viceadmirall, the Anne
Francis, the Busse of Bridgewater, and the Francis of
Foy.
The 16. day one of our small Barkes named the
The Gabriel Gabriel was sent by our Generall to beare in with the
land to descrie it, where being on land, they met with
[III. 42.] the people of the Countrey, which seemed very humane
The people and civill, and offered to traffike with our men, profering
offer to trafike them foules and skins for knives, and other trifles : whose
courtesie caused us to thinke, that they had small con-
versation with other of the Straights.
Then we bare backe againe to goe with the Queenes
foreland : and the eighteenth day wee came by two
Islands whereon we went on shore, and found where the
people had bene : but we saw none of them. This day
wee were againe in the yce, and like to be in as great
perill as we were at the first. For through the darknesse
and obscuritie of the foggie mist, we were almost run on
rocks and Islands before we saw them : But God (even
miraculously) provided for us, opening the fogges that
we might see clearely, both where and in what danger
we presently were, and also the way to escape : or els
without faile we had ruinously runne upon the rocks.
236
MARTIN FROBISHER ad
1578.
When we knew perfectly our instant case, wee cast
about to get againe on Sea-bord, which (God be thanked)
by night we obtained and praised God. The cleare con-
tinued scarce an houre, but the fogge fell againe as thicke
as ever it was.
Then the Rearadmirall and the Beare got themselves
cleare without danger of yce and rocks, strooke their
sailes and lay a hull, staying to have the rest of the Fleete
come forth : which as yet had not found the right way
to cleare themselves from the danger of rockes and yce,
untill the next morning, at what time the Rearadmirall
discharged certaine warning pieces to give notice that she Warning
had escaped, and that the rest (by following of her) Pieces °fsffe
might set themselves free, which they did that day. passage du-
Then having gathered our selves togither we pro-
ceeded on our purposed voyage, bearing off, and keeping
our selves distant from the coast till the 19. day of July :
at which time the fogges brake up and dispersed, so that
we might plainely and clearely behold the pleasant ayre,
which so long had bene taken from us, by the obscuritie
of the foggie mists : and after that time we were not
much encombred therewith untill we had left the con-
fines of the Countrey.
Then we espying a fayre sound, supposed it to goe A faire sound
into the Straights betweene the Queenes foreland and betweene the
Jackmans sound, which proved as we imagined. For our Quejnesfore'
Generall sent forth againe the Gabriel to discover it, who jackmans
passed through with much difficulty : for there ran such sound.
an extreme current of a tide, with such a horrible gulfe,
that with a fresh gale of wind they were scarce able to
stemme it : yet at the length with great travaile they
passed it, and came to the Straights, where they met with
the Thomas Allen, the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Busse
of Bridgewater : who altogether adventured to beare into
the yce againe, to see if they could obtaine their wished
Port. But they were so incombred that with much
difficultie they were able to get out againe, yet at the
last they escaping, the Thomas Allen, and the Gabriel
237
A.D.
1578
An horrlbie
snozve fell in
July.
The time of
our setting for-
ward, &c.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
bare in with the Westerne shore, where they found har-
bour, and there moared their ships untill the fourth of
August, at which time they came to us in the Countesse
of Warwicks sound. The Thomas of Ipswich caught a
great leake which caused her to cast againe to Seabord
and so was mended.
We sailed along still by the coast untill we came to
the Queenes foreland, at the point whereof we met with
part of the gulfe aforesayd, which place or gulfe (as some
of our Masters doe credibly report) doeth flow nine
houres, and ebs but three. At that point wee discovered
certaine lands Southward, which neither time nor oppor-
tunitie would serve to search. Then being come to the
mouth of the Straights we met with the Anne Francis,
who had laine bulting up and downe ever since her
departure alone, never rinding any of her company. We
met then also the Francis of Foy, with whom againe we
intended to venture and get in : but the yce was yet so
thicke, that we were compelled againe to retyre and get
us on Sea-bord.
There fell also the same day being the 26. of July,
such an horrible snow, that it lay a foot thick upon the
hatches which frose as it fell.
We had also at other times divers cruell stormes both
of snow and haile, which manifestly declared the dis-
temperature of the Countrey : yet for all that wee were
so many times repulsed and put backe from our purpose,
knowing that lingering delay was not profitable for us,
but hurtfull to our voyage, we mutually consented to
our valiant Generall once againe, to give the onset.
The 28. day therefore of the same July we assayed,
and with little trouble (God be praysed) we passed the
dangers by day light. Then night falling on the face
of the earth, wee hulled in the cleare, til the chearefull
light of the day had chased away the noysome darkenesse
of the night : at which time we set forward towards our
wished Port : by the 30. day wee obteined our expected
desire, where we found the Judith, and the Michael :
238
MARTIN FROBISHER ad
1578.
which brought no smal joy unto the General, and great
consolation to the heavie hearts of those wearied wights.
The 30. day of July we brought our ships into the [III. 43.]
Countesse of Warwicks sound, and moared them, namely
these ships, The Admirall, the Rearadmiral, the Francis
of Foy, the Beare Armenel, the Salomon, and the Busse
of Bridgewater : which being done, our Generall com-
maunded us all to come a shore upon the Countesses
Hand, where he set his Miners to worke upon the Mine,
giving charge with expedition to dispatch with their
lading.
Our Generall himselfe, accompanied with his Gentle-
men, divers times made rodes into sundry partes of the
Countrey, as well to finde new Mines, as also to finde
out and see the people of the Countrey. He found out
one Mine upon an Island by Beares sound, and named it
the Countesse of Sussex Island. One other was found in The Countesse
Winters Fornace, with divers others, to which the ships °f^usjex
were sent sunderly to be laden. In the same rodes ^/m
he mette with divers of the people of the Countrey at Fornace.
sundry times, as once at a place called Davids sound : who Davids Sound.
shot at our men, and very desperately gave them the
onset, being not above three or foure in number, there
being of our Countrey men above a dosen : but seeing
themselves not able to prevaile, they tooke themselves to
flight : whom our men pursued, but being not used to
such craggie cliffes, they soone lost the sight of them, and
so in vaine returned.
We also saw of them at Beares sound, both by Sea The policie of
and land in great companies : but they would at all times *tepf°pkfor
keepe the water betweene them and us. And if any S^^j{es
of our ships chanced to be in the sound (as they came
divers times, because the Harbor was not very good)
the ship laded, and departed againe : then so long as
any ships were in sight, the people would not be seene.
But when as they perceived the ships to be gone, they
would not only shew themselves standing upon high
cliffes, and call us to come over unto them : but also
239
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
•578.
would come in their Botes very neere to us, as it were to
brag at us : whereof our Generall having advertisement,
sent for the Captaines and Gentlemen of the Ships, to
accompany and attend upon him, with the Captaine also
of the Anne Francis, who was but the night before come
unto us. For they, and the Fleebote having lost us the
26. day in the great snowe, put into an harbour in the
Queenes foreland, where they found good Oare, where-
with they laded themselves, and came to seeke the
Generall : so that now we had all our Shippes, saving
one Barke, which was lost, and the Thomas of Ipswich,
who (compelled by what furie I knowe not) forsooke
our company, and returned home without lading.
Their speedie Our Generall accompanied with his Gentlemen, (of
flight at our whom I spake) came all together to the Countesse of
rival/ Sussex Island, neere to Beares sound : where he manned
out certaine Pinnisses, and went over to the people : who
perceiving his arrivall, fledde away with all speede, and
in haste left certaine dartes and other engines behinde
them, which we found : but the people we could not
finde.
The next morning our Generall perceiving certaine of
them in botes upon the Sea, gave chase to them in a
Pinnesse under saile, with a fresh gale of winde, but
could by no meanes come neere unto them : for the
longer he sailed, the further off he was from them : which
well shewed their cunning and activitie. Thus time
wearing away, and the day of our departure approching,
our Generall commaunded us to lade with all expedition,
that we might be againe on Seaboard with our ships :
for whilest we were in the Countrey, we were in con-
tinual danger of freezing in : for often snow and haile
often falling, the water was so much frosen and congealed
in the night, that in the morning we could scarce rowe
our botes or Pinnesses, especially in Diers sound, which
is a calme and still water : which caused our Generall to
make the more haste, so that by the 30. day of August
we were all laden, and made all things ready to depart.
240
MARTIN FROBISHER u>.
_ 1578.
But before I proceede any further herein, to shew what Gentlemen
fortune befell at our departure, I will turne my penne a s-ji-haJek
litle to M. Captaine Fenton, and those Gentlemen which ccuntrey.
should have inhabited all the yeere in those Countries,
whose valiant mindes were much to be commended : For
doubtlesse they had done as they intended, if lucke had
not withstoode their willingnesse.
For the Barke Dionyse which was lost, had in her
much of their house which was prepared and should have
bene builded for them, with many other implements.
Also the Thomas of Ipswich which had most of their
provision in her, came not into the Streights at all :
neither did we see her since the day we were separated in
the great snow, of which I spake before. For these
causes, having not their house, nor yet provision, they
were disappointed of their pretence to tarie, and therefore
laded their ships, and so came away with us.
But before we tooke shipping, we builded a litle house An house
in the Countesse of Warwicks Island, and garnished it tricked and
with many kinds of trifles, as Pinnes, Points, Laces, ^^s trinkets
Glasses, Kombes, Babes on horsebacke and on foote, with
innumerable other such fansies and toyes : thereby to
allure and entice the people to some familiaritie against
other yeeres.
Thus having finished all things we departed the [III. 44.]
Countrey, as I sayd before : but because the Busse had
not lading enough in her, she put into Beares sound
to take in a little more. In the meane while the
Admirall, and the rest without at Sea stayed for her.
And that night fell such an outragious tempest, beating 4n outragious
on our ships with such vehement rigor, that anchor and temPest-
cable availed nought : for we were driven on rockes
and Islands of yce, insomuch that (had not the great
goodnesse of God bene miraculously shewed to us) we
had bene cast away every man. This danger was more
doubtfull and terrible, then any that preceded or went
before: for there was not any one shippe (I thinke)
that escaped without damage. Some lost anchor and
vii 241 Q
A.D.
1578.
Our entring
the coastes
dangerous.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
also cables, some botes, some Pinnisses : some anchor,
cables, boates and Pinnisses.
This boystrous storme so severed us from one another,
that one shippe knewe not what was become of another.
The Admirall knewe not where to finde the Viceadmirall
or Rearadmirall, or any other ship of our company. Our
Generall being on land in Beares sound could not come to
his Shippe, but was compelled to goe aboord the Gabriel
where he continued all the way homeward : for the boy-
strous blasts continued so extreamely and so long a time,
that they sent us homewarde (which was Gods favour
towardes us) will we, nill we, in such haste, as not any
one of us were able to keepe in company with other, but
were separated. And if by chance any one Shippe did
overtake other, by swiftnesse of sayle, or mette, as they
often did : yet was the rigour of the wind so hidious,
that they could not continue company together the space
of one whole night.
Thus our journey outward was not so pleasant, but
our comming thither, entering the coasts and countrey, by
narrow Streights, perillous yce, and swift tides, our times
of aboade there in snowe and stormes, and our departure
from thence the 3 1 . of August with dangerous blustering
windes and tempests, which that night arose, was as un-
comfortable : separating us so as wee sayled, that not
any of us mette together, untill the 28. of September,
which day we fell on the English coastes, betweene Sylley
and the landes ende, and passed the channell, untill our
arrivall in the river of Thames.
242
THE REPORT OF THOMAS WIARS
The report of Thomas Wiars passenger in the
Emanuel, otherwise called the Busse of Bridge-
water, wherein James Leech was Master, one
of the ships in the last Voyage of Master
Martin Frobisher 1578. concerning the dis-
coverie of a great Island in their way homeward
the 1 2. of September.
He Busse of Bridgewater
A.D.
1578.
was
left
in
Beares sound at Meta incognita, the
second day of September behinde the
Fleete in some distresse, through much
winde, ryding neere the Lee shoare, and
forced there to ride it out upon the
hazard of her cables and anchors, which
were all aground but two. The third of September being
fayre weather, and the winde North northwest she set
sayle, and departed thence, and fell with Frisland on the
8. day of September at sixe of the clocke at night, and
then they set off from the Southwest point of Frisland,
the wind being at East, and East Southeast, but that night
the winde veared Southerly, and shifted oftentimes that
night : but on the tenth day in the morning, the wind
at West northwest faire weather, they steered Southeast,
and by south, and continued that course until the 12. day
of September, when about 1 1 . a clocke before noone, they
descryed a lande, which was from them about five leagues,
and the Southermost part of it was Southeast by East
from them, and the Northermost next, North Northeast,
or Northeast. The master accompted that the Southeast
poynt of Frisland was from him at that instant when
hee first descryed this new Islande, Northwest by North, -n ^^ 2-
50. leagues. They account this Island to be 25. leagues leagues.
long, and the longest way of it Southeast, and Northwest. This Hand is
The Southerne part of it is in the latitude of 57. degrees ln the la*ttude
and 1. second part, or there about. They continued in ^dxslfond
sight of it, from the 12. day at a 11. of the clocke, till the pars,
243
A.D.
1578.
Two harbo-
roughs in this
Island.
[III. 45
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
13. day three of the clocke in the after noone, when
they left it : and the last part they saw of it, bare from
them Northwest by North. There appeared two Har-
boroughs upon that coast : the greatest of them seven
leagues to the Northwards of the Southermost poynt, the
other but foure leagues. There was very much yce
neere the same land, and also twentie or thirty leagues
from it, for they were not cleare of yce, till the 15.
day of September after noone. They plyed their Voyage
homewards, and fell with the West part of Ireland about
Galway, and had first sight of it on the 25. day of
September.
Notes framed by M. Richard Hakluyt of the
middle Temple Esquire, given to certaine
Gentlemen that went with M. Frobisher in
his Northwest discoverie, for their directions :
And not unfit to be committed to print, con-
sidering the same may stirre up considerations
of these and of such other things, not unmeete
in such new voyages as may be attempted
hereafter.
Hat the first Seate be chosen on the sea-
side, so as (if it may be) you may have
your owne Navie within Bay, river or
lake, within your Seate safe from the
enemie : and so as the enemie shalbe
forced to lie in open rode abroade with-
out, to be dispersed with all windes and
tempests that shall arise. Thus seated you shall be
least subject to annoy of the enemie, so may you by
your Navie within passe out to all parts of the world,
and so may the Shippes of England have accesse to
you to supply all wants, so may your commodities be
caryed away also. This seat is to be chosen in a
temperate Climat, in sweete ayre, where you may pos-
sesse alwayes sweete water, wood, seacoles or turfe, with
244
RICHARD HAKLUYT'S NOTES aj>.
1578.
fish, flesh, graine, fruites, herbes and rootes, or so many
of those as may suffice very necessitie for the life of
such as shall plant there. And for the possessing of
mines of golde, of silver, copper, quicksilver, or of any
such precious thing, the wants of those needfull things
may be supplyed from some other place by sea, &c.
Stone to make Lyme of,
Slate stone to tyle withall, or
such clay as maketh tyle,
Stone to wall withall, if
Brycke may not bee made,
Timber for buylding easely to
be conveied to the place,
Reede to cover houses or
such like, if tyle or slate
be not.
are to be looked for
as things without
which no Citie may
be made nor people
in civil sort be kept
together.
The people there to plant and to continue are eyther
to live without traffique, or by traffique and by trade
of marchandise. If they shall live without sea traffique,
at the first they become naked by want of linnen and
woollen, and very miserable by infinite wants that will
otherwise ensue, and so will they be forced of them-
selves to depart, or else easely they will be consumed
by the Spanyards, by the Frenchmen, or by the naturall
inhabitants of the countrey, and so the enterprize be-
comes reprochfull to our Nation, and a let to many
other good purposes that may be taken in hand.
And by trade of marchandise they can not live, ex-
cept the Sea or the Land there may yeelde commoditie.
And therefore you ought to have most speciall regard
of that poynt, and so to plant, that the naturall com-
modities of the place and seate may draw to you accesse
of Navigation for the same, or that by your owne
Navigation you may cary the same out, and fetch home
the supply of the wants of the seate.
Such Navigation so to be employed shall, besides the
supply of wants, be able to encounter with forreine force.
245
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
And for that in the ample vent of such things as
are brought to you out of England by Sea, standeth a
matter of great consequence, it behoveth that all humanitie
and curtesie and much forbearing of revenge to the
Inland people be used : so shall you have firme amitie
with your neighbours, so shall you have their inland
commodities to mainteine traffique, and so shall you
waxe rich and strong in force. Divers and severall
commodities of the inland are not in great plenty to
be brought to your hands, without the ayde of some
portable or Navigable river, or ample lake, and there-
fore to have the helpe of such a one is most requisite :
And so is it of effect for the dispersing of your owne
commodities in exchange into the inlands.
Nothing is more to be indevoured with the Inland
people then familiarity. For so may you best discover
all the natural commodities of their countrey, & also
all their wants, al their strengths, all their weaknesse,
and with whom they are in warre, and with whom
confederate in peace and amitie, &c. which knowen you
may worke many great effects of greatest consequence.
And in your planting the consideration of the clymate
and of the soyle be matters that are to be respected.
For if it be so that you may let in the salt sea water,
not mixed with the fresh into flats, where the sunne is
of the heate that it is at Rochel, in the Bay of Por-
tugal, or in Spaine, then may you procure a man of
skill, and so you have wonne one noble commoditie
for the fishing, and for trade of marchandize by making
of Salt.
[III. 46.] Or if the soyle and clymate be such as may yeeld
you the Grape as good as that at Burdeaux, as that in
Portugal, or as that about Sivil in Spaine, or that in
the Islands of the Canaries, then there resteth but a
workeman to put in execution to make Wines, and to
dresse Resigns of the sunne and other, &c.
Or if ye finde a soyle of the temperature of the
South part of Spaine or Barbarie in the which you
246
RICHARD HAKLUYT'S NOTES a.d.
1578.
finde the Olive tree to growe : Then you may be
assured of a noble marchandize for this Realme, con-
sidering that our great trade of clothing doeth require
oyle, and weying how deere of late it is become by
the vent they have of that commoditie in the West
Indies, and if you finde the wilde Olive there it may
be graffed.
Or if you can find the berrie of Cochenile with which
we colour Stammelles, or any Roote, Berrie, Fruite,
wood or earth fitte for dying, you winne a notable
thing fitte for our state of clothing. This Cochenile is
naturall in the West Indies on that firme.
Or if you have Hides of beasts fitte for sole Lether,
&c. It will be a marchandize right good, and the
Savages there yet can not tanne Lether after our kinde,
yet excellently after their owne manner.
Or if the soyle shall yeeld Figges, Almonds, Sugar
Canes, Quinces, Orenges, Lemonds, Potatos, &c. there
may arise some trade and trafiique by Figs, Almonds,
Sugar, Marmelade, Sucket, &c.
Or if great woods be found, if they be of Cypres,
chests may be made, if they be of some kinde of trees,
Pitch and Tarre may be made, if they be of some
other, then they may yeeld Rosin, Turpentine, &c. and
all for trade and trafiique, and Caskes for wine and
oyle may be made, likewise ships and houses, &c.
And because trafiique is a thing so materiall, I wish
that great observation be taken what every soyle yeeldeth
naturally, in what commoditie soever, and what it may
be made to yeelde by indevour, and to send us notice
home, that thereupon we may devise what meanes may
be thought of to raise trades.
Now admit that we might not be suffered by the
Savages to enjoy any whole country or any more then
the scope of a citie, yet if we might enjoy trafiique,
and be assured of the same, we might be much inriched,
our Navie might be increased, and a place of safetie
might there be found, if change of religion or civil
247
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
warres should happen in this realme, which are things
of great benefit. But if we may enjoy any large terri-
torie of apt soyle, we might so use the matter, as we
should not depend upon Spaine for oyles, sacks, resignes,
orenges, lemonds, Spanish skins, &c. Nor upon France
for woad, baysalt, and Gascoyne wines, nor on Eastland
for flaxe, pitch, tarre, mastes, &c. So we should not so
exhaust our treasure, and so exceedingly inrich our
doubtfull friends, as we doe, but should purchase the
commodities that we want for halfe the treasure that
now wee doe : and should by our owne industries and
the benefites of the soyle there cheaply purchase oyles,
wines, salt, fruits, pitch, tarre, flaxe, hempe, mastes,
boords, fish, golde, silver, copper, tallow, hides and
many commodities : besides if there be no flatts to make
salt on, if you have plentie of wood you may make it
in sufficient quantitie for common uses at home there.
If you can keepe a safe Haven, although you have
not the friendship of the neere neighbours, yet you may
have traffique by sea upon one shore or other, upon
that firme in time to come, if not present.
If you find great plentie of tymber on the shore side
or upon any portable river, you were best to cut downe
of the same the first winter, to be seasoned for ships,
barks, boates and houses.
And if neere such wood there be any river or brooke
upon the which a sawing mill may be placed, it would
doe great service, and therefore consideration would be
had of such places.
And if such port & chosen place of setling were in
possession and after fortified by arte, although by the
land side our Englishmen were kept in, and might not
enjoy any traffique with the next neighbours, nor any
victuals : yet might they victuall themselves of fish to
serve very necessitie, and enter into amitie with the
enemies of their next neighbours, and so have vent of
their marchandize of England & also have victual, or by
meanes hereupon to be used, to force the next neigh-
248
RICHARD HAKLUYT'S NOTES ad.
1578.
hours to amitie. And keeping a navy at the setling
place, they should find out along the tract of the land
to have traffique, and at divers Islands also. And so this
first seat might in time become a stapling place of the
commodities of many countreys and territories, and in
time this place might become of all the provinces round
about the only governour. And if the place first chosen
should not so well please our people, as some other more
lately found out : There might be an easie remove, and
that might be rased, or rather kept for others of our
nation to avoyd an ill neighbour.
If the soyles adjoyning to such convenient Haven and
setling places be found marshie and boggie, then men [III. 47.]
skilful in drayning are to be caryed thither. For arte
may worke wonderful effects therein, and make the soyle
rich for many uses.
To plant upon an Island in the mouth of some notable
river, or upon the point of the land entring into the
river, if no such Island be, were to great end. For if
such river were navigable or portable farre into the land,
then would arise great hope of planting in fertil soyles,
and traffike on the one or on the other side of the river,
or on both, or the linking in amitie with one or other
pettie king contending there for dominion.
Such rivers found, both Barges and Boates may be
made for the safe passage of such as shall pierce the same.
These are to be covered with doubles of course linnen
artificially wrought, to defend the arrow or the dart of
the savage from the rower.
Since every soile of the world by arte may be made to
yeeld things to feede and to clothe man, bring in your
returne a perfect note of the soile without and within,
and we shall devise if neede require to amend the same,
and to draw it to more perfection. And if you finde not
fruites in your planting place to your liking, we shall in
five drifats furnish you with such kindes of plants to be
carryed thither the winter after your planting, as shall the
very next summer following yeeld you some fruite, and
249
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
the yeere next following, as much as shall suffice a towne
as bigge as Calice, and that shortly after shall be able
to yeeld you great store of strong durable good sider to
drinke, and these trees shall be able to encrease you
within lesse then seven yeeres as many trees presently
to beare, as may suffice the people of divers parishes,
which at the first setling may stand you in great stead,
if the soile have not the commoditie of fruites of good-
nesse already. And because you ought greedily to hunt
after things that yeeld present reliefe, without trouble of
carriage thither, therefore I make mention of these thus
specially, to the end you may have it specially in minde.
A true discourse of the three Voyages of discoverie,
for the finding of a passage to Cathaya, by the
Northwest, under the conduct of Martin Fro-
bisher Generall : Before which, as a necessary
Preface is prefixed a twofolde discourse, con-
teining certaine reasons to prove all partes of the
World habitable. Penned by Master George
Best, a Gentleman employed in the same
voyages.
What commodities and instructions may be reaped by
diligent reading this Discourse.
1 TT^Irst, by example may be gathered, how a Dis-
-T coverer of new Countries is to proceede in his
first attempt of any Discoverie.
2 Item, how he should be provided of shipping,
victuals, munition, and choice of men.
3 How to proceede and deale with strange people,
be they never so barbarous, cruell and fierce, either by
lenitie or otherwise.
4 How trade of Merchandize may be made without
money.
5 How a Pilot may deale, being invironed with moun-
taines of yce in the frozen Sea.
250
GEORGE BESTS DISCOURSE a.d.
1578.
6 How length of dayes, change of seasons, Summers
and Winters doe difTer in sundry regions.
7 How dangerous it is to attempt new Discoveries,
either for the length of the voyage, or the ignorance of
the language, the want of Interpreters, new and un-
accustomed Elements and ayres, strange and unsavoury
meates, danger of theeves and robbers, fiercenesse of
wilde beastes and fishes, hugenesse of woods, dangerous-
nesse of Seas, dread of tempestes, feare of hidden rockes,
steepnesse of mountaines, darkenesse of sudden falling
fogges, continuall paines taking without any rest, and
infinite others.
8 How pleasant and profitable it is to attempt new
Discoveries, either for the sundry sights and shapes of
strange beastes and fishes, the wonderfull workes of
nature, the different maners and fashions of divers
nations, the sundry sortes of government, the sight of
strange trees, fruite, foules, and beastes, the infinite
treasure of Pearle, Golde and Silver, the newes of newe
found landes, the sundry positions of the Sphere, and
many others.
9 How valiant Captaines use to deale upon extremitie,
and otherwise.
10 How trustie souldiers dutifully use to serve.
1 1 Also here may bee seene a good example to be
observed of any private person, in taking notes, and
making observations of all such things as are requisite
for a Discoverer of newe Countries.
12 Lastly, the Reader here may see a good paterne of [III. 48.
a well governed service, sundry instructions of matters of
Cosmographie, Geographie, and Navigation, as in read-
ing more at large may be seene.
[Experiences
25*
A.D.
.578.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Experience to
prove thai Tor-
rida Zona is
habitable.
Experiences and reasons of the Sphere, to proove
all partes of the worlde habitable, and thereby
to confute the position of the five Zones.
Irst, it may be gathered by experience of
our Englishmen in Anno 1553. For
Captaine Windam made a Voyage with
Merchandise to Guinea, and entred so
farre within the Torrida Zona, that he
was within three or foure degrees of the
Equinoctiall, and his company abiding
there certaine Moneths, returned, with gaine.
Also the Englishmen made another Voyage very pros-
perous and gainefull, An. 1554. to the coasts of Guinea,
within 3. degrees of the Equinoctiall. And yet it is
reported of a trueth, that all the tract from Cape de
las Palmas trending by C. de tres puntas alongst by
Benin, unto the He of S. Thomas (which is perpendi-
culer under the Equinoctial) all that whole Bay is more
subject to many blooming and smoothering heates, with
infectious and contagious ayres, then any other place in
all Torrida Zona : and the cause thereof is some accidents
in the land. For it is most certaine, that mountains,
Seas, woods and lakes &c. may cause through their
sundry kinde of situation, sundry strange and extraor-
dinary effects, which the reason of the clyme otherwise
would not give. I mention these Voyages of our
Englishmen, not so much to proove that Torrida Zona
may bee, and is inhabited, as to shew their readinesse
in attempting long and dangerous Navigations. Wee
also among us in England have blacke Moores, ^Ethio-
pians, out of all partes of Torrida Zona, which after a
small continuance, can well endure the colde of our
Countrey, and why should not we as well abide the
heate of their Countrey ? But what should I name
any more experiences, seeing that all the coastes of
Guinea and Benin are inhabited of Portugals, Span-
252
GEORGE BESTS DISCOURSE a.d.
iS78.
yardes, French, and some Englishmen, who there have
built Castles and Townes. Onely this I will say to the Marochus
Merchants of London, that trade yeerely to Marochus, it ^uuheEqul
is very certaine, that the greatest part of the burning nocfau.
Zone is farre more temperate and coole in June, then the
Countrey of Marochus, as shall appeare by these reasons
and experiences following. For let us first consider the
breadth and bignesse of this burning Zone (which as
every man knoweth, is 47. degrees) each Tropicke,
which are the bounders thereof, being 23. degrees and a
halfe distant from the Equinoctiall. Imagine againe two
other Parallels, on each side the Equinoctiall one, eyther
of them distant from the Equinoctial about 20. degrees,
which Paralels may be described either of them twice a
yeere by the Sunne, being in the first degrees of Gemini
the 11. of May, and in Leo the 13. of July, having
North latitude. And againe, the Sunne being in the
first degrees of Sagittarius, the 12. of November, and
in Aquarius the 9. of January, having South latitude,
I am to proove by experience and reason, that all that
distance included betweene these two Paralels last named
(conteyning 40. degrees in latitude, going round about
the earth, according to longitude) is not onely habitable,
but the same most fruitfull and delectable, and that if
any extremitie of heate bee, the same not to be within
the space of twenty degrees of the Equinoctiall on either
side, but onely under and about the two Tropickes, and
so proportionally the neerer you doe approch to eyther
Tropicke, the more you are subject to extremitie of heate
(if any such be) and so Marochus being situate but sixe
or seven degrees from the Tropicke of Cancer, shall
be more subject to heate, then any place under or neere
the Equinoctiall line.
And first by the experience of sundry men, yea
thousands, Travailers and Merchants, to the East and
West Indies in many places both directly under, and hard
by the Equinoctiall, they with one consent affirme, that
it aboundeth in the middest of Torrida Zona with all
253
A.D.
1578.
Marvellous
fruitfull soile
under the
Equinoctial/.
[in. 49.
Great trees.
Commodities
and pleasures
under the
Equinoctial!.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
manner of Graine, Hearbes, grasse, fruite, wood and
cattell, that we have heere, and thousandes other sortes,
farre more wholesome, delectable and precious, then any
wee have in these Northerne climates, as very well shall
appeare to him that will reade the Histories and Navi-
gations of such as have traveiled Arabia, India intra
& extra Gangem, the Islands Moluccas, America, &c.
which all lye about the middle of the burning Zone,
where it is truely reported, that the great hearbes, as
are Radish, Lettuce, Colewortes, Borage, and such like,
doe waxe ripe, greater, more savourie and delectable in
taste then ours, within sixteene dayes after the seede is
sowen. Wheate being sowed the first of Februarie, was
found ripe the first of May, and generally, where it is
lesse fruitfull, the wheate will be ripe the fourth moneth
after the seed is sowne, and in some places will bring
foorth an eare as bigge as the wrist of a man's arme
containing 1000. graines ; Beanes, peace, &c. are there
ripe twice a yeere. Also grasse being cut downe, will
grow up in sixe dayes above one foote high. If our
cattell be transported thither, within a small time their
young ones become of bigger stature, and more fat then
ever they would have bene in these countreys. There
are found in every wood in great numbers, such timber
trees as twelve men holding handes together are not able
to fathome. And to be short, all they that have bene
there with one consent affirme, that there are the goodliest
greene medowes and plaines, the fairest mountaines
covered with all sorts of trees and fruites, the fairest
valleys, the goodliest pleasant fresh rivers, stored with
infinite kinde of fishes, the thickest woods, greene and
bearing fruite all the whole yeere, that are in all the
world. And as for gold, silver, and all other kinde of
Metals, all kinde of spices and delectable fruites, both
for delicacie and health, are there in such abundance,
as hitherto they have bene thought to have beene bred
no where else but there. And in conclusion, it is nowe
thought that no where else but under the Equinoctiall,
254
GEORGE BESTS DISCOURSE a.d.
1578.
or not farre from thence, is the earthly Paradise, and
the onely place of perfection in this worlde. And that
these things may seeme the lesse strange, because it hath
bene accompted of the olde Philosophers, that there
coulde nothing prosper for the extreme heat of the Sunne
continually going over their heades in the Zodiacke, I
thought good here to alleadge such naturall causes as
to me seeme very substantiall and sure reasons.
First you are to understand that the Sunne doeth
worke his more or lesse heat in these lower parts by
two meanes, the one is by the kinde of Angle that the
Sunne beames doe make with the earth, as in all Torrida
Zona it maketh perpendicularly right Angles in some Heat is caused
place or other at noone, and towards the two Poles very by, two n!ea7?es
r , , . , a 1 aii 1 • that is by his
oblique and uneven Angles. And the other meane is maner 0f An-
the longer or shorter continuance of the Sunne above the gk and by his
Horizon. So that wheresoever these two causes do most continuance.
concurre, there is most excesse of heat : and when the
one is wanting, the rigor of the heat is lesse. For
though the Sunne beames do beat perpendicularly upon
any region subject unto it, if it hath no continuance or
abode above the Horizon, to worke his operation in,
there can no hote effect proceed. For nothing can be
done in a moment. And this second cause mora Solis
supra Horizontem, the time of the sunnes abiding above
the Horizon, the old Philosophers never remembred, but
regarded onely the maner of Angles that the Sunne
beames made with the Horizon, which if they were Note this
equall and right, the heat was the greater, as in Torrida
Zona : if they were unequall and oblique, the heat was
the lesse, as towards both Poles, which reason is very
good and substantiall : for the perpendicular beames
reflect and reverberate in themselves, so that the heat
is doubled, every beame striking twice, & by uniting
are multiplied, and continue strong in forme of a
Columne. But in our Latitude of 50. and 60. degrees,
the Sunne beames descend oblique and slanting wise,
and so strike but once and depart, and therefore our
255
reason.
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
heat is the lesse for any effect that the Angle of the
Sunne beames make. Yet because wee have a longer
continuance of the Sunnes presence above our Horizon
then they have under the Equinoctial ; by this con-
tinuance the heat is increased, for it shineth to us 16.
or 18. houres sometime, when it continueth with them
but twelve houres alwayes.
And againe, our night is very short wherein cold
vapours use to abound, being but sixe or eight houres
long, whereas theirs is alwayes twelve houres long, by
which two advantages of long dayes and short nights,
though we want the equalitie of Angle, it commeth to
passe that in Sommer our heat here is as great as theirs
is there, as hath bene proved by experience, and is
nothing dissonant from good reason. Therefore who-
soever will rightly way the force of colde and heat in
any region, must not onely consider the Angle that the
Sunne beames make, but also the continuance of the same
above the Horizon. As first to them under the Equi-
noctiall the Sunne is twice a yeere at noone in their
Zenith perpendicular over their heads, and therefore
during the two houres of those two dayes the heat is
very urgent, and so perhaps it will be in foure or five
dayes more an houre every day, untill the Sunne in
his proper motion have crossed the Equinoctiall ; so that
this extreme heat caused by the perpendicular Angle of
the Sunne beames, endureth but two houres of two
dayes in a yeere. But if any man say the Sunne may
scalde a good while before and after it come to the
Meridian, so farre foorth as reason leadeth, I am content
to allow it, and therefore I will measure and proportion
the Sunnes heat, by comparing the Angles there, with
the Angles made here in England, because this tempera-
ture is best knowen unto us. As for example, the
11. day of March, when under the Equinoctiall it is
halfe houre past eight of the clocke in the morning,
the Sunne will be in the East about 38. degrees above
the Horizon, because there it riseth alwayes at sixe
256
MAP OF THE WORLD, a.d. 157
GEORGE BESTS DISCOURSE ad.
1578.
of the clocke, and mooveth every houre 15. degrees,
and so high very neere will it be with us at London [III. 50.]
the said eleventh day of March at noone. And therefore
looke what force the Sunne hath with us at noone, the
eleventh of March, the same force it seemeth to have
under the Equinoctial at half an houre past eight in
the morning, or rather lesse force under the Equinoctiall.
For with us the Sunne had bene already sixe houres
above the horizon, and so had purified and clensed all
the vapours, and thereby his force encreased at noone;
but under the Equinoctiall, the Sunne having bene up
but two houres and an halfe, had sufficient to doe, to
purge and consume the cold and moyst vapours of the
long night past, and as yet had wrought no effect of
heate. And therefore I may boldly pronounce, that
there is much lesse heate at halfe an houre past eight
under the Equinoctiall, then is with us at noone : a
fortiori. But in March we are not onely contented to
have the Sunne shining, but we greatly desire the same.
Likewise the 1 1 of June, the Sunne in our Meridian
is 62 degrees high at London : and under the Equinoctiall
it is so high after 10 of the clocke, and seeing then it is
beneficial with us ; a fortiori it is beneficiall to them after
10 of the clocke.
And thus have wee measured the force of the Sunnes
greatest heate, the hottest dayes in the yeere, under the
Equinoctiall, that is in March and September, from sixe
till after tenne of the clocke in the morning, and from
two untill Sunne set. And this is concluded, by re-
specting onely the first cause of heate, which is the
consideration of the Angle of the Sunne beames, by a
certaine similitude, that whereas the Sunne shineth never
above twelve houres, more then eight of them would bee
coole and pleasant even to us, much more to them
that are acquainted alwayes with such warme places. So
there remaineth lesse then foure houres of any excessive
heate, and that onely in the two Sommer dayes of the
yeere, that is the eleventh day of March, and the foure-
vii 257 r
A.D.
1578.
Paris in
France is as
hote as under
the Equinoc-
tial! in June.
In June is
greater heat at
Paris then
under the
Equinoctial,
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
teenth of September : for under the Equinoctiall they
have two Sommers, the one in March, and the other in
September, which are our Spring and Autumne : and like-
wise two Winters, in June and December, which are
our Sommer and Winter, as may well appeare to him
that hath onely tasted the principles of the Sphere. But
if the Sunne bee in either Tropicke, or approching neere
thereunto, then may wee more easily measure the force
of his Meridian altitude, that it striketh upon the Equi-
noctiall. As for example, the twelfth of June the Sunne
will be in the first degree of Cancer. Then looke what
force the heate of the Sunne hath under the Equinoctiall,
the same force and greater it hath in all that Parallel,
where the Pole is elevated betweene fourtie and seven,
and fourtie and eight degrees. And therefore Paris in
France the twelfth day of June sustaineth more heate of
the Sunne, then Saint Thomas Hand lying neere the
same Meridian doeth likewise at noone, or the Hands
Taprobana, Moluccas, or the firme lande of Peru in
America, which all lye underneath the Equinoctiall. For
upon the twelfth day of June aforesaide, the Sunne
beames at noone doe make an Isoscheles Triangle, whose
Vertex is the Center of the Sunne, the Basis a line
extended from Saint Thomas Hand under the Equi-
noctiall, unto Paris in France neere the same Meridian :
therefore the two Angles of the Base must needs be
equal per 5. primi, Ergo the force of the heat equal,
if there were no other cause then the reason of the
Angle, as the olde Philosophers have appointed. But
because at Paris the Sunne riseth two houres before it
riseth to them under the Equinoctiall, and setteth like-
wise two houres after them, by meanes of the obliquitie
of the Horizon, in which time of the Sunnes presence
foure houres in one place more then the other, it worketh
some effect more in one place then in the other, and
being of equall height at noone, it must then needs
follow to be more hote in the Parallel of Paris, then it is
under the Equinoctiall.
258
GEORGE BESTS DISCOURSE a.d.
1578.
Also this is an other reason, that when the Sunne
setteth to them under the Equinoctiall, it goeth very
deepe and lowe under their Horizon, almost even to
their Antipodes, whereby their twilights are very short, The twilights
and their nights are made very extreeme darke and lone:, are / ,er>,
, . ° ill r 1 1 • 1 and the nights
and so the moysture and coldnesse or the long nights ^aryr un%r
wonderfully encreaseth, so that at length the Sunne the Equinoc-
rising can hardly in many houres consume and drive *?*/ then at
away the colde humours and moyst vapours of the night "'
past, which is cleane contrary in the Parallel of Paris :
for the Sunne goeth under their Horizon but very little,
after a sloping sort, whereby their nights are not very
darke, but lightsome, as looking into the North in a
cleare night without cloudes it doeth manifestly appeare,
their twilights are long : for the Parallel of Cancer
cutteth not the Horizon of Paris at right Angles, but
at Angles very uneven, and unlike as it doeth the Hori-
zon of the Equinoctiall. Also the Sommer day at Paris
is sixteene houres long, and the night but eight : where
contrarywise under the Equinoctiall the day is but
twelve houres long, and so long is also the night, in
whatsoever Parallel the Sunne be : and therefore looke
what oddes and difference of proportion there is betweene
the Sunnes abode above the Horizon in Paris, and
the abode it hath under the Equinoctiall, (it being in
Cancer) the same proportion would seeme to be betweene
the heate of the one place, and heate of the other: [III. 51.]
for other things (as the Angle of the whole arke of
the Sunnes progresse that day in both places) are
equall.
But under the Equinoctiall the presence and abode
of the Sunne above the Horizon is equall to his absence,
and abode under the Horizon, eche being twelve houres.
And at Paris the continuance and abode of the Sunne
is above the Horizon sixteene houres long, and but eight
houres absence, which proportion is double, from which
if the proportion of the equalitie be subtracted to finde
the difference, there will remaine still a double propor-
259
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
tion, whereby it seemeth to follow, that in June the
heate at Paris were double to the heate under the
equinoctiall. For (as I have said) the Angles of the
Sunne beames are in all points equall, and the cause of
difference is, Mora Solis supra Horizontem, the stay of
the Sunne in the one Horizon more then in the other.
Therefore, whosoever could finde out in what proportion
In what pro- the Angle of the Sunne beames heateth, and what en-
A H fth crease tne Sunnes continuance doeth adde thereunto, it
Sun beames might expresly be set downe, what force of heat and
heateth. cold is in all regions.
Thus you partly see by comparing a Climate to us
well knowen, and familiarly acquainted by like height of
the Sunne in both places, that under the Equinoctiall
in June is no excessive heat, but a temperate aire rather
tending to cold. For as they have there for the most
part a continuall moderate heat, so yet sometime they
They use and are a little pinched with colde, and use the benefite of
ave ne*de °f fire as well as we, especially in the evening when they
Equinoctiall. goe to kec^ f°r as tne7 tye m hanging beds tied fast
in the upper part of the house, so will they have fires
made on both sides their bed, of which two fires, the one
they devise superstitiously to drive away spirits, and the
other to keepe away from them the coldnesse of the nights.
Also in many places of Torrida Zona, especially in
the higher landes somewhat mountainous, the people a
litle shrincke at the cold, and are often forced to provide
themselves clothing, so that the Spaniards have found
in the West Indies many people clothed, especially in
Colde inter- Winter, whereby appeareth, that with their heat there
heate under the 1S co^e intermingled, else would they never provide this
Equinoctial, remedy of clothing, which to them is rather a griefe
and trouble then otherwise. For when they goe to
warres, they will put off all their apparell, thinking it to
be combersome, and will alwayes goe naked, that they
thereby might be more nimble in their fight.
Some there be that thinke the middle Zone extreme
hot, because the people of the countrey can, and doe
260
GEORGE BEST'S DISCOURSE a.d.
1578.
live without clothing, wherein they childishly are de-
ceived : for our Clime rather tendeth to extremitie of
colde, because wee cannot live without clothing : for this
our double lining, furring, and wearing so many clothes,
is a remedy against extremitie, and argueth not the
goodnesse of the habitation, but inconvenience and injury
of colde : and that is rather the moderate, temperate, and
delectable habitation, where none of these troublesome
things are required, but that we may live naked and
bare, as nature bringeth us foorth.
Others againe imagine the middle Zone to be extreme
hot, because the people of Africa, especially the Ethio-
pians, are so cole blacke, and their haire like wooll
curled short, which blacknesse and curled haire they
suppose to come onely by the parching heat of the
Sunne, which how it should be possible I cannot see :
for even under the Equinoctiall in America, and in the
East Indies, and in the Hands Moluccae the people are
not blacke, but tauney and white, with long haire un-
curled as wee have, so that if the Ethiopians blacknesse Ethiopians
came by the heat of the Sunne, why should not those bkc**]™*
A . J iTT 11111 1 • curled haire.
Americans and Indians also be as blacke as they, seeing
the Sunne is equally distant from them both, they abid-
ing in one Parallel : for the concave and convexe
Superficies of the Orbe of the Sunne is concentrike, and
equidistant to the earth ; except any man should imagine
somewhat of Aux Solis, and Oppositum, which indiffer-
ently may be applied aswel to the one place as to the
other. But the Sunne is thought to give no otherwise
heat, but by way of Angle in reflection, and not by
his neerenesse to the earth : for throughout all Africa, yea
in the middest of the middle Zone, and in all other
places upon the tops of mountaines there lyeth con- p* s*nne
tinuall snow, which is neerer to the Orbe of the Sunne, ,?f *"° ?,
' m lit 1 1 Ttccl cTlcSiCj
then the people are in the valley, by so much as the ^ut oneiy ^
height of these mountaines amount unto, and yet the reflection.
Sunne notwithstanding his neerenesse, can not melt the
snow for want of convenient place of reflections. Also
261
A.D.
1578.
A black
Moores sonne
borne in Eng-
land.
[in. 52.]
The colour of
the people in
Meta Incog-
nita. The
complexion of
the people of
Meta incog-
nita.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
the middle region of the aire where all the haile, frost,
and snow is engendred, is neerer unto the Sunne then
the earth is, and yet there continueth perpetuall cold,
because there is nothing that the Sunne beames may
reflect against, whereby appeareth that the neerenesse of
the body of the Sunne worketh nothing.
Therefore to returne againe to the blacke Moores.
I my selfe have seene an Ethiopian as blacke as a cole
brought into England, who taking a faire English woman
to wife, begat a sonne in all respects as blacke as the
father was, although England were his native countrey,
and an English woman his mother : whereby it seemeth
this blacknes proceedeth rather of some natural infection
of that man, which was so strong, that neither the nature
of the Clime, neither the good complexion of the
mother concurring, coulde any thing alter, and therefore,
wee cannot impute it to the nature of the Clime. And
for a more fresh example, our people of Meta Incognita
(of whom and for whom this discourse is taken in hande)
that were brought this last yeere into England, were all
generally of the same colour that many nations be, lying-
in the middest of the middle Zone. And this their
colour was not onely in the face which was subject to
Sunne and aire, but also in their bodies, which were stil
covered with garments as ours are, yea the very sucking
childe of twelve moneths age had his skinne of the very
same colour that most have under the Equinoctiall, which
thing cannot proceed by reason of the Clime, for that
they are at least ten degrees more towardes the North
then wee in England are, No, the Sunne never commeth
neere their Zenith by fourtie degrees : for in effect, they
are within three or foure degrees of that which they
call the frosen Zone, and as I saide, fourtie degrees
from the burning Zone, whereby it followeth, that there
is some other cause then the Climate or the Sonnes
perpendicular reflexion, that should cause the Ethiopians
great blacknesse. And the most probable cause to my
judgement is, that this blackenesse proceedeth of some
262
GEORGE BESTS DISCOURSE a.d.
naturall infection of the first inhabitants of that Countrey,
and so all the whole progenie of them descended, are
still polluted with the same blot of infection. Therefore
it shall not bee farre from our purpose, to examine the
first originall of these blacke men, and howe by a lineall
discent they have hitherto continued thus blacke.
It manifestly and plainely appeareth by holy Scripture, The cause of
that after the generall inundation and overflowing of *?f &thl0Piam
• • blackness?
the earth, there remained no moe men alive but Noe
and his three sonnes, Sem, Cham, and Japhet, who onely
were left to possesse and inhabite the whole face of the
earth : therefore all the sundry discents that until this
present day have inhabited the whole earth, must needes
come of the off-spring either of Sem, Cham, or Japhet,
as the onely sonnes of Noe, who all three being white,
and their wives also, by course of nature should have
begotten and brought foorth white children. But the
envie of our great and continuall enemie the wicked
Spirite is such, that as hee coulde not suffer our olde
father Adam to live in the felicitie and Angelike state
wherein hee was first created, but tempting him, sought
and procured his ruine and fall : so againe, finding at this
flood none but a father and three sonnes living, hee so
caused one of them to transgresse and disobey his fathers
commaundement, that after him all his posteritie shoulde
bee accursed. The fact of disobedience was this : When The Arke of
Noe at the commandement of God had made the Arke Noe-
and entred therein, and the floud-gates of heaven were
opened, so that the whole face of the earth, every tree
and mountaine was covered with abundance of water,
hee straitely commaunded his sonnes and their wives,
that they should with reverence and feare beholde the
justice and mighty power of God, and that during the
time of the floud while they remained in the Arke, they
should use continencie, and abstaine from carnall copula-
tion with their wives : and many other precepts hee gave
unto them, and admonitions touching the justice of God,
in revenging sinne, and his mercie in delivering them,
263
A.D.
1578.
Chus the sonne
of Cham ac-
cursed.
Africa was
called Chame-
[III. 53-
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
who nothing deserved it. Which good instructions and
exhortations notwithstanding his wicked sonne Cham
disobeyed, and being perswaded that the first childe borne
after the flood (by right and Lawe of nature) should
inherite and possesse all the dominions of the earth, hee
contrary to his fathers commandement while they were
yet in the Arke, used company with his wife, and craftily
went about thereby to dis-inherite the off-spring of his
other two brethren : for the which wicked and detestable
fact, as an example for contempt of Almightie God, and
disobedience of parents, God would a sonne should bee
borne whose name was Chus, who not onely it selfe, but
all his posteritie after him should bee so blacke and
lothsome, that it might remaine a spectacle of disobedience
to all the worlde. And of this blacke and cursed Chus
came all these blacke Moores which are in Africa, for
after the water was vanished from off the face of the
earth, and that the lande was dry, Sem chose that part
of the land to inhabite in, which nowe is called Asia, and
Japhet had that which now is called Europa, wherein wee
dwell, and Africa remained for Cham and his blacke
sonne Chus, and was called Chamesis after the fathers
name, being perhaps a cursed, dry, sandy, and unfruitfull
ground, fit for such a generation to inhabite in.
Thus you see, that the cause of the Ethiopians black-
nesse is the curse and naturall infection of blood, and
not the distemperature of the Climate ; Which also may
bee prooved by this example, that these blacke men are
found in all parts of Africa, as well without the Tropickes,
as within, even unto Capo de buona Speranza Southward,
where, by reason of the Sphere, should be the same tem-
perature that is in Sicilia, Morea and Candie, where al be
of very good complexions. Wherefore I conclude, that the
blacknesse proceedeth not of the hotenesse of the Clime,
but as I saide, of the infection of blood, and therefore
this their argument gathered of the Africans blacknesse
is not able to destroy the temperature of the middle
Zone. Wee may therefore very well bee assertained,
264
GEORGE BEST'S DISCOURSE ad.
1578.
that under the Equinoctiall is the most pleasant and
delectable place of the worlde to dwell in ; where although
the Sunne for two houres in a yeere be direct over
their heades, and therefore the heate at that time some-
what of force, yet because it commeth so seldome, and
continueth so small a time, when it commeth, it is not
to bee wayed, but rather the moderate heate of other Greatest tem-
times in all the yeere to be remembred. And if the %a%r^r
heate at any time should in the short day waxe somewhat ft.tf/ qul'
urgent, the coldnesse of the long night there would easily
refresh it, according as Honterus sayeth, speaking of
the temperature under the Equinoctiall.
Quodque die solis violento incanduit aestu,
Humida nox reficit, paribusque refrigerat horis.
If the heate of the Sunne in the day time doe burne
or parch any thing, the moysture of the night doeth
coole and refresh the same againe, the Sunne being as
long absent in the night, as it was present in the day.
Also our Aucthour of the Sphere, Johannes de Sacro
Bosco, in the Chapter of the Zodiacke, deriveth the
Etymologie of Zodiacus, of the Greeke word Zoe, which
in Latine signifieth Vita, life ; for out of Aristotle hee
alleadgeth, that Secundum accessum & recessum solis in
Zodiaco, fiunt generationes & corruptiones in rebus
inferioribus : according to the Sunnes going to and fro in
the Zodiake, the inferiour bodies take their causes of
generation and corruption. Then it followeth, that where
there is most going too and fro, there is most generation
and corruption : which must needes be betweene the two
Tropickes ; for there the Sunne goeth too and fro most,
and no where else but there. Therefore betweene the Under the
two Tropikes, that is, in the middle Zone, is greatest Equinoctiall is
increase, multiplication, generation, and corruption of ^^J *
things, which also wee finde by experience ; for there is
Sommer twice in the yeere, and twice Winter, so that
they have two Harvests in the yeere, and continuall
Spring. Seeing then the middle Zone falleth out so
265
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
temperate, it resteth to declare where the hottest part
of the world should bee, for we finde some places more
hote then others.
Greatest heate To answere this doubt, reason perswadeth, the hotest
under the Tro- pjace \n the WOrld to bee under and about the two
* Tropickes ; for there more then in any other place doe
both the causes of heate concurre, that is, the perpen-
dicular falling of the Sunne beames, at right angles, and
a greater continuance of the Sunne above the Horizon,
the Pole there being elevated three or foure and twentie
degrees. And as before I concluded, that though the
Sunne were perpendicular to them under the Equinoctiall,
yet because the same continued but a small time, (their
dayes being short, and their nights long) and the speedie
departure of the Sunne from their Zenith, because of the
suddeine crossing of the Zodiake with the Equinoctiall,
and that by such continuall course and recourse of hote
and colde, the temperature grew moderate, and very well
able to bee endured : so nowe to them under the two
Tropickes, the Sunne having once by his proper motion
declined twentie degrees from the Equinoctial, beginneth
to draw neere their Zenith, which may bee (as before)
about the eleventh day of May, and then beginneth to
sende his beames almost at right Angles, about which
time the Sunne entreth into the first degree of Gemini,
and with this almost right Angle the Sunne beames will
continue untill it bee past Cancer, that is, the space of
two moneths every day at noone, almost perpendicular
over their heades, being then the time of Solstitium
Aestivale : which so long continuance of the Sunne about
their Zenith may cause an extreeme heate (if any be in
the world) but of necessitie farre more heate then can
bee under the Equinoctiall, where the Sunne hath no
such long abode in the Zenith, but passeth away there-
hence very quickly. Also under the Tropickes, the day
is longer by an houre and a halfe, then it is under the
Equinoctiall ; wherefore the heate of the Sunne having a
longer time of operation, must needes be encreased,
266
GEORGE BEST'S DISCOURSE a.d.
1578.
especially seeing the night wherein colde and moysture
doe abound under the Tropickes, is lesse then it is under
the Equinoctiall. Therefore I gather, that under the
Tropickes is the hotest place, not onely of Torrida Zona,
but of any other part of the world, especially because
there both causes of heate doe concurre, that is, the per-
pendicular falling of the Sunne beames two monethes
together, and the longer abode of the Sunnes presence
above the Horison. And by this meanes more at large is
prooved, that Marochus in Sommer is farre more hote,
then at any time under the Equinoctiall, because it is
situate so neere the Tropick of Cancer, and also for the
length of their dayes. Neither yet do I thinke, that
the Regions situate under the Tropicks are not habitable,
for they are found to be very fruitfull also ; although
Marochus and some other parts of Afrike neere the
Tropike for the drinesse of the native sandie soile, and [III. 54.]
some accidents may seeme to some to be intemperate for
over much heat. For Ferdinandus Oviedus speaking of
Cuba and Hispaniola, Hands of America, lying hard Cuba.
under, or by the Tropike of Cancer, saith, that these HisPaniola-
Hands have as good pasture for cattell, as any other
countrey in the world.
Also, they have most holesome and cleare water, and
temperate aire, by reason whereof the heards of beastes
are much bigger, fatter, and of better taste, then any
in Spaine, because of the ranke pasture, whose moysture
is better digested in the hearbe or grasse, by continuall
and temperate heate of the Sunne, whereby being made
more fat and unctious, it is of better and more stedfast
nourishment : For continuall and temperate heate doeth
not onely drawe much moysture out of the earth to the
nourishment of such things as growe, and are engendred
in that Clime, but doeth also by moderation preserve the
same from putrifying, digesting also, and condensating or
thickning the said moyst nourishment into a gumme and ^.!he.
3 1 1 1 111 j Tropickes is
unctious substance, whereby appeareth also, that under m^erate tm_
the Tropikes is both holesome, fruitefull, and pleasant perature.
267
A.D.
1578.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
habitation, whereby lastly it followeth, that all the middle
Zone, which untill of late dayes hath bene compted and
called the burning, broyling, and parched Zone, is now
found to be the most delicate, temperate, commodious,
pleasant, and delectable part of the world, and especially
under the Equinoctiall.
Having now sufficiently at large declared the tempera-
ture of the middle Zone, it remaineth to speake somewhat
also of the moderate and continuall heate in colde
Regions, as well in the night as in the day all the
Sommer long, and also how these Regions are habitable
to the inhabitants of the same, contrary to the opinion of
the olde writers.
Nine Cli-
mates.
Of the temperature of colde Regions all the
Sommer long, and also how in Winter the
same is habitable, especially to the inhabitants
thereof.
He colde Regions of the world are those,
which tending toward the Poles Arctike,
and Antarctike, are without the circuite or
boundes of the seven Climates : which
assertion agreeable to the opinion of the
olde Writers, is found and set out in
our authour of the Sphere, Johannes de
Sacrobosco, where hee plainely saith, that without the
seventh Climate, which is bounded by a Parallel passing at
fiftie degrees in Latitude, all the habitation beyonde is
discommodious and intollerable. But Gemma Frisius a
late writer finding England and Scotland to be without
the com passe of those Climates, wherein hee knewe to bee
very temperate and good habitation, added thereunto
two other Climates, the uttermost Parallel whereof
passeth by 56. degrees in Latitude, and therein com-
prehendeth over and above the first computation, England,
Scotland, Denmarke, Moscovia, &c. which all are rich
and mightie kingdomes.
268
GEORGE BESTS DISCOURSE ad.
1578.
The olde writers perswaded by bare conjecture, went
about to determine of those places, by comparing them
to their owne complexions, because they felt them to
bee hardly tollerable to themselves, and so took thereby
an argument of the whole habitable earth ; as if a man
borne in Marochus, or some other part of Barbarie, A comparison
should at the latter end of Sommer upon the suddeine, betweeneMa-
either naked, or with his thinne vesture, bee brought £nzian^
into England, hee would judge this Region presently not
to bee habitable, because hee being brought up in so
warme a Countrey, is not able here to live, for so suddeine
an alteration of the colde aire : but if the same man
had come at the beginning of Sommer, and so afterward
by little and little by certaine degrees, had felt and
acquainted himselfe with the frost of Autumne, it would
have seemed by degrees to harden him, and so to make it
farre more tollerable, and by use after one yeere or two,
the aire would seeme to him more temperate. It was
compted a great matter in the olde time, that there was a
brasse pot broken in sunder with frosen water in Pontus,
which after was brought and shewed in Delphis, in token
of a miraculous colde region and winter, and therefore
consecrated to the Temple of Apollo.
This effect being wrought in the Parallel of fouretie
three degrees in Latitude, it was presently counted a place
very hardly and uneasily to be inhabited for the great
colde. And how then can such men define upon other
Regions very farre without that Parallel, whether they
were inhabited or not, seeing that in so neere a place they
so grossely mistooke the matter, and others their followers
being contented with the inventions of the olde Authors,
have persisted willingly in the same opinion, with more
confidence then consideration of the cause : so lightly was
that opinion received, as touching the unhabitable Clime
neere and under the Poles.
Therefore I am at this present to prove, that all the P™ 55-]
i j i • u s. iL 1 *1 r *. 4. *u • *. All the North
land lying betweene the last climate even unto the point regims are
directly under either poles, is or may be inhabited, habitable.
269
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
especially of such creatures as are ingendred and bred
therein. For indeed it is to be confessed, that some
particular living creature cannot live in every particular
place or region, especially with the same joy and felicitie,
as it did where it was first bred, for the certeine agree-
ment of nature that is betweene the place and the thing
Elephant. bred in that place ; as appeareth by the Elephant, which
being translated and brought out of the second or third
climat, though they may live, yet will they never ingender
or bring forth yong. Also we see the like in many kinds
Orange tree, of plants and herbs ; for example, the Orange trees,
although in Naples they bring forth fruit abundantly,
in Rome and Florence they will beare onely faire greene
leaves, but not any fruit : and translated into England,
they will hardly beare either flowers, fruit, or leaves, but
are the next Winter pinched and withered with colde :
yet it followeth not for this, that England, Rome, and
Florence should not be habitable.
Two causes of In the proving of these colde regions habitable, I shalbe
heat. very short, because the same reasons serve for this
purpose, which were alleged before in the proving the
middle Zone to be temperate, especially seeing all heat
and colde proceed from the Sunne, by the meanes either
of the Angle which his beames do make with the Horizon,
or els by the long or short continuance of the Suns
presence above ground : so that if the Sunnes beames
do beat perpendicularly at right Angles, then there is
one cause of heat, and if the Sunne do also long continue
above the Horizon, then the heat thereby is much in-
creased by accesse of this other cause, & so groweth to
a kinde of extremity. And these two causes, as I sayd
before, do most concurre under the two Tropicks, and
therefore there is the greatest heat of the world. And
likewise, where both these causes are most absent, there is
greatest want of heat, and increase of colde (seeing that
colde is nothing but the privation and absence of heat)
and if one cause be wanting, and the other present, the
effect will grow indifferent. Therefore this is to be
270
GEORGE BESTS DISCOURSE a.d.
1578.
understood, that the neerer any region is to the Equi-
noctiall, the higher the Sunne doth rise over their heads
at noone, and so maketh either right or neere right
Angles, but the Sunne tarieth with them so much the
shorter time, and causeth shorter dayes, with longer
and colder nights, to restore the domage of the day past,
by reason of the moisture consumed by vapour. But in
such regions, over the which the Sunne riseth lower
(as in regions extended towards either pole) it maketh
there unequall Angles, but the Sunne continueth longer,
and maketh longer dayes, and causeth so much shorter
and warmer nights, as retaining warme vapours of the
day past. For there are found by experience Summer Hote nights
nights in Scotland and Gothland very hot, when under nere the P0^
the Equinoctiall they are found very cold. This benefit
of the Sunnes long continuance & increase of the day,
doth augment so much the more in colde regions as
they are nerer the poles, and ceaseth not increasing untill
it come directly under the point of the pole Arcticke, Colde nights
where the Sunne continueth above ground the space of * f „
. 1 ir 1 i ^ i Equinoctiall.
sixe moneths or halre a yere together, and so the day
is halfe a yere long, that is the time of the Sunnes being
in the North signes, from the first degree of Aries untill
the last of Virgo, that is all the time from our 10 day
of March untill the 14 of September. The Sunne ther- One day of
fore during the time of these sixe moneths without any
offence or hindrance of the night, giveth his influence
upon those lands with heat that never ceaseth during
that time, which maketh to the great increase of Summer,
by reason of the Sunnes continuance. Therefore it
followeth, that though the Sunne be not there very high
over their heads, to cause right angle beames, and to
give great heat, yet the Sun being there sometime almost
24 degrees high doth cast a convenient and meane heate,
which there continueth without hindrance of the night
the space of sixe moneths (as is before sayd) during which
time there followeth to be a convenient, moderate and Moderate heat
temperate heat: or els rather it is to be suspected the under ye poles.
271
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
heat there to be very great, both for continuance, and
also, Quia virtus unita crescit, the vertue and strength
of heat united in one increaseth. If then there be such
a moderate heat under the poles, and the same to con-
tinue so long time ; what should moove the olde writers
to say there cannot be place for habitation. And that
the certainty of this temperate heat under both the
poles might more manifestly appeare, let us consider
the position & quality of the sphere, the length of the
day, and so gather the height of the Sunne at all times,
and by consequent the quantity of his angle, and so
lastly the strength of his heat.
Those lands and regions lying under the pole, and
having the pole for their Zenith, must needs have the
Equinoctial circle for their Horizon : therefore the Sun
entring into the North signes, and describing every 24
houres a parallel to the Equinoctiall by the diurnall
motion of Primum mobile, the same parallels must needs
be wholly above the Horizon : and so looke how many
The Sunne degrees there are from the first of Aries to the last of
never setteth yirg0j so manv whole revolutions there are above their
yes. jjorjzon tkat dwell under the pole, which amount to
[III. 56.] j82, and so many of our dayes the Sunne continueth
with them. During which time they have there con-
tinuall day and light, without any hindrance of moist
nights. Yet it is to be noted, that the Sunne being in
the first degree of Aries, and last degree of Virgo, maketh
his revolution in the very horizon, so that in these 24
Horizon and houres halfe the body of the Sunne is above the horizon,
Equinoctiall and ^ other ha]fe «s unc}er his only center, describing
all one under . . . . , . . • 1 1 • 1
the pole. both the horizon and the equinoctiall circle.
And therefore seeing the greatest declination of the
Sunne is almost 24 degrees, it followeth, his greatest
height in those countreys to be almost 24 degrees. And
so high is the Sun at noone to us in London about the
29 of October, being in the 15 degree of Scorpio, and
likewise the 21 of January being in the 15 of Aquarius.
Therefore looke what force the Sun at noone hath in
272
GEORGE BESTS DISCOURSE a.d.
1578.
London the 29 of October, the same force of heat it London.
hath, to them that dwell under the pole, the space almost
of two moneths, during the time of the Summer sol-
stitium, and that without intermingling of any colde
night ; so that if the heat of the Sunne at noone could
be well measured in London (which is very hard to do,
because of the long nights which ingender great moisture
and cold) then would manifestly appeare by expresse
numbers the maner of the heat under the poles, which
certainly must needs be to the inhabitants very com-
modious and profitable, if it incline not to overmuch
heat, and if moisture do not want.
For as in October in England we finde temperate aire,
and have in our gardens hearbs and floures notwith-
standing our cold nights, how much more should they
have the same good aire, being continuall without night.
This heat of ours continueth but one houre, while the
Sun is in that meridian, but theirs continueth a long
time in one height. This our heat is weake, and by
the coolenesse of the night vanisheth, that heat is
strong, and by continuall accesse is still increased and
strengthened. And thus by a similitude of the equall
height of the Sun in both places appeareth the com- Commodious
modious and moderate heat of the regions under the d^e^ngmder
poles.
And surely I cannot thinke that the divine providence
hath made any thing uncommunicable, but to have given
such order to all things, that one way or other the same
should be imployed, and that every thing and place
should be tollerable to the next : but especially all things
in this lower world be given to man to have dominion
and use thereof. Therefore we need no longer to doubt
of the temperate and commodious habitation under the
poles during the time of Summer.
But all the controversie consisteth in the Winter, for
then the Sunne leaveth those regions, and is no more
seene for the space of other sixe moneths, in the which
time all the Sunnes course is under their horizon for
vii 273 s
the poles.
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
the space of halfe a yere, and then those regions (say
The nights some) must needs be deformed with horrible darknesse,
under the pole. ancj cont;nuan night, which may be the cause that beasts
can not seeke their food, and that also the colde should
then be intollerable. By which double evils all living
creatures should be constrained to die, and were not
able to indure the extremity and injury of Winter, and
famine insuing thereof, but that all things should perish
before the Summer following, when they should bring
foorth their brood and yoong, and that for these causes
the sayd Clime about the pole should be desolate and
not habitable. To all which objections may be answered
in this maner : First, that though the Sunne be absent
from them those six moneths, yet it followeth not that
there should be such extreme darknesse ; for as the
Sunne is departed under their horizon, so is it not farre
from them : and not so soone as the Sunne falleth so
suddenly commeth the darke night; but the evening
doth substitute and prolong the day a good while after
by twilight. After which time the residue of the night
receiveth light of the Moone and Starres, untill the
breake of the day, which giveth also a certaine light
before the Sunnes rising ; so that by these meanes the
nights are seldome darke ; which is verified in all parts of
the world, but least in the middle Zone under the
Equinoctiall, where the twilights are short, and the
nights darker then in any other place, because the Sunne
goeth under their horizon so deepe, even to their anti-
podes. We see in England in the Summer nights, when
the Sunne goeth not farre under the horizon, that by
the light of the Moone & Starres we may travell all
night, and if occasion were, do some other labour also.
And there is no man that doubteth whether our cattell
can see to feed in the nights, seeing we are so well
certified therof by our experience : and by reason of the
sphere our nights should be darker then any time under
the poles.
The Astronomers consent that the Sunne descending
274
GEORGE BESTS DISCOURSE a.b.
1578.
from our upper hemisphere at the 18 parallel under the
horizon maketh an end of twilight, so that at length
the darke night insueth, and that afterward in the morn-
ing the Sun approching againe within as many parallels,
doth drive away the night by accesse of the twilight.
Againe, by the position of the sphere under the pole,
the horizon, and the equinoctiall are all one. These
revolutions therefore that are parallel to the equinoctiall
are also parallel to the horizon, so that the Sunne de-
scending under that horizon, and there describing certaine
parallels not farre distant, doth not bring darke nights to
those regions untill it come to the parallels distant 18 [III. 57.]
degrees from the equinoctiall, that is, about the 21 degree
of Scorpio, which will be about the 4 day of our
November, and after the Winter solstitium, the Sunne
returning backe againe to the 9 degree of Aquarius,
which will be about the 19 of January; during which
time onely, that is, from the 4 day of November untill
the 19 day of January, which is about six weeks space,
those regions do want the commodity of twilights :
therefore, during the time of these sayd six moneths of
darknesse under the poles, the night is destitute of the
benefit of the Sunne and the sayd twilights onely for the The regions
space of six weeks or thereabout. And yet neither this under the poles
time of six weeks is without remedy from heaven; for ™* *sixe%wfeh
the Moone with her increased light hath accesse at that
time, and illuminateth the moneths lacking light every
one of themselves severally halfe the course of that
moneth, by whose benefit it commeth to passe that the
night named extreame darke possesseth those regions no
longer then one moneth, neither that continually, or all
at one time, but this also divided into two sorts of shorter
nights, of the which either of them indureth for the space
of 1 5 dayes, and are illuminate of the Moone accordingly.
And this reason is gathered out of the sphere, whereby
we may testifie that the Summers are warme and fruitfull,
and the Winters nights under the pole are tolerable to
living creatures. And if it be so that the Winter and
275
A.D.
1578.
Winter nights
under the pole
tolerable to
living crea-
tures.
An objection
o/Meta incog-
nita.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
time of darknesse there be very colde, yet hath not nature
left them unprovided therefore : for there the beasts are
covered with haire so much the thicker in how much the
vehemency of colde is greater; by reason whereof the
best and richest furres are brought out of the coldest
regions. Also the fowles of these colde countreys have
thicker skinnes, thicker feathers, and more stored of
downe then in other hot places. Our English men that
travell to S. Nicholas, and go a fishing to Wardhouse,
enter farre within the circle Arctike, and so are in the
frozen Zone, and yet there, aswell as in Island and all
along those Northerne Seas, they finde the greatest store
of the greatest fishes that are ; as Whales, &c. and also
abundance of meane fishes ; as Herrings, Cods, Haddocks,
Brets, &c. which argueth that the sea as well as the land
may be and is well frequented and inhabited in the colde
countreys.
But some perhaps will marvell there should be such
temperate places in the regions about the poles, when at
under 62 degrees in latitude our captaine Frobisher &
his company were troubled with so many and so great
mountaines of fleeting ice, with so great stormes of colde,
with such continuall snow on tops of mountaines, and
with such barren soile, there being neither wood nor
trees, but low shrubs, and such like. To all which
objections may be answered thus : First, those infinite
Islands of ice were ingendred and congealed in time of
Winter, and now by the great heat of Summer were
thawed, and then by ebs, flouds, winds, and currents,
were driven to and fro, and troubled the fleet ; so that
this is an argument to prove the heat in Summer there
to be great, that was able to thaw so monstrous moun-
taines of ice. As for continuall snow on tops of moun-
taines, it is there no otherwise then is in the hotest part
of the middle Zone, where also lieth great snow all the
Summer long upon tops of mountaines, because there is
not sufficient space for the Sunnes reflection, whereby the
snow should be molten. Touching the colde stormy
276
GEORGE BEST'S DISCOURSE a.d.
1578.
winds and the barrennesse of the country, it is there as
it is in Cornwall and Devonshire in England, which parts
though we know to be fruitfull and fertile, yet on the
North side thereof all alongst the coast within seven or
eight miles off the sea there can neither hedge nor tree
grow, although they be diligently by arte husbanded and
seene unto : and the cause thereof are the Northerne
driving winds, which comming from the sea are so bitter
and sharpe that they kill all the yoong & tender plants,
and suffer scarse any thing to grow ; and so is it in the
Islands of Meta incognita, which are subject most to Meta incog-
East & Northeastern winds, which the last yere choaked nita inhabited.
up the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly
recover their port. Yet notwithstanding all the objec-
tions that may be, the countrey is habitable ; for there
are men, women, children, & sundry kind of beasts in
great plenty, as beares, deere, hares, foxes and dogs : all
kinde of flying fowles, as ducks, seamewes, wilmots, par-
tridges, larks, crowes, hawks, and such like, as in the
third booke you shall understand more at large. Then
it appeareth that not onely the middle Zone but also the
Zones about the poles are habitable.
Which thing being well considered, and familiarly Captaine
knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher, aswell for F™bishers
that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the fiU vo^age'
sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the arte of
navigation, as also for the confirmation he hath of the
same by many yeres experience both by sea and land, and
being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya
then by Capo de buona Speranca, which the Portugals
yerely use : he began first with himselfe to devise, and
then with his friends to conferre, and layed a plaine plat
unto them that that voyage was not onely possible by
the Northwest, but also he could prove easie to be per-
formed. And further, he determined and resolved with
himselfe to go make full proofe thereof, and to accom-
plish or bring true certificate of the truth, or els never [III. 58.]
to returne againe, knowing this to be the only thing of
277
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
the world that was left yet undone, whereby a notable
minde might be made famous and fortunate. But
although his will were great to performe this notable
voyage, whereof he had conceived in his minde a great
hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence, which
here for sundry causes I leave untouched, yet he wanted
altogether meanes and ability to set forward, and per-
forme the same. Long time he conferred with his
private friends of these secrets, and made also many offers
for the performing of the same in effect unto sundry
merchants of our countrey above 15 yeres before he
attempted the same, as by good witnesse shall well
appeare (albeit some evill willers which challenge to
themselves the fruits of other mens labours have greatly
injured him in the reports of the same, saying that they
have bene the first authours of that action, and that they
have learned him the way, which themselves as yet have
never gone) but perceiving that hardly he was hearkened
unto of the merchants, which never regard vertue without
sure, certaine, and present gaines, he repaired to the
Court (from whence, as from the fountaine of our
Common wealth, all good causes have their chiefe in-
crease and maintenance) and there layed open to many
great estates and learned men the plot and summe of his
device. And amongst many honourable minds which
favoured his honest and commendable enterprise, he was
specially bound and beholding to the right honourable
Ambrose Dudley earle of Warwicke, whose favourable
minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene ready to
countenance and advance all honest actions with the
authours and executers of the same : and so by meanes
of my lord his honourable countenance he received some
comfort of his cause, and by litle and litle, with no small
expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection,
and had drawen together so many adventurers and such
summes of money as might well defray a reasonable
charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall.
He prepared two small barks of twenty and five and
278
GEORGE BESTS DISCOURSE ad
1578.
twenty tunne a piece, wherein he intended to accomplish
his pretended voyage. Wherefore, being furnished with
the foresayd two barks, and one small pinnesse of ten
tun burthen, having therein victuals and other necessaries
for twelve moneths provision, he departed upon the sayd
voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of June anno Domini
1576.
One of the barks wherein he went was named The
Gabriel, and the other The Michael ; and sailing North-
west from England upon the 11 of July he had sight
of an high and ragged land, which he judged to be
Frisland (whereof some authors have made mention) but
durst not approch the same by reason of the great store
of ice that lay alongst the coast, and the great mists that
troubled them not a litle. Not farre from thence he
lost company of his small pinnesse, which by meanes of
the great storme he supposed to be swallowed up of the
Sea, wherein he lost onely foure men.
Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting The Michael
the matter, conveyed themselves privily away from him, returned
and returned home, with great report that he was cast
away.
The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts,
although his mast was sprung, and his toppe mast blowen
overboord with extreame foule weather, continued his
course towards the Northwest, knowing that the sea at
length must needs have an ending, & that some land
should have a beginning that way ; and determined there-
fore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea
the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards, be-
yond any man that hath heretofore discovered.^ And the
twentieth of July he had sight of an high land, which he
called Queene Elizabeths Forland, after her Majesties
name. And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast,
he descried another forland with a great gut, bay, or
passage, divided as it were two maine lands or continents
asunder. There he met with store of exceeding great
ice all this coast along, and coveting still to continue his
279
A.D.
1578.
Frobishers
first entrance
within ye
streights.
Frobishers
straights.
[III. 59-1
Deere.
The first sight
of ye Savages.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
course to the Northwards, was alwayes by contrary winde
deteined overthwart these straights, and could not get
beyond. Within few dayes after he perceived the ice
to be well consumed and gone, either there ingulfed in
by some swift currents or indrafts, carried more to the
Southwards of the same straights, or els conveyed some
other way : wherefore he determined to make proofe of
this place, to see how farre that gut had continuance,
and whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same
into some open sea on the backe side, whereof he con-
ceived no small hope, and so entred the same the one
and twentieth of July, and passed above fifty leagues
therein, as he reported, having upon either hand a great
maine or continent. And that land upon his right hand
as he sailed Westward he judged to be the continent of
Asia, and there to be divided from the firme of America,
which lieth upon the left hand over against the same.
This place he named after his name, Frobishers
streights, like as Magellanus at ye Southwest end of
the world, having discovered the passage to the South
sea (where America is divided from the continent of
that land, which lieth under the South pole) and called
the same straights, Magellanes straits.
After he had passed 60 leagues into this foresayd
straight, he went ashore, and found signes where fire
had bene made.
He saw mighty deere that seemed to be mankinde,
which ranne at him, and hardly he escaped with his
life in a narrow way, where he was faine to use defence
and policy to save his life.
In this place he saw and perceived sundry tokens of
the peoples resorting thither. And being ashore upon
the top of a hill, he perceived a number of small things
fleeting in the sea afarre off, which he supposed to be
porposes or seales, or some kinde of strange fish ; but
comming neerer, he discovered them to be men in small
boats made of leather. And before he could descend
downe from the hill, certaine of those people had almost
280
GEORGE BEST'S DISCOURSE a.d.
1578.
cut off his boat from him, having stollen secretly be-
hinde the rocks for that purpose, where he speedily
hasted to his boat, and bent himselfe to his halberd,
and narrowly escaped the danger, and saved his boat.
Afterwards he had sundry conferences with them, and
they came aboord his ship, and brought him salmon Salmon.
and raw flesh and fish, and greedily devoured the same
before our mens faces. And to shew their agility, they
tried many masteries upon the ropes of the ship after
our mariners fashion, and appeared to be very strong
of their armes, and nimble of their bodies. They ex-
changed coats of seales, and beares skinnes, and such
like, with our men ; and received belles, looking glasses,
and other toyes, in recompense thereof againe. After
great curtesie, and many meetings, our mariners, con-
trary to their captaines direction, began more easily to
trust them ; and five of our men going ashore were by Five English-
them intercepted with their boat, and were never since mentfer~
„ r, . -, . , , 1 • cepted and
heard of to this day againe : so that the captaine Deing t*ken
destitute of boat, barke, and all company, had scarsely
sufficient number to conduct backe his barke againe.
He could now neither convey himselfe ashore to rescue
his men (if he had bene able) for want of a boat ; and
againe the subtile traitours were so wary, as they would
after that never come within our mens danger. The
captaine notwithstanding desirous to bring some token
from thence of his being there, was greatly discontented
that he had not before apprehended some of them :
and therefore to deceive the deceivers he wrought a
prety policy ; for knowing wel how they greatly delighted
in our toyes, and specially in belles, he rang a prety
lowbell, making signes that he would give him the same
that would come and fetch it. And because they would
not come within his danger for feare, he flung one
bell unto them, which of purpose he threw short, that
it might fall into the sea and be lost. And to make Taking of the
*hem more greedy of the matter he rang a louder bell, first Savaie-
so that in the end one of them came nere the ship
281
A.D.
i578.
Frobishers re-
turne.
The taking
possession of
Meta incog-
nita.
How the ore
was found by
chance.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
side to receive the bel ; which when he thought to
take at the captaines hand, he was thereby taken him-
selfe : for the captaine being readily provided let the
bell fall, and caught the man fast, and plucked him
with maine force boat and all into his barke out of
the sea. Whereupon when he found himselfe in cap-
tivity, for very choler and disdaine he bit his tongue
in twaine within his mouth : notwithstanding, he died
not thereof, but lived untill he came in England, and
then he died of cold which he had taken at sea.
Now with this new pray (which was a sufficient wit-
nesse of the captaines farre and tedious travell towards
the unknowen parts of the world, as did well appeare
by this strange infidell, whose like was never seene,
read, nor heard of before, and whose language was
neither knowen nor understood of any) the sayd cap-
taine Frobisher returned homeward, and arrived in
England in Harwich the 2 of October following, and
thence came to London 1576, where he was highly
commended of all men for his great and notable at-
tempt, but specially famous for the great hope he
brought of the passage to Cataya.
And it is especially to be remembred that at their
first arrivall in those parts there lay so great store of
ice all the coast along so thicke together, that hardly
his boat could passe unto the shore. At length, after
divers attempts he commanded his company, if by any
possible meanes they could get ashore, to bring him
whatsoever thing they could first finde, whether it were
living or dead, stocke or stone, in token of Christian
possession, which thereby he tooke in behalfe of the
Queenes most excellent Majesty, thinking that thereby
he might justify the having and injoying of the same
things that grew in these unknowen parts.
Some of his company brought floures, some greene
grasse ; and one brought a piece of blacke stone much
like to a sea cole in colour, which by the waight
seemed to be some kinde of metall or minerall. This
282
GEORGE BEST'S DISCOURSE a.
1578.
was a thing of no account in the judgement of the
captaine at the first sight ; and yet for novelty it was
kept in respect of the place from whence it came.
After his arrivall in London, being demanded of
sundry his friends what thing he had brought them
home out of that countrey, he had nothing left to
present them withall but a piece of this blacke stone. [III. 60.]
And it fortuned a gentlewoman one of the adventurers
wives to have a piece therof, which by chance she threw
and burned in the fire, so long, that at the length being
taken forth, and quenched in a litle vineger, it glistered
with a bright marquesset of golde. Whereupon the
matter being called in some question, it was brought to
certaine Goldfiners in London to make assay thereof,
who gave out that it held golde, and that very richly
for the quantity. Afterwards, the same Goldfiners pro- Many adven-
mised great matters thereof if there were any store to turers-
be found, and offered themselves to adventure for the
searching of those parts from whence the same was
brought. Some that had great hope of the matter
sought secretly to have a lease at her Majesties hands
of those places, whereby to injoy the masse of so great
a publike profit unto their owne private gaines.
In conclusion, the hope of more of the same golde
ore to be found kindled a greater opinion in the hearts
of many to advance the voyage againe. Whereupon
preparation was made for a new voyage against the yere
following, and the captaine more specially directed by
commission for the searching more of this golde ore I* tfie second
then for the searching: aiw further discoverv of the v°ya& com-
AJL. ,9 J ...... J . mission was
passage. And being well accompanied with divers resolute -n onej„
and forward gentlemen, her Majesty then lying at the for the bring-
right honourable the lord of Warwicks house in Essex, ingofore.
he came to take his leave, and kissing her hignesse
hands, with gracious countenance & comfortable words
departed toward his charge.
[A true
283
A.D.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
A true report of such things as happened in the
second voyage of captaine Frobisher, pretended
for the discovery of a new passage to Cataya,
China and the East India, by the Northwest.
Ann. Dom. 1577.
HEing furnished with one tall ship of her
Majesties, named The Ayde, of two
hundred tunne, and two other small
barks, the one named The Gabriel, the
other The Michael, about thirty tun a
piece, being fitly appointed with men,
munition, victuals, and all things neces-
sary for the voyage, the sayd captaine Frobisher, with
the rest of his company came aboord his ships riding at
Blackwall, intending (with Gods helpe) to take the first
winde and tide serving him, the 25 day of May, in the
yere of our Lord God 1577.
The names of such gentlemen as attempted this dis-
covery, and the number of souldiers and mariners in
ech ship, as followeth.
ABoord the Ayd being Admirall were the number of
100 men of all sorts, whereof 30 or moe were
Gentlemen and Souldiers, the rest sufficient and tall
Sailers.
Aboord the Gabriel being Viceadmirall, were in
all 18 persons, whereof sixe were Souldiers, the rest
Mariners.
Aboord the Michael were 16 persons, whereof rive
were Souldiers, the rest Mariners.
28
MARTIN FROBISHER
Aboord the
Ayde was
Generall of the
whole com-
pany for her
Majesty
Martin Frobisher.
His Lieutenant ( George Best.
His Ensigne
Corporall of the
shot
The Master
The Mate
The Pilot
The Master
gunner
Aboord the f &*}?*
The rest of the
gentlemen
Richard Philpot.
Francis Forder.
Henry Carew.
Edmund Stafford.
John Lee.
M. Harvie.
< Mathew Kinersley.
Abraham Lins.
Robert Kinersley.
Francis Brakenbury,
William Armshow.
' Christopher Hall.
Charles Jackman.
Andrew Dier.
Richard Cox.
Gabriell was
{Edward Fenton.
William Tamfield.
William Smyth.
A.D.
1577.
[III. 6l.]
au a u ( Captaine f Gilbert Yorke.
Aboord the 1 Qne Gentleman J Thomas Chamberlaine.
Michaell was^The Maigter | James Beare>
ON Whitsunday being the 26 of May, Anno 1577,
early in the morning, we weighed anker at Blackwall,
and fell that tyde downe to Gravesend, where we re-
mained untill Monday at night. They received
On munday morning the 27 of May, aboord the Ayde the cmmm.
we received all the Communion by the Minister of ion
285
A.D.
[577-
The number of
men in this
voyage.
The con-
demned men
discharged.
The first arri-
vall after our
departingfrom
England.
A Mine of sil-
ver found in
Orkney.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Gravesend, and prepared us as good Christians towards
God, and resolute men for all fortunes : and towards
night we departed to Tilbery Hope.
Tuesday the eight and twenty of May, about nine of
the clocke at night, we arrived at Harwitch in Essex and
there stayed for the taking in of certaine victuals, untill
Friday being the thirtieth of May, during which time
came letters from the Lordes of the Councell, straightly
commanding our Generall, not to exceede his complement
and number appointed him, which was, one hundred and
twentie persons : whereupon he discharged many proper
men which with unwilling mindes departed.
He also dismissed all his condemned men, which he
thought for some purposes very needefull for the voyage,
and towards night upon Friday the one and thirtieth of
May we set saile, and put to the Seas againe. And
sayling Northward alongst the East coasts of England
and Scotland, the seventh day of June we arrived in Saint
Magnus sound in Orkney Hands, called in latine Orcades,
and came to ancker on the South side of the Bay, and
this place is reckoned from Blackwall where we set saile
first leagues.
Here our companie going on lande, the Inhabitants of
these Ilandes beganne to flee as from the enemie, where-
upon the Lieutenant willed every man to stay togither,
and went himselfe unto their houses to declare what we
were and the cause of our comming thither, which being
understood, after their poore maner they friendly en-
treated us, and brought us for our money such things as
they had. And here our Goldfiners found a Mine of silver.
Orkney is the principall of the Isles of the Orcades,
and standeth in the latitude of fiftie nine degrees and
a halfe. The countrey is much subject to colde, answer-
able for such a climate, and yet yeeldeth some fruites,
and sufficient maintenance for the people contented so
poorely to live.
There is plentie ynough of Poultrey, store of egges,
fish, and foule.
286
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1577-
For their bread they have Oaten Cakes, and their
drinke is Ewes milke, and in some partes Ale.
Their houses are but poore without and sluttish
ynough within, and the people in nature thereunto
agreeable.
For their fire they burne heath and turffe, the Coun-
trey in most parts being voide of wood.
They have great want of Leather, and desire our old
shoes, apparell, and old ropes (before money) for their
victuals, and yet are they not ignorant of the value of
our coine. The chiefe towne is called Kyrway. Kyrway the
In this Island hath bene sometime an Abbey or a chiefe towne of
religious house called Saint Magnus, being on the West ^ M^gnus
side of the He, whereof this sound beareth name, through sound why so
which we passed. Their Governour or chiefe Lord is called.
called the Lord Robert Steward, who at our being there,
as we understood, was in durance at Edenburgh, by the
Regents commandement of Scotland.
After we had provided us here of matter sufficient for
our voyage the eight of June wee set sayle againe, and
passing through Saint Magnus sound having a merrie
winde by night, came cleare and lost sight of all the land,
and keeping our course West Northwest by the space of
two dayes, the winde shifted upon us so that we lay in
traverse on the Seas, with contrary windes, making good
(as neere as we could) our course to the westward, and
sometime to the Northward, as the winde shifted. And
hereabout we met with 3 saile of English fishermen from
Iseland, bound homeward, by whom we wrote our letters
unto our friends in England. We traversed these Seas
by the space of 26 dayes without sight of any land, and Great bodies
met with much drift wood, & whole bodies of trees. °l£*"n J£
We sawe many monsterous fishes and strange foules, seaSm
which seemed to live onely by the Sea, being there so [III. 62.]
farre distant from any land. At length God favoured us Monstrous fish
with more prosperous windes, and after wee had sayled f0J*™"f*
foure dayes with good winde in the Poop, the fourth of one^ ^ tjie
July the Michaell being formost a head shot off a peece Sea.
287
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1577.
of Ordinance, and stroke all her sayles, supposing that
they descryed land which by reason of the thicke mistes
they could not make perfit : howbeit, as well our account
Water being as also the great alteration of the water, which became
blackeand m0re blacke and smooth, did plainely declare we were
eth land to be not ^arre °^ t^ie coast- Our Generall sent his Master
neere. aboord the Michaell (who had beene with him the yeere
Hands of ye. before) to beare in with the place to make proofe thereof,
who descryed not the land perfect, but sawe sundry huge
Hands of yce, which we deemed to be not past twelve
leagues from the shore, for about tenne of the clocke at
The first sight night being the fourth of July, the weather being more
ofFrislandthe cleare, we made the land perfect and knew it to be Fris-
4- °J uy- knde. And the heigth being taken here, we found
our selves to be in the latitude of 60 degrees and a
halfe, and were fallen with the Southermost part of this
land. Betweene Orkney and Frisland are reckoned
leagues.
Frisland de- This Frislande sheweth a ragged and high lande,
scribed. having the mountaines almost covered over with snow
alongst the coast full of drift yce, and seemeth almost
inaccessible, and is thought to be an Hand in bignesse not
inferiour to England, and is called of some Authors,
West Frislande, I thinke because it lyeth more West
then any part of Europe. It extendeth in latitude to
the Northward very farre as seemed to us, and appeareth
by a description set out by two brethren Venetians,
Nicholaus and Antonius Zeni, who being driven off
from Ireland with a violent tempest made shipwracke
here, and were the first knowen Christians that discovered
this land about two hundred yeares sithence, and they
have in their Sea-cardes set out every part thereof and
described the condition of the inhabitants, declaring them
to be as civill and religious people as we. And for so
much of this land as we have sayled alongst, comparing
their Carde with the coast, we finde it very agreeable.
An easie kind This coast seemeth to have good fishing, for we lying
of Fishing. becalmed let fall a hooke without any bayte and presently
288
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
1577-
caught a great fish called a Hollibut, who served the
whole companie for a dayes meate, and is dangerous
meate for surfetting. And sounding about five leagues
off from the shore, our leade brought up in the tallow
a kinde of Corrall almost white, and small stones as White Con-all
bright as Christall : and it is not to be doubted but that &h ""*-
this land may be found very rich and beneficial if it were
throughly discovered, although we sawe no creature there
but little birdes. It is a marvellous thing to behold of Monstrous
what great bignesse and depth some Hands of yce be ^stefresh'^
here, some seventie, some eightie fadome under water, zohere-hence
besides that which is above, seeming Hands more then they are sup-
halfe a mile in circuit. All these yce are in tast fresh, Posed t0 come-
and seeme to be bredde in the sounds thereabouts, or in
some lande neere the pole, and with the winde and tides
are driven alongst the coastes. We found none of these
Hands of yce salt in taste, whereby it appeareth that they
were not congealed of the Ocean Sea water which is
alwayes salt, but of some standing or little mooving lakes The opinion of
or great fresh waters neere the shore, caused eyther by t^eJrosen sfas
p . r r • i • 1 1 is destroyed by
melted snowe trom tops or mountaines, or by continuall exper-ience^
accesse of fresh rivers from the land, and intermingling
with the Sea water, bearing yet the dominion (by the
force of extreame frost) may cause some part of salt
water to freese so with it, and so seeme a little brackish,
but otherwise the maine Sea freeseth not, and therefore
there is no Mare Glaciale or frosen Sea, as the opinion
hitherto hath bene. Our Generall prooved landing here
twice, but by the suddaine fall of mistes (whereunto this
coast is much subject) he was like to loose sight of his
ships, and being greatly endangered with the driving yce
alongst the coast, was forced aboord and faine to surcease
his pretence till a better opportunitie might serve : and
having spent foure dayes and nightes sayling alongst this
land, finding the coast subject to such bitter colde and
continuall mistes, he determined to spend no more time
therein, but to beare out his course towardes the streightes
called Frobishers streights after the Generals name, who
vii 289 t
A.D.
1577
The Stirrage
oftheMichaell
broken by
tempest.
The first en -
trance of the
straights.
[in. 63.]
Halles liana*
The descrip-
tion of the
straights.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
being the first that ever passed beyond 58 degrees to the
Northwardes, for any thing that hath beene yet knowen
of certaintie of New found land, otherwise called the
continent or firme lande land of America, discovered the
saide straights this last yere 1576.
Betweene Frisland and the straights we had one great
storme, wherein the Michaell was somewhat in danger,
having her Stirrage broken, and her toppe Mastes blowen
over boord, & being not past 50 leagues short of the
straights by our account, we stroke sayle & lay a hull,
fearing the continuance of the storme, the winde being
at the Northeast, and having lost companie of the Barkes
in that flaw of winde, we happily met againe the seven-
teenth day of July, having the evening before seene
divers Hands of fleeting yce, which gave an argument
that we were not farre from land. Our Generall in the
morning from the maine top (the weather being reason-
able cleare) descried land, but to be better assured he
sent the two Barkes two contrarie courses, whereby they
might discry either the South or North foreland, the
Ayde lying off and on at Sea, with a small sayle by an
Hand of yce, which was the marke for us to meete
togither againe. And about noone, the weather being
more cleare, we made the North forland perfite, which
otherwise is called Halles Hand, and also the small Hand
bearing the name of the sayde Hall whence the Ore was
taken up which was brought into England this last yeere
1576 the said Hall being present at the finding & taking
up thereof, who was then Maister in the Gabriell with
Captaine Frobisher. At our arrivall here all the Seas
about this coast were so covered over with huge quantitie
of great yce, that we thought these places might onely
deserve the name of Mare Glaciale, and be called the
Isie Sea.
This North forland is thought to be devided from the
continent of the Northerland, by a little sound called
Halles sound, which maketh it an Hand, and is thought
little lesse then the He of Wight, and is the first entrance
290
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
*577-
of the straights upon the Norther side, and standeth in
the latitude of sixtie two degrees and nftie minutes, and
is reckoned from Frisland leagues. God having blessed
us with so happie a land-fall, we bare into the straights
which runne in next hand, and somewhat further up to
the Northwarde, and came as neere the shore as wee
might for the yce, and upon the eighteenth day of July
our Generall taking the Goldfiners with him, attempted
to goe on shore with a small rowing Pinnesse, upon the
small Ilande where the Ore was taken up, to proove No more &old
whether there were any store thereof to be found, but ^/^f^
he could not get in all that Hand a peece so bigge as
a Walnut, where the first was found. But our men
which sought the other Hands thereabouts found them
all to have good store of the Ore, whereupon our Generall
with these good tidings returned aboord about tenne of
the clocke at night, and was joyfully welcommed of the
company with a volie of shot. He brought egges, foules, EgsJ^foules
and a young Seale aboord, which the companie had killed °jiita eta^a°fs
ashore, and having found upon those Hands ginnes set set t0 catch
to catch fowle, and stickes newe cut, with other things, birds zvlthali
he well perceived that not long before some of the
countrey people had resorted thither.
Having therefore found those tokens of the peoples
accesse in those parts, and being in his first voyage well
acquainted with their subtill and cruell disposition, hee
provided well for his better safetie, and on Friday the
ninteenth of July in the morning early, with his best
companie of Gentlemen and souldiers, to the number of
fortie persons, went on shore, aswell to discover the
Inland and habitation of the people, as also to finde
out some fit harborowe for our shippes. And passing
towardes the shoare with no small difficultie by reason
of the abundance of yce which lay alongst the coast so
thicke togither that hardly any passage through them
might be discovered, we arrived at length upon the maine
of Halles greater Hand, and found there also aswell as
in the other small Hands good store of the Ore. And
291
A.D.
*S77-
The building
of a Columne,
called Mount
Warwicke.
The first sight
of the countrie
people, waft-
ing with a
fiagge.
The meeting
a part of two
Englishmen,
with two of
that countrey.
The order oj
their traffique-
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
leaving his boates here with sufficient guarde we passed
up into the countrey about two English miles, and re-
covered the toppe of a high hill, on the top whereof our
men made a Columne or Crosse of stones heaped up
of a good heigth togither in good sort, and solemnely
sounded a Trumpet, and saide certaine prayers kneeling
about the Ensigne, and honoured the place by the name
of Mount Warwicke, in remembrance of the Right
Honorable the Lord Ambrose Dudley Earle of Warwick,
whose noble mind and good countenance in this, as in
all other good actions, gave great encouragement and
good furtherance. This done, we retyred our companies
not seeing any thing here worth further discoverie, the
countrey seeming barren and full of ragged mountaines
and in most parts covered with snow.
And thus marching towards our botes, we espied
certaine of the countrey people on the top of Mount
Warwick with a flag wafting us backe againe and making
great noise, with cries like the mowing of Buls seeming
greatly desirous of conference with us : whereupon the
Generall being therewith better acquainted, answered
them againe with the like cries, whereat and with the
noise of our trumpets they seemed greatly to rejoyce,
skipping, laughing and dancing for joy. And hereupon
we made signes unto them, holding up two fingers, com-
manding two of our men to go apart from our companies,
whereby they might do the like. So that forthwith two
of our men & two of theirs met togither a good space
from company, neither partie having their weapons about
them. Our men gave them pins and points and such
trifles as they had. And they likewise bestowed on our
men two bow cases and such things as they had. They
earnestly desired our men to goe up into their countrey,
and our men offered them like kindnesse aboord our
ships, but neither part (as it seemed) admitted or trusted
the others curtesie. Their maner of traffique is thus,
they doe use to lay downe of their marchandise upon
the ground, so much as they meane to part withal, and
292
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1577-
so looking that the other partie with whom they make
trade should doe the like, they themselves doe depart, [III. 64.]
and then if they doe like of their Mart they come againe,
and take in exchange the others marchandise, otherwise
if they like not, they take their owne and depart. The
day being thus well neere spent, in haste v/ee retired our
companies into our boates againe, minding foorthwith to
search alongst the coast for some harborow fit for our
shippes, for the present necessitie thereof was much, con-
sidering that all this while they lay off" and on betweene
the two landes, being continually subject aswell to great
danger of fleeting yce, which environed them, as to the
sodaine flawes which the coast seemeth much subject
unto. But when the people perceived our departure,
with great tokens of affection they earnestly called us
backe againe, following us almost to our boates : where-
upon our Generall taking his Master with him, who was Another meet-
best acquainted with their maners, went apart unto two of tnS°ftZ0° °f
, * . ti 111 iii 1 our men m*»
them, meaning, it they could lay sure hold upon them, two 0ft^girs%
forcibly to bring them aboord, with intent to bestow
certaine toyes and apparell upon the one, and so to dis-
misse him with all arguments of curtesie, and retaine the
other for an Interpreter. The Generall and his Maister
being met with their two companions togither, after they
had exchanged certaine things the one with the other,
one of the Salvages for lacke of better marchandise, cut
off the tayle of his coat (which is a chiefe ornament
among them) and gave it unto our Generall for a pre-
sent. But he presently upon a watchword given with
his Maister sodainely laid hold upon the two Salvages.
But the ground underfoot being slipperie with the snow
on the side of the hill, their handfast fayled and their
prey escaping ranne away and lightly recovered their bow
and arrowes, which they had hid not farre from them
behind the rockes. And being onely two Salvages in
sight, they so fiercely, desperately, and with such fury
assaulted and pursued our Generall and his Master, being
altogether unarmed, and not mistrusting their subtiltie
293
A.D.
1577-
The English-
men chased to
their boates.
One of that
Countreymen
taken.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
that they chased them to their boates, and hurt the
Generall in the buttocke with an arrow, who the rather
speedily fled backe, because they suspected a greater
number behind the rockes. Our souldiers (which were
commanded before to keepe their boates) perceiving the
danger, and hearing our men calling for shot came
speedily to rescue, thinking there had bene a greater
number. But when the Salvages heard the shot of one
of our calivers (and yet having first bestowed their
arrowes) they ranne away, our men speedily following
them. But a servant of my Lorde of Warwick, called
Nicholas Conger a good footman, and uncombred with
any furniture having only a dagger at his backe over-
tooke one of them, and being a Cornishman and a good
wrastler, shewed his companion such a Cornish tricke,
that he made his sides ake against the ground for a
moneth after. And so being stayed, he was taken alive
and brought away, but the other escaped. Thus with
their strange and new prey our men repaired to their
boates, and passed from the maine to a small Hand of
a mile compasse, where they resolved to tarrie all night ;
for even now a sodaine storme was growen so great at
sea, that by no meanes they could recover their ships.
And here every man refreshed himselfe with a small
portion of victuals which was laide into the boates for
their dinners, having neither eate nor drunke all the day
before. But because they knewe not how long the
storme might last, nor how farre off the shippes might
be put to sea, nor whether they should ever recover
them againe or not, they made great spare of their
victuals, as it greatly behoved them : For they knew
full well that the best cheare the countrey could yeeld
them, was rockes and stones, a hard food to live withall,
and the people more readie to eate them then to give
them wherewithall to eate. And thus keeping verie good
watch and warde, they lay there all night upon hard
cliffes of snow and yce both wet, cold, and comfortlesse.
These things thus hapning with the company on land,
294
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1577-
the danger of the ships at Sea was no lesse perilous.
For within one houre after the Generals departing in the
morning by negligence of the Cooke in over-heating, and
the workman in making the chimney, the Ayde was set The Ayde set
on fire, and had bene the confusion of the whole if by onfire-
chance a boy espying it, it had not bene speedily with
great labour and Gods helpe well extinguished.
This day also were diverse stormes and flawes, and by
nine of the clocke at night the storme was growen so
great, & continued such untill the morning, that it put
our ships at sea in no small perill : for having mountaines
of fleeting yce on every side, we went roomer for one,
and loofed for another, some scraped us, and some
happily escaped us, that the least of a M. were as dan- The great dan-
gerous to strike as any rocke, and able to have split SeroJ th°se
asunder the strongest ship of the world. We had a
scope of cleare without yce, (as God would) wherein
we turned, being otherwise compassed on every side
about : but so much was the winde and so litle was our
sea roome, that being able to beare onely our fore-
course we cast so oft about, that we made fourteene
bordes in eight glasses running, being but foure houres :
but God being our best Steresman, & by the industry of
Charles Jackman and Andrew Dyer the masters mates,
both very expert Mariners, & Richard Cox ye maister
Gunner, with other very carefull sailers, then within [III. 65.]
bord, and also by the helpe of the cleare nights which
are without darkenesse, we did happily avoide those pre- NlSht with**
sent dangers, whereat since wee have more marvelled then
in the present danger feared, for that every man within
borde, both better and worse had ynough to doe with his
hands to hale ropes, and with his eyes to looke out for
danger. But the next morning being the 20 of July, as
God would, the storme ceased, and the Generall espying
the ships with his new Captive and whole company, came
happily abord, and reported what had passed a shoare,
whereupon altogither upon our knees we gave God
humble and hartie thankes, for that it had pleased him,
295
darknesinthat
countrey.
A.D.
1577-
Our first com-
ming on the
Southerland of
the sayd
straights.
A Mine of
Blacke lead.
Jackmans
sound.
Smiths lland.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
from so speedy peril to send us such speedy deliverance,
and so from this Northerne shore we stroke over towards
the Southerland.
The one and twentieth of July, we discovered a bay
which ranne into the land, that seemed a likely harborow
for our ships, wherefore our Generall rowed thither with
his boats, to make proofe thereof, and with his goldfiners
to search for Ore, having never assayed any thing on the
South shore as yet, and the first small Hand which we
landed upon. Here all the sands and clifts did so glister
and had so bright a marquesite, that it seemed all to be
gold, but upon tryall made, it prooved no better then
black-lead, and verified the proverbe. All is not gold
that glistereth.
Upon the two and twentieth of July we bare into the
sayde sound, and came to ancker a reasonable bredth off
the shore, where thinking our selves in good securitie,
we were greatly endangered with a peece of drift yce,
which the Ebbe brought foorth of the sounds and came
thwart us ere we were aware. But the gentlemen and
souldiers within bord taking great paines at this pinch at
the Capstone, overcame the most danger thereof, and yet
for all that might be done, it stroke on our sterne such a
blow, that we feared least it had striken away our rudder,
and being forced to cut our Cable in the hawse, we
were faine to set our fore saile to runne further up
within, and if our stirrage had not bene stronger then
in the present time we feared, we had runne the ship
upon the rockes, having a very narrow Channell to turne
in, but as God would, all came well to passe. And this
was named Jackmans sound, after the name of the
Masters mate, who had first liking unto the place.
Upon a small Hand, within this sound called Smithes
Hand (because he first set up his forge there) was found
a Mine of silver, but was not wonne out of the rockes
without great labour. Here our goldfiners made say of
such Ore as they found upon the Northerland, and found
foure sortes thereof to holde gold in good quantitie.
296
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
Upon another small Hand here was also found a great
dead fish, which as it should seeme, had bene embayed
with yce, and was in proportion round like to a Porpose,
being about twelve foote long, and in bignesse answer-
able, having a home of two yardes long growing out of The finding of
the snoute or nostrels. This home is wreathed and for^tcornes
straite, like in fashion to a Taper made of waxe, and
may truely be thought to be the sea Unicorne. This
home is to be seene and reserved as a Jewell by the
Queenes Majesties commandement, in her Wardrope of
Robes.
Tuesday the three and twentieth of July, our Generall
with his best company of gentlemen, souldiers and saylers,
to the number of seventie persons in all, marched with
ensigne displayde, upon the continent of the Southerland
(the supposed continent of America) where, command-
ing a Trumpet to sound a call for every man to repaire
to the ensigne, he declared to the whole company how
much the cause imported for the service of her Majestie,
our countrey, our credits, and the safetie of our owne
lives, and therefore required every man to be conformable
to order, and to be directed by those he should assigne.
And he appointed for leaders, Captaine Fenton, Captaine
Yorke, and his Lieutenant George Beste : which done,
we cast our selves into a ring, and altogither upon our
knees, gave God humble thanks for that it had pleased
him of his great goodnesse to preserve us from such
imminent dangers, beseeching likewise the assistance of
his holy spirite, so to deliver us in safetie into our
Countrey, whereby the light and truth of these secrets
being knowen, it might redound to the more honour of
his holy name, and consequently to the advancement of
our common wealth. And so, in as good sort as the
place suffered, we marched towards the tops of the
mountaines, which were no lesse painfull in climbing
then dangerous in descending, by reason of their steep-
nesse & yce. And having passed about five miles, by
such unwieldie wayes, we returned unto our ships with-
297
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1577-
out sight of any people, or likelihood of habitation.
Here diverse of the Gentlemen desired our Generall to
suffer them to the number of twentie or thirtie persons
to march up thirtie or fortie leagues in the countrey, to
the end they might discover the Inland, and doe some
acceptable service for their countrey. But he not con-
tented with the matter he sought for, and well consider-
ing the short time he had in hand, and the greedie
desire our countrey hath to a present savour and returne
of gaine, bent his whole indevour only to find a Mine
to fraight his ships, and to leave the rest (by Gods
[III. 66.] helpe) hereafter to be well accomplished. And therefore
the twentie sixe of July he departed over to the North-
land, with the two barkes, leaving the Ayde ryding in
Jackmans sound, and ment (after hee had found con-
venient harborow, and fraight there for his ships) to
discover further for the passage. The Barkes came the
same night to ancker in a sound upon the Norther-
land, where the tydes did runne so swift, and the place
was so subject to indrafts of yce, that by reason thereof
they were greatly endangered, & having found a very
rich Myne, as they supposed, and got almost twentie
tunne of Ore together, upon the 28 of July the yce
came driving into the sound where the Barkes rode, in
such sort, that they were therewith greatly distressed.
And the Gabriell riding asterne the Michael, had her
Cable gauld asunder in the hawse with a peece of
driving yce, and lost another ancker, and having but
one cable and ancker left, for she had lost two before,
and the yce still driving upon her, she was (by Gods
helpe) well fenced from the danger of the rest, by one
great Hand of yce, which came a ground hard a head
of her, which if it had not so chanced, I thinke surely
shee had beene cast upon the rockes with the yce. The
Michael mored ancker upon this great yce, and roade
under the lee thereof: but about midnight, by the
weight of it selfe, and the setting of the Tydes, the
yce brake within halfe the Barkes length, and made
298
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
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unto the companie within boord a sodaine and fearefull
noyse. The next flood toward the morning we weyed
ancker, and went further up the straights, and leaving
our Ore behind us which we had digged, for hast left
the place by the name of Beares sound after the Masters Beares sound.
name of the Michaell, and named the Hand Lecesters Lecesten
Hand. In one of the small Hands here we found a
Tombe, wherein the bones of a dead man lay together, A fmfe wlth
j r^ i_ • -^i o i_ ■ j a dead mans
and our savage Captive being with us, oc being de- ^ -m .
manded by signes whether his countreymen had not
slaine this man and eat his flesh so from the bones, he
made signes to the contrary, and that he was slaine
with Wolves and wild beasts. Here also was found hid
under stones good store of fish, and sundry other things
of the inhabitants ; as sleddes, bridles, kettels of fish- Br[dlesy
skinnes, knives of bone, and such other like. And our other \nstru_
Savage declared unto us the use of all those things, menu found
And taking in his hand one of those countrey bridles, hid among the
he caught one of our dogges and hampred him hand- Roc*es-
somely therein, as we doe our horses, and with a whip
in his hand, he taught the dogge to drawe in a sled as
we doe horses in a coach, setting himselfe thereupon
like a guide: so that we might see they use dogges for They use great
that purpose that we do our horses. And we found °& t0 rf?.
r. r . ill r -\ i sleds, and title
since by experience, that the lesser sort or dogges they dogs for their
feede fatte, and keepe them as domesticall cattell in their meat.
tents for their eating, and the greater sort serve for the
use of drawing their sleds.
The twentie ninth of July, about five leagues from
Beares sound, we discovered a Bay which being fenced
on ech side with smal Hands lying off the maine, which
breake the force of the tides, and make the place free
from any indrafts of yce, did proove a very fit har-
borow for our ships, where we came to ancker under a
small Ilande, which now together with the sound is
called by the name of that right Honourable and ver-
tuous Ladie, Anne Countesse of Warwicke. And this
is the furthest place that this yeere we have entred up
299
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1577-
within the streites, and is reckoned from the Cape of
the Queenes foreland, which is the entrance of the
Thirty leagues streites not above 30 leagues. Upon this Hand was
^itkin'he ^ounci good store °*" the °re> wmch m the washing
straites. helde gold to our thinking plainly to be seene : where-
upon it was thought best rather to load here, where
there was store and indifferent good, then to seeke
further for better, and spend time with jeoperdie. And
therefore our Generall setting the Myners to worke,
A good presl- and shewing first a good president of a painefull labourer
dent of a good an(j a gOOCj Captaine in himselfe, gave good examples
shewed h ^or others to follow him : whereupon every man both
Captain Fro- better and worse, with their best endevours willingly
Usher. layde to their helping hands. And the next day, being
the thirtieth of July, the Michaell was sent over to
Jackmans sound, for the Ayde and the whole companie
to come thither. Upon the maine land over against
the Countesses Hand we discovered and behelde to our
The maner of great marvell the poore caves and houses of those
their houses in countrey people, which serve them (as it should seeme)
coun ?ey. ^ t^eir winter dwellings, and are made two fadome
under grounde, in compasse round, like to an Oven,
being joyned fast one by another, having holes like to
a Foxe or Conny berry, to keepe and come togither.
They undertrenched these places with gutters so, that
the water falling from the hilles above them, may
slide away without their annoyance : and are seated
commonly in the foote of a hill, to shield them better
from the cold windes, having their doore and entrance
Whales bones ever open towards the South. From the ground up-
used in stead ward tney builde with whales bones, for lacke of
timber, which bending one over another, are handsomely
compacted in the top together, and are covered over
with Sealesskinnes, which in stead of tiles, fence them
from the raine. In which house they have only one
roome, having the one halfe of the floure raised with
broad stones a foot higher than ye other, whereon
strawing Mosse, they make their nests to sleep in.
300
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
lS77-
They defile these dennes most filthily with their beastly [III. 67.]
feeding, & dwell so long in a place (as we thinke) The sluttlsfl~
untill their sluttishnes lothing them, they are forced to ness*°fthese
1 i b J 1 / people.
seeke a sweeter ayre, and a new seate, and are (no
doubt) a dispersed and wandring nation, as the Tar-
tarians, and live in hords and troupes, without any
certaine abode, as may appeare by sundry circumstances
of our experience.
Here our captive being ashore with us, to declare 4 swe set up
the use of such things as we saw, stayd himselfe alone h *** saffgf
behind the company, and did set up five small stickes ^^w
round in a circle one by another, with one smal bone therof.
placed just in the middest of all : which thing when
one of our men perceived, he called us backe to behold
the matter, thinking that hee had meant some charme
or witchcraft therein. But the best conjecture we could
make thereof was, that hee would thereby his countrey-
men should understand, that for our five men which
they betrayed the last yeere (whom he signified by the
five stickes) he was taken and kept prisoner, which he
signified by the bone in the midst. For afterwards The savage
when we shewed him the picture of his countreman, caPtwe amaz~
which the last yeere was brought into England (whose countrJmani
counterfeit we had drawen, with boate and other furni- picture.
ture, both as he was in his own, & also in English
apparel) he was upon the sudden much amazed thereat,
and beholding advisedly the same with silence a good
while, as though he would streine courtesie whether
should begin the speech (for he thought him no doubt
a lively creature) at length began to question with him,
as with his companion, and finding him dumb and
mute, seemed to suspect him, as one disdeinfull, and
would with a little helpe have growen into choller at
the matter, untill at last by feeling and handling, hee
found him but a deceiving picture. And then with
great noise and cryes, ceased not wondring, thinking
that we could make men live or die at our pleasure.
And thereupon calling the matter to his remembrance,
301
A.D.
lS77-
Another shew
of twenty per-
sons of that
countrey in
one boate.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
he gave us plainely to understand by signes, that he
had knowledge of the taking of our five men the last
yeere, and confessing the maner of ech thing, num-
bred the five men upon his five fingers, and pointed
unto a boat in our ship, which was like unto that
wherein our men were betrayed : And when we made
him signes, that they were slaine and eaten, he earnestly
denied, and made signes to the contrary.
The last of July the Michael returned with the
Aide to us from the Southerland, and came to anker
by us in the Countesse of Warwicks sound, and reported
that since we departed from Jackmans sound there
happened nothing among them there greatly worth the
remembrance, untill the thirtieth of July, when certaine
of our company being a shoare upon a small Island
within the sayd Jackmans sound, neere the place where
the Aide rode, did espie a long boat with divers of
the countrey people therein, to the number of eighteene
or twenty persons, whom so soone as our men per-
ceived, they returned speedily aboord, to give notice
thereof unto our company. They might perceive these
people climbing up to the top of a hill, where with a
fiagge, they wafted unto our ship, and made great out-
cries and noyses, like so many Buls. Hereupon our men
did presently man foorth a small skiffe, having not
above sixe or seven persons therein, which rowed neere
the place where those people were, to proove if they
could have any conference with them. But after this
small boate was sent a greater, being wel appointed for
their rescue, if need required.
As soone as they espied our company comming neere
them, they tooke their boates and hasted away, either for
feare, or else for pollicie, to draw our men from rescue
further within their danger : wherefore our men con-
struing that their comming thither was but to seeke
advantage, followed speedily after them, but they rowed
so swiftly away, that our men could come nothing neere
them. Howbeit they failed not of their best endevour in
302
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1577-
rowing, and having chased them above two miles into
the sea, returned into their ships againe.
The morning following being the first of August,
Captaine Yorke with the Michael came into Jackmans
sound, and declared unto the company there, that the
last night past he came to anker in a certaine baye (which
sithens was named Yorkes sound) about foure leagues Torkes sound.
distant from Jackmans sound, being put to leeward of
that place for lacke of winde, where he discovered certaine
tents of the countrey people, where going with his
company ashore, he entred into them, but found the
people departed, as it should seeme, for feare of their
comming. But amongst sundry strange things which
in these tents they found, there was rawe and new killed
flesh of unknowen sorts, with dead carcasses and bones
of dogs, and I know not what. They also beheld (to Th$ apparel
their greatest marveile) a dublet of Canvas made after f°"nd %ainf. .
i -,-P f i r i ■ i ■ -ii i i r of our English
the JLnglish fashion, a shirt, a girdle, three shoes tor menwhichtke
contrary feete, and of unequall bignesse, which they well yere before
conjectured to be the apparell of our five poore countrey- «w* taken
men, which were intercepted the last yeere by these caPtwe-
Countrey people, about fiftie leagues from this place,
further within the Straights. Whereupon our men being
in good hope, that some of them might be here, and [HI. 68.]
yet living : the Captaine devising for the best left his
mind behind him in writing, with pen, yncke, and paper
also, whereby our poore captive countrymen, if it might
come to their hands, might know their friends minds,
and of their arrivall, and likewise returne their answere.
And so without taking any thing away in their tents, A g°0^ devise
leaving there also looking glasses, points, and other of °L '*Ptatne
our toyes (the better to allure them by such friendly
meanes) departed aboord his Barke, with intent to make
haste to the Aide, to give notice unto the company of
all such things as he had there discovered : and so meant
to returne to these tents againe, hoping that he might
by force or policie intrappe or intice the people to some
friendly conference. Which things when he had delivered
303
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1577-
to the whole company there, they determined forthwith
to go in hand with the matter. Hereupon Captaine
Yorke with the master of the Aide and his mate (who
the night before had bene at the tents, and came over
from the other side in the Michael with him) being
accompanied with the Gentlemen and souldiors to the
number of thirty or forty persons in two small rowing
Pinnasses made towards the place, where the night before
they discovered the tents of those people, and setting
Charles Jackman, being the masters Mate, ashore with a
convenient number, for that he could best guide them to
the place, they marched over land, meaning to compasse
them on the one side, whilest the Captaine with his
boates might entrap them on the other side. But landing
at last at the place where the night before they left them,
they found them with their tents removed. Notwith-
standing, our men which marched up into the countrey,
passing over two or three mountaines, by chance espied
certaine tents in a valley underneath them neere unto a
creeke by the Sea side, which because it was not the
place where the guide had bene the night before, they
judged them to be another company, and besetting
The Savages them about, determined to take them if they could. But
have boats of ^ey having quickly discried our companie, lanched one
' great & another smal boat, being about 1 6 or 1 8 persons,
and very narrowly escaping, put themselves to sea.
The English Wherupon our souldiers discharged their Calivers, and
men pursue followed them, thinking the noise therof being heard
those people of ' & *&
that countrey. to our boats at sea, our men there would make what
speede they might to that place. And thereupon indeede
our men which were in the boates (crossing upon them
in the mouth of the sound whereby their passage was let
from getting sea roome, wherein it had bene impossible
The swift for us to overtake them by rowing) forced them to put
rowing of those themselves ashore upon a point of land within the sayd
PeoPe' sound (which upon the occasion of the slaughter there,
The bloody was since named The bloody point) whereunto our men
P°mU so speedily followed, that they had little leisure left them
3°4
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
to make any escape. But so soone as they landed, ech of
them brake his Oare, thinking by that meanes to prevent
us, in carying away their boates for want of Oares. And Tories sound.
desperatly returning upon our men, resisted them man- J hot skirmish
fully in their landing, so long as their arrowes and dartes ^tweene tJie
lasted, and after gathering up those arrowes which our t^fmtS0Alat
men shot at them, yea, and plucking our arrowes out countrey.
of their bodies incountred afresh againe, and maintained
their cause untill both weapons and life fayled them.
And when they found they were mortally wounded, being
ignorant what mercy meaneth, with deadly fury they cast The desperate
themselves headlong from off the rockes into the sea, nature of those
least perhaps their enemies should receive glory or prey PeoP '
of their dead carcaises, for they supposed us belike to be
Canibals or eaters of mans flesh. In this conflict one
of our men was dangerously hurt in the belly with one
of their arrowes, and of them were slaine five or sixe,
the rest by flight escaping among the rockes, saving two
women, whereof the one being old and ugly, our men
thought shee had bene a devill or some witch, and there-
fore let her goe : the other being yong, and cumbred The taking of
with a sucking childe at her backe, hiding her selfe behind the woman &
her rhil/]
the rockes, was espied by one of our men, who supposing
she had bene a man, shot through the haire of her head,
and pierced through the childs arme, whereupon she cried
out, and our Surgeon meaning to heale her childes arme,
applyed salves thereunto. But she not acquainted with
such kind of surgery, plucked those salves away, and by
continuall licking with her owne tongue, not much un- A prety kind
like our dogs, healed up the childes arme. And because °fsur&H
.1 j 1 j 1 which nature
the day was welneere spent our men made haste unto uacj^^
the rest of our company which on the other side of the
water remained at the tents, where they found by the
apparell, letter, and other English furniture, that they
were the same company which Captaine Yorke dis-
covered the night before, having removed themselves
from the place where he left them.
And now considering their sudden flying from our
vii 305 u
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
I577-
men, and their desperate maner of fighting, we began
to suspect that we had heard the last newes of our men
which the last yere were betrayed of these people. And
considering also their ravenous and bloody disposition
in eating any kind of raw flesh or carrion howsoever
stinking, it is to bee thought that they had slaine and
devoured our men : For the dublet which was found
in their tents had many holes therein being made with
their arrowes and darts.
[III. 69.] But now the night being at hand, our men with their
captives and such poore stuffe as they found in their
tents, returned towards their ships, when being at sea,
there arose a sudden flaw of winde, which was not a
little dangerous for their small boates : but as God would
they came all safely aboord. And with these good newes
they returned (as before mentioned) into the Countesse
of Warwicks sound unto us. And betweene Jackmans
sound, from whence they came, and the Countesse of
Warwicks sound betweene land and land, being thought
The narrowest the narrowest place of the Straights were judged nine
place of the leagues over at the least : and Tackmans sound being
Straites is o . . ®
leagues over. uPon the Southerland, lyeth directly almost over against
the Countesses sound, as is reckoned scarce thirty leagues
The Queenes within the Straights from the Queenes Cape, which is
Cape. tjie entrance of the Streits of the Southerland. This Cape
being named Queene Elizabeths Cape, standeth in the
latitude of 62 degrees and a halfe to the Northwards
of New found land, and upon the same continent, for
any thing that is yet knowen to the contrary.
The maner of Having now got a woman captive for the comfort
the meeting of Qf Qur man we brought them both together, and every
the two cat- ... o ? j
twes andtheir man w^h s^ence desired to behold the maner of their
entertainment, meeting and entertainment, the which was more worth
the beholding than can be well expressed by writing.
At their first encountring they beheld each the other
very wistly a good space, without speech or word uttered,
with great change of colour and countenance, as though it
seemed the griefe and disdeine of their captivity had
306
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1577-
taken away the use of their tongues and utterance :
the woman at the first very suddenly, as though she
disdeined or regarded not the man, turned away, and
began to sing as though she minded another matter :
but being againe brought together, the man brake up the
silence first, and with sterne and stayed countenance,
began to tell a long solemne tale to the woman, where-
unto she gave good hearing, and interrupted him nothing,
till he had finished, and afterwards, being growen into
more familiar acquaintance by speech, they were turned
together, so that (I thinke) the one would hardly have
lived without the comfort of the other. And for so
much as we could perceive, albeit they lived continually
together, yet they did never use as man & wife, though
the woman spared not to doe all necessary things that
appertained to a good houswife indifferently for them
both, as in making cleane their Cabin, and every other
thing that appertained to his ease : for when he was
seasicke, she would make him cleane, she would kill
and flea the dogs for their eating, and dresse his meate.
Only I thinke it worth the noting, the continencie of The shame-
them both : for the man would never shift himselfe, fa^™ anJ
except he had first caused the woman to depart out those lavage
of his cabin, and they both were most shamefast, least captives.
any of their privie parts should be discovered, either
of themselves, or any other body.
On Munday the sixth of August, the Lieutenant with
all the Souldiers, for the better garde of the Myners
and the other things a shore, pitched their tents in the
Countesses Island, and fortifyed the place for their better
defence as well as they could, and were to the number
of forty persons, when being all at labour, they might
perceive upon the top of a hill over against them a
number of the countrey people wafting with a flag, and Another ap-
making great outcries unto them, and were of the same prance of the
companie, which had encountred lately our men upon peopie
the other shore, being come to complaine their late
losses, and to entreate (as it seemed) for restitution of
3°7
A.D.
1577-
These people
know the use
of writing.
A letter sent
unto the Jive
English cap-
tives.
[III. 7o.]
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
the woman and child, which our men in the late conflict
had taken and brought away; whereupon the Generall
taking the savage captive with him, and setting the
woman where they might best perceive her in the
highest place of the Island, went over to talke with
them. This captive at his first encounter of his friends
fell so out into teares that he could not speake a word
in a great space, but after a while, overcomming his
kindnesse, he talked at full with his companions, and
bestowed friendly upon them such toyes and trifles as
we had given him, whereby we noted, that they are very
kind one to another, and greatly sorrowfull for the losse
of their friends. Our Generall by signes required his
five men which they tooke captive the last yere, and
promised them, not only to release those which he had
taken, but also to reward them with great gifts and
friendship. Our Savage made signes in answere from
them that our men should be delivered us, and were
yet living, and made signes likewise unto us that we
should write our letters unto them, for they knew very
well the use we have of writing, and received knowledge
thereof, either of our poore captive countreymen which
they betrayed, or else by this our new captive who hath
seene us dayly write, and repeate againe such words of
his language as we desired to learne : but they for this
night, because it was late, departed without any letter,
although they called earnestly in hast for the same.
And the next morning early being the seventh of August,
they called againe for the letter, which being delivered
unto them, they speedily departed, making signes with
three fingers, and pointing to the Sunne, that they meant
to returne within 3 dayes, untill which time we heard
no more of them, & about the time appointed they
returned, in such sort as you shal afterwards heare.
This night because the people were very neere unto
us, the Lieutenant caused the Trumpet to sound a call,
and every man in the Island repayring to the Ensigne,
he put them in minde of the place so farre from their
308
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
1577-
countrey wherein they lived, and the danger of a great
multitude which they were subject unto, if good watch
and warde were not kept, for at every low water the
enimie might come almost dryfoot from the mayne unto
us, wherefore he willed every man to prepare him in
good readinesse upon all sudden occasions, and so giving
the watch their charge, the company departed to rest.
I thought the Captaines letter well worth the re-
membring, not for the circumstance of curious enditing,
but for the substance and good meaning therein con-
tained, and therefore have repeated here the same, as
by himselfe it was hastily written.
The forme of M. Martin Frobishers letter to the
English captives.
IN the name of God, in whom we all beleeve, who
(I trust) hath preserved your bodies and soules
amongst these infidels, I commend me unto you. I will
be glad to seeke by al means you can devise for your
deliverance, either with force, or with any commodities
within my ships, which I will not spare for your sakes,
or any thing else I can doe for you. I have aboord,
of theirs, a man, a woman, and a child, which I am
contented to deliver for you, but the man which I caried
away from hence the last yeere is dead in England.
Moreover you may declare unto them, that if they
deliver you not, I will not leave a man alive in their
countrey. And thus, if one of you can come to speake
with mee, they shall have either the man, woman, or
childe in pawne for you. And thus unto God whom I
trust you doe serve, in hast I leave you, and to him wee
will dayly pray for you. This Tuesday morning the
seventh of August. Anno 1557.
Yours to the uttermost of my power,
Martin Frobisher.
I have sent you by these bearers, penne, ynke, and Postscript
paper, to write backe unto me againe, if personally you
cannot come to certifie me of your estate.
3°9
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
*577-
The cause why Now had the Generall altered his determination for
M. Frobisher g0mg any further into the Streites at this time for any
entred no fur- 00/ . *
ther within the further discovery of the passage, having taken a man and
Streits this a woman of that countrey, which he thought sufficient
yere. for the use of language : & having also met with these
people here, which intercepted his men the last yere, (as
the apparell and English furniture which was found in
their tents, very well declared) he knew it was but a
labour lost to seeke them further off, when he had found
them there at hand. And considering also the short
time he had in hand, he thought it best to bend his
whole endevour for the getting of Myne, and to leave
the passage further to be discovered hereafter. For his
commission directed him in this voyage, onely for the
searching of the Ore, and to deferre the further discovery
of the passage untill another time.
On Thursday the ninth of August we began to make
a smal Fort for our defence in the Countesses Island,
and entrenched a corner of a cliffe, which on three parts
like a wall of good heigth was compassed and well fenced
with the sea, and we finished the rest with caskes of the
Bests bul- earth, to good purpose, and this was called Bests bul-
zvarke. warke, after the Lieutenants name, who first devised the
same. This was done for that wee suspected more lest
the desperate men might oppresse us with multitude,
then any feare we had of their force, weapons, or policie
of battel : but as wisedome would us in such place (so
farre from home) not to be of our selves altogether
carelesse : so the signes which our captive made unto us,
of the comming downe of his Governour or Prince,
Their King which he called Catchoe, gave us occasion to foresee
called Gate hoe. wnat might ensue thereof, for he shewed by signes that
this Catchoe was a man of higher stature farre then any
How he is of our nation is, and he is accustomed to be caried upon
honoured. mens sn0ulders.
About midnight the Lieutenant caused a false Alarme
to be given in the Island, to prove as well the readines
of the company there ashore, as also what help might be
310
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
*S77-
hoped for upon the sudden from the ships if need so
required, & every part was found in good readines upon
such a sudden.
Saturday the eleventh of August the people shewed
themselves againe, & called unto us from the side of a
hil over against us. The General (with good hope to
heare of his men, and to have answere of his letter) went
over unto them, where they presented themselves not
above three in sight, but were hidden indeede in greater
numbers behind the rockes, and making signes of delay
with us to intrappe some of us to redeeme their owne,
did onely seeke advantage to traine our boat about a
point of land from sight of our companie : whereupon
our men justly suspecting them, kept aloofe without their [III. 71.]
danger, and yet set one of our company ashore, which
tooke up a great bladder which one of them offered us, A bladder
and leaving a looking glasse in the place, came into the ^f^^J
boate againe. In the meane while our men which stood
in the Countesses Island to beholde, who might better
discerne them, then those of the boate, by reason they
were on higher ground, made a great outcrie unto our
men in the boate, for that they saw divers of the Savages
creeping behind the rockes towards our men, wherupon N°™wel0/
the Generall presently returned without tidings of his ^v*f/'
men.
Concerning this bladder which we received, our Cap- To "**.<**
. P . . . . . .the bladder
tive made signes that it was given him to keepe water was de%veredt
and drinke in, but we suspected rather it was given
him to swimme and shift away withall, for he and the
woman sought divers times to escape, having loosed our
boates from asterne our ships, and we never a boate left
to pursue them withall, and had prevailed very farre,
had they not bene very timely espied and prevented
therein.
After our Generals comming away from them they Yandlgtpon
mustred themselves in our sight, upon the top of a hill, the hil toppei%
to the number of twenty in a rancke, all holding hands
over their heads, and dancing with great noise and songs
311
A.D.
1577-
A skirmish
shezced to those
people.
Their flags
made of
bladders.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
together : we supposed they made this dance and shew
for us to understand, that we might take view of their
whole companies and force, meaning belike that we
should doe the same. And thus they continued upon
the hill tops untill night, when hearing a piece of our
great Ordinance, which thundred in the hollownesse of
the high hilles, it made unto them so fearefull a noise,
that they had no great will to tarie long after. And
this was done more to make them know our force then
to doe them any hurt at all.
On Sunday the 12 of August, Captaine Fenton trained
the company, and made the souldiers maintaine skirmish
among themselves, as well for their exercise, as for the
countrey people to behold in what readines our men were
alwaies to be found, for it was to be thought, that they
lay hid in the hilles thereabout, and observed all the
manner of our proceedings.
On Wednesday the fourteenth of August, our Generall
with two small boates well appointed, for that hee sus-
pected the countrey people to lie lurking thereabout,
went up a certaine Bay within the Countesses sound, to
search for Ore, and met againe with the countrey people,
who so soone as they saw our men made great outcries,
and with a white flag made of bladders sowed together
with the guts and sinewes of beasts, wafted us amaine
unto them, but shewed not above three of their company.
But when wee came neere them, wee might perceive
a great multitude creeping behinde the rockes, which
gave us good cause to suspect their traiterous meaning :
whereupon we made them signes, that if they would
lay their weapons aside, and come foorth, we would deale
friendly with them, although their intent was manifested
unto us : but for all the signes of friendship we could
make them they came still creeping towards us behind
the rocks to get more advantage of us, as though we
had no eyes to see them, thinking belike that our single
wits could not discover so bare devises and simple drifts
of theirs. Their spokesman earnestly perswaded us with
312
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
J577-
many intising shewes, to come eate and sleepe ashore,
with great arguments of courtesie, and clapping his bare
hands over his head in token of peace and innocencie,
willed us to doe the like. But the better to allure our
hungry stomackes, he brought us a trimme baite of raw Great offers.
flesh, which for fashion sake with a boat-hooke wee
caught into our boate : but when the cunning Cater per-
ceived his first cold morsell could nothing sharpen our
stomacks, he cast about for a new traine of warme flesh
to procure our appetites, wherefore he caused one of his
fellowes in halting maner, to come foorth as a lame man
from behind the rockes, and the better to declare his
kindnes in carving, he hoised him upon his shoulders,
and bringing him hard to the water side where we were,
left him there limping as an easie prey to be taken of us.
His hope was that we would bite at this baite, and
speedily leape ashore within their danger, wherby they
might have apprehended some of us, to ransome their
friends home againe, which before we had taken. The
gentlemen and souldiers had great will to encounter
them ashore, but the Generall more carefull by processe
of time to winne them, then wilfully at the first to spoile
them, would in no wise admit that any man should put
himselfe in hazard ashore, considering the matter he now
intended was for the Ore, and not for the Conquest :
notwithstanding to proove this cripples footemanship, he
gave liberty for one to shoote : whereupon the cripple
having a parting blow, lightly recovered a rocke and
went away a true and no fained cripple, and hath learned
his lesson for ever halting afore such cripples againe.
But his fellowes which lay hid before, full quickly then
appeared in their likenesse, and maintained the skirmish
with their slings, bowes and arrowes very fiercely, and
came as neere as the water suffred them : and with as
desperate minde as hath bene seene in any men, without
feare of shotte or any thing, followed us all along the
coast, but all their shot fell short of us, and are of little
danger. They had belayed all the coast along for us, [III. 72.]
313
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
*577«
and being dispersed so, were not well to be numbred,
A hundreth but wee might discerne of them above an hundreth per-
Savages. sons^ anj had cause to suspect a greater number. And
thus without losse or hurt we returned to our ships
againe.
Now our worke growing to an end, and having, onely
with five poore Miners, and the helpe of a few gentle-
men and souldiers, brought aboord almost two hundreth
tunne of Ore in the space of twenty dayes, every man
therewithall well comforted, determined lustily to worke
a fresh for a bone voyage, to bring our labour to a
speedy and happy ende.
And upon Wednesday at night being the one and
twentieth of August, we fully finished the whole worke.
And it was now good time to leave, for as the men
were well wearied, so their shooes and clothes were well
worne, their baskets bottoms torne out, their tooles
broken, and the ships reasonably well filled. Some with
over-straining themselves received hurts not a little
dangerous, some having their bellies broken, and others
their legs made lame. And about this time the yce
began to congeale and freeze about our ships sides a
night, which gave us a good argument of the Sunnes
declining Southward, & put us in mind to make more
haste homeward.
It is not a little worth the memorie, to the commen-
dation of the gentlemen and souldiers herein, who leaving
all reputation apart, with so great willingnesse and with
couragious stomackes, have themselves almost overcome
in so short a time the difficultie of this so great a labour.
And this to be true, the matter, if it bee well weyed
without further proofe, now brought home doth well
witnesse.
Thursday the 22 of August, we plucked downe our
tents, and every man hasted homeward, and making
bonefires upon the top of the highest Mount of the
Island, and marching with Ensigne displayed round about
the Island, wee gave a vollie of shotte for a farewell,
3*4
MARTIN FROBISHER ad
1577.
in honour of the right honourable Lady Anne, Count-
esse of Warwicke, whose name it bearethi: and so de-
parted aboord. were/,
The 23 of August having the wind large at West, we
set saile from out of the Countesses sound homeward, They retume.
but the wind calming we came to anker within the point
of the same sound againe.
The 24 of August about three of the clocke in the
morning, having the wind large at West, we set saile
againe, and by nine of the clocke at night, wee left the
Queenes Foreland asterne of us, and being cleere of the
Streites, we bare further into the maine Ocean, keeping
our course more Southerly, to bring our selves the
sooner under the latitude of our owne climate.
The wind was very great at sea, so that we lay a
hull all night, & had snow halfe a foote deepe on the Snow halfe a
hatches. " fTu tT *"
From the 24 until the 28 we had very much wind,
but large, keeping our course Southsoutheast, and had
like to have lost the Barkes, but by good hap we met
againe. The height being taken, we were in degrees
and a halfe.
The 29 of August the wind blew much at Northeast,
so that we could beare but onely a bunt of our foresaile,
and the Barkes were not able to cary any sayle at all.
The Michael lost company of us and shaped her course
towards Orkney because that way was better knowne
unto them, and arrived at Yermouth.
The 30 of August with the force of the wind, and
a surge of the sea, the Master of the Gabriel and the The Master
Boatswain were striken both overboord, & hardly was °fthe Gabnel
the Boatswain recovered, having hold on a roape hang- ^ggr^
ing overboord in the sea, and yet the Barke was laced
fore and after with ropes a breast high within boorde.
This Master was called William Smith, being but a
yong man and a very sufficient mariner, who being all
the morning before exceeding pleasant, told his Captaine
he dreamed that he was cast overboord, and that the
3i5
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1577-
Boatswain had him by the hand, and could not save him,
and so immediately upon the end of his tale, his dreame
came right evilly to passe, and indeed the Boatswain
in like sort held him by one hand, having hold on a
rope with the other, untill his force fayled, and the
Master drowned. The height being taken we found our
selves to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe,
and reckoned our selves from the Queenes Cape home-
ward about two hundreth leagues.
The last of August about midnight, we had two or
three great and sudden flawes or stormes.
The first of September the storme was growen very
great, and continued almost the whole day and night, and
lying a hull to tarrie for the Barkes our ship was much
beaten with the seas, every sea almost overtaking our
poope, so that we were constrained with a bunt of our
saile to trie it out, and ease the rolling of our ship. And
so the Gabriel not able to beare any sayle to keepe
company with us, and our ship being higher in the poope,
[III. 73.] and a tall ship, whereon the winde had more force to
drive, went so fast away that we lost sight of them, and
left them to God and their good fortune of Sea. The
second day of September in the morning, it pleased God
of his goodnesse to send us a calme, whereby we per-
TheRudderof ceived the Rudder of our ship torne in twaine, and almost
the Aide tome reajy to fall away. Wherefore taking the benefite of the
time, we flung halfe a dozen couple of our best men over
boord, who taking great paines under water, driving
plankes, and binding with ropes, did well strengthen
and mend the matter, who returned the most part more
then halfe dead out of the water, and as Gods pleasure
was, the sea was calme untill the worke was finished.
How the lati- The fift of September, the height of the Sunne being
tudes were taken, we found our selves to be in the latitude of
alw ayes taken degrees and a halfe. In this voyage commonly wee
in this voyage ^00^ the latitude of the place by the height of the sunne,
Staje then " because the long day taketh away the light not onely of
Astrolabe. the Polar, but also of all other fixed Starres. And here
316
in twain.
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
iS77«
the North Starre is so much elevated above the Horizon,
that with the staffe it is hardly to bee well observed, and
the degrees in the Astrolabe are too small to observe
minutes. Therefore wee alwaies used the Staffe and the
sunne as fittest instruments for this use.
Having spent foure or five dayes in traverse of the
seas with contrary winde, making our Souther way good
as neere as we could, to raise our degrees to bring
our selves with the latitude of Sylley, wee tooke the
height the tenth of September, and found our selves
in the latitude of degrees and ten minutes. The
eleventh of September about sixe a clocke at night the
winde came good Southwest, we vered sheat and set our
course Southeast.
And upon Thursday, the twelfth of September, taking
the height, we were in the latitude of and a halfe,
and reckoned our selves not past one hundred and
fifty leagues short of Sylley, the weather faire, the
winde large at Westsouthwest, we kept our course
Southeast.
The thirteenth day the height being taken, wee found
our selves to be in the latitude of degrees, the wind
Westsouthwest, then being in the height of Sylley, and
we kept our course East, to run in with the sleeve or
chanel so called, being our narrow seas, and reckoned
us short of Sylley twelve leagues.
Sonday, the 1 5 of September about foure of the clocke,
we began to sound with our lead, and had ground at
6 1 fadome depth, white small sandy ground, and reckoned
us upon the backe of Sylley, and set our course East
and by North, Eastnortheast, and Northeast among.
The sixteenth of September, about eight of the clocke
in the morning sounding, we had 65. fadome osey sand,
and thought our selves thwart of S. Georges channell
a little within the banks. And bearing a small saile all
night, we made many soundings, which were about fortie
fadome, and so shallow, that we could not well tell
where we were.
3J7
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
IS77-
The seventeenth of September we sounded, and had
forty fadome, and were not farre off the lands end, finding
branded sand with small wormes and Cockle shells, and
were shotte betweene Sylley and the lands ende, and
being within the bay, we were not able to double the
pointe with a South and by East way, but were faine
to make another boord, the wind being at Southwest and
by West, and yet could not double the point to come
cleere of the lands end, to beare along the channel :
and the weather cleered up when we were hard aboord
the shore, and we made the lands end perfit, and so put
up along Saint Georges chanel. And the weather being
very foule at sea, we coveted some harborough, because
The arrival of our steerage was broken, and so came to ancor in Padstow
the Aide at X02ic\ in Cornewall. But riding there a very dangerous
Cornwall roade, we were advised by the countrey, to put to Sea
againe, and of the two evils, to choose the lesse, for there
was nothing but present perill where we roade : where-
upon we plyed along the channell to get to Londy, from
whence we were againe driven, being but an open roade,
where our Anker came home, and with force of weather
put to Seas againe, and about the three and twentieth
Our comming of September, arrived at Milford Haven in Wales, which
to Milford being a very good harborough, made us happy men, that
we had received such long desired safetie.
About one moneth after our arrivall here, by order
from the Lords of the Counsell, the ship came up to
The arrhall Bristow, where the Ore was committed to keeping in the
of the Gabriel Castel there. Here we found the Gabriel one of the
Barkes, arrived in good safetie, who having never a man
within boord very sufficient to bring home the ship, after
the Master was lost, by good fortune, when she came
upon the coast, met with a ship of Bristow at sea, who
conducted her in safety thither.
The Michael Here we heard good tidings also of the arrivall of the
"SirthaVu* other Barke called the Michael> in the North Parts> which
was not a little joyful unto us, that it pleased God so
to bring us to a safe meeting againe, and wee lost in
318
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
1578.
all the voyage only one man, besides one that dyed Only one 0
at sea, which was sicke before he came aboord, and was died the
so desirous to follow this enterprise, that he rather chose vo^a^e'
to dye therein, then not to be one to attempt so notable
a voyage.
The third voyage of Captaine Frobisher, pre- [III. 74-]
tended for the discoverie of Cataia, by Meta
Incognita, Anno Do. 1578.
He Generall being returned from the
second voyage, immediately after his ar-
rivall in England, repaired with all hast
to the Court being then at Windsore, to
advertise her Majestie of his prosperous
proceeding, and good successe in this last
voyage, & of the plenty of gold Ore,
with other matters of importance which he had in these
Septentrionall parts discovered. He was courteously
enterteyned, and hartily welcommed of many noble men,
but especially for his great adventure, commended of her M. Frobisher
Majestie, at whose hands he received great thankes, and commended oj
J J o ' 1 jut
most gracious countenance, according to his deserts. er aJeste-
Her Highnesse also greatly commended the rest of the
Gentlemen in this service, for their great forwardnes in
this so dangerous an attempt : but especially she rejoyced
very much, that among them there was so good order
of governement, so good agreement, every man so ready
in his calling, to do whatsoever the General should com-
mand, which due commendation gratiously of her Majes- The Gtntle-
tie remembred, gave so great encouragement to all the "
Captaines and Gentlemen, that they, to continue her
Highnesse so good and honourable opinion of them, have
since neither spared labour, limme, nor life, to bring this
matter (so well begun) to a happie and prosperous ende.
And finding that the matter of the golde Ore had appear-
ance & made shew of great riches & profit, & the hope
of the passage to Cataya, by this last voyage greatly
3*9
mended.
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
Commissioners increased, her Majestie appointed speciall Commissioners
appointed to cn0sen for this purpose, gentlemen of great judgement,
goodnesse of art> an^ skill, to looke thorowly into the cause, for the
the Ore. true triall and due examination thereof, and for the full
handling of all matters thereunto appertaining. And be-
cause that place and countrey hath never heretofore beene
A name given discovered, and therefore had no speciall name, by which
ye place neiv it might be called and knowen, her Majestie named it
very properly Meta Incognita, as a marke and bound
utterly hitherto unknowen. The commissioners after
sufficient triall and proofe made of the Ore, and having
understood by sundrie reasons, and substantiall grounds,
the possibilitie and likelyhood of the passage, advertised
her highnesse, that the cause was of importance, and the
voyage greatly worthy to be advanced againe. Where-
upon preparation was made of ships and all other things
necessary, with such expedition, as the time of the yeere
then required. And because it was assuredly made
accompt of, that the commoditie of Mines, there already
discovered, would at the least countervaile in all respects
Thehopeofthe the adventurers charge, and give further hope & likely-
passage to hood Gf greater matters to follow : it was thought
needfull, both for the better guard of those parts already
found, and for further discovery of the Inland and
secrets of those countreys, & also for further search of
the passage to Cataya (whereof the hope continually
more & more increaseth) that certaine numbers of chosen
souldiers and discreet men for those purposes should
A firte to be De assigned to inhabite there. Whereupon there was a
utlt mMeta strong fort or nouse 0f timber, artificially framed, &
incognita. P . . . . . 111 1 J 1
cunningly devised by a notable learned man here at
home, in ships to be caried thither, wherby those men
that were appointed to winter & stay there the whole
yere, might aswell bee defended from the danger of the
snow and colde ayre, as also fortified from the force or
offence of those countrey people, which perhaps other-
wise with too great multitudes might oppresse them.
And to this great adventure and notable exploit many
320
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1578.
well minded and forward yong Gentlemen of our
countrey willingly have offered themselves. And first
Captaine Fenton Lieutenant generall for Captaine Fro-
bisher, and in charge of the company with him there,
Captaine Best, and Captaine Filpot, unto whose good
discretions the government of that service was chiefly
commended, who, as men not regarding peril in respect
of the profit and common wealth of their countrey, were
willing to abide the first brunt & adventure of those
dangers among a savage and brutish kinde of people, in
a place hitherto ever thought for extreme cold not
habitable. The whole number of men which had offered,
and were appointed to inhabite Meta Incognita all the A hundreth
yeere, were one hundreth persons, wherof 40 should be men aPpo}^ted
mariners for the use of ships, 30 Miners for gathering tote
the gold Ore together for the next yere, and 30 souldiers
for the better guard of the rest, within which last number
are included the Gentlemen, Goldfiners, Bakers, Car-
penters, & all necessary persons. To each of the
Captaines was assigned one ship, aswel for the further
searching of the coast & countrey there, as for to returne
& bring backe their companies againe, if the necessity
of the place so urged, or by miscarying of the fleet the
next yere, they might be disappointed of their further
provision. Being therfore thus furnished with al neces-
saries, there were ready to depart upon the said voyage
1 5 saile of good ships, wherof the whole number was to Fifteene sayte.
returne again with their loding of gold Ore in the end
of the sommer, except those 3 ships, which should be
left for the use of those Captains which should inhabite
there the whole yere. And being in so good readinesse, [III. 75.]
the Generall with all the Captaines came to the Court,
then lying at Greenwich, to take their leave of her
Majestie, at whose hands they all received great
incouragement, and gracious countenance. Her high-
nesse besides other good gifts, and greater promises,
bestowed on the Generall a faire chaine of golde, ^Id given to
and the rest of the Captaines kissed her hand, tooke M. Frobisher.
VII 321 x
A.D.
1578.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
their leave, and departed every man towards their
charge.
The names of the ships with their severall
Captaines.
1 In the Aide being Amirall, was the "
Generall
2 In the Thomas Allen Viceadmirall
3 In the Judith Lieutenant generall
4 In the Anne Francis
5 In the Hopewell
6 In the Beare
7 In the Thomas of Ipswich
8 In the Emmanuel of Exceter
9 In the Francis of Foy
10 In the Moone
1 1 In the Emmanuel of Bridgewater
12 In the Salomon of Weymouth
13 In the Barke Dennis
14 In the Gabriel
15 In the Michael
The sayd fifteene saile of ships arrived and met together
at Harwich, the seven and twentieth day of May Anno
1578, where the Generall and the other Captaines made
view, and mustred their companies. And every severall
Captaine received from the Generall certaine Articles of
direction, for the better keeping of order and company
together in the way, which Articles are as followeth.
Articles and orders to be observed for the Fleete,
set downe by Captaine Frobisher Generall,
and delivered in writing to every Captaine,
as well for keeping company, as for the course,
the 31 of May.
1 TNprimis, to banish swearing, dice, and card-playing,
A and filthy conmunication, and to serve God twice a
day, with the ordinary service usuall in Churches of
322
Captaine
Frobisher.
Yorke.
Fenton.
Best.
Carew.
Filpot.
Tanfield.
Courtney.
Moyles.
Upcot.
Newton.
Randal.
Kendal.
Harvey.
Kinnersley.
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1578.
England, and to cleare the glasse, according to the old
order of England.
2 The Admiral shall carie the light, & after his light
be once put out, no man to goe a head of him, but
every man to fit his sailes to follow as neere as they
may, without endangering one another.
3 That no man shall by day or by night depart further
from the Admirall then the distance of one English mile,
and as neere as they may, without danger one of another.
4 If it chance to grow thicke, and the wind contrary,
either by day or by night, that the Admirall be forced
to cast about, before her casting about shee shall give
warning, by shooting off a peece, and to her shall answere
the Viceadmirall and the Rereadmirall each of them with
a piece, if it bee by night, or in a fogge ; and that the
Viceadmirall shall answere first, and the Rereadmirall
last.
5 That no man in the Fleete descrying any sayle or
sayles, give upon any occasion any chace before he have
spoken with the Admirall.
6 That every evening all the Fleete come up and
speake with the Admirall, at seven of the Clocke, or
betweene that and eight, and if the weather will not serve
them all to speake with the Admirall, then some shall
come to the Viceadmirall, and receive the order of their
course of Master Hall chiefs Pilot of the Fleete, as he
shall direct them.
7 If to any man in the Fleete there happen any mis-
chance, they shall presently shoote off two peeces by
day, and if it be by night, two peeces, and shew two
lights.
8 If any man in the Fleete come up in the night, &
hale his fellow knowing him not, he shall give him this
watch-word, Before the world was God. The other shal
answere him (if he be one of our Fleete) After God
came Christ his Sonne. So that if any be found amongst
us, not of our owne company, he that first descrieth [III. j6.]
any such sayle or sayles, shall give warning to the
323
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
Admirall by himselfe or any other that he can speake to,
that sailes better then he, being neerest unto him.
9 That every ship in the fleete in the time of fogs,
which continually happen with little winds, and most part
calmes, shall keepe a reasonable noise with trumpet,
drumme, or otherwise, to keepe themselves cleere one
of another.
10 If it fall out so thicke or mistie that we lay it to
hull, the Admiral shall give warning with a piece, and
putting out three lights one over another, to the end
that every man may take in his sailes, and at his setting
of sayles againe doe the like, if it be not cleere.
1 1 If any man discover land by night, that he give
the like warning, that he doth for mischances, two
lights, and two pieces, if it be by day one piece, and
put out his flagge, and strike all his sailes he hath
aboord.
12 If any ship shall happen to lose company by force
of weather, then any such ship or ships shall get her
into the latitude of , and so keepe that latitude untill
they get Frisland. And after they be past the West
parts of Frisland, they shall get them into the latitude
of , and , and not to the Northward of ;
and being once entred within the Streites, al such ships
shal every watch shoote off a good piece, and looke out
well for smoke and fire which those that get in first
shall make every night, untill all the fleete be come
together.
13 That upon the sight of an Ensigne in the mast
of the Admirall (a piece being shot off) the whole fleete
shall repaire to the Admirall, to understand such con-
ference as the Generall is to have with them.
14 If we chance to meete with any enemies, that foure
ships shall attend upon the Admirall, viz. the Francis
of Foy, the Moone, the Barke Dennis, and the Gabriel :
and foure upon my Lieutenant generall in the Judith,
viz. the Hopewel, the Armenal, the Beare, and the
Salomon : and the other foure upon the Vizadmirall, the
324
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
1578.
Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipswich, the Emmanuel,
and the Michael.
15 If there happen any disordred person in the Fleete,
that he be taken and kept in safe custodie untill he
may conveniently be brought aboord the Admirall, and
there to receive such punishment as his or their offences
shall deserve. By m£ Mardn Frobisher.
Our departure from England.
HAving received these articles of direction we departed
from Harwich the one and thirtieth of May. And
sayling along the South part of England Westward, we
at length came by the coast of Ireland at Cape Cleare Cape Chare
the sixth of June, and gave chase there to a small barke ' slxt °f
which was supposed to be a Pyrat, or Rover on the
Seas, but it fell out indeede that they were poore men
of Bristow, who had met with such company of French-
men as had spoiled and slaine many of them, and left
the rest so sore wounded that they were like to perish in
the sea, having neither hand nor foote hole to helpe
themselves with, nor victuals to sustaine their hungry
bodies. Our Generall, who well understood the office of
a Souldier and an Englishman, and knew well what the
necessitie of the sea meaneth, pitying much the miserie A charitable
of the poore men, relieved them with Surgerie and salves ee e'
to heale their hurtes, and with meate and drinke to
comfort their pining hearts ; some of them having neither
eaten nor drunke more then olives and stinking water
in many dayes before, as they reported. And after this
good deede done, having a large wind, we kept our
course upon our sayd voyage without staying for the
taking in of fresh water, or any other provision, whereof
many of the fleete were not throughly furnished : and
sayling towards the Northwest parts from Ireland, we
mette with a great current from out of the Southwest, Marke this
which caried us (by our reckoning) one point to the
Northeastwards of our sayd course, which current seemed
325
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
to us to continue it selfe towards Norway, and other the
Northeast parts of the world, whereby we may be
induced to beleeve, that this is the same which the
Portugals meete at Capo de buona Speranza, where
striking over from thence to the Streites of Magellan,
and finding no passage there for the narrownesse of the
sayde Streites, runneth along into the great Bay of
Mexico, where also having a let of land, it is forced to
strike backe againe towards the Northeast, as we not
onely here, but in another place also, further to the
Northwards, by good experience this yeere have found,
as shalbe hereafter in his place more at large declared.
Now had we sayled about foureteene dayes, without
sight of any land, or any other living thing, except
certaine foules, as Wilmots, Nodies, Guiles, &c. which
there seeme onely to live by sea.
The twentieth of June, at two of the clocke in the
[III. 77-] morning, the General descried land, & found it to be
West Eng- West Frisland, now named west England. Here the
land. Generall, & other Gentlemen went ashore, being the first
knowen Christians that we have true notice of, that ever
set foot upon that ground : and therefore the Generall
tooke possession thereof to the use of our Sovereigne
Lady the Queenes Majestie, and discovered here a goodly
harborough for the ships, where were also certaine little
boates of that countrey. And being there landed, they
espied certaine tents and people of that countrey, which
were (as they judge) in all sorts, very like those of
Meta Incognita, as by their apparell, and other things
which we found in their tents, appeared.
The Savage and simple people so soone as they per-
ceived our men comming towards them (supposing there
had bene no other world but theirs) fled fearefully away,
as men much amazed at so strange a sight, and creatures
of humane shape, so farre in apparell, complexion, and
other things different from themselves. They left in
their tents all their furniture for haste behind them,
where amongst other things were found a boxe of small
326
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
1578.
nailes, and certain e red Herrings, boords of Firre tree
well cut, with divers other things artificially wrought:
whereby it appeareth, that they have trade with some
civill people, or else are indeede themselves artificiall
workemen.
Our men brought away with them onely two of their
dogs, leaving in recompense belles, looking-glasses, and
divers of our countrey toyes behinde them.
This countrey, no doubt, promiseth good hope of
great commoditie and riches, if it may be well discovered.
The description whereof you shall finde more at large in
the second voyage.
Some are of opinion, that this West England is firme FHsland sup-
land with the Northeast partes of Meta Incognita, or else p°^J°^n~
with Groenland. And their reason is, because the people, Qroen/an^
apparel, boates, and other things are so like to theirs :
and another reason is, the multitude of Islands of yce,
which lay betweene it and Meta Incognita, doth argue,
that on the North side there is a bay, which cannot be
but by conjoyning of the two lands together.
And having a faire and large winde we departed from
thence towards Frobishers Streites, the three and twentieth The 23 °f
of June. But first wee gave name to a high cliffe in
West England, the last that was in our sight, and for a
certaine similitude we called it Charing crosse. Then Charing
wee bare Southerly towards the Sea, because to the
Northwardes of this coast we met with much driving yce,
which by reason of the thicke mistes and weather might
have bene some trouble unto us.
On Munday the last of June, wee met with many
great Whales, as they had bene Porposes.
This same day the Salamander being under both her A w^ale
corses and bonets, happened to strike a great Whale with s s **'
her full stemme, with such a blow that the ship stoode
still, and stirred neither forward nor backward. The
Whale thereat made a great and ugly noyse, and cast up
his body and taile, and so went under water, and within
two daies after, there was found a great Whale dead
327
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
swimming above water, which wee supposed was that
which the Salamander strooke.
The second day of July early in the morning we had
sight of the Queenes Foreland, and bare in with the land
all the day, and passing thorow great quantity of yce, by
night were entred somewhat within the Streites, per-
ceiving no way to passe further in, the whole place being
frozen over from the one side to the other, and as it
Frobishers were with many walles, mountaines, and bulwarks of yce,
Streites choked cnoked up the passage, and denied us entrance. And
/ * yce- yet ^oe j not fhmke- that this passage or Sea hereabouts
is frozen over at any time of the yere : albeit it seemed
so unto us by the abundance of yce gathered together,
which occupied the whole place. But I doe rather
suppose these yce to bee bred in the hollow soundes and
freshets thereabouts : which by the heate of the sommers
Sunne, being loosed, doe emptie themselves with the
ebbes into the sea, and so gather in great abundance there
together.
And to speake somewhat here of the ancient opinion of
the frozen sea in these parts : I doe thinke it to be
rather a bare conjecture of men, then that ever any man
hath made experience of any such sea. And that which
they speake of Mare glaciale, may be truely thought to
be spoken of these parts : for this may well be called
indeede the ycie sea, but not the frozen sea, for no sea
consisting of salt water can be frozen, as I have more at
large herein shewed my opinion in my second voyage, for
Saltwatercan- it seemeth impossible for any sea to bee frozen, which
not freeze. \\2i\h his course of ebbing and flowing, especially in those
places where the tides doe ebbe and flowe above ten
fadome. And also all these aforesayd yce, which we
sometime met a hundreth mile from lande, being gathered
out of the salt Sea, are in taste fresh, and being dissolved,
become sweete and holesome water.
[III. 78.] And the cause why this yere we have bene more
combred with yce then at other times before, may be
by reason of the Easterly & Southerly winds, which
328
MARTIN FROBISHER a,d.
1578.
brought us more timely thither now then we looked for.
Which blowing from the sea directly upon the place of
our Streites, hath kept in the yce, and not suffered them
to be caried out by the ebbe to the maine sea, where
they would in more short time have bene dissolved.
And all these fleeting yce are not only so dangerous in
that they wind and gather so neere together, that a man
may passe sometimes tenne or twelve miles as it were
upon one firme Island of yce : but also for that they open
and shut together againe in such sort with the tides
and sea-gate, that whilest one ship followeth the other
with full sayles, the yce which was open unto the fore-
most will joyne and close together before the latter can
come to follow the first, whereby many times our shippes
were brought into great danger, as being not able so
sodainely to take in our sayles, or stay the swift way of
our ships.
We were forced many times to stemme and strike
great rockes of yce, and so as it were make way through
mighty mountaines. By which meanes some of the
fleete, where they found the yce to open, entred in, and
passed so farre within the danger thereof, with continuall
desire to recover their port, that it was the greatest
wonder of the world that they ever escaped safe, or were
ever heard of againe. For even at this present we missed
two of the fleete, that is, the Judith, wherein was the
Lieutenant generall Captaine Fenton ; and the Michael,
whom both we supposed had bene utterly lost, having
not heard any tidings of them in moe then 20 dayes
before.
And one of our fleete named the Barke Dennis, being Barke Dennis
of an hundreth tunne burden, seeking way in amongst sun e'
these yce, received such a blow with a rocke of yce that she
sunke downe therewith in the sight of the whole fleete.
Howbeit having signified her danger by shooting off a
peece of great Ordinance, new succour of other ships
came so readily unto them, that the men were all saved
with boats.
329
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
Part of the Within this ship that was drowned there was parcell
house lost. Qf our nouse which was to bee erected for them that
should stay all the winter in Meta Incognita.
This was a more fearefull spectacle for the Fleete to
beholde, for that the outragious storme which presently
followed, threatned them the like fortune and danger.
For the Fleete being thus compassed (as aforesayd) on
every side with yce, having left much behinde them,
thorow which they passed, and finding more before them,
thorow which it was not possible to passe, there arose
a sudden terrible tempest at the Southeast, which blowing
from the maine sea, directly upon the place of the
Streites, brought together all the yce a sea-boorde of
us upon our backes, and thereby debard us of turning
backe to recover sea-roome againe : so that being thus
compassed with danger on every side, sundry men with
sundry devises sought the best way to save themselves.
Some of the ships, where they could find a place more
cleare of yce, and get a little birth of sea roome, did take
in their sayles, and there lay a drift. Other some
fastened & mored Anker upon a great Island of yce,
and roade under the Lee therof, supposing to be better
guarded thereby from the outragious winds, and the
danger of the lesser fleeting yce. And againe some
where so fast shut up, and compassed in amongst an
infinite number of great countreys and Islands of yce,
that they were faine to submit themselves and their ships
to the mercy of the unmercifull yce, and strengthened the
sides of their ships with junckes of cables, beds, Mastes,
plankes and such like, which being hanged over boord on
the sides of their ships, might the better defend them
from the outragious sway and strokes of the said
yce. But as in greatest distresse, men of best valour
are best to bee discerned, so it is greatly worthy
commendation and noting with what invincible minde
every Captaine encouraged his company, and with what
incredible labour the painefull Mariners and poore
Miners (unacquainted with such extremities) to the ever-
33o
MARTIN FROB1SHER a.d.
1578.
lasting renowne of our nation, did overcome the brunt of
these so great and extreme dangers : for some, even
without boord upon the yce, and some within boord upon
the sides of their ships, having poles, pikes, pieces of
timber, and Ores in their handes, stoode almost day and
night without any rest, bearing off the force, and breaking
the sway of the yce with such incredible paine and perill,
that it was wonderfull to beholde, which otherwise no
doubt had striken quite through and through the sides of
their ships, notwithstanding our former provision : for
plankes of timber of more then three inches thicke, and
other things of greater force and bignesse, by the surging
of the sea and billowe, with the yce were shivered and
cut in sunder, at the sides of our ships, so that it will
seeme more then credible to be reported of. And yet
(that which is more) it is faithfully and plainely to bee
prooved, and that by many substantiall witnesses, that our
ships, even those of greatest burdens, with the meeting of
contrary waves of the sea, were heaved up betweene
Islands of yce, a foote welneere out of the sea above their
watermarke, having their knees and timbers within boord [III. 79.]
both bowed and broken therewith.
And amidst these extremes, whilest some laboured for
defence of the ships, and sought to save their bodies,
other some of more milder spirit sought to save the soule
by devout prayer and meditation to the Almightie,
thinking indeede by no other meanes possible then by
a divine Miracle to have their deliverance : so that there
was none that were either idle, or not well occupied,
and he that helde himselfe in best securitie had (God
knoweth) but onely bare hope remayning for his best
safetie.
Thus all the gallant Fleete and miserable men without
hope of ever getting foorth againe, distressed with these
extremities remayned here all the whole night and part of
the next day, excepting foure ships, that is, the Anne
Francis, the Moone, the Francis of Foy, and the Gabriell,
which being somewhat a Seaboord of the Fleete, and
33i
AD- THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
being fast ships by a winde, having a more scope of
cleare, tryed it out all the time of the storme under sayle,
being hardly able to beare a coast of each.
And albeit, by reason of the fleeting yce, which were
dispersed here almost the whole sea over, they were
brought many times to the extreamest point of perill,
mountaines of yce tenne thousand times scaping them
scarce one ynch, which to have striken had bene their
present destruction, considering the swift course and way
of the ships, and the unwieldinesse of them to stay and
turne as a man would wish : yet they esteemed it their
better safetie, with such perill to seeke Sea-roome, than
without hope of ever getting libertie to lie striving
against the streame, and beating amongst the Isie moun-
taines, whose hugenesse and monstrous greatnesse was
such, that no man would credite, but such as to their
paines sawe and felt it. And these foure shippes by
the next day at noone got out to Sea, and were first cleare
of the yce, who now enjoying their owne libertie, beganne
a new to sorrow and feare for their fellowes safeties.
And devoutly kneeling about their maine Mast, they
gave unto God humble thankes, not only for themselves,
but besought him likewise highly for their friendes
deliverance. And even now whilest amiddest these
extremities this gallant Fleete and valiant men were
altogither overlaboured and forewatched, with the long
and fearefull continuance of the foresayd dangers, it
pleased God with his eyes of mercie to looke downe from
heaven to sende them helpe in good time, giving them
the next day a more favourable winde at the West
Northwest, which did not onely disperse and drive foorth
the yce before them, but also gave them libertie of
more scope and Sea-roome, and they were by night of
the same day following perceived of the other foure
shippes, where (to their greatest comfort) they enjoyed
againe the fellowship one of another. Some in mending
the sides of their ships, some in setting up their top
Mastes, and mending their sayles and tacklings ; Againe,
332
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
1578.
some complayning of their false Stemme borne away,
some in stopping their leakes, some in recounting their
dangers past, spent no small time & labour. So that
I dare well avouch, there were never men more danger-
ously distressed, nor more mercifully by Gods providence
delivered. And hereof both the torne ships, and the
forwearied bodies of the men arrived doe beare most
evident marke and witnesse. And now the whole Fleete
plyed off to Seaward, resolving there to abide untill the
Sunne might consume, or the force of winde disperse
these yce from the place of their passage : and being
a good birth off the shore, they tooke in their sailes,
and lay adrift.
The seventh of July as men nothing yet dismayed, we Another as-
cast about towards the inward, and had sight of land, '
which rose in forme like the Northerland of the straights,
which some of the Fleete, and those not the worst
Marriners, judged to be the North Foreland : howbeit
other some were of contrary opinion. But the matter
was not well to be discerned by reason of the thicke
fogge which a long time hung upon the coast, & the Fogge,snow,
new falling snow which yeerely altereth the shape of aJ ^ ™ *
the land, and taketh away oftentimes the Mariners -tners markes.
markes. And by reason of the darke mists which con-
tinued by the space of twentie dayes togither, this doubt
grewe the greater and the longer perilous. For whereas
indeede we thought our selves to be upon the Northeast
side of Frobishers straights, we were now caried to the
Southwestwards of the Queenes Foreland, and being
deceived by a swift current comming from the Northeast, A swift cm
were brought to the Southwestwards of our said course
many miles more then we did thinke possible could come
to passe. The cause whereof we have since found, and
it shall be at large hereafter declared.
Here we made a point of land which some mistooke
for a place in the straightes called Mount Warwicke :
but how we should be so farre shot up so suddainely
within the said straights the expertest Mariners began to
333
rent from the
Northeast.
A.D.
1578.
A current.
[III. 80/
James Beare
a good Mar-
iner.
Christopher
Hall chlefe
Py/ot.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
marvell, thinking it a thing impossible that they could be
so farre overtaken in their accounts, or that any current
could deceive them here which they had not by former
experience prooved and found out. Howbeit many
confessed that they found a swifter course of flood then
before time they had observed. And truely it was
wonderfull to heare and see the rushing and noise that
the tides do make in this place with so violent a force
that our ships lying a hull were turned sometimes round
about even in a moment after the maner of a whirlepoole,
and the noyse of the streame no lesse to be heard afarre
off, then the waterfall of London Bridge.
But whilest the Fleete lay thus doubtfull amongst
great store of yce in a place they knew not without sight
of Sunne, whereby to take the height, and so to know
the true elevation of the pole, and without any cleere
of light to make perfite the coast, the Generall with the
Captaines & Masters of his ships, began doubtfully to
question of the matter, and sent his Pinnesse aboord to
heare each mans opinion, and specially of James Beare,
Master of the Anne Francis, who was knowen to be a
sufficient and skilful Mariner, and having bene there the
yere before, had wel observed the place, and drawen out
Cardes of the coast. But the rather this matter grew the
more doubtfull, for that Christopher Hall chiefe Pilot of
the voyage, delivered a plaine and publique opinion in
the hearing of the whole Fleete, that hee had never seene
the foresayd coast before, and that he could not make it
for any place of Frobishers Streits, as some of the Fleete
supposed, and yet the landes doe lie and trend so like,
that the best Mariners therein may bee deceived.
The tenth of July, the weather still continuing thicke
and darke, some of the ships in the fogge lost sight of the
Admirall and the rest of the fleete, and wandering to and
fro, with doubtfull opinion whether it were best to seeke
backe againe to seaward through great store of yce, or to
follow on a doubtfull course in a Sea, Bay, or Streites
they knew not, or along a coast, whereof by reason of the
334
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1578.
darke mistes they could not discerne the dangers, if by-
chance any rocke or broken ground should lie of the
place, as commonly in these parts it doth.
The Viceadmirall Captaine Yorke considering the fore-
sayd opinion of the Pylot Hall, who was with him in the
Thomas Allen, having lost sight of the Fleete, turned
backe to sea againe, having two other ships in company
with him.
Also the Captaine of the Anne Francis having likewise
lost company of the Fleete, and being all alone, held it
for best to turne it out to sea againe, untill they might
have cleere weather to take the Sunnes altitude, and with
incredible paine and perill got out of the doubtfull place,
into the open Sea againe, being so narrowly distressed by
the way, by meanes of continuall fogge and yce, that they
were many times ready to leape upon an Hand of yce
to avoide the present clanger, and so hoping to prolong
life awhile meant rather to die a pining death.
Some hoped to save themselves on chestes, and some Hard shifts to
determined to tie the Hatches of the ships togither, and save mns
to binde themselves with their furniture fast thereunto,
and so to be towed with the ship-bote ashore, which
otherwise could not receive halfe of the companie, by
which meanes if happily they had arrived, they should
eyther have perished for lacke of foode to eate, or else
should themselves have beene eaten of those ravenous,
bloodie, and Men-eating people.
The rest of the Fleete following the course of the The coast along
Generall which led them the way, passed up above sixtie yeSoutfoideof
leagues within the saide doubtfull and supposed straights, ieaSfUS
having alwayes a faire continent upon their starreboorde
side, and a continuance still of an open Sea before
them.
The Generall albeit with the first perchance he found Mistaken
out the error, and that this was not the olde straights, yet ^aightswhich
he perswaded the Fleete alwayes that they were in their strai^ts
right course, and knowen straights. Howbeit I suppose
he rather dissembled his opinion therein then otherwise,
335
A.D.
1578.
Frobisher
could have
passed to
Cataia.
Faire open
way.
Reasons to
proove a pas-
sage here.
Great
indrafts.
[III. 81
A current to
the West.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
meaning by that policie (being himselfe led with an
honourable desire of further discoverie) to induce the
Fleete to follow him, to see a further proofe of that
place. And as some of the companie reported, he hath
since confessed that if it had not bene for the charge
and care he had of the Fleete and fraughted ships, he
both would and could have gone through to the South
Sea, called Mar del Sur, and dissolved the long doubt of
the passage which we seeke to find to the rich countrey of
Cataya.
1 Of which mistaken straights, considering the cir-
cumstance, we have great cause to conhrme our opinion,
to like and hope well of the passage in this place. For
the foresaid Bay or Sea, the further we sayled therein, the
wider we found it, with great likelihood of endlesse
continuance. And where in other places we were much
troubled with yce, as in the entrance of the same, so after
we had sayled fiftie or sixtie leagues therein we had no
let of yce, or other thing at all, as in other places we
found.
2 Also this place seemeth to have a marvellous great
indraft, and draweth unto it most of the drift yce, and
other things which doe fleete in the Sea, either to the
North or Eastwards of the same, as by good experience
we have found.
3 For here also we met with boordes, lathes, and
divers other things driving in the Sea, which was of the
wracke of the ship called the Barke Dennis, which
perished amongst the yce as beforesaid, being lost at
the first attempt of the entrance overthwart the Queenes
forelande in the mouth of Frobishers straights, which
could by no meanes have bene so brought thither, neither
by winde nor tyde, being lost so many leagues off, if
by force of the said current the same had not bene
violently brought. For if the same had bene brought
thither by tide of flood, looke how farre the said flood
had carried it, the ebbe would have recarried it as farre
backe againe, and by the winde it could not so come to
336
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
iS78.
passe, because it was then sometime calme, and most
times contrarie.
And some Mariners doe affirme that they have dili-
gently observed, that there runneth in this place nine Nine houres
houres flood to three ebbe, which may thus come to ^.'ff™
passe by force of the sayd current : for whereas the Sea in
most places of the world, doth more or lesse ordinarily
ebbe and flow once every twelve houres with sixe houres
ebbe, and sixe houres flood, so also would it doe there,
were it not for the violence of this hastning current,
which forceth the flood to make appearance to beginne
before his ordinary time one houre and a halfe, and also
to continue longer than his naturall course by an other
houre and a halfe, untill the force of the ebbe be so great
that it will no longer be resisted : according to the saying,
Naturam expellas furca licet, usque recurrit. Although
nature and naturall courses be forced and resisted never
so much, yet at last they will have their owne sway
againe.
Moreover it is not possible that so great course of
floods and current, so high swelling tides with continuance
of so deepe waters, can be digested here without un-
burdening themselves into some open Sea beyond this
place, which argueth the more likelihood of the passage
to be hereabouts. Also we suppose these great indrafts
doe growe and are made by the reverberation and re-
flection of that same current, which at our comming
by Ireland, met and crossed us, of which in the first part
of this discourse I spake, which comming from the bay
of Mexico, passing by and washing the Southwest parts of
Ireland, reboundeth over to the Northeast parts of the
world, as Norway, Island, &c. where not finding any
passage to an open Sea, but rather being there encreased
by a new accesse, and another current meeting with it
from the Scythian Sea, passing the bay of Saint Nicholas
Westward, it doth once againe rebound backe, by the
coastes of Groenland, and from thence upon Frobishers
straights being to the Southwestwardes of the same.
vii 337 y
A.D.
1578.
The sea
move th from
East to West
continually.
Authoriiie.
Hard but yet
possible turn-
ing backe
againe.
Tiaffique.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
5 And if that principle of Philosopie be true, that
Inferiora corpora reguntur a superioribus, that is, if
inferior bodies be governed, ruled, and caried after the
maner and course of the superiors, then the water being
an inferior Element, must needes be governed after the
superior heaven, and so follow the course of Primum
mobile from East to West.
6 But every man that hath written or considered any
thing of this passage, hath more doubted the returne by
the same way by reason of a great downefall of water,
which they imagine to be thereabouts (which we also by
experience partly find) than any mistrust they have of the
same passage at all. For we find (as it were) a great
downefall in this place, but yet not such but that we may
returne, although with much adoe. For we were easlier
carried in one houre then we could get forth againe in
three. Also by another experience at another time, we
found this current to deceive us in this sort : That
wheras we supposed it to be 15 leagues off, and lying a
hull, we were brought within two leagues of the shore
contrarie to all expectation.
Our men that sayled furthest in the same mistaken
straights (having the maine land upon their starboord
side) affirme that they met with the outlet or passage of
water which commeth thorow Frobishers straights, and
followeth as all one into this passage.
Some of our companie also affirme that they had sight
of a continent upon their larboord-side being 60 leagues
within the supposed straights : howbeit except certaine
Hands in the entrance hereof we could make no part
perfect thereof. All the foresaid tract of land seemeth to
be more fruitfull and better stored of Grasse, Deere,
Wild foule, as Partridges, Larkes, Seamewes, Guls, Wil-
mots, Falcons and Tassel gentils, Ravens, Beares, Hares,
Foxes, and other things, than any other part we have yet
discovered, and is more populous. And here Luke
Ward, a Gentleman of the companie, traded marchandise,
and did exchange knives, bels, looking glasses, &c. with
33*
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1578.
those countrey people, who brought him foule, fish,
beares skinnes, and such like, as their countrey yeeldeth
for the same. Here also they saw of those greater boats
of the countrey, with twentie persons in a peece.
Now after the Generall had bestowed these many [III. 82.]
dayes here, not without many dangers, he returned backe
againe. And by the way sayling alongst this coast (being
the backeside of the supposed continent of America) and
the Queenes Foreland, he perceived a great sound to
goe thorow into Frobishers straights. Whereupon he
sent the Gabriel the one and twentieth of July, to proove
whether they might goe thorow and meete againe with Returneoutof
him in the straights, which they did : and as wee imagined *; mistaken
before, so the Queenes foreland prooved an Hand, as
I thinke most of these supposed continents will. And
so he departed towardes the straights, thinking it were
high time now to recover his Port, and to provide the
Fleete of their lading, whereof he was not a little carefull,
as shall by the processe and his resolute attempts appeare.
And in his returne with the rest of the fleete he was so
intangled by reason of the darke fogge amongst a number
of Hands and broken ground that lye off this coast, that
many of the shippes came over the top of rockes, which
presently after they might perceive to lie dry, having not
halfe a foote water more then some of their ships did
draw. And by reason they could not with a smal gale
of wind stemme the force of the flood, whereby to goe
cleere off the rockes, they were faine to let an anker fall
with two bent of Cable togither, at an hundred and odde
fadome depth, where otherwise they had bene by the
force of the tydes caried upon the rockes againe, and
perished : so that if God in these fortunes (as a mercifull Great dan-
guide, beyond the expectation of man) had not carried us &ers-
thorow, we had surely perished amidst these dangers.
For being many times driven hard aboord the shore
without any sight of land, untill we were ready to make
shipwracke thereon, being forced commonly with our
boats to sound before our ships, least we might light
339
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
thereon before we could discerne the same ; it pleased
God to give us a cleare of Sunne and light for a short
time to see and avoyde thereby the danger, having bene
continually darke before, and presently after. Manie
times also by meanes of fogge and currents being driven
neere upon the coast, God lent us even at the very pinch
one prosperous breath of winde or other, whereby to
double the land, and avoid the perill, and when that we
were all without hope of helpe, every man recommending
himselfe to death, and crying out, Lord now helpe or
never, now Lord looke downe from heaven and save us
sinners, or else our safetie commeth too late : even then
the mightie maker of heaven, and our mercifull God did
deliver us : so that they who have bene partakers of these
dangers doe even in their soules confesse, that God even
by miracle hath sought to save them, whose name be
praysed evermore.
Long time now the Anne Francis had layne beating
ofF and on all alone before the Queenes foreland, not
being able to recover their Port for yce, albeit many
times they dangerously attempted it, for yet the yce
choaked up the passage, and would not suffer them to
Anne Francis enter. And having never seene any of the fleete since
met with some twenty dayes past, when by reason of the thicke mistes
they were severed in the mistaken straights, they did now
this present 23 of July overthwart a place in the straights
called Hattons Hedland, where they met with seven
ships of ye Fleete againe, which good hap did not onely
rejoyce them for themselves, in respect of the comfort
which they received by such good companie, but
especially that by this meanes they were put out of doubt
of their deare friends, whose safeties long time they did
not a little suspect and feare.
At their meeting they haled the Admirall after the
maner of the Sea, and with great joy welcommed one
another with a thundring volly of shot. And now
every man declared at large the fortunes and dangers
which they had passed.
340
of the fleete.
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1578.
The foure and twentieth of July we met with the
Francis of Foy, who with much adoe sought way backe Francis of Fey.
againe, through the yce from out of the mistaken
straights, where (to their great perill) they prooved to
recover their Port. They brought the first newes of the
Vizadmirall Captaine Yorke, who many dayes with
themselves, and the Busse of Bridgewater was missing. Bridgwater
They reported that they left the Vizeadmirall reasonably ?m
cleare of the yce, but the other ship they greatly feared,
whom they could not come to helpe, being themselves so
hardly distressed as never men more. Also they told us
of the Gabriel, who having got thorow from the backside,
and Western point of the Queenes foreland, into Fro-
bishers straights, fell into their company about the cape
of Good hope.
And upon the seven and twentieth of July, the ship of
Bridgewater got out of the yce and met with the Fleete
which lay off and on under Hattons Hedland. They
reported of their marvellous accidents and dangers, de-
claring their ship to be so leake that they must of
necessitie seeke harborow, having their stem so beaten
within their huddings, that they had much adoe to keepe
themselves above water. They had (as they say) five
hundreth strokes at the pump in lesse then halfe a watch,
being scarce two houres ; their men being so over-
wearied therewith, and with the former dangers that they
desired helpe of men from the other ships. Moreover
they declared that there was nothing but yce and danger [III. 83.]
where they had bene, and that the straights within were
frozen up, and that it was the most impossible thing of The Stmts
the world, to passe up unto the Countesse of Warwicks Jrozen over-
sound, which was the place of our Port.
The report of these dangers by these ships thus
published amongst the fleete, with the remembrance of
the perils past, and those present before their face,
brought no small feare and terror into the hearts of many
considerate men. So that some beganne privily to mur-
mure against the Generall for this wilfull maner of
34i
A.D.
.578.
A valiant
mind o/M.
Frobisher.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
proceeding. Some desired to discover some harborow
thereabouts to refresh themselves and reforme their
broken vessels for a while, untill the North and North-
west windes might disperse the yce, and make the place
more free to passe. Other some forgetting themselves,
spake more undutifully in this behalfe, saying : that they
had as leeve be hanged when they came home, as without
hope of safetie to seeke to passe, and so to perish
amongst the yce.
The Generall not opening his eares to the peevish
passion of any private person, but chiefly respecting the
accomplishment of the cause he had undertaken (wherein
the chiefe reputation and fame of a Generall and Captaine
consisteth) and calling to his remembrance the short time
he had in hand to provide so great number of ships their
loading, determined with this resolution to passe and
recover his Port, or else there to burie himselfe with his
attempt.
Notwithstanding somewhat to appease the feeble
passions of the fearefuller sort, and the better to enter-
taine time for a season, whilest the yce might the better
be dissolved, he haled on the Fleete with beleefe that he
would put them into harborow : thereupon whilest the
shippes lay ofF and on under Hattons Hedland, he sought
to goe in with his Pinnesses amongst the Ilandes there, as
though hee meant to search for harborowe, where indeede
he meant nothing lesse, but rather sought if any Ore
might be found in that place, as by the sequele appeared.
In the meane time whilest the Fleete lay thus doubtfull
without any certaine resolution what to do, being hard
aboord the lee-shore, there arose a sodaine and terrible
tempest at the Southsoutheast, whereby the yce began
marvellously to gather about us.
Whereupon every man, as in such case of extremitie
he thought best, sought the wisest way for his owne
safety. The most part of the Fleete which were further
shot up within the straights, and so farre to the leeward,
as that they could not double the land, following the
342
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
1578.
course of the Generall, who led them the way, tooke
in their Sayles, and layde it a hull amongst the yce, and
so passed over the storme, and had no extremitie at all,
but for a short time in the same place.
Howbeit the other ships which plyed out to Seaward,
had an extreme storme for a longer season. And the
nature of the place is such, that it is subject diversly
to divers windes, according to the sundry situation of
the great Alps and mountaines there, every mountaine
causing a severall blast, and pirrie, after the maner of
a Levant.
In this storme being the sixe and twentieth of July,
there fell so much snow, with such bitter cold aire, that
we could not scarce see one another for the same, nor
open our eyes to handle our ropes and sayles, the snow Snow in July.
being above halfe a foote deepe upon the hatches of
our ship, which did so wet thorow our poore Mariners
clothes, that hee that had five or sixe shifts of apparell
had scarce one drie threed to his backe, which kind of
wet and coldnesse, togither with the overlabouring of
the poore men amiddest the yce, bred no small sick-
nesse amongst the fleete, which somewhat discouraged
some of the poore men, who had not experience of the
like before, every man perswading himselfe that the
winter there must needes be extreme, where they found Extreme win-
so unseasonable a Sommer. ter'
And yet notwithstanding this cold aire, the Sunne Great heat in
many times hath a marvellous force of heate amongst ta ncog~
those mountaines, insomuch that when there is no
breth of winde to bring the colde aire from the dis-
persed yce upon us, we shall be wearie of the bloming
heate and then sodainely with a perry of winde which inconstant
commeth downe from the hollownesse of the hilles, we
shall have such a breth of heate brought upon our
faces as though we were entred within some bathstove
or hote-house, and when the first of the pirry and blast
is past, we shall have the winde sodainely a new blow
cold againe.
343
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
In this storme the Anne Francis, the Moone, and the
Thomas of Ipswich, who found themselves able to hold
it up with a saile, and could double about the Cape of the
Queenes foreland, plyed out to the Seaward, holding
it for better policie and safetie to seeke Sea roome, then
to hazard the continuance of the storme, the danger of
the yce, and the leeshoare.
And being uncertaine at this time of the Generals
[III. 84.] private determinations, the weather being so darke that
they could not discerne one another, nor perceive which
way he wrought, betooke themselves to this course for
best and safest.
The General, notwithstanding the great storme, following
his own former resolution, sought by all meanes possible,
by a shorter way to recover his Port, and where he saw
the yce never so little open, he gate in at one gappe and
out at another, and so himselfe valiantly led the way
thorow before to induce the Fleete to follow after, and
with incredible paine and perill at length gat through the
The Genera// vcej and upon the one and thirtieth of July recovered his
recovered his \OXi^ wished port after many attempts and sundry times
being put backe, and came to anker in the Countesse
of Warwicks sound, in the entrance whereof, when he
thought all perill past, he encountred a great Hand of yce
which gave the Ayde such a blow, having a little before
wayed her anker a cocke bill, that it stroke the anker
flouke through the ships bowes under the water, which
caused so great a leake, that with much adoe they pre-
served the ship from sinking.
At their arrivall here they perceived two ships at anker
within the harborough, whereat they began much to
marvell and greatly to rejoyce, for those they knew to
be the Michael, wherein was the Lieutenant generall
Captaine Fenton, and the small Barke called the Gabriel,
who so long time were missing, and never heard of
before, whom every man made the last reckoning, never
to heare of againe.
Here every man greatly rejoyced of their happie meet-
344
MARTIN FROB1SHER a.d.
,578.
ing, and welcommed one another after the Sea manner
with their great Ordinance, and when each partie had
ripped up their sundry fortunes and perils past, they
highly praysed God, and altogither upon their knees
gave him due, humble and hearty thankes, and Maister Master Wolf-
Wolfall a learned man, appointed by her Majesties *U Preacher.
Councell to be their Minister and Preacher made unto
them a godly sermon, exhorting them especially to be
thankefull to God for their strange and miraculous
deliverance in those so dangerous places, and putting
them in mind of the uncertainetie of mans life, willed
them to make themselves alwayes readie as resolute men
to enjoy and accept thankefully whatsoever adventure his
divine Providence should appoint. This maister Wolfall
being well seated and setled at home in his owne
Countrey, with a good and large living, having a good
honest woman to wife and very towardly children,
being of good reputation among the best, refused not
to take in hand this painefull voyage, for the onely
care he had to save soules, and to reforme those Infidels
if it were possible to Christianitie : and also partly for the
great desire he had that this notable voyage so well
begunne, might be brought to perfection : and therefore
he was contented to stay there the whole yeare if occasion
had served, being in every necessary action as forward as
the resolutest men of all. Wherefore in this behalfe he
may rightly be called a true Pastor and minister of Gods
word, which for the profite of his flocke spared not to
venture his owne life.
But to returne againe to Captaine Fentons company, The adven-
and to speake somewhat of their dangers (albeit they be f"?.es % *j*~
more then by writing can be expressed) they reported and his com-
that from the night of the first storme which was about panic
the first day of July untill seven dayes before the
Generals arrivall, which was the sixe and twentith of the
same, they never saw any one day or houre, wherin they
were not troubled with continuall danger and feare of
death, and were twentie dayes almost togither fast
345
A.D.
I578.
Extremitie
causeth men to
devise new
arts and re-
medies.
Hard shifts.
[III. 85.]
Strange won-
ders.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
amongst the yce. They had their ship stricken through
and through on both sides, their false stemme borne quite
away, and could goe from their ships in some places
upon the yce very many miles, and might easily have
passed from one Hand of yce to another even to the
shore, and if God had not wonderfully provided for
them and their necessitie, and time had not made them
more cunning and wise to seeke strange remedies for
strange kindes of dangers, it had bene impossible for
them ever to have escaped : for among other devises,
wheresoever they found any Hand of yce of greater
bignesse then the rest (as there be some of more then
halfe a mile compasse about, and almost forty fadome
high) they commonly coveted to recover the same, and
thereof to make a bulwarke for their defence, whereon
having mored anker, they road under the lee therof for
a time, being therby garded from the danger of the lesser
driving yce. But when they must needes forgoe this
new found fort by meanes of other yce, which at length
would undermine and compasse them round about, and
when that by heaving of the billow they were therewith
like to be brused in peeces, they used to make fast the
shippe unto the most firme and broad peece of yce they
could find, and binding: her nose fast thereunto, would fill
all their sayles whereon the winde having great power,
would force forward the ship, and so the shippe bearing
before her the yce, & so one yce driving forward another,
should at length get scope & searoome. And having
by this meanes at length put their enemies to flight,
they occupyed the cleare place for a prettie season among
sundry mountaines and Alpes of yce. One there was
found by measure to be 65 fadome above water, which
for a kind of similitude, was called Salomons porch.
Some thinke those Hands eight times so much under
water as they are above, because of their monstrous
weight. But now I remember I saw very strange
wonders, men walking, running, leaping and shooting
upon the mayne seas 40. myles from any land, without
346
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
1578.
any Shippe or other vessell under them. Also I saw fresh
Rivers running amidst the salt Sea a hundred myle from
land, which if any man will not beleeve, let him knowe
that many of our company leapt out of their Shippe upon
Ilandes of yce, and running there up and downe, did
shoote at Buts upon the yce, and with their Calivers
did kill great Seales, which use to lye and sleepe upon
the yce, and this yce melting above at the toppe by
reflection of the Sunne, came downe in sundry streames,
which uniting together, made a pretie Brooke able to
drive a Mill.
The sayde Captaine Fenton recovered his Port tenne
dayes before any man, and spent good tyme in searching
for Mine, and hee found good store thereof. He also
discovered about tenne Miles up into the Countrey,
where he perceived neither Towne, Village, nor likeli-
hoode of habitation, but it seemeth (as he sayeth) barren,
as the other parts which as yet we have entred upon :
but their victuals and provision went so scant with them,
that they had determined to returne homeward within
seven dayes after, if the Fleete had not then arrived.
The Generall after his arrivall in the Countesses sound,
spent no time in vaine, but immediatly at his first landing
called the chiefe Captaines of his Councell together, and
consulted with them for the speedier execution of such
things as then they had in hand. As first, for searching
and finding out good Minerall for the Miners to be
occupyed on. Then to give good Orders to bee observed
of the whole company on shore. And lastly, to consider
for the erecting up of the Fort and House for the use
of them which were to abide there the whole yeere. For
the better handling of these, and all other like important
causes in this service, it was ordeined from her Majestie
and the Councell, that the Generall should call unto him
certaine of the chiefe Captaines and Gentlemen in
Councell, to conferre, consult and determine of all
occurrents in this service, whose names are as here they
follow.
347
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
Captaine Fenton.l f Captaine Carew.
Captaine Yorke. > <
Captaine Best. J (Captaine Philpot.
And in Sea causes to have as assistants, Christopher
Hall and Charles Jackman, being both very good Pilots,
and sufficient Mariners, whereof the one was chiefe Pilot
of the Voyage, and the other for the discoverie. From
the place of our habitation Westward, Master Selman was
appointed Notarie, to register the whole maner of pro-
ceeding in these affaires, that true relation thereof might
be made, if it pleased her Majestie to require it.
The first of August every Captaine by order, from
the Generall and his councell, was commanded to bring
ashoare unto the Countesses Hand all such Gentlemen,
souldiers, and Myners, as were under their charge, with
such provision as they had of victuals, tents, and things
necessary for the speedy getting together of Mine, and
fraight for the shippes.
The Muster of the men being taken, and the victuals
with all other things viewed and considered, every man
was set to his charge, as his place and office required.
The Myners were appointed where to worke, and the
Mariners discharged their shippes.
Upon the second of August were published and
proclaymed upon the Countesse of Warwicks Hand with
sound of Trumpet, certaine Orders by the Generall and
his councell, appoynted to be observed of the company
during the time of their abiding there.
In the meane time, whilest the Mariners plyed their
worke, the Captaines sought out new Mynes, the Gold-
finers made tryall of the Ore, the Mariners discharged
their shippes, the Gentlemen for example sake laboured
heartily, and honestly encouraged the inferiour sort to
worke. So that the small tyme of that little leisure
that was left to tarrie, was spent in vaine.
The second of August the Gabriel arrived, who came
from the Vizeadmirall, and beeing distressed sore with
Yce, put into Harborough neere unto Mount Oxford.
348
Meta Incog-
nita.
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1578.
And now was the whole Fleete arrived safely at their
Port, excepting foure, besides the Shippe that was lost :
that is, the Thomas Allen, the Anne Francis, the Thomas
of Ipswich, and the Moone, whose absence was some
lette unto the workes and other proceedings, aswell for
that these Shippes were furnished with the better sorte of
Myners, as with other provision for the habitation.
The ninth of August the Generall with the Captaynes
of his counsell assembled together, and began to consider
and take order for the erecting up of the house or Fort
for them that were to inhabite there the whole yeere, [III. 86.]
and that presently the Masons and Carpenters might
goe in hande therewith. First therefore they perused Consultation
the Bils of lading, what every man received into his ^J^rfJlg
Shippe, and found that there was arrived onely the East-
side, and the Southside of the house, and yet not that
perfect and entier : for many pieces thereof were used for
fenders in many Shippes, and so broken in pieces whilest
they were distressed in the yce. Also after due examina-
tion had, and true account taken, there was found want of
drinke and fuel to serve one hundreth men, which was An hundred
the number appoynted first to inhabite there, because men appointed
their greatest store was in the Shippes which were not
yet arrived. Then Captaine Fenton seeing the scarcitie
of the necessary things aforesayd, was contented, and
offred himselfe to inhabite there with sixtie men. Where- No habitation
upon they caused the Carpenters and Masons to come tnts yeere-
before them, and demanded in what time they would take
upon them to erect up a lesse house for sixtie men.
They required eight or nine weekes, if there were
Tymber sufficient, whereas now they had but sixe and
twentie dayes in all to remayne in that Countrey.
Wherefore it was fully agreed upon, and resolved by
the Generall and his counsell, that no habitation should
be there this yeere. And therefore they willed Master
Selman the Register to set downe this decree with all
their consents, for the better satisfying of her Majestie,
the Lords of the Counsell, and the Adventurers.
349
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
The Anne Francis, since shee was parted from the
Fleete, in the last storme before spoken of, could never
recover above five leagues within the streights, the winde
being sometime contrary, and most times the Yce com-
passing them round about. And from that time, being
about the seven and twentieth of July, they could neither
heare nor have sight of any of the Fleete, until the 3.
of August, when they descryed a sayle neere unto Mount
Oxford, with whom when they had spoken, they could
understand no newes of any of the Fleete at all. And
this was the Thomas of Ipswich, who had layne beating
off and on at Sea with very fowle weather, and contrary
windes, ever since that foresayd storme, without sight of
any man. They kept company not long together, but
were forced to loose one another againe, the Moone being
consort alwayes with the Anne Francis, and keeping very
good company plyed up together into the streights, with
great desire to recover their long wished Port : and they
attempted as often, and passed as farre as possible the
winde, weather, & yce gave them leave, which commonly
they found very contrary. For when the weather was
cleare and without fogge, then commonly the winde was
contrary. And when it was eyther Easterly or Southerly,
which would serve their turnes, then had they so great
a fogge and darke miste therewith, that eyther they could
not discerne way thorow the yce, or els the yce lay so
thicke together, that it was impossible for them to passe.
And on the other side, when it was calme, the Tydes
had force to bring the yce so suddenly about them, that
commonly then they were most therewith distressed,
having no Winde to cary them from the danger
thereof.
And by the sixt of August being with much adoe
got up as high as Leicester point, they had good hope
to finde the Souther shore cleare, and so to passe up
towardes their Port. But being there becalmed and
lying a hull openly upon the great Bay which commeth
out of the mistaken streights before spoken of, they were
35°
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
.578.
so suddenly compassed with yce round about by meanes
of the swift Tydes which run in that place, that they were
never afore so hardly beset as now. And in seeking
to avoyde these dangers in the darke weather, the Anne
Francis lost sight of the other two Ships, who being
likewise hardly distressed, signified their danger, as they
since reported, by shooting off their ordinance, which the
other could not heare, nor if they had heard, could have
given them any remedie, being so busily occupied to
winde themselves out of their owne troubles.
The Fleeboate called the Moone, was here heaved The Moone.
above the water with the force of the yce, and received
a great leake thereby. Likewise the Thomas of Ipswich,
and the Anne Francis were sore brused at that instant,
having their false stemmes borne away, and their ship
sides stroken quite through.
Now considering the continuall dangers and contraries,
and the little leasure that they had left to tarie in these
partes, besides that every night the ropes of their Shippes
were so frozen, that a man could not handle them without
cutting his handes, together with the great doubt they
had of the Fleetes safety, thinking it an impossibilitie for
them to passe unto their Port, as well for that they
saw themselves, as for that they heard by the former
report of the Shippes which had prooved before, who
affirmed that the streights were all frozen over within :
They thought it now very hie time to consider of their
estates and safeties that were yet left together. And
hereupon the Captaines and masters of these Shippes,
desired the Captaine of the Anne Francis to enter into The Avne
consideration with them of these matters. Wherefore ^^'//
Captaine Tanfield of the Thomas of Ipswich, with his ipszo-u^ anj
Pilot Richard Cox, and Captaine Upcote of the Moone, the Moone con-
with his master John Lakes came aboorde the Anne suit.
Francis the eight of August to consult of these causes. PIL 7'J
And being assembled together in the Captaines Cabin,
sundry doubts were there alledged. For the fearefuller
sort of Mariners being overtyred with the continuall
35i
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
labour of the former dangers, coveted to returne home-
ward, saying that they would not againe tempt God so
much, who had given them so many warnings, and
delivered them from so wonderfull dangers : that they
rather desired to lose wages, fraight, and all, then to
continue and follow such desperate fortunes. Againe,
their Ships were so leake, and the men so wearie, that
to amend the one, and refresh the other, they must of
necessitie seeke into harborough.
But on the other side it was argued againe to the
contrary, that to seeke into harborough thereabouts, was
but to subject themselves to double dangers : if happily
they escaped the dangers of Rockes in their entring, yet
being in, they were neverthelesse subject there to the
danger of the Ice, which with the swift tydes and currents
is caryed in and out in most harboroughs thereabouts,
and may thereby gaule their Cables asunder, drive them
upon the shoare, and bring them to much trouble. Also
the coast is so much subject to broken ground and rockes,
especially in the mouth and entrance of every Har-
borough, that albeit the Channell be sounded over and
over againe, yet are you never the neerer to discerne
the dangers. For the bottome of the Sea holding like
shape and forme as the Land, being full of hils, dales,
and ragged Rockes, suffreth you not by your soundings
to knowe and keepe a true gesse of the depth. For you
shall sound upon the side or hollownesse of one Hill
or Rocke under water, and have a hundreth, fiftie, or
fourtie fadome depth : and before the next cast, yer
you shall be able to heave your lead againe, you shall
be upon the toppe thereof, and come aground to your
utter confusion.
Another reason against going to harborough was, that
the colde ayre did threaten a sudden freezing up of the
sounds, seeing that every night there was new congealed
yce, even of that water which remayned within their
shippes. And therefore it should seeme to be more safe
to lye off and on at Sea, then for lacke of winde to bring
352
MAKTIN FROB1SHER ad.
1578.
them foorth of harborough, to hazard by sudden frosts
to be shut up the whole yeere.
After many such dangers and reasons alledged, and
large debating of these causes on both sides, the Captaine
of the Anne Francis delivered his opinion unto the
company to this effect. First concerning the question Captaine
of returning home, hee thought it so much dishonorable, 5ts reiolu"
as not to grow in any farther question : and againe to
returne home at length (as at length they must needes)
and not to be able to bring a certaine report of the Fleete,
whether they were living or lost, or whether any of them
had recovered their Port or not, in the Countesses sound,
(as it was to bee thought the most part would if they
were living) hee sayde that it would be so great an
argument eyther of want of courage or discretion in them,
as hee resolved rather to fall into any danger, then so
shamefully to consent to returne home, protesting that
it should never bee spoken of him, that hee would ever
returne without doing his endevour to finde the Fleete,
and knowe the certaintie of the Generals safetie. Hee
put his company in remembrance of a Pinnisse of ^P™fs/?/°
five tunne burthen, which hee had within his Shippe,
which was caryed in pieces, and unmade up for the
use of those which should inhabite there the whole yeere,
the which, if they could finde meanes to joyne together,
hee offered himselfe to proove before therewith, whether
it were possible for any Boate to passe for yce, whereby
the Shippe might bee brought in after, and might also
thereby give true notice, if any of the Fleete were
arrived at their Port or not.
But notwithstanding, for that he well perceived that
the most part of his company were addicted to put into
harborough, hee was willing the rather for these causes
somewhat to encline thereunto. At first, to search alongst
the same coast, and the soundes thereabouts, hee thought
it to be to good purpose, for that it was likely to finde
some of the Fleete there, which being leake, and sore
brused with the yce, were the rather thought likely to be
VI1 353 z
the inhablters.
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
put into an yll harborough, being distressed with foule
weather in the last storme, then to hazard their uncertaine
safeties amongst the yce : for about this place they lost
them, and left the Fleete then doubtfully questioning
of harborough.
It was likely, also, that they might finde some fitte
harborough thereabouts, which might bee behoovefull
for them against another time. It was not likewise im-
possible to finde some Ore or Mine thereabouts where-
withall to fraight their Shippes, which would bee more
commodious in this place, for the neerenesse to Seaward,
and for a better outlet, then farther within the streights,
being likely heere alwayes to loade in a shorter time,
howsoever the streight should be pestered with yce
within, so that if it might come to passe that thereby
they might eyther finde the Fleete, Mine, or convenient
harborough, any of these three would serve their present
[III. 88.] turnes, and give some hope and comfort unto their
companies, which now were altogether comfortlesse. But
if that all fortune should fall out so contrary, that they
could neyther recover their Port, nor any of these
aforesayde helpes, that yet they would not depart the
Coast, as long as it was possible for them to tary there,
but would lye off and on at Sea athwart the place. There-
fore his finall conclusion was set downe thus, First,
that the Thomas of Ipswich and the Moone should
consort and keepe company together carefully with the
Anne Francis, as neere as they could, and as true English-
men and faithfull friends, should supply one anothers
want in all fortunes and dangers. In the morning
following, every Shippe to send off his Boate with a
sufficient Pylot, to search out and sound the harboroughs
for the safe bringing in of their Shippes. And beeing
arrived in harborough, where they might finde convenient
place for the purpose, they resolved foorthwith to joyne
and sette together the Pinnesse, wherewithall the Captaine
of the Anne Francis might, according to his former
determination, discover up into the streights.
354
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
1578.
After these determinations thus set downe, the Thomas
of Ipswich the night following lost company of the other
Shippes, and afterward shaped a contrary course home-
ward, which fell out as it manifestly appeared, very much
against their Captaine Master Tanfields minde, as by due
examination before the Lordes of her Majesties most
honourable privie Counsell it hath since bene prooved, to
the great discredite of the Pilot Cox, who specially
persuaded his company against the opinion of his sayd
Captaine, to returne home.
And as the Captaine of the Anne Francis doeth
witnesse, even at their conference togither, Captaine
Tanfield tolde him, that he did not a little suspect the
sayd Pilot Cox, saying that he had opinion in the man
neither of honest duetie, manhoode, nor constancie.
Notwithstanding the sayde Shippes departure, the Cap-
taine of the Anne Francis being desirous to put in
execution his former resolutions, went with his Shippe
boate (being accompanied also with the Moones Skiffe)
to proove amongst the Hands which lye under Hattons
Hedland, if any convenient harborough, or any knowledge
of the Fleete, or any good Ore were there to be found.
The Shippes lying off and on at Sea the while under
Sayle, searching through many sounds, they sawe them
all full of many dangers and broken ground: yet one
there was, which seemed an indifferent place to har-
borough in, and which they did very diligently sound
over, and searched againe.
Here the sayde Captaine found a great blacke Hand,
whereunto hee had good liking, and certifying the
company thereof, they were somewhat comforted, and
with the good hope of his wordes rowed cheerefully unto
the place: where when they arrived, they found such
plentie of blacke Ore of the same sort which was brought
into England this last yeere, that if the goodnesse might
answere the great plentie thereof, it was to be thought
that it might reasonably suffice all the golde-gluttons of
the world. This Hand the Captaine for cause of his good
355
A.D.
1578.
Bestes bless-
ing.
Anne Francis
in danger.
The Moone in
har borough.
[III. 89.]
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
hap, called after his owne name, Bestes blessing, and with
these good tydings returning aboord his Ship the ninth
of August about tenne of the clocke at night, hee was
joyfully welcommed of his company, who before were
discomforted, and greatly expected some better fortune
at his handes.
The next day being the tenth of August, the weather
reasonably fayre, they put into the foresayde Har-
borough, having their Boate for their better securitie
sounding before their Shippe. But for all the care and
diligence that could bee taken in sounding the Channell
over and over againe, the Anne Francis came aground
upon a suncken Rocke within the Harborough, and lay
thereon more then halfe drye untill the next flood, when
by Gods Almighty providence, contrary almost to all
expectation, they came afloat againe, being forced all that
time to undersette their Shippe with their mayne Yarde,
which otherwise was likely to overset and put thereby in
danger the whole company. They had above two
thousand strokes together at the Pumpe, before they
could make their Shippe free of the water againe, so sore
shee was brused by lying upon the Rockes. The Moone
came safely, and roade at anchor by the Anne Francis,
whose helpe in their necessitie they could not well have
missed.
Now whilest the Mariners were romaging their Shippes,
and mending that which was amisse, the Miners followed
their labour for getting together of sufficient quantitie of
Ore, and the Carpenters indevoured to doe their best for
the making up of the Boate or Pinnesse : which to bring
to passe, they wanted two speciall and most necessarie
things, that is, certaine principall tymbers that are called
Knees, which are the chiefest strength of any Boate, and
also nayles, wherewithall to joyne the plancks together.
Whereupon having by chance a Smyth amongst them,
(and yet unfurnished of his necessary tooles to worke and
make nayles withall) they were faine of a gunne chamber
to make an Anvile to worke upon, and to use a pickaxe
356
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
. „ . 1578.
in stead of a sledge to beate withall, and also to occupy
two small bellowes in steade of one payre of greater
Smiths bellowes. And for lacke of small Yron for the
easier making of the nayles, they were forced to breake
their tongs, grydiron, and fireshovell in pieces.
The eleventh of August the Captaine of the Anne
Francis taking the Master of his Shippe with him, went
up to the toppe of Hattons Hedland, which is the highest HattonsHed-
land of all the streights, to the ende to descry the land'
situation of the Countrey underneath, and to take a true
plotte of the place, whereby also to see what store of Yce
was yet left in the streights, as also to search what
Mineral matter or fruite that soyle might yeeld : And
the rather for the honour the said Captaine doeth owe
to that Honourable name which himselfe gave thereunto
the last yeere, in the highest part of this Hedland he
caused his company to make a Columne or Crosse of
stone, in token of Christian possession. In this place
there is plentie of Blacke Ore, and divers pretie stones. Pretie stones.
The seventeenth of August the Captaines with their A mightle
companies chaced and killed a great white Beare, which ™hite Beare.
adventured and gave a fierce assault upon twentie men
being weaponed. And he served them for good meate
many dayes.
The eighteenth of August the Pinnesse with much A Pinnesse
adoe being set together, the sayd Captaine Best deter- e '
mined to depart up the streights, to proove and make
tryall, as before was pretended, some of his company
greatly persuading him to the contrary, and specially the
Carpenter that set the same together, who sayde that hee
would not adventure himselfe therein for five hundreth
pounds, for that the boate hung together but onely by
the strength of the nayles, and lacked some of her
principall knees and tymbers.
These wordes somewhat discouraged some of the
company which should have gone therein. Whereupon
the Captaine, as one not altogether addicted to his owne
selfe-will, but somewhat foreseeing how it might be
357
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
afterwards spoken, if contrary fortune should happen him
(Lo he hath followed his owne opinion and desperate
resolutions, and so thereafter it is befallen him) calling
the Master and Mariners of best judgement together,
declared unto them how much the cause imported him
in his credite to seeke out the Generall, as well to con-
ferre with him of some causes of weight, as otherwise
to make due examination and tryall of the goodnesse of
the Ore, whereof they had no assurance but by gesse of
the eye, and it was well like the other : which so to cary
home, not knowing the goodnesse thereof, might be as
much as if they should bring so many stones. And
therefore hee desired them to deliver their plaine and
honest opinion, whether the Pinnesse were sufficient for
him so to adventure in or no. It was answered, that by
carefull heede taking thereunto amongst the yce, and the
foule weather, the Pinnesse might suffice. And here-
upon the Masters mate of the Anne Francis called John
Gray, manfully and honestly offering himselfe unto his
Captaine in this adventure and service, gave cause to
others of his Mariners to follow the attempt.
And upon the nineteenth of August the sayd Captaine
being accompanied with Captaine Upcote of the Moone,
and eighteene persons in the small Pinnesse, having con-
Tkey adven- venient portion of victuals and things necessary, departed
ture by the Up0n the sayd pretended Voyage, leaving their shippe at
weake pln^ ancnor *n a good readinesse for the taking in of their
nesse. fraight. And having little winde to sayle withall, they
plyed alongst the Souther shore, and passed above 30.
leagues, having the onely helpe of mans labour with
Oares, and so intending to keepe that shore aboord until
they were got up to the farthest and narrowest of the
streights, minded there to crosse over, and to search
likewise alongst the Northerland unto the Countesses
sound, and from thence to passe all that coast along,
whereby if any of the Fleete had bene distressed by
wrecke of rocke or yce, by that meanes they might be
perceived of them, and so they thereby to give them such
353
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1578.
helpe and reliefe as they could. They did greatly feare,
and ever suspect that some of the Fleete were surely
cast away, and driven to seeke sowre sallets amongst the
colde clifFes.
And being shotte up about fortie leagues within the 4°- leagues
Streights, they put over towardes the Norther shore, Wlthtn the
which was not a little dangerous for their small boates.
And by meanes of a sudden flawe were dryven, and faine
to seeke harborough in the night amongst all the rockes
and broken ground of Gabriels Hands, a place so named Gabriels
within the streights above the Countesse of Warwicks an '
sound : And by the way where they landed, they did
finde certaine great stones set up by the Countrey people
as it seemed, for markes, where they also made many
Crosses of stone, in token that Christians had bene there.
The 22. of August they had sight of the Countesses
sound, and made the place perfect from the toppe of a
hill, and keeping along the Norther shore, perceived the
smoke of a fire under a hils side : whereof they diversly [III. 90.]
deemed. When they came neere the place, they per-
ceived people which wafted unto them, as it seemed, with
a flagge or ensigne. And because the Countrey people
had used to doe the like, when they perceived any of our
boats to passe by, they suspected them to be the same.
And comming somewhat neerer, they might perceive
certaine tents, and discerne this ensigne to be of mingled
colours, blacke and white, after the English fashion. But
because they could see no Shippe, nor likelihood of
harborough within five or sixe leagues about, and knewe
that none of our men were woont to frequent those
partes, they could not tell what to judge thereof, but
imagined that some of the ships being carried so high
with the storme and mistes, had made shipwracke amongst
the yce or the broken Islands there, and were spoyled
by the countrey people, who might use the sundry
coloured flagge for a policie, to bring them likewise
within their danger. Whereupon the sayd Captaine with
his companies, resolved to recover the same ensigne, if it
359
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
were so, from those base people, or els to lose their lives,
and all together. In the ende they discerned them to be
their countreymen, and then they deemed them to have
lost their Ships, and so to be gathered together for their
better strength. On the other side, the company ashoare
feared that the Captaine having lost his Shippe, came to
seeke forth the Fleete for his reliefe in his poore Pin-
nisse, so that their extremities caused eche part to suspect
the worst.
The Captaine now with his Pinnisse being come neere
the shoare, commanded his Boate carefully to be kept
aflote, lest in their necessitie they might winne the same
from him, and seeke first to save themselves : for every
Proximus sum man in that case is next himselfe. They haled one
egomet mihi. another according to the manner of the Sea, and de-
maunded what cheere ? and either partie answered the
other, that all was well : whereupon there was a sudden
and joyful! outshoote, with great flinging up of caps, and
a brave voly of shotte to welcome one another. And
truely it was a most strange case to see how joyfull
and gladde every partie was to see themselves meete in
safetie againe, after so strange and incredible dangers :
Yet to be short, as their dangers were great, so their
God was greater.
And here the company were working upon new Mines,
CaptainTorke which Captaine Yorke being here arrived not long
arrived. before, had found out in this place, and it is named the
Countesse of Sussex Mine.
After some conference with our friends here, the
Captaine of the Anne Francis departed towards the
Countesse of Warwicks sound, to speake with the
Generall, and to have tryall made of such mettall as
he had brought thither, by the Goldfiners. And so he
determined to dispatch againe towards his ship. And
having spoken with the General, he received order for
all causes, and direction as well for the bringing up of his
Shippe to the Countesses sound, as also to fraight his
Ship with the same Oare which he himselfe had
360
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
1578.
found, which upon triall made, was supposed to be
very good.
The 23. of August, the sayd Captaine mette together
with the other Captaines (Commissioners in counsell with
the Generall) aboorde the Ayde, where they considered
and consulted of sundry causes, which being particularly
registred by the Notarie, were appoynted where and
how to be done against another yeere.
The 24. of August, the Generall with two Pinnisses
and good numbers of men went to Beares sound, com-
manding the sayde Captaine with his Pinnesse to attend
the service, to see if he could encounter or apprehend any
of the people : for sundry times they shewed themselves
busie thereabouts, sometimes with seven or eyght Boates
in one company, as though they minded to encounter
with our company which were working there at the
Mines, in no great numbers. But when they perceived
any of our Shippes to ryde in that roade (being belike
more amazed at the countenance of a Shippe, and a more
number of men) they did never shewe themselves againe None of the
there at all. Wherefore our men sought with their P^^^riffl
Pinnisses to compasse about the Hand where they did
use, supposing there suddenly to intercept some of them.
But before our men could come neere, having belike
some watch in the toppe of the mountaines, they con-
veyed themselves privily away, and left (as it should
seeme) one of their great dartes behinde them for haste,
which we found neere to a place of their caves and
housing. Therefore, though our Generall were very
desirous to have taken some of them to have brought
into England, they being now growen more wary by
their former losses, would not at any time come within
our dangers. About midnight of the same day, the
captaine of the Anne Francis departed thence and set his
course over the streights towards Hattons Hedland, being
about 15. leagues over, and returned aboord his Shippe
the 25. of August, to the great comfort of his company,
who long expected his comming, where hee found his
361
A.D.
1578.
[in. 91.]
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
A house
builded and
left there.
M. Wolfall a
godly
Preacher.
Shippes ready rigged and loden. Wherefore he departed
from thence againe the next morning towards the
Countesses sound, where he arrived the 28. of the same.
By the way he set his Miners ashore at Beares sound,
for the better dispatch and gathering the Ore togither:
for that some of the ships were behind hand with their
fraight, the time of the yeere passing suddenly away.
The thirtith of August the Anne Francis was brought
aground, and had 8. great leakes mended which she had
received by meanes of the rocks and yce. This day the
Masons finished a house which Captaine Fenton caused
to be made of lyme and stone upon the Countesse of
Warwickes Island, to the ende we might prove against
the next yeere, whither the snow could overwhelme it,
the frost breake it up, or the people dismember the same.
And the better to allure those brutish and uncivill people
to courtesie against other times of our comming, we left
therein divers of our Countrey toyes, as belles, and
knives, wherein they specially delight, one for the neces-
sary use, and the other for the great pleasure thereof.
Also pictures of men and women in lead, men on horse-
backe, looking glasses, whistles, and pipes. Also in the
house was made an Oven, and bread left baked therein
for them to see and taste.
We buried the timber of our pretended fort. Also
here we sowed pease, corne, and other graine, to prove
the fruitfulnesse of the soyle against the next yeere.
Master Wolfall on Winters Fornace preached a godly
sermon, which being ended, he celebrated also a Com-
munion upon the land, at the partaking whereof was the
Captaine of the Anne Francis, and many other Gentlemen
and Souldiers, Mariners, and Miners with him. The
celebration of the divine mystery was the first signe,
seale, and confirmation of Christs name, death, and
passion ever knowen in these quarters. The said M.
Wolfall made sermons, and celebrated the Communion at
sundry other times, in severall and sundry ships, because
the whole company could never meet together at any one
362
MARTIN FROBISHER a.d.
1578.
place. The Fleet now being in some good readinesse for
their lading, the Generall calling together the Gentlemen
and Captaines to consult, told them that he was very
desirous that some further discovery should be attempted,
and that he would not onely by Gods helpe bring home
his Ships laden with Ore, but also meant to bring some
certificate of a further discovery of the Countrey, which
thing to bring to passe (having sometime therein con-
sulted) they found very hard, and almost invincible.
And considering that already they had spent sometime in Consultation
searching out the trending and fashion of the mistaken f°l' afurther
straites, therefore it could not be sayd, but that by this
voyage they have notice of a further discovery, and that
the hope of the passage thereby is much furthered and
encreased, as appeared before in the discourse thereof.
Yet notwithstanding if any meanes might be further
devised, the Captaines were contented and willing, as
the Generall shoulde appoynt and commaund, to take any
enterprise in hand. Which after long debating was
found a thing very impossible, and that rather consulta-
tion was to be had of returning homeward, especially for
these causes following. First the darke foggy mists, the
continuall falling snowe and stormy weather which they
commonly were vexed with, and now daily ever more and
more increased, have no small argument of the Winters
drawing neere. And also the frost every night was so
hard congealed within the sound, that if by evill hap they
should bee long kept in with contrary winds, it was
greatly to be feared, that they should be shut up there
fast the whole yeere, which being utterly unprovided,
would be their utter destruction. Againe, drinke was so
scant throughout all the Fleet by meanes of the great
leakage, that not onely the provision which was layd
in for the habitation was wanting and wasted, but also
each shippes severall provision spent and lost, which
many of our company to their great griefe found in their
returne since, for all the way homewards they dranke
nothing but water. And the great cause of this leakage
363
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
and wasting was, for that the great timber and seacole,
which lay so waighty upon the barrels, brake, bruised,
and rotted the hoopes insunder. Yet notwithstanding
these reasons alleaged the Generall himselfe (willing the
rest of the Gentlemen and Captaines every man to looke
to his severall charge and lading, that against a day
appointed, they should be all in a readinesse to set
homeward) went in a Pinnesse and discovered further
Northward in the straights, and found that by Beares
sound and Halles Island, the land was not firme, as it was
Broken Hands first supposed, but all broken Islands in maner of an
inmanerofan Archipelagus, and so with other secret intelligence to
rcipeagus. himselfe, he returned to the Fleet. Where presently
upon his arrivall at the Countesses sound, he began to
take order for their returning homeward, and first caused
certaine Articles to be proclaimed, for the better keeping
of orders and courses in their returne, which Articles were
delivered to every Captaine.
The Fleetes returning homeward.
Aving now received Articles and directions for our
returne homewards, all other things being in for-
wardnesse and in good order, the last day of August
[III. 92.] the whole Fleete departed from the Countesses sound,
excepting the Judith, and the Anne Francis, who stayed
for the taking in of fresh water, and came the next day
and mette the Fleete lying off and on, athwart Beares
sound, who stayed for the Generall, which then was gone
Returne home- ashore to dispatch the two Barkes and the Busse of
ward. Bridgewater, for their loading, whereby to get the com-
panies and other things aboord. The Captaine of the
Anne Francis having most part of his company ashore,
the first of September went also to Beares sound in his
Pinnesse to fetch his men aboord, but the wind grewe
so great immediatly upon their landing, that the shippes
at Sea were in great danger, and some of them forcibly
put from their ankers, and greatly feared to be utterly
lost, as the Hopewell, wherein was Captaine Carew and
364
H
MARTIN FROBISHER ad.
1578.
others, who could not tell on which side their danger
was most : for having mightie rockes threatning on the
one side, and driving Islands of cutting yce on the other
side, they greatly feared to make shipwracke, the yce
driving so neere them that it touched their bolt-sprit.
And by meanes of the Sea that was growne so hie, they
were not able to put to sea with their small Pinnesses
to recover their shippes. And againe, the shippes were
not able to tarrie or lie athwart for them, by meanes of
the outragious windes and swelling seas. The Generall
willed the Captaine of the Anne Francis with his com-
pany, for that night to lodge aboord the Busse of
Bridgewater, and went himselfe with the rest of his men
aboord the Barkes. But their numbers were so great,
and the provision of the Barkes so scant, that they
pestered one another exceedingly. They had great hope
that the next morning the weather would be faire,
whereby they might recover their shippes. But in the
morning following it was much worse, for the storme
continued greater, the Sea being more swollen, and the
Fleete gone quite out of sight. So that now their doubts
began to grow great : for the ship of Bridgewater which
was of greatest receit, and whereof they had best hope
and made most account, roade so farre to leeward of
the harborowes mouth, that they were not able for the
rockes (that lay betweene the wind and them) to lead
it out to Sea with a saile. And the Barks were already
so pestered with men, and so slenderly furnished with
provision, that they had scarce meat for sixe dayes for
such numbers.
The Generall in the morning departed to Sea in the
Gabriel to seeke the Fleete, leaving the Busse of Bridge-
water, and the Michael behind in Beares sound. The
Busse set sayle, and thought by turning in the narrow
channell within the harborow to get to windward : but
being put to leeward more, by that meanes was faine
to come to anker for her better safetie, amongst a number
of rockes, and there left in great danger of ever getting
365
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
forth againe. The Michael set sayle to follow the
Generall, and could give the Busse no reliefe, although
they earnestly desired the same. And the Captaine of
the Anne Francis was left in hard election of two evils :
eyther to abide his fortune with the Busse of Bridgewater,
which was doubtfull of ever getting forth, or else to bee
towed in his small Pinnesse at the sterne of the Michael
thorow the raging Seas, for that the Barke was not able
to receive or relieve halfe his company, wherein his
danger was not a little perillous.
So after hee resolved to commit himselfe with all his
company unto that fortune of God and Sea, and was
dangerously towed at the sterne of the Barke for many
miles, untill at length they espyed the Anne Francis under
sayle, hard under their Lee, which was no small comfort
unto them. For no doubt, both those and a great
number more had perished for lacke of victuals, and
convenient roome in the Barks without the helpe of
the sayd Ship. But the honest care that the Master of
the Anne Francis had of his Captaine, and the good
regarde of duetie towardes his Generall, suffered him not
to depart, but honestly abode to hazard a dangerous
roade all the night long, notwithstanding all the stormy
weather, when all the Fleete besides departed. And the
Pinnesse came no sooner aboord the shippe, and the
men entred, but shee presently shivered and fell in pieces
and sunke at the ships sterne, with all the poore mens
furniture : so weake was the boat with towing, and so
forcible was the sea to bruise her in pieces. But (as
God would) the men were all saved.
At this present in this storme many of the Fleete
were dangerously distressed, and were severed almost all
asunder. Yet, thanks be to God, all the Fleete arrived
safely in England about the first of October, some in
one place and some in another. But amongst other, it
was most marveilous how the Busse of Bridgewater got
away, who being left behind the Fleete in great danger
of never getting forth, was forced to seeke a way North-
366
A.D.
1578.
An unknozven
channell into
the Northeast,
discovered by
the Busse of
Bridgezvater.
A fruitful
nezu Island
discovered.
DESCRIPTION OF META INCOGNITA
ward thorow an unknowen channell full of rocks, upon
the backe side of Beares sound, and there by good hap
found out a way into the North sea, a very dangerous
attempt: save that necessitie, which hath no law, forced
them to trie masteries. This aforesayd North sea is the
same which lyeth upon the backe side of Frobishers
straits, where first the Generall himselfe in his Pinnesses,
and after some other of our company have discovered [III. 93.]
(as they affirme) a great foreland, where they would have
also a great likelihood of the greatest passage towards the
South sea, or Mar del Sur.
The Busse of Bridgewater, as she came homeward, to
the Southeastward of Friseland, discovered a great Island
in the latitude of 57 degrees and an halfe, which was
never yet found before, and sailed three dayes alongst
the coast, the land seeming to be fruitfull, full of woods,
and a champion Countrey.
There died in the whole Fleet in all this voyage not
above forty persons, which number is not great, con-
sidering how many ships were in the Fleet, and how
strange fortunes we passed.
A generall and briefe description of the Countrey,
and condition of the people, which are found
in Meta Incognita.
Aving now sufficiently and truly set forth
the whole circumstance, and particuler
handling of every occurrent in the 3.
voyages of our worthy Generall, Captaine
Frobisher, it shal not be from the pur-
pose to speake somewhat in generall of
the nature of this Countrey called Meta
Incognita, and the condition of the savages there in-
habiting.
First therefore touching the Topographical description f^f/^f/-^
of the place, It is now found in the last voyage, that ^fultaln*
Queene Elizabeths Cape being situate in latitude at 61. cognita.
367
A.D.
1578.
The people of
Meta Incog-
nita like unto
Samoeds.
Their native
colour.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
degrees and a halfe, which before was supposed to be
part of the firme land of America, and also al the rest
of the South side of Frobishers straites, are all severall
Islands and broken land, and likewise so will all the
North side of the said straites fall out to be as I thinke.
And some of our company being entred above 60. leagues
within the mistaken straites in the third voyage men-
tioned, thought certainely that they had discryed the
firme land of America towards the South, which I thinke
will fall out so to be.
These broken lands and Islands being very many in
number, do seeme to make there an Archipelagus, which
as they all differ in greatnesse, forme, and fashion one
from another ; so are they in goodnesse, colour, and
soyle much unlike. They all are very high lands, moun-
taines, and in most parts covered with snow even all
the Sommer long. The Norther lands have lesse store
of snow, more grasse, and are more plaine Countreys :
the cause whereof may be, for that the Souther Hands
receive all the snow, that the cold winds and percing
ayre bring out of the North. And contrarily, the North
parts receive more warme blasts of milder ayre from the
South, whereupon may grow the cause why the people
covet to inhabit more upon the North parts then the
South, as farre as we can yet by our experience perceive
they doe. These people I judge to be a kind of Tartar,
or rather a kind of Samoed, of the same sort and
condition of life that the Samoeds bee to the North-
eastwards beyond Moscovy, who are called Samoeds,
which is as much to say in the Moscovy tongue as
eaters of themselves, and so the Russians their borderers
doe name them. And by late conference with a friend
of mine (with whom I did sometime travell in the parts
of Moscovy) who hath great experience of those Samoeds
and people of the Northeast, I find that in all their maner
of living, those people of the Northeast, and these of the
Northwest are like. They are of the colour of a ripe
Olive, which how it may come to passe, being borne
368
ir DP THE NI-.W WORM
DESCRIPTION OF META INCOGNITA a.d.
1578.
in so cold a climate I referre to the judgement of others,
for they are naturally borne children of the same colour
and complexion that all the Americans are, which dwell
under the Equinoctiall line.
They are men very active and nimble. They are a
strong people and very warlike, for in our sight upon
the toppes of the hilles they would often muster them-
selves, and after the maner of a skirmish trace their
ground very nimbly, and mannage their bowes and dartes
with great dexterity. They go clad in coates made of Their apparel
the skinnes of beasts, as of Seales, Deere, Beares, Foxes,
and Hares. They have also some garments of feathers,
being made of the cases of Foules, finely sowed and
compact togither. Of all which sorts wee brought home
some with us into England, which we found in their
tents. In Sommer they use to weare the hairie side of
their coates outward, and sometime goe naked for too
much heate. And in Winter (as by signes they have
declared) they weare foure or five folde upon their bodies
with the haire (for warmth) turned inward. Hereby it
appeareth, that the ayre there is not indifferent, but
either it is fervent hote, or els extreme cold, & farre
more excessive in both qualities, then the reason of the
climate should yeeld. For there it is colder, being
under 62. degrees in latitude, then it is at Wardhouse
in the voyage to Saint Nicholas in Moscovie, being at
above 72. degrees in latitude. The reason hereof perhaps The acciden-
may be, that this Meta Incognita is much frequented ^f"™/^
and vexed with Easterne and Northeastern winds, which Meta Incog_
from the sea and yce bringeth often an intollerable cold nita.
ayre, which was also the cause that this yeere our straits
were so long shut up with so great store of yce. But
there is great hope and likelihood, that further within [III. 94.]
the Straights it will bee more constant and temperate
weather.
These people are in nature very subtill and sharpe
witted, ready to conceive our meaning by signes, and
to make answere well to be understood againe. And if
vii 369 2 A
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
they have not seene the thing whereof you aske them,
they will wincke, or cover their eyes with their hands,
as who would say, it hath bene hid from their sight.
If they understand you not whereof you aske them,
they wil stop their eares. They will teach us the names
of each thing in their language which wee desire to
learne, and are apt to learne any thing of us. They
The Savages delight in Musicke above measure, and will keepe time
delight in ancj s^oke to any tune which you shall sing, both with
their voyce, head, hand and feete, and will sing the
same tune aptly after you. They will row with our
Ores in our boates, and keepe a true stroke with our
Mariners, and seeme to take great delight therein.
Hard kind of They live in Caves of the earth, and hunt for their
living, dinners or praye, even as the beare or other wild beastes
do. They eat raw flesh and fish, and refuse no meat
howsoever it be stinking. They are desperate in their
fight, sullen of nature, and ravenous in their maner of
feeding.
Their sullen & desperate nature doth herein mani-
festly appeare, that a company of them being environed
by our men on the top of a hie cliffe, so that they
could by no meanes escape our hands, finding them-
selves in this case distressed, chose rather to cast
themselves headlong down the rocks into the sea, and
so be bruised and drowned, rather then to yeeld them-
selves to our mens mercies.
Their wea- For their weapons to offend their enemies or kill
pons, their prey withall, they have darts, slings, bowes, and
arrowes headed with sharpe stones, bones, and some
with yron. They are exceeding friendly and kind
hearted one to the other, and mourne greatly at the
losse or harme of their fellowes, and expresse their griefe
of mind, when they part one from another with a
Their chastity, mourneful song, and Dirges. They are very shamefast
in bewraying the secrets of nature, and very chaste in the
maner of their living : for when the man, which wee
brought from thence into England the last voyage,
37o
DESCRIPTION OF META INCOGNITA a.d.
1578.
should put off his coat or discover his whole body for
change, hee would not suffer the woman to bee present,
but put her forth of his Cabin. And in all the space
of two or three moneths, while the man lived in com-
pany of the woman, there was never any thing seene
or perceived betweene them, more then might have
passed betweene brother and sister : but the woman was
in all things very serviceable for the man, attending him
carefully when he was sicke, and he likewise in all the
meates which they did eate together, woulde carve
unto her of the sweetest, fattest, and best morsels they
had. They wondred much at all our things, and were
afraid of our horses and other beasts out of measure.
They began to grow more civill, familiar, pleasant, and
docible amongst us in very short time.
They have boates made of leather, and covered cleane Their boates.
over saving one place in the middle to sit in, planked
within with timber, and they use to row therein with
one Ore, more swiftly a great deale, then we in our
boates can doe with twentie. They have one sort of
greater boates wherein they can carrie above twentie per-
sons, and have a Mast with a saile thereon, which saile
is made of thinne skinnes or bladders, sowed togither
with the sinewes of fishes.
They are good Fishermen, and in their small Boates
being disguised with their coates of Seales skinnes, they
deceive the fish, who take them rather for their fellow
Seales, then for deceiving men.
They are good marke-men. With their dart or arrow
they will commonly kill a Ducke, or any other foule in
the head, and commonly in the eye.
When they shoote at a great fish with any of their
darts, they use to tye a bladder thereunto, whereby they
may the better find them againe, and the fish not able
to cary it so easily away (for that the bladder doth boy
the dart) will at length be wearie, and dye therewith. ^^J?fwW
They use to trafiike and exchange their commodities nat-wn m_
with some other people, of whom they have such things knowen.
37i
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
as their miserable Countrey, and ignorance of Art to
make, denieth them to have, as barres of yron, heads of
yron for their darts, needles made foure square, certaine
buttons of copper, which they use to weare upon their
forehads for ornament, as our Ladies in the Court of
England doe use great pearle.
Gold. Also they have made signes unto us, that they have
seene gold, and such bright plates of mettals, which are
used for ornaments amongst some people with whom
they have conference.
We found also in their tents a Guiny Beane of redde
colour, the which doth usually grow in they hote
Countreys : whereby it appeareth they trade with other
nations which dwell farre off, or else themselves are
great travellers.
Their fewell. They have nothing in use among them to make fire
withall, saving a kinde of Heath and Mosse which
groweth there.
[III. 95.] And they kindle their fire with continuall rubbing and
How they fretting one sticke against another, as we doe with flints.
a ejitt They drawe with dogges in sleads upon the yce, and
remoove their tents therewithall wherein they dwell in
Sommer, when they goe a hunting for their praye and
provision against Winter. They doe sometime parboyle
Their kettles their meat a little and seeth the same in kettles made of
and pannes. beasts skins : they have also pannes cut and made of
stone very artificially ; they use prety ginnes wherewith
they take foule. The women carry their sucking children
at their backes, and doe feede them with raw flesh, which
first they do a little chaw in their owne mouths. The
women have their faces marked or painted over with
small blewe spots : they have blacke and long haire on
their heads, and trimme the same in a decent order. The
men have but little haire on their faces, and very thinne
beards. For their common drinke, they eate yce to
quench their thirst withall. Their earth yeeldeth no
eate vrasse and graine or fru*t of sustenance for man, or almost for beast
shrubs. to live upon : and the people will eate grasse and shrubs
372
DESCRIPTION OF META INCOGNITA a.d.
1578.
of the ground, even as our kine doe. They have no wood
growing in their Countrey thereabouts, and yet wee find
they have some timber among them, which we thinke
doth growe farre off to the Southwards of this place,
about Canada, or some other part of New found land :
for there belike, the trees standing on the cliffes of
the sea side, by the waight of yce and snow in Winter
overcharging them with waight, when the Sommers thaw
commeth above, and also the Sea underletting them
beneath, which winneth dayly of the land, they are
undermined and fall downe from those cliffes into the
Sea, and with the tydes and currents are driven to and fro
upon the coastes further off, and by conjecture are taken
up here by these Countrey people, to serve them to
planke and strengthen their boates withall, and to make
dartes, bowes, and arrowes, and such other things neces-
sarie for their use. And of this kind of drift wood we
find all the Seas over great store, which being cut or
sawed asunder, by reason of long driving in the Sea is
eaten of wormes, and full of holes, of which sort theirs
is found to be.
We have not yet found any venemous Serpent or A strange kind
other hurtful thing in these parts, but there is a kind of °fSnaL
small flie or gnat that stingeth and offendeth sorely,
leaving many red spots in the face, and other places
where she stingeth. They have snow and haile in the
best time of their Sommer, and the ground frosen three
fadome deepe.
These people are great inchanters, and use many Inchanters,
charmes of witchcraft : for when their heads doe ake,
they tye a great stone with a string unto a sticke, and
with certaine prayers and wordes done to the sticke,
they lift up the stone from ground, which sometimes
with all a mans force they cannot stirre, and sometime
againe they lift as easily as a fether, and hope thereby
with certaine ceremonious wordes to have ease and helpe.
And they made us by signes to understand, lying
groveling with their faces upon the ground, and making
373
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1578.
a noise downeward, that they worship the devill under
them.
The beasts and They have great store of Deere, Beares, Hares, Foxes,
Countrei * an<^ innumerable numbers of sundry sorts of wild foule,
as Seawmewes, Guiles, Wilmotes, Ducks, &c. wherof
our men killed in one day fifteene hundred.
They have also store of riaukes, as Falkons, Tassels, &c.
whereof two alighted upon one of our ships at their
returne, and were brought into England, which some
thinke wil prove very good.
There are also great store of ravens, larkes, and
partriges, wherof the Countrey people feed.
All these foules are farre thicker clothed with downe
and fethers, and have thicker skinnes then any in Eng-
land have: for as that countrey is colder, so nature hath
provided a remedie thereunto.
Our men have eaten of the Beares, Hares, Partridges,
Larkes, and of their wild foule, and find them reasonable
good meat, but not so delectable as ours.
Their wild foule must be all fleine, their skins are so
thicke : and they tast best fryed in pannes.
The Countrey seemeth to be much subject to Earth-
quakes.
The ayre is very subtile, piercing and searching, so
that if any corrupted or infected body, especially with
the disease called Morbus Gallicus come there, it will
presently breake forth and shew it selfe, and cannot
there by any kind of salve or medicine be cured.
Their longest Sommers day is of great length, without
any darke night, so that in July al the night long, we
might perfitly and easily write and reade whatsoever had
pleased us, which lightsome nights were very beneficiall
unto us, being so distressed with abundance of yce as
we were.
1 Ae length of The Sunne setteth to them in the Evening at a quarter
/ en ay. Qf an ]loure after teiine 0f the clocke, and riseth againe
in the morning at three quarters of an houre after one
of the clocke, so that in Sommer their Sunne shineth to
374
ADRIAN GILBERT'S LETTERS PATENTS
A.D.
1587.
A full revolu-
tion of the
Moone above
their Horizon.
them twenty houres and a halfe, and in the night is
absent three houres and a halfe. And although the
Sunne bee absent these 3. houres and a halfe, yet it is
not darke that time, for that the Sunne is never above [III. 96.]
three or foure degrees under the edge of their Horizon :
the cause is, that the Tropicke of Cancer doth cut their
Horizon at very uneven and oblique Angles. But the
Moone at any time of the yeere being in Cancer, having
North latitude, doth make a full revolution above their
Horizon, so that sometime they see the Moone above
24. houres togither. Some of our company of the more
ignorant sort, thought we might continually have seene
the Sunne and the Moone, had it not bene for two or
three high mountaines.
The people are now become so warie, and so circum-
spect, by reason of their former losses, that by no meanes
we can apprehend any of them, although wee attempted
often in this last voyage. But to say trueth, wee could
not bestow any great time in pursuing them, because
of our great businesse in lading, and other things.
The Letters patents of the Queenes Majestie,
granted to Master Adrian Gylbert and others,
for the search and discovery of the North-
west Passage to China.
Lizabeth by the grace of God of England,
France, and Ireland Queene, defender of
the faith, &c. To all, to whome these
presents shall come, greeting : Forasmuch
as our trustie and welbeloved subject
Adrian Gylbert of Sandridge in the
Countie of Devon, Gentleman, to his
great costes and charges, hath greatly and earnestly
travelled and sought, and yet doth travell and seeke,
and by divers meanes indevoureth and laboureth, that
the Passage unto China and the lies of the Moluccas,
by the Northwestward, Northeastward, or Northward,
375
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1583.
unto which part or partes of the world, none of our
loyall Subjects have hitherto had any traffique or trade,
may be discovered, knowen, and frequented by the
Subjects of this our Realme : Knowe yee therefore that
for the considerations aforesayd and for divers other
good considerations us thereunto specially mooving.
We of our grace especiall, certaine knowledge, and
meere motion, have given and granted, and by these
presents for us, our heires and successors, doe give
and grant free libertie, power, and full authoritie to the
sayd Adrian Gylbert, and to any other person by him
or his heires to be assigned, and to those his associates
and assistants, whose names are written in a Scedule
hereunto annexed, and to their heires, and to one
assignee of each of them, and each of their heires at all
times, and at any time or times after the date of these
presents, under our Banners and Ensignes freely, with-
out let, interruption, or restraint, of us, our heires or
successors, any law, statute, proclamation, patent, charter,
or proviso to the contrary notwithstanding, to saile,
make voyage, and by any maner of meanes to passe
and to depart out of this our Realme of England, or
any our Realmes, Dominions, or Territories into all or
any Isles, Countreys, Regions, Provinces, Territories,
Seas, Rivers, Portes, Bayes, Creekes, armes of the Sea,
and all Havens, and all maner of other places whatso-
ever, that by the sayde Northwestward, Northeastward,
or Northward, is to be by him, his associates or assignes
discovered, and for and in the sayde sayling, voyage,
and passage, to have and use so many shippes, Barkes,
Pinnesses, or other vessels of any quantitie or burthen,
with all the furniture of men, victuals, and all maner
of necessary provision, armour, weapons, ordinance,
targets, and appurtinances whatsoever, as to such a
voyage shall or may be requisite, convenient or com-
modious, any lawe, statute, ordinance or proviso to the
contrary thereof notwithstanding. And also we doe
give and grant to the sayde Adrian Gylbert, and his
376
ADRIAN GILBERT'S LETTERS PATENTS ad.
1583.
sayde associates, and to such assignee of him, and his
heires, and to the heires and one assignee of every of
his sayde associates for ever, full power and absolute
authoritie to trade and make their resiance in any of
the sayde Isles, Countreys, Regions, Provinces, Terri-
tories, Seas, Rivers, Portes, Bayes, and Havens, and
all maner of other places whatsoever with all commodi-
ties, profites, and emoluments in the sayde places or
any of them, growing and arising, with all maner of
priviledges, prerogatives, jurisdictions and royalties both
by sea and land whatsoever, yeelding and paying there-
fore unto us, our heires and successors, the tenth part
of all such golde and silver oare, pearles, jewels, and
precious stones, or the value thereof, as the sayd Adrian
Gylbert and his sayd associates, their heires and assignes,
servants, factors, or workemen, and every or any of them
shall finde, the sayd tenth to bee delivered duely to our
Customer, or other officers by us, our heires or successors
thereunto assigned, in the Portes of London, Dartmouth,
or Plimmouth, at which three places onely the sayde
Adrian Gylbert, and his sayde associates, their sayde
heires and assignes, shall lade, charge, arrive, and dis-
charge all maner of wares, goods, and merchandizes
whatsoever to the sayde voyage, and newe trade belong-
ing or appertaining. And moreover, wee have given,
granted, and authorized, and by these presents for us, [III. 97.]
our heires and successors, of our grace especiall, certaine
knowledge, and meere motion, doe give, graunt, and
authorize the sayd Adrian Gilbert, and his sayd associats
for ever, their heires and their said assignes & every
of them, that if the aforesayd lies, Countreys, Regions,
Provinces, Territories, Seas, Rivers, Ports, Bayes, or
Havens, or any other of the premisses by the sayd
Adrian Gylbert or his associats, their heires and their
said assignes or any of them, to be found by them, dis-
covered and traffiqued unto by any trade as aforesayd,
shall be by any other our subjects visited, frequented,
haunted, traded unto or inhabited by the wayes afore-
377
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1583-
sayd, without the special licence in writing of the said
Adrian Gylbert and his associats, and their heires and
assignes for ever, or by the most part of them, so
that the sayd Adrian Gilbert, his heires or assignes
be one of them, that then aswell their ship, or ships
in any such voyage or voyages be used, as all and
singuler their goods, wares, and marchandizes, or any
other things whatsoever, from or to any of the
places aforesayd transported, that so shall presume to
visit, frequent, haunt, trade unto, or inhabite, shall be
forfaited and confiscated, ipso facto, the one halfe of the
same goods and marchandizes, or other things whatso-
ever, or the value thereof to be to the use of us, our
heires or successours, and the other moytie thereof to
be to the use of the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his sayd
associats, their heires and assignes for ever : and unto
the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his sayd associats, their
heires and assignes wee impose, give, assigne, create
and confirme this name peculiar to be named by, to
sue and to be sued by, that is to wit, by the name
The collegues Qf the Colleagues of the fellowship for the discoverie
of the fellow- Qf ^ Northwest passage, and them for us, our heires
ship for the , 1 1 & 1 j 1
discovery of the anc^ successours by that name doe incorporate, and doe
Northwest erect and create as one body corporate to have con-
passage. ti nuance for ever. Moreover unto the sayd Adrian
Gylbert, and his said associats, and unto their heires
and their sayd assignes for ever, by name of the
Colleagues of the fellowship, for the discoverie of the
Northwest passage, we have given, granted, and con-
firmed, and doe by these presents give, grant, and
confirme full power and authoritie from time to time,
and at all times hereafter, to make order, decree and
enact, constitute and ordeine, and appoynt all such
ordinances, orders, decrees, lawes, and actes, as the
sayd new corporation or body politique, Colleagues
of the fellowship for the discoverie of the North-
west passage, shall thinke meete, necessary, and con-
venient, so that they or any of them be not contrary
378
ADRIAN GILBERTS LETTERS PATENTS a.d.
1583.
to the lawes of this realme, and of this our present
graunt.
And we by our Royall prerogative, and fulnesse of
our authority, of our grace especiall, certaine knowledge
and meere motion, do establish, confirme & ratifle all
such ordinances, orders, decrees, lawes and acts to be
in so full and great power and authority, as we, our
heires or successours may or can in any such case
graunt, confirme, or ratifle. And further for the better
incouragement of our loving subjects in this discoverie,
we by our Royall prerogative, and fulnesse of authority
for us, our heires and successours, doe give, graunt,
establish, confirme, ordeine, ratifie and allow by these
presents, to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and to his asso-
ciates, and to the heires and assignes of them and
every of them for ever, and to all other person or
persons of our loving subjects whatsoever that shall
hereafter travaile, sayle, discover, or make voyage as
aforesayd to any the lies, Mainelands, Countreys or
Territories whatsoever, by vertue of this our graunt to
be discovered, that the heires and assignes of them and
every of them being borne within any of the lies,
Mainelands and Countreys, or Territories whatsoever
before mentioned, shall have and injoy all the privileges
of free Denizens, as persons native borne within this Free Deniza-
our Realme of England, or within our allegiance for twn grante"-
ever, in such like ample maner and forme, as if they
were or had bene borne and personally resiant within
our sayd Realme, any law, statute, proclamation, cus-
tome or usage to the contrary hereof in any wise not-
withstanding.
Moreover, for the consideration aforesayd by vertue
hereof, we give and graunt unto the sayd Adrian
Gylbert, his heires and assignes for ever, free libertie,
licence and privilege, that during the space of five This Patent
veeres next and immediatlv ensuing- the date hereof, it remain^dtn
force five
shall not be lawfull for any person or persons what- »eereSm
soever, to visit, haunt, frequent, trade, or make voyage
379
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1583.
to any lies. Mainlands, Countreys, Regions, Provinces,
Territories, Seas, Rivers, Ports, Bayes, and Havens, nor
to any other Havens or places whatsoever hitherto not
yet discovered by any of our subjects by vertue of
this graunt to be traded unto, without the special con-
sent and good liking of the said Adrian Gylbert, his
heires or assignes first had in writing. And if any
person or persons of the associats of the sayd Adrian,
his heires or assignes, or any other person or persons
whatsoever, free of this discovery, shall do any act or
acts contrary to the tenour and true meaning hereof,
during the space of the sayd five yeeres, that then the
partie and parties so offending, they and their heires
for ever shall loose (ipso facto) the benefite and
privilege of this our graunt, and shall stand and remaine
to all intents and purposes as persons exempted out of
this graunt.
[III. 98.] And further by vertue hereof wee give and graunt,
for us, our heires and successours at all times during
the space of five yeers next ensuing the date hereof,
Authoritle to libertie and licence, and full authority to the sayd
proceeded Sea Adrian Gylbert, and his heires and assignes, that if it
mutiners shall happen any one or moe in any ship or ships
sayling on their sayd voyage, to become mutinous,
seditious, disordered, or any way unruly to the prejudice
or hinderance of the hope for the successe in the
attempt or prosecuting of this discoverie or trade in-
tended, to use or execute upon him or them so offend-
ing, such punishment, correction, or execution, as the
cause shall be found in justice to require by the verdict
of twelve of the companie sworne thereunto, as in
such a case apperteineth : That expresse mention of the
certaintie of the premisses, or of other gifts or graunts
by us to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his associats
before this time made is not mentioned in these
presents, or any other lawe, act, statute, proviso,
graunt, or proclamation heretofore made or hereafter to
be made to the contrary hereof in any wise notwith-
380
JOHN DAVIS a.d.
1585.
standing. In witnesse whereof we have made these
our Letters to bee made patents : Witnesse our selfe 1583.
at Westminster, the sixt day of Februarie, in the sixe
and twenty yeere of our reigne.
The first voyage of M. John Davis, undertaken
in June 1585. for the discoverie of the North-
west passage, Written by M. John Janes
Marchant, sometimes servant to the worship-
full Master William Sanderson.
Ertaine Honourable personages and wor-
thy Gentlemen of the Court & Countrey,
with divers worshipful Marchants of
London and of the West Countrey,
mooved with desire to advance Gods
glory and to seeke the good of their
native Countrey, consulting together of
the likelyhood of the Discoverie of the Northwest
passage, which heretofore had bene attempted, but un-
happily given over by accidents unlooked for, which
turned the enterprisers from their principall purpose,
resolved after good deliberation, to put downe their
adventures to provide for necessarie shipping, and a fit
man to be chiefe Conductour of this so hard an enter-
prise. The setting forth of this Action was committed
by the adventurers, especially to the care of M. William
Sanderson Marchant of London, who was so forward
therein, that besides his travaile which was not small,
hee became the greatest adventurer with his purse, and
commended unto the rest of the companie one M. John
Davis, a man very well grounded in the principles of
the Arte of Navigation, for Captaine and chiefe Pilot
of this exployt.
Thus therefore all things being put in a readines,
wee departed from Dartmouth the seventh of June,
towards the discoverie of the aforesayd Northwest
passage, with two Barkes, the one being of 50. tunnes,
381
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1585.
named the Sunneshine of London, and the other being
35. tunnes, named the Mooneshine of Dartmouth. In
the Sunneshine we had 23. persons, whose names are
these following, M. John Davis Captaine, William Eston
Master, Richard Pope Masters mate, John Jane Mar-
chant, Henry Davie gunner, William Crosse boatswayne,
John Bagge, Walter Arthur, Luke Adams, Robert
Coxworthie, John Ellis, John Kelley, Edward Helman,
Musitians. William Dicke, Andrew Maddocke, Thomas Hill,
Robert Wats Carpenter, William Russell, Christopher
Gorney boy : James Cole, Francis Ridley, John Russell,
Robert Cornish Musicians.
The Mooneshine had 19. persons, William Bruton
Captaine, John Ellis Master, the rest Mariners.
The 7. of June the Captaine and the Master drewe
out a proportion for the continuance of our victuals.
The 8. day the wind being at Southwest and West
southwest, we put in for Falmouth, where we remained
untill the 13.
The 13. the wind blew at North, and being faire
weather we departed.
The 14. with contrary wind we were forced to put
into Silley.
The 15. wee departed thence, having the wind North
and by East moderate and faire weather.
The 16. wee were driven backe againe, and were
constrained to arrive at newe Grymsby in Silley : here
the winde remained contrary 12. dayes, and in that
space the Captaine, the Master and I went about all
the Hands, and the Captaine did plat out and describe
the situation of all the Hands, rocks and harboroughs
to the exact use of Navigation, with lines and scale
thereunto convenient.
They depart The 28. in Gods name we departed the wind being
from Silley. Easterly but calme.
July. The first of July wee sawe great store of Porposes ;
The Master called for an harping yron, and shot twise
or thrise : sometimes he missed, and at last shot one
382
JOHN DAVIS a.d.
1585.
and strooke him in the side, and wound him into the [III. 99.]
ship : when we had him aboord, the Master sayd it
was a Darlie head.
The 2. we had some of the fish sodden, and it did
eat as sweete as any mutton.
The 3. wee had more in sight, and the Master went to
shoote at them, but they were so great, that they burst
our yrons, and we lost both fish, yrons, pastime and all :
yet neverthelesse the Master shot at them with a pike,
and had welnigh gotten one, but he was so strong that
he burst off the barres of the pike and went away :
then he tooke the boat-hooke, and hit one with that,
but all would not prevaile, so at length we let them
alone.
The 6. we saw a very great Whale, and every day
we saw whales continually.
The 16. 17. and 18. we saw great store of Whales. Great store of
The 19. of July we fell into a great whirling and whales-
brustling of a tyde, setting to the Northwards : and
sayling about halfe a league wee came into a very calme
Sea, which bent to the Southsouthwest. Here we heard
a mighty great roaring of the Sea, as if it had bene the
breach of some shoare, the ayre being so foggie and full of
thicke mist, that we could not see the one ship from the
other, being a very small distance asunder : so the
Captaine and the Master being in distrust how the tyde
might set them, caused the Mooneshine to hoyse out
her boate and to sound, but they could not finde ground
in 300. fathoms and better. Then the Captaine, Master,
and I went towards the breach, to see what it should be,
giving charge to our gunners that at every glasse they
should shoote off a musket-shot, to the intent we might
keepe our selves from loosing them. Then comming
nere to the breach, we met many Hands of yce floting,
which had quickly compassed us about: then we went The routing cf
upon some of them, and did perceive that all the roaring the yce together
which we heard, was caused onely by the rowling of this roar'infr
yce together : Our companie seeing us not to returne
383
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1585.
according to our appoyntment, left off shooting muskets,
and began to shoote falkonets, for they feared some
mishap had befallen us, but before night we came aboord
Yceturnedinto againe with our boat laden with yce, which made very
water. good fresh water. Then wee bent our course toward
the North, hoping by that meanes to double the land.
The 20. as we sayled along the coast the fogge brake
up, and we discovered the land, which was the most
deformed rockie and mountainous land that ever we saw :
The first sight whereof did shew as if it had bene in
forme of a sugar-loafe, standing to our sight above the
cloudes, for that it did shew over the fogge like a white
liste in the skie, the tops altogether covered with snow,
and the shoare beset with yce a league off into the Sea,
making such yrkesome noyse as that it seemed to be the
true patterne of desolation, and after the same our
The land of Captaine named it, The land of Desolation.
Desolation. T\\z 2i. the winde came Northerly and overblew, so
that we were constrained to bend our course South
againe, for we perceived that we were runne into a very
deepe Bay, where wee were almost compassed with yce,
for we saw very much toward the Northnortheast, West,
and Southwest : and this day and this night wee cleared
our selves of the yce, running Southsouthwest along
the shoare.
Upon Thursday being the 22. of this moneth, about
three of the clocke in the morning, wee hoysed out our
boate, and the Captaine with sixe saylers went towards
the shoare, thinking to find a landing place, for the night
before we did perceive the coast to be voyde of yce to
our judgement, and the same night wee were all per-
swaded that we had seene a Canoa rowing along the
shoare, but afterwards we fell in some doubt of it, but we
had no great reason so to doe. The Captaine rowing
towards the shoare, willed the Master to beare in with
the land after him, and before he came neere the shoare
by the space of a league, or about two miles, hee found
so much yce, that hee could not get to land by any
384
JOHN DAVIS ad.
1585.
meanes. Here our mariners put to their lines to see if
they could get any fish, because there were so many
seales upon the coast, and the birds did beate upon the
water, but all was in vaine : The water about this place v*n blacke
was very blacke and thicke like to a filthy standing poole, water-
we sounded and had ground in 120. fathoms. While
the Captaine was rowing to the shoare, our men sawe
woods upon the rocks like to the rocks of Newfoundland,
but I could not discerne them, yet it might be so very
well : for we had wood floting upon the coast every day, Floting wood.
and the Mooneshine tooke up a tree at Sea not farre from
the coast being sixtie foote of length and foureteene
handfuls about, having the roote upon it : After this the
Captaine came aboord, the weather being very calme and
faire we bent our course toward the South, with intent
to double the land.
The 23. we coasted the land which did lie East-
northeast and Westsouthwest.
The 24. the winde being very faire at East, we coasted
the land which did lie East and West, not being able to
come neere the shoare by reason of the great quantitie of
yce. At this place, because the weather was somewhat Coldebyreason
colde by reason of the yce, and the better to encourage °fyce-
our men, their allowance was increased : the captaine and [III. 100.]
the master tooke order that every messe, being five
persons, should have halfe a pound of bread and a kan of
beere every morning to breakfast. The weather was not
very colde, but the aire was moderate like to our April-
weather in England : when the winde came from the
land, or the ice, it was some what colde, but when it
came off the sea it was very hote.
The 25 of this moneth we departed from sight of this They saile
land at sixe of the clocke in the morning, directing; our Nort^est-
oj o weird above
course to the Northwestward, hoping in Gods mercy to rQure d
finde our desired passage, and so continued above foure
day^f' - T , ,. . , . . , , Landing
The 29 or July we discovered land in 64 degrees Agrees \$
1 5 minutes of latitude, bearing Northeast from us. The min.
vii 385 2 B
A.D.
1585.
The sound
where our
ships did ride
was called
Gilberts
sound.
Musicians.
The people of
the countrey
came and con-
ferred with
men.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
winde being contrary to goe to the Northwestwards, we
bare in with this land to take some view of it, being
utterly void of the pester of yce and very temperate.
Comming neere the coast, we found many faire sounds
and good roads for shipping, and many great inlets into
the land, whereby we judged this land to be a great
number of Islands standing together. Heere having
mored our barke in good order, we went on shoare upon
a small Island to seeke for water and wood. Upon this
Island we did perceive that there had bene people : for
we found a small shoo and pieces of leather sowed with
sinewes, and a piece of furre, and wooll like to Bever.
Then we went upon another Island on the other side
of our shippes : and the Captaine, the Master, and I,
being got up to the top of an high rocke, the people of
the countrey having espied us, made a lamentable noise,
as we thought, with great outcries and skreechings : we
hearing them, thought it had bene the howling of wolves.
At last I hallowed againe, and they likewise cried. Then
we perceiving where they stood, some on the shoare, and
one rowing in a Canoa about a small Island fast by them,
we made a great noise, partly to allure them to us, and
partly to warne our company of them. Whereupon M.
Bruton and the Master of his shippe, with others of their
company, made great haste towards us, and brought our
Musicians with them from our shippe, purposing either
by force to rescue us, if need should so require, or with
courtesie to allure the people. When they came unto us,
we caused our Musicians to play, our selves dancing, and
making many signes of friendship. At length there came
tenne Canoas from the other Islands, and two of them
came so neere the shoare where we were, that they talked
with us, the other being in their boats a prety way off.
Their pronunciation was very hollow thorow the throat,
and their speech such as we could not understand : onely
we allured them by friendly imbracings and signes of
curtesie. At length one of them pointing up to the
Sunne with his hand, would presently strike his breast so
386
JOHN DAVIS
A.D.
1585.
Canons.
hard that we might heare the blow. This hee did many
times before he would any way trust us. Then John
Ellis the Master of the Mooneshine was appointed to use
his best policie to gaine their friendship ; who strooke
his breast, and pointed to the Sunne after their order :
which when he had divers times done, they beganne to
trust him, and one of them came on shoare, to whom we
threw our cappes, stockings and gloves, and such other
things as then we had about us, playing with our
musicke, and making signes of joy, and dauncing. So
the night comming, we bade them farewell, and went
aboord our barks.
The next morning being the 30 of July there came 37 Thirty seven
Canoas rowing by our ships, calling to us to come on
shoare: we not making any great haste unto them, one
of them went up to the toppe of the rocke, and leapt and
daunced as they had done the day before, shewing us
a seales skinne, and another thing made like a timbrell,
which he did beat upon with a sticke, making a noise Their musike.
like a small drumme. Whereupon we manned our boats
and came to them, they all staying in their Canoas : we
came to the water side were they were : and after we
had sworne by the Sunne after their fashion, they did
trust us. So I shooke hands with one of them, and he
kissed my hand, and we were very familiar with them.
We were in so great credit with them upon this single Great famili-
acquaintance, that we could have any thing they had. ari9 unth the
We bought five Canoas of them : we bought their clothes
from their backs, which were all made of seales skinnes
& birds skinnes ; their buskins, their hose, their gloves,
all being commonly sowed and well dressed : so that we
were fully perswaded that they have divers artificers
among them. We had a paire of buskins of them full of
fine wooll like bever. Their apparell for heat was made
of birds skinnes with their feathers on them. We saw
among them leather dressed like Glovers leather, and
thicke thongs like white leather of a good length. We
had of their darts and oares, and found in them that
387
A.D.
1585.
[III. IOI.]
Divers sorts
ofzvood.
They may
make much
traine, if they
had meanes
how to use it.
Moscovie
glasse.
A fruit like
corinths.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
they would by no meanes displease us, but would give us
whatsoever we asked of them, and would be satisfied
with whatsoever we gave them. They tooke great care
one of another: for when we had bought their boats,
then two other would come and cary him away betweene
them that had solde us his. They are very tractable
people, void of craft or double dealing, and easie to be
brought to any civility or good order : but we judge
them to be idolaters and to worship the Sunne.
During the time of our abode among these Islands we
found reasonable quantity of wood, both firre, spruse and
juniper ; which whether it came floting any great distance
to these places where we found it, or whether it grew in
some great Islands neere the same place by us not yet
discovered, we know not ; but we judge that it groweth
there further into the land then we were, because the
people had great store of darts and oares which they
made none account of, but gave them to us for small
trifles, as points and pieces of paper. We saw about this
coast marveilous great abundance of seales skulling to-
gether like skuls of small fish. We found no fresh water
among these Islands, but onely snow water, whereof we
found great pooles. The cliffes were all of such oare as
M. Frobisher brought from Meta incognita. We had
divers shewes of Study or Muscovy glasse shining not
altogether unlike to Christall. We found an herbe grow-
ing upon the rocks, whose fruit was sweet, full of red
juice, and the ripe ones were like corinths. We found
also birch and willow growing like shrubbes low to the
ground. These people have great store of furres as we
judge. They made shewes unto us the 30 of this
present, which was the second time of our being with
them, after they perceived we would have skinnes and
furres, that they would go into the countrey and come
againe the next day with such things as they had : but
this night the winde comming faire, the captaine and the
master would by no meanes detract the purpose of our
discovery. And so the last of this moneth about foure
388
JOHN DAVIS a.d.
1585.
of the clocke in the morning in Gods name we set saile,
and were all that day becalmed upon the coast.
The first of August we had a faire winde, and so pro- August.
ceeded towards the Northwest for our discovery.
The sixt of August we discovered land in 66 degrees Land in 66
40 minuts of latitude, altogether void from the pester of *e&rees 4°
ice : we ankered in a very faire rode under a brave
mount, the cliffes whereof were as orient as golde. This
mount was named Mount Raleigh. The rode where our
ships lay at anker was called Totnes rode. The sound
which did compasse the mount was named Exeter sound.
The foreland towards the North was called Diers cape.
The foreland towards the South was named Cape Wal-
singham. So soone as we were come to an anker in
Totnes rode under Mount Raleigh, we espied foure white Foure white
beares at the foot of the mount : we supposing them to beares-
be goats or wolves, manned our boats and went towards
them : but when we came neere the shore, we found them
to be white beares of a monstrous bignesse : we being
desirous of fresh victuall and the sport, began to assault
them, and I being on land, one of them came downe the
hill right against me : my piece was charged with hailshot
& a bullet : I discharged my piece and shot him in the
necke; he roared a litle, and tooke the water straight,
making small account of his hurt. Then we followed
him with our boat, and killed him with boare-speares,
& two more that night. We found nothing in their
mawes ; but we judged by their dung that they fed upon
grasse, because it appeared in all respects like the dung of
an horse, wherein we might very plainly see the very
strawes.
The 7 we went on shore to another beare which lay all
night upon the top of an Island under Mount Raleigh,
and when we came up to him he lay fast asleep. I
levelled at his head, and the stone of my piece gave no
fire : with that he looked up, and layed downe his head A huge white
againe : then I shot being charged with two bullets, and beare-
strooke him in the head: he being but amazed fell
389
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1585.
backwards : whereupon we ran all upon him with boare-
speares, and thrust him in the body : yet for all that he
gript away our boare-speares, and went towards the
water ; and as he was going downe, he came backe againe.
Then our Master shot his boare-speare, and strooke him
in the head, and made him to take the water, and
swimme into a cove fast by, where we killed him, and
brought him aboord. The breadth of his forefoot from
one side to the other was foureteene inches over. They
were very fat, so as we were constrained to cast the fat
away. We saw a raven upon Mount Raleigh. We
found withies also growing like low shrubs & flowers
like Primroses in the sayd place. The coast is very
mountainous, altogether without wood, grasse, or earth,
and is onely huge mountaines of stone ; but the bravest
stone that ever we saw. The aire was very moderate in
this countrey.
The 8 we departed from Mount Raleigh, coasting
along the shoare, which lieth Southsouthwest, and East-
northeast.
The 9 our men fell in dislike of their allowance, be-
cause it was too small as they thought : wherupon we
made a new proportion ; every messe being five to a
messe should have foure pound of bread a day, twelve
wine quarts of beere, six Newland fishes ; and the flesh
dayes a gill of pease more : so we restrained them from
their butter and cheese.
[III. 102.] The 1 1 we came to the most Southerly cape of this
land, which we named The Cape of Gods mercy, as being
the place of our first entrance for the discovery. The
weather being very foggy we coasted this North land ; at
length when it brake up, we perceived that we were shot
into a very faire entrance or passage, being in some places
twenty leagues broad, and in some thirty, altogether void
of any pester of ice, the weather very tolerable, and the
water of the very colour, nature and quality of the maine
ocean, which gave us the greater hope of our passage.
Having sailed Northwest sixty leagues in this entrance
390
JOHN DAVIS ad.
r585-
we discovered certaine Islands standing in the midst
thereof, having open passage on both sides. Wherupon
our ships divided themselves, the one sailing on the
North side, the other on the South side of the sayd
Isles, where we stayed five dayes, having the winde at
Southeast, very foggy and foule weather.
The 14 we went on shoare and found signes of people,
for we found stones layed up together like a wall, and
saw the skull of a man or a woman.
The 1 5 we heard dogs houle on the shoare, which we
thought had bene wolves, and therefore we went on
shoare to kill them. When we came on land the dogges
came presently to our boat very gently, yet we thought
they came to pray upon us, and therefore we shot at
them, and killed two : and about the necke of one of
them we found a leatherne coller, wherupon we thought
them to be tame dogs. There were twenty dogs like
mastives with prickt eares and long bush tailes : we
found a bone in the pizels of their dogs. Then we went
farther, and found two sleads made like ours in England :
the one was made of flrre, spruse and oken boords sawen Timber
like inch boords : the other was made all of whale bone, sawen-
& there hung on the tops of the sleads three heads of
beasts which they had killed. We saw here larks, ravens, Fozvle.
and partridges.
The 17 we went on shoare, and in a little thing made
like an oven with stones I found many small trifles, as a
small canoa made of wood, a piece of wood made like an
image, a bird made of bone, beads having small holes An image.
in one end of them to hang about their necks, & other
small things. The coast was very barren without wood
or grasse : the rocks were very faire like marble, full of
vaines of divers colours. We found a seale which was
killed not long before, being fleane, and hid under stones.
Our Captaine and Master searched still for proba- Probabilities
bilities of the passage, and first found, II that this place fir the passage.
was all Islands, with great sounds passing betweene
them.
39*
A.D.
1585.
Wee never
came into any
bay before or
after, but the
waters colour
was altered
very blackish.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Secondly, the water remained of one colour with the
maine ocean without altering.
Thirdly, we saw to the West of those Isles three or
foure whales in a skull, which they judged to come
from a Westerly sea, because to the Eastward we saw
not any whale.
Also as we were rowing into a very great sound lying
Southwest, from whence these whales came, upon the
sudden there came a violent counter-checke of a tide
from the Southwest against the flood which we came
with, not knowing from whence it was mainteined.
Fiftly, in sailing twenty leagues within the mouth of
this entrance we had sounding in 90 fadoms, faire grey
osie sand, and the further we ran into the Westwards
the deeper was the water ; so that hard aboord the shoare
among these Isles we could not have ground in 330
fadoms.
Lastly, it did ebbe and flow sixe or seven fadome up
and downe, the flood comming from divers parts, so as
we could not perceive the chiefe maintenance thereof.
The 18 and 19 our Captaine and Master determined
what was best to doe, both for the safegard of their
credits, and satisfying of the adventurers, and resolved,
if the weather brake up, to make further search.
The 20 the winde came directly against us : so they
altered their purpose, and reasoned both for proceeding
and returning.
The 2 1 the winde being Northwest, we departed from
these Islands ; and as we coasted the South shoare we
saw many faire sounds, whereby we were perswaded that
it was no firme land but Islands.
The 23 of this moneth the wind came Southeast, with
very stormy and foule weather : so we were constrained
to seeke harborow upon the South coast of this entrance,
where we fell into a very faire sound, & ankered in 25
fadoms greene osie sand. Here we went on shore, where
we had manifest signes of people where they had made
their fire, and layed stones like a wall. In this place we
392
JOHN DAVIS
saw foure very faire faulcons ; and M. Bruton tooke
from one of them his prey, which we judged by the
wings and legs to be a snite, for the head was eaten off.
The 24 in the afternoone, the winde comming some-
what faire, we departed from this road, purposing by
Gods grace to returne for England.
The 26 we departed from sight of the North land of
this entrance, directing our course homewards untill the
tenth of the next moneth.
The 10. of September wee fell with The land of desola-
tion, thinking to goe on shoare, but we could get never
a good harborough. That night wee put to sea againe
thinking to search it the next day : but this night arose
a very great storme, and separated our ships, so that we
lost the sight of the Mooneshine.
The 13. about noone (having tried all the night before
with a goose wing) we set saile, & within two houres
after we had sight of the Mooneshine againe: this day
we departed from this land.
The 27. of this moneth we fell with sight of England.
This night we had a marveilous storme and lost the
Mooneshine.
The 30. of September wee came into Dartmouth,
where wee found the Mooneshine being come in not
two houres before.
a.d.
.585.
Faulcons.
Their returne.
September.
[III. 103.]
They saile
from The land
of desolation to
England in
14. dayes.
The second voyage attempted by M. John Davis
with others, for the discovery of the North-
west passage, in Anno 1586.
He 7. day of May, I departed from the
port of Dartmouth for the discovery of
the Northwest passage, with a ship of an
hundred and twentie tunnes named the
Mermayd, a barke of Go. tunnes named
the Sunneshine, a barke of 25- tunnes
named the Mooneshine, and a pinnesse
of tenne tunnes named the North starre.
393
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1586.
Unddis- And the 15. of June I discovered land in the latitude
7eermtnb°' of 6o' degrees> and in longitude from the Meridian of
London Westward 47. degrees, mightily pestered with
yce and snow, so that there was no hope of landing : the
yce lay in some places tenne leagues, in some 20. and
in some 50. leagues off the shore, so that wee were con-
strained to beare into 57. degrees to double the same,
and to recover a free Sea, which through Gods favourable
mercy we at length obtained.
The 29. of June after many tempestuous storms we
againe discovered land, in longitude from the Meridian
of London 58. degr. 30. min. and in latitude 64. being
East from us : into which course sith it please God by
contrary winds to force us, I thought it very necessary to
beare in with it, & there to set up our pinnesse, provided
in the Mermayd to be our scout for this discovery, and
so much the rather because the yere before I had bene
in the same place, and found it very convenient for such
a purpose, wel stored with flote wood, & possessed by a
people of tractable conversation : so that the 29. of this
moneth we arrived within the Isles which lay before this
land, lying North northwest, and South southeast, we
know not how farre. This land is very high & moun-
tainous, having before it on the West side a mighty
company of Isles full of faire sounds, and harboroughs.
This land was very litle troubled with snow, and the
sea altogether voyd of yce.
The ships being within the sounds wee sent our boates
to search for shole water, where wee might anker, which
in this place is very hard to finde : and as the boat went
sounding and searching, the people of the countrey
having espied them, came in their Canoas towards them
with many shoutes and cries : but after they had espied
in the boat some of our company that were the yeere
before here with us, they presently rowed to the boate,
and tooke hold on the oare, and hung about the boate
with such comfortable joy, as would require a long dis-
course to be uttered : they came with the boates to our
394
JOHN DAVIS ad.
1586.
ships, making signes that they knewe all those that the
yeere before had bene with them. After I perceived their Gentle and
joy and small feare of us, my selfe with the Merchants l°vtn£
& others of the company went a shoare, bearing with
me twentie knives : 1 had no sooner landed, but they
lept out of their Canoas and came running to mee and
the rest, and embraced us with many signes of heartie
welcome : at this present there were eighteene of them,
and to eche of them I gave a knife : they offred skinnes
to me for reward, but I made signes that they were not
solde, but given them of courtesie : and so dismissed
them for that time, with signes that they should returne
againe after certaine houres.
The next day with all possible speede the pinnesse was dn 100
landed upon an Isle there to be finished to serve our Canoas mth
£ , , . . 1 • 1 t 1 • divers corn-
purpose tor the discovene, which Isle was so convenient mQ£nties
for that purpose, as that we were very wel able to defend
our selves against many enemies. During the time that
the pinnesse, was there setting up, the people came con-
tinually unto us sometime an hundred Canoas at a time,
sometime fourtie, fiftie, more and lesse, as occasion
served. They brought with them seale skinnes, stagge
skinnes, white hares, Seale fish, samon peale, smal cod,
dry caplin, with other fish, and birds such as the countrey
did yeeld.
My selfe still desirous to have a further search of
this place, sent one of the shipboates to one part of the
lande, and my selfe went to another part to search for the
habitation of this people, with straight commandement [III. 104.]
that there should be no injurie offered to any of the
people, neither any gunne shot.
The boates that went from me found the tents of the Images, trane
people made with seale skinnes set up upon timber, where- °Veiand$eak
in they found great store of dried Caplin, being a litle tu^s
fish no bigger then a pilchard : they found bags of Trane
oyle, many litle images cut in wood, Seale skinnes in
tan-tubs, with many other such trifles, whereof they
diminished nothing.
395
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1586.
Apkinecham- They also found tenne miles within the snowy moun-
pwn countrey. tames a plaine champion countrey, with earth and grasse,
such as our moory and waste grounds of England are :
A goodly river, they went up into a river (which in the narrowest place is
two leagues broad) about ten leagues, finding it still to
continue they knewe not howe farre : but I with my com-
pany tooke another river, which although at the first it
offered a large inlet, yet it proved but a deepe bay, the
ende whereof in foure houres I attained, and there leaving
the boat well manned, went with the rest of my company
three or foure miles into the countrey, but found nothing,
nor saw any thing, save onely gripes, ravens, and small
birds, as larkes and linnets.
The third of July I manned my boat, and went with
fifty Canoas attending upon me up into another sound
where the people by signes willed mee to goe, hoping
to finde their habitation : at length they made signes
that I should goe into a warme place to sleepe, at which
place I went on shore, and ascended the toppe of an
high hill to see into the countrey, but perceiving my
labor vaine, I returned againe to my boat, the people still
following me, and my company very diligent to attend
us, and to helpe us up the rockes, and likewise downe :
at length I was desirous to have our men leape with
them, which was done, but our men did overleape them :
from leaping they went to wrestling, we found them
strong and nimble, and to have skil in wrestling, for
they cast some of our men that were good wrestlers.
The fourth of July we lanched our pinnesse, and had
fortie of the people to helpe us, which they did very
willingly : at this time our men againe wrestled with
them, and found them as before, strong and skilfull.
This fourth of July the Master of the Mermayd went
to certaine Hands to store himselfe with wood, where
A grave with he found a grave with divers buried in it, only covered
aJ.™*Se w^n sea^e skinnes, having a crosse laid over them. The
people are of good stature, wel in body proportioned,
with small slender hands and feet, with broad visages,
396
over.
JOHN DAVIS ad.
1586.
and smal eyes, wide mouthes, the most part unbearded, The Tartars
great lips, and close toothed. Their custome is as often and PeoPle °f
as they go from us, still at their returne to make a new ri!?J!!?j
truce, in this sort, holding his hand up to the Sun with
a lowd voice he crieth Ylyaoute, and striketh his brest
with like signes, being promised safety, he giveth credit.
These people are much given to bleed, and therefore
stop their noses with deeres haire, or the haire of an
elan. They are idolaters and have images great store,
which they weare about them, and in their boats, which
we suppose they worship. They are witches, and have
many kinds of inchantments, which they often used, but
to small purpose, thankes be to God.
Being among them at shore the fourth of July, one
of them making a long oration, beganne to kindle a fire
in this maner : he tooke a piece of a board wherein was
a hole halfe thorow : into that hole he puts the end of
a round stick like unto a bedstaffe, wetting the end
thereof in Trane, and in fashion of a turner with a piece Their matter
of lether, by his violent motion doeth very speedily ofkindBngfire
produce fire : which done, with turfes he made a fire, .* e t° t eir'
F . ' , , ' tn America.
into which with many words and strange gestures, he a fire made of
put diverse things, which wee supposed to be a sacrifice : turfes.
my selfe and divers of my company standing by, they
were desirous to have me go into the smoke, I willed
them likewise to stand in the smoke, which they by no
meanes would do. I then tooke one of them, and thrust
him into the smoke, and willed one of my company to
tread out the fire, & to spurne it into the sea, which was
done to shew them that we did contemne their sorcery.
These people are very simple in all their conversation, Great theeves.
but marveilous theevish, especially for iron, which they
have in great account. They began through our lenitie
to shew their vile nature : they began to cut our cables :
they cut away the Moonelights boat from her sterne,
they cut our cloth where it lay to aire, though we did
carefully looke unto it, they stole our oares, a caliver, a
boare speare, a sword, with divers other things, wherat
397
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1586.
the company and Masters being grieved, for our better
securitie, desired me to dissolve this new friendship, and
to leave the company of these theevish miscreants :
whereupon there was a caliver shot among them, and
immediatly upon the same a faulcon, which strange
noice did sore amaze them, so that with speed they
departed : notwithstanding their simplicitie is such, that
within ten houres after they came againe to us to entreat
peace ; which being promised, we againe fell into a great
league. They brought us Seale skinnes, and sammon
peale, but seeing iron, they could in no wise forbeare
stealing : which when I perceived, it did but minister
unto mee an occasion of laughter, to see their simplicitie,
and I willed that in no case they should bee any more
[III. 105.] hardly used, but that our owne company should be the
more vigilant to keepe their things, supposing it to be
very hard in so short time to make them know their
Their rude evils. They eate all their meat raw, they live most upon
diet- fish, they drinke salt water, and eate grasse and ice with
delight : they are never out of the water, but live in the
nature of fishes, save only when dead sleepe taketh them,
and then under a warme rocke laying his boat upon the
Their wea- la^d, hee lyeth downe to sleepe. Their weapons are all
pons. darts, but some of them have bow and arrowes and slings.
Strange nets. They make nets to take their fish of the finne of a whale :
they do all their things very artificially : and it should
These Is- seeme that these simple theevish Islanders have warre
landers warre wjt]1 those of the maine, for many of them are sore
wit epeope woun(}ed, which wounds thev received upon the maine
of the maine. ' . J r , TTT . ,
land, as by signes they gave us to understand. We had
Copper oare. among them copper oare, black copper, and red copper :
they pronounce their language very hollow, and deepe in
the throat : these words following we learned from them.
Their Ian- Kesinyoh, Eate some.
guage. Madlycoyte, Musicke.
Aginyoh, go fetch.
Yliaoute, I meane no harme.
Ponameg, A boat.
' Paaotyck, An oare.
Asanock, A dart.
I Sawygmeg, A knife.
Uderah, A nose.
k Aoh, Iron.
398
JOHN DAVIS
Blete, An eye.
Unuicke, Give it.
Tuckloak, A stagge or ellan .
Panygmah, A needle.
Aob, The Sea.
Mysacoah, Wash it.
Lethicksaneg, A seale
skinne.
Canyglow, Kisse me.
Ugnera, My sonne.
Acu, Shot.
Conah, Leape.
Maatuke, Fish.
Sambah, Below.
Maconmeg, Wil you have
this.
H
{ Cocah, Go to him.
Aba, Fallen downe.
Icune, Come hither.
Awennye, Yonder.
Nugo, No.
Tucktodo, A fogge.
Lechiksah, A skinne.
Maccoah, A dart.
Sugnacoon, A coat.
Gounah, Come downe.
Sasobneg, A bracelet.
Ugnake, A tongue.
Ataneg, A seale.
Macuah, A beard.
Pignagogah, A threed,
A.D.
I586.
h Quoysah, Give it to me.
The 7. of July being very desirous to search the habi-
tation of this countrey, I went myselfe with our new
pinnesse into the body of the land, thinking it to be a
firme continent, and passing up a very large river, a great
flaw of winde rooke me, whereby wee were constrained
to seeke succour for that night, which being had, I
landed with the most part of my company, and went to
the top of a high mountaine, hoping from thence to see
into the countrey : but the mountaines were so many
and so mighty as that my purpose prevailed not : where-
upon I againe returned to my pinnesse, and willing divers
of my company to gather muscles for my supper, whereof Muscles.
in this place there was great store, my selfe having espied
a very strange sight, especially to me that never before
saw the like, which was a mighty whirlewinde taking up A strange
the water in very great quantitie, furiously mounting it
into the aire, which whirlewinde, was not for a pufFe
or blast, but continual, for the space of three houres,
with very little intermission, which sith it was in the
course that I should passe, we were constrained that
night to take up our lodging under the rockes.
The next morning the storme being broken up, we
399
whirlewinde.
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1586.
went forward in our attempt, and sailed into a mighty
great river directly into the body of the land, and in
briefe, found it to be no flrme land, but huge, waste, and
Great Hands, desert Isles with mighty sounds, and inlets passing
betweene Sea and Sea. Whereupon we returned towards
our shippes, and landing to stoppe a floud, wee found
the burial of these miscreants ; we found of their fish
in bagges, plaices, and caplin dried, of which wee tooke
onely one bagge and departed. The ninth of this
moneth we came to our ships, where wee found the
people desirous in their fashion, of friendship and barter :
our Mariners complained heavily against the people, and
said that my lenitie and friendly using of them gave
them stomacke to mischiefe : for they have stollen an
anker from us, they have cut our cable very dangerously,
they have cut our boats from our sterne, and nowe since
Slings. your departure, with slings they spare us not with stones
of halfe a pound weight : and wil you stil indure these
injuries? It is a shame to beare them. I desired them
to be content, and said, I doubted not but al should be
wel. The 10. of this moneth I went to the shore, the
people following mee in their Canoas : I tolled them on
shore, and used them with much courtesie, and then
departed aboord, they following me, and my company.
I gave some of them bracelets, & caused seven or eight
[III. 106.] of them to come aboord, which they did willingly, and
some of them went into the top of the ship : and thus
curteously using them, I let them depart : the Sunne
was no sooner downe, but they began to practise their
devilish nature, and with slings threw stones very
fiercely into the Moonelight, and strake one of her
men then boatswaine, that he overthrew withall : where-
at being moved, I changed my curtesie, and grew
to hatred, my self in my owne boate well manned
with shot, and the barks boat likewise pursued them,
and gave them divers shot, but to small purpose, by
reason of their swift rowing: so smally content we
returned.
400
JOHN DAVIS ad.
1586.
The 1 1 . of this moneth there came five of them to
make a new truce : the master of the Admiral came to
me to shew me of their comming, and desired to have
them taken and kept as prisoners untill we had his
anker againe : but when he sawe that the chiefe ring-
leader and master of mischiefe was one of the five, he
then was vehement to execute his purpose, so it was
determined to take him : he came crying Iliaout, and
striking his brest offered a paire of gloves to sell, the
master offered him a knife for them : so two of them
came to us, the one was not touched, but the other
was soone captive among us : then we pointed to him
and his fellowes for our anker, which being had, we
made signes that he should be set at libertie : within
one houre after he came aboord the winde came faire,
whereupon we weyed and set saile, and so brought the Oneofthepeo-
fellow with us: one of his fellowes still following our Pletake^ich
ship close aboord, talked with him and made a kinde ^ '
of lamentation, we still using him wel with Yliaout,
which was the common course of curtesie. At length
this fellow aboord us spake foure or five words unto
the other and clapped his two hands upon his face,
whereupon the other doing the like, departed as we
suppose with heavie chere. We judged the covering of
his face with his hands and bowing of his body downe,
signified his death. At length he became a pleasant com-
panion among us. I gave him a new sute of frize after
the English fashion, because 1 saw he could not indure
the colde, of which he was very joyfull, he trimmed up
his darts, and all his fishing tooles, and would make
okam, and set his hand to a ropes end upon occasion.
He lived with the dry Caplin that I tooke when I was
searching in the pinnis, and did eate dry Newland fish.
All this while, God be thanked, our people were in
very good health, onely one young man excepted, who
dyed at sea the fourteenth of this moneth, and the
fifteenth, according to the order of the sea, with praise
given to God by service, was cast overboord.
vii 401 2 c
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1586.
A huge qmn- The 17 of this moneth being in the latitude of 63.
titieofycetn ACgres 3, mmutSj we fell upon a most mighty and
latitude"5 strange quantitie of yce in one intire masse, so bigge
as that we knew not the limits thereof, and being
withall so very high in forme of a land, with bayes
and capes and like high cliffe land, as that we supposed
it to be land, and therefore sent our pinnesse off to
discover it : but at her returne we were certainely
informed that it was onely yce, which bred great
admiration to us all considering the huge quantitie
thereof, incredible to be reported in trueth as it was,
and therefore I omit to speake any further thereof.
This onely I thinke, that the like before was never
seene : and in this place we had very stickle and strong
currents.
We coasted this mightie masse of yce untill the 30
of July, finding it a mighty barre to our purpose : the
ayre in this time was so contagious and the sea so
pestered with yce, as that all hope was banished of
proceeding : for the 24 of July all our shrowds, ropes
and sailes were so frosen, and compassed with yce,
The nature of onely by a grosse fogge, as seemed to me more then
f°gges' strange, sith the last yeere I found this sea free and
navigable, without impediments.
Our men through this extremity began to grow
sicke and feeble, and withall hopelesse of good suc-
cesse : whereupon very orderly, with good discretion
they intreated me to regard the state of this busines,
and withall advised me, that in conscience I ought to
regard the saftie of mine owne life with the preserva-
tion of theirs, and that I should not through my over-
boldnes leave their widowes and fatherlesse children to
give me bitter curses. This matter in conscience did
greatly move me to regard their estates : yet consider-
ing the excellencie of the businesse if it might be
attained, the great hope of certaintie by the last yeeres
discovery, and that there was yet a third way not put
in practise, I thought it would growe to my great
402
JOHN DAVIS a.d.
1586.
disgrace, if this action by my negligence should grow
into discredite : whereupon seeking helpe from God,
the fountaine of all mercies, it pleased his divine
majestie to move my heart to prosecute that which I
hope shal be to his glory, and to the contentation of
every Christian minde. Whereupon falling into con-
sideration that the Mermaid, albeit a very strong &
sufficient ship, yet by reason of her burthen was not
so convenient and nimble as a smaller bark, especially
in such desperate hazzards: further having in account
her great charge to the adventurers being at ioo.li.
the moneth, and that in doubtfull service : all the pre-
misses considered with divers other things, I determined
to furnish the Moonelight with revictualling and suffi-
cient men, and to proceede in this action as God should
direct me. Whereupon I altered our course from the
yce, and bare Eastsoutheast to recover the next shore
where this thing might be performed : so with favour-
able winde it pleased God that the first of August we
discovered the land in Latitude 66. degrees, 33. min. [III. 107.]
and in longitude from the Meridian of London 7c.
degrees voyd of trouble without snow or ice.
The second of August wee harboured our selves in a
very excellent good road, where with all speed we graved
the Moonelight, and revictualled her : wee searched this
countrey with our pinnesse while the barke was trim-
ming, which William Eston did : he found all this land
to be onely Hands, with a Sea on the East, a Sea on
the West, and a Sea on the North. In this place wee
found it very hot, and wee were very much troubled Great heat.
with a flie which is called Muskyto, for they did sting
grievously. The people of this place at our first com-
ming in caught a Seale, and with bladders fast tied to
him sent him unto us with the floud, so as hee came
right with our shippes, which we tooke as a friendly
present from them.
The flft of August I went with the two Masters and
others to the toppe of a hill, and by the way William
403
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1586.
Eston espied three Canoas lying under a rocke, and
went unto them : there were in them skinnes, darts,
with divers superstitious toyes, whereof wee diminished
nothing, but left upon every boat a silke point, a bullet
of lead, and a pinne. The next day being the sixt of
August, the people came unto us without feare, and did
barter with us for skinnes, as the other people did :
they differ not from the other, neither in their Canoas
nor apparel, yet is their pronuntiation more plaine then
the others, and nothing hollow in the throat. Our
Savage aboord us kept himselfe close, and made shew
that he would faine have another companion. Thus
being provided, I departed from this lande the twelft of
August at sixe of the clocke in the morning, where I left
the Mermayd at an anker : the foureteenth sailing West
about fiftie leagues, we discovered land, being in latitude
66. degrees 66. degrees 19 minuts : this land is 70. leagues from the
19. minutes, other from whence we came. This fourteenth day from
nine a clocke at night till three a clocke in the morning,
wee ankered by an Hand of yce, twelve leagues off the
shore, being mored to the yce.
The fifteenth day at three a clocke in the morning
we departed from this land to the South, and the
eighteenth of August we discovered land Northwest
from us in the morning, being a very faire promontory,
in latitude 6$. degrees, having no land on the South.
Great hope of Here wee had great hope of a through passage.
a passage. This day at three a clocke in the afternoone wee
againe discovered lande Southwest and by South from
us, where at night wee were becalmed. The nineteenth
of this moneth at noone, by observation, we were in
64. degr. 20. 64. degrees 20. minuts. From the eighteenth day at
mn' noone unto the nineteenth at noone, by precise ordinary
care, wee had sailed 15. leagues South and by West,
yet by art and more exact observation, we found our
course to be Southwest, so that we plainely perceived
rent™ the ~ a great current striking to the West.
jyesL This land is nothing in sight but Isles, which in-
404
JOHN DAVIS a.d.
1586.
creaseth our hope. This nineteenth of August at sixe
a clocke in the afternoone, it began to snow, and so
continued all night with foule weather, and much winde,
so that we were constrained to lie at hull all night
five leagues off the shore : In the morning being the
twentieth of August, the fogge and storme breaking
up, we bare in with the lande, and at nine a clocke
in the morning wee ankered in a very faire and safe
road and lockt for all weathers. At tenne of the clocke
I went on shore to the toppe of a very high hill,
where I perceived that this land was Islands : at foure Hands.
of the clocke in the afternoone wee weyed anker, having
a faire North northeast winde, with very faire weather ;
at six of the clocke we were cleare without the land,
and so shaped our course to the South, to discover the
coast, whereby the passage may be through Gods mercy
found.
We coasted this land till the eight and twentieth of They runne 8.
August, rinding it still to continue towards the South, daJes Sou^~
from the latitude of 67. to 57. degrees: we found ^"l7 JJ!LeJs
marveilous great store of birds, guls and mewes, incredible upGn the coast.
to be reported, whereupon being calme weather, we lay
one glasse upon the lee, to prove for fish, in which space
we caught 100. of cod, although we were but badly
provided for fishing, not being our purpose. This eight
and twentieth having great distrust of the weather, we
arrived in a very faire harbour in the latitude of $6. Aharbwrough
degrees, and sailed 10. leagues into the same, being two in 5°.degrees.
leagues broad, with very faire woods on both sides : in
this place wee continued until the first of September,
in which time we had two very great stormes. I landed,
& went sixe miles by ghesse into the countrey, and found
that the woods were firre, pineapple, alder, yew, withy, Faire woods.
and birch : here wee saw a blacke beare : this place
yeeldeth great store of birds, as fezant, partridge, Barbary
hennes or the like, wilde geese, ducks, black birdes, jeyes,
thrushes, with other kinds of small birds. Of the par-
tridge and fezant we killed great store with bow and
405
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1586.
arrowes : in this place at the harborough mouth we found
Store of cod. great store of cod.
The first of September at tenne a clocke wee set saile,
and coasted the shore with very faire weather. The
thirde day being calme, at noone we strooke saile, and
[III. 108.] let fall a cadge anker, to prove whether we could take
any fish, being in latitude 54. degrees 30. minuts, in
which place we found great abundance of cod, so that
the hooke was no sooner overboord, but presently a fish
was taken. It was the largest and the best fed fish that
ever I sawe, and divers fisher men that were with me
sayd that they never saw a more suavle or better skull
of fish in their lives : yet had they seene great abundance.
The fourth of September at five a clocke in the after-
noone we ankered in a very good road among great store
of Isles, the countrey low land, pleasant and very full
of fayre woods. To the North of this place eight leagues,
J perfect hope we nac[ a perfect hope of the passage, finding a mightie
about z-^f &reat sea Passing betweene two lands West. The South
grees and an kmd to our judgement being nothing but Isles: we
halfe. greatly desired to goe into this sea, but the winde was
directly against us. We ankered in foure fathome fine
sand. In this place is foule and fish mightie store.
The sixt of September having a faire Northnorthwest
winde, having trimmed our Barke we purposed to depart,
and sent five of our sailers yong men a shore to an
Island, to fetch certaine fish which we purposed to weather,
and therefore left it al night covered upon the Isle : the
brutish people of this countrey lay secretly lurking in
the wood, and upon the sudden assaulted our men :
which when we perceived, we presently let slip our cables
upon the halse, and under our foresaile bare into the
shoare, and with all expedition discharged a double
musket upon them twise, at the noyse whereof they fled :
notwithstanding to our very great griefe, two of our men
Two of our were slaine with their arrowes, and two grievously
7a*& o wounded, of whom at this present we stand in very great
doubt, onely one escaped by swimming, with an arrow
406
JOHN DAVIS ad.
1586.
shot thorow his arme. These wicked miscreants never
offered parly or speech, but presently executed their
cursed fury.
This present evening it pleased God further to increase
our sorowes with a mighty tempestuous storme, the
winde being Northnortheast, which lasted unto the tenth
of this moneth very extreme. We unrigged our ship,
and purposed to cut downe our masts, the cable of our
shutanker brake, so that we onely expected to be driven
on shoare among these Canibals for their pray. Yet in
this deepe distresse the mightie mercie of God, when hope
was past, gave us succour, and sent us a faire lee, so as we
recovered our anker againe, and newe mored our ship :
where we saw that God manifestly delivered us : for
the straines of one of our cables were broken, and we
only roade by an olde junke. Thus being freshly
mored a new storme arose, the winde being Westnorth-
west, very forcible, which lasted unto the tenth day at
night.
The eleventh day with a faire Westnorthwest winde we
departed with trust in Gods mercie, shaping our course
for England, and arrived in the West countrey in the
beginning of October.
Master Davis being arrived, wrote his letter tc
M. William Sanderson of London, concerning
his voyage, as followeth.
Ir, the Sunneshine came into Dartmouth
the fourth of this moneth : she hath bene
at Island, and from thence to Groenland,
and so to Estotiland, from thence to
Desolation, and to our Marchants, where
she made trade with the people, staying
in the countrey twentie dayes. They
have brought home five hundred seale skinnes, and an
hundred and fortie halfe skinnes and pieces of skinnes.
I stand in great doubt of the pinnesse, God be mercifull
407
A.D.
1586.
[III. 109.]
May.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
unto the poore men, and preserve them, if it be his
blessed will.
I have now experience of much of the Northwest part
of the world, & have brought the passage to that likeli-
hood, as that I am assured it must bee in one of foure
places, or els not at all. And further I can assure you
upon the perill of my life, that this voyage may be
performed without further charge, nay with certaine
profite to the adventurers, if I may have but your favour
in the action. I hope I shall finde favour with you to
see your Card. I pray God it be so true as the Card
shal be which I will bring you : and I hope in God, that
your skill in Navigation shall be gaineful unto you,
although at the first it hath not proved so. And thus with
my humble commendations I commit you to God, desiring
no longer to live, then I shall be yours most faithfully to
command. Exon this fourteenth of October. 1586.
Yours to command
John Davis.
The relation of the course which the Sunshine
a barke of fiftie tunnes, and the Northstarre
a small pinnesse, being two vessels of the fleete
of M. John Davis, helde after hee had sent
them from him to discover the passage be-
tweene Groenland and Island, written by
Henry Morgan servant to M. William Sander-
son of London.
He seventh day of May 1586. wee
departed out of Dartmouth haven foure
sailes, to wit, the Mermaid, the Sunshine,
the Mooneshine, & the Northstarre. In
the Sunshine were sixteene men, whose
names were these : Richard Pope Master,
Marke Carter Masters mate, Henry
Morgan Purser, George Draward, John Mandie, Hugh
Broken, Philip Jane, Hugh Hempson, Richard Borden,
408
JOHN DAVIS ad.
1586.
John Philpe, Andrew Madock, William Wolcome,
Robert Wag carpenter, John Bruskome, William Ashe,
Simon Ellis.
Our course was Westnorthwest the seventh and eight
dayes : and the ninth day in the morning we were on
head of the Tarrose of Silley. Thus coasting along the
South part of Ireland the 11. day, we were on head of
the Dorses : and our course was Southsouthwest untill
sixe of the clocke the 12. day. The 13. day our course
was Northwest. We remained in the company of the
Mermaid and the Mooneshine until we came to the
latitude of 60. degrees : and there it seemed best to our
Generall M. Davis to divide his fleete, himself sayling to M • Davts*n
the Northwest, and to direct the Sunshine, wherein I was, 6^ ^
and the pinnesse called the Northstarre, to seeke a divideth his
passage Northward betweene Groenland and Island to fleete into 2.
the latitude of 80. degrees, if land did not let us. So Parts-
the seventh day of June wee departed from them : and They. of June.
the ninth of the same we came to a firme land of yce,
which we coasted along the ninth, the tenth, and the
eleventh dayes of June : and the eleventh day at sixe
of the clocke at night we saw land which was very high,
which afterward we knew to be Island : and the twelft Island
day we harboured there, and found many people : the escrye '
land lyeth East and by North in 66. degrees. 66. degrees.
Their commodities were greene fish, and Island lings, Their commo-
and stockfish, and a fish which is called Scatefish : of all dlties-
which they had great store. They had also kine, sheep
and horses, and hay for their cattell, and for their horses.
Wee saw also their dogs. Their dwelling houses were Their dwell-
made on both sides with stones, and wood layd crosse tn&'
over them, which was covered over with turfes of earth,
and they are flat on the tops, and many of these stood
hard by the shore. Their boates were made with wood Their boats,
and yron all along the keele like our English boates :
and they had nayles for to naile them withall, and fish-
hookes and other things for to catch fish as we have here
in England. They had also brasen kettles, and girdles
409
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1586.
and purses made of leather, and knoppes on them of
copper, and hatchets, and other small tooles as necessary
as we have. They drie their fish in the Sun, and when
they are dry, they packe them up in the top of their
houses. If we would goe thither to fishing more then we
doe, we should make it a very good voyage : for wee got
an hundreth greene fish in one morning. Wee found
heere two English men with a shippe, which came out of
England about Easter day of this present yeere 1586,
and one of them came aboord of us, and brought us two
M. John Roy- lambs. The English mans name was M. John Roydon
donoflpszvich. Qf IpSWich marchant : hee was bound for London with
his ship. And this is the summe of that which I
They departed observed in Island. We departed from Island the
from Island sixteenth day of June in the morning, and our course
Northwest. xt 1 1 ^1 1 \ 11 i_ 1
was Northwest, and we saw on the coast two small barkes
going to an harborough : we went not to them, but saw
them a farre off. Thus we continued our course unto
the end of this moneth.
July. The third day of July we were in betweene two firme
lands of yce, and passed in betweene them all that day
untill it was night : and then the Master turned backe
againe, and so away we went towards Groenland. And
G rone land dis- the seventh day of July we did see Groenland, and it was
covered. very high, and it looked very blew : we could not come
to harborough into the land, because we were hindered by
a firme land as it were of yce, which was along the shoares
side : but we were within three leagues of the land,
coasting the same divers dayes together. The seventeenth
day of July wee saw the place which our Captaine M.
The land of John Davis the yeere before had named The land of
Desolation. Desolation, where we could not goe on shore for yce.
The eighteenth day we were likewise troubled with yce,
and went in amongst it at three of the clocke in the
Groenland morning. After wee had cleared our selves thereof, wee
coasted from ranprec[ au along the coast of Desolation untill the ende
the 7. till the r ?, r 5 *u
last of July. °f tne aforesayd moneth.
August. ' The third day of August we came in sight of Gilberts
410
JOHN DAVIS ad.
1586.
sound in the latitude of 64. deg. 15. min. which was the
place where wee were appoynted to meete our Generall
and the rest of our Fleete. Here we came to an har-
borough at 6. of the clocke at night.
The 4. day in the morning the Master went on shore [III. no.]
with 10. of his men, and they brought us foure of the
people rowing in their boats aboord of the ship. And in
the afternoone I went on shore with 6. of our men, and
there came to us seven of them when we were on land.
We found on shore three dead people, and two of them
had their staves lying by them, and their olde skinnes
wrapped about them and the other had nothing lying by,
wherefore we thought it was a woman. We also saw
their houses neere the Sea side, which were made with The houses of
pieces of wood on both sides, and crossed over with poles Gronland-
and then covered over with earth : we found Foxes
running upon the hilles : as for the place it is broken
land all the way that we went, and full of broken
Islands.
The 2 1 . of August the Master sent the boate on shore
for wood with sixe of his men, and there were one and
thirtie of the people of the countrey which went on shore
to them, & they went about to kill them as we thought,
for they shot their dartes towards them, and we that were
aboord the ship, did see them goe on shore to our men :
whereupon the Master sent the pinnesse after them, and
when they saw the pinnesse comming towards them, they
turned backe, and the Master of the pinnesse did shoote
off a caliver to them the same time, but hurt none of
them, for his meaning was onely to put them in feare.
Divers times they did wave us on shore to play with them Our men play
at the football, and some of our company went on shore atf0^te^lL
to play with them, and our men did cast them downe as §avaJSm
soone as they did come to strike the ball. And thus
much of that which we did see and do in that harborough
where we arrived first.
The 23. day wee departed from the Merchants Isle,
where wee had beene first, and our course from thence
411
A°. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1586.
was South & by West, and the wind was Northeast, and
we ran that day and night about 5. or 6. leagues, untill
we came to another harborough.
The 24. about eleven of the clocke in the forenoone
wee entred into the aforesayd new harborow, and as wee
came in, we did see dogs running upon the Islands.
When we were come in, there came to us foure of the
people which were with us before in the other har-
borough, and where we rode, we had sandie ground. We
saw no wood growing, but found small pieces of wood
Sweete wood upon the Islands, & some small pieces of sweete wood
*oun ' among the same. We found great Harts homes, but
could see none of the Stagges where we went, but we
found their footings. As for the bones which we
received of the Savages I cannot tell of what beasts
they be.
The stones that we found in the countrey were black,
and some white, as I thinke they be of no value,
neverthelesse I have brought examples of them to
you.
The 30. of August we departed from this harborough
towards England, & the wind tooke us contrary, so that
we were faine to go to another harborough the same day
at 11. of the clocke. And there came to us 39. of the
people, and brought us 13. Seale skins, and after we
received these skins of them, the Master sent the
carpenter to change one of our boates which wee had
bought of them before, and they would have taken
the boate from him perforce, and when they sawe they
could not take it from us, they shot with their dartes
at us, and stroke one of our men with one of their dartes,
and John Filpe shot one of them into the brest with
an arrow. And they came to us againe, and foure of our
men went into the shipboate, and they shot with their
dartes at our men : but our men tooke one of their
people in his boate into the shipboate, and he hurt one of
them with his knife, but we killed three of them in their
boates : two of them were hurt with arrowes in the brests,
412
A skirmish be-
tween the Sa-
vages and oui
men.
JOHN DAVIS ad.
1586.
and he that was aboord our boat, was shot in with an
arrow, and hurt with a sword, and beaten with staves,
whome our men cast overboord, but the people caught
him and carried him on shore upon their boates, and the
other two also, and so departed from us. And three
of them went on shore hard by us, where they had their
dogs, and those three came away from their dogs, and
presently one of their dogs came swimming towards us
hard aboord the ship, whereupon our Master caused the
Gunner to shoote off one of the great pieces towards
the people, and so the dog turned backe to land and
within an houre after there came of the people hard
aboord the ship, but they would not come to us as
they did come before.
The 31. of August we departed from Gylberts sound
for England, and when we came out of the harborough
there came after us 17. of the people looking which
way we went.
The 2. of September we lost sight of the land at 12. of September.
the clocke at noone.
The third day at night we lost sight of the Northstarre
our pinnesse in a very great storme, and lay a hull
tarying for them the 4. day, but could heare no more of The pinnesse
them. Thus we shaped our course the 5. day South- ™£returned
southeast, and sayling untill the 27. of the sayd moneth,
we came in sight of Cape Clere in Ireland.
The 30. day we entred into our owne chanell.
The 2. of October we had sight of the Isle of
Wight.
The 3. we coasted all along the shore, and the 4.
and 5.
The 6. of the said moneth of October wee came into [III. in.]
the river of Thames as high as Ratliffe in safetie God
be thanked.
[The third
413
A.D.
I587.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
The third voyage Northwestward, made by M.
John Davis Gentleman, as chiefe captaine &
Pilot generall, for the discovery of a passage
to the Isles of the Moluccas, or the coast of
China, in the yeere 1587. Written by M.
John Janes.
May.
He 19. of this present
midnight wee weyed our
moneth about
ankers, set
sayle, and departed from Dartmouth with
two Barkes and a Clincher, the one
named the Elizabeth of Dartmouth, the
other the Sunneshine of London, and the
Clincher called the Helene of London :
thus in Gods name we set forwards with the wind at
Northeast a good fresh gale. About 3. houres after our
departure, the night being somewhat thicke with dark-
nesse, we had lost the pinnesse : the Captaine imagining
that the men had runne away with her, willed the Master
of the Sunshine to stand to Seawards, and see if we could
descry them, we bearing in with the shore for Plimmouth.
At length we descried her, bare with her, and demanded
what the cause was : they answered that the tiller of their
helme was burst. So shaping our course Westsouthwest,
we went forward, hoping that a hard beginning would
make a good ending, yet some of us were doubtfull of it,
falling in reckoning that she was a Clincher ; neverthe-
lesse we put our trust in God.
The 2 1 . we met with the Red Lion of London, which
came from the coast of Spaine, which was afrayd that we
had bene men of warre, but we hailed them, and after a
little conference, we desired the Master to carie our
letters for London directed to my uncle Sanderson, who
promised us a safe deliverie. And after wee had heaved
them a lead and a line, whereunto wee had made fast our
414
JOHN DAVIS ad
.587.
letters, before they could get them into the ship, they fell
into the Sea, and so all our labour and theirs also was
lost ; notwithstanding they promised to certifie our
departure at London, and so we departed, and the same
day we had sight of Silley. The 22. the wind was at
Northeast by East with faire weather, and so the 23. and
24. the like. The 25. we layd our ships on the Lee for
the Sunneshine, who was a romaging for a leake, they had
500. strokes at the pumpe in a watch, the wind at North-
west.
The 26. and 27. wee had faire weather, but this 27.
the pinnesses foremast was blowen overboord. The 28.
the Elizabeth towed the pinnesse, which was so much
bragged off by the owners report before we came out of
England, but at Sea she was like a cart drawen with
oxen. Sometimes we towed her because she could not
saile for scant wind.
The 31. day our Captaine asked if the pinnesse were
stanch, Peerson answered that she was as sound and
stanch as a cup. This made us something glad, when
we sawe she would brooke the Sea, and was not leake.
June.
THe first 6. dayes wee had faire weather : after that
for 5. dayes wee had fogge and raine, the winde
being South. The 12. wee had cleare weather. The
Mariners in the Sunneshine and the Master could not
agree : the Mariners would goe on their voyage a fish-
ing, because the yeere began to waste : the Master would
not depart till hee had the companie of the Elizabeth,
whereupon the Master told our Captaine that hee was
afrayd his men would shape some contrary course while
he was asleepe, and so he should lose us. At length
after much talke and many threatnings, they were con-
tent to bring us to the land which we looked for daily.
The 14. day we discovered land at five of the clocke land descried.
in the morning, being very great and high mountaines,
the tops of the hils being covered with snow. Here the
415
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1587.
wind was variable, sometimes Northeast, Eastnortheast,
and East by North : but we imagined ourselves to be
16. or 17. leagues off from the shore.
The 16. we came to an anker about 4. or 5. of the
clocke after nonne, the people came presently to us after
the old maner, with crying Ilyaoute, and shewing us
Seales skinnes. The 17. we began to set up the pinnesse
that Peerson framed at Dartmouth, with the boords
which hee brought from London.
The 18. Peerson and the Carpenters of the ships
began to set on the plankes. The 19. as we went about
Salt kemed on an Island, were found blacke Pumise stones, and salt
the rockes. kerned on the rockes, very white and glistering. This
day also the Master of the Sunneshine tooke of the
people a very strong lusty yoong fellow.
[III. 112.] The 20. about two of the clocke in the morning, the
Savages came to the Island where our pinnace was
built readie to bee launched, and tore the two upper
strakes, and carried them away onely for the love of
the yron in the boords. While they were about this
practise, we manned the Elizabeths boate to goe a shore
to them : our men being either afrayd or amazed, were
so long before they came to shore, that our Captaine
willed them to stay, and made the Gunner give fire to a
Saker, and layd the piece levell with the boate which the
Savages had turned on the one side because wee should
not hurt them with our arrowes, and made the boate
their bulwarke against the arrowes which we shot at
them. Our Gunner having made all things readie, gave
fire to the piece, and fearing to hurt any of the people,
and regarding the owners profite, thought belike hee
would save a Sakers shot, doubting wee should have
occasion to fight with men of warre, and so shot off the
Saker without a bullet : we looking stil when the Savages
that were hurt should run away without legs, at length
wee could perceive never a man hurt, but all having
their legges could carrie away their bodies : wee had no
sooner shot off the piece, but the Master of the Sunne-
416
JOHN DAVIS a.d.
1587.
shine manned his boate, and came rowing toward the
Island, the very sight of whom made each of them take
that hee had gotten, and flee away as fast as they could
to another Island about two miles off, where they tooke
the nayles out of the timber, and left the wood on the
Isle, when we came on shore, and saw how they had
spoiled the boat, after much debating of the matter, we
agreed that the Elizabeth should have her to fish with-
o
all : whereupon she was presently caryed aboord, and
stowed.
Now after this trouble, being resolved to depart with
the first wind, there fell out another matter worse then
all the rest, and that was in this maner. John Church-
yard one whom our Captaine had appoynted as Pilot in
the pinnace, came to our Captaine, and master Bruton,
and told them that the good ship which we must all
hazard our lives in, had three hundred strokes at one
time as she rode in the harbour : This disquieted us all
greatly, and many doubted to goe in her. At length our
Captaine by whom we were all to be governed, deter-
mined rather to end his life with credite, then to returne
with infamie and disgrace, and so being all agreed, wee
purposed to live and die together, and committed our
selves to the ship. Now the 21. having brought all
our things aboord, about 11. or 12. of the clocke at
night, we set saile and departed from those Isles, which
lie in 64. degrees of latitude, our ships being all now Isles in 64.
at Sea, and wee shaping our course to goe, coasting deSrees-
the land to the Northwards upon the Easterne shore,
which we called the shore of our Marchants, because
there we met with people which traffiqued with us,
but here wee were not without doubt of our ship.
The 24. being in 67. degrees, and 40. minutes, wee Store of
had great store of Whales, and a kinde of sea birds %*%'/" 6?
which the Mariners call Cortinous. This day about
sixe of the clocke at night, we espied two of the
countrey people at Sea, thinking at the first they had
bene two great Seales, untill wee sawe their oares
VII 417 2D
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1587.
glistering with the Sunne : they came rowing towardes
us, as fast as they could, and when they came within
hearing, they held up their oares, and cryed Ilyaoute,
making many signes : and at last they came to us, giving
us birdes for bracelets, and of them I had a darte with a
bone in it, or a piece of Unicorns home, as I did judge.
This dart he made store of, but when he saw a knife,
he let it go, being more desirous of the knife then of
his dart : these people continued rowing after our ship
the space of 3. howres.
The 25. in the morning at 7. of the clocke we descried
30. Savages rowing after us, being by judgement 10.
leagues off from the shore : they brought us Salmon
Peales, Birdes, and Caplin, and we gave them pinnes,
needles, bracelets, nailes, knives, bels, looking glasses,
and other small trifles, and for a knife, a naile or a
bracelet, which they call Ponigmah, they would sell
their boate, coates, or any thing they had, although
they were farre from the shore. Wee had but few
skinnes of them, about 20. but they made signes to us
that if wee would goe to the shore, wee should have
more store of Chichsanege : they stayed with us till
11. of the clocke, at which time wee went to prayer,
and they departed from us.
The 28. and 29. were foggie with cloudes, the 30.
72. deg. 12. day wee tooke the heigth, and found our selves in 72.
mm. degrees and 12 minutes of latitude both at noone and
at night, the Sunne being 5. degrees above the Horizon.
The great va- At midnight the compasse set to the variation of 28.
nation of the degrees to the Westward. Now having coasted the
London 'coast. land, which wee called London coast, from the 21. of
Betweene this present, till the 30. the Sea open all to the West-
Gronland & wards and Northwards, the land on starboord side East
the North of from US) the winde shifted to the North, whereupon we
40. leagues. ^e^ tnat snore5 naming the same Hope Sanderson, and
shaped our course West, and ranne 40. leagues and
better without the sight of any land.
418
JOHN DAVIS ad.
1587.
July. [III. 113.]
THe second of July wee fell with a mightie banke of A nightie
yce West from us, lying North and South, which *a?n*e/j%
banke wee would gladly have doubled out to the North- and South
wards, but the winde would not suffer us, so that we
were faine to coast it to the Southwards, hoping to
double it out, that wee might have run so farre West
till wee had found land, or els to have beene thorowly
resolved of our pretended purpose.
The 3. wee fell with the yce againe, and putting off
from it, we sought to the Northwards, but the wind
crossed us.
The 4. was foggie : so was the 5. also with much
wind at the North.
The 6. being very cleare, we put our barke with oares
through a gap in the yce, seeing the Sea free on the West
side, as we thought, which falling out otherwise, caused
us to returne after we had stayed there betweene the yce.
The 7. and the 8. about midnight, by Gods helpe we
recovered the open Sea, the weather being faire and
calme, and so was the 9. The 10. we coasted the yce.
The 1 1 . was foggie, but calme.
The 12. we coasted againe the yce, having the wind at
Northnorthwest. The 13. bearing off from the yce, we
determined to goe with the shoare and come to an anker,
and to stay 5. or 6. dayes for the dissolving of the yce,
hoping that the Sea continually beating it, and the Sunne
with the extreme force of heat which it had alwayes shin- Extreme heate
ing upon it, would make a quicke dispatch, that we might Gfthe Sunne-
have a further search upon the Westerne shore. Now
when we were come to the Easterne coast, the water
something deepe, and some of our companie fearefull
withall, we durst not come to an anker, but bare off
into the Sea againe. The poore people seeing us goe
away againe, came rowing after us into the Sea, the waves
being somewhat loftie. We truckt with them for a few
skinnes and dartes, and gave them beads, nailes, pinnes,
419
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1587.
needles and cardes, they poynting to the shore, as though
they would shew us some great friendship : but we little
regarding their curtesie, gave them the gentle farewell,
and so departed.
The 14. wee had the wind at South. The 15. there
was some fault either in the barke, or the set of some
They were current, for wee were driven sixe points beyond our
driven West course West. The 16. wee fell with the banke of yce
pMrTuZ' West from US' The X7* and l8* Were f°ggie' The I9-
In 6j. degrees, at one a clocke after noone, wee had sight of the land
45. minutes, which we called Mount Raleigh, and at 12. of the
Mount clocke at night, we were thwart the streights which we
aets ' discovered the first yeere. The 20. wee traversed in the
mouth of the streight, the wind being at West, with
faire and cleare weather. The 21. and 22. wee coasted
the Northerne coast of the streights. The 23. having
sayled threescore leagues Northwest into the streights, at
two a clocke after noone wee ankered among many Isles
The Eark of [n tne bottome of the gulfe, naming the same The Earle
Cumberland* q( Cumberiands Isles, where riding at anker, a Whale
passed by our ship and went West in among the Isles.
The variation Heere the compasse set at thirtie degrees Westward
d^wTt- var^a^on- The 23. wee departed, shaping our course
ward. Southeast to recover the Sea. The 25. wee were be-
calmed in the bottome of the gulfe, the ayre being
extreme hot. Master Bruton and some of the Mariners
went on shoare to course dogs, where they found many
Graves and Trane spilt on the ground, the dogs being so
fat that they were scant able to run.
The 26. wee had a prety storme, the winde being at
Southeast. The 27. and 28. were faire. The 29. we
were cleare out of the streights, having coasted the South
The land shore, and this day at noone we were in 62. degrees of
trendethfrom latitude. The 30. in the afternoone wee coasted a banke
this place Gf yce, which lay on the shore, and passed by a great
l°Uto7th"nd banke or Inlet' which lW between 63* and 62* degrees of
MylordLum- latitude, which we called Lumlies Inlet. We had often-
leys Inlet. times, as we sailed alongst the coast, great ruttes, the
420
JOHN DAVIS a.d.
water as it were whirling and overfalling, as if it were the
fall of some great water through a bridge.
The 31. as we sayled by a Headland, which we named
Warwicks Foreland, we fell into one of those overfals Wartouks
with a fresh gale of wind, and bearing all our sailes, wee For^and-
looking upon an Island of yce betweene us and the
shoare, had thought that our barke did make no way,
which caused us to take markes on the shoare : at length
wee perceived our selves to goe very fast, and the Island
of yce which we saw before, was carried very forcibly
with the set of the current faster then our ship went. A very forcible
This day and night we passed by a very great gulfe, the curreJt^est~
water whirling and roaring as it were the meetings of
tydes.
August. [III. 1 14-]
THe first of August having coasted a banke of ice which
was driven out at the mouth of this gulfe, we fell
with the Southermost cape of the gulfe, which we named
Chidleis cape, which lay in 61 degrees and 10 minutes of Chidleys cape.
latitude. The 2 and 3 were calme and foggie, so were
the 4, 5, and 6. The 7 was faire and calme : so was the
8, with a litle gale in the morning. The 9 was faire, and
we had a litle gale at night. The 10 we had a frisking
gale at Westnorthwest. The 1 1 faire. The 1 2 we saw
rive deere on the top of an Island, called by us Darcies The lord Dar-
Island. And we hoised out our boat, and went ashore to aes lslan'1-
them, thinking to have killed some of them. But when
we came on shore, and had coursed them twise about the
Island, they tooke the sea and swamme towards Islands
distant from that three leagues. When we perceived
that they had taken the sea we gave them over because
our boat was so small that it could not carrie us, and
rowe after them, they swamme so fast : but one of them
was as bigge as a good prety Cow, and very fat, their
feet as bigge as Oxe feet. Here upon this Island I killed
with my piece a gray hare.
The 13 in the morning we saw three or foure white
421
place betweene
54 and 55 de-
grees oflatl-
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1587.
beares, but durst not go on shore to them for lacke of a
good boat. This day we stroke a rocke seeking for an
harborow, and received a leake : and this day we were in
54 degrees of latitude.
The 14 we stopt our leake in a storme not very
outragious, at noone.
The 15 being almost in 52 degrees of latitude, and not
finding our ships, nor (according to their promise) any
kinde of marke, token, or beacon, which we willed them
to set up, and they protested to do so upon every head
land, Island or cape, within twenty leagues every way off
The fishing from their fishing place, which our captaine appointed to
be betweene 54 and 55 degrees: This 15 I say we shaped
our course homewards for England, having in our ship
lude. ' but litle wood, and halfe a hogshead of fresh water. Our
men were very willing to depart, and no man more
forward then Peerson, for he feared to be put out of his
office of stewardship : but because every man was so
willing to depart, we consented to returne for our owne
countrey : and so we had the 1 6 faire weather, with the
winde at Southwest.
The 1 7 we met a ship at sea, and as farre as we could
judge it was a Biskaine : we thought she went a fishing
Abundance of for whales ; for in 52 degrees or thereabout we saw very
fefesJnSz many.
The 18 was faire, with a good gale at West.
The 19 faire also, with much winde at West and by
South.
And thus after much variable weather and change of
They arrive at winds we arrived the 15 of September in Dartmouth
Di^ftep.tke anno I587' SivinS thanks t0 God f°r °Ur Safe arrivalL
tember.
422
TOHN DAVIS
A letter of the sayd M. John Davis written -to
M. Sanderson of London concerning his fore-
written voyage.
Ood M. Sanderson, with Gods great
mercy I have made my safe returne in
health, with all my company, and have
sailed threescore leagues further then my
determination at my departure. I have
bene in 73 degrees, rinding the sea all
open, and forty leagues betweene land
and land. The passage is most probable, the execution
easie, as at my comming you shall fully know.
Yesterday the 1 5 of September I landed all weary ;
therefore I pray you pardon my shortnesse.
Sandridge this 16 of September anno 1587.
Yours equall as mine owne, which
by triall you shall best know,
John Davis.
a.d.
1587.
[A Traverse-Booke
423
A.D.
i587.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
[III. 115.] A Traverse-Booke made by M. John Davis in
west passage.
Moneth.
O
So
in
May.
0
c
n
0
to
p
CTQ
Elevation
of the
pole.
!? s
0 — •
09 3
The winde.
IQ
w. s. w.
Westerly.
50
30 j N. E.
1
20
|
21
35
w. s. w.
Westerly.
50
50
N. E.
22
'5
W. N. W.
H
j N. E. by E.
22
6
W. N. W.
6
j N. E. by E.
22
3
W. N. W.
2
23
15
N. W. by W.
18
N. E.
23
39
W. N. W.
36
5°
40
3
W. N. W.
2
N. N. E.
6
N. W. by W.
5
N. E. by N.
3
W. N. W.
3
N. N. E.
12
W. N. W.
12
N. E.
Noone the 24
24
W. N. W.
Northerly.
25
5i
16
3
W. N. W.
3
N. N. E.
3
W. N. W.
4
N. by E.
6
W. by N.
5
N.
6
W. by N.
N.
2
S.
1
9,
N.
Noone the 25
24
W. by N.
20
5i
30
3
W.
3
N. N. W.
3
w. s. w.
2
N. W.
1
s. w.
1
W. N. W.
2
W. N. W.
rl
1 •>
1
i N.
3
W. N. W.
'i
N.
3
1 Calme.
4
W. N. W.
+
S. S. E.
s
W. 6
S. S. E.
424
JOHN DAVIS ad.
1587,
his third voyage for the discoverie of the North-
Anno 1587.
THE DISCOURSE.
This day we departed from Dartmouth at two of the clocke at night.
This day we descried Silly N. W. by W. from us.
This day at noone we departed from Silly.
The true course, distance and latitude.
The true course, distance, and latitude.
Now we lay upon the lee for the Sunshine, which had taken a leake
of 500 strokes in a watch.
The true course, distance and latitude.
425
A.D.
1587.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
[in.
Moneth.
May.
CO
0
s
Course.
n>
OQ
c
a
Elev
of
pc
O
OQ
ation
the
le.
g
5
The winde.
Noone the
26
H
W. by N.
Westerly.
23
51
4°
1 1
W.
16
S. S. E.
6
W. N. W.
2
S. S. E.
7
W.
5
S. E.
Noone the
27
2 +
W. Northerly.
23
Noone the
28
24
W.
20
52
13
E. S. E.
Noone the
28
28
W. by N.
Northerly.
43
S2
J3
Noone the
29
24
N. W.
30
S. by E.
6
N. W.
10
S.
3
N. by W.
2
W. by N.
3
W. by N.
3
W. by S.
12
N. W.
12
S. S. W.
Noone the
30
48
N. W. by N.
65
54
50
9
N. W.
12
S. W.
6 1
9
N. W. by W.
12
s. s. w.
O.J
3
W. N. W.
3
N. N. E.
3
W. by N.
4
N.
30
24
W. N. W.
Northerly.
27
55
30
June 1
12
W.
10
N. N. W.
9
N. W.
8
E. N. E.
3
N. W.
**
E. N. E.
1
24
W. N. W.
Westerly.
17
55
45
12
N. W.
16
E. S. E.
6
N. W.
7
S.
6
N. W.
8
s. s. w.
Noone the
2
24
N. W.
Northerly.
32
56
55
Noone the
5
72
W. by S.
southerly.
45
56
20
Noone the
6
24
S. W.
16
W. N.W.
7
S. W. by W.
6
W. by N.
426
JOHN DAVIS a.d.
1587.
THE DISCOURSE.
The true course, distance, &c.
We lay at hull with much winde, raine, and fog.
The common course supposed.
We towed the pinnesse 18 houres of this day.
The true course, distance, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c. drawen from divers traverses.
427
A.D.
1587.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Moneth.
June.
0
C/5
0
~s
0
to
Course.
CTQ
c
Elevation
of the
pole.
CTQ »
The winde.
: 5
1
Calme.
3
W. N. W.
1
S.
Noone the
7
9
W. N. W.
12
S.
12
W. N. W.
20
S.
3
W. N. W.
+
S.
Noone the
8
9
W. N. W.
7
S.
12
W. N. W.
5
S.
Noone the
9
12
W. N. W.
13
S. E.
Noone the
9
96
W. by N.
northerly.
86
57
3°
3
W. N. W.
4
S. E.
3
W. N. W.
2
S. E.
6
W. N. W.
1
Calme.
Noone the
10
1 2
W. N. W.
16J
E.
7
W. N. W.
12
E.
2
N. W.
2
E.
Noone the
1 1
15
N. W.
18
E. N. E.
12
N. W.
12
E. N. E.
12
N. W.
13
E. by S.
Noone the
12
72
N. W. by W.
northerly.
78
59
5°
Noone the
13
2 +
N. N. W.
Westerly.
26
60
58
E. by N.
Noone the
H
24
N. N. W.
32
62
30
N. E.
9
W. N. W.
7
N.
3
N. W.
2
N. N. E.
3
N. W. by N.
2
N. E. by N.
!
1
I
15
9
N. N. W.
8
N. E.
Noone the
!5
2+
N. W.
Northerly.
23
63
20
428
JOHN DAVIS a.d.
1587
THE DISCOURSE.
The true course, distance, & latitude for 96 houres.
The true course, &c. for 72 houres.
This day in the morning at five of the clocke we discovered land being
distant from us at the neerest place sixteene leagues. This land in
generall lay Northwest and to the Westwards, being very mountainous.
The winde was this day variable, and the aire sometime foggie, and some-
time cleere. The foresayd land bare from us (so neere as we could judge)
North, Northwest, and Southeast.
The true course, &c.
429
A.D
I587.
THE ENGLISH V7OYAGES
Moneth.
June.
X
0
0
CO
O
0
CO
p
0
OTQ
CO
Elevation
of the
pole.
5" §
CTQ 3
The winde.
Noone the
16
24
N. N. E.
Easterly.
14
64
17
20
*At mid-
night ye
21
8
W. N. W.
7
S. E.
Noone the
22
4
N. W.
6
S. E.
13
N.W,
18
S. E.
1 1
N.
13
S. E.
Noone the
23
36
N. W. by N.
42
65
40
[III.
1 1 7.] Noone the
24
24
N. by E.
Northerly.
41
67
40
S. S. E.
25
Noone the
26
48
N.
S.
3
N. W.
2
s. w.
7
N. N. E.
10
s.
6
N.
8
s. w.
8
W. N. W.
5
S. E.
Noone the
27
72
N. Westerly.
52
7°
4
Noone the
30
72
N.
43
72
12
30
|
July
I
30
W. by S.
Westerly.
44
71
36
N. W. by N.
2
24
S. E.
12
71
9
Noone the
3 I
8
N. N. W.
1 1
71
40
N.
Noone the
5 i
4*
S. S. E.
36 |
70
N.
43°
JOHN DAVIS a.d.
1587.
THE DISCOURSE.
The true course, Sec. This 16 of June at 5 of the clocke in the after-
noone, being in the latitude of 64 degrees, through Gods helpe we came
to an anker among many low islands which lay before the high land.
This 17 of June we set up our pinnesse. The 20 she was spoiled by the
Savages. At midnight the 21 of June wee departed from this coast, our
two barks for their fishing voyage, and my selfe in the pinnesse for the
discovery. From midnight the 2 1 we shaped our course as followeth.*
At this time we saw great store of whales.
The true course, Sec.
The true course, &c. Here the weather was very hot. This 24. of
June at 6 of the clocke at night we met two savages at sea in their small
canoas, unto whom we gave bracelets, and nailes, for skins & birds.
At 9 of the clocke they departed from us. The next day at 7 of the
clocke in the morning, there came unto us 30 savages 20 leagues off the
shore, intreating us to goe to the shore. We had of them fish, birds,
skinnes, darts, and their coats from their backs, for bracelets, nailes,
knives &c. They remained with us foure houres, and departed.
The true course, Sec. for 72 houres.
The true course, &c. Since the 21 of this moneth I have continually
coasted the shore of Gronland, having the sea all open towards the West,
and the land on ye starboord side East from me. For these last 4 dayes
the weather hath bene extreame hot and very calme, the Sun being 5
degrees above the horizon at midnight. The compasse in this place
varieth 28 degrees towards ye West.
The true course, &c. This day at noone wee coasted a mighty banke
of ice West from us.
This day we fell againe with the ice, seeking to double it out by the
North.
The True course, Sec.
43*
A.D.
1587.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Moneth.
July.
0
CO
0
e
-t
0
en
i '
n
0
c
a
SU
Org
C
n
en
1 Elevation
i of the
pole.
vis
- " 1
The winde.
6
2 1
S. S. W.
22
69 1
Variable.
7 i
8 .
1
Noone the
9
72
E. S. E.
/
68
5°
Calme.
Noone the
10
24
S. E. by S.
8
68
30
E. by N.
Noone the 1 1
24
E. N. E.
»i
68
45
Variable.
Noone the
12
24
S. S. E.
16
68
N. N. W.
13
24
E. by S.
20
S.
Noone the
H
24
W. by N.
1 1
67
50
s.
Noone the
'5
24
w. s. w.
5
67
45
E.
Noone the
16
2 +
S. W. by W.
westerly.
23
67
10
S.
Noone the
18
48
S. by W.
30
65
33
N. fog.
Noone the
19
24
W. southerly.
13
65
3°
S. fog.
20
!
23 i
1
1
i
j
!
!
24
2>
'
432
JOHN DAVIS a.d.
1587.
THE DISCOURSE
The true course, &c. This 6 of July we put our barke thorow the ice,
seeing the sea free on the West side : and having sailed 5 leagues West,
we fell with another mighty barre, which we could not passe : and
therefore returning againe, we freed our selves the 8 of this moneth at
midnight, and so recovered the sea through Gods favour, by faire winds,
the weather being very calme.
The true course, Sec.
The true course, &c. This day we coasted the ice.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
This day the people came to us off the shore, and bartered with us.
Being within the Isles, & not finding good ankorage, we bare off againe
into the sea.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c. This day a great current set us West 6 points
from our course.
The true course, &c. This day we fell w* a mighty banke of ice
West of us.
The true course, &c. Collected by divers experiments.
The true course, &c. This 19 of July at one a clocke in the after-
noone we had sight of the land of Mount Ralegh, and by 12. of the
clocke at night wee were thwart the Streights which (by Gods helpe)
I discovered the first yere.
The 20 day wee traversed in the mouth of the sayd Streights with a
contrary winde, being West and faire weather.
This 23 day at 2 of the clocke in the afternoone, having sailed 60
leagues Northwest, we ankered among an huge number of isles lying in
the bottome of the sayd supposed passage, at which place the water riseth
4 fadome upright. Here as we rode at anker, a great whale passed by
us, and swam West in among the isles. In this place a S. W. by W.
moone maketh, a full sea. Here the compasse varied 30 degrees.
The 24 day at 5 of the clocke in the morning we set saile, departing from
this place, and shaping our course S. E. to recover the maine Ocean againe.
This 25 we were becalmed almost in the bottome of the Streights, &
had the weather marvellous extreame hot.
vii 433 2 E
A.D.
i587.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
[III. 118.]
Moneth.
O
a>
en
July.
0
>-»
en
o
0
s
tr1
org
to
en
Elev
of
po
o
to
CTQ
ition
the
le.
S
5
to
^.
5'
Pu
to
26
S. E.
27
S.
Noone the 29
64
Noone the 30
24
s. s. w.
22
63
31
24
S. by W.
27
62
N. W.
August.
Noone the 1
24
S.E. by S.
l6
6l
10
w. s. w.
Noone the 3
48
S. S. E.
16
60
26
Variable.
Noone the 6
72
S. E.
Southerly.
22
59
35
Variable w*
calme.
7
24
S. S. E.
22
58
40
w. s. w.
8
24
S. E.
13
58
12
W. fog.
9
24
S. by W.
13
57
30
Variable
& calme.
10
24
S. S. E.
17
56
40
S. W. by W.
11
24
S. E. easterly.
40
55
13
W. N. W.
12
24
S. E. easterly.
20
54
32
W. S. W.
J3
24
S. S. E.
4
54
N. W.
'
434
JOHN DAVIS ad
1587.
THE DISCOURSE.
This day being in the Streights, we had a very quicke storme.
Being still in the Streight, we had this day faire weather.
At this present we got cleere of the Streights, having coasted the South
shore, the land trending from hence S. W. by S.
This day we coasted the shore, a banke of ice lying thereupon. Also
this 30 of July in the afternoone we crossed over the entrance or mouth
of a great inlet or passage, being 20 leagues broad, and situate betweene
62 & 63 degrees. In which place we had 8 or 9 great rases, currents or
overfals, lothsomly crying like the rage of the waters under London
bridge, and bending their course into the sayd gulfe.
This 3 1 at noone, comming close by a foreland or great cape, we fell
into a mighty rase, where an island of ice was carried by the force of the
current as fast as our barke could saile with lum wind, all sailes bearing.
This cape as it was the most Southerly limit of the gulfe which we
passed over the 30 day of this moneth, so was it the North promontory
or first beginning of another very great inlet, whose South limit at this
present wee saw not. Which inlet or gulfe this afternoone, and in the
night, we passed over : where to our great admiration we saw the sea
falling down into the gulfe with a mighty overfal, and roring, and with
divers circular motions like whirlepooles, in such sort as forcible streames
passe thorow the arches of bridges.
The true course, &c. This first of August we fell with the promon-
tory of the sayd gulfe or second passage, having coasted by divers courses
for our savegard, a great banke of the ice driven out of that gulfe.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
This day seeking for our ships that went to fish, we strooke on a rocke,
being among many iles, and had a great leake.
435
A.D.
i587.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Moneth.
a
•^
August.
X
0
•1
O
0
c
t7<
n»
OTQ
0
Elev<
of 1
po
O
op
ition
he
e.
3
5'
pu
Noone the 14
24
S. S. E.
28
52
40 N. W.
*Noone ye 1 5
52
12
S/ s. w.
16
20
E. S. E. halfe
point S.
50
5i
s. w.
17
24
E. by S.
3°
50
40 j S.
18
24
E. by N.
northerly.
49
5i
18
w.
19
24
E. halfe point
north
5*
5i
35
Variable
W. & S.
20
24
E. S. E.
31
50
50
s. w.
Noone the 22
48
E. by N.
68 j 51
30
s. s. w.
23
24
E. by N.
Northerly.
33
5i
52
s.
24
24
E. by N.
3i
52
10
Variable.
Noone the 27
72
E.
Northerly.
40
52
23
Variable
& calme.
Noone the 29
48
E. S. E.
47
5i
28
Variable
W. & N.
Noone the 31 48
S. E. by E.
Easterly.
14
51
9
Variable.
September 2
48
E. Southerly.
65
5i
N. W.
3
24
E. by S.
Easterlv.
24
50
5°
W. N. W.
4
24
S. E. by E.
20
50
21
N. N. E.
5 | H
S. E. by E.
18
49
48
N. N. E.
6
24
E. by S.
x5
49 | 4°
N.
7
24
E. S. E.
20
49
15 | N. N. W.
8
24
N. E.
18
49
40 |
9
24
w. s. w.
7
49
42
10
24
S. E. by E.
8i! 49
28 i Variable.
436
JOHN DAVIS ad.
1587.
THE DISCOURSE.
This day we stopped our leake in a storme. The 1 5 of August at
noon, being in the latitude of 52 degrees 12. min. and 16 leagues from the
shore, we shaped our course for England, in Gods name, as followeth.*
The true latitude.
The true course, &c.
The true course, Sec. This day upon the Banke we met a Biscaine
bound either for the Grand Bay or for the passage. He chased us.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c. This 24 of August observing the variation, I
found the compasse to vary towards the East, from the true Meridian,
one degree.
The true course, &c. for 72 houres.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c. Now we supposed our selves to be 55 leagues
from Sillie.
The true course, &c.
The true course, &c.
437
A.D.
1587.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
Moneth.
Elevation
H
tt
ffi
n
rt>
of the
5u
ft)
O
c
Durse.
CTQ
e
t/2
pole.
5? s
s.
5'
a,
September.
CTQ
p
11
24
N. E. by E.
10
49
45
Variable.
12
24
N. W. by W.
6
50
N. E.
13
24
E. by S.
southerly.
15
49
47
N. E.
15
Under the title of the houres, where any number exceedeth 24, it is the
next before, as conteine
438
JOHN DAVIS ad
1587.
THE DISCOURSE.
This 15 of September 1587 we arrived at Dartmouth.
summe or casting up of so many other dayes and partes of dayes going
the foresayd summe.
[A report
439
A.D.
I587.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
[III. 119.] A report of Master John Davis of his three
Voyages made for the discovery of the North-
west passage, taken out of a Treatise of his,
Intituled the worlds Hydrographicall descrip-
tion.
Ow there onely resteth the North parts of
America, upon which coast my selfe have
had most experience of any in our age :
for thrise I was that waye imployed for
the discovery of this notable passage, by
the honourable care and some charge of
Syr Francis Walsingham knight, princi-
pall secretary to her Majestie, with whom divers noble
men and worshipfull marchants of London joyned in
purse and willingnesse for the furtherance of that
attempt, but when his honour dyed the voyage was
friendlesse, and mens mindes alienated from adventuring
therein.
Thei.zoyage. In my first voyage not experienced of the nature of
those climates, and having no direction either by Chart,
Globe, or other certaine relation in what altitude that
passage was to be searched, I shaped a Northerly course
and so sought the same toward the South, and in that
my Northerly course I fell upon the shore which in
ancient time was called Groenland, five hundred leagues
distant from the Durseys Westnorthwest Northerly, the
land being very high and full of mightie mountaines all
covered with snow, no viewe of wood, grasse or earth to be
seene, and the shore two leagues off into the sea so full of
yce as that no shipping could by any meanes come neere
the same. The lothsome view of the shore, and irksome
noyse of the yce was such, as that it bred strange con-
cedes among us, so that we supposed the place to be wast
and voyd of any sensible or vegitable creatures, where-
upon I called the same Desolation : so coasting this shore
towards the South in the latitude of sixtie degrees, I
440
JOHN DAVIS ad.
,587.
found it to trend towards the West, I still followed the
leading therof in the same height, and after fifty or sixtie
leagues it fayled and lay directly North, which I still
followed, and in thirtie leagues sayling upon the West
side of this coast by me named Desolation, we were past
al the yce and found many greene & pleasant Isles
bordering upon the shore, but the hils of the maine
were still covered with great quantities of snow, I brought
my ship among those Isles and there mored to refresh
our selves in our weary travell, in the latitude of sixtie
foure degrees or there about. The people of the
countrey having espyed our shippes came downe unto
us in their Canoas, & holding up their right hand to the
Sunne and crying Yliaout, would strike their breasts : we
doing the like the people came aboard our shippes, men
of good stature, unbearded, small eyed and of tractable
conditions, by whome as signes would permit, we under-
stood that towards the North and West there was a great
sea, and using the people with kindenes in giving them
nayles and knives which of all things they most desired,
we departed, and finding the sea free from yce supposing
our selves to be past al daunger we shaped our course
Westnorthwest thinking thereby to passe for China, but
in the latitude of sixtie sixe degrees we fell with another
shore, and there found another passage of twenty leagues
broad directly West into the same, which we supposed to
be our hoped straight, we entered into the same thirty
or fortie leagues, rinding it neither to wyden nor
streighten, then considering that the yeere was spent
(for this was the fine of August) not knowing the length
of the straight and dangers thereof, we tooke it our best
course to returne with notice of our good successe for
this small time of search. And so returning in a sharpe
fret of Westerly windes the 29. of September we arived
at Dartmouth. And acquainting master Secretary Wal-
singham with the rest of the honourable and worshipfull
adventurers of all our proceedings, I was appointed againe
the second yere to search the bottome of this straight,
441
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1587.
because by all likelihood it was the place and passage by
The 2. voyage, us laboured for. In this second attempt the marchants
of Exeter, and other places of the West became adven-
turers in the action, so that being sufficiently furnished
for sixe moneths, and having direction to search these
straights, untill we found the same to fall into another
sea upon the West side of this part of America, we
should againe returne : for then it was not to be doubted,
but shipping with trade might safely be conveied to
China, and the parts of Asia. We departed from Dart-
mouth, and ariving upon the South part of the coast of
Desolation coasted the same upon his West shore to the
latitude of sixetie sixe degrees, and there ancored among
the Isles bordering upon the same, where we refreshed
our selves, the people of this place came likewise unto
us, by whom I understood through their signes that
towards the North the sea was large. At this place the
chiefe ship whereupon I trusted, called the Mermayd of
Dartmouth, found many occasions of discontentment, and
being unwilling to proceed, shee there forsook me. Then
considering how I had given my faith and most constant
promise to my worshipfull good friend master William
Sanderson, who of all men was the greatest adventurer
in that action, and tooke such care for the performance
[III. 120.] thereof, that he hath to my knowledge at one time dis-
bursed as much money as any five others whatsoever,
out of his owne purse, when some of the companie have
bene slacke in giving in their adventure : And also
knowing that I should loose the favor of M. Secretary
Walsingham, if I should shrink from his direction ; in
one small barke of 30 Tunnes, whereof M. Sanderson
was owner, alone without farther company I proceeded
on my voyage, and arriving at these straights followed
the same 80. leagues, untill I came among many Islands,
where the water did ebbe and flow sixe fadome upright,
and where there had bene great trade of people to make
traine. But by such things as there we found, wee knew
that they were not Christians of Europe that had used
442
JOHN DAVIS ad.
that trade : in fine by searching with our boat, we found
small hope to passe any farther that way, and therefore
recovered the sea and coasted the shore towards the
South, and in so doing (for it was too late to search
towards the North) we found another great inlet neere
40 leagues broad, where the water entred in with violent
swiftnesse, this we also thought might be a passage : for
no doubt the North partes of America are all Islands by The North
ought that I could perceive therein : but because I was P*rts °f
alone in a small barke of thirtie tunnes, and the yeere js/anjs '
spent, I entred not into the same, for it was now the
seventh of September, but coasting the shore towardes
the South wee saw an incredible number of birds :
having divers fishermen aboord our barke they all con-
cluded that there was a great skull of fish, we being
unprovided of fishing furniture with a long spike nayle
made a hooke, and fastened the same to one of our
sounding lines, before the baite was changed we tooke
more then fortie great Cods, the fish swimming so abun-
dantly thicke about our barke as is incredible to bee
reported, of which with a small portion of salt that we
had, we preserved some thirtie couple, or thereaboutes,
and so returned for England. And having reported to
M. Secretarie Walsingham the whole successe of this
attempt, he commanded me to present unto the most
honourable Lord high Treasurour of England, some
part of that fish : which when his Lordship saw, & heard
at large the relation of this second attempt, I received
favourable countenance from his honour, advising me to
prosecute the action, of which his Lordship conceived a
very good opinion. The next yere, although divers of
the adventurers fell from the Action, as all the Westerne
marchants, and most of those in London : yet some of
the adventurers both honorable & worshipfull continued
their willing favor and charge, so that by this meanes
the next yere two shippes were appointed for the fishing
and one pinnesse for the discoverie.
Departing from Dartmouth, through Gods mercifull The 3. voyage.
443
ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1587.
favour, I arrived at the place of fishing, and there
according to my direction I left the two ships to follow
that busines, taking their faithful promise not to depart
untill my returne unto them, which should be in the fine
of August, and so in the barke I proceeded for the
discoverie : but after my departure, in sixeteene dayes the
two shippes had finished their voyage, and so presently
departed for England, without regard of their promise:
my selfe not distrusting any such hard measure proceeded
for the discoverie, and followed my course in the free
and open sea betweene North and Northwest to the
latitude of 67 degrees, and there I might see America
West from me, and Gronland, which I called Desolation,
East : then when I saw the land of both sides 1 began
to distrust it would proove but a gulfe : notwithstanding
desirous to know the full certainty I proceeded, and in
68 degrees the passage enlarged, so that I could not see
the Westerne shore : thus I continued to the latitude
of 73 degrees, in a great sea, free from yce, coasting the
Westerne shore of Desolation : the people came con-
tinually rowing out unto me in their Canoas, twenty,
forty, and one hundred at a time, and would give me
fishes dryed, Salmon, Salmon peale, Cod, Caplin, Lumpe,
Stone-base and such like, besides divers kinds of birds,
as Partrige, Fesant, Guls, Sea birds and other kindes of
flesh : I still laboured by signes to know from them what
they knew of any sea toward the North, they still made
signes of a great sea as we understood them, then I
departed from that coast, thinking to discover the North
parts of America : & after I had sailed towards the
West 40 leagues, I fel upon a great banke of yce :
the winde being North and blew much, I was con-
strained to coast the same toward the South, not seeing
any shore West from me, neither was there any yce
towards the North, but a great sea, free, large very
salt and blew, & of an unsearchable depth : So coasting
towards the South I came to the place where I left
the ships to fish, but found them not. Then being
444
NICHOLAS AND ANTONIO ZENO a.d.
1200.
forsaken & left in this distresse referring my self to
the mercifull providence of God, I shaped my course
for England, & unhoped for of any, God alone releeving
me, I arrived at Dartmouth. By this last discovery it
seemed most manifest that the passage was free & with-
out impediment toward the North : but by reason of
the Spanish fleet & unfortunate time of M. Secretaries
death, the voyage was omitted & never sithens attempted.
The cause why I use this particular relation of all my
proceedings for this discovery, is to stay this objection,
why hath not Davis discovered this passage being thrise
that wayes imploied ? How far I proceeded & in what
forme this discovery lieth, doth appeare upon the Globe
which M. Sanderson to his very great charge hath pub-
lished, for the which he deserveth great favor & com-
mendations.
The discoverie of the Isles of Frisland, Iseland, [in. 121.]
Engroneland, Estotiland, Drogeo and Icaria :
made by two brethren, namely M. Nicholas
Zeno, and M. Antonio his brother : Gathered
out of their letters by M. Francisco Marcolino.
IN the yere of our Lord 1200 there was
in the Citie of Venice a famous Gentle-
man, named Messer Marino Zeno, who
for his great vertue and singular wise-
j dome, was called and elected governour
I in certaine common wealths of Italy : in
the administration whereof he bore him-
selfe so discretly, that he was beloved of all men, and
his name greatly reverenced of those that never knew
or saw his person. And amongst sundry his worthy
workes, this is recorded of him, that he pacified certaine
grievous civile dissentions that arose among the citizens
of Verona : whereas otherwise, if by his grave advise
and great diligence they had not bene prevented, the
matter was likely to breake out into hot broyles of
445
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
1205.
warre. He was the first Podesta, or Ruler, that the
Common wealth of Venice appointed in Constantinople
in the yeere 1205 when our state had rule thereof with
the French Barons. This Gentleman had a sonne named
Messer Pietro, who was the father of the Duke Rinieri,
which Duke dying without issue, made his heire M.
Andrea, the sonne of M. Marco his brother. This M.
Andrea was Captaine Generall and Procurator, a man
of great reputation for many rare partes, that were in
him. He had a sonne M. Rinieri, a worthy Senatour
and prudent Counsellour : of whom descended M.
Pietro Captaine Generall of the league of the Christians
against the Turkes, who was called Dragon, for that in
his shield, in stead of a Manfrone which was his armes
at the first, he bare a Dragon. He was father to M.
Carlo II grande the famous Procurator and Captaine
generall against the Genowayes in those cruell warres,
when as almost all the cheife Princes of Europe did
oppugne and seeke to overthrow our Empire and
libertie, wherein by his great valiancie and prowesse, as
Furius Camillus delivered Rome, so he delivered his
country from the present perill it was in, being ready
to become a pray and spoile unto the enemie: where-
fore he was afterward surnamed the Lyon, and for an
eternall remembrance of his fortitude and valiant ex-
ploits he gave the Lyon in his armes. M. Carlo had
two brethren. M. Nicolo, the knight and M. Antonio,
the father of M. Dragon, of whom issued M. Caterino,
the father M. Pietro da i Grocecchieri. This M. Pietro
had sonnes M. Caterino, that died the last yere, being
brother unto M. Francisco, M. Carlo, M. Battista, and
M. Vincenzo : Which M. Caterino was father to M.
Nicolo, that is yet living.
Now M. Nicolo, the knight, being a man of great
courage, after this aforesaid Genouan warre of Chioggia
that troubled so our predecessours, entred into a great
desire and fansie to see the fashions of the worlde and
to travell and acquaint himselfe with the maners of
446
NICHOLAS AND ANTONIO ZENO a.d.
1380.
sundry nations and learne their languages, whereby
afterwards upon occasions he might be the better able
to doe service to his countrey, and purchase to him-
selfe credite and honour. Wherefore he caused a ship
to be made, and having furnished her at his proper
charges (as he was very wealthy) he departed out of
our seas, and passing the straites of Gibraltar, he sailed
for certaine dayes upon the Ocean, keeping his course
still to the Northwards, with intent to see England
and Flanders. Where being assalted in those Seas by
a terrible tempest, he was so tossed for the space of
many dayes with the sea and winde, that he knew not
where he was, till at length he discovered land, and
not being able any longer to susteine the violence of
the tempest the ship was cast away upon the Isle of The ship of
Friseland. The men were saved, and most part of the M. N. Zeno
goods that were in the ship. And this was in the yere upon Zp%/a„j
1380. The inhabitants of the Island came running in in Anno
great multitudes with weapons to set upon M. Nicolo i38°-
and his men, who being sore weather-beaten and over-
laboured at sea, and not knowing in what part of the
world they were, were not able to make any resistance
at all, much lesse to defend themselves couragiously, as
it behooved them in such a dangerous case. And they
should have bene doubtlesse very discourteously intreated
and cruelly handled, if by good hap there had not beene Afirreme
hard by the place a prince with armed people. Who p^ tnVrif-
understanding that there was even at that present a /and with
great ship cast away upon the Island, came runing at armed men,
the noyse and outcryes that they made against our when M. Zeno
poore Mariners, and dryving away the inhabitants, sufeiek A^"
spake in Latine and asked them what they were and came unt0 ^m
from whence they came, and perceiving that they came and spake
from Italy and that they were men of the said Countrey, Latine.
he was surprised with marvelous great joy. Wherefore
promising them all, that they should receive no dis-
courtesie, and that they were come into a place where
they should be well used and very welcome, he tooke
447
A.D.
c. 1380.
Zichmni
prince of
Porland or
Duke of
Zorani.
[III. 122.]
Frisland the
King of Nor -
zvayes.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
them into his protection upon his faith. This was a
great Lord, and possessed certaine Islands called Porland,
lying on the South side of Frisland, being the richest
and most populous of all those parts, his name was
Zichmni : and beside the said little Islands, he was Duke
of Sorani, lying over against Scotland.
Of these North parts I thought good to draw the
copie of a Sea carde, which amongst other antiquities I
have in my house, which although it be rotten through
many yeeres, yet it falleth out indifferent well : and to
those that are delighted in these things, it may serve
for some light to the understanding of that, which with-
out it cannot so easily be conceived. Zichmni being
Lord of those Sygnories (as is said) was a very warlike
and valiant man and above all things famous in Sea
causes. And having the yere before given the over-
throw to the king of Norway, who was Lord of the
Island, being desirous to winne fame by feates of armes,
hee was come on land with his men to give the attempt
for the winning of Frisland, which is an Island much
bigger then Ireland. Wherefore seeing that M. Nicolo
was a man of judgement & discretion, and very expert
both in sea matters and martiall affaires, hee gave him
commission to goe aboord his Navy with all his men,
charging the captaine to honour him and in all things
to use his counsaile.
This Navy of Zichmni was of thirteene vessels,
whereof two onely were rowed with oares, the rest
small barkes and one ship, with the which they sayled
to the Westwards and with little paines wonne Ledovo
and Ilofe and divers other small Islands : and turning
into a bay called Sudero, in the haven of the towne
named Sanestol, they tooke certaine small barks laden
with fish. And here they found Zichmni, who came
by land with his armie conquering all the countrey as
he went : they stayed here but a while, and led on
their course to the Westwards till they came to the
other Cape of the gulfe or bay, then turning againe,
448
NICHOLAS AND ANTONIO ZEXO a.d.
c. 1380.
they found certaine Islandes and broken lands which
they reduced al unto the Signorie & possession of
Zichmni. These seas, forasmuch as they sailed, were
in maner nothing but sholds & rocks, in so much that
if M. Nicolo and the Venetian mariners had not bene
their Pilots, the whole fleete in judgement of all that
were in it, had bene cast away, so small was the skill
of Zichmnis men, in respect of ours, who had bene
trained up in the arte and practise of Navigation all
the dayes of their life. Now the fleete having done
such things as are declared, the Captaine, by the coun-
saile of M. Nicolo, determined to goe a land, at a
towne called Bondendon, to understand what successe
Zichmni had in his warres : where they heard to their
great content, that he had fought a great battell and
put to flight the armie of his enemie : by reason of
which victory, they sent Embassadours from all parts
of the Island to yeeld the countrey up into his handes,
taking downe their ensignes in every towne and castle:
they thought good to stay in that place for his comming,
it being reported for certaine that hee would be there very
shortly. At his comming there was great congratulation
and many signes of gladnesse shewed, as well for the
victory by land, as for that by sea : for the which the
Venetians were honoured and extolled of all men, in
such sort that there was no talke but of them, and of
the great valour of M. Nicolo. Wherefore the prince,
who was a great favourer of valiant men and especially
of those that could behave themselves well at sea, caused
M. Nicolo to be brought before him, and after having
commended him with many honourable speeches, and
praysed his great industrie and dexteritie of wit, by the
which two things he acknowledged himselfe to have
received an inestimable benefite, as the saving of his
fleet and the winning of many places without any great
trouble, he made him knight, and rewarded his men N. Zeno,
with many rich & bountiful gifts. Then departing from made knight
thence they went in tryumphing maner toward Frisland, y
vii 449 2 F
A.D.
c. 1380-90.
Ships laden
with fish at
Frisland, for
Flanders,
Britain, Eng-
land, Scotland,
Norway and
Denmarke.
But not to be
proved that
ever any came
thence.
A letter sent by
M. N. Zeno,
from Frisland
to his brother
M. Antonio
in Venice.
The end of
the first
letter.
[III. 123]
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
the chiefe citie of that Island, situate on the Southeast
side of the Isle, within a gulfe, as there are many in that
Island. In this gulf or bay there is such great abundance
of fish taken, that many ships are laden therewith to serve
Flanders, Britain, England, Scotland, Norway, and Den-
marke, and by this trade they gather great wealth.
And thus much is taken out of a letter, that M. Nicolo
sent to M. Antonio his brother, requesting that he would
seeke some meanes to come to him. Wherefore he who
had as great desire to travaile as his brother, bought a
ship, and directed his course that way : & after he had
sailed a great while and escaped many dangers, he arrived
at length in safetie with M. Nicolo, who received him very
joyfully, for that he was his brother not onely in flesh and
blood, but also in valour and good qualities. M. Antonio
remained in Frisland and dwelt there for the space of
14 yeres, 4 yeres with M. Nicolo, and 10 yeres alone.
Where they came in such grace and favour with the
Prince, that he made M. Nicolo Captaine of his Navy,
and with great preparation of warre they were sent forth
for the enterprise of Estland, which lyeth upon the coast
betweene Frisland and Norway, where they did many
dammages : but hearing that the king of Norway was
coming towardes them with a great fleet, they departed
with such a terrible flaw of winde, that they were driven
upon certaine sholds : were a great part of their ships
were cast away, the rest were saved upon Grisland, a great
Island but dishabited. The king of Norway his fleete
being taken with the same storme, did utterly perish
in those seas : Whereof Zichmni having notice, by a ship
of his enemies that was cast by chance upon Grisland,
having repayred his fleet, and perceiving himself Northerly
neere unto the Islands, determined to set upon Island,
which together with the rest, was subject to the king
of Norway : but he found the countrey so well fortified
and defended, that his fleete being so small, and very
ill appointed both of weapons and men, he was glad to
retire. And so he left that enterprise without performing
45°
NICHOLAS AND ANTONIO ZENO a.d.
c. 1380-90.
any thing at all : and in the same chanels he assaulted
the other Isles called Islande, which are seven, Talas, Broas,
I scant, Trans, Mimant, Dambere, and Bres : and having
spoyled them all, hee built a fort in Bres, where he
left M. Nicolo, with certaine small barkes and men
and munition. And now thinking he had done wel for
this voyage, with those few ships which were left he
returned safe into Frisland. M. Nicolo remaining nowe
in Bres, determined in the spring to go forth and discover
land : wherefore arming out three small barkes in the
moneth of July, he sayled to the Northwards, and arrived
in Engroneland. Where he found a Monasterie of Engroneknd.
Friers, of the order of the Predicators, and a Church Reaching
dedicated to Saint Thomas, hard by a hill that casteth -flomas
forth fire, like Vesuvius and Etna.
There is a fountaine of hot burning water with the
which they heate the Church of the Monastery and
the Fryers chambers, it commeth also into the kitchin
so boyling hot, that they use no other fire to dresse their
meate : and putting their breade into brasse pots without
any water, it doth bake as it were in an hot oven. They
have also smal gardens covered over in the winter time,
which being watered with this water, are defended from
the force of the snow and colde, which in those partes
being situate farre under the pole, is very extreme,
and by this meanes they produce flowers and fruites and
herbes of sundry sorts, even as in other temperate
countries in their seasons, in such sort that the rude
and savage people of those partes seeing these super-
naturall effects, doe take those Fryers for Gods, and
bring them many presents, as chickens, flesh, and divers
other things, and have them all in great reverence as
Lords. When the frost and snowe is great, they heate
their houses in maner beforesaid, and wil by letting in the
water or opening the windowes, at an instant temper the
heate and cold at their pleasure. In the buildings of the
Monasterie they use no other matter but that which is
ministred unto them by the fire : for they take the burn-
45i
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
c. 1380-90.
ing stones that are cast out as it were sparkles or cinders
at the fierie mouth of the hill, and when they are most
enflamed, cast water upon them, whereby they are
dissolved and become excellent white lime and so tough
that being contrived in building it lasteth for ever.
And the very sparkles after the fire is out of them doe
serve in stead of stones to make walles and vautes : for
being once colde they wil never dissolve or breake,
except they be cut with some iron toole, and the vautes
that are made of them are so light that they need no
sustentaccle or prop to holde them up, and they will
endure continually very faire and whole. By reason of
these great commodities, the Fryers have made there so
many buildings and walles that it is a wonder to see.
The coverts or roofes of their houses for the most part
are made in maner following : first they rayse up the wall
up to his full height, then they make it enclining or
bowing in by little and litle in fourme of a vaut. But they
are not greatly troubled with raine in those partes, because
the climate (as I have saide) is extreme colde : for the first
Winter ofg. snow being fallen, it thaweth no more for the space of
nine moneths, for so long dureth their winter. They
feede of the flesh of wilde foule and of fish : for wheras
the warme water falleth into the sea, there is a large
and wide haven, which by reason of the heate of the
water, doeth never freeze all the winter, by meanes
whereof there is such concourse and flocks of sea foule
and such aboundance of fish, that they take thereof infinite
multitudes, wherby they maintaine a great number of
people round about, which they kepe in continuall
worke, both in building and taking of foules and fish,
and in a thousand other necessarie affaires and busines
about the Monasterie.
Their houses are built about the hill on every side,
in forme round, and 25 foote broad, and in mounting
upwards they goe narower and narower, leaving at the
top a litle hole, whereat the aire commeth in to give
light to the house, and the flore of the house is so hot,
452
vioneths.
NICHOLAS AND ANTONIO ZENO
that being within they feele no cold at all. Hither in the
Summer time come many barkes from the Islands their
about, and from the cape above Norway, and from
Trondon, and bring to the Friers al maner of things that
may be desired, taking in change thereof fish, which they
dry in the sunne or in the cold, & skins of divers kindes
of beasts. For the which they have wood to burne and
timber very artificially carved, and corne, and cloth to
make them apparell. For in change of the two aforesaid
commodities all the nations bordering round about them
covet to trafficke with them, and so they without any
travejl or expences have that which they desire. To
this Monasterie resort Fryers of Norway, of Suetia and
of other countreys, but the most part are of Islande.
There are continually in that part many barks, which are
kept in there by reason of the sea being frozen, waiting
for the spring of the yere to dissolve the yce. The fishers
boates are made like unto a weavers shuttle : taking
the skins of fishes, they fashion them with the bones
of the same fishes, and sowing them together in many
doubles they make them so sure and substanciall, that it
is miraculous to see, howe in tempests they will shut
themselves close within and let the sea and winde cary
them they care not whether, without any feare either
of breaking or drowning. And if they chance to be
driven upon any rocks, they remaine sound without the
least bruse in the world : & they have as it were a sleeve
in the bottome, which is tyed fast in the middle, and
when there commeth any water into the boat, they put it
into the one halfe of the sleeve, then fastening the ende
thereof with two pieces of wood and loosing the band
beneath, they convey the water forth of the boat : and
this they doe as often as they have occasion, without any
perill or impediment at all.
Moreover, the water of the Monastery, being of
sulphurious or brimstonie nature, is conveyed into the
lodgings of the principall Friers by certaine vesselles
of brasse, tinne, or stone, so hot that it heateth the place
453
A.D.
[380-9O.
Trade in sum-
mer time from
Trondon to S.
Thomas Friers
in Groneland.
Resort of
Fryers from
Norway and
Sueden, to the
Monastery in
Engroneland,
called S. Tho.
M. Frobishet
brought these
kinde of boats
from these
parts into
England.
[III. 12+.]
A.D.
c. 1380-90.
In the Mona-
stery of Saint
Thomas most
of the?n spake
the Lathe
tongue. The
end of the 2.
letter.
N. Zeno dyed
in Frisland.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
as it were a stove, not carying with it any stinke or
other noysome smell.
Besides this they have another conveyance to bring
hot water with a wall under the ground, to the end it
should not freeze, unto the middle of the court, where
it falleth into a great vessel of brasse that standeth in the
middle of a boyling fountaine, and this is to heat their
water to drinke & to water their gardens, & thus they
have from the hill the greatest commodities that may
be wished : and so these Fryers employ al their travaile
and studie for the most part in trimming their gardens
and in making faire and beautifull buildings, but especi-
ally handsome and commodious : neyther are they
destitute of ingenious and paineful artificers for the
purpose ; for they give very large payment, and to them
that bring them fruits and seedes they are very bounti-
full, and give they care not what. So that there is great
resort of workemen and masters in divers faculties, by
reason of the good gaines and large allowance that is
there.
The most of them speake the Latine tongue, and
specially the superiours and principals of the Monastery.
And this is as much as is knowen of Engroneland, which
is all by the relation of M. Nicolo, who maketh also par-
ticular description of a river that he discovered, as is to
be seene in the carde that I drew. And in the end
M. Nicolo, not being used & acquainted with these
cruell coldes, fel sicke, and a litle while after returned
into Frisland, where he dyed. He left behind him in
Venice, two sonnes, M. Giovanni and M. Toma, who
had two sonnes, M. Nicolo the father of the famous
Cardinal Zeno, and M. Pietro of whom descended the
other Zenos, that are living at this day.
Now M. Nicolo being dead, M. Antonio succeeded
him both in his goods, and in his dignities and honour :
and albeit he attempted divers wayes, and made great
supplication, he could never obtaine licence to returne
into his countrey. For Zichmni, being a man of great
454
NICHOLAS AND ANTONIO ZENO
courage and valour, had determined to make himself
Lord of the sea. Wherfore using alwayes the counsaile
and service of M. Antonio, he determined to send him
with certaine barks to the Westwards, for that towards
those parts, some of his fishermen had discovred certaine
Islands very rich and populous : which discovery
M. Antonio, in a letter to his brother M. Carlo, re-
counteth from point to point in this maner, saving that
we have changed some old words, leaving the matter
entire as it was.
Sixe and twentie yeeres agoe there departed foure fisher
boats, the which, a mightie tempest arising, were tossed
for the space of many dayes very desperately upon the
Sea, when at length, the tempest ceasing, and the wether
waxing faire, they discovered an Island called Estotiland,
lying to the Westwards above iooo Miles from Frisland,
upon the which one of the boats was cast away, and sixe
men that were in it were taken of the inhabitants and
brought into a faire and populous citie, where the king
of the place sent for many interpreters, but there was none
could be found that understood the language of the fisher-
men, except one that spake Latine, who was also cast by
chance upon the same Island, who in the behalfe of the
king asked them what countreymen they were : and so
understanding their case, rehearsed it unto the king, who
willed that they should tary in the countrey : wherefore
they obeying his commandement, for that they could not
otherwise doe, dwelt five yeres in the Island, & learned
the language, and one of them was in divers partes of
the Island, and reporteths that it is a very rich countrey,
abounding with all the commodities of the world, and
that it is litle lesse then Island, but farre more fruitfull,
having in the middle thereof a very high mountaine, from
the which there spring foure rivers that passe through
the whole countrey.
The inhabitants are very wittie people, and have all
artes and faculties, as we have : and it is credible that
in time past they have had trafficke with our men, for
455
A.D.
c. 1380-90.
The discoverie
of Estotiland
Westward.
Sixe fisher-
men taken.
Fishermen of
Frisland
speake Latine.
Sixe were five
yeeres in
Estotiland.
One of the
fishers of Fris-
land, reporteth
of Estotiland.
Estotiland
rich, abound-
ing with all
the commodi-
ties of the
world.
A.D.
c. 1380-90.
Abundance
of golde.
Trade from
Estotiland, to
Engroneland :
Skins, brim-
stone, and
pitch : golde,
come, and
beere, or ale.
Many cities
and castles.
[in. .25.]
A countrey
called Drogio.
The 6 fisher-
men ofFris-
land onely
saved, by
shewing the
maner to take
fish.
The chicfest
of the 6 fishers,
specified before
and his com-
panions.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
he said, that he saw Latin bookes in the kings Librarie,
which they at this present do not understand : they have
a peculiar language, and letters or caracters to themselves.
They have mines of all maner of mettals, but especial
they abound with gold. They have their trade in
Engroneland, from whence they bring furres, brimstone
& pitch : and he saith, that to the Southwards, there is
a great populous countrey very rich of gold. They
sow corne, and make beere and ale, which is a kinde of
drinke that North people do use as we do wine. They
have mighty great woods, they make their buildings with
wals, & there are many cities and castles. They build
small barks and have sayling, but they have not the load
stone, nor know not the use of the compasse. Where-
fore these fishers were had in great estimation, insomuch
that the king sent them with twelve barks to the South-
wards to a countrey which they call Drogio : but in
their voyage they had such contrary weather, that they
thought to have perished in the sea : but escaping that
cruell death, they fell into another more cruell : for they
were taken in the countrey and the most part of them
eaten by the Savage people, which fed upon mans flesh,
as the sweetest meat in their judgements that is.
But that fisher with his fellowes shewing them the
maner of taking fish with nets, saved their lives : and
would goe every day a fishing to the sea and in fresh
rivers, and take great abundance of fish and give it to
the chiefe men of the countrey, whereby he gate him-
selfe so great favour, that he was very well beloved and
honoured of every one.
The fame of this man being spread abroad in the
countrey, there was a Lord there by, that was very
desirous to have him with him, and to see how he used
his miraculous arte of catching fish, in so much that he
made warre with the other Lord with whom he was
before, and in the end prevailing, for that he was more
mightie and a better warriour, the fisherman was sent
unto him with the rest of his company. And for the
456
NICHOLAS AND ANTONIO ZENO ad.
c. 1380-90.
space of thirteene yeres that he dwelt in those parts, he In the space
saith, that he was sent in this order to more then 25 °flZy^r"
Lords, for they had continuall war amongst themselves, iJ^JS 25
this Lord with that Lord, and he with another, onely Orogio.
to have him to dwell with them : so that wandring up
and downe the countrey without any certaine abode in
one place, he knew almost all those parts. He saith,
that it is a very great countrey & as it were a new world :
the people are very rude and voide of all goodnesse, they
goe all naked so that they are miserably vexed with
colde, neither have they the wit to cover their bodyes
with beasts skins which they take in hunting, they have
no kinde of mettal, they live by hunting, they cary cer-
taine lances of wood made sharpe at the point, they have
bowes, ye strings wherof are made of beasts skins : they
are very fierce people, they make cruell warres one with
another, and eate one another, they have governours &
certaine lawes very divers among themselves. But the
farther to the Southwestwards, the more civiltie there is,
the ayre being somewhat temperate, so that there they
have cities and temples to idols, wherein they sacrifice
men and afterwards eate them, they have there some
knowledge and use of gold and silver.
Now this fisherman having dwelt so many yeeres in
those countreys purposed, if it were possible, to returne
home into his countrey, but his companions despairing
ever to see it againe, let him goe in Gods name, and
they kept themselves where they were. Wherefore he
bidding them farwell, fled through the woods towards
Drogio, and was very well received of the Lord that
dwelt next to that place ; who knew him and was a
great enemie of the other Lord ; and so running from
one Lord to another, being those by whom he had passed
before, after long time & many travels he came at length
to Drogio, where he dwelt three yeres. When as by
good fortune he heard by the inhabitants, that there
were certaine boates arrived upon the coast : wherefore
entring into good hope to accomplish his intent, he went
457
A.D.
c. 1380-90.
He returned
from Estoti-
land to Fris-
land.
Zichmni
minded to send
M. Antonio
Zcno with a
fleete towards
those parts of
Estotiland.
The 4 letter.
The fisherman
dyed that
should have
bene inter-
preter.
Certaine
mariners
taken in his
steede, zvhich
came with him
from Estoti-
land.
Isle Ilofe.
THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
to the sea side, and asking them of what countrey they
were ; they answered of Estotiland, whereat he was
exceeding glad, and requested that they would take him
in to them, which they did very willingly, and for that
he had the language of the countrey, and there was none
that could speake it, they used him for their interpreter.
And afterward he frequented that trade with them in
such sort, that he became very rich, and so furnishing
out a barke of his owne, he returned into Frislande,
where he made reporte unto this Lord of that wealthy
countrey.
And he is throughly credited because of the mariners,
who approve many strange things, that he reporteth to
be true. Wherfore this Lord is resolved to send me
forth with a fleet towards those parts, and there are so
many that desire to go in the voyage, for the noveltie
and strangenesse of the thing, that I thinke we shall be
very strongly appointed, without any publike expence at
all. And this is the tenor of the letter before mentioned,
which I have here set downe to give intelligence of
another voyage that M. Antonio made, being set out
with many barkes, and men, notwithstanding he was not
captaine, as he had thought at the first he should : for
Zichmni went in his owne person : and concerning that
matter I have a letter in forme following.
One great preparation for the voyage of Estotiland was
begun in an unlucky houre : for three dayes before our
departure the fisherman died that should have bene our
guide : notwithstanding this Lord would not give over
the enterprize, but instead of the fisherman tooke certaine
mariners that returned out of the Island with him : and
so making our Navigation to the Westwards, we dis-
covered certaine Islands subject to Frisland, and having
passed certaine shelves we stayed at Ledovo for the space
of 7 daies to refresh our selves, and to furnish the fleet
with necessarie provision. Departing from thence we
arrived the first of July at the Isle of Ilofe : and for that
the wind made for us, we stayed not there, but passed
45S
NICHOLAS AND ANTONIO ZENO a.d.
c. 1380-90.
forth, and being upon the maine sea, there arose im-
mediately a cruel tempest, wherwith for eight dayes space
we were miserably vexed, not knowing where we were: [III. 126.]
& a great part of the barks were cast away, afterward the
weather waxing faire, we gathered up the broken peices
of the barks that were lost, and sayling with a prosperous
winde we discovered land at West. Wherefore keeping ZicAmni his
our course directly upon it, we arrived in a good and dtsco*e™ °f
r , , Li • r ■ & . r the Island
sate harborough, where we saw an innnit companie of jcar^
people ready in armes, come running very furiously to
the water side, as it were for defence of the Island.
Wherfore Zichmni causing his men to make signes of
peace unto them, they sent 10 men unto us that could
speake ten languages, but we could understand none of
them, except one that was of Island. He being brought 4n Island
before our prince and asked, what was the name of the man in lcaru
Island, and what people inhabited it, & who governed
it, answered, that the Island was called Icaria, and that all
the kings that reigned there, were called Icari, after the The kings of
name of the first king of that place, which as they say was I1carm c"lled
the sonne of Dedalus king of Scotland, v/ho conquered nameofthe
that Island, left his sonne there for king, and left them first king of
those lawes that they retaine to this present, and after that place,
this, he desiring to sayle further, in a great tempest that as theJ
vet>ovt was
arose, was drowned, wherefore for a memoriall of his 5onne)oDeda-
death, they call those seas yet, the Icarian Sea, and the hs king of
kings of the Island Icari, and for that they were contented Scots.
with that state, which God had given them, neither lcarian Sea-
would they alter one jote of their lawes and customes,
they would not receive any stranger : wherefore they
requested our prince, that hee would not seeke to violate
their lawes, which they had received from that king of
worthy memory and observed very duly to that present :
which if he did attempt, it would redound to his manifest
destruction, they being all resolutely bent rather to leave
their life, then to loose in any respect the use of their
lawes. Notwithstanding, that we should not thinke they
did altogether refuse conversation and traffick with other
459
a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES
c. 1380-90.
men, they tolde us for conclusion that they would
willingly receive one of our men, & preferre him to be one
of the chiefe amongst them, onely to learne my language
The people of the Italian tongue, and to be informed of our manners
1 carta desirous ancj customes, as they had already received those other
tongue * ten °^ ten sundry nations, that came into their Island.
Ten men of To these things our Prince answered nothing at all, but
ten sundry causing his men to seke some good harbrough, he made
nations. signes as though he would depart, and sayling round
about the Island, he espied at length a harbrough on the
East side of the Island, where hee put in with all his
Fleet : the mariners went on land to take in wood and
water, which they did with as great speede as they could,
doubting least they should be assaulted by the inhabitants,
as it fell out in deed, for those that dwelt therabouts,
making signes unto the other with fire and smoke, put
Infinite multi- themselves presently in armes and the other comming to
tudes of armed t\iem t|iey came an running; downe to the sea side upon
men in 1 carta. .
our men, with bowes and arrowes, and other weapons, so
that many were slaine and divers sore wounded. And
we made signes of peace unto them, but it was to no
purpose, for their rage increased more and more, as
though they had fought for land and living. Wherefore
Zichmni we were forced to depart, and to sayle along in a great
departed from c}rcuite aDOut the Islande, being alwayes accompanyed
wards. upon the hil tops & the sea coastes with an infinite
number of armed men : and so doubling the Cape of
the Island towards the North, we found many great
sholdes, amongst the which for the space of ten dayes we
were in continuall danger of loosing our whole fleet, but
that it pleased God all that while to send us faire weather.
Wherefore proceeding on till we came to the East cape,
we saw the inhabitants still on the hill tops and by the
sea coast keepe with us, and in making great outcryes
and shooting at us a farre off, they uttered their old
spitefull affection towards us. Wherefore wee deter-
mined to stay in some safe harborough, and see if wee
might speake once againe with the Islander, but our
460
NICHOLAS AND ANTONIO ZENO ad.
c. 1380-90.
determination was frustrate : for the people more like
unto beasts then men, stood continually in armes with
intent to beat us back, if we should come on land.
Wherefore Zichmni seeing he could not prevaile, and
thinking if he should have persevered and followed
obstinately his purpose, their victuals would have failed
them, he departed with a fayre wind and sailed sixe daies
to the Westwards, but the winde changing to the South-
west, and the sea waxing rough, wee sayling 4 dayes
with the wind the powp, and at length discovering land,
were afraid to approch nere unto it, the sea being growen,
and we not knowing what land it was : but God so
provided for us, that the winde ceasing there came a great
calme. Wherefore some of our company rowing to land
with oares, returned & brought us newes to our great
comfort, that they had found a very good countery and a
better harborough : upon which newes we towed our
ships and smal barks to land, and being entred into the
harborough, we saw a farre off a great mountain, that cast
forth smoke, which gave us good hope that we should
finde some inhabitants in the Island, neither would
Zichmni rest, although it were a great way ofF, but sent
100 souldiers to search the countrey and bring report 100 men sent
what people they were that inhabited it, & in the meane t0 dlscne the
time they tooke in wood and water for the provision of c
the fleet, and catcht great store of fish and sea foule and
found such aboundance of birds egges, that our men that
were halfe famished, were filled therewithall. Whiles we
were riding here, began the moneth of June, at which
time the aire in the Island was so temperate and pleasant [III. 127.]
as is impossible to expresse : but when we could see no
people at al, we suspected greatly that this pleasant place
was desolate and dishabited. We gave name to the d-iers returnej
heaven calling it Trin, and the point that stretched out which had
into the sea, we called Capo de Trin. The 100 souldiers bene through
that were sent forth, 8 dayes after returned, and brought the lslan