PROCEEDINGS

THE SOCIETY

BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

NOVEMBER, 1889,

JUNE, 1890.

VOL. XII. TWENTIETH SESSION.

PUBLISHED AT

THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY, 11, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.

1890.

HARRISON AND SONS,

PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY,

ST. MARTIN'S LANE, LONDON.

COUNCIL, 1889-90.

President. P. le Page Renouf.

Vice-Presidents.

Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor.

The Ven. J. A. Ilessey, D.C.L., D.D., Archdeacon of Middlesex.

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.

The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c.

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.

Walter Morrison, M.P.

Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c, &c.

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c, &c.

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.

Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, G.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c.

Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.

Council.

W. A. Tyssen Amherst, M.P.. &c.

Rev. Charles James Ball.

Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A.

Prof, R. L. Bensly.

E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A.

Arthur Cates.

Thomas Christy, F.L.S.

Charles Harrison, F.S.A.

Rev. Albert Lowy.

Prof. A. Macalister, M.D.

Rev. James Marshall.

Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.

J. Pollard.

F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A.

E. Towry Whyte, M.A.

Rev. W. Wright, D.D.

Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.

Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.

Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A.

Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S.

CONTENTS.

Secretary's Report for 1889 ... 129-134

List of Council, &c, for 1890 ... ... ... ... 136

Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year ending

31st December, 1889 ... ... ... ... ... 135

Donations to Library > 0

3 [ ••• h 5!> I27, i55> 225> 353, 3Sl

Purchases for Library)

Nomination of Candidates... 3, 52, 128, 156, 226, 354, 382

Election of Members ... ... 52, 128, 155, 226, 354,382

Errata ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 262

November 5, 1889. No. lxxxvi.

Rev. C. J. Ball. The New Accadian. Parti 4-41

Rev. W. Houghton, M.A., F.L.S. The Tree and Fruit

represented by the Tapuakh of the Hebrew Scriptures 42-48

P. J. de Horrack. Note on the D'Orbiney Papyrus ... 49-50

December 3, 1889. No. lxxxvii.

Rev. C. J. Ball. The New Accadian. Part II 53-S0

Rev. W. Houghton, M.A., F.L.S. Was the Camel

known to the Ancient Egyptians? ... ... ... 81-84

F. L. Griffith. Notes on Egyptian Inscriptions of the

Middle Kingdom S5-88

F. L. Griffith. Notes on a Tour to Upper Egypt.

(Continued from Vol. XI, p. 234.) ... ... ... S9-IT3

Professor Karl Piehl. Notes sur Philologie Egyptienne

{Continued from Vol. XI, p. 226.) ... ... ... 114-125

P. G. Pinches. Letter ... 126

CONTENTS. A

January 14th, 1890. (Anniversary.) No. lxxxviii.

I'AOE

Secretary's Report for the year 1889 ... ... ... 129-134

Statement of Accounts for the year ending 31 Dec, 1889 135

Council and Officers, 1890 ... ... ... ... 136

Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A. Remarks on the Tablet of

Thirty Stars. Part I. (Two illustrations.) ... ... 137-15-

February 4, 1890. No. lxxxix.

E. de Bunsen. The Pharaohs of Moses according to Hebrew and Egyptian Chronology ... ... ... 157-166

A. L. Lewis. Some suggestions respecting the Exodus 167-179

Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A. Remarks on the Tablet of

Thirty Stars. Part II. (Illustrated.) ... ... 180-206

Rev. C. J. Ball. The New Accadian. Part III ... 207-222

March 4, 1890. No. xc.

J. H. Gladstone, Ph.D., F.R.S. On Copper and Bronze

of Ancient Egypt and Assyria ... ... ... ... 227-234

Professor G. Maspero. Sur le Sens des Mots Nouit et

Hait 235-257

Dr. A. Wiedemann. A forgotten Prince ... ... 258-261

Professor Karl Piehl. Errata ... ... ... ... 262

F. L. Griffith. Notes on Egyptian Texts of the Middle Kingdom. Part II

Rev. C. J. Ball. The New Accadian. Part IV

263-268 269-287

April. (No. Meeting.) No. xci.

Rev. C. A. de Cara. (Letter.) The Hittites 289-291

Dr. Mse. Schwab. Les Coupes Magiques et l'Hydro-

mancie dans l'antiquite orientale. (5 plates.) ... ... 292-342

P. le Page Renouf (President.) The Names of Isis

and Osiris 343~34^

P. le Page Renouf (President.) JNleith of Sais ... ... 347-352

VI CONTENTS.

May 6, 1890. No. xcn.

PAGE

P. le Page Renouf (President). The Priestly Character

of the Earliest Egyptian Civilization ... ... ... 355-362

P. le P. Renouf (President). Seb or Queb ; Sechet and

Sechmet ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 363-367

Professor Karl Piehl. Notes de Philologie Egyptienne.

( Continued from p. 125.) ... ... ... ... 368-380

June 3, 1890. No. xcin.

Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S. The Winged Figures of the Assyrian and other Ancient Monuments 3^3_393

Rev. C. J. Ball. The New Accadian. Part V 394-418

Prof. Maspero. Sur les Dynasties Divines de l'Ancienne Egypte 4I9-432

Prof. Karl Piehl. Notes de Philologie Egyptienne. (Con- tinued from p. 380.) ... ... ... ... ... 433-438

Prof. E. Lefebure. Sur differents noras Egyptiens ... 439-456

G. A. Simcox. Tyre ... ... ... ... ... 457-459

P. le Page Renouf (President). The Sunstroke in Egyptian ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 460-461

Hyde Clarke. Cypriote and Khita ... ... ... 462-470

CONTEXTS.

VI 1

ILLUSTRATIONS

Capricorn (from a Babylonian Uranographic Stone)

Capricorn (from a Euphratcan Boundary Stone)

The Ptolemaic Taurus

Lunar Bull. Symbol from Hamath Stone

Egyptian Fortress (plan) ...

Egyptian Chateau (plan)

Inscribed Bowl A ...

Ditto B

Ditto C

Ditto D

Ditto E

Winged Figures. Plate I ...

Ditto ,, II

Ditto „ III

Ditto ,. IV J

PACE

'5°

T5° iSf,

18O

247 254 299 306 310

3i3 322

583-

393

VOL. XII. Part i.

=f

PROCEEDINGS

THE SOCIETY

BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

-*£-

VOL. XII. TWENTIETH SESSION.

First Meeting, November 5, 1889.

■m-

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Rev. C. J. Ball. — The New Accadian 4-41

Rev. W. Houghton, M.A., F.L. S. — The Tree and Fruit

represented by the Tapuakh of the Hebrew Scriptures 4-4^

P. J. de Horrack. — Note on the D'Orbiney Papyrus 49-50

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I:

PROCEEDINGS

OF

THE SOCIETY

OF

BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

TWENTIETH SESSION, 1889-90.

First Meeting, $tk November, 1889. P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,

IN THE CHAIR.

-*£><&$-

The following Presents were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —

From the Author, F. L. Griffith :— The Inscriptions of Siut and Der Rifeh. London. Fol., 1889.

From the Author, Rev. P. Cesare A. De Cara, D.C.D.G. :— Gli Hyksos o Re Pastori di Egitto. 8vo. Roma, 18S9.

From the Author, D. Simonson, Rabbin : — Sculptures et Inscrip- tions de Palmyre a la Glyptotheque de Ny Carlsberg. 8vo. Copenhagen, 1889.

From the Author, Dr. A. Wiedemann : — Aegyptologische Studien.

Die Praeposition xe&- Die Augenschminke mestem. 8vo. Bonn, 1S89.

From the Author, Dr. A. Wiedemann : — Wm. Flinders Petrie, Hawara, Biahmu, and Arsinoe. Review of (Reprint). [No. lxxxvi.] 1 b

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1889.

From the Author, Rev. I. N. Fradenburgh, Ph.D., D.D. :— Old Heroes, the Hittites of the Bible. New York. 8vo. 1889.

From the Author, Dr. F. E. Peiser : — Die Zugehorigkeit der unter Nr. 84. 2-1 1 im British Museum registrirten Thon- tafelsammlung zu den Thontafelsammlungen des Koniglichen Museums zu Berlin. 8vo.

Sitz. der K. Pruss. Akad. der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1889. xxxviii. From the Author, Dr. C. P. Tiele : — Over de spijkerschrift- tafels onlanges te Tell-el-Amarna gevonden. 8vo. Amsterdam. 1889.

Koninklijke Akad. van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling, Letter- kunde 3de. Reeks, Deel VI.

From the Author, W. G. Hird : — Monumental Records, or the Inscriptions of Assyria and Babylonia, and their bearing on Bible History, &c. London, 1889.

From the Author, Dr. O. V. Lemm : — Sahidische Bibelfrag- mente. 8vo. 1889, St. Pe'tersbourg. Melanges Asiatiques, T. X, Livr. 1.

From the Author, Rev. A. J. Delattre, S.J. : — Les Chaldeens jusqu'a la formation de l'Empire de Nabuchodonosor, precede de considerations sur un recent livre de M. Hugo Winckler. (Two editions.) Louvain, 1889.

From the Author, Dr. Hugo Winckler. Plagiat? — Antwort auf die von A. J. Delattre, S.J., gegen mich erhobenen beschuldigungen. 8vo. Leipzig, 1889.

From the Author, Prof. Robert W. Rogers : — Two Texts of Esarhaddon (King of Assyria 681-668 B.C.). 8vo. Haverford College Studies, No. 2.

From the Author, Rev. J. A. Paine : The Pharaoh of the Exodus, and his Son, in the light of their Monuments.

Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine. Sept., 1889. Vol. XXXVIII, No. 5.

From the Editor : — The Pharaoh and Date of the Exodus, a Study in Comparative Chronology. By Jacob Schwartz. The Theological Monthly. 8vo. No. 3. March, 1889, London.

2

Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

From the Author, Robt. Brown, Jr., F.S.A., &c. : — The Etruscan Numerals.

The Archaeological Review, Vol. Ill, Nos. 5 and 6. July, 1889. From A. Karoly : — L'homme prehistorique : L'origine du Lan- gage ; par Zaborowski. L'Asie Occidentale et 1'Egypte ; par A. Ott. 8vo. Paris.

Bibliotheque Utile, Vols. XV, L, and XXXIII.

The following were nominated for election at the next Meeting on 3rd December, 1889: —

Dr. Martin Jager, Keilstrasse, 1811, Leipzig.

Rev. Thomas Robson Pickering, Harrington, West Cumberland.

Jos. C. Green, M.D., Buffalo, New York, U.S.A.

John T. D. Llewelyn, Penllergare, Swansea.

Dr. Leon de Lantsheere, 210, Rue du Trone, Bruxelles.

Prof. R. L. Bensly, Professor of Arabic, Caius College, Cambridge.

Monsieur l'Abbe Martin, Paris.

Prof. O. Donner, Helsingfors University, Finland.

Alexander Payne, F.R.I. , B.A., F.S.I., A.I.C E., 4, Storeys Gate, St. James's Park, S.W.

Rev. Edward George King, D.D., Vicar of Madingley, Cambridge.

Mrs. Voile, 10, Museum Mansion, Great Russel Street, W.C.

The Ven. James Augustus Hersly, D.C.L., LL.D., &rc, Arch- deacon of Middlesex, 41, Leinster Gardens, Hyde Park, W.

A Paper was read by Rev. C. J. Ball, entitled, "Notes on the Accadian Laneuaee."

A Paper by Rev. W. Houghton, M.A., F.L.S., entitled, " The Tree and Fruit represented by the Tappuakh of the Hebrew Scriptures," was read by the Rev. A. Lowy.

b 2

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1889.

THE NEW ACCADIAN. By the Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A., Oxon.,

CHAPLAIN OF LINCOLN'S INN ; FORMERLY CENSOR AND LECTURER IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON.

Some time ago I began to study Chinese, not so much with a view to mastering the literature of that remarkable language, as for purposes of philological comparison. I had not gone far before I was struck by an apparent parallelism of sound between a series of terms with which I was already familiar in the Babylonian syllabaries, and a Chinese series of similar import. The Accadian terms were these :

A-A (or AI), " father." A-A (or AI), "moon."

A "hand," "side."

A "son."

and the Chinese :

ye, " father " (Amoy id). yueh, " moon." yu, " hand." yu, " young."

These coincidences appeared to me so curious, that I thought it might be worth while to make further investigation in order to determine, if possible, whether there might not be something more in them than mere accident. I could not help remembering that in Accadian the moon is a goddess, and the consort of the sun, just as she is in Chinese, whereas in the Semitic languages generally, the term for " moon " is of the masculine gender ; so that a Babylonian or an Assyrian uninfluenced by non-Semitic ideas, would have naturally spoken of the moon-god. Then, again, the Turkish ai, " moon," was present to my mind, as also the Coptic Ioh (a de- scendant of the old Egyptian cta/i), and even the Greek Io, which Pausanias tells us was a title of the moon-goddess at Argos. It seemed noteworthy that all these names contained the^-sound, which Assyrian scholars consider to be either expressed or suppressed in the sign ]] ^ a-a or a-i.

4

Nov. s] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

Now it was plain that if I wished to trace a possible connection between two languages so remote from each other in time and place as the old non-Semitic idiom of Babylonia and the Mandarin dialect of Chinese, it would not do to be satisfied with mere similarities of sound, even when the inference of identity might seem to be con- firmed by similarity of meaning. Scientific philology is not a hotch- potch of isolated resemblances. The proper course appeared to be to try to establish uniformities in the permutation of sounds between the two languages.

I had chanced to begin with words presenting an initial y in Chinese, so I proceeded to look for other instances of correspon- dence involving this letter. The advanced stage of phonetic decay presented by the Mandarin dialect, and the fact, familiar in philology, of initial G wearing down in course of time to a Y sound, at once suggested that the numerous cases of initial Y in the common language of modern China might exemplify this change. If this idea were correct, and Chinese were really cognate with Accadian, I expected to find that the substitution of an initial G for a Y in Chinese words would yield forms recognisably related to corres- ponding Accadian terms. Accordingly, I wrote the Chinese ye, " night," with a g, and got the Accadian gk, " night " (Assyrian tniisu). It was an isolated fact, but it encouraged me to pursue what might, after all, turn out to be a will-o'-the-wisp. The result was the following list :

Accadian. Chinese,

ge, gea, "night." ye, "night."

gig (salmu), "shadow," "dark," yt'ng, " a shadow "; yu, "dark."

"image," "likeness." yin, "shady," "a shade."

(eqlitu), "darkness."

GU (sas/i, qibii, apalu, etc.), "to yu, " to speak "; yen, "word.''

speak."

gig (tnarsu, fnursu), "sick," yang, "sickness."

"sickness."

gana (ginu), "garden." yuen, "garden."

{eqlu), "field."

gis, gi {edu), " one." yih, " one."

ges (jr; gas), Sikaru, "new wine," yu, " new wine."

or "strong drink" of any kind.

gin (alaku), "to walk," "march." yin, "to journey," "move on."

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1889.

Gi, gin (qatw), "a reed." yih, "a dart"; yoh, "a musical

reed"; yin, "a long spear, or pointed weapon."

(gis)kan-na (ganag? gana? yin," a. seal." kunukku), "a seal."

6u (iss/iru), "a bird," "winged yii, " wings "; yV, " wings."

thing," VOlucris, to Tre-reivov.

GA (uii/iu), "a fish." yii, "fish."

6u, ge (i^ basii), "to be." yu, "to be."

Having obtained similar results from the comparison of eight other initial consonants, b, d, k, p, t, 1, m, n, s, s, I thought I might venture to lay the whole before Professor R. K. Douglas, of the British Museum. I was especially anxious to know where to find the older forms of the Chinese language, as it was obvious that, if my theory of an earlier g in place of the Mandarin y could be supported by the history of the language, the above comparisons would be all the more secure. Professor Douglas gave me every possible en- couragement to continue my researches, and advised the use of Dr. Samuel Wells Williams' great Syllabic Dictionary (Shanghai, 1874).*

To recur now to the list of apparently common terms which I have already indicated ; there would be little difficulty in extending the list to almost indefinite dimensions, especially if we have regard to the older forms of the Chinese words as recorded in the native dictionaries, and as preserved in the actual usage of the so-called Chinese dialects, or rather cognate languages of Amoy, Canton, Swatow, Fuhchau, Shanghai, and Chifu, of which the first two appear to have undergone least phonetic change. For instance, gud, gu (alj>u, siiru,), is Accadian for "ox," "cow." This corresponds to

* Afterwards I procured a dictionary of the Amoy vernacular, by the Rev. Carstairs Douglas (London, Triibner, 1873) > a grammar and reading-book of the ( lanton dialect by the Rev. \V. Lobscheid (Hong Kong, 1864) ; Du Ponceau on Chinese Writing (Philadelphia, 1838), which includes a lexicon of the Cochin Chinese; Stephan Endlicher's Anfangsgriinde der Chinesischen Grammatik ( Wien, 1845); Bayer's Museum Sinicum (Petropoli, 1730), and other works. When this paper was already at press, Professor Douglas kindly lent me I >r. Edkins1 monograph 'The Evolution of the Chinese Language' (Triibners, 1888), in which I find many remarkable facts that tell in favour of the views expressed in the text. The ' Chinese Manual ' of Professor Douglas has also been of the greatest service to me, owing to the clear and handy form in which it presents a multitude of facts (London, 1889).

6

Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

the Chinese niu, " ox," " cow," " cattle," of which one of the old sounds was ngu, and which appears in Cantonese as ngau, in Swatow as gu, in Amoy as giu, in Fuhchau as ngiu, as well as under the forms nu, nuk, nau, liu. Niu is nyit = ngu. Now it is an interesting fact, upon which Dr. Jensen has laid special emphasis, that initial g is often nasalized in Accadian, e.g., galu, "man" is, strictly speaking, ngalu. This seems to prove the identity of Accadian gu (ngu) with Chinese niu {nyu). gid, gidda, again, is the Accadian for Ass. arku, "long," nasdhu, "to remove," elipu, "to last long," etc. This seems to answer to the Chinese yii, "vague," "vast," "distant," which, like the Accadian and Assyrian terms, is used of both time and place (yii kiu, "a very long time"), gab (patdru), "to loose," " free," answers to yii, " loose," " free." Chinese regularly drops the final consonants k, p, t (=g, b, d) ; but among the old sounds of the words just mentioned, Dr. Williams gives ngop, ngot, which might represent the Accadian gab (ngab) and gid (ngid). The Accadian has another gab, meaning irtu, "breast." The Chinese yi\ " breast," is placed under a root YIH, with the old forms yik, yit, yip, ngik, etc. Thus gib (= gab) would seem to have been the original Chinese term for "breast." Under the same root we find yV, "strong," "tall," which may be the counterpart of git, GID, "long." It is to be borne in mind that the Accadian signs for gap, git, would be the same as for gab, gid. Under the same heading YU, we find yii, "to speak," "say"; yii "to talk with," "tell," "inform,*' "words," which are clearly doubles of the Accadian gu, "to speak," and_)Vi, " sick," " weak " ; yii, " to be cured," " disease " ; yii, " a cry of pain " ;yii, " sorrowful," "grieved at," answering again to Accadian gig, "sick," "sorrowful" (cf. yok, i.e., gug, one of the old sounds o( yii).

We have not yet done with the Chinese yii. It is a curious fact that, just as in Accadian, we find two similar vocables gul (li>/i?u() and gul (hadu), with the opposite meanings of "bad" and "glad." so in Chinese we find yii, "sorrowful," and yii, "joyful," "happy." Yii, " fat," " rich," " fertile " (of soil), and yii', " rich (in clothes and chattels)," "plenty," "to enrich," remind one of the Accadian g'&, "abundance" (cp. nam-g'k, duhdu, g'e-gal, hegallu, cl-nun, nuhsii); and I think that g'al, "to flow," g'al-g'al (gardru Sa mi), "to run," said of water, may be connected with these words; compare the Chinese yii, "to rain." The Chinese yii, "to walk, rapidly," may answer to g'al g'al, gardru, though iti s perhaps rather

7

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889.

related to gin, "to walk." There is also gur, "to rush," "flow," "run," "hasten," and gur, "ocean," which answer very well to yii ; for (1) Chinese has lost the letter r, and (2) Accadian itself often omits it as a final consonant ; cp. ga = gar, " to make" ; tu = tur, " to enter " ; ga = gur, " to lift."

The Chinese roots YU, YIH, appear to be ultimately one. Thus it is that we find yi\ " to pour out," and yi', "damp," "wet," and yi', "very large," "great," "abundant," and yi\ "happy," "jovial," "to like," "rejoice in," arranged under the latter, showing that it is in many respects synonymous with the former. The old sounds yik, yit, yip, ngik, point to the same fact, and the Accadian g'e, " abundance," g'al, " to flow," may be as well explained by these terms as by the derivatives of YU. And not only so ; under the heading YIH -we find also yi', "the throat," "organs of eating and speaking," in Cantonese "to call after," " scold," yi\ "to explain," " interpret between parties," plainly answering to the Accadian gu (kisddu), "the neck," gu, "to speak" and "interpret" (ragdmu, cp. targumannu, "interpreter," "dragoman"). Then, too, we have yi', "black," yi\ "mists and vapours," answering to Accadian ge, "night," gig, "darkness," "shadow," and yi', "plague," "epidemic sickness," yi\ "disquieted," "sorrowful," answering to the Accadian gig, "sick," "sickness." The ideas of dark (tristis, ater, "Hp, etc.), sick, sorrowful, are naturally expressed by similar sounds. Now, as in Accadian we meet with synonymous forms like Gi and gin, ti and tin, so in Chinese we find the root YIN (old sounds yin, yim, ngin) with various meanings akin to those of YU and YIH. Thus we have yin, "a shadow," "dark," "sombre," i.e., gin, cp. Accadian GE, gig ; yin, "mournful," "sorry," cp. Accadian gig; yin, "full," "flourishing," "abundant," "many,"^. Accadian G't;yin, "rising of waters," "to soak," "to drench," "extraordinary," "excessive," and yin, "a long and drenching rain," cp. Accadian g'al and g'e. Further, we have yin, "news," "a reply," "an intimation or order," corres- ponding to the Accadian gin (gen), sctparn, "to send," taru, "to return," gi, gigi, "to return," apalu, "to answer," kin (gin), sipru, "a message," "order," "commission." The Accadian gam, "to bend," " bow " (beugen, biegen), may be compared with gin, " to bow, bend, turn, return," which is written with the ideogram of reed or bulrush, and the Chinese 'yin, "to draw a bow," "to lead on," which is homophonous with 'yin (Ace. gin), " to journey," may be compared with both. The Accadian has several words with

Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

an initial g {k, g), meaning "bright," "clear," " pure" ; viz., ku (gu ? c.p. £j£ JEJ = dumugu, " the brilliant son," i.e., Sin), ellu, " bright," of which Haupt supposes an original form kus, cus, kun (gun), "to shine," gar, " to glitter," " splendour," gub, " bright," " pure," and g'ud "to shine." Of these the first, ku or gu, "bright," is involved in the compound ku-babbar, "silver," which thus seems to mean " bright white (metal)."* The Chinese word yin, Amoy gun, Chang- chew gin, preserves the first part of the term, which is clearly a near relative of kun (gun), "to shine." gu- in this word and in gus-kin, "gold," may further be compared with the Chinese yii, "pure, hard gold," "precious," "valuable"; yii', "the full glory of the sun," "the bright light"; yii, "the bright blaze of fire," "glorious," "shining." The older sounds are yok, ngok, yik ; the Cantonese has also wat, wik, the Swatow gek, id, the Amoy id, lid, etc. Looking at all this, I am inclined to believe that the Accadian uda, "day," udu, the "sun," were originally gud, gudu; compare the name of Merodach, gudibir (for the ending, see zimbir, kibir, zabar). The fact that gud is the term for " bull," is suggestive in this connection, considering the widespread association between the sun-god and the bull.t ZAGIN, ibbn, ellu, seems to be a compound of za, which we see also in za-bar, namru, "shining," siparru, "copper," and gin, gi, "bright," "glistening," which occurs in gi-bil (older bil-gi), "the fire-god." bil or pil is qahi, " to burn," and isatu, " fire." gi (dialectic di or de) means namdru, "to shine," and qalu, "to burn." In regard to na zagin = uknu, it is curious that yii, "beautiful," "precious," is also an old name of "clear white jade," and ordinarily means "gem," while yii is defined as "a beautiful stone like jasper," and another yii as "a pebble with stripes and colouring, which make it almost as valuable as a gem." Seals were sometimes made of na ZAGIN, and yiri is a seal. (See also below, p. 30.) The Accadian gi, "a

* babbar (= bar-bar) is defined by />isu, "white." Poh kin, "white gold," is a Chinese designation of silver.

t In Gudibir bir = bar, as in Zimbir (for Zubar) from zabar ; the change being due to vowel-harmony. As bar may mean " bright," gudibir is perhaps " brightness of the sun." The names of the metals involve the sound »Y- " liar." »->-Y >Y-, "iron," is, perhaps, "metal of the sky," being named from the meteoric iron, which probably gave men their first knowledge of this metal. YI Jf-, "lead," is called "water-metal," because it melts so easily. ^ *^~> "copper," is "fire-metal," because of its red, fiery glow. Bar, in this connec- tion, is apparently " bright substance," and then " metal.'

9

Nov. 5J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. L1889.

king," may represent Chinese yin, "to grasp in the hand," "govern," "rule" ("true," "earnest"; cp. gina = kinu), which is also "an old term for chief, principal, first" (old sounds yin, ngin). Yu\ "to drive (i.e., grasp the reins), "manage," "rule"; "imperial," "royal" (old sounds ngo, ngop, etc.), seems to be cognate.

With gun, "to shine," gun-ni, "an oven" or "furnace," the Chinese yang, " to roast," a term used of cooking, and also of melting metals, is seen to be related when we notice that the old sound was yung, which points to an original gun {cp. Amoy j'ong, giong, Fuhchau ngibng). From the same root springs yang, " the rising sun," yang, " lofty," " clear," "sunny light," yang, "the male of animals," "virility," corresponding to Ace. gi-s, gi, zikaru, "male," and gis, idlu, "hero" (?). ' Gis, "heaven," and gir-ra (gira), "heaven," are akin to gus and gar, "to shine," and may be connected with the same Chinese roots. One of the meanings of yil is " the canopy of heaven." ga, gur, "to lift," gu, "lifted up," seem to find analogues in yin (old sound ngin), " lofty and mountainous," yin, "high cliffs," yin, "rising of waters," "excessive," " great," yin, "to raise a bank," etc. I have already pointed out that gis, " one," answers to yih, "one," and that gis (gSs), "strong drink," answers to yii. Finally, Gis, isu, " wood," which has the dialectic forms mis and mu, corresponds to the Chinese muh, " wood," older i/utk. The same apparent exception to the rule seems to exist in the case of a word for " eye," which in Chinese is also muh, but in the Accadian igi, with a dialectic form ide. The Chinese yen or yien, "the eye," old sound yin, ngin, in Cantonese ngan, Amoy gan, Shanghai ngi-", exactly corresponds to the Accadian igi (igin). The Accadian im-ma (ima, im) silmu, "thirst," appears to correspond with 'yin, "to drink," Cantonese yam, Amoy im. The original form was probably gim. The goddess Zirpanitu was called gas-mu in Accadian, which perhaps means the same thing as her Assyrian title ; cp. Cochin Chinese giou, semen, genus, gieo, seminare ; mou, germen ; mo (Mandarin mu), amare. (In Mandarin, jv/' is " to long for," " desire," and also " to bear and bring up children.")* The word gukkal, from which is borrowed the Assyrian gukkallu, is supposed to mean "sheep." In that case, it may be compared with yang (old form yung, implying gun or gug), a "sheep" or "goat." Dingira, "god," with its Assyrianized form digirft, may be a compound of Di namaru, " to shine," and gira, " heaven " (di-hgira ; cp. KINGIRA =

* As Accadian mu = naddnu, "to give," gasMU may be "seed-giver."

10

Nov. s] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

ana-kia = same u irsitum. kingira is plainly ki + ngira). The Accadian for "god," therefore, is "shining one of heaven," which explains why the ideogram is a star (>->-], orig. ^-). Both roots exist in Chinese, gingira, a title of Istar, may = gi + ngira, and so be a dialectic form of the same term.

Tabulating these results for the sake of reference, we have : Accadian. Chinese.

gud, gu (hgud, hgu), " ox." niu (nyu), ngu.

gid, " long." yii, " long " ; yi\ " tall."

gab, "breast." yi\ "breast."

g'ul, "bad." yu, "sorrowful."

g'ul, "glad." yii, "joyful"; yi\ "happy."

g'u, g'e, "plenty," "overflow." yii, "fat," "rich," "fertile"; yi\

" abundant."

g'al, "to flow." yii', "plenty"; yin, "full," "abun-

dant."

gur, "to rush," "to flow," "run." yii, " to rain," " rain "; yin, " rising

of waters," "to drench."

Gur, "the ocean." yii, "to walk rapidly"; yP, "to

pour out."

gu, "the neck." yi', "the throat."

gu, "to interpret" {ragamii). yi ', "to interpret between two

parties," "to translate."

gin, "to send," "message," yin, "a reply," "news," "an or- " order." der."

Gi, GIGI, "toreturn," "to answer."

gam, gin, "to bend," "bow," yin, "to bend a bow" (Bogen) beugen, biegen. {cp. Cantonese Ham, " to lean

over.")

gu, GU-s, "bright," "glittering." yin (gun, gin), "silver."

gus-kin, "gold." yii\ "pure gold," "precious";

gin, gi, za-gin, "gleaming." yii, "jasper-like stone," etc.

gun, "to shine," " be bright." yii', "blaze of the sun," "bright

gub, "bright," "pure." light"; yang, "the rising sun."

gar, "glitter," "glisten." yii', "sheen of fire," "glorious,"

g'ud, "to become bright." "shining."

(g)ud, "the sun," "day."

gudibir, Merodach.

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889.

gi, "a king." yin, "to rule"; yi'i, "to rule,"

"royal." gun-ni, "furnace." yang, "to roast."

Gis, "male," "hero," or "strong." yang, "male," "virility."] gis, gir, "heaven," di-ngir, vid. gus, gar, "to shine"; yu,

" god." " canopy of heaven."

(g)im, imma, "thirst." yin, "to drink" (yam, ini).

guk-kal, " sheep" (?), "lamb." yang, "sheep," "goat"; kao, "a

lamb." ga, gur, "to lift up." yin, "lofty," etc.; yu, "to raise,

gu, "lifted up." lift," "bring," "bear"; ho (older

ga), "to bear," "carry on the

back." g'ad, "stylus." yii', "a thingto write with," "stylus,"

"pen" {ngok, wat, lit, etc.).

Here are some more remarkable — coincidences. In the syllabary we are all familiar with the equations :

LAL = mahi, "to be full," "fill."

lal = sapaku, "to pour out."

lal = saqdtu, "to weigh," "measure money," "pay."

lal = via til, "to be weak"; cp. lal, ensu, "weak."

[lal] = tarasu, "to lay on in order," "lay straight" (beams

of a roof, etc.).

[lal] = rakdsn, " to bind."

[lal] = samadu, "to yoke," "harness," horses, etc.

ka-lal = kaiii Sa mc, "restraining," "damming up," said of water (2 R 21).

lal = amaru, " to see."

lal = aru, " to be bright."

lal = site 11, " to look, search for."

lal = nasii, "to carry," " carry off."

lal = sabatu, " to seize."

(gis) lal = kamaru, " a net."

(gis) lal = tuquntu, " battle."

lal-lal = zananu, " to rain."

lal = adthu, " to fear."

lal = kamu, "to pile up."

lal = ubburu sa amati, " to overstep, of a command."

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Nov. 5

PROCEEDINGS.

[1889.

Is it quite presumptuous on the part of a mere believer in Accadian, to set over against these the Chinese equations :

liao = "to finish," "vollenden," "fulfil." liu = "to flow"; 'lao, "heavy rain," "overflow produced thereby"; lao', "a torrent," "floods." liao = "to measure." 'lao = "old;" lei, "feeble," "infirm." lei = "to join in a series"; " to place on," "add to"; "to bind." lo', le = "a bridle," "the reins," "whatever binds the head by which to lead the animal," "to rein in," "restrain," "tie up," "bind." lieh' = "a sewer obstructed, and its waters forcing a passage." lao = "to know certainly"; lai, "to glance at"; lan, "to inspect," "behold from a distance"; lo (la), "to look about." li = " bright "= lan ; LAN, " fire "= lang. lao = "to search or drag" (for a body); lao yu, "to scoop

out fish, with a dredging net." lai = "to bring," "to get"; lan, "to carry"; leu, "a loft." la =. "toseize"; lai, "toget"; lan, "to grasp"; lo, " to take." lan = "a two-leaved clasping-net, for fish"; lo (old sound

la), "a spring-net for birds." lei = " to mutually destroy, as in fighting"; li, "to oppose." lao = "a great rain." lao = " confused," "perturbed." lei == "to pile up"; "aheap." lan = " to overstep," "pass over."

As R and L interchange, ra = rahasit, "to flood," may also be compared with 'lao, "heavy rain" (= ri/jsu), and ir, "to weep," "a tear," with lei, "tears," "to weep." But I will venture further with these comparisons. In Accadian we have a word labar, "old," from which is derived the Assyrian labaru, "to be old." There is also another labar defined ardu, " servant " (dialectic lagar). Now- whatever may be the force of bar in these two terms, I cannot help seeing a likeness between them and the Chinese lao, "old," and lao, "to toil," "to labour." Accadian dissyllables appear generally as monosyllables in Chinese.

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Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889.

It is evident that all these various meanings of lal admit of reduction to a few general heads ; but that is a process which may be left to the reader to carry out, if he pleases. I regard lal as an instance of the extension of a root by reduplication = la + la, whence the Assyrian lalu, lulu, "abundance." In both Accadian and Chinese the root is preserved in its simplest form la, which in Accadian means " fullness " or " abundance," and in Chinese " un- even," "piled up," as a heap. The development of the root in Accadian is, as usual, far more restricted than in Chinese.

If now we look back upon the terms with which we started, we shall perhaps see that the Chinese and Accadian words which happened first to excite my curiosity, are really connected in their original forms. The word a-a or ai, "father," appeared to bear some relation to the Chinese ye. The term is honorific, and is used in addressing divinities, officers, noblemen, princes, and gentle- men. Tien lao ye is "the highest god, whoever he may be, the Ruler of the sky" (heaven + old man + father). The old sounds of ye in its various senses are ya, yap, yat, yak. In four of the dialects ya is still spoken ; a vocalization which brings the Chinese and Accadian terms closer together. I think it probable that ga was the original term. Now ga (dial, ma) means " to make " (cp. Assyrian banuya, " my maker " = my father), and }], a, is defined by ban/}. As regards a-a or ai, " the moon," Chinese yue/i, the old sounds given for the Chinese character are nget and yet. I had decided that Mandarin y stands in place of an ancient g (tig) before ever seeing William's Dictionary, which so strikingly corroborates that opinion. The other dialects support an initial g in this instance, e.g., Swatow gue, Amoy goat. Now if gud were the ancient word, we are reminded of the Accadian g'ud, "to be bright"; cp. Cantonese id. The spirant g' of Accadian points back to an older surd G, which brings us to gud, gu, " cow " ; about the relation of which animal to the moon in mythology I need say nothing.

Our next pair of terms was a, "hand," "side," andyz/, "hand." Wells Williams gives the Chinese word as yiu' (Shanghai yii). A homophone is yiu\ "the right hand," "on the right." The old sounds of YIU include ot and at. The Accadian word is written with a character whose syllabic value is it, id. Possibly, therefore, the original word was gad, which gives us the other value of ^f, SIT, viz., kat (gad), from which springs the Assyrian qatu, "hand." The last pair were the Accadian a, "son," and yiu, "young,"

14

Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

"tender." With these we may conveniently take a = w// = " water." The Chinese for water is shui; but under the same heading YIU, we find i'///', "hand,";'///', "young," and yiu, "to go on the water," yiu as part of the name of several rivers, yiu, "water flowing along rapidly," .yiu, "oil," ^yiu, "to float," "to swim," "to drift," and . yiu as the name of several plants growing in the water. This seems to show that yiu as well as shui once meant simply " liquid " or " water." Thus we get fair parallels to the Accadian A="hand," A = "son," and A. = " water." What may we suppose were the original forms of A (son) and a (water)? The Chinese for river is ho; and under this heading the old sounds ha, ka, ga, are given. In the dialects we find ho and 0, hu and u. The Chifu hwoct suggests an original G. I believe the primitive form to have been ga(d), in the sense of "to flow"; cp. Accadian g'al, "to flow," and gur, "to flow," "to run," and ga, "milk" ("that which flows from the breast," gab; as Assy- rian sispu), and id (g'id ?), " a river" ; cp. Hid-deqel. "Water" is a natural and not uncommon metaphor for offspring {cp. Num. xxiv, 7).

The initial h of so many modern Chinese words appears as k in the age of the ancient poetry, as is remarked by Dr. Edkins ; and this k often corresponds to an Accadian G.

The syllabary presents us with yet another Accadian (|^) a, in the sense of "dress," "clothing" (lubsu). The common Chinese term for clothes is /', which is found in all the dialects, and may represent an original a.

Let us now look at the dental t, d. The Accadian for "to hear," "listen," is gis-tug (dialectic mus-tug), Shnu, magdru. The Chinese fing, "to hear," "listen" (old sounds, t'ing and ding\ answers to this as kin, "gold," answers to gus-kin, and as tsiit, "wine," to ges-tin (din). The nasalisation of the final G is not remarkable, and may have been heard in the Accadian itself.

In the case of shut syllables, the initial consonant is generally indeterminate in Accadian (tin-din, kar-gar tab-dib). The GiS in gistug means " ear " ; cp. the dialectic ^ = ge = uznu, " ear," = "TT-^ GI = GU (*M^) > and as TUK (tug) is " to have and hold," gistug =2 "to have or hold ear."

Til, dialectic tin, and ti, are familiar Accadian terms, denoting balatu, "to live." I did not at once succeed in my endeavour to identify them in Chinese. But when I remembered that TU was Accadian for " the wind " (saru), and that in most languages terms denoting "wind," "breath," and "life" or "spirit," were akin to

IS

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889.

each other, I had no difficulty in recognising the Accadian tin in the Chinese fun, "the breath"; cp. fun, "to swallow" (old sound t'un ; Amoy tun, t'ui); t'ien, "the sky," "the air" (old sound t'in, t'im, din, dim). With tu, "the wind," cp. fui, "a rapid gust of wind," "a whirlwind." Dub in Accadian is a tablet for writing upon, or a written document (= Assyrian duppu, a loan-word, of course), and dub-sar is the scribe who writes such tablets (Assyrian dupsarru, IDGIS)- The word reveals itself at once in Chinese as tie, " tablets for writing on " ; " records of families " ; " official despatches," etc. ; old sound, dip ; the Cantonese tip. With Swatow and Amoy tiap, cp. Tal. Ty\. (Sar, satdru, to write " = Chinese sie, "to write.")

In the syllabary the sign J^Hf! , with the sound dub, is repeated six times, with the Assyyian meanings tuppu, " tablet " (the / is interesting in the light of the Chinese tie, tip) ; sapaku, " to pour out," " heap up earth," used of raising mounds and earthworks ; tabaku, " to pour a libation," " saraqu, "to empty," sibu, "to dip," and lamu, " to surround " (a city with a wall, or an investing force). It is surely very remarkable that in Chinese we have tie (tip), "a high hillock," tieh, "jutting," "anything above the surface," tie, "to surround with a parapet or breastwork," and, as sapaku is also used of buildings falling into heaps of ruin (issapik tilanis I) ; tie, "to fall down." All these Chinese terms are grouped under tieh (old sounds, dit, dip, and tip), along with tie, "tablets for writing on." {Cp. Ezek. xxvi, 8; TjQtl? aggessit aggerem, aufschiitten ; Isa. lvii, 6, effudit libamen ; Psalm lxxiii, 2, effusus = lapsus est.) Finally, we have Hen, "to sink into," "overwhelmed in," answering to dub = sibu, " to dip," and lien, " to offer libations," " pour out (a libation "), as equivalent of tabaku, and saraqu (old sounds tin, ti'm, dien). For the remaining ^Jlfff, pronounced dig' (di-ih) = abnu, I will account presently.

I have spoken of tin, "to live," "life." The well known name of Babylon, tin-tir-ki, " Living + seat + place " = abode of life ; contains also the element tir. This is not "wood," gis-tir, but is defined subtu (subat balati) ; and we may compare tien, " a palace," or if the literal idea of "seat" be insisted upon, tien, a cushion" (for sitting on), tien "a fine bamboo mat"; tun, "a heap," "a block of stone or wood"; "low," "squat," e.g., "low cushions, to sit on." Cp. also fun, "to dwell" (old sound, tun).

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Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

Di = rfenu or dim/, "judgment," is one of the numerous instances in which it has been supposed to be quite obvious that the Assyrian syllabic value of the ideogram was determined by the Assyrian word. If so, what of the Chinese //', to judge," "to decide between," which is found in all the dialects, and to which the old sounds te, de, etc., are assigned ? In this, as in former instances, cognate roots supply abundant comparisons. Thus we have Hen (old sounds, tin, tim, dien), pronounced at Shanghai tin, din, meaning "a canon," "standard," or "ritual"; a "statute," or "code"; "a law"; "ordinances," etc. ; ting, "to decide," "adjust fully, "determine," "arrange," etc. (old sounds, ting, ding). It would seem that the Accadian form was din originally, unless we prefer to see in these variants the growth of new stems from the simplest form of the root. Then there is twan (old sounds, twan, dwan), pronounced tiin at Canton, and in Chifu tan, "to cut asunder," "divide," "settle," "give a judicial opinion," "a de- cision." Cp. also fo, to " split wood " (old sounds, t'a, t'ap, da, dip) ; to, " to mince," " carve," " cut in two " (old sounds, ta, tap, etc.). That verbs of cutting are used of giving legal decisions needs no illus- tration. It is evident in the term ^f^f= »\r, di-kud, dan?/, "a judge " (? da? ami). The second sign in this group, »v-, KUD, is denned by dan//, "to judge," and dinu, "judgment," by ta/u/i, "to speak," " pronounce " (a sentence, formula of incantation, or exor- cism, etc.), and by parasu, "to divide," "break," "decide." Read as tar, it is explained by taraku — the Assyrian scribes were naturally fond of selecting, where possible, an Assyrian term that, by its assonance with the Accadian, would serve to assist the memory, — taraku, " to leave off," "cease," and by samu, "to fix," "appoint," "settle," "determine." kud is literally "to cut off," and answers to Chinese ko (old sound, kat), "to cut in two," and ko, "to examine," "sift thoroughly"; "a law"; cp. Cantonese kot, Amoy gut. AV (old sound, k'ak, k'at) "to subdue," overcome"; "exorcise" (demons), "prevail over," etc., and ko, to carve, "cut out," complete our Chinese parallels. Kb' "to stop," "leave off," and k% "to strike" and "smash," prove, if proof were wanted, that kud and TAR wire really synonyms in the Accadian language. Tar, taraku, corre- sponds to Chinese t'ien, "to terminate," "make to cease," "finish " (old sounds, t'in, t'im, din, dim), t'ing, "to rest," "stop," "hold up"; while tar, samu, "to appoint," "fix," etc., may be compared with tien, "to rule or manage," "to be directed to," "bent on"; /ten, " to preserve," "establish," "fixed;" tic'//, "fixed and settled," as the

17 c

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [18S9.

hills and streams; "to set up," "to consolidate" (e.g., an empire). The root thus appears to be the same ultimately as that of ni=d&nii (Hen, old sounds, tin, tim, dien ; vid. supr.); cp. also ting (old sounds, ting, ding) " to order," "firm," "settled"; "to secure"; "to esta- blish; to decide, adjust finally"; "to stop," "to fix," "deter- mine," etc.

The sign >^- occurs nine successive times in Haupt's Syllabary. We have dealt with six ; now for the remaining three. Pronounced SILA, it is explained to denote sfiqu, "street"; salatu, "to subdue," "overcome," "rule," "act as ruler," e.g., "judge"; and nakasu, "to cut off." Sila, "to cut off," has its counterparts in sin, "to cut wood" (old sound, sin), si (old sound, sik), "to split wood"; while sila, salatu answers to sin, sun, " to investigate," " inquire," h'iin, " to inquire into judicially"; "to direct"; "announce to"; and si, " to distinguish," "discriminate." I suppose a "street" was called sila, as cutting a town into sections, or dividing the houses. That said?" meant "to judge," among other things, appears from the rule saltis ul itame ; "(On the 7th, 14th, 19th, 21st, and 28th days of the month) let not (the king) pronounce a decision as judge"! Thus an ideogram with three distinct Accadian sounds and nine Assyrian definitions has been accounted for by help of the Chinese Dictionary. If this be chance, then chance is another name for order and method and design.

In the Assyrian syllabary we find the character »-£^- tim, dim, occurring four times, and defined by dimmu "pillar," riksu, "bond," "cord," markasu, "bond" (metaph.), and rikisqanc, "bond or band of reed." If dim be a genuine vocable, and not an arbitrary sign, dimmu will probably be a loanword. Now dim, "prop," "pillar," may be compared at once with Hen (old sound, tim), "to steady a thing by patting bricks or other things under it; to shore up; to prop"; "to buttress;" fieri, "the plinth or base of a pillar"; ting, " to sustain," " secure," " establish " ; fing, " (door)-posts " ; fing, "a portico," "open roof supported on pillars"; tun (old sounds ton, don), "a square pillar" ; "a plinth or base"; tung, "the ridge-pole" ; "a main support in a building"; "a leading man in a state, a pillar." But what of dim, "a bond"? It corresponds to fan (old sounds dan, dam), "a rattan cord or string for binding" ; t'ang (old sounds, t'eng, deng), "to bind," "fasten," as with ropes; "cords"; tao (old sounds, t'o, t'op, t'ok, do, dot, dok), "a plaited sash"; "a band or cord"; tao, "to bind up"; "a cord." I shall have occasion to

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Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

return to this term presently, when I have finished discussing those words in which an Accadian t or d is preserved in Chinese.

We have accounted for tu, "the wind"; but Accadian also presents tu or tu tu, eribu, "to go in," "to set" (of the sun); tu, summatu, a kind of bird; and tu, "a garment," "dress" (JEJ). With tu, "to go in," te, "to approach," " nearness," may be con- nected ; for Accadian u and e are closely related vowels, and we find te=" dress," and T¥.=sumuiatu, as well asTU. Tu, "to go in," appears also in the fuller form tur (tur). The Chinese tieh (old sounds, dit, dip, tip), pronounced at Canton tit, tip, in Swatow tint. etc., in Amoy tiat, tiit, etc., furnishes tie, "to fall down," tie, "the sun beginning to decline towards the west " ; tie, " to fall, as a hawk from the sky." The Amoy tut almost preserves the old Accadian tutu intact; cp. also t'au, " to enter " (old sounds dan, dam) ; ti, " to bend, incline" (old sounds, te, de).

As to the tu bird or summatu, it is probably not a swallow, but the Chinese tu, the cuckoo, but also the goatsucker or nightjar (see tv, old sounds, to, tot, etc.). The goatsucker, also called chiien, bears another name, indicating the mournful cry which it is fabled to sing all night, till blood comes into its eyes, singing for its mate to hasten home. (Its song in the daytime indicates the time for sowing.) Cp. the phrase of the Accadian penitential hymns: kima tu.g'u (summati) adammum, " like the Tu bird I mourn." Tu, "clothes," which also appears in the earlier form tuk, is of the same origin as tuk, "to take," "to have" (tuku = />"//, ahazu). It is defined by the Assyrian subatu, "clothes," which springs from sabatu, "to take." Cp. Chinese "teu, "to lift up," "get hold of," "seize" (old sounds, tu, du, duk). There is also ti, "to take," an abbreviation of tig (dialetic tim) ; cp. tum, "to carry off." Now under the heading TOH (o\o\ sounds, tat, dak, dat), the Chinese lexicon ranges to, "to take up with both hands," to, "to take by force," "get by striving, or anyhow," to, "to carry off," toh, "to seize," " rob " ; to, " to mend clothes " ; to, " to let down, drop," e.g., a line into a well ; to, a small bird whose cry is ti-ti ; to, "a species of water-bird like the rail." The Chinese TAO (old sounds, to, do, tot, dok), gives tao, " to arrive at," " reach " ; cp. Accadian te = dahu\ aggredi, which also recalls ti (te), "to butt," "to push," "to reach," "arrive at." With tu, "clothes," we may further compare fa, ";i wrapper" (for the person), (old sounds, tat, tap, etc.), ta, "to cover,"

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fa, "a coat of skin or fur" ; fa, "a kind of coarse woollen serge" ; iai (old sounds, ta,da, tat, dat, talc, dak), "to wear"; "to cover"; tat, "a sash," "girdle," "belt"; tan, "a shirt" (old sounds, tan, dam, tarn); fan, "rugs"; "serge"; tao, "the canopy of heaven"; "curtain," "vail "(old sound, dok) ; teu (old sound tu), "a helmet"; fun, Araoy tun, "to disrobe," "undress"; fo, "to undress"; "a suit," of clothes (old sounds, t'ak, t'at), Cantonese, fok and fiit.

Accadian.

(gis-) tug, "to hear."

til, tin, ti, "to live," "life.'

tu, " the wind."

dub, "tablet," "document."

dub, "to pour out," "heap up"

(earth) dub, "to pour libations." dub, " to dip." dub, "to surround."

di, "judgment."

tim, "to cut."

tar, "to leave off."

tar, " to appoint," " fix," etc.

Chinese.

fing, " to hear."

fun, " the breath."

fien, " the air."

fui, " a gust," " whirlwind."

tie (old sounds, tip, dip), "tablet," " records," etc.

tu (old sounds, tot, tok, dot, dok), " boards or tablets anciently used for writing on"; "docu- ments," "archives," etc.

tie, " a hillock."

fien, " to pour libations."

fien, " to sink into."

tie, " to surround " (with a para- pet, etc.).

ti, " to judge."

fien, " a law."

ting; "to decide."

iwan, " to cut asunder," " a decision."

to, " to cut in twain."

fo, "to split wood."

fien, " to terminate," " finish."

fing, " to rest," "stop."

tien, " to establish," " fixed and settled."

ting, " to order, establish, deter- mine," etc.

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Accadian. Chinese.

dim, "prop," "pillar." tun, "a square pillar."

tung, "the ridge-pole," "a pillar

(of state)." tien (old sound, tim), "to prop,"

" buttress." fien, u base of a pillar." ting, " to sustain." Ping, " doorposts." fing, " a pillared porch."

dim, "a bond," "band," "cord." fan, "a rattan cord."

fang, " to bind," " cords."

tao, " a band," " cord."

fao, "to bind up," " a cord."

fien, " field (din).

tit, "to fall," " the setting sun."

fan, "to enter"; ti, "to bend,"

"incline." ///, "the cuckoo," and "nightjar." ta, " wrapper " ; fa, " to cover." fa, " coat of skin or fur." fa, " serge." tan, "shirt." fun, fa, "to undress." ten, " a helmet."

tuk, "to take," "to have," "to ten (old sound, diik), "lift up," seize." "seize."

ti, tig (tim), "to take." to, "take by force, "carry of."

tum, " to carry off." toh, " to seize."

te, " to approach" (da/ju), Jini. ti (old sound, te), "to butt,"

" reach," " arrive at."

edin, " plain," " field." tu, " to go in," " to set

tu, (a bird).

tu, tuk, " clothes."

tab, "two," "companion,

"fellow." dir, " dark," " bluish " (?) dar, "dark-coloured." tur, " small."

fa (old sound, t'ap), "that,"

"the other," "another," alter. tien, " indigo," or any blue dye. tien, "a black spot." tih (///•), "a little," "diminutive." //, " a very little " (a drop). tun, "a speck," "mite," "a little."

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ACCADIAN.

til, "to kill," "to finish," " complete."

tag, "destroy," "ruin."

tur, "sick," "ill."

tab, "to add to" {vid. supr.).

duk, "a cup," "vessel."

(Also lut, id.).

S^Y^ determinative of vessels.

Chinese.

fien, "to finish," "to make to cease," " exterminate," " des- troy."

tien, "to fall," "to die."

tien, "to fill up," "complete," "full," "ample."

to (old sound, tap), "to fall into ruin."

tien, "to knock a thing to pieces."

ting, "to smash," "throw down."

tien, " crazed," " deranged."

to (old sounds, ta, tap), "more," " to add."

fien (old sounds, t'um, dim), "to add," "increase."

teu (old sound, duk), " wooden trencher," " sacrificial dish " ; ten, "sacrificial vessel that holds the meat."

tin (old sounds, kit, lok), "a beggar's clapdish."

hi (old sounds, lu, lut), " a vessel " (fire-pan, censer, bra- zier, jar, jug).

D, Z, S.

It is well known that in Accadian there is a dialectic change from G to d, as in gis, di§, "one," gim and dam, "like"; and, again, between d and z, as dug = zib (tsib?), "good." Further, we have the change exemplified in zi (tsi ?) = shi = napistum, "life." It is natural, therefore, to expect to find similar relations between these various sounds in the Chinese. So far, we have seen an Accadian t or d preserved in a Chinese /, /', with an older /, or d. But this is by no means invariable, though many more instances might be added to those I have already given. An Accadian d (t) reappears in modern Chinese sometimes as ch, sometimes as ts, sometimes apparently as softy (French sound); which last may also repre- sent an Accadian z, although it has usually replaced a G (vid. infra). As to the interchange of these letters within Chinese itself,

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Dr. Wells Williams observes that initial ch, ch', and ts, ts', "are interchanged so much and so irregularly all over the country, that it is impossible to follow their variations. As one goes north, they mingle in a greater or less degree, and many natives cannot tell them apart. At Swatow and Amoy ts is heard doubtfully only before a, 0, and u ; but on reaching Fuhchau it is altogether merged in ch."

Owing to the great differentiation of the root-stuff in modern Chinese, it will be found that many of the words beginning with / or d, already considered, have doubles with initial ch. Thus the Accadian dim, "pillar," for which we have pointed out a number of Chinese cognates such as tun, tien, etc., also corresponds to chu "a pillar " "post," "joist"; "a statesman" (metaph.). Under chu, as usual, the Chinese lexicon groups a great number of vocables with the most diverse and apparently unconnected meanings. The old sounds given are te, tu, tot, de, du, djot, So, and fot. In Shanghai the sounds are tso, tsii, dzo, tssu, etc. Now chu, "a trunk,"' "bole" of trees, is used as a general determinative of trees and similar objects; thus answering to Accadian gi-s (dialectic di-s), which is the de- terminative of trees and wooden objects. (One seems to see a reason why | gis = zikaru, "male." It recalls the straight branchless pole or trunk which symbolized the Asherah.) I have already mentioned that iiiuh (muk), "wood" answers to the dialectic Accadian iiu (mug?), "wood." Accadian udu, "lamb," is like chu, "a lamb five months old " (du) ; cp. ta (old sounds, tat, dat), " a new- born lamb." Chu, "to make judicial inquiry," "to punish capitally," and chu, "to discriminate," "distinguish," answer to Accadian in, "to judge."

Then we have chu, "a stone tablet," cp. t'i, "an inscription " (dai, dat); tie (dip), "tablets, records"; t'ie (t'ip), "written scrolls," cha (old sounds, tat, tap, dap), "a thin wooden tablet," "writings." "documents." Chih (old sounds, tip, tit, tik, dip, and cli't ), "to apprehend, seize," "lay hold of," etc., answers to Accadian dib, "to seize," "take"; Amoy chip. DiB is also "to take the road," "to come," and chih is "to proceed," "to go up," and "to go on." Chili is also "to record events"; cp. dub; ami chih means "to tie up or tether"; "a cord"; cp. dim. Chih is a book-wrapper, and a bag used like an envelope ; cp. DIM in dimmenna = thnennu. In Accadian we have du, asdbu, "to dwell," du, suhtu. '•dwelling." du, tilu, "a mound," dul, katamu, "to cover," "hide," all written

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^fHf, and dur, "to dwell"; in Chinese, c/iu, "to dwell," "to live in"; c/iu, "to stop," "sojourn," "a halting-place," "hostelry" (old sounds, te, tu, de, du) ; /'//;/, "to hide" (old sound, tun); ///, " to close," " shut " ; tui, " a mound " (old sounds, tui, tut, dui, dut) ; tien (old sound, tin), " top," " summit " ; f'ien, " heaven " (heave). The Accadian tum (dum), du, "to go," " walk," answer to /•//, " a footman " ; pedes ; " to go afoot " (old sound, do) ; in Shanghai, tu and du ; but also to cfro (old sound, t'ok), " to walk fast"; chlo, "to stamp"; chih, "to proceed"; c/ii/i, "the sole of the foot"; chih, "to tread"; chu, "to walk sedately (dok); chui, "to follow" (old sounds, ti, tui, tut, etc.). The Accadian gir, "foot" and "step," may be related, through the known interchange of g and d in that language. Du, "to make, build," and du, "to make bricks," may be compared with chu (old sounds, tok, dok), in Shanghai tsbk and dzbk, Swatow tek, etc., Fuhchau titiik, tiik, " to build"; dim, "to beget," "to make" {Ixtnu, H2D, "to build"), and du, dumu, "child," are cognate; cp. chlu "to spring from," and "to beget" (old sounds, t'ot, t'uk, implying dug) ; chUi, "to rear," "to breed"; ch'an, "to produce," "breed," "bear" (old sounds, dam, shan, tsim) ; chan (old sounds, tin, tim, dim), "to mould," "fashion," " make like." With 1% " to approach," attack," cp. chu, ch'u, " to butt," "run against," "oppose" (tut, tuk). Dug, "a command," and "to speak," is chu, "to bid," "order" (old sounds, tok, dok); chui, " talk " (tui, tut, dut) ; chan, " to talk and gabble " (old sounds, tam, dam). Tu, "the wind," answers to ch'ut, "to blow," "puff," "a puff," "blast," "gust" (old sounds, t'i, t'ui, t'ut, di, etc.).

Dugud (dialectic gid, gidda), "heavy," is chung (old sounds, tong, dong, presupposing dug) ; in Amoy, tibng, Shanghai, tsung. Chung is also "rectitude," "sincerity," "goodness," and dug is "good." With dugud, in the sense of " mighty," cp. chlung (dong, dzong), "high," "noble," "to reverence." Chung, "a cup," goes back to Accadian duk, "vessel," "cup"; chwang (old sound, dung), "strong," to Accadian dun, dan. Di, dim (d£, d£m), "to irrigate," "irrigation," answer to ch'ih, "to drink"; chan (old sounds, tam, dam), Chifu, Isan, "to immerse," "to steep," "to moisten"; chan, "to dip" {cp. dub); chan (dim), "to pour," "empty out." (The term also means "to deliberate," "adjust" — Accadian di, and "to twist a cord around," "to bind " = Accadian dim.) Chan, "a likeness" or "portrait," and chan, "to make like," recall Accadian dim, "like," "as," which is related to dim, banu. The

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Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

Accadian di (din), "judgment," may further be compared with chlan (old sound, din), "to arrange," "set in regular order." DAGAL (dialectic damal), "broad," " wide," "to extend," etc., is a compound of da, "broad," and gal (mal),/////, "to open." We see da in cha (old sounds, ta, da), "to open out," "stretch open"; cha, "to widen out, " expand," and other terms. With gal cp. yao, "extensive," as a plain ; yao, " boundless," like the ocean.

So far Accadian d = Chinese ch. Let us now look at z. The syllabary gives six occurences of *-fyV% z*d, zi, with the definitions imnu, "right hand," "right," "straight"; kcitu, "right," "fixed," "lawful," "just," etc.; zigga, tebii, "to come on," "approach," "attack"; 71asa.hu, "to pluck up," "rend away," "depart" (nD3)j napistu, "life," and nissu, "spirit." The term zi, "life," was pronounced shi in the other dialect of the Accadian ; and this being the fact, what could be more striking than that shi means " life " in Chinese ? Nothing, except perhaps the fact that another shi is "to go to," "approach " ; another is "to depart"; another means "direct," "straight"; another "right," "proper." Yet another shi means "to swear," "adjure," which recalls the well- known formula of the magical tablets, z\ anna ge-pad-es, zi kia ge-pad-es. We also have zi, saqu, "leader," and zi, nasii, "to lift up." These terms have their fellows in s/ii, "a leader," "a general," shi, "an officer," and shi, "to set up" (poles or trees, a flagstaff, etc.), "erect," "lofty." In the same place we have tig, with the definition ilu sa naphari, "God of the universe," cp. Chinese //, "a god," and perhaps Shang-ti, " the Supreme ruler." This Chinese shi had the old sounds shai, shi, zhi (Accadian zi), shik. shit, zhit (cp. Accadian zit, zid), and zhik {cp, Accadian zigga). In the dialects ch'i is heard as well as shi. But, further, under the heading shi, the first two Chinese terms are shi, "a corpse," and shi, "a carcase." Does anything correspond in the Accadian ? It would seem so, for we have su-zi = salummatum^ "body," "corpse" (su means "body," "skin," and "flesh "). May not dumuzi, "Tammuz," be "the slain or dead son," rather than "son of life"? The Chinese sz\ or as Professor Douglas writes it, ssu, "to die," "death" (old sounds, si, sei, sai, zi, etc.), is similar. The contrary meanings of shi, "life," and "a corpse," may remind us that in ancient Egypt the dead were par excellence "the living." (Cp. also sha/i, old sounds, shim, shin, zhim, "the trunk," "body"; shan, "the powers above," "the gods." "a spirit," " the human spirit," "ancestral spirits.") In Accadian we

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Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1889.

have also shum, tabd.hu, "to slaughter"; cp. Chinese s/iu, "to kill" (old sounds, sho, zho, shiu), and shai:, "to cut off"; cp. Chinese s/ia/i, " to slay" (old sounds, shat, shap). The Accadian shu = kissatu, "multitude" = Chinese shu, "a multitude," "all," "the whole," "a great number" (shud?) Under the same head we have shit, "open," "wide apart"; "distant in space or time," etc. = Accadian shud, "distant"; shu, "to overturn " = Accadian, shu, "to throw to the ground" (cp. shu, "to slaughter," "exterminate); shu, "to pour out " = Accadian shub, "to pour out," "sprinkle" (= Accadian shib) ; shu, "millet" == Accadian she, "grain"; shu, "bright," "the light of the rising sun," "clear" = sha, shaga, "pure," "purified"; and shu, "benevolent," u benignant " = sha, shaga, "favour," "grace."

The Accadian shur (dialectic shir, sher), "to cry aloud," "an outcry," recalls shang (old sound, shing, i.e., shig?), "a sound," "a cry," "a wail."

Shit, "a number," "to count" — sho, "to count" (given under sheh, old sounds, shet, zhet, ship, and shak), used of divination by straws.

Sheg, "to rain," "rain"; cp. shah (old sound, shap), "a slight shower," "a passing rain"; sha, sa (old sound, shak), "to sprinkle," "wet" with rain, "rain"; shan, "a slight rain"; shao (shok), "water driven by the wind," "to sprinkle." Shib, shub, "to sprinkle," are clearly related words.

Sheu (old sounds, shu, shut, zhu, and shuk), gives us sheu, "to receive," and sheu, "the arm," "the hand"; cp. Accadian shu, "the hand," "might"; also sheu, "the head," "a chief, a leader"; cp. si-lig, "leader" (////, old sound, lik, Cantonese lik, means "strength"; cp. Accadian lig, "strong"). With sheu, "the head," cp. also zag, resu, "head." Shan, "mountain," "height" (old sound, shan), seems to answer to g'ar-sag, " mountain " ; cp. Amoy, sail, Fuhchau, sang, Chifu, sau. Shaug, "top," "above," "heaven "(old sound, zhung), may be compared with zag, sag, " head " ; cp. the Swatow, siang, Amoy, sioug. Shi'/i, "a stone," "hard" (old sound, ship, shek, etc.), Recalls sheg and sheb, "brick," which sometimes has "stone" as a determinative before it, and za, "stone," and dig (ahuii), "a stone." One of the commonest of Accadian roots is zu, "to know," "know- ledge," " wisdom," of which an older form is za. Zu is explained by idu and lamadu, "to see" (mentally), "to know" (in pael, uddu, "to let see," "show"), and "to learn." It corresponds to shi, "to

26

Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS9.

see," "inspect," "observe," "to cause to be seen." "display"; and shi, "to show," make known the will of heaven," "to proclaim," "a revelation," "prognostic," "sign," etc. (cp. {^— shi (?), "eye," "eye-witness"), shi, "to teach," and shi, "to learn." We have already found words answering to Accadian zi, " life," etc., under the same head. The common Chinese term for " to know," " to perceive" (also "to tell," "inform") is chi (old sounds, tai dai, ti), pronounced in Swatow as ti, but at Shanghai as tsz\ This implies a dialectic Accadian term related to zu, as dug to zib. Now we actually have dug, "to speak," answering to chi, "to tell." The term ab-zu, older form zu-ab, Assyrianized as apsu, and meaning " ocean," is probably not " house of wisdom," but " house of water," * Chinese shui " water " (old sound, zhui) ; cp. shun, cfrun, (old sounds, zhon, shon, don, zhun, dun), "to cleanse," "wash," "sprinkle"; Accadian shun, "to wash";| shwan, old sound, shon, "to wash," " rinse " ; shwan, " to scour and wash out " ; and ses, " to purify." sukkal, " high servant," "messenger," maybe compared with shi, "to command," "to send," "service"; shi, "following," as an attendant (old sound, shik). Kal is " exalted," " mighty," Chinese kao, "high."

The sign £^£zf, which is the ideogram for "fire," has the values ne, de, pi, pit, kum, zah, izi, gibil. Of these izi is elsewhere denned by isatit, " fire," and pentu, " fire of charcoal " ; cp. shdn (old sounds, shin, shim, zhim) " a brazier " ; shao " to burn," " ignite," "light," "to roast" (= shal — zal = nnmaru, "to be bright'"); shan, "to make a blaze," "ablaze" (old sounds, shen, zhen) ; shan, "glittering," "flashing,"; shan, "to blow a fire and make it burn brighter," "to blaze up," "bright," "clear"; shang, "the brightness of the sun," "light" (old sounds, shing, zhing) ; shang, "wise, holy, sacred" = shig, damqu, nummuru, "bright," "pure." " holy," " to make bright " «|^) ; sho (old sound, shak) " bright,"' "to shine," to " embellish " (shig = munammir) ; sho, "to melt a metal" (cp. dug-dugga-bi =. nutballilsunit, "their melter"); shun (zhon, shon, don, zhun, dun), "bright, fiery," "blazing," "the colour

* Like a-aba, "water-house," another Accadian designation of the ocean. Aba, " grandfather," " old man" is identical with old Chinese ba (modem fit), and ama, "mother," with old Chinese ma (modern nut). The old sounds of the Chinese are given here and everywhere on the authority of I)r Edkins.

t The Chinese shung is "to rush on," in battle; </. Accadian shin. "to fight."

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[iJ

or glory of fire " ; shwang (shung), " to admit the light," " sunny." All these terms appear to be cognates of izi, z\ in zabar, " bright," zal, zag' (?), on the one hand, and of shig (sheg), and dug, "to melt," on the other. De, " fire " (cp. Di, namaru, " to shine " ; DI-NIG = ktiru, "a furnace"), seems to be a dialectic form of gi, which we see in gibil or bilgi, "the fire-god," and in gi = qalu, "to burn," "roast." Pil or bil corresponds to the Chinese series pao (old sounds, po, bo), "to heat," " boil" ; pao, "a scorching heat"; pao, "to burn," "scorch," "hot," "crackling" (of fire); p'ao, "to roast," " fry" ; p'ao, "to bake in the ashes "; pacing (old sounds, p'eng, bang), "to boil"; p'ei (in some dialects pi), "to dry over a fire " ; ping, "bright like fire"; "to burn." With di, de, chl a ug (old sounds, t'ung, dung), "the light of the sun,"; "bright," " prosperous," is distantly connected. (Ne is, I think, a weakened sound of gi, ge (ngi), and kum, an Assyrian value.)

Accadian. dim, "pillar." di-s (?), "wood."

UDU, "lamb." di, "to judge."

dub, " a tablet."

dib, "to seize."

dib, "take the road," "come."

dub, "record."

dim, "a cord," "to bind."

dim, "to compress," "confine,"

"distress." du, "to dwell."

DIM (= GIN), DU, "to go," "to

walk." dum, du, "to go," "to walk."

du, "to make," "build." DU, "to make bricks."

Chinese.

chu, " pillar."

chu, determinative of wooden

objects. chu, "a lamb."

chu, "to make judicial inquiry." chu, "to discriminate." chu, " stone tablet." chih (chip), "to seize." chili, "proceed." chih, " to record events." chih, "to tie up," "a cord." chHu, "to urge," "constrain"

(see tsiu). chu, " to dwell." ch'o "to walk fast."

chih, " to proceed." ch'o, "to stamp." chih, "sole." chih, "to tread." chu, " to walk sedately." chui, " to follow." chu, "to build."

28

Nov. 5]

PROCEEDINGS.

[1889.

ACCADIAN.

dim, "to beget," "to make." du, dumu, "child." dim, "like."

te, "to approach," "attack."

dug, "a command," "to speak.

tu, "the wind." du-gud, "heavy."

DUG, "good."

duk, "a cup." dun, dan, "strong." dim, di, "to water land." "give to drink." dub, "to dip."

di, "to judge." dim, "to bind." dim, "like."

d(in), "judgment."

da. gal, "broad," "wide."

(gal, pitfi).

dug, " to melt " (metals).

mu-tin, "bird."

zi (dial., shi) "life."

zig, "approach," "attack."

zig, " remove," " depart."

zid, "right."

zid, "fixed," "righteous."

ZI, "a spirit."

ZI, "a leader."

zi, "to lift up."

(su)zi, "body."

zag, sag, "head."

(g'ar) sag, " mountain."

za, "a stone" (dig).

Chinese.

ch% "to beget, "rear," "breed."

ch'an, "to produce," "bear."

chan (dim) "to mould," " fashion," " make like "

chu, ch'u, "to butt," "run against," " oppose."

chu, "to bid," "order."

chui, " to talk."

c/iau, " gabble."

ch'ui, " to blow," " a blast."

chung, " heavy."

chung, " goodness."

chung, " a cup."

chwang, " strong."

chlih, "to drink."

chart) " to immerse."

chan, "to dip."

chan (dim), " to pour out."

chan, "to deliberate."

chan, "to bind."

chan, "to make like," "a like- ness."

ch'an (din), "to arrange."

cha, "open out," "expand."

(yao, "extensive," "boundless").

chu, "to cast, fuse metal."

chui (old sound, tin), " birds."

shi, " life."

shi, "approach."

shi, "depart."

shi, "direct," "straight."

shi, "right," "proper."

she, "local gods."

shi, "a leader."

shi, "to set up," "lofty."

shi, "corpse," "carcase."

shcu, "head."

shau, " mountain.''

shih, " a stone."

Nov. 5]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY.

[1889.

ACCADIAN. za, zu, "to see," "know."

"to learn," "knowledge.' zu-ab, "water-house," "ocean." izr, " fire," zag', " fire " (?). za-bar, " bright." zal, "to shine," "glitter."

Chinese. shi, "to see," "make known." shi, " to teach," " to learn." shut, " water." shan (shin), "a brazier." s/ian, "a blaze," etc. s/iao, " to burn," " kindle."

sh (s) appears to be original in the following : —

shu, " to kill."

shah, "to slay."

shu, "a multitude"; "the whole";

shi, "the people"; "multitudes";

"a legion"; "troops." shu, " distant." shu, "to overturn"; shu, "to

exterminate." shu, " to pour out."

shu, "millet."

shur(sh[r) "cry aloud," "outcry." slicing (shing), "a cry," "a wail." shiti, "a number"; "to count." sheh (shet), "to count."

shum, "to slaughter." shab, " to cut off." shu, "a multitude."

shud, "distant." shu, " to throw down."

shub, "to pour out." shib, " to sprinkle." she, "grain."

sheg, "to rain"; "rain."

^a(shak), "to sprinkle"; "wet";

" rain." shao (shok), " to sprinkle." shah (shap), "a shower." shan, "a slight rain." shu, "the hand," "might." sheu, "hand," "strength of hand."

shag, "head." sheu, "the head."

shun, " to wash." shun, " to wash " ; shwan, " wash."

shun, "to fight." shung, "to rush on"; "batter."

SHIG, "bright," "pure," "holy," sko (shak), "bright," "to shine," "to brighten." and "make shine."

shdng (shing), "brightness of the sun," " wise and holy." shuk(kal), "high messenger," shi (shik), "follower."

or "servant." shi, "to command," "send,"

"service." 3°

Nov. 5]

PROCEEDINGS. T, D, = TS, TS'.

[1889.

du, "child."

da, "side."

du, "seat," "to sit."

as-te or ti, " chair," " throne " ;

te, " to rest." dub (?) = gub, " left-hand." dub, "destroy." dam, " wife," " consort."

Accadian. Chinese.

tsz' (tsi?), anciently "child," now

" son " (tzu). tsa (tsap), "side"; Swatow, chap,

Fuhchau, chak. tso, "to sit," "a seat" (old sounds, tsa. dza). Swatow, clio, Shanghai, tsu, zu. tso, " left-hand " (tsap). tsien, "to destroy." ts% " a wife, consort " (Swatow, chH, Amoy, c/i'e). dul, "to cover" (e.g., the head, ts% "sad," "grieved."

in grief). ada, " father." tsu (old sound, tso = tsa), " a

grandfather," " progenitor." tum, " walk," " go." tsu, " to advance," " go to,"

" travel " ; ts'ao, " reach," " go to"; fsu, " to run," "walk quickly." (GE§)-DiN,"wine,"GAs-DiN(^ <Y<). tsiu, "wine" (old sounds, tsiu, din, "wine." dziu) ; Swatow, etc., chiu.

Tsiu is really fermented or distilled liquor, chiefly the latter, and includes spirits, beer, and other drinks. It is always written with the determinative yu, "new wine," "strong drink," a term equivalent to the Accadian ge§, gas, " strong drink " (the dropping of the s is normal in Accadian). In Accadian din, " wine," sometimes appears without the generic prefix ges. The identification of both words in Chinese proves that gestin (gesdin) does not mean "tree of life" nor "drink of life," as has been supposed by many, and confirms Jensen's conjecture that gks- is only a " Klassenpraefix."

dub, "tablet."

dub, umgeben, "to surround."

tsai (tsap), "to record," "re- corded"; tsien, "a tablet or slip " ; tsi (tsip), " record book."

tsa (tsap). "to go round"; ts'iert, " fence," " moat."

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [18S9.

Accadian. Chinese.

t.\b, "a companion," "to add." fso, "second to," "an assistant,"

tab, "two," "second." "to assist."

dag', "to add," hinzufugen. tsang (tseng), "to add to," "to

double."

dim, "like." tsu, "to do like."

dim, du, da, die, " to make," tsao, "to make, build, create" "build," "create." (tso, tsok, tsop).

dim, "a cord," "band." tsu, "a band, fillet," "cord."

dug, "good." tsang, "good," "generous," "dex-

terous" (tsong); Swatow, chang.

duk, "a vessel." tsu, "a basin or bowl" (sacri-

ficial), "cup."

dul, "to cover." ts'ang, "to hide away," "con-

ceal " (tsong).

dib, "to seize"; ti, tim, "to ts'ii (old sounds, ts'u, ts'ut), "to take." lay hold on," "seize"; Swatow,

c/i'u ; cp. chih : ts'ao, "to take " (tsop), tsi'e (tsi'p), " to take."

dam, "a wife"; cp. dib, "to take." ts% "to take a wife."

dim, einengen, bedrangen. ts'an, "to injure," "oppress"

(old sounds, ts'am, dzam), tseh, " to oppress," ts'iatig, id. tsiu, "to clutch, grasp, gripe."

duk, "a cup," "jug." tsioh and chut, "a 'cup for

libations," " a wine bottle " ; dialects, chlak, chiok, etc. (old sound, tsiak).

mu-tin (== mu-sen), "a bird." tslioh, tsiao, "a bird," "small

birds" (see chut).

di, "to shine," de, "fire," dal, tsao, "a furnace," "place For "to be bright." cooking"; tsiao, " scorched,"

"burnt," "to scorch," "char"; tsien (tsfn), " to fry " ; tsin, "embers"; tsiin, "a fire burning."

dar, "black." tsao, "a black or very dark grey

colour." 32

Nov. 5]

PROCEEDINGS.

[1889.

On the other hand, ts, ts\ sometimes represent Accadian z :

Accadian. (gis) gu-za, "a throne."

za, zi, " stone " {cp. dig).

Chinese. tso, "a raised seat," "a throne,"

" dais." ts'o (old sounds, ts'a, ts'ap), " broken stones," " rubbish of rocks " ; tsii, " rocks thinly covered with earth " ; tsi (tsik, tsip), "rocks under water." (na) zagin, a white stone of ts'o, "a stone of a brilliant white

some kind. *

/agin, ibbu, "bright white."

zal, "to shine," udda-zalla,

" day-dawn." zi, "a spirit." azag, "bright," "to glitter,"

" silver."

azaz, "sickness." uzu, "flesh."

colour, like fine milky quartz";

" white," candidus (of teeth ;

a state robe). tsioh, "a pure white" (old sound,

tsiak); Canton, tseuk ; Shang- hai, tsiek, ziek. tsing, "brightness," "clear,"

" pure " ; " semi-transparent

stones, quartz, fluor spar," etc. tsao, " a stone like a gem " ; "a

whitish colour" (tso, tsok). tsao, "the early morning" {cp.

chao). tsing, "a wraith." ts'/tig, "pure," "clear"; tsang,

id., "to purify," "wash " tsu (tsok), "pure, as unalloyed

silver." tsi, (tsik) "sickness." ts'eu (dzu) " flesh."

(gis) gu-za, literally "splendid seat." Gu is "bright"; cp. £j£ Jgf = dumu-gu. But za = "bright," in zal, ZABAR, AZAG, [ZI, "fire," seems to point to an older aza, and za, zu, "to see," "to know," may be offshoots of the same root {cp. ai/iani, "to see," with nama.ru, "to shine"). The Chinese pao tso = BAL + ZA = "royal seat," "the throne."

* Stones like opal, cornelian, agate, onyx, jasper, etc., distinguished from similar quartzose minerals by their veinings and colours, are called nao (old sound no).

33 d

Nov. 5]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

[1SS9.

B, P.

The Mandarin dialect has dispensed with the ancient B altogether, replacing it by P at the beginning of words. Initial B is, however, preserved in certain cases enumerated by the old lexicographers as ancient sounds of the characters ; as also in the dialects, to a certain extent.

One of the first words that meet us in the Accadian syllabary is •-i^y^, bal. This term has a great variety of meanings assigned to it by the Assyrian scribes ; and it struck me that it might very well be taken as a test-term for my theory of the relation of the language to the Chinese.

The following list comprises most of the definitions {see Briinnow, s. v.) :

Accadian. Chinese.

1. bal, napalkutum, "to rebel," pei, "the back," "turn the back

" disobey," orders."

transgress

2. bal, etequ, "to move on, ad-

vance, march."

3. bal, ebiru, "to cross," "go

from one side to the other."

bal, supilu sa zinnisli, pars infima feminae, vulva ; sapiltitm = bal - ki, " low ground."

on," "be proved false," "to resist," "contumacious," "dis- card" (treaty obligations) ; pei, "to rebel," "oppose authority," "perverse"; pan, "to resist"; p'an, "to rebel," "revolt."

p'ao, "to travel," "to go or walk," "journey " ; pa, " to journey."

p'o, "a bank," "a side" (of river, or road) ; j±£- ; cp. abarti, "bank"; pin, "bank of a stream " ; p'in, " urgent, like one waiting at a ford." See note ;* pun, " to remove from one place to another," "trans- port."

pao, "placenta," "uterine";/'/, vagina, vulva ; p'in, vulva of animals; "a royal concubine"; ph\ "low" in stature, or height (of buildings), "base," "low";/'///, "base," "mean"; p'in, "poor."

The Chinese character includes the sign for ford. 34

Nov. 5]

PROCEEDINGS.

[1889.

ACCADIAN.

5. bal, nakdru, " to be other, different, alien, altered, alienated," " hostile "; pael, "to alter"; ki-bal, "the enemy's country."

6. bal, enu,itto change," "alter,"

for the worse ; cp. nakdru. Perhaps rather "to throw down"; and metaph. "cast off," "reject," or "dis- honour" (cp, 4).

7. bal, paid, "reign."

bal, dabdbu, " to spread an evil report," " speak against."

bal, tamfe, " to speak," " to swear" (cp. pad, pa).

bal, turgumannu, "an inter- preter."

1 1. p.al, hiru, "to dig" (a trench,

canal, etc.).

12. bal, naqdru, "to dig out,"

"grub up" pp2), "destroy" (walls and buildings).

Chinese.

pao puh pling, " ready for a quarrel " ; pao, " to revenge oneself on an enemy " ; pao, "passionate ";P'ao, "to strike," "chastise"; p'iao, "to strike, pierce, stab," "cut off"; pien, "dispute," "quarrel about"; ping, " soldier," " troops," "weapons," "to fight."

Plao, "throw down," "reject"; pei, "discard"; pien, "to trans- form," " to change."

pao tso, "the throne"; tang ta pao, "to ascend the throne"; P'ai, "rank," "place," "appoint to a post"; pai, "to honour," "kneel to," "appoint to an office ; " pa, " to elevate."

pao, "to state," "inform," "tell," "report," "reporter" ; p'ao, "to cry out" for pain, "to bawl."

piao, "to speak of," "discuss" (in narrative); po, "to pro- claim abroad," "tell foolish rumours."

pao, "to bring to light," "dis- cover"; p'o, "to lay bare," "solve," "explain" the sense of a passage ; pan, " to make known."

pao, "to dig" (a trench).

pao, "to grub up "; p'iao, "knock down," "fall"; pa, "pull up," "eradicate," "take by storm"; />'/', "destroyed," "tumbled down, as a ruined wall"; pai, "to subvert," "destroy." 35 d 2

Nov. 5]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

[1SS9.

ACCADIAN.

13. bal, dalu, "to draw water."

Chinese.

p'ao, "a calabash, or gourd (as a drinking cup)"; a vessel so shaped ; p'ao, " a bubble," " rushing water," " to soak, rinse, dip"; pao, "a waterfall" (see 18, 19); p'eu, "to take up in both hands, as when drink- ing water from them."

piao, "water flowing"; po, "a stream"; p'ei, "to irrigate, dam up water for irrigation," "to run, to flow."

pao, "a plane"; p'ao, "to cut"; pei, "handle of an ax"; p% "to split"; "to trim with an ax"; p'o, "a sickle"; pan, "an adze."

p'ao, "to throw the shuttle."

pao, "to feel, have in the heart"; pa', "grief," "sadness."

p'o/i, " to throw water down," "bespatter," "to drip"; po, "to flow along," "a stream."

piao, "water flowing";////, "to strain off," " pour out " ; pih, pick, "empty," "dried up."

It is to be understood that not all the Chinese cognates are given in each case. With bal, "to rebel," we might also compare poh, " to mislead by fair speeches," " to stir up rebellion by seducing talk," "obstinate," disorderly," "perverse"; and so in other in- stances. The truth is that the development of the root in Chinese is far more elaborate than in Accadian, as will be seen from the following, which presents at a glance all the secondary roots or outgrowths springing from the primary pa : —

14. bal, Saqfi, "to irrigate."

15. bal, pilakku, "an ax.

16. bal, pilakku, " a spindle."

17. bal, ussatu, "trouble,"

" vexation " (ussat libbisu).

18. bal, naqu, "to pour a liba-

tion."

19. bal, tabaku, "to pour out."

pa (old sounds, pa, pak, pat). p'a (p'a pat, p'ak, ba, bat). pah (old sounds, pat, bat). pai (pa, pat, ba, bat). p'ai (ba, bat, p'a, p'at).

pan (pan and ban). p'an, (p'an, ban). pan (pen, ben). p'an (ben p'en). pang (pong, bong).

36

Nov. 5]

PROCEEDINGS.

[18S9.

p'ang (p'ong, bong, p'an). pang (pang, pang, beng, bang). p'ang (p'eng, p'ang, bang, bam). pao (po, p'o, pok, bo, bok, p'ot). p'ao (p'o, p'ot, p'ok, bo, bot, bok). pei and pi often run into each

other (pei, pai, pit, pat, bat). p'ei (p'ei, bei p'ai, p'it, bit, pat). p'eu (pu, p'u, bu, put, p'ut, but). pi — some characters are read pei

— (pi, pai, pei, bai, pit, pat, bat). p'i (p'i, p'ai, p'ei, p'it, p'ik, bit,

bat). piao (pio, pot). p'iao (p'io, p'ot, bio, bot). pieh (pit, bit). p'ieh (pit).

pi en (pien, bien, pin, bin).

p'ien (p'in, bin).

pih (pit, pik, bit, bik).

p'ih, (p'ik, p'it, bik, bit).

pin (pin, bin).

p'in (bin, p'im).

ping (pang, ping, bang).

p'ing (p'ing, p'ang, bing, bang).

piu (bio).

po (pa, pat).

p'o (p'a, ba, p'at).

poh (pak, pat, bak, bat).

p'oh (p'at, p'ak, bak).

pu (po, bo, pok, bok, pot, bot).

p'u (p'o, bo, pok, bok, bot).

puh (pot, pet, bot, bok, bet).

p'uh (p'ok).

The above are all the sounds grouped under the letter P in the Chinese dictionary. The forms given in brackets as old sounds do not carry us farther back than J200 years. It will be noticed that they all terminate either in a vowel, or in one of the tenues, k, t, p, or in one of the liquids m, n, or, finally, in the nasal ng. Neither r nor / appears in this position. In Accadian, on the other hand, both appear as finals. Corresponding to the above sounds, in Accadian we have the following list : ba, bi, bu, bad, bal, bil (pil), bulug', 'bam, ban, bar, bur, bis (pes) \ that is about a third of the Chinese number of sounds. (It happens that none of these roots ends in B, like gab.) Thus we see that the Accadian series answeis to the Chinese, in so far as it has for final sounds either vowels or the medials b, g, d, or the liquids m, n. Final l, r, s, have dis- appeared from Chinese ; while Accadian has no special mode of marking a nasalized final letter.

Under each of the Chinese sounds, pa, p'a, pah, etc., we find a number of different characters, with diverse meanings. All or nearly all under pa are sounded pa, but a distinction is made by means of the accents or tones, which play so important a part in the language. Considering the great number of meanings which we find grouped together under some Accadian signs, we may think it probable that a similar device obtained in that language also, at the time when it was still spoken, although no diacritic marks indicative of tonal

37

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY [1S89.

differences existed or were put on record by the Assyrian scribes. But Accadian availed itself freely of another expedient which is foreign to the Chinese. The same character was used to signify quite different sounds (>~< = bat, be, til, mid, etc.), whereas in Chinese every distinct sound has a character all to itself. And some- times we find the same Accadian syllable represented by different characters, e.g. >~< and >J^<y are both bad.

As regards meanings, the same or similar notions are repeated under each sound of the Chinese series ; throughout the whole, the changes are rung, as it were, upon one or two leading ideas. Over and over again we encounter variations of the ideas of splitting, opening, striking, bursting forth, rushing, running, shining, which are all plainly reducible to one or two principal notions. The same thing is observable in the Accadian series. If ba is " the opening of the mouth," bi is " to speak," and so is pad, and so is bal ; if bad is " to open," so is bar. This correspondence in mechanism is surely remarkable ; and would probably be more so, if we had the com- plete series of Accadian sounds, instead of only a part of it. Let us now proceed to compare the two series, so far as possible.

Ba has the meanings qasu, "to give"; azazu, "to be angry," "enraged"; nas&ru, "to tremble, shake, fall" ()Aj), "to throw down," "overthrow"; and/////, "opening of the mouth." In Chinese, // and pei are "to give," and ping is "to invite with a present," and pan is "to confer rewards (on soldiers)." Pi is "great and robust," "angry"; p'ie/i, "to be soon angry"; p'a is " to fall to the ground," po, " to shake," p'a, " to fear," p% "frightened," pien, "alarmed," pu, "afraid"; while ka-ba is repre- sented by pa, "the mouth open," pa, "large mouthed,"/rt, "crying and wrangling of infants," " hubbub." Ba as a verbal prefix answers to pa as " a sign of the optative." Ba is also a pronoun, suatu, su, " that," " he, him," and// is " that," a demonstrative.

Bi ^ qibu, tamu, " to speak, say, order, adjure," may be com- pared with, piao, "to make known," pan, "to publish abroad," po, "to sow, scatter, promulgate,"///, " publish," /'/>?/, "discuss, argue, describe." Bi, ina, "in, with," is pa, "with." For the pronoun bi ( = su, suatu, sasu sunu), see ba. As bi is both singular and plural, so the Chinese// is "that " and "those." So na, "he, his, him," = Chinese na, "that." Bi, "and," as in itu-bi ud-mu-bi, arhit ih/iu u sattu, "month, day and year," coincides with pa, "over," "up- wards," " more," "besides," as in shihpa, "a thousand and more." Bi,

33

Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

simanii, a term which properly means "signal" {cp. Nj-fi^p IBfft), answers to piao, "a signal, flag"; p'l'ao, " to rise swiftly like fire ; " to make a signal with fire " ; cp. bi, napdhu, " to flame up, blaze up," and "to kindle," and pao, "to burn," and bil (pil), " fire," "to burn," which we have already considered. Bad (»-«) is defined adaru, "to fear," nisii, "to break up camp, depart, remove," pitii, "to open," matu, " to die," and pagru, " a body, or corpse." The other sign fcfc^J, bad, is defined diiru, "wall," "fortress," etii, "high,'' matu, "to die." For bad, " to fear," see ba ; bad, nisii, answers to pu, "to walk, march," pa, "a sacrifice offered at starting on a journey," /'//*, "to retire," pan, " to transport," etc., see bar. For bad, pita, see ba; and cp. p'eu, "to rip open," pHh, "to open," see bar ; and for bad, "to die," cp.pi, "to fall down dead," "to kill." Bad, " wall," and " high," answers to//, " a stockade round a camp";/tf#, "a citadel," etc. ; pih, "high," see bar. Bu is napahu, see bi; and paqamu, "to bridle"; cp. p'ci, "reins," "to harness," etc. (bar). Bur, "to remove, transplant," and bur, "to loose, set free," and bar, " to free," have their cognates in pa, pH, "to open," pien, "to dismiss," "to put at ease," and other words already cited. With bal and i;ii. we dealt above ; >|-, bar, deserves to be treated at length, for some fifty Assyrian definitions of this term actually find their doubles in the Chinese lexicon. With ban, bam, qasin, mitpanu, "bow, "quiver," compare the Chinese pang, "a stiff bow," pang, " to pull the bow- string"; pang, " a target ;' ; ping, "a quiver." Babi.mr (bar-bar), "white," answers to p'-iao, "to bleach," p'iao, clear, pure, of colour"; poh, "white"; cp. p'iao-po/i, "a clear white." As regards initial P, pak or pag, " to fowl or catch birds," answers to pih (pik), "a bird-net"; pHeii, "a hunting falcon"; cp. pa, "to grasp, seize, catch." Pa and pad, "to speak, declare, adjure" (^-^JU) —piao, "to make known," pu, "to publish," pa, "the mouth open," ////, " to talk." Par, " spread out," has numerous analogues, among which arep'an, "to spread abroad," pan, "a board, slab," pai, "to spread out," p'u, "large," "extensive." With pis (pes), "pregnant," "to bear," cp. p'ei, "an embryo"; p'eu, "swollen, tumid"; pao, " to wrap up, contain " (the character represents the foetus inwrapt in the womb); pao, placenta; p'ei, " pregnant "; p^an, placenta Cantonese; in Pekinese, a falling womb); ////, "full"; pi, "stomach. ") etc. Pes is also napasu, "to breathe," "blow" ; cp. Chinese//, "the nose." Pisan, from which the Assyrians derived their pisannu,

39

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1889.

" reservoir," " cistern," is a compound term ; cp. pi, " to store, lay up " ; pi, "a jar;" p'ing, "a pitcher," pei, "a dam," "a pool"; plan, "deep dish or vessel to contain liquids or grain"; etc., etc., and san, "a wine vessel, an amphora"; si, sien, "to wash, bathe," "a bathing vessel"; etc., etc.

Pa = dru, "to shine," and elatit, "height," "zenith," and kamu, " to collect," and fiakdsu, " to cut off," and Nabu, Nebo, " the pro- claiming or prophet-god."

With pa, "to shine," cp. po, " shining, as the glare from water," pih, " fiery," p'an, "brilliant" (see bar and bil); with pa, <>latu, "height, "/'a, "to climb,"////, "high," piao, "the topmost branch"; with pa, kamu, pa, "to gather, collect"; with pa, "to cut off," pa, " to leave off, finish " ; and with pa, " Nebo," pa, " sound," " the mouth open," po, " to proclaim abroad," piao, " to make known," pu, " to publish."

An, anna, " heaven," means, I think, the canopy or covering extended over the earth, and is to be compared with Chinese an, "to cover," "to hide"; an, "the sun obscured by clouds"; an, "dark"; an, "evening," "eclipsed" (see NGAN; old sounds, an, ngan, am, ngam). Perhaps we may also compare ai, " the sun hidden by clouds," " clouded " ; ai, " hidden " (NGAJ) ; and ai, " the heavens covered and adorned with clouds," "a cloudy but bright sky" ; ai, " cloudy," " the sky covered with clouds " (AI). Under the same head we have ai, " beautiful and luxuriant vegetation ; " much as in Accadian, ana means also " ear of corn," and " twig or branch " (sissintiu = D^D-D)- Cp. also ang (old sounds, ngung, yung), " to rise higher and higher," as the sun; ang, "great," "high"; ang, "overflowing"; ang, ang, "rich and abundant, like a spring," with anu, subultu, J~Oi1!?, "ear of corn," and "flood"; yang (old sound, yung), " lofty, clear, manifest," " heaven " as opposed to " earth " ; yang, " to look up towards heaven " ; yen (old sounds, yin, ngin, an), " clouds rising and spreading"; yen, "to overflow," "the margin of a stream" (subultu); yen, "a high bank," "lofty," "steep"; yen, "a stream flowing far," " long, ample, extended " ; yen, " a serene clear sky " ; yen, " pitchy black, as the sky, which makes a background for stars"; yen, "a spacious covering or shelter"; yen, " the sun obscured by clouds," "indistinct," "obscure"; and yen, "to cover over, to hide." Yen, "sharp," "pointed," reminds one again of anu, subultu, "an ear of (bearded) wheat," spica. I think it probable, therefore, that the original term for " heaven " was gan (ngan), a view which

40

Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

is favoured by the initial c (rather than I) of !~T^, rC57 ; and that the term meant " the covering or canopy above the earth " (cp. the roots pj, "py, ~ ~~y ~<"to cover "). The term was then used, by a natural transfer, to denote " high," " lofty," while Ann, the god, is simply heaven personified, or the zi anna, the Spirit of Heaven. Perhaps, as the canopy of heaven appears concave (cp. yen, " bell- shaped "), ears of corn got the same name from their bending and bowing (cp. gin, "a reed"). The Accadian gan g'e, "abundance," "overflow," an apparent homophone of (g)an, "sky," seems to connect the two meanings of corn and flood.

Of the numerals I have already identified gis, "one," with yih (yit), "one"; and "two," tab, with Chinese fa (t'ap). MlN, min-na, "two," may be connected with erh or drh or 'rk, "two," which, strange as it may appear, had formerly the sound of ni. This ni may represent an older mi, as in Accadian itself we find dialectic m for n. So erh, "ear" = ni = mi = MU-s, Gi-s, "ear." The Chinese term for "three" is san, which seems to answer to Accadian e-sin, "thirty." Sin (San ; cp., Sanherib), the moongod, was symbolized by the number 30. The Chinese sz' or ssn (the root closely approximates to shi), may be akin to the Accadian san, sim, sib, "four." A, ia, "five," goes back to gad, "the hand"; cp. Chinese wu, " five " = older wot = mot = mat = gat. As, " six " = a + a§ = 5 + i== gad + gas = dgas = dyas = lyas = Amoy liok, Mandarin luh (old sound, lok.) Gispu, "ten" (gisip) = Chinese shih, "ten" (old sound, ship). As-tan means, I think, "one only"; cp. tan, " single," "alone" (old sound, tan). " His army was in three corps," san tan ; tan being added to the numeral as in Accadian.

Exceptio probat regula/n. The Mandarin speech has an initial / sound (zh ; the French sound, as in Juge), which, after several false starts, I determined to represent an Accadian G (ng). How was this result to be reconciled with the rule that Accadian G = Chinese jy? The old forms and the dialects supplied the answer. Strange as it may appear, the old sound of jan (pronounced zhun) was actually nien, that is, nyen, that is ngin, so that this term is no real exception to the rule (cp. Fuhchau ybng, yaig, and Chifu yen). Under J, the Chinese Lexicon groups sixteen principal sounds,

Viz., JAN, JAN, JANG, JANG, JAO, JE, JEH, JEU, JOH, JU, JUH, JUI, JUN, JUNG, JWA, JWAN.

( To be continued. ) 41

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1SS9.

THE TREE AND FRUIT REPRESENTED BY THE

tappuakh (man) of the Hebrew scriptures.

By the Rev. W. Houghton, M.A., F.L.S., &c.

Few Biblical plant-names have given rise to more discussion than the tappuakh, rendered "apple" in our Version; there is some difficulty in selecting any fruit-tree which will answer all the Biblical requirements. The Hebrew word occurs in Cant, ii, 3, " as the tappuakh among the trees of the thicket ("iy ) yd'ar, so is my beloved among the sons ; I rejoiced and sat down under its shadow, and its fruit was pleasant (piJlD) wathok to my palate;" in Cant ii, 5, the Shulamite says, "Sustain ye me with raisin-cakes (fntZ^ipN) ashishoth, refresh me with tappukhl/u, for sick with love am I;" in vii, 8, Solomon is represented as saying to the Shulamite, " May the smell of thy breath be like tappukhlmP In Cant, viii, 5, the Shulamite says, " under the tappuakh I aroused thee ; there thy mother was in travail with thee . . . and brought thee forth." The tappuakh is mentioned in Joel i, 12, with other trees injured by locusts; and in Prov. xxv, n, we read that "a word fitly spoken is like golden tappukhl/n in silver baskets." The Biblical requirements, I think, may be reduced to two only, viz. : that the fruit should be pleasant to the palate, and possess a sweet odour ; it is not necessary to discover a tree which would afford any considerable amount of shade ; the tappuakh was far superior to other trees, and "to sit under the shade " may denote nothing more than " under its branches." The expression of golden " apples " in silver baskets mentioned above, does not, I imagine, allude to the bright pale foliage of any tree con- trasted with its golden fruit ; but to such fruit in manufactured silver filigree work (iTDtft?) maskith. The citron, the quince, the apple, and the apricot have each been suggested as the tree denoted by the tappuakh. The claim of the citron cannot be supported. The citron {Citrus medico) was obtained by the Greeks possibly as early as the time of Alexander's Asiatic campaign ; but it is pretty certain that its original home is in Nepaul, and perhaps also in China, the home of the sweet orange, and the late introduction of the Citrus

42

Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

medica into Palestine at once forbids its identification with the Biblical tree.* The claim of the quince (Cydonia vulgaris) has been ad- vocated by Celsius (Hierobotanicon i, p. 254-267). This tree is a native of the Mediterranean basin, and is when ripe deliciously fragant, but according to our Western tastes, by no means pleasant to the taste when uncooked, but on the contrary austere and unpleasant. This latter fact is regarded generally as destructive of its pretensions ; but for my part I hesitate to throw over the claims of the quince to denote the tappuakh, on account of its taste. " De gustibus non est disputandum." The flavour and odour of plants or other things is simply a matter of opinion. Orientals set a high value on flavours and odours which to European senses are unpleasing ; moreover we must seek for the reason why such and such a fruit was regarded with approbation. Let me adduce the instance of the mandrake, Atropa mandragora. To most Europeans the smell of the whole plant is very fetid, but even Europeans differ ; Schulz says " they have a delightful smell and the taste is equally agreeable, though not to everybody." Mariti says " the fruit is of the size and colour of a small apple, ruddy and of a most agreeable odour." Tristram writes, " the perfume of the flower we found by no means disagreeable, though it is said by some to be fetid" (Land of Israel, p. 102). Again, it has a peculiar, but decidedly not unpleasant smell and a pleasant sweet taste " (Nat. Hist. Bib., p. 467, ed. 7th). When we remember the properties which the mandrake was and is still supposed by the natives of Palestine to possess, viz., its efficacy as a love-philtre to strengthen the affection between the sexes, we see at once the reason of their

* Some writers have concluded that the citron was known to the early Jews of Palestine from the testimony of Josephus who {Auti,j. xiii, 13, § 5) states that King Alexander Janna?us was pelted with citrons (/cirpioit) which at the Feast of Tabernacles the Jews had in their hands, because "the law required that at that feast every one should have branches of the palm-tree and citron-tree." Josephus evidently had in mind the its hadar of Lev. xxiii, 40, which he considered to be some special tree, rather than any "goodly" or ornamental tree; but Ilehn has well shown that the Greek Kirpiov, the Latin citrus comes originally from KtSpog, the scented wood of conifera.-, and in time came to be used for the citron on account of its supposed property to preserve clothes, &c, from mollis, like the scented wood of the cedars and other conifers. As the golden Median apple was laid among clothes for this purpose (the custom continuing into the middle of the second century A.D.), and as the smell of the rind was thought to be similar to that of cedar-resin, the common people imagined it to be the fruit of the citrus tree and gave it the name citrium (Wanderings, etc., p. $33).

43

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889.

fondness for it. The same arguments may, I think, be applied to the tappuakh. " The Song of Solomon," so called, seems to be a sort of pastoral love-song, partly dramatic, and it abounds with expressions of endearment, caresses and love. The quince among the ancient Greeks and Romans was a token of love ; it seems to have been so regarded by the Orientals. Celsius quotes Abu'l Fadli in illustration of Cant, ii, 5, " Comfort me with tappukhi/u, for I am love-sick." "Its scent," says the Arabian writer, "cheers my soul, renews my strength and restores my breath."

On the expression, "its fruit was sweet to my taste" (A. V.), one may observe that the Hebrew word (pijlft) does not of necessity either imply a saccharine or a glucose sweetness ; " the bitter waters which were made sweet," A. V. (Ex. xv, 25), were made pleasant ; their bitterness was destroyed ; "the worm shall feed sweetly upon him " (Job xxiv, 20), must mean shall feed on him with pleasure ; and so in Cant. I.e., " its fruit was pleasant to my palate," pleasant probably not only on account of the acid juice of the fruit, but because of its associations with friendship and love. If a European may wonder at an Oriental calling the quince juice pleasant, let him remember that Europeans eat with much delight such (to me) abominable things as caviare and unripe olives steeped in brine ! It must not be forgotten that the seeds of quince abound in mucilage, and that a decoction is sometimes used amongst ourselves as a demulcent. "The seed of quinces," says old Gerarde {Herbal., p. 1453, London, 1633), "tempered with water, doth make a mucilage, or a thing like jelly, which being held in the mouth is marvellous good to take away the roughness of the tongue in hot burning fevers." An apparent objection to the quince being the tappuakh of the Canticles, is the fact that no ripe fruit would be found on the tree at the end of March and beginning of April, the season expressly mentioned of the Song ; the trees would then be in blossom, or in early fruit ; the only tree which could have ripe fruit in the Spring is the citron which may have flowers, young fruit and ripe fruit seen together at the same moment ; but is it necessary to suppose that the tree under which the Shulamite sat yielded at that time ripe fruit ? May not the fruit be that of the preceding year which would hang on the tree till quite late, provided there were no frost? May it not have been among the fruits concerning which the Shulamite says (Cant, vii, 13), "at our doors are all manner of

44

Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

precious fruits new and old, which I have laid up for thee, O my beloved." *

Let us next consider the claims of the apple. Many years ago, Sir Joseph Hooker, with his usual kindness, wrote to me on the eve of his departure for Palestine to ask what special subjects I wished him to make enquiries about. Amongst other things I mentioned the apple. Dr. Thomson in his work The Land and the Book wrote, "The whole area (about Askelon) is especially celebrated for its apples, which are the largest and best I have ever seen in this country. When I was here in June quite a caravan started for Jerusalem loaded with them, and they would not have disgraced

even an American orchard Let tappuakh therefore stand for

apple, as our translation has it" (p. 545, Ed. i860). Sir J. Hooker wrote to me thus : "Three, to all appearances unexceptional English resident authorities, including a consul and a medical gentleman, assured me that the finest apples in Syria grew at Joppa and Askelon. The fact appeared so improbable that, though one authority had eaten them, I could not resist prosecuting the enquiry, and at last found a gentleman who had property there, and knew a little of horticulture, who assured me they were all Quinces ! " Tristram says, " though the fruit of the apple is cultivated with success in the higher parts of Lebanon, out of the boundaries of the Holy Land, yet it barely exists in the country itself. There are indeed a few trees in the gardens of Jaffa, but they do not thrive, and have a wretched woody fruit, and perhaps there may be some at Askelon " {Nat. Hist, of Bible, p. 334). H. Chichester Hart, quoting from an intelligent resident at Jerusalem, writes, " Strawberries, apples, and pears have all been unsuccessfully tried" (Quarterly Statement Pal. Expl. Fund, p. 282). When I visited Palestine in 1886 I neither saw nor heard anything of apples and apple trees. One would have supposed from the evidence of botanists and other authorities, that the tappuakh of the O. T. cannot possibly be the apple (Pyrus mains), and that Palestine is too hot for the successful cultivation of this fruit. A few years ago, however, a very learned writer, Professor W. Robertson Smith, published a few remarks in the Journal of Philology (vol. xiii, pp. 65, 66; for 18S5) on the

* I do not see any objection why we should not interpret the words " comfort me with tappukhlm " as having reference to some preparation of the fruit as a sweetmeat ; " comfort me with quince jelly," like the first half of the verse, '• stay ye me with raisin-cakes."

45

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [18S9.

Tappuakh of Canticles, in which he maintains that the " apple appears to satisfy every condition, and that it is unnecessary to take the Biblical PHS]7! in any other sense than the word has in later Hebrew and in Arabic." " The quince," the Professor writes, " has a distinct name not only in Arabic but in the Mishna, and the Mishnic (&VH5) parish is, as Low remarks, undoubtedly a Hebrew word {Aramiiische Pflanzennamen,~No. 109). Thus even Low's concession that it is just possible that in Hebrew poetry the word apple may be used to cover the quince is uncalled for, if the true apple is known in Palestine and has the qualities referred to in the Canticles. Both these things are easily proved." The proofs adduced are certain extracts from Arabic writers, who affirm that beautiful and excellent apples were in the time of the Caliphs exported from Syria to Persia. The Arabic for the apple is tuffah, a word clearly allied to the Hebrew tappuakh. Tha alibi writes, " One of the specialities of Syria is its apples, which are proverbial for their beauty and excellence. Thirty thousand of them were brought to the Caliphs every year in cases (Kirabat) ; and it is said that they smelt sweeter in 'Irak than in Syria." Another writer mentions apples as an article of export from Jerusalem. On the sweetness and fragrance of the apples the Caliph Ma'mun says, "the yellowness of the pearl is combined with the redness of gold, and the whiteness of silver ; the eye luxuriates in its beauty, the sense of smell in its odour, and the palate in its taste." Its restorative property is mentioned by Kazwlni, who also speaks of that of the quince. Yazld b. Mohallab being weakened by a fever . . . . " had an apple by him and kept smelling it because of his weakness." In these interesting extracts there seems to be no doubt the Arabic tuffah denotes the apple (Pyrus mains). Apples have been long cultivated with success in the higher parts of Lebanon, and are still so cultivated, and it is very probable that they formed in the time of the Caliphs an important article of export from Damascus, where good apples are still grown in the orchards. If MokaddasI is correct in stating that apples were an article of export from Jerusalem, then they must have been imported into that town from elsewhere, for apple trees will not thrive there. Excellent apples have long been known to be cultivated in the convent gardens of Mt. St. Catharine in Sinai, the high elevation and cooler air being favourable to their welfare. Hasselquist, writing from Cairo in September, 1750, speaking of ripe dates, says, "I confess they are good to taste once or twice .... yet I would gladly

46

Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

give two baskets of dates for half a bushel of good Swedish apples . . . Apples are scarce here ; they are brought hither from Mount Sinai, where the Grecian monks have delightful orchards full of the finest apple and pear trees" {Letters, p. 424). It is possible such fruit may have found its way from the Sinaitic peninsula or from Lebanon into Jerusalem.

It seems clear that the common Hebrew and Mishnic name of the quince is parish (tiJ'HS), but it is not uncommon to find the same' object denoted by different words or the same word to stand for two different things. The almond-tree has two names, Ifiz and shaqed ; in the Jerusalem Targum the perishln are also said by Rabbi Jona to be " asparagus." The word parish may denote the quince, from the septa or cellular partitions of the fruit, while tappuakh may have especial reference to its odour ;* moreover, it does not follow that because an Arabic name of a tree or fruit in the time of the Caliphs had the special meaning of an apple, the corresponding Hebrew word should have the same definite and exclusive meaning in a poem written many hundred years before. But apart from etymo- logical considerations, it is certain from natural history a fact that the Pyrus mains will not thrive and produce excellent fruit near Jerusa- lem, the scene of the Canticles, or anywhere else in Palestine proper.

The most recent suggestion is that of Canon Tristram, who thinks that the apricot alone answers all the Biblical requirements. " Everywhere the apricot is common. Perhaps it is, with the single exception of the fig, the most abundant fruit of the country " (Nat. Hist of Bible, p. 335.) There is something to be said in favour of the claim of the apricot to denote the tappuakh of Canticles ; it may have been introduced into Palestine in early times from Armenia, but it was unknown in Italy during the first century of the Roman Empire. " Neither Cato, Varro, Cicero, or any other author of the Republican period, nor any poet of the Augustan age, knew anything about them ; and the elder Greeks, so far as their writings are preserved, were just as ignorant " ( Wanderings 0/ Plants and Animals, Hehn and Stallybrass, p. 320). This is true, and we must allow a late introduction of the apricot-tree into Greece and Italy, but it may have been introduced into Palestine in early times. The Hebrews.

* The root of n-ISP), however, may be !"lSn " to swell out," " to he round," rather than nS3 "to breathe forth," like the Aramaic "VVTn spharula, poiuuni, quod figurant habet rotundum ; from "Itn ci rat ire, in se redire,

47

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [18S9.

however, had but slight acquaintance with Armenia, which country is in all probability identical with the Hebrew places Togarmah and Minni. The Armenians (" they of the House of Togarmah," Ezek. xxvii, 14) carried on commerce with the Tyrians in horses, war-horses, and mules, and it is quite possible that apricot fruit and fruit-trees from the temperate parts of Central Asia, where the tree is indigenous, were among the commodities imported into Tyre, " the merchant of the peoples unto many isles ;" but when we consider the early intro- duction of the quince from Crete into Greece and Italy (about the middle of the seventh and sixth century B.C.), the estimation in which it has always been held as a sweetmeat in confectionery, and as a perfume, together with its associations with bridal gifts and love games, it is most probable that the quince tree was early introduced into Palestine, and I think that, after all said, it has the best claim to represent the Hebrew tappuakh.

4-S

Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

NOTE ON THE D'ORBINEY PAPYRUS.

£!W^Jk^P=S-lJ

Dear Mr. Rylands,

The D'Orbiney papyrus contains on page 17, line 4, the

following passage : —

I

1

which has been variously rendered by the eminent Egyptologists who have translated this interesting document.

The late M. Chabas translated: "His Majesty wearing the pectoral of lapis " (Sa Majeste portant k pectoral de lapis) ;

M. Le Page Renouf: "His Majesty was wearing the collar of lapis-lazuli."

Whilst an entirely different interpretation is given by the following scholars : —

M. Maspero : " His Majesty went forth from the portal of lapis- lazuli " (Sa Majeste sortit du portail de lapis-lazuli) ;

M. Groff: "His Majesty went forth from the portal (?) of xesbet " (Sa Majeste sortit du portail (?) de \esbet).

I beg to offer below, and to support by a short analysis of the two questionable groups, a translation differing but slightly from that of M. Le Page Renouf.

well known in the sense of

The use of the group

appear, come into 7:ie7e>, as the sun or a star from below the horizon, bring forth in procession the sacred shrines. It has also a secondary meaning in the sense of adorned or invested (with the emblem of royalty), crowned (as king). (See Brugsch, Lexicon, vii, p. S99.)

In our text it is connected with the group l^^x . This word

is here written with two determinatives, the cord, c^3"^:, and the plan of a liouse, cr~H. In this form it signifies an aperture in the wall of a building for admission of light and air. a window. (Sec Brugsch, Lexicon, vii, p. 1 135.) There can however be little doubt, that the determinative cr~3 is here superfluous, and thai we have to deal with one of those orthographic peculiarities signalled by M. Chabas, who, in his Melanges, i, p. 99, quotes other instances of a similar nature. In die present case, it seems certain that the

49 E

Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889.

group seshet signifies not portal but diadem, tiara, as is clearly shown by a passage of the Inscription of Kuban, where, line 8, nearly the same expression occurs. "The king," it is said, "was seated on his throne," S % Tl t\ (1 ^ *Q& B^flL "adorned with the seshet and the two feathers." In this phrase the word seshet is followed by the picture of a circular band with the asp in front and a knot with pendants behind, representing evidently a royal head-ornament in metal or some kind of texture. (Compare Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii, p. 328, fig. 11.) Also, M. Brugsch has rendered it in this sense in his Lexicon (loco citato).

I propose, therefore, to translate the sentence in question as follows : " His Majesty was adorned with the diadem of lapis-lazuli (or the blue diadem)."

It will be noticed that it is only in the passage which follows,

that the king's coming forth from the palace is indicated by the o U3

}

expression : <===

Paris, Nov. i^th, 1889.

Very truly yours,

P. J. DE HoRRACK.

■■=»g1.'G^-)

The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 3rd December, 1889, at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will be read : —

Dr. M. Schwab : — " Les Coupes et l'hydromancie dans l'antiquite

orientale." Rev. W. Houghton, M.A., P\L.S.: — "Was the Camel known to

the early Egyptians ? "

5°

Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

NOTICES.

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Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889.

THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.

Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847- 1 850.

Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1866- 1869. 3 vols., folio.

Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols.

I— III (Brugsch). Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par H.

Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen

of vols. 3 and 4. ) Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867.

— 2nd series, 1869.

Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.

Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.

Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.

Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1880.

De Rouge, Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.

Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy.

Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.

Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.

Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.

Burkhardt, Eastern Travels.

Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873.

Le Calendrierdes Jours Fasteset Nefastes de l'annee Egyptienne. 8vo. 1877.

E. Gayet, Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre.

Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.

Nos. 1, 2, 3, Memoires de la Mission Archeologique Francais au Caire.

Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.

Lefebure, Les Hypogees Royaux de Thebes.

Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.

Guimet, Annales du Musee Gumiet. Memoires d'EgyptoIogie.

Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2nd partie. "Osiris."

LEPSIUS, Les Metaux dans les Inscriptions Egyptiennes, avec notes par W. Berend.

1). G. Lyon, An Assyrian Manual.

A. Amiaud and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes

et Assyriennes. W

Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer, 2 parts.

Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque dcs Pyramides.

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.

Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.

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COUNCIL, 188

President. P. le Page Renouf.

Vice-Presidents.

Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chanoor. The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M , D.C.L., &c. The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard,).C.B., &c. . The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D&c., Bishop of Durham. Walter Morrison, M.P.

Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.L., &c, &c. Sir Charles Nicholson, Ban., D.C.LM.D., &c, &c. Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canoof Canterbury. Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.(L., F.R.S., &c. Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Deaof Canterbury.

Council.

Rev. Charles James Ball. Ppof.w. Macalister, M.D.

Rev. Canon Beechev, M.A. Rev. mes Marshall.

E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. F. D. ocatta, F.S.A.

Arthur Gates. Alex^der Peckover, F.S.A.

Thomas Christy, F.L.S. T. Polard.

Rev. R. Gwynne. F. G. ilton Price, F.S.A.

Charles Harrison, F.S.A. V.. Tory Whyte, M.A.

Rev. Albert LoWY. Rev. \ Wright, D.D.

»

Honoraiy Treasurer— Bernard T Josanquet.

Secretary — W. HARRY Ryi.ANL F.S.A.

Honoraiy Secretary for Foreign Correspondence- -\E\ '. R. GWYNNE, M.A.

Honorary Librarian — William Sim on, F.R.G.S.

HARRISON AND SONS, i'Kl.NTKRS IN ORDINARY TO HER AJESTV, ST. MARTINS LANE.

VOL. XII. Part 2.

PROCEEDINGS

THE SOCIETY

BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

-3oe-

VOL. XII. TWENTIETH SESSION.

Second Meeting, December $rd, 1889.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Rev. C. J. Ball. — The New Accadian ( Continuation) 53"So

Rev. W. Houghton, M.A., F.L.S.— Was the Camel known to

the Ancient Egyptians ? 8 1-S4

F. L. Griffith.— Notes on Egyptian Inscriptions of the Middle

Kingdom 85- 88

F. L. Griffith. — Notes on a Tour to Upper Egypt (continued

from Vol. XI, page 234) 89-113

Professor Karl Piehl. — Notes de Philologie Egyptienne (con- tinued from Vol. XI, page 226) 114-125

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PROCEEDINGS

OF

THE SOCIETY

OF

BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

TWENTIETH SESSION, 1889-90.

Second Meeting, 3rd December, 1889. Rev. Canon St. VINCENT BEECHEY,

IN THE CHAIR.

&&&&

The following Presents were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —

From the Author : — L'Art antique egyptien dans le Musee de

Leide, par W. Pleyte. Vienne. 8vo. 1888. Actes du VIIe Congres des Orientalistes. Over denoudst bekenden egyptischen cilinder mededecling, van

W. Pleyte. Amsterdam. 8vo. 1889. Konink. Akad. van. Wetensch. Letterkunde, 3 R, vi d. From the Author, Dr. Wiedemann : — Der Eroffnung der Pyramide

von Hawara.

Aus Jahrb. d. Ver. v. Alt. fr. im Rheinl, 87. From Dr. Wiedemann : — Romischer Isis cult an der Mosel. Von

Richard Arnoldi.

Aus Jahrb. d. Ver. v. Alt. fr. im Rheinl., 87. From the Author : — Die Assyriologie als Hiilfswissenschaft fur das

Studium des Alten Testaments und des Klassischen Altertums,

von Dr. H. Zimmern. Konigsberg, i Pr. 8vo. 18S9. No. lxxxvii.] 51 f

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S89.

From the Author : — Reuben Norland : Rev. A. Lowy on Elohistic and Jehovistic Proper Names. 8vo. London. 1889. From the Jewish World, 1889.

The following were nominated for election at the next Meeting on January 14th, 1890: —

Charles F. Richardson, LL.D., B.A. (Lond.), Tranby, Colwyn Bay. Charles Martin, Clanmarina, Torquay.

The following were elected Members of the Society, having been nominated at the last Meeting on November 5th, 1889 : —

Dr. Martin Jager, Keilstrasse, 1811, Leipzig.

Rev. Thomas Robson Pickering, Harrington, West Cumberland.

Jos. C. Green, M.D., Buffalo, New York, U.S.A.

John T. D. Llewelyn, Penllergare, Swansea.

Dr. Leon de Lantsheere, 210, Rue du Trone, Bruxelles.

Prof. R. L. Bensly, Professor of Arabic, Caius College, Cambridge.

Prof. O. Donner, Helsingfors University, Finland.

Alexander Payne, F.R.I.B.A., F.S.I., A.I.C.E., 4, Storeys Gate,

St. James's Park, S.W. Rev. Edward George King, D.D., Vicar of Madingley, Cambridge. Mrs. Voile, 10, Museum Mansion, Great Russell Street, W.C. The Ven. James Augustus Hessey, D.C.L., D.D., &c, Archdeacon

of Middlesex, 41, Leinster Gardens, Hyde Park, W.

A Paper by Rev. W. Houghton, M.A., F.L.S., entitled " Was the Camel known to the Early Egyptians ? " was read by the Rev. A. Lowy.

Remarks were added by Canon Beechey, Thos. Christy, F.L.S., A. Peckover, F.S.A., Dr. S. Louis, and Rev. A. Lowy.

A Paper by Dr. M. Schwab, entitled, " Les coupes ma- giques ct l'hydromancie dans l'antiquite orientale," was read by the Secretary. It will be printed, with illustrations, in a future number of the Proceedings.

Remarks were added by Dr. S. Louis, Rev. A. Lowy, and the Chairman.

Thanks were returned for these communications.

52

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS9

THE NEW ACCADIAN. By the Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A., Oxon.,

CHAPLAIN OF LINCOLN'S INK J FOKMERLY CENSOR AND LECTURER IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON.

(Continued from fagc 41.)

When I came to look at the meanings grouped under these heads, I found that they exhibited a remarkable correspondence with those of the Accadian signs >~yy^, Gi, £>ff.<^, ga, gi, t^E, g'a, g'e, g'u, gan, ^ , gam, ^|, ga, and the correlated forms with initial M (w, v) and d, z. And just as in Accadian we find a sort of hesitation between initial G and k, and G-forms often have double ^ with initial k; so Chinese words which originally had an initial G, often have secondary forms with initial k.* ^ff-^ ^ij, Gi- *A, ^1^ *-JJh gi-en, ^yy^ ^^, Gi-IN, show that gin, or gen, is tl e primary sound of ^yy^ ; and the second character, ^y ^ had also the values gin, gi. Now gin, the Aaadi.n original of the Assyrian qanit (T\^)\ "a reed," has also the further meanings assigned to it in the Assyrian text : kaiui, "to be fixed, "kinu, "fixed," ''firm," "right," "faithful," "friendly"; safaru, "to send"; i&ru, "to turn," "to return," "to become," "to be" ; biblu, "wish," "desire"; san&qu, "to press together," "confine," "shut in," " close a door," "join," "to hearken to," "to obey"; gimru, "all," "the whole" (com- plete); hint, "a band"; kapasu, "to draw together," "close mouth or hands," " draw oneself together," ad moriendum, " to die " (Hebrew and Arabic), or ad saliendum, "to jump" (Chaldee), in Assyrian a synonym of qadadu^ "to bow down," "bend or incline oneself," and of kandsu, "to submit," "subject oneself" (= 1^ gam qadadu); saddru, "to order, command"; m&tum, "country," "land" ; mah&ru, "to be in front," "to receive," "to encounter," "meet," "to oppose"; ma/u, " to be full" ; sabdtn, "to take," "to wear"; sahru, "small," "young" (= "Y^2, parvus, vilis, contemtus) ; Sand, "other," " second, " " to alter," " to repeat," " relate " ; taqdmt, a synonym of

* The parallel Chinese series with initial y should also be compared with the series here discussed.

53 f 2

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.LOLOGY. [1S89.

kanu, "to be or become firm, stable, right," "to order, arrange, adorn, correct," etc. ; simtu, " ordinance," "lot," "fate" ; zikaru, " male, man." To ^-fy^, ga, gi, gin, belong gi, apdlit, "answer"; dahu, "to butt," "thrust," "approach " (Hebrew nm) \ ekimu, "to seize," "take"; kalu, "to close" (a door), "to stop, hinder, restrain" ; "shut in or out"; mahalu, "to dishonour, defile" (Chaldee and Syriac use); nakamu, "to heap up"; nakarii, "to be other, hostile," "to alter," etc.; nasu, "to lift up, bear," "take," etc.; fiasaJw, "to soothe, appease, calm, set at ease " ; saharu, " to go or turn round, sur- round "; paqddu, " to oversee," "look after," "take care of"; "to entrust to," "to put in charge," "appoint " ; §abu, "to be satiated, filled with food " ; sabdru, " to break " ; sabatu, " to strike," " smite," "kill"; salamn, "to be whole, unimpaired, sound"; "to repay, reward, prosper"; "to finish, end, complete"; sananu, "to contend with, rival"; tebii, "to approach, come upon, attack"; 'uru, "to send, inform, direct"; gi-in, amtu, "a maid," "handmaid"; gi-gi, pitfi sa patti, " opening, i.e., uncovering, of the face " ; gi-me, a maid, female slave {kinatu), etc., etc. All these meanings belong also to the Chinese sounds enumerated above.

I will take the Chinese terms in their order, as they are given in the dictionary.

JAN (old sound nien).

c/ian, "to burn." Accadian gi,* "fire"; ""XS gin,

"bright"; za-gin ; mul, na- batu, " to shine " *^\<\, di, ditto; de, "fire"; izi, "fire"; ^- NtN, "to kindle"; za, "bright"; zal, "to shine"; kili, hakkabu, " a star " = mul, do.

* (Gl-BIL, BIL-GI, "fire," "the fire-god," "burning," kilutu. GI-BIL-LAL = reed + fire + full = dipant, "torch": vid. Jensen, Z.K. II, 52). Did not Prometheus bring down fire from heaven in a reed, or hollow fennel stalk? But the roots car, GUB, gud, gus, " to be bright," and the form ok, " fire," which perhaps we see in diparu = DE + BIR, cp. KI-BIR = GMUL, seem to point to a homophone gi, "fire."

54

Dec. 3]

zhan = "yes," "certainly," "it is so," "thus, in this way."

zhan, "red silk," "that which has been dyed a bright crimson or scarlet," etc. ; vid. zhan, " to dye," infra.

zhan, "the whiskers," "the beard" zhan, "red silk," "that which has (2 characters), vid. zhan, "lux- uriant tender herbage," infra*

zhan, "a large serpent."

zhan, "a hem or broad band on

a woman's dress." zhan, "a caterpillar."

PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

gina, gin = ki-a-am, "thus."

zhan, "tender," "weak." (Cha- racter represents hair just growing on the body — down.)

zhan, "luxuriant tender herbage," " by turns."

ga, J^J, sarapu, dye."

to stain,

So called as sprouting forth from the skin, like gin, reeds and rushes by the waterside. £^S| (g)us, muttatu, " hair " ; vid. infr., p. 80 ; du-b, muitit, "the hair."

gi(n), kapasu, se contrahere, a trait of snakes and cater- pillars. gi(n), saharu, "to go round." gin, gi, biegen, drehen, wenden, zuriickkehren (Haupt). The root expresses the ideas of length and sinuous motion. mtj-s, sera, " ser- pent."!

gin, "a reed"; "that which bends and bows like a reed." gin, sahru, "small," "little," " weak."

gin, "reeds, rushes, bamboos," etc.

gin, tara, "to turn and return." zhan, "to dye," "to taint or ga, ' to dye," "to stain." infect."

* As we find in this Chinese series terms denoting dress, clothing, homo] ihi with terms denoting hair, down, etc. (considered as a covering), so in Accadian we have SIG defined hibu&tu, " clothing," and sartu, "hair."

t /an, "serpent," is pronounced hn at Canton, jiam in Amoy, and Shanghai. With the last, cp. sie, the other value of the Accadian symbol.

55

Dec. 3]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

[1SS9.

zhan, " to dye," " to taint or infect," "to soil," "to render vile;" "soft," "pliant."

Gi(n), mahalu (?), " to pour in," "mingle," "dishonour," "de- file;" me, "pour out;" g'a, g'e, sirpetu, "dyed stuff;" du-b,* sibu, "to immerse in;" " to pour out ;" perhaps gig, mi, " dark." gin, "to bow and bend"; "the pliant reed or rush." N.B. — Zhan, "a sort of monkey," is an onomatopcea, according to the authorities.

JAN (like Sanskrit inherent a). Old sounds, m'n and mm. Cantonesejw/,_j7ir///, ngan, etc. Chifu yin. zhan, "a man," "human beings"; gin, mu, me, na, ni, nu, dili,

yih ko zhan, " one person," whether a nan zhan, "male," or nil zhan, " female."

zhan, "humanity," "regard for others," "the first of the con- stant virtues," "fulfilling one's social duties."

"paralyzed," "numb." zhan, "rafters or laths of the roof." zhan, "great," "full."

"to flatter," "to adulate." zhan, "pregnant."

zikaru, "male," "man." gin, ginna, amtu, "female slave." geme, " maid." (fl^, galu, gulu, " man " =

hgdlii, ngulu , Jensen). gin, /&««/, "righteous," "friendly,"

etc. mun, tabtu, "goodness;" dug, du, zib, " good." nig-ginna, kittu, "justice,"

"equity." gin, kcnu, "fixed," "set fast." gin, kanu, " to be fixed," " firm." Gi(n), mal, main, " to be full " ;

cp. gal, gul, mar, "great." gin, " to bend and bow before." gin, malii, " full ; " umme-da,

eme-da, tarltu, "a pregnant

woman"; lit. mother -f big. J

^y, ga, aladii, " to bear."

* The compound term dubbin is explained, sumbu ( = si26u), "the finger": fupru, "finger-nail" ; and ubdnu, " finger" or "thumb." ntiB = Chinese chi, old sound, tik = DiG, " a finger " ; and bin may be compared with Chinese p'i= hi, " the thumb." Chia (old sound, gab), is " the finger-nails."

+ Cp. Chinese tit, "belly" ; t'ai, "the pregnant womb" (old sound, da); ta, " big, plump," " to grow large " ; and yiin (under yix), " pregnant " — gin.

56

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

zhan, " a manfish or merman " Oannes = ana, gana, g'ana,

(see No. 1). "the Fish-god."

zhan, " fortitude," " patience," gin, kdnu, "to be fixed," "firm." " endurance." "to bear or suffer patiently." nasii, "to bear."

"to repress." esiru, "catch"; ka/n, "to

close"; sandqu, "to con- fine," "compress"; dim, einengen, bedrangen.

zhan, "to allow," "give way to," gin, "to bend," "bow," "yield." as anger, "harsh," "inflexible." gin, kdnu, "to be fixed," "firm."

zhan, " to gormandize." gi(n), sabii, " to be surfeited,"

" satiated." zhan, "kindhearted," "gentle," gin, "bending," "pliant." "flexible."

zhan (also read ?iin), "to dwell gi(n), pasdhit, "to be at ease," upon with satisfaction" (char- "rest"; §ag-ginna, bibil libbi,

acter = " heart" + " to sustain"); "the bringing, or turning of

"to consider,"" "to think." the heart to a thing," "desire

or design."

gin, babalu, " to bring " (J^f).

adv. "thus," "so," "in this gin, kiaam, "thus," "so," "in way." this way"; den, do.

17 ' rlCttl I

shan f "gramwmch is fully ripe." gin, qanft, "culm or stalk" (of

grain); zi, zm, ijimu, TlCfi

"standing corn" (=se); gin,

" a harvest or season." sullumu, "to complete";

main, sabii. g'a, g'e, g'u, gan, "a year" (vid. infr., p. 7 4) (^^E), "to be abundant,"

"plenteous."

"laid up," "accumulated." gi(n), tiakamu, "to lay up."

zhan, "a weapon, strong and well- gin, "a reed," "a shaft" (long

tempered," " edged weapons," and pointed or sharpened at

" the edge," " a knife at the the end, for a weapon) ; cp.

end of a spear." Isaiah xxxvi, 6, for a reed

that pierces. 57

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S89.

"sharp-pointed," "to kill." gin, sullwnu, "to finish;" ga,

sabdiu, " to kill " ; gaz, ddku,

"to kill"; gul, ubbutu, "to

destroy," or hipu, " to cut off."

zhan, "a measure of eight cubits." gin, qanii, "a reed," "a common

Babylonian measure of length"

(cp. Ezekiel xl, 3, 5 ; xli, 8).

" full," " to fill." gin, main, " to fill," " be full."

zhan, "to block a wheel," "a gin, kdnu, "to fix," " secure" ;

catch," "an impediment," "to esiru, "to catch"; ekimu, "to

embarrass." seize," " catch " ; kalu, " to

close," "impede." zhan, "to fill up," "stuff;" "cram- gin, malu, "to be full;" CKmalu.

med full." zhan, " tough," " not brittle," gin, " to bend " (without break " strong but flexible," " tena- ing).

cious." zhan, " to join fibres together, gin, "to turn and twist" (drehen). and make a thread"; "to sew," gin, sandqu, "to join together" " stitch." (shaphel).

zhan* "slow of speech," "un- gin, "a reed," "wavering," "un- ready," "stammering." stable."

" benevolent " : vid. supra. gi, ga, kalu, " to close," " shut,"

"impede." zhan, " to know well," " discrimi- gin, qanu, "a measure," "a nate between," " to recognize," standard " ; ta.ru, " to return ;"

"know again," "a mark," "a nakaru (Heb.), "to recognize."

criterion." di, danu, "to judge"; za, zu,

zhan, "to weave"; cp. the various "to know." terms denoting cloth, clothes, in this series. zhan, "the lappel of a coat but- gin, kdnu, "to be made fast," toned under the arm," "a single "to fasten" (pael) ; sandqu,

mat," "fastenings on a coffin." "to connect;" qanii, "reed"

(mats were made of bamboo).

* In Canton yan, in Amoy jim, in Shanghai zing ; forms which seem to indicate gin, dim, and zig, respectively, as their archetypes. Cp. Accadian dug and zib, "good."

53

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

zhdn, "sincere," "sure," "trust- gin, kinu, "sincere," "sure,"

worthy," "trusted," "relied "trustworthy;" "trusted."

on," "a trust," "an office," Gi-Gi,paqadu, " to put in charge,"

"that which is imposed on "entrust with an office;" paqid,

one," "the incumbent," "acting "an officer." official."

JANG (old sound, niang = nyang = ngang = ngan, can ; Chifu, yang=g<mg ; Fuhchau, j'6Wg-=gang).

zhang, "culm or stalk of grain," gin, "a reed or stalk"; zi, "luxuriant," "abundant," "fruit- " standing corn."

ful." g'a, "to abound;" g'a-l, "to

flow."

zhang, "to push to or from one ga, gin, dahii, "to push, thrust"; with the hand," " to appro- Gi, sabatu, " to take " ; GA,

priate," " to seize without ekimu, " seize," " clutch " ;

right." maharu, "to receive"; DIB,

ti, tim, " to take."

zhang, "an abundant, heavy dew," g'a g'e, "overflow"; g'al, "to " water stopped in its flow be- flow " ; ga (gin), kalu, " to

cause of silt." close," "dam up"( = LAL, kalu).

zhang, "urgent," "walking fast." gin, («5|), aldku, "to walk";

= DIM.

Jang, " the pith of the pith-paper gin, sipnt, "a letter"; sapdru,

plant"; jang-tzu, "a letter or "to send"; cp. the expression

dispatch, as distinguished from qan duppe ;" kin, do. the envelope."

zhang, "to make a clamour," "cry gu, "to speak and scold" out," " scold and bluster." (sagd/nu) ; rigmu, " outcry " ;

ga, sananu, " to quarrel," apaht, "to answer"; nasu, "to lift up" (the voice); mk, qalu, "to cry out;" DUG, "to speak."

zhang, "a bow bent" gin, "to bend"; cam, kriimmen,

beugen; cp. ban, "a bow."

59

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889.

zhang, "earth," "mould," "soil," gi, and ga, mdfum; kingi, "a place," "region," "land," kengi = ki + gi = Chinese

"acountry," "amound,hillock." kia, "dwelling" + zhang,

"land," "home-land"; ga, nakdmu, "to heap up"; ma - da, "land"; ma, do.; du, dul, "mound." zhang, " to cede," "yield," " give gin, ga, "biegen," "beugen," way to," "recede from one's "wenden," "zuriickkehren."

rights, waive them." gam, kandsu, " to submit." *

Under jang, old sound, ning, Cantonese ying = gin, we have zhang, "as, according to," "as before," "just so," "thus," "and, and also"; cp. gim, dialectic dam, "like, as"; gin, kia in, "thus"; zhang, " to drag or lead along," " to urge along," " to push "; cp. {££]) gin, aldhu, "to go"; babdlu, "to bring"; ga, 'urn, "to send," "urge on"; dahu, "to push against," "thrust"; zhang, "happiness"; "to approach to"; cp. gin, bibil libbi, "the desire of the heart"; gin, khiu, "right," "good"; GA or gi, dahu, "to approach to"; and zhang, "old roots," "plants cut down," "shoots"; cp. gin, "reeds," " stubble."

JAO {old sounds, nio, niok, no, nok, not = nga, ngak, ga, gak, gat ?). zhao, "plenty to eat," "abundant," "satisfied," "an overplus" =g'a, g'e g'u, (>-*-) g'a-l; namg'e, duhdu, g'egal, nuhsu, "abundance," "plenty"; zhao, "crooked," "distorted," "to wrench," "pervert," " weak," "lithe," "flexible"; cp. gin, "to bow," "bend," "turn "; gam, beugen, kriimmen; Gi, sahru, "little." Zhao also means "to disperse," "to disturb," and "to break"; cp. ga, naharu, "to be hostile"; sabdru, "to break"; g'ul (^f>-T]yf), lininu, "wicked," "hostile"; zhao, "grass," "rushes," "stubble or thorns cut for fuel," = gin, qanfi, "reeds and rushes"; zhao, "covering of cloth wrapped round a scabbard " ; ga, sahdru, "to go round," and caus. " put round "; zhao, " short worms, a squirming motion," and zhao, "to wind around," "to go about," "to environ," " to compass " = ga, sahdru; zhao, "to give or bring trouble to"; "incommode," "embarrass"; "to infest," as banditti a region = ga, naharu, " to be hostile "; gi, maharu,

* Cp. yi, " to make a bow," " cede," "give way to." 60

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S89.

"to oppose"; g'ul, lamctnu, limnu; zhao, "to pacify" = gin, gam, "to bend" i.e., "reduce"; or ga, pasdhu, "to quiet," "satisfy"; zhao, "a well-trained ox," "yielding," "obliging"; gin, "to bend" (gu, gud is ox, bull); cp. F)7Sl, ?p?N, and the Syriac cognates.

JE {old sounds, nia, niak = nya, nyak = nga, ngak = ga, gag, gal).

zh'd, "to provoke," "irritate," "to produce," "elicit," "to induce," " attract," " bring on "; cp. ga, sancinu, " to rival," " quarrel," gal, "to make," "afford"; gal, "to open " = mal, do.; ^yyy ga, gaga, sakanu, "to place," "make," "produce."

JEH {old sounds, niet, nit In Cantonese it and yat ; Amoy jiat and jit ; Chifu i and yeh. (gid ?)

zhd, "hot," "heat"; "to warm"= gi, "fire."

zhih, "the sun," "a day " = udu, uda ; that is, I think, gudu (gudi-bir) and guda. Another word for day is cheu, old sound, fok = dak, the d- form of gud ; cp. dug, " to melt."

zh'd, "to burn," "heat," "sear"; cp. gi in gi-bil, "fire," "burning"; gi-bil-lal = napdhu, "to blaze up."

zhd, "to soak or dip in liquor"; cp. z/iu, "to immerse"; zhu, "to stain," "dye," "dip"= gi, mahasu, "to dip"; g'a, g'e, sirpetu ; from sarapu, " to dye " = ga ; gaga rahdsu, " to flood " = mama; cp. Zarephath, Sarepta, Dye-town. Dub, "to dip," implies a dialectic gub or gud; cp. gub, "to be fixed," dialectic dub.

JEU (old sounds, nio, not), Cantonese yau, Amoy jiu, Chifu yiu.

zheu, "flexible"; " pliant like twigs"; "tender, as budding plants "; vid. supra ; " give rest to " = ga, pasdhu ; na, utulu, " to rest " ; mu-na, irsu, " bed."

zheu, "to tread out grain"; " trample over" ; GIN, alaku. So zhcu, "a step"; "to step." gir, meri, kabasu, "to tread, trample;" sepu, "the foot"; kibsu, "a path."

zhcu, " to eat," = ku (gu), akalu, " to eat "; E]]]t, gud, u, " to eat."

zheu, " mixed " = gi, mahalu, infudit, miscuit.

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Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S89.

JOH {old sound, nok = gag ?).

zho, ''pliable," "slender," "fragile"; "weak," "feeble," "languish- ing " ; gin, " to bend " ; and gig, marsu, " ill," " sick," "weak."

zho, " the cat-tail rush, from which mats are woven " = gin, qanii, "rush."

zho, "united" = gi, sanaqu, " to connect," "join"; gi-s, di-s, "one."

zho, "as," "like" = gim, dim :

" This," " the one " = g'u, g'e, annu, " this." As a conditional particle, "if," "perhaps," "should it be ' = g'u, g'e (de), the optative prefix of verbs in Accadian {cp. Greek,

e't'Oe, ei rjup)

Name of a marine deity : cp. >-»~y t^E K^^> D.P. g'ul (?). zho, an old name for the cuticle of the bamboo; a slender variety of the bamboo (Bambusa latifolia) : cp. gin, qanu, " reed." In old times, people prepared the leaves for writing on ; the culms furnished pencil handles : cp. the expression qan duppc, " reed of a tablet " ; and the Chinese kan, " culm of the bamboo " ; " stick, rod, shaft," etc.

JU {old sounds, no, not, niok = ga, gat, ngak ?). Chifu, yii — gu, gi ?.

zhu, conjunction of comparison; "as, like," "as if," "according to"; "if," "perhaps"; "and," "also," etc., "to go to." A personal pronoun, "you." Cp. gim, "like"; tu- in tukundi (du-) "if"; za, zae, "you" (= g'u, g'e, "this person before me"); gin, alaku, "to go"; tu, eribu, "to enter"; du, "to go " ; gin, dahil, " to go to," " approach."

zhu, "intertwisted as roots," "interlaced," " entangled "= gin, sanaku, "to connect "; gin, wenden, drehen. " To receive," "to take"= gi, sabatu, "to take"; "to eat much," "to gormandize " = gu, akalu, "to covet" =-gi, biblu, "desire" sunku, "want"; "pliant," "flexible" = gin, "to bend," whence, also, "dried, as vegetables," from the bending, curling, shrivelling effect of heat; "to die," "to wither away"; 2 R. 39, 42 e. gam, kapasu Xf2p, contraxit, clausit, os manum, Nif. contraxit se ad moriendum, mortuus est ; *•£• jjJis ; GI> simtu, " fate," GAZ, " to slay " ; gul, abatu, " to perish": "to conjecture," " deliberate " = gin, "to incline, or bring {babalu) the mind to a thing."

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Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS9.

zhu, " the epidermis, or scurf skin of the bamboo " ; gin, qanu.

z/iu, "the learned, scholars," etc. ; gi, taq&nu *&T\ "to fit," "order," "arrange," "prepare," "establish"; pp.FI, "ornament," "ar- rangement," "instruction," "correction"; di, "to judge"; zu, older za, "to know," "to learn."

zhu, "to immerse," "moisten," "wet," "damp," "to urinate"; dub (gub), "to dip;" (g)a, "water"; g'a-l, gur, "to flow"; mk, " water" ; de, " to irrigate " ; kas (gas), sunatu, urine. " Mild," " forbearing," " patient," " enduring " = gin, " bending," " bow- ing," " yielding," righteous," " friendly " ; gam, " submissive."

z/iu, "chattering"; gi, nabu ? gi, gigi, apalu ? gu, gugu, sasit, ragamu, " to speak, cry out " ; dug and gude, " to speak."

zhu,* "a. short coat," "soft, close-fitting spencer," "jerkin"; gi, sabatu, taqanu ; gad, kitu, " cloth " ; (g)a, " clothes " ; ma, nalbasu, "clothing"; du-l, "to cover"; tu, te, "clothes."

zhu, "milk," "milky," "the breasts," "the nipple," "to suck," "to nurse"; ga, sizbu, "milk"; tuld, "the breast," mamma (fzyff^); umme-ga-lal, museniqtu, " nurse " = Chinese mu + zhu + liao.

zhu, personal pronoun your, you ; GA ? = za, gu = zu ; vid. zhu, No. 1. dam, "thou"; ku, "thou"; me, men, do.

zhu, "a child still at breast," "suckling"; vid. supra.

zhu, "to stain, to dye," "dip"; gi, mahasu, "to dip"; Briinnow, No. 2461. Ga, g'e, sirpctu, ibid., 4066. Ga, mahalu ; cf. TTTC, infudit, miscuit (Talmud). "To hold up a thing, as when worshipping," "to raise " = GA, nasu, "to raise," "lift."

JUH {old sounds, nip and nok = gib, dib, gag, ? Chifu, yii, tsii.) zhu, "to enter," "to go into," "to penetrate," "to recede from view," "to take in," "receive, as fees," "to put into," "according to," "an entrance." tu, tutu, "to enter"; §u + TUTU = ikimu,

hand + enter

" to take." But ga (gi, gin) £>>fy -^ = ikimu, mahd.ru, sabatu, "to take," and dahii, "to draw near," and tcbu, "to come to,"

* In Canton u, Amoy ju, Shanghai so. With it, cp. i, "clothes." So answers to Accadian sig, " clothes."

Cp. further Ygf , MU = subdiu, "clress"; >^L^ > GU (or TIG = TUG?), nalbaSu ; T£J , read as tub, tug, lubuStu, fttb&tu.

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"attack"; and (J^f), gin, is "to walk, go." May not gib = du, " to go," — tu ? Or is the word gi, gig, " sunset " ? The Chifu form tsil points to du. Te = dahu, " to draw near," implies dialectic gi (gib) = tu; and dib, sabatu, "to take," implies gib (cp. dim = gim, "like"). zhu, "insult," "dishonour," "rail at," "defile, debauch," "shamed," " disgraced," " defiled " ; cp. ga, mah&lu, and syriac 'etlunchcl, humiliatus est ; mch'ila, imbecillis, infirmus, tenuis, humilis, miser. 7n?2N humiliavit, exinanivit ; gu, ragamu, sagdmu, "to scold, rail at"; gi = sa/iru} "little"; and gaga, "to dye, stain " (metaph.). zhu, "damp," "steaming," "hot"; gi, in gibil, "fire." zhu, "to pity" = GA, maharu ? gi, "to bend and relax," "incline

towards"; gin, kcnu, "righteous, friendly." zhu, "adorned, beautified with colours"; cp. gi, taqanu, ornavit, and zhu, "to dye," supra; "gay," "pretty"; "lustrous as a gem"; cp. gi, *' fire," " bright " ; = za, zal. zhu, "a felt cover;" " mattrass," "cushion;" "coverlet" etc.;

gad, kitd, "cloth," etc. zhu, "suckers," "shoots," "sprouts," "rushes"; gin, "reeds." zhu, " to eat much " = ga, saM, " to be satisfied, filled." zheu, "1 "flesh," "meat"; "pulp or edible part of fruits"; "fat," zhu, J "fleshy"; uzu, "flesh," and " fat."

. ' > "twenty"; the second form resembles Accadian nis, "twenty."

JUI (old sounds, nui, nai, nut, nap ; Chifu, ybh and tsui).

sui, "throat-band of a cap," "to bind" (g'ar, "a chain," "to bind";

kur, "to bind"; dim "a cord," "bond"); sa, riksu, do. sui, "prolific," "luxuriant" (g'a, g'u, "to abound"); si, sig, "to

pour out," "fill."

zhui, "sap," "juice"; cp. ga, "milk"; lu-gud,* "blood"; g'al, "to flow"; gur, "to flow."

* The term ^^| , lugud, Sarku, "clear blood " (Haupt, helles Blut, Eiter), is compounded of the signs >-< , (g)us, ddtnu, "blood," and -^T , BABBAR, pisA, candidus. May not i.u-gud = i.uggud = luc;' (lag') ibbtt, din, "white," " bright " + Gim, " blood " ; cp. the Chinese mieh, old sound mit, Cantonese mil, Amoy biat, " blood," " gore." mid and bad are also values of *~< .

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Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS9.

zhui, "plants growing thick and pendent"; gin, gi, biegen ; gub, sich

niederlassen (dub, dial.). zhni, "small plants budding," "springing;" Gi, gin, qanu ; "a bank or

brink" = GA, gu, "something lifted up, high"; kur, "mountain." zhui, "handle of chisel," "haft of ax or cutting tool" = gin, "reed,"

"rod"; cp. bal, bar, and perhaps gad, "hand"; g'ad, hat tit,

" staff." zhui, "perspicacious," "clever," "bright and quick of perception";

"shrewd," "discreet," "astute;" "divine sagacity of sages,"

"profound;" zu, "to know." zhui, "sharp-pointed," "acute"; "peaked," "piercing," "lance-like";

"ardent," "valiant," "quickwitted," "subtle," "keen," "shrewd,"

"resolute," "earnest in"; gin, "a pointed reed"; gi, "fire";

gi, kanu, "to be fixed and firm." "Small," "insignificant,"

as a spear's point or a peccadillo = gi, sahru, "small." zhui, "to implicate others," "to lay blame on one"= gi, mahalu. " To

give over one's duty to another"; "to shirk one's work";

" apologize and decline "= gin, " to bow and yield." " To evade

and shove off"; "to retract," "draw back " = gi, tarn ; "to

entrust a thing to one"=GA, gi, paqadu, "to put in charge,"

entrust with."

JUN {old sounds, non and nien). Chifu yucn. Primary forms, gan, gin?

zhun, "to move," "wriggle as a worm," "squirm," "a kind of snake";

gin, "to bend." zhun, "the intercalary moon" ; "something extra, as a sixth finger."

Accadian zu, " to add to " ; " to increase "=su. en zu="the

moon god." zhun, "to moisten," "bedew," "to enrich," "to fatten," "to benefit,"

"to increase"; cp. gin, mahalu, " infudit " ; g'ai., "to flow";

gur, "to flow"; g'a, g'e, gu, "abundance"; zu, "gold,"

"silver"; dag' and zu, ruddu, " to increase," "add to"; uzu,

'flesh."

JUNG {old sounds, nung, niung,), gun, gug? Chifu yung.

zhung, "weapon," "arms," "soldiers," "warlike"; e| Jgf, ku, gu, "sword," "soldier": "brutal," "violent," "fierce"=GUR, machtig? " you or thou " = zu, zae : " to assist or pull out " = gat., losen. "a war chariot" = tf ^TT^> GI^ MAR5 narkabtuni, "chariot";

Ef ©f, GISGAR

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Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1SS9.

zhung, "down" (of plants, hair, or feathers), "woollen cloth," etc. ; gin, " soft and flexible " ; kisi, "hair"; gad, kitu, "cloth."

zhung, "to aid," "oppose," "push away"; gi, dahU, niaharu, etc.;

kur, "brother," "helper." zhung zhung, "thick," "abundant";

G'u, "abundance"; kis, "multitude"; kisi, "hair;" cp. Ps. xl, 12. zhung, "a war horse"; kur, kura, "horse"; kis, do.

zhung, " fine soft fur," " down on skin," " birds," etc. ; " downy," " full

of feathers"; vid. supr. zhung, "luxuriant growth of plants," "collected thick together,"

"to push," "a deer's horns"; vid. supr. zhung, " dishevelled hair " ; vid. supr. zhung, "indolent," "easy-going," " careless " = gin, "bowing and

bending," "reclining"; kus, "to rest," "neglect." zhung, " thick wadded clothes," " well-clothed " ; vid. supra, tub,

tug, " clothes." zhung, " gone home," as officers off duty; ga, " to return "'; " a calling

and its duties," "affairs," "occupation," "mixed up " = ga

paqcidu ; gi, mahalu, miscuit. zhung, " to push," gi, ga, dahu, " to push " ; " to beat," " to pound " =

sabatu ; " to stuff," " to fill " = malu ; " to receive " = sabatu. zhung, fu, " to push a cart back and tip up the body " ; dahu, " to

push " ; " thrust," ' crowd," = sanaqu,

JWA {old sound, na = ga ; Cantonese ya ; Amoy j'u).

zhwa, in Shensi, "to push," "crowd on one" = ga, dahu ; Peking, "rumpled," "wrinkled"; gin, "to turn," "twist," etc.

JW AN {old sounds, nwan and nioan = ngan. Chifu yung.

Primitive gan?).

zhwan, "to rumple," "rub between hands in washing," "push back";

gin, ga. zhwan, " seam of a garment," " selvedge or binding in border of

skirt," "coarse cloth," "to plait or braid"; gi, ga, saharu, etc.,

vid. suf>ra. zhtvan, "land near a river's bank," "the vacant space inside wall of

a city," "an interval between a high enclosing wall, and next to

an inner fence or lower wall," "the space between a temple and

its enclosing wall" ; cp. ^f^, in gi-ak, gan tahazi ; E. I. H.

vi, 22; viii, 42; and yin (gin), "a mound," "a wall."

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Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

zhivan, "to increase from small beginnings, as growing hair," "soft," "weak," "to withdraw and then increase"; vid supra.

zhwan, "timidly," "fearful," "cowardly"; gan, tarn, "to turn back;" gam, " to submit."

zhwan, "soft," "delicate," "weak," "tender," "ductile," "pliable," "yielding," "limber," "lithe," "no fixed principles," "infirm of purpose," " to stretch " ; vid. supra.

zhwan, " the crawling or wriggling of worms " : vid. supra.

s/ncan, "a variety of opaque, whitish quartz, like massive chalce- dony, with pieces of carnelian interspersed in it." (na)za-GIN, uknil, a similar valued stone; gin, sa ukni elli, "of bright uk/u't stone." Cp. also za, na, and dig', " stone."

I have thought it worth while to follow this particular sound right through the Chinese lexicon, in order to give an example of the highly artificial uniformity to which the old language has been reduced in the Mandarin dialect ; as well as to make it clear to all who will have the patience to look through these dry lists, that Chinese vocables in their modern disguise are still susceptible, and in most instances without forcing, of comparison with the non- Semitic terms which we find in the Assyrian syllabaries. It looks very much as if " the pretended language of Accad " were the forerunner of the genuine language of Peking.

The lexicon, as we have seen, invariably refers the modern Mandarin J to an older N. A comparison of the Chinese dialects, however, suggests that the forms with initial N are rather by-forms which co-existed side by side with the J (G) forms. Take, for instance, the term ya, "tooth," which presupposes a primitive GA, and accordingly appears in the dialects of Canton, Amoy, and Shanghai, as nga, ga, ?iga, respectively. It is natural to com] are this term with t, ni, " to cut teeth in old age " ; a character which in those dialects is pronounced ngei, ge, and ni. If we find it hard to believe in this case that the Mandarin i or ni is older than the stronger forms of the more conservative dialects, why should we suppose that nin is older than jan 1 Prof. Douglas informs me that nin is Japanese for jan, "man"; but the Accadian ni, nin, "man," "lord," which existed side by side with GIN, "man," show that we cannot safely pronounce offhand that the one form is older than the other. This is one of those facts which rather incline me to suppose that the Accadian language.

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like the Chinese, comprised a number of dialects, and was spread over a wider area than is generally imagined.

To return : the form which has undergone the greatest possible abrasion, viz., t, recalls the fact that the Accadian gi-gim, a sort of demon, becomes i-kimmu, on passing into the Assyrian tongue ; and in Accadian itself, it is probable that en, "lord," is worn down from an original gen, just as as, "one," = gis (gas), "one." Under / the Mandarin lexicon gives some hundred and fifty homo- phones, most of which may be reduced to older forms with initial G or m. Thus the Mandarin /or ni, "little," "feeble," "the young and delicate," "to benefit," "to distinguish," "to glance at"; which is pronounced ngei, ge, ni, in the cited dialects, presupposes a form with initial G on the one hand, and a form with initial m (n) on the other. Now this is what we actually find in the Accadian gi, sahru, " little," " young," of which the weak form would be mi (ma, mu) ; cp. the Mandarin mi, " fine," " small " ; mi, "small," "delicate;" and, with n = m, mm, "small."* The Mandarin yu, "young," "delicate," which also presupposes an initial G (gu = Accadian gi, " little," " young,"), is thus ultimately a double of i, ni, "little," "young." We may further compare ya or a, "second," "inferior," "junior," and the Accadian a, mani, " young," " son." The diversity which marks the Chinese vocabu- lary is greatly diminished when the words are reduced to their oldest accessible forms, which are given, ex hypothesi, in the Accadian. The modification of originally identical forms, and a consequent multiplication of synonymous expressions ; in other words, the continual evolution of new terms from the somewhat straitened stock of primitive language, is precisely what we expect, and what we find, in Chinese as compared with its Accadian archetype.

The other meanings assigned to the character i, ni, confirm these views. "To benefit," surely answers very well to ga (gi), sullumu, ga, pasahu, and mu, "to give," mun, "benefit" (see p. 75 infrX and gar, mar, sar&ku, "to give"; while "to distinguish,"

* I have already mentioned that forms like KINGI, "the country" or "homeland," imply an Accadian nasalisation of initial g, exactly corresponding to what we see in the Chinese nga, ngei, etc. We may thus explain the Accadian nanga, Assyrian nagu, "district," "country." na = ma = ga, m&tu, "land"; so that nanga = NA (or ni) + GA {nga) ; cp. Chinese ni, "earth,' "soil."

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Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

"to glance at," recall igi, "the eye," dial, ide, and g'un, "to lift up the eyes," and di, "to judge," i.e., discern between causes. The Accadian sign for " eye," ^\*~, has the syllabic value si, which, as an Accadian word, means "life" (= zi). Now, as ^f>- also means " to see " (amaru, naplusu), and living and seeing are associated ideas, it is probable that si was also the pronunciation of the ideogram in the sense of " to see" (cp. za, zu, "to know"). The Mandarin and Cantonese i, "black and shining," may be referred to gi, gig, " black." Mandarin i, " fit and right," is gin, kinu. I, ni, "coloured clouds," i.e., "the rainbow"; "coloured," "variegated"; answers to ga, sarapu, "to dye"; g'a, g'e, sirpetu. I, "long," may be compared with gid, "long"; i, "according to," "as," "like," with GIM, "like"; i, "dirt," with GI, "earth"; /, "arrack," "to drink," with ga-s, ge-s, "strong drink," and (g)ima, "thirst"; i, "to move," "transmit," " despatch," with gin, gi, "to go," "to send"; i, "great," with gi-s, ga-l, "great"; /, "to give," with ga-r, "to give"; gun, "tribute"; mu, "to give"; i, "to induce," "cause," with ga and ma, "to make," "produce"; gar and gal, do.; /, "joy- ful," " satisfied," with ga, pasd.hu, sab/7 ; i, " sweets," " to feed," with ku, matqu, " sweetness "; 'ku, "to eat"; t, "to kill," "destroy"; "to push out, as a shoot comes up"; "distant," "remote," with gi, sabdtu, "to kill"; ga-z, "to kill"; gu-l, "to destroy"; I, asu, "to shoot forth"; gid, "distant"; i, "to retire," with gi, tarn; "to raise," with I, nadu, "to exalt," and ga, nasu, "to raise." /, "the glancing of the eye" recalls igi; /, "right," "equity," gin, kniu kettu ; i, "thought," "inclination," "will," "motive," gin, bibil libbi ; and so also i, ni, " to consider," " intend." 7, in the three dialects i, gi, ni, "right," "friendly"; /, "easy," "at ease," "pleased"; i, "to change"; i, "to arrange"; i, "different," "foreign," "to oppose"; i, "to prostrate," "overthrow"; /, "toil," "afiliction" (gi, gig, mursii); i, "loquacious" (gu, "to speak); /', "to talk in one's sleep " = ngei, gi, ni, in the three dialects ; *, " to govern," " reduce to order"; i, dial, ngei, ge, ni, "to reach a place," "go to" (ga, gi, dahu); and others of the characters pronounced i in Mandarin, will all be found to correspond to the Accadian terms with initial G with which we started (p. 53). The Accadian I, kamu, "to bind," "lead captive," is like Chinese i, "to drag away," "lead a tied animal"; and I -\,paraku, answers to /, "to seclude," "keep close," I, "to separate," "divide." In fact, almost every term in this Chinese series of homophones is clearly reducible to an Accadian

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original with initial G. In dealing with the letters y and /, I have already shown that Chinese terms with these sounds as initials cor- respond to Accadian terms with an initial G (M, N, D, Z). In what follows, it will become abundantly evident that, just as in Accadian we find cognates with initial M answering to the G- forms ; so in Chinese we have whole series of M- terms corresponding to those which once had initial G (nG).

The letter W is not originally independent of M in Chinese. In Accadian there appears to have been a fluctuation between the two sounds, and the transition from one to the other was easy. In Assyrian, an Accadian M may become first W, and then a mere breathing : e.g., Domu-zi = Duwuzi = Du'uzu, Duzu, Tammuz. In Chinese we find duplicates of the M-words under W ; thus, ma, " frog," and wa, " frog " ; min, " frogs." In the Cantonese wa (ma) and nga (ga), which answer to the Mandarin wa, we see an evident trace of that transition from the guttural to the labial which is so marked a feature of Accadian phonology.

1. The Accadian ma, nabU, "to name, call"; mu, zakaru, "to speak"; ma, mu, sumu, zikru, "name"; me, qalu, "to cry out"; qulu, " cry," answer not only to Chinese ma, "to rail at, scold" (old sound, ma, mak); ma/, "to brag, speak angrily" (mai, ma, mat) ; mang(mur\g), "a jargon of dialects and sounds "( = Ace. gugu, "to speak"); muh (mot, mok), "to designate," "to name" (Fuhchau muk, Chifu mu) ; mingy (mang, ming) Swatow meng, mia, " a name," " to name " ; mi (mil), "to repeat"; mi, "to speak quietly in a low tone"; wu (under Mil), "the parrot, as a talking bird"; mu (mu, mot, mok), " to call upon the people to do," " to invite " ; ming, " the cry of a bird or animal," "to sound"; miu (miu, mok), "extravagant words of a madman" (Chifu 7z/«=nyu=:ngu = GU, "to speak"); men, "to low," "to bellow "( = gu) ; moh, "to speak erroneously"; mu, mo, "consultation." These Accadian terms also represent wa (=ma), " wanton, enticing sounds," " to wheedle, coax " ; wa, " the prattle of children " ; watt, " verbose " (wan, ngwan, man) ; wan, " to tell to," "a noise" (wen, men, mun, won); wan, "the lips"; "speech," " talk " ; wa?ig, (wung mung), " to scoff at," " accuse falsely " ; zvang, " incoherent words " ; " to talk without regard to facts " ; wdng (wung yung mug gug), "lowing of cattle"; wci, "to say," "to declare" (wei, ngwei, ngek, nget, mi, mit) ; wci, " to answer smartly," " an answer"; wh', "the yelp of a terrified dog"; wei, "to address, inform," "to speak to or report," "to say, to speak of," "to call,"

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" to denominate " ; wH, " to talk in one's sleep " ; wei, " to ex- aggerate " ; wu, "a sigh," "a groan" (ngo, wo, wok, wot, mo, mot) ; wu, " to calumniate " ; wu, " to talk loud," " to bawl," " to brag " ; " wu, " a sound in singing " ; wu, " a large parrot that can talk " ; wu, "to flatter"; and uh (under WUH, old sounds wok, wot, ok, ot, mot), " crowing or cackling of fowls."

Here also may be added the Accadian mu, siptu, " spell, charm, exorcism"; cp. Chinese mi, "to bewitch"; wu, " a sorceress," "to perform incantations," "magic"; mi, "occult," "mysterious"; mi, "to whisper"; mo, "a demon." en, also defined siptu, is probably softened from gen (gan). inim-inim, another synonym, may be compared with nan, "to mutter, perform incantations" (old sound nam) ; nan, " incessant talk, gabble."

2. The Accadian mu, isu, " wood," " tree," which is a dialectic form of gi-s, is thus developed in Mandarin : mu (old sounds mot, mok), Cantonese mbk, mitt, the generic term for " wood," " a tree," " wooden " ; men (mu, miit), an old name for the quince tree ; men, " a lance," " spear," Chifu mu ; ma, " head-board (of a bed) " ; man, a species of thorny tree ; man (mun), Cantonese mun, a species of fir ; the heart-wood of the fir ; mao (mo, mok), a species of low palm like a Thrinax ; mci (mi, mai, mik, mit, met), in Cantonese mui and mi, in Shanghai me, "the flowering almond " ; m'ei, "a small tree," "a shrub," "stalk," "stick"; mich (mit, met), Cantonese mit, " lath-like rods " ; mu mien, " the cotton tree " (min) ; mi (mit, mik), "the eagle-wood" {Aquilaria or Aloexylori) of Eastern India ; ming, " the heart-wood of a tree," " name of a tree " ; mo (mak, mat), Chifu mu, "end of a branch," "outmost twigs" mu (mu, mot, mok), Chitu mu, a tree that grew on Duke Cheu's grave, probably a beech; mang (mong), a tree like the locust (Sophora), Cantonese mung, presup- posing mug. To these add uh, "a stump or trunk without leaves or branches " (see WUH) ; wu, " a wood suitable for arrows " ; wu, " several species of trees " ; wei, " a tree that furnishes a yellow dye," "mast of a vessel," "a short spear"; wan, "a timber like pine." The dialectic forms of the Chinese seem to indicate mug (=mig) or mud (=mid) for the primitive form of Accadian mu.

3. In Accadian we find the following terms for night, darkness, sunset, shadow, eclipse: ge, miisu, "night"; gig, GIGGA, ditto, also salmu, "dark," "black," "shadow," "image," and eribu, "to go in, set (of the sun)," gig-ga, eribu sa samsi, " setting of the sun"; ana gig, (or mi?), atalii, "eclipse"; gis-gig (mi?), sii/u, "shadow,"

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"shade;" and all these terms are represented by {t-t-, ga, ge, gig, or, with a phonetic complement, ^Jz£ t^ff^, gig-ga. Besides these, we have /£:£ (t-Z, GIGIG, iklitu, " darkness," also pronounced kukki (a modification of G to k, of which Chinese presents plenty of instances); kukki, etutu, "darkness"; ge-a g'u, issur must, "the bird of night," also called in Assyrian salamdu ; gigig, dd'ummatu, "gloom," "mourning"; kukki, du'uwu, "to mourn," and gig-ga, pitu, "to open." Now the ordinary value of the sign (t-Z, as a syllable in the Assyrio-Babylonian writing, is not gig or ge, but mi. I do not believe that this value is arbitrary; it rather points to the use of this sound in Accadian as a by-form of ge, gig, such as we should expect from the analogy of ga, dialectic ma, gu, dialectic mu, and so on. And this inference is confirmed by the Chinese, where we not only find ye, "night," which represents ge, " night," but also the following cognates of an Accadian mi (mu, me): mu, "evening," "sunset "(old sounds, mu, mot, mok), Chifu, mu; mu, " evening," "dusk" (see moh, old sounds, mak, mat), and under the same head, mo, "dark," "obscure," "black;" mo, "dark," "cloudy," "night," mo, "still," "silent," mo, "a screen"; ming, "dark," "obscure," "doleful," "night-like"; ming, "the sun obscured," "night," "dark"; ma (ma, mak), in a Cantonese phrase, "dim," "obscure"; ma, "dim sight"; mat, "to secrete, cover, conceal" (mai, ma, mat); man, "dull, half-shut eyes"; man, "a curtain," "screen"; man (miin), "to cover"; man mak lu, "a dark unlighted road"; mang (old sound mung), "the sun obscured " ; mao (mo, mok), " the covering of animals or birds, hair, fur, feathers," " herbage, the covering of the earth " ; mao, " a covering for the head, a cap " ; mei (mi, mai, mik, mit), Shanghai, me, " soot," " charcoal," " embers " ; mei, " mouldy or black spots " ; mei, " no sun," " dark " ; mei, " smutty grain " ; mci, " colour-blind " ; mete (mu, unit), "dim," "indistinct vision"; mi," beclouded " ; mi-mi mang-mang, " a thick shade " ; " overcast," " cloudy," — a very instruc- tive phrase : mi (mai, mei, mi), Shanghai and Chifu, mi, obviously reproduces (ZZ mi (erne sal?), and mang (mong), see MUNG Cantonese mung (=mug) means "foggy," "gloomy," as in mang mang fien, " foggy sky," i.e., gloomy weather. Mang is also, the sun below the horizon, and the moon about to set, and to cover, and blind, and dark: jih yiieh mang-mang, "the sun and moon are darkened," (ana mi, " heaven-darkness or eclipse"). Mi is also a riddle, an enigma; cp. mi-a-gin-G-in = ha'idu, riddling (?) ; "Jin, HTll- We

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also have mie/i (mft, met) fire gone out, to //// out a light ; mien, " dim vision," " to sleep ; " mill (mit, mik), " hidden," " occult " ; mill, "still," "silent," "rest"; mi/i, "to cover," " a curtain " ; min, "the autumnal sky " ; min, " turbid," " foul " ; min, " obscure " ; ming hai, "the unknown and dark sea."

4. With gig (mi?), "image," "likeness," cp. miao (mio, mok), "to limn, sketch, copy"; mao, "form," "like," "to draw a likeness"; mu (mu, mot, mok), "a mould," "a pattern," "the figure"; mien, " the face, visage, front."

5. Gigga (giga), in the sense of pitu, "to open," corresponds with man (old sound, mun), Cantonese mun, "a gate," "an opening"; unuig (mong, mang), Swatow me and meng, "budding," "sprouting," " to germinate," "incipient"; mang, "to begin"; mao, "morning"; niei, "to cut open"; wei, "doors"; and, as "to carve, engrave," is included in the idea of opening (nnC> Exodus xxviii, 36; 1 Kings vii, 36), ming, "to carve." Also wa, "a hole in the ground"; wan, "to scoop out"; wan, "to carve"; wo, "a hole"; wu, "to excavate " ; wan, " to cut asunder, divide, break," etc.

6. The Accadian mu, zikaru, " a male," also me, is repeated in the Chinese men, mu, " the male of quadrupeds, of a few plants, and birds," "stallion," "bull"; meu, "a screw or bolt"; cp. also wang (wung, yung=MUM, i.e., mu-mu, or mun, or mug; and gun or gug), "a husband," the Cantonese yung, Chifu wung; wei, "to love women," "to hug" (old sounds, ngek = gig, mi, mit); wit, "pivots on which a door turns"; wei, "obscene," "to debauch"; wu, "obscene," "to defile" (ngo, mo); wu, "to caress, love."

7. The Accadian mu, rabu, "great," "strong" (erne sal, for gis, as usual); mag, mahhu, (a loan-word), rabu, "great," mar ( = gal), ditto, answer to meu, "to be or make great"; meu, mao, " vigorous," " strong " ; meu, "to surpass"; meu, "luxuriant," as a forest; min, "strong," "robust"; mah (mit), Cantonese mat, Shanghai mak, "brawny"; mai (ma, mat), "to exert strength"; mat, "to surpass, exceed"; man lili (lik = Accadian lig), "herculean strength"; mang-mang, "great," "crowded," "to become great") mang, "great," "eminent," "large"; mao, "eminent," "excelling in force"; mo, mu, Chifu mu, "ample," "great" (old sounds, mak, mat); mang, "corpulent," "large," "fat"; cp. also wan (man), "a number," "myriad," "many"; wang, "great"; wei, "lofty," "grand " ; wei, "vast," like the ocean ; wu, "strong," "warlike."

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8. The Accadian mu, sarru, "king" ( = gi, sarru), may be compared with mu, " shepherd," in the phrase fien mu, " Shepherd of Heaven," an ancient term for a ruler. In Accadian, kings are also called sib, the Babylonian ri'u*, "shepherd." See MUH (old sounds, mot, mok), Fuhchau miik, Chifu mu ; under which head we have also mu, "the eye," "a director," "principal man," "leader"; mu, "majestic"; mu-mu, "royal"; wang (wung, mung), "a king,'' "a title for monarchs before B.C. 220; wit, "majesty," "august," "lordly," "to be awed by majesty," "awful," "imperious" (cp. Accadian me-lam, Assyrian mUammu, " majesty " = Chinese wei, "majesty" + Ian, old sound lam, "splendour," "brilliance"); wei, "the throne," "to assume regal sway," "to begin to reign"; wei, "to dread, venerate, stand in awe of," "awfulness," "awe"; wu, "ma- jestic," "fierce-looking." The Assyrian limu, limmu, usually rendered 'year of office,' Archontate,' may be a loan-word; cp. Chinese lin (old sound, lim), Amoy Urn, "near," "connected with," "supporting," "assisting, as a minister his prince." Then " ina lime, So-and-so,' means "in the Associateship (with the king) of So-and-so." Cp. also Chinese It, "magistrate," "a deputy," "to govern." The term limu does not seem to contain the Accadian mu, sattu, "a year," the Chinese nien, that is, ngin, gi.

9. The Accadian mu, me, samu, " heaven," which is the M-form of gi-s, "heaven," may be compared with min, "the autumnal sky" ; ming, in the expression tsHng-ming, "heaven" (= azure 4- dark) ; ma (horse),* as an emblem of heaven; mat, "a misty, foggy sky"; man, " boundless," expanding," as clouds ; mi-mi mang-mdng, "over- cast," " cloudy " mo, " dark," " cloudy," etc. I think the term means the dark sky, the cloudy canopy or curtain that covers the world ; and hence is related to ge, mi, "dark," and their cognates already considered.

10. The Accadian mu, salfum, "battle," may be connected with ma, "to strike"; mi, "to destroy, put down"; mi, "soldiers flying"; mo (ma), "to destroy"; miu, "to oppose"; mieh, "to exterminate"; mich, "to beat"; miao, "to strike"; wan, "to draw the bow";

* The Chinese ma, "horse," as an M-form, implies a correlate with initial G(K). Now in Accadian we have kur(kus), kis, "horse," and kisi, uus, " hair." The horse may have got its name from its mane ; cp. m&ng, "the long flowing mane of a horsef " ; mao, "a horse with long hair." That the horse in Chinese should be "an emblem of heaven," the Accndian c;is, GIRA, (ma), me, MU, is suggestive, considering the identity of appellations.

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wei, " to invest, besiege, hem in " ; wut " to oppose, resist " ; wu, "a file of soldiers"; wu, "military"; wu, "a rencontre"; wu, " fencing (with swords) " ; etc. Cp. also the Accadian dialectic forms gu, ge, mihistu, " battle " ; Gi, ga, " to rival, oppose, be hostile " ; du, saltu1'1, " battle."

11. The Accadian mu, nadanu, "to give," which occurs in proper names, answers to wei, "to give"; cp. also mang, "generously pro. vided for"; mu, " to give a bounty to, enlist"; mu, "to enrich by kindness"; mu, "to gratify." The Accadian mun, biltu, "tribute," appears to be cognate. The stronger form, gun, " tribute," corre- sponds to the Chinese kung (kong, gong, ging), "to give"; kung, "presents," "tribute," "taxes in kind." Cp. also wan (men, mun), "to send presents when asking after one."

12. The Accadian mul, bUu, "lord," and mulu, biltu, "lady," dialectic forms of (g)en, "lord," and nin, "lady," answer to mu, "a local ruler," which is written in the same way as mu, " mother " ; ming, "a young wife" (cp. Accadian gin, amtu, "maid"); wa, "a beautiful woman; wan (men, mun), "beautiful," "elegant," "the literary class," "the gentry"; wan, also read ngao, "an old dame"; wan s/idn, a name for the goddess of Earth ; lao wang (wung, yung), "an old gentleman"; wei, "lordly"; wei, "handsome," "admirable," "powerful"; and the words cited under mu, "great," and mu "king."

13. The Accadian me, me-s, ma'dutu, "muchness," "multitude," are used as signs of the plural (cp. the G-form g'ia). Corresponding to this, we have the Chinese man (mun), which is used as a sign of the plural of persons; e.g., wo-man, "we," ni-man, "you"; ti-Hiiing- mdn, "the brothers"; cp. also min, "a multitude"; fan min-miu, " a mass of people." Gis = mu = rabu, "great," is cognate.

14. The Accadian mulu, mul, men, anaku, "I," cp. gin, anaku, "I," correspond to the Chinese men, mu, "I"; wu, "I," "my"; with which, again, we may compare the Accadian mu, ma, "my," mu-mu, me, "our," "us" (suffix pronouns), mulu (= ngalu), amiiu "a man," and mulu, nisu, "the people," are represented by min "the people," "the common multitude." It has been made an objection against Accadian that me, men, mean both / and thou, you and us; but an exactly similar phenomenon meets us in the Chinese. JVung is " I " in Nanking and Fuhchau, but in Kiangsu it means "you," "thou." Dr. Edkins observes that uung is a form for the first personal pronoun in Kanghi, but at Shanghai it is the second,

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as it is also in the Odes, where for "you" we have Jung, pronounced nung {Evolution of the Chinese Language, p. 86). The term pre- supposes a primitive gun (gin), coinciding with Accadian gin, "I." Are the pronouns /, thou, related to the numerals one, tivo ? gis, " one," min(a), "two," curiously resemble gin, "I," men, "thou." The Chinese phrase, yi-erh, "one two," is used in the sense of " we." gis, "one," implies a form mu or me, "one," and min, "two," implies the existing gi(n) sand, "second," "other." It is evident that forms so nearly alike might easily be confused with each other. The Accadian mi-n, "two," may be compared with Chinese nieu, "to double," nieu, "equal"; wu (mu) "a comrade," and wu, "a pair"; so that it is a true synonym of tab, "two." Dr. Edkins explains the use of nung for the first and second personal pronouns by regarding it as originally a demonstrative.

In Accadian, na, ni, are suffix pronouns meaning "him," "her," "them." But ni is also a suffix of the first person, "my," and na is also a suffix of the second person, " thy " (see Briinnow, s.v.). This exactly agrees with the Chinese phenomena. In Chinese, nai is sometimes " your," " yours"; sometimes " that," " those " ; na is "that," "there," "cela"; na-ko zhan, "that man"; while ni-na is " you, sir ! " in respectful address. The ordinary Chinese word for you is ni, "thou," "you," "yours"; but ni, written with a modified form of the same character, is "we," "us," in Kiangsu ; and ni-ko is ours. In Cantonese ni is this ; ni-ko, " this one " ; ni-tih, "this." These facts are surely enough to demonstrate that the Accadian is not singular in using identical forms for pronouns of different persons.

I may here briefly consider the other personal pronouns. Professor Douglas (Chinese Manual, pp. 70, sq.) gives the following list for the Chinese : ngo or too, anciently pronounced nga, ga, go, kan, a ; "I " (" mine," " my," " me," " our," " we," " us "). Every one of these old sounds may be paralleled from the Accadian. Nga, Shanghai ngu= Accadian gal (ngal) ga "I"; ga and go = Accadian ga ; kan = Accadian gin, " I " ; a = Accadian |^, A, " I." Wo and wu, " I," " my," go back, as we have seen, to Accadian ma, me, mu, "I," "my." Yii, "I, we, our, myself," = ku(gu), gi(n).

ngan, an, "I," "myself," in the vernacular of certain parts of northern China = ngal, gin (ngin); cp. til, tin, "life," for the interchange of 1, n.

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tsa, tsan, are used in Chihli and Shantung for we, " our " ; tsa-vian,

"we," "our." The dialectic tsa, cha, point to primitive za, DA.

Compare the Accadian za, zu, "thou," "thy"; dam, "thou."

Tsan (dzan) "I," "me," is a further development of tsa. For the second person, "those," we have ni, nin, or ?iina, and ju. Ni (old sound ni), is compared by Bishop Caldwell with the ni of the Scythian tablets at Behistun. Nin, old nim, is probably GIN, as is indicated by the Cantonese Jim, Shanghai nidng (ngin) ; and is thus identical with gin, anaku, " I."

ju, zhu, implies an archaic series gu, du, zu ; vid. supr. s.v. zhu. t(a, "he," "she," "it"; "that," "the other," "another." The old

sounds ta, t'ap, identify this term with the Accadian tab,

"fellow," "partner," "brother," "to add." k'i, c/ii (old sound gi), " he," " she," " it "; " his," "they," " theirs " ;

"the," "that," "the one"; cp. Accadian gi-s, gi, "one," di-s,

"one." As I pointed out in the Academy, No. 916, the language of the letter of the king of x\rzapi to Amenophis III (sixteenth century B.C.) is clearly related to Chinese on the one hand, and to Accadian on the other.* In this inscription we have mi as suffix pronoun of the first person, and ti, tu ( = di, du, = za, zu) as suffixes of the second. These forms obviously admit of comparison with the Chinese and Accadian forms already discussed.

The Accadian ma, "boat," "ship," answers to the Chinese mdng, " a small boat," " a pinnace," " a long boat " ; and truing (old sound, mong), "a fast-sailing war-junk," "a galley."

The Accadian |^, denoting "water," is not only pronounced a, but also me. It does not seem likely that the latter sound

* The term bibbid, "chariots," answers to the Chinese pii pci, anciently pit pit, that is BID + BID {cp. Accadian I!A1shar = bar + bar, SiSSid = Sid + Sid), kalatta or kalata, " brother," is ko lao, anciently ka LAT. The ideogram \r *Y> Sig, is probably to be read ZIN, as it has the phonetic complement -in. ZIN is to sig, as Zl to Si, or ZID, "corn," to §E, "corn." Cp. with Sig, damqu, "bright," "fortunate," the Chinese shih, "to brighten, adorn"; sh&ng (shing), "sunlight," " splendour," etc. ; and with ZIN, ts'ing, " pure, clear, unsullied " ; ts'in, "rest," ising, "peace"; tsin°, "to adorn," etc. Zin-nug G'UMANDA is, "May peace (or prosperity) be multiplied"! NUG = Chinese ning, "tran- quillity," "to wish j)eace to"; and da {cp. Accadian da in DAM AL) = Chinese to (da), "much, great, to be or become many " ; ta, "great"; cha, "to open out, expand," etc.

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is borrowed from the Assyrian me, mu ; for we have a Chinese series to support its claim to be considered a genuine Accadian vocable. The Chinese terms are as follows : man, " an expanse of water"; " an overflow " ; mang (old sound, mung), "water ;" mao, "watery"; "stagnant water"; mo, "small rain"; mo, "shallow water;" met, "summer rains;" met, "flowing water;" mi, "a vast expanse of waters;" ho shut mi-mi "wide and full is the river"; cp. Accadian a-ma-ma = a-ga-ga, me rahasu; mien, "a flood bursting the barriers; a mighty stream"; min, "a vast sheet of water"; "to flow off"; ming, "the deep;" "drizzling ram;" me, mo, "to sink in the water"; mu, "to bathe"; mu, "fine rain." The obvious implication of this series of cognate terms is strengthened by the fact that we have in Accadian G-form like g'a, g'e, g'u, g'al, gur, implying a corresponding M-form like me.

I have not exhausted the points of agreement presented by Chinese words under the letter m with their Accadian doubles or originals. Just as we should expect in Accadian an M-form answering to the gin of za-gin, so we actually find in Chinese min, "a fine kind of stone, clouded alabaster "; poh min, "pure white alabaster"; min shi(h), "common alabaster"; wan or min, "the streaks in agate or jade "; and other cognate forms.

And as we have mu-s, " serpent," in Accadian, so we have in Chinese man, mang, min, with the same meaning (see under Jan). With ga, sabatu, "to beat," we may compare ma (mit), "to strike"; mieh (mit), Canton mit, "to beat"; with gi, sahru, "little," mi, "small, petty;" miao, "small"; mieh, "minute," etc.; with ga, pasdhu, and gin, kanu or taqanu, mi, "to soothe, pacify"; "settle, establish"; with ga, saharu, mi, "around"; with gi, sanaku, kalu, ga, salamu, mi, " to prevent, close up, stop ; to complete "; with gid, "long, distant"; mi, do.; with gin, qanu, mieh, "bamboos"; with gin, gam, "to bow the head," mien {min), "to hang down the head"; with gin, taru, mien, "to turn the back on." But I need not now say more than that under M it is easy to find doubles for all or most of the Chinese words given under J.

I have said that the Accadian terms for " ear," were Gi-s, ge, mu-s. I can now throw further light on this identification. The ideogram is *y», with the syllabic values ma, a, me, bi, pi, tal, tu ; and the name of the sign is giltanu. Now this Assyrian conventional name is equivalent to gistanu (cp. iltenis = istenis, and many other well- known examples of / for s). gis being " the ear," what is tan or

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Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

dan? Let the following Chinese series help us to decide: ta "great ears, hanging over"; tan, "ears without a rim on the lobe"; tan, "pendent ears, reaching to the shoulders"; fan, "earthenware jars, with ears or handles"; tang, "ear-pendants"; tang, "an ear whose lobe reaches to the neck," such as we see on images of the gods (e tang), and which is regarded as a mark of intelligence. This recalls Ashurbanipal's boast that the gods had given him "large ears" (uznd rapsctti). Cp. further fu, "yellow ear-flaps"; ti, "a jar with small ears " ; ting, " a tripod kettle with two ears " ; ting, "a running from the ear"; to, pendent things"; e to, "lobe of the ear"; t'ing, "to hear." gildan, or gistan, therefore, is gis (ges) + dan, "ear -hear." With gis, "ear," cp. gin, magaru, "to hear, listen to." gis-tug, mus-tug, "to hear," seem likewise to combine both terms for "ear."

As to the phonetic values of the ideogram, ma, me, answer to mu(s), as in so many similar instances ; A has lost the initial con- sonant (as e, "to speak," = me, "to speak"); bi is a hardening of mi, such as regularly takes place in the Amoy dialect of Chinese, e.g. ming, "a corn-fly," Amoy beng; cp. Accadian ban, "a bow," with gin, gam, "to bend." tal is to tan, as til to tin, or dil, "man," to din (mudin), and tu answers to Chinese to, "pendent" (vid. supr. ) ; cp. Cantonese ///, Amoy to, Shanghai ///. The ordinary word for "ear" in Chinese is e, which Wells Williams writes 'rh, Edkins er, and Wade erh. But R is not to be found anywhere else in the Chinese lexicon ; and the sound intended appears to be merely the open e, heard in such words as " ere," " mere " ; so that all the homophones given under 'rh really consist of a single vowel, and ought to be transcribed e. The dialects point to the same con- clusion, e, "ear," is the Cantonese /, Amoy//", Shanghai ni. Now e, i, have lost their initial letter, like the Accadian a (for the deflexion of the vowel, cp. Accadian a, "water," and £, "water; Accadian .\, "clothes, Chinese i, "clothes"); while the Amoy//", tu", vulgar hi, and the Shanghai ni, point to older forms identical with the Accadian gin, "to hear," gi-s, "the ear," mu-s, "the ear." In Chinese, we have also wan, Cantonese man, "to hear" (old sounds, men miin), obviously corresponding to the Accadian terms.

The character *f»-, "ear," is like ^|>~, "eye"; and the Chinese lexicon notes that the characters for ear and eye are often written alike.

Another Chinese e {'rh), means "the whiskers," "hairy." It is the Cantonese i, Amoy //, Shanghai c. GI or ge is the form pre-

79

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1889.

supposed by ji; and we may compare Accadian kisi, "the hair." But what is Kisi, kis? It is, I think, identical with J^| us, or rather gus, gis, muttatu, " the hair." (gis, " the male," is also the hairy or bearded and whiskered sex). The Chinese supplies the corresponding M-forms, mei, "the eyebrows"; mao, "hair."

Another c ('r/i) is " two," " the second," " to divide in twain," " to duplicate " ; and there are two other homophones, meaning "a second," "an assistant " ; and, "a substitute," "a second," "to reiterate," "to oppose." Here, again, the dialectic /, //, ni, carry us back to gi, mi, or di ; and, as we saw above, Accadian gi or gin is sanii, "second," or "to double," while Accadian min, is "two"; and ga, gi, are " to turn," " return," " answer," " oppose " ; and du-g (du, de) is " to speak." With gi, " second," we may also compare kas or gas, Una, " two," and kur, kus, ahu, "brother" ("the other," "the second"; cp. also Chinese, ko = ka, "elder brother"). The Chinese man, "double," is to Accadian min, mina, as the Chinese tan, "single," is to Accadian tan in as-tan.

I have already called attention to the relation between the first and second numerals and the first and second personal pronouns. What I then said is borne out by the fact that e (VA), in the three dialects i, ji", e, is the second personal pronouns "thou," "you." The initials of two forms are lost, and the third points to gin, min (din). Cp. the Accadian ku, "thou," men, "thou," "you," dam, "thou." The same Chinese character has the meanings, "so," "thus," and "abundant"; cp. Accadian gin (= dim), kPam, "so," "thus"; g'e, "abundance."

Addenda.

Page 64, note. The Chinese k'iie/i, Zi'ie/i, old sound giet, Amoy Mat, "blood," answers to gud.

Page 78. The Accadian men, agu, "a crown "= Chinese mien (min), "a crown."

(To be continued.)

80

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

WAS THE CAMEL KNOWN TO THE EARLY EGYPTIANS? By the Rev. W. Houghton, M.A., F.L.S., &c.

It is a well known and very remarkable fact that no figure of the camel occurs on the monuments of ancient Egypt. Relying on this negative evidence, some writers have, I think, somewhat hastily concluded that this animal was not employed by and scarcely known to the old Egyptians. Victor Hehn goes so far as to say that "the camel was first introduced into Africa as late as the third century of the Christian era, although that animal seems expressly made for the Libyan desert, and has opened that impenetrable region to foreign nations, their trade and their religion." ( Wandet ings 0/ Plants and Animals, p. 203, ed. Stallybrass). In a note (p. 476) he says that some writers have supposed that, for some reason unknown to us, the Egyptian painters may have been forbidden to copy camels. Sir G. Wilkinson writes : " It is remarkable that the camel, though known to have been used in, and probably a native of Egypt, as early at least as the time of Abraham (the Bible distinctly stating it to have been among the presents given by Pharaoh to the patriarch (Gen. xii, 16; see also Exod. ix, 3), has never yet been met with in the paintings or hieroglyphics. We cannot, however, infer from our finding no representation or notice of it,* that it was rare in any part of the country, since the same would apply to poultry, which, it was scarcely necessary to observe, was always abundant in Egypt, for no instance occurs in the sculptures of fowls or pigeons among the stock of the farm, though geese are repeatedly introduced and numbered in the presence of the stewards." {Ancient Egyptians, hi, p. 35, 3rd ed.) The instance of the absence of the domestic fowl from the monuments is not parallel with that of the camel; this bird was unknown to the early Egyptians. We know that the domestic fowl is aboriginal in India, and that it first migrated to the west with the Medo-Persian invaders, as Victor Hehn has well reminded us. The artificial hatching of eggs, therefore, which Aristotle (Hist. Aniin., vi, 2, § 3) and Diodorus (Lib. i, c. 74) mention as

* Sir G. Wilkinson, in a note, says : "I have a stone seal found in Nubia, on which two camels are rudely engraved, but it is of uncertain date."

81

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1889.

practised by the Egyptians, must refer to the eggs of geese or ducks, or to a period later than the Persian conquest. In the case of the camel we have the direct testimony of Genesis xii, t6 ; Exod. ix, 3 — the murrain was on the camels of Egypt — and Gen. xxxvii, 25 — Ishmaelites from Gilead with their camels bearing spicery on their way to Egypt. The Biblical statements are completely set at naught by Victor Hehn from the negative evidence of the Egyptian monu- ments and from the presumed late introduction of the camel into Africa. On a priori grounds it would appear highly improbable that so valuable a beast of burden, and so much used in Arabia, Syria, and other Asiatic countries, should not have been employed by the old Egyptians ; but I am able to bring forward direct con- clusive evidence of the camel having been used as a beast of burden by the Egyptians in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus (born b.c.

3°9)-

Strabo in his last two books describes Egypt, Ethiopia and the north coast of Libya ; he had seen Egypt as far as the first cataracts, and his description of the country is generally allowed to be one of the most complete parts of his work. Speaking of the desert tract between Myos Hormus on the Red Sea and Coptos on the Nile, he mentions Philadelphus as the first person said to have opened a road between these two places, and to have provided stations and water supplies. " Formerly," says the Greek geo- grapher {i.e., before the time of Philadelphus), " the camel-merchants" (jot KafirjXefnropoi, i.e., those who carried their goods on camels) " performed their journeys by night being guided by the stars, and like mariners, carried with them a supply of water, but now watering places " (vcpe7a) " are provided, and rain water, which is scarce, is collected in reservoirs." (Geograph., xvii, 1, § 45, ed. Kramer.) In the historical inscription of Esarhaddon we read how the Assyrian king on his arrival at the city of Ra-pi-khi on the frontiers of Egypt, found the boundary stream dry, and secured the aid of the kings of Arabia, who supplied him with camels to carry water for the use of his army in his campaign against Egypt (b.c. 672 circ).

But although there is no representation of the camel on the monuments, there are one or two Egyptian words which point with much probability to their denoting the camel. Our learned President has kindly supplied me with extracts containing instances in which the camel is supposed to be the animal meant. The first instance of the occurrence of a wrord which might be identified with the animal,

82

Dec. 3]

FROCEEDINGS.

[1889.

occurs in the 1st Anastasi Papyrus about the travels of an Egyptian officer in Syria. At page 23, line 5 of the MS., the traveller or Egyptian officer (Mohar) seems to ask for the flesh of the camel to ;at ; the words are —

1 1 1

pa ta

*?

kamaair

ra

T

mahair

U=fl

J]

e

en amu '■''(Give) the flesh of camel to the Mohar to eat."

Besides this example M. Chabas (Etudes sur Fantiquite historiquc, p. 412) gives three others which he identified more or less with it. The animal is here called _^g^ \\ t] _p . is said —

u*

In the Bologna Papyrus it

pa kari setem tet-u antu - f her Kas

"The camel hears the words, he is brought from Kush."

This text is of the Ramesside period.

In Anastasi iii, 4, 1, we are told —

tutu her seba kaari

" One teaches (the) camel to

The Proverbs of Ani (Boulaq Pap., 9, 4) say —

Y<

er kenken

dance."

ta

kaari

^ -^Q V*

m i! 4 Jr in

maqalau

faau

au bu faau su mut n set

" The (young) female camel bears the burden, did not her mother bear it ?"

83 H

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889.

Now the question is, how are we to read the word (1 (1 V ?

Both Brugsch and Chabas hold that the sign ^s>- has the value

mar as well as man, and therefore read K3?s v\ fi \\ 1^1 Kamari

or Kamali. Mr. P. le Page Renouf informs me such a phonetic value of -<22- is one which, he thinks, requires confirmation from other

instances. M. Chabas, referring to _— ^ ma and -^V1 CTZi

-<2>- _xr^l -C2>-

mar, thinks -cs>- has this value ; with this we may compare

-cg>- nwr "an eye." But whatever may be the real naine

of the beast of burden, I think there is little, if any doubt, that the camel is the animal denoted by both the Egyptian words

1^1 and ^^"vx n n IS. What

I

is said in the above texts suits the camel better than any other beast of burden. Kush seems to have been the land where the camel was best known, and to this day it is very abundant in Nubia. We have seen from Strabo that the camel merchants at one period carried their water with them across the desert between Myos Hormus and Coptos on the Nile, and I think it highly probable that

the burdens denoted by the word A \\ ._£=& (I \\ maqalau

a _Ms- 1 Jl ill

or maqarau were vessels for carrying water, as the determinative would lead one to infer.

The text about dancing camels is not so easy to understand,

Mr. P. le Page Renouf says " it seems to explain the verb (|[l <^p\

which (in another text published by Brugsch in his Recueil, II, pi. 62) comes in a series of words expressive of gymnastic feats performed by men." Perhaps the gymnastic feats were grotesque imitations of camel-conduct and attitude.

The full form of the Egyptian word Kamaaar (r=I, cf. Heb. 7^) occurs where we should expect to find it, viz., in the travels of the Egyptian officer in Syria. I have noticed several Semitic words in the record, as given by Mr. Budge in his useful recently published " Egyptian Reading Book." On some of the animal and plant names I may have something to say on a future occasion. To conclude, I think the evidence adduced here is enough to satisfy us that the camel was known to and used by the Egyptians from, comparatively speaking, early times.

84

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

Notes on Egyptian Inscriptions of the Middle Kingdom. — I. By F. L. Griffith.

I. Among the contracts which Hept'efaa, in the reign of Usertesen I, made for the benefit of his ka, there is one — the third of those recited in his tomb — in which the other party was the corporation of the temple of Apuat, consisting of ten members. From the schedule (Siut I, lines 266-288) we see at a glance that the ^Ty)' or ' director of the prophets ' received twice as much as each of the inferior members, who all share equally ; and in the recital, or perhaps we should rather say in the body of the contract as written, we find that their contributions also were in the same proportion.

Most of the contracts were made either with individuals singly

or with classes of subordinate priests, such as the ^ MA i

I qJ o $±± 1 who appear to have been all on an equal footing ; but the ninth

affords another instance of a distinction being observed. The other

party here consisted of the " director of the necropolis-people "

t=q

^a r-. v^, V^r and the w Mf^ 1 , the latter comprising an J- \> yT-^- ' "ran§er (?) °f tne mountain," and eight other persons

called simply ^ MA, "dwellers on the mountain," (not, of course, " Bedawin " or foreigners). In the recital we find that the provisions supplied were as follows : —

From the director, 2 jars of beer, 100 scones or flat loaves, 10 white loaves.

From the ranger, 1 jar of beer, 50 scones or flat loaves, 5 white loaves.

From the eight mountain people, 8 jars of beer, 400 scones or flat loaves, 40 white loaves (that is, from each of the last, 1 jar of beer, 50 scones or flat loaves, 5 white loaves).

Here again the director was to supply twice as much as each of the others.

Another item of the contract was that Hept'efaa should give to

85 11 2

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889.

the other party X \\ lli~i>* the proportions being recorded in a schedule of which only the first column, containing the titles of the recipients, is at all legible. However, on the analogy of the former cases, the director was probably to have twice as much as each of his subordinates : there were nine persons to receive equally (the ranger and eight mountain-people), and one other to receive a double portion. The problem was therefore to obtain eleven portions, presumably not fractional amounts, out of v v\ T | | . Now

T naturally means 2000, and | | should mean 2 . ., and as 2002 . . gave no satisfactory result, it was quite evident that the T T and the 1 1 referred to different units. 7". looked very like the odd eleventh portion, and in fact the only solution was to make T — 10 — ; then

each portion was j~| , the ^\ <=z> o H )q& received jTJ the \ ^s

received T"!, and the 8 ^ received 16 — or T . On comparing these figures with the traces of the schedule on the wall, I found no disagreement, and had thus fairly obtained the little secret that

= 10 —

3S

Whether or no V \\ actually means 1000 hat I cannot

decide, although it seems very probable. In this case — is 100 hat. But it will be observed that T is really an unit, otherwise the sum

would have been written P *V\ ^ •

si*'" x_ms

From the following passage we obtain a connection between I and the \ v °°° 1' , \ §^1 of later texts. I found the quotation in Brugsch's Wtb., Suppl., p. 898, where the text is very correct, but the provenance faulty. At the last moment I have traced it to the tomb of Sebek nekht (early XII Ith Dynasty) at El Kab (rf. Champ., Not. Desc, I, p. 273, a bad copy).

it § ° ^ s SISISS — ^ y s e

1 n in «=> _zr 1 I ^o 1 J\ 111 nn

nn nn

* The sign, with rounded ends, is possibly equivalent to -, shortened by

the scribe owing to lack of space.

86

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

The version in the dictionary, written about 1882, is " Berechnungen der Landereien atbt, Kiesboden (\em) 20,000, die welche auf der Hohe gelegen sind (nil hr qa-t) 120, die welche sandigen Boden enthalten 140 Aruren (oder ahnliches Feldmass)."

With our new datura we can entirely change the face of this, and

give to all the words their natural meaning. 1 has probably

nothing to do with sandy soil. Read also -=> (with feminine a ) as hat. atb is masculine.

"Account of the hat: low-lying 20 T, that which is on the high

ground 120 of 1 : total 140." Here 1 varies with as

° is 1 £ is 1

a unit of measurement.

In modern Egypt also,* the fields are divided into two classes,

the rai (o\,, from the root L ., meaning 'moist') corresponds to

kherit, and the sharaqi ( J\-2> , 'dry by exposure to the sun ') to qat.

-TL l#/ 3X I . . . .

Bringing water to the high ground A v\ o ¥ I , *•*• ungating,

by means of canals and locks, that which the Nile could not reach, was reckoned amongst the virtues of princes in the Early Middle Kingdom (see Siut V, 7, and Rifeh, VII,f 22-3). Professor Brugsch has brought forward some examples to prove that v\ means

' stony ground,' but there cannot now be a shadow of doubt about its meaning in this passage. Moreover the word occurs at Beni-

hasan (Khnumhotep, 1. 140, in the form ^0 2p^ , again

without any determinative of stone or pebbles. The context of the passage freely rendered is (the king fixed the boundaries of the nome), placing landmarks at the southern and northern limits, " setting up them (or others ?) upon the meadows of the low-lying land,% amounting to 15 land-marks set up in its fields." The low- lying land, subject to inundation, needed special care in marking with a large number of stones, since the floods were likely to obliterate marks or sweep away boundaries.

* Compare Baedeker, Lower Egypt, English edit., p. 71.

t Rifeh I and VII afford some valuable illustrations of the Ileracleopolite tombs at Siut, but contain no reminiscences of Tomb I. From this I conclude that they are anterior to the reign of Usertesen I, though Rifeh, Tomb VII, resembles in plan the portico-tombs of Benihasan.

J So Maspero ; my friend Dr. Krebs is wrong here.

37

Dec. 3]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

[1889.

II. In the long inscription of Khnumhotep at Benihasan there is a

phrase I rn V\ v& ' ' (line 206). The word sap has been

v I — j^^ d 1 s I

a puzzle ; the numerous errors (of the mason ?) in this part of the

inscription have led commentators to emend it, changing □ into I or otherwise altering the word. At Siut there is a small fragment of a neatly cut inscription, very legible, which gives the expression (I. 282) II fl v& sat-a se. The root is therefore sa or sat,

and probably D should be corrected to o.

III. The sign r£] takes various forms at Siut □, J? , J/ , and the direction of the upper part of the sign seems not to be absolutely fixed. The best proof of the value of the last form is in I, 235,

PjflSv^n^l' 'walls'' In IV' 25' we have ' = IqI, but J^ is written £\, V, 3, <S\^, I, 263, and £ in V, 1.

SS

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S89.

NOTES ON A TOUR IN UPPER EGYPT.*

By F. L. Griffith.

West Silsileh.

On this side of the river the quarries are less striking and extensive than on the east, but inscriptions are very numerous.

Various texts contained in the Grotto of Horemheb and in the Nile Stelae of later Pharaohs have been, published by Champollion, Lepsius, and others. Mr. Petrie and I remained on the west side for more than a day and a half, and guided by Wiedemann's valu- able bibliographies employed ourselves chiefly in the tombs ; owing to their convenient size we were able to copy rapidly, and had nearly exhausted the place before it became necessary to move on. We were surprised to find how few lines of these copious inscriptions had ever been published.

It will be seen that all or nearly all of the tombs in West Silsileh belong to the period of the XVIIIth dynasty, from Thothmes I to Amenhotep II : a large number of them date from the joint reign of Hatshepsetu (formerly called Hatasu) and Thothmes III. In some cases the titles of Thothmes III are inscribed on the right side of the lintel, and those of Hatshepsetu on the left ; sometimes their relative positions are reversed. In nearly every case the titles of Hatshepsetu have been more or less completely erased, apparently by Thothmes III. The most instructive example is in No. 57. Khuenaten's heresy also has left its record in the continual deface- ment of the name of the god Amen. I have, moreover, noted in one instance (stela 3 outside No. 33) an erasure of the name of Sebek, possibly by a fanatical inhabitant of Edfu ; in others the principal figures have been maltreated or chiselled out for some reason that I have not been able to discover. Altogether the Silsileh tombs have suffered almost as much from malicious deface- ment as from any other cause, yet the soft sandstone hollowed and undermined by the river is not very favourable for their perfect

* Continued from Vol. XI, p. 234. The Plates there were wrongly numbered owing to an unfortunate oversight, II and III being transposed. The stela of Seti I (PI. IV) has been published Rouge, Insc. llierog., 263-5, 0UI rough copy is therefore quite useless.

s9

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1S89.

preservation through thousands of years. In one case, No. 28, the ancient quarry men have bodily removed the walls, possibly under 07'ders.

It is surprising that on a site from which the Pharaohs of the XVIIIth dynasty derived the bulk of their building materials for Upper Egypt, the tombs belonging to that period should not contain a single reference to the quarries. If one may hazard an explanation, I should be inclined to suggest that these small but well-decorated sepulchres, belonging to persons of high rank but apparently of no local status in either the civil or religious administration of Silsileh or of the neighbouring cities, were constructed by third-rate courtiers. These people, having no interest outside the court and Thebes, may have been struck by the fact that a neat little tomb in the western rock of Silsileh would suit their taste better than that their mummies should be lost amongst a crowd of superior magnates in the necro- polis of Uas. The position is a remarkable one, the ground was probably free to all comers, and the conveniently situated quarry, full of constant activity and excitement, may have become to some extent a fashionable resort for the living, although there was never any town of importance at Silsileh.

Another point worth noting is the absence of royal names after Amenhotep II. The last kings of the XVIIIth dynasty, like those of the Xllth, seem with all their magnificence to have exerted a repressive influence on the nobility. Especially in this respect does the active builder Amenhotep III offer a striking analogy to his great ancestor Amenemhat III. In the cemeteries of the capitals this influence is less evident. It is the natural outcome of the centralisation which a succession of powerful kings gradually effects.

As far as our notes permitted I have tried to indicate seriathn the monuments that exist between the Grotto of Horemheb and the naos-stela of Seti I, proceeding from north to south ; but in this there is a good deal of patch-work and guessing. No Nile traveller who is bound for Aswan can avoid passing within a few yards of the rocks, and I hope that some person may be tempted to make the necessary corrections to the list this season. In editing the inscrip- tions I have improved a very few signs for the sake of the printer,

90

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

but although we had no time for revision on the spot, the conditions were very favourable for accurate copying. No doubt more of the injured portions will be deciphered by future visitors.

The direction of the figures and hieroglyphs is reversed in print- ing, except where an arrow < — m. indicates that they face to the left.

1. Horemheb Grotto. Plan and elevation L. D. I, 102 : insc. L. D. Ill, 120, etc., etc.

-<*» %1WlIil»111^I3J

h <* e [=j | III!! H m k <C.) Petric, " Season

in Egypt,' 625.

The sign Q or fj possibly stands for n. | would seem to be a

determinative of water =

3. Ravine.

4. Stela of Rameses V. L. D. Ill, 223.

5. Stela of Shashanq I. L. D. Ill, 254.

6. Stela of Rameses III with the Theban triad. L. D. Ill, 223 (?).

7. Beneath 6 graffito fijjffi jfr ^ jl Y ^ Si' (G-) Petrie' 626.

8. Two unfinished grottoes high up.

9. Graffito: phallus <UUUK. (G.) Petrie, 627.

10. Ruined grotto with niche: no sculpture but plastered: in it a Cufic graffito.

11. Niche unfinished.

12. Tomb: in the entrance graffito Tjiii (1 r\h ^-

0 _§^ §f , f=^ ^ (P- G-) Petne> 63i-

In central chamber sculptured group of man and two women seated, with defaced inscription.

Right hand chamber similar.

Left hand chamber similar. It has been split in two by the rock dividing and slipping down. On the ceiling decoration in yellow, red and blue.

9i

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOC-Y. [1889.

13. Graffito (P. G.) Petrie, 628. Champ., Not. I, 264.

■*■

14. Tomb (P. G). Well made but not quite finished, the ^^ cutting of the hieroglyphs and figures not having been com- ftf] pleted.

Lintel. Lower part broken away.

A B C D

m — > < — «< m — > < — m

A-

ft

/WWV\

O £3

s

V

D

w

a

A

D < — ««

I I I

/VW\AA

/WW\A

1.X

D

8

r\

5^

Q

CO

•^<£-5&<'

3 r

i M ¥

0

pis

J2r

AAAAAA

■

'--7. i'jX

92

Dec. 3]

Inside the tomb

D

PROCEEDINGS.

+ ki^

[18S9.

n ©

tz i)

°°s

D O

QrT0 1

ra

VWV\

CX Champ. Mon. II, cviii ; Not. I, 649

by offerer ijLc-J^ by adorer

^ ?£%&

+Cj2-

2^2%c*

1 AAAA/NA

O I

OS

In the centre, unfinished statue.

Ill

Mi

On north side *^p

On south side CTAYPOCAWN {sic), XPICTfANLON.

15. Small niche, two figures-

111

H

OOO

■?ST^«'->

* Restored from L£ ' S/ which is the reading of most copies.

93

Dec. 3]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

[18S9.

16. Tomb high up; lintel destroyed (?) ; inside, scenes and inscriptions painted. (P. and G.)

Back wall niche

■to

IT

d <— «k

STATUE

IS

/^__D

A /WWW

/A/WNA AA/WVN

North side. C7

U I

0J0

tit J

/\AAAM

u

AA/WSA

D

Jwi ?

South side. < — «c

o

c o

B

ill

- D

s

V> -v'.VN Vo-vVVX V\AV\V\ S,'\<iV'\0 >>"C>A"<5

94

Dec. 3]

PROCEEDINGS.

[1889.

17. Lintel of a rough tomb. (P.) Winged disk

%

O o

/\f

Af 'PJ

pw*\

iii

uu

PJ

figure of Sebek. [ft*-*

_/ Five columns erased (Hatshepsetu).

figure of Sebek.

< — m

18. Unfinished tablet.

19. Unfinished tablet.

20. Graffito beneath a figure adoring. (G.) Rouge, cclxvii. Petrie, 635.

21. Tomb with cartouche of Thothmes III.

22. Tombs ruined by the fall of the cliff, one containing a statue. r,

23. Hieratic graffiti, a horse (?), etc. i2f

_ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ^- -7 r\ limn

24. Graffito 0 O = perhaps either (1 ©, etc., or

AA'VAAA

m. — \^ AAAAAA 1 ./

25. Graffito ^-^^ra'l^S^^. (G.)

-■«»— fflDlAPIlfflP?

UJ

IS^I

n

ill-

(G.) Petrie, 630. This is the

only occurrence of the name of Pepi I at Silsileh. Against the edge of the cartouche is the sacred monogram v/ : the difference of

weathering between the early and the late graffito is small. They are completely exposed to sun, rain, and atmosphere.

27. Graffito ICOC03C (Its fleo's). (G.) Petrie, 633.

28. Tomb quarried away : only the base remains, showing sculp- ture ; one foot above the level of the high Nile.

29-32. Four fine tombs with figures, etc., and inscriptions of Thothmes III and I. The high Nile washes into most of these, and

95

Dec. 3]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

[1889.

the rock below the entrance having fallen away they are almost inaccessible. See Nos. 54-61.

33. Tomb (G.) : j A 0 o lintel of the usual form ■¥-

a ^ > -2- < m. b in the middle of each line.

c w> — > y < — <m

<-t

b. Same as a.

%% rest destroyed. Jambs broken away. Interior ^%

unfinished, a coffin-shaped receptacle for a mummy at the back is reached by a separate entrance.

Stelae in the rock round the entrance of this tomb. South side two stela? —

(1) A man offers in the upper register to four seated figures, in the lower register to two women seated ; below are three lines of inscription defaced.

(2) A man offers to man and woman, inscription

etc. Damaged. On the north side two stelae —

AonJ

(3)

XJ -z=~s= XJ

/WW\A ' WWWV

AAAAAA W /WWW

Upper register —

AAAAAA 1 AAAAAA

A-WVW

UZi

b ^~m-

O^ S^S ^M5

AAAAAA

96

Dec. 3]

Second register- ed -

PROCEEDINGS.

•t

\7

[|Q

[1889.

5>

r^^i

? &a @ w

J

p

Lower register —

erased r^Tl erased

etc.

$

AAAAA/V W?

— a 1 h — 2cS_ y =^ 0° j^ n

^g,

id I AAA/W\

_s>

(4) Another stela in bad condition.

34. Tomb inaccessible from the land, unfinished and without sculpture, but the base at least 12 feet below high Nile.

Then follows a group of three tombs also inaccessible from the land, viz. :

35. Facade broken away, a small plain tablet above and another on the south side ; barrel roof.

36. (G.) Facade destroyed, barrel roof, with inner chamber.

97

Dec. 3]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.LOLOGY,

[1SS9.

On inner doorway, cf. L. D. Ill, 8, c. :-

Lintel . m Wineed disk.

Repeated W) — "^

iflK

0

ElAf

A

o a

a u

erased S Q |

o

c

I

1

AAA/WV

J

® I

Y

Af1

u

/WW\A

I I I

r?

:>}

o

00 111

III .O

I I I

M

which in the

!f¥(3ISlAf

Left jamb.

Inside on the right of the door is a scene: at the top-^^s; from each urasus hangs •¥• ; inscription ^^ ® 1 ' ; below this is a figure

of Sebek standing m — > ||f in

human form with crocodile's head,

holding the sceptre j : (to the

top of the sceptre is attached -t-

and to that an arm =^

proceeds from the hand

the inscription ^^ 21!'

whole forming a chain

beginning in the inscription,

while the last link is held in

the hand of Sebek). In front

of Sebek is a table of offerings,

on the other side of which is a

king with plain head-dress"1^),

(^ offering jj, A and O in his

hands, his name above : there

was another figure, probably

the deceased, behind the

king ; beneath is a row of offerings.

On the left of the door is a

scene of offering much defaced :

a figure is visible presenting a

statuette of the king standing ;

Legend 1 0

f

8

u

u

,*-:; '* .-75 '.V

98

Right jamb.

Ui

o C3

aO a

Jl

AP

£X III

^ w

1 — 1

i

0 © j^

1 I l

(c==u)

l\ y\]

u

AA/WV\

A

Af:- kf/

Dec. 3]

PROCEEDINGS.

[1889.

WO'

■") A , 0 . erased

North wall : along the top 1 A pHd±±±±±i~l

(J Q ( Jq -=='

iitJK

JVAAAAA

A/NA/WV

("=13)

SKal I I I /Al I I I All <=

L < n <CJ erased ! A . & /]

CD I .^ T o LwwvJ V 21 but curiously blundered.

Beneath —

O

A

Finely cut

n

AAAAAA

/wvw\

If

Jw ^ J

I I l

ML K<=*.

sic C==K

A'

Offerings, etc., not copied.

Two figures seated.

South side —

•< — m

111

«l 111 f 1 £ 1"

=> mp

O III

to

{^

\T3 I

37. Niche : figures of man and woman : graffito

indistinct.

38. Niche without sculpture.

99

Dec. 3]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.

[1889.

< — m. 39. (P.) Tomb. Lintel as usual ■

^

II

fig OWflAT-" t MJ^=fl At

•¥- " ' ^ , XI and ■f-^C >;- •-: ( 3> 1 1

Chamber rough, three seated figures sculptured at the back : over them rnXTOKAHC JzYMENOYC HKfglEN (^XOev?) TtOI KBL HAXfXN 10 (P.) (Petrie 632). On the south side is a demotic graffito.

40. (P.) Tomb, lintel as usual.

^v-:i;>.

fc= %1 At! ""ii A f

S&&&&&

Jambs destroyed. North wall. =»-*

# jln ^

n

M

inn

m

v.

J

=*

Servants with offerings, etc.

Man and woman.

South wall.

AVWA

I

List of offeri

ing, -» • in & ^ ^ 1 1

o

Two men. 100

Dec. 3]

41.

A

u

blank

PROCEEDINGS.

[1889.

aaa

ODD

in

1 1 1

u

Q

P?;

/WWAA

1 /Vs/wv\

© ©

1 /VWWS

«J-

(P.) Tomb under a lofty rock, ten feet above the high Nile ; facade plain.

The chamber is finely painted with scenes of offerings and inscriptions, in four colours : — red (light and dark), blue, yellow, and green ; the women are painted yellow. The ceiling is decorated throughout with a tendril pattern 'V§|\vS) vi^f m white and yellow on a red ground, the centre of each coil being blue. Down the middle of the ceiling is the inscription A.

North wall, over deceased and wife, cf. Champ. Mon. CVIII, 5.

~J&

2

/WWAA

ra

«

wm ® ® t

ml /WW\A

5

CT3 I

1 1 1

=^5 sic

o

Five sons and six daughters seated : a row of servants below. There is a long list of offerings not worth printing.

Over eldest son <2>- © II

n n

n

¥

\7

cm

South wall, variants.

2

^ W

D

u

^\) J-

f1!

4

etc.

-£>

Read

101

I 2

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889.

42. Tomb : on the facade a fragment giving the name of

Hatshepsetu

O

Interior rough.

43. Stela, the inscription partly erased 1 A, etc., for TO t^il

i# (GO

44. Tomb containing three statues, the inscriptions destroyed.

45. Panel in the rock : tree with serpent, man leading a horse ? Greek graffito six lines.

46. Stela, adoration of Seti I by ... .

47. Stela of Rameses III, L. D. Ill, 218? facing the south. This cuts into No. 46.

48. Naos-stela of Merenptah. L. D. Ill, 200.

49. Naos-stela of Rameses II, L. D. Ill, 175 ; a flight of steps is cut up to it from the river, which now is wearing away the base of the stela.

50. Stela of an official of the time of Amenhotep I. L. D. Ill, 200.

51. Stela of Merienptah. L. D. Ill, 200.

The above, 46-51, are frequently represented in typical views of Silsileh. Desc. de l'Eg. Ant. IV, PI. 47 ; Teynard, Eg. et Nub. I, PI. 78 ; Mariette, Voyage, PI. 74.

52. Niche without inscription.

53. Naos-stela of Seti I, almost destroyed by the river, which rises into it at high Nile : the rock in which the flight of steps has been cut has split and slipped round, so that the steps are now at right angles to their original direction. Ch. Not., p. 248.

Some tombs the position of which I cannot determine : — 54. (P.) Inscribed lintel of the usual kind; at the top <^^» | A ; below, three lines, in the centre of each -2. from which the inscrip- tions start on either side.

f

Cf. L. D. Ill, 28, 7 (the right hand portion is much erased).

Dec. 3]

PROCEEDINGS.

[1889.

LV. (G.) One of a group; facade destroyed, but a fragment shows the erasure of a line, so probably temp. Hatshepsetu.

Of the chamber, the south side is partly destroyed. Front Wall, north of doorway.

VxVNv^vvv^N yv^vw

:M ill

o

§1111 A^-fl

Figure entirely ~00t? chiselled out.

_S

1

North Wall, upper register. L. D. Ill, 25 Ms 0.

n

-J&

1*

^

I a

a d

o

L7H I

S 0

1

A

1

Aamatu and Taaamatu were re- presented seated on one couch, receiving the offerings of their / J son . . ser and others, but the © n figures have been carefully erased. ^^^

L. D. Ill, 25 bis p.

T

^S>

o \c

^

III

IIP

The head of . is erased.

rt4nLD.

/'t

L. D.

103

rCDI L.D.

PPP

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

Behind . . . ser < m Three rows of offerings.

[1SS9.

4

/v\/vw\

nww

5

10

11

IJiitSSiSifflssiI

o

n

c±

Lower register, first half beneath Aamatu (see above) »—*-.

12 3 4

©4 !fct\ f JdJo f J — a ^

I rv. n aa/wv\

ft "

I J A AAAAAA

Lower register, second half beneath . . ser, etc. -«— « .

QlUl

^-^ III Ik nt?*^ -* ' -? jTa!!

o D *— '

Ik

oD

South Wall, much injured : upper register ^ftyss Vi-t^. ^yss **^' ^*

csvi&Ss

Altar

^ I

Erased figures.

Man I nm I ^

offering

104

Dec. 3]

PROCEEDINGS.

[18S9.

Lower register.

a

5

*h» the rest »-»■ .

*

^

PI

Back Wall. Four statues seated, holding lotus, much injured ; inscriptions down the front. In order from the north : —

(0

Woman

\

WM

etc.

MAAM

u

AAAAAA

(2)

Man

hands

crossed

on breast

S\

(3) Man

1P

(4) Woman

(destroyed)

Another series : three tombs " just south of mooring place " : —

LVI. (P.) Lintel, with winged disk and T" I I ( ° ^^ vf 1

Hy> repeated in the two halves of the first line : the other AAAAAA J \

lines destroyed.

i°5

Dec. 3]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

[1889.

Over deceased and wife < m

never cut ?

£^

H

n

ify

LLQ

n

U

w

LVII. (P.) Lintel, with winged disk, and

Cf. L. D. Ill, 28, 6, which shows that in the second line Thothmes III has usurped Hatshepsetu.

South Jamb, broken away.

Interior.

/VNA/WN

8

1/

Sim

n

. >AO>;\0 C3C3C3 VXiXt-CCS f <wvw>

/ 2^-/<->; III Z&?!0- I -J vxayxp

Scraped away.

LVIII. (P.) Lintel inscription as usual, each line divided into halves by y, winged disk above

half erased

000

CD ^

C7 L. D. Ill, 28, 5.

106

Dec. 3]

PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

North jamb <— «< South jamb destroyed.

U

ir.Yy D

an

I I I

o <=>

Is

C==or>==3

IP*

m

LIX. (P.) Stela outside 58.

A-

I WWM

n

*t* <»

111 1

ci

1^ n

> w

107

7^m

2_Q-? ^^J} Figure standing.

Dec. 3]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

[1889.

Another group " Tombs high over the river " : —

LX. (P.) Entrance. Lintel, south half. Northern half de- stroyed. Cf. L.D. Ill, 28, 4, a.

damaged.

ifSKMHMitl

Fragment of north jamb.

mi

/WWV\

U l

y<GWT<5

South jamb.

§^#!

%£&&/*

-,«,,X"-///\

-/^■--/^

^^

Thickness of wall north.

e*so

Thickness of wall south *

^ w

1 r*i ■* V X pT| *i

O /WWW </0

IOS

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS.

Back Wall. Niche.

[1SS9.

South jamb m — > North jamb < — ««

1 □

A Q

ftA/WV\

U 1

~M

111

-j/X:-j/X:

~.>/X--;'X;

„■

/WWW

ill

PT

109

Dec. 3]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.

[18S9.

North Wall-

A

□

&

ill

f$

figures of man and woman

offerings woman

mj

11

/WWW

1B

- fl

/V\AW

South Wall, upper register. L. D. Ill, 28, 4, */.

I

AAAAAA

^„D © ^

c±

Si

Hi

AAAAAA

[1]8?

Hi

At'

o

QJS8

^B

/wvw\

two figures seated

end

0 I n^ ^s^ ^

^s ^ M 111,28,4/;, ^111

=^ reading JL ?

I*

L. D.

Dec. 3]

PROCEEDINGS.

[1SS9.

South Wall. Lower register, L. D. Ill, 28, 4, c.

O

1!

o

U

A yjcx n /*aaaa

* I

tt«\rt?.fv

IP

/WWSA

£ L. D. adds | s^ J beneath the cartouche.

South wall (continued), inscription of the usual kind, detailing ritual and offerings with figures. It is not worth printing. Two columns in the middle adjoining each other are —

O

vE\

U 1

£3 /wwv\

I /WWV\ \|

o

llll

U 1

^^ AAAAAA

1

Dec. 3]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

[i*

LXI. (P.) Entrance. Lintel as usual.

I ' ' v ,.-■ ■ • ;: 1 (J

and < m ■¥■

half erased

11

aaa

.'-.<-VNI-;4'Vn'.A'V'.1 ;i>A'

Thickness of wall north of door

A'

3X I

m

-y/Xw/X'/,'*

H

hacked out.

l l I

Interior : decoration mostly scraped and rubbed away.

North wall, upper register.

it

2'-/:.;/;.

188

J

At

MM

mm

^

figure

OOO

111

figure

Af

PJ

p*^

figure

lower register m— >

^ O

khnum

and at A -*—m

Af

TJ

Af

[111]

figure

^VV

88811 iiili

Af

|>W<j n!

figure

J'

•*"K3

I

5S1

table of offerings.

112

Dec. 3]

PROCEEDINGS.

P J

Back wall, standing figure <=,

cut out. Jp

niche

IE

figure cut cut.

goddess.

Lintel .-— -BHBSainlUmSt

Jambs

and ^

li

-0

h a

I I I

/wvw\

a

_^

n1

1

® D

a a

Oo

0

sn

South wall -*— m

■

si

TrfJHAfl^lPAllPJ^

Z] O

10-

and

table of ^/XvV offering

m

goddess ii3

^

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1889.

NOTES DE PHILOLOGIE EGYPTIENNE, Par Karl Piehl. (Suite.)*

7. La lecture du groupe ItS 11 / ; 8. l'etymologie du nom de

dieu rl^; 9- Passage du Papyros Ebers ; 10. La grande inscription hieratique du couvercle de la caisse de Seti Icr; 11. La particule ^f/v; .,.Lemot ^|)(|

7. Les textes des Pyramides de Sakkaraf nous offrent un mot

TiS H / "cote,"dont la transcription en lettres modernes selon

l'editeur de ces textes doit etre nsi.\ En examinant soigneusement les textes que je viens de mentionner, je n'ai rien trouve qui parlat en faveur de cette opinion enoncee par M. Maspero ; car les rares variantes S c====''> cz=z- | que nous rencontrons pour notre mot, ne semblent aucunement l'appuyer. Par contre, le groupe *^c

"trone," que nous transcrivons Jisi(t), et que nous connaissons pour le voir partout sur les monuments, s'ecrit reeulierement ^~T"\ dans

les textes des pyramides. Particulierement quant a la pyramide de Merenra, dont j'ai fouille attentivement les inscriptions, cette obser- vation se montre comme exempte d'exception. C'est que dans les quatorze passages § 011 dans ces derniers textes, se rencontre le mot

/WW\A /WNAAA TT

"trone," il s'ecrit toujours ^T\ , pluriel ^TTn V¥.

Dans ces circonstances, il est tout-a-fait invraisemblable qu'on

r\ /www r\

aurait lu nsi le mot S 1 / , sans jamais l'ecrire ^TT^ I / ou

j\ I / ou bien ™ I . A mon avis, il faut done chercher

* Continued from Proceedings, Vol. XI, p. 226.

t Unas, lignes 209, 492, 580 ; Pepi I, 376, 406, 438, 671, 674, 675, 678 ; Merenra, 264, 316, 345, 364, 367, 598, 653, 660, 661, 741, etc.

X Maspero, dans la Zeitschrift, 18S4, page 83.

§ Pyramide de Merenra, lignes 9, 15, 18, 19, 23, 25, 326, 449, 454, 457, 459, 473> 634. 662.

114

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

une autre solution du probleme qui nous occupe. Je n'hesiterai point a proposer la lecture kes, qui est admisible pour toutes les variantes © \\c=z-, ^ ,c=^-n, c=^ que nous connaissons du groupe qui forme le sujet de cette note.

Le nom de nombre "moitie," qui en general se transcrit par ma* doit selon moi se transcrire par kes, ce qui nous donne une explication satisfaisante du mot copte 6"oC (theb.), XOC (boh.); etat construit : (Tic : X€C dimidium " moitieV't Ce rapproche- ment me parait definitivement ecarter tous les obstacles qu'on pour- rait mettre a la lecture kes du groupe S I / " cote." Ce dernier

mot nous est du reste connu par un texte} d'epoque recente, 011 se voit ^expression que voici : \ ta — m — — » — ~jl^.

"^2e=? Sa . " II pousse son cceur vers elle, son corps a lui vers son corps a elle, sans cesse."

Le determinatif f de notre groupe a ete explique comme appartenant a la classe de signes qui comprend " die Erde " § ou a l'ensemble de signes, intitule " Stadte, Gebaude, Zimmer, Theile des Hauses,"|| et une pareille acception semble soutenable quand on pense aux hieroglyphes K^==\, ^*\, qui evidemment derivent

du signe / . Mais si Ton examine la forme que revet ce dernier

aux textes des pyramides, a savoir la suivante : ^=:^, on en est amene a proposer une autre explication. Je crois que notre signe repr6sente tout simplement Paisselle de Ffwmme et la sinuosite c/iti en descend entre le bras et le tronc humains. De cette facon s'ex- plique tres naturellement la forme que fournissent les pyramides pour notre signe. On comprendra alors aussi fort bien le role du dit signe dans des expressions comme celles-ci :

* Voir de Rouge Chrestomathie Egyptienne, II, page 118; et Brugsch, Worterbuch, II, page 521.

t Voir Stern, Koptische Grammatik, page 135. En acceptant mon identi- fication, on n'a besoin de chercher ni dans l'hebreu ni dans l'armenien le prototype du mot egyptien pour "moitie, demi."

X Dumichen, Altagyptischc Tempelinschcrijien, I, pi. 32, 1. 13. Ayant colla- tione ce texte sur l'original, j'y ai introduit une ltgerc correction. II faut du role faire remarquer que malgre son apparente jeunesse, ce texte a des particularius grammaticales qui annoncent un age anterieur a l'epoque ptolemaique.

§ Lepsius, dans la liste de Theinhanlt [Zeitschrijt, 1875).

|| Brugsch, Grammaire Hiiroglyphique.

115 K

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889.

livres sont sur ses deux cotds, ses talismans sont sur ses pieds.''*

" Unas est venu a sa moitie de tronc, comme le dieu est venu a sa moitie de tronc. Unas est venu a sa chevelure, comme le dieu est venu a sa chevelure ;" f et d'autres analogues a celles-la.

Notre raisonnement est d'ailleurs appuye par des faits bien connus de la semasiologies qui nous enseigne que, si un mot designe a la fois une partie du corps humain et un endroit de la nature, c'est, la plupart du temps, le piemier des deux sens qui est l'originaire. Car, suivant cette loi, il est evident que l'hiero- glyphe c=^- designe originairement une partie du corps humain.

Dans ces circonstances, il me parait probable que la forme

a. lignes droites, / . de notre signe en soit directement derivee

de la forme a lignes ondulees, c=^-. Les hieroglyphes *^=\, J^E\,

q-ui-se sont developpes du signe / , ne font aucun obstacle a cette

supposition, car ils pouvaient bien representer le serpent qui entre et qui sort de l'aisselle. Dans un pays ou la sorcellerie a droit de cite, les charmeurs de serpents doivent avoir eu une place a part dans la societe. II serait en realite etrange qu'aucun de leurs exercises ne fut reproduit par les signes hieroglyphiques, qui en general representent ce que les Egyptiens avaient sous les yeux.

8. L'etymologie du nom d'Osiris rj'S parait etre au nombre de celles qui intriguent serieusement les savants s'occupant de l'etude de la mythologie egyptienne. C'est ainsi que Ton s'est vu force de proposer pour ce nom des explications, plus ou moins factices, dont les textes egyptiens ne font aucunement foi. Ce qui surtout a con- tribue a-cet ordre de choses c'est evidemment la circonstance que,

en interpretant litteralement le mot rlS, on aurait ete amene a

* La pyramide (fUnas, ligne 585.

t Ibidem, ligne 4S9. Pour d'autres exemples du mot t — ? I ayant le sens

d'une partie du corps humain, voir entre autres le Papyrus Ebers.

s 1. -

X Comparez, p. ex., cap = promontoire (caput), et de meme l'arabe , uj\.; cdti (costa) ; cole aupres de Cote a" Or ; col ou con a cote de Col di Tcnda.

»l6

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS.

admettre pour Osiris un role cosmique qui ne convient a Tideal que nous connaissons aux dieux egyptiens, mais bien au contraire le mettrait de plain-pied avec les deesses de la mythologie egyptienne.

De cette maniere, je crois devoir considerer, p. ex. l'etymologie que nous a donnee notre infatigable maitrea tous, Brugsch, quand il

dit* que le nom riS signifie "die Macht, die Kraft des Augapfels,"

oder " Kraftig ist der Augapfel " \la puissance, la force de la prunelle ou puissante est la prunelle]. Car pour obtenir une pareille explication du nom-dieu qui nous occupe, il faut detourner le signe il de la valeur "trone" qui lui est assuree par des milliers de textes. Mais comme je ne connais aucune preuve, empr-untee a l'ancien egyptien, en faveur de 1'equation f| = " puissance " (je ne parle bien entendu pas l'epoque ptolemaique), je crois devoir maintenir pour le signe

■j du mot rj ^ , la valeur qu'il a dans beaucoup d'autres cas.

Suivant mon opinion, le nom rj1^ signifie done, "les siege de

l'ceil," ce qui, si nous nous souvenons que Vail tres souvent dans le langage mythologique denote le soleil, amene forcement la sup- position, que Osiris est le del, e'est-a-dire presente une notion

mythologique synonyme de celle de \$\J, Hathor^ et d'autres

divinites feminines. Par 1'application de la figure grammaticale que nous connaissons sous le nom ^ellipse, on en est arrive a. retrancher

la seconde syllabe du mot rj ^ , d'ou a ete engendree la forme n [Pyramide de Merenra, 824: (| ^^ J "ton pere Osiris], var. ^ Q {Pap. Ebers), jj ^ [Piehl, Inscriptions Hieroglyphiques, I, pi. II, 1. 9], qui designe aussi le dieu Osiris, et dont des textes plus recents nous offrent le derive fl O, forme, comme Q ^^ 9 *5 f^- £i ? £i> etC-' Par Addition du nom du soleil rd. A cote de la forme abrege J] du nom d'Osiris, on a cree une forme feminine ri ^, en etablissant entre les deux les meme rapport grammatical qu'il y a entre ^^ Q et ^j^ g ^ } pno ^j et p Q ^j etc. Maintenant la divinite feminine etant en general regarde'e comme symbole de la maternite, la deesse |jQ, dont le nom bientot devait etre regarde" comme une designation du ciel, a eu la qualification de mere du

* Brugsch, foligion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, page 81. 117

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [18S9.

soleil, dieu dont Osiris a pris le role, en quittant son ancienne fonction de representant du ciel. A ce changement de la destinee d'Osiris a pu contribuer plusieurs circonstances : le caractere general des deesses comme symboles du ciel, qui devait exclure les dieux

du merae emploi ; la forme pr'ehistorique du nom H H ds-dr, 011 le -t

caracteristique du feminin ne se trouve pas, ce qui dans le cours des siecles a obscurci l'entente du dit nom,* etc.

Cette theorie du nom Osiris qui, originairement une designation du ciel, bientot aurait revetu le sens de " soleil, astre du ciel," ne manque pas d'analogies, empruntees a. d'autres mythologies. Ainsi p. ex. Zeus des Grecs, a-t-il originairement symbolise le ciel, de merae que son correspondant, Jupiter des romains, et tous les deux

noras proviennent de la merae racine que le mot Sanscrit f?"c[,

"ciel."f Cela n'empeche pas que nous rencontrions beaucoup de cas, oil Zeus est le dieu-soleil, comme l'a fait remarquer fort bien M. Preller.J H est bon d'ailleurs de se rappeler, pour l'illustration de pareilles transitions de sens, le phenomene, si frequent dans le langage, de la transplantation d'un mot d'une notion dans une autre qui dans Pespace ou dans la pens'ce ocatpe une place trh- rapprochce du premier. En effet, le ciel et le soleil presentent l'un par rapport a. l'autre, des particularites qui les font mettre dans une pareille relation. Comme point inter mediaire de la sus-dite transition il faut evidemment regarder le sens " ciel eclaire," qui est aussi celui des derives de la racine dev-.

* Le nom f | — , r? (m> Hdt-hcrit, par contre presente anciennement

le -t du feminin que existe encore Chez Plutarche dans la transcription grecque "ASvpi du nom en question. Cela nous autorise peut-etre a dire que le nom

rj ^ est de beaucoup anterieur a celui de [J ^^ <;£;> § ]m et °lu'^ appartient a une stratification de la lange egyptienne, qui est bien plus ancienne que celle dans laquelle le nom [J r— -. <=JL^ ^ [m a ete decouvert. La forme ]1 g Jj aset-ra qui se manifeste au moins a partir de l'epoque de la XXP dynastie [Masi'ERO, Les mo/nies royales de De'ir el-Bahari, page 523. Le savant auteur lit (1 X J le nom en question, mais bien a tort] et qui apparait encore a l'epoque des romains, montre l'effort, fait par le scribe, d'ecrire le nom d'Osiris d'une maniere (grammaticalement) correcte.

t Bopp, Vergleichende Grammatik des Sanskrit, etc. Berlin 1857, I, page 253.

X Gricchische Mythologie, Berlin 1872, I, page 92 et suiv.

Il8

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

Je ne suis pas bien sur d'avoir choisi la meilleure explication qui

puisse se trouver pour le nom [" _. par rapport a. celui de H S ,

mais le resultat general demeurera toujours le raeme. II sera sans doute prouve par d'autres qui connaissant mieux que moi la litterature religieuse des e'gyptiens 011 je presume qu'on pourra relever des passages, faisant allusion au role prehistorique d'Osiris, comme dieu-ciel.

9. Le passage du Papyrus Ebers, pi. I, 1. 8-9, que le savant

editeur * avait transcrit de la maniere suivante : I f==u) \t\

. -y- c± ^jf o sic, w , a^, — . c-^^i 1 1 1

O c

<2 1 1 n 1 1 1 1 1

m'avait fourni l'occasion de proposer |

de remplacer le mot <=^> /^~~., qui n'a ete releve dans aucun autre texte egyptien, par celui de <cz^> ^~" , qui rend exactement les signes de l'original hieratique et qui nous est connu de beaucoup d'inscriptions. M. Ebers, maintenant son ancienne lecture ^^-^ *^T" dans un imprime qui vient de paraitre,J je me regarde comme autorise a. appuyer ma rectification par une preuve que je prends la liberte de considerer comme definitive et absolument irrecusable. C'est le passage de texte que void : ^t V\ | ] * ^ a

&

<rr> ~~^ , " habile dans l'art de donner une forme elegante et

litteraire a la parole." %

Pour un autre exemple concluant, voir Piehl, Inscriptions Hieroglyphiques, pi. 123.

10. Parmi les inscriptions hieratiques qui decorent le couvercle de la caisse de Seti Pr, trouvee a Deir-el-Baheri en 1881, la plus longue renferme une donnee, assez curieuse, dont l'editeur de ces

* Ebers, Papyrus Ebers, page 20.

+ Recueil de Vieweg, IV, page 117. Mon article porte la date de l'an 18S0.

X Kalender fiir den Orientalislen-Con°ress, 1SS9-1S90 (Drugulin, Leipzig) ■

ElN FREUNDLICHES ANGEBINDE AUS DEM PYRAM I DKM.ANDE.

§ LErsius, Denkmdler, II, 121.

119 K 2

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [18S9.

textes, * M. Maspero, ne s'est pas apercu, n'ayant pas bien saisi l'enchainement des phrases qui forment la fin de la dite inscription.

Toute la partie initiale de notre texte a ete fort bien rendue par M. Maspero. Je n'ai done pas besoin d'en donner la transcription hieroglyphique, mais je me borne de communiquer dans la suite la traduction qu'en a livree le savant francais.f Pour le reste du texte — j'entends la partie oil mes vues different de celles de l'editeur — le lecteur a le droit d'avoir sous les yeux non seulement nos traductions respectives, mais encore l'original en transcription hieroglyphique.

Voici d'abord la traduction qu'a faite le savant francais du texte en son entier : " L'an XVI, le quatrieme mois de Pirit, le 13 du roi Siamon, jour d'apporter le roi Menmari Siti Minephtah, hors de son tombeau pour le faire entrer dans le tumulus de la reine Anhapou X qui est a la grande necropole — par l'entremise du prophete d'Amon-ra, roi des dieux Onkhfniamen, fils de Boki, du pere divin d'Amon-Ra, roi des dieux, troisieme prophet de Khonsou- mois Nofirhotpou, du scribe directeur des travaux du temple d'Amon-Ra, roi des dieux, domestique du temple d'OusiRMARi sotepenri dans Thebes, intendant de la ne'eropole Mirithoti, du scribe ingenieur en chef Nsipkashoutii. Apres que leur mere, la superieure de la demeure du Grand, eut dit : " Ce qui etait en bon etat, en ma garde, n'a souffert aucun dommage quand on les transporta hors de ce lombeau oil Us etaient," on les Jit entrer e?i ce tumulus de la reine Anhapou qui est en la grande necropole oil Amenhotpou repose en paix."

* Les momies royales de Deir-el Bahari, ouvrage publie dans le Ier volume des Me 'moires publics par les membres de la mission archeologique francaise an Caire, pages 511 et suiv.

t Bien entendu, je ne suis point partisan du systeme de transcription qu'a applique Pauteur fran5ais dans son ouvrage, Mais e'est la un point de detail qui ne va pas nous occuper a cette occasion.

X Cenom que M. Maspero a transcrit ( J] Q f*"^ %CCCC ' — ' "III ]> c^°'t peut-etre se lire ( ]j^/^>vwwi=ifw ] An-ra-tef (dx. f*^ ZZZ,

" benetzen, befeuchten," Brugsch, Worterbuch, p. 1543). En effet, le signe hieratique que nous avons transcrit par O , a partout ailleurs dans notre texte cette valeur, chose qui merite d'etre notee, les cinq exemples, que nous avons du nom de la reine Ati-rd-tef, employant la ineme forme hieratique pour le signe que nous transcrivons par rd.

I20

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

Je donne maintenant en transcription hieroglyphique ce qui de l'original correspond a. la partie souslignee de la traduction de M. Maspero. La teneur en est la suivante : —

11 III J\ 1 1 1 «J <=> 1 .A _B^ ™«« £/>5h <z>

Ce que je voudrais traduire de la maniere suivante : " Apres que la Mere, superieure de la grande demeure, eut dit : ' Ce qui a ete bien conserve jusqu'ici ne risque rien, quand on les transportera hors de ce tombeau 011 ils se trouvent et qu'on le fera entrer en ce tumulus de la reine An-ra-tef "qui est dans la grande necropole ou Amenhotep repose en paix.' "

II faut examiner quelques-uns des points qui dans cette tra- duction s'ecartent des parties correspondantes de celle, publiee par M. Maspero. Ce qui d'abord constitue la difference essentielle entre les deux traductions, c'est l'acception de la locution f^(a @, qui, chez l'auteur francais, introduit la proposition principale, tandis que nous y attachons un sens copulatif, determine du reste par la proposition qui precede, qui dans ce cas est une proposition in- cidente. Pour l'emploi coordonnant de |^.(D au debut d'une pro position, voir Erman, Neuiigyptische Grammatik, §§ 216 et 361.

L'expression |j ^fc=* cr"Zi ~Jf , que M. Maspero a traduite " la

demeure du Grand," signifie plutot " la grande demeure," le -t, caracteristique du feminin, est depuis longtemps tombe. Le de- terminatif ^| , qui accompagne tout ce qui est divin, joue un role fort marque dans les papyrus de la XXi&me dynastie et des epoques suivantes. En general, n'importe quelle qualification elevee pent etre suivie de ce signe qui s'emploie d'une fac,on completement

expletive, p. ex., dans l'expression ¥\ 1 Jn, qui peut signifier

" devant moi," mais qui signifie tout aussi bien " publiquement "

121

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1889.

ou " auparavant," comme dans le texte qui nous occupe. La " Mere " que mentionne notre texte, et dont on n'avait pas jusqu'ici determine la tache, est sans doute identique a. la deesse de la

on -^X. 7A

ou u^

necropole, qu'elle s'appelle

d'un autre nom.

Cela dit, je crois pouvoir enoncer, que notre inscription contient a la fin une reponse* de la deesse de la necropole qui a ete consultee avant le transfert de la momie royale d la place qu'elle a eue Van 16 du pharaon Si-amon. En d'autres termes, notre texte constate P existence dans la necropole thebaine dPun oracle, preside par la deesse des morts. C'est la un fait qui a son importance et qui gagne de force, si nous refiechissons que c'est vers l'epoque de la conception du texte hieratique. trace sur le coffre funeraire de Seti ier, que surgissent les premiers documents relatifs a. l'oracle du dieu principal de Thebes des vivants, "d'Amon-ra, seigneur de Nes-taui, roi des dieux, re'sidant a. Apet."

11. Comme correspondant copte du mot hieroglyphique j^^., negation frequemment usitee, on compte f non seulement le It qui forme l'element initial de la negation de la langue neo-egyptienne, mais encore la particule <LIt qui s'emploie pour renforcer le dit element. Un pareil dedoublement ne presente rien d'extraordinaire a. quiconque connait un peu les manieres dont se developpent les mots de n'importe quelle langue. Pour ma part, j'ai longtemps ete obsede par les analogies parlant en faveur du dedoublement de l'ancien "-^ dans les formes coptes It et <LIt, ce qui m'a force de supprimer l'idee, suivant laquelle le second element <LIt de la negation copte serait le fl /V hieroglyphique.

Aujourd'hui que j'ai ramasse quelques exemples, militant en faveur de ce dernier rapprochement, je n'hesite point a soumettre la matiere a l'appreciation des confreres. Voici mes exemples de

* Le mot ZI J^i lj J CZI ^ont le determinate est identique a celui qui entre

n ~^™ . r^i

dans les mots II "^ — >1 " pierrc," " montagne," etc., a ete rendu " tumulus "

1 I I fTTTTTI

par M. Maspero, et j'ai provisoirement adopte ce sens.

t Maspero, De la conjugaison en igyptien antique, en dimotique et en copte, page 107 ; Stern, Koptische Grammatik, page 226.

122

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1889.

b±^\m^c^Li,is

l'emploi de fl A. hieroglyphique dans le role de la negation £.rt

du copte

A. ^ "Que son ame ne soit jamais, jamais aneantie dans la

/WW\A \\

region inferieure." *

C3> k /vw^a O " Je ne permets aitcunement, aiuunement qu'on =^ rv~i A. \\

detruise son ame dans la region inferieure." f

I A/W>AA I 111 ^£1) _/_! r™ *ij /W\AW I "r\\ 111 /WWW \\ <- =*

«'<?/* retranche, rien, tant que subsiste le firmament et que Schou apparait." %

Dans ces exemples, on ne peut rendre le groupe ^£ A- par " de nouveau," iterum, car cela donnerait un sens absolument deraisonable. Pour qu'une chose se passe de nouveau, il faut qu'elle se soit produite une fois auparavant. Mais il n'entrait assurement pas dans l'esprit de l'auteur des deux premiers exemples que Fame du defunt eut passe par une destruction, pas plus que par letroisieme exemple il aurait voulu constater que le meme defunt eut ete reduit a jeun, apres la mort.

On pourrait peut-etre faire remarquer contre l'equation que nous venons de proposer, le fait que l'adverbe ° A-, " de nou

* Maspero, Les momies royales de Deir-el-Bahari, page 610. M. Maspero ne donne pas ici de traduction de /^^^ A. .

t Maspero, 11. , page 600, traduit " /V de ce passage par " au contraire,"

et pretend qu'il " appartient a la phrase qui finit," c'est-a-dire a la phrase qui suit immediatement celle que nous avons cit£e. Mais de cette facon, Tadverbe ^^ A- introduirait une proposition, ce qu'il ne fait jamais, a ma connaissance. Oil trouve-t-on d'ailleurs des exemples d'un sens " au contraire," confere au mot QA-?

X Maspero, 11. , page 613, traduit cette expression de la sorte : " il n'y sera rien retrancheVde nouveau, en toute saison determinee du ciel, quand Slum sort." Cette traduction renferme une expression que je ne saurais comprendre. l^u'entend notre auteur par sa " saison determinee du ciel "?

I23

Dfx. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1SS9.

veau," correspond au copte OH, et que par consequent un mime mot ancien e°;yptien - — a A. se serait transforme en deux mots coptes differents, <LH, "non pas," " ne pas," et OH, " de nouveau." Mais rien n'est plus frequent dans les langues qu'un pareil dedouble- ment, appuye par la creation d'une divergence de sens. On n'a qu'a penser a des doubles comme chevalier a. cote de cavalier {lat. caballarius), pape aupres de papa, ou l'allemand Vogt aupres de Advocat, Heiland aupres de heilend (tous les deux originairement part. pres. de heilen, "guerir"), etc., pour reconnaitre que, loin de nuire a. notre acception, l'existence des formes differenciees £.H et OH du - — D A. ancien la soutient au contraire. Cela au^mente d'ailleurs de vraisemblance par le fait que le dialecte copte — celui de Fayoum — 011 l'ancien - — -° A-, " de nouveau," a ete conserve sous la forme <LH, a modifie le correspondant copte de l'ancien - — ° A., "non pas," en GH. II y a done partout un besoin tres fort de differencier sous le rapport de la forme ce qui s'etait transforme quant au sens.

J'ai cru inutile de m'occuper ici longuement de la question de savoir comment l'ancien - — a A- ait pu arriver a jouer le role de negation. Ceux qui connaissent Phistoire des negations fran- chises pas, pins, guere, jamais, rien, etc., n'ont point besoin de- dications sur ce point de la matiere.

La particule d'interrogation <LH* du dialecte bohairique est evidemment de la merae origine que la particule negative <*»H. L'emploi en rappelle celui du latin nonne, qui presuppose une reponse affirmative. Au moins, la plupart des cas ou je l'ai ren- contree indiquent, pour la particule d'interrogation <LH, plutot un pareil sens que celui de num, donne par les grammairiens.f

* La negation v\ — Ql J ' decouverte par Brugsch (Zeitschrift, 1876),

ins- Nvwvs _/l_c- ' *

est probablement une forme a suffixe possessif de la racine 4h£. L'antithese

4 qi II FL o , ,

^e ^>v est ^^en ^V^1 /vw^ • Y a-t-il des exemples ou ce dernier

mot ait le sens affirmatif de s/, oui ?

t Cfr. Stern, Koptische Grammatik, page 348. Le thebaique 6H6, qui se

rencontre la, oil les textes bohairiques offrent £.H, est sans doute un descendant

de l'ancien 4 [1 Q , comme on semble penser communement.

124

Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S89.

12. II y a deja longtemps,* j'ai releve, pour l'epoque que d'accord avec Erman et Stern nous appelons " neuagyptisch," la forme Ik nn 1 comme article possessif du pluriel. Parmi les exemples que j'avais cites je choisis comme particulierement instructif le suivant :

suis rendu aux domatnes de Ramessu-mi-amon."t

'je me

yw^w*.

Dans le groupe hieroglyphique Ik \\\\ [Brugsch, IVorterbuch, page 737] nous avons a voir un mot derive de Ik nn I , dont l'emploi

presentait trop d'analogies avec celui de substantifs pour ne pas en amener la creation de nouveaux. Le -/ de la desinence a ete

introduit en ''k M comme dans d'autres mots, designant une

localite. Evidemment avant de signifier "Sitz, Wohnung, Statte," le groupe en question a du designer un endroit defini. Puis, par ellipse, on a ete amene a y rattacher le sens plus general que je viens de mentionner. J'ignore s'il faut rapprocher de notre groupe J celui de ^®, (Brugsch, Worterb., VI, p. 658), quoique cela paraisse vraisemblable.

* Nordisk tidskrift for filologi. Ny rrekke, VI (1882), pages 26-31. Cfr. Piehl, Dictionnaire du Pap. Hams, No. 1.

f Papyrus Anastasi, No. IV (6, n).

'wwvv © ©

X Le groupe Ik OH que donne Brugsch comme variante de ,

est plutot a considerer comme deux mots, l'article possessif + lc mot ®..

125

Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [18S9.

British Museum, London, W.C., November 1 8*7/, 1889. Dear Sir,

With regard to Professor Oppert's letter, quoted, translated, and commented upon by Dr. Bezold in the last part of the Proceedings, I have only to remark, that no conversation whatever has, at any time, taken place, and no communications have passed, between Professor Oppert and myself, concerning the text known as the Nin-mag inscription. Professor Oppert probably confounds me with someone else.

Yours tru'y,

Theo. G. Pinches.

-iT'vQ'-jg-fe^^-

The Anniversary Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 14th January, 1890, at 8 p.m., when the Council and Officers of the Society will be elected, and the usual business of the Anniversary Meeting transacted.

126

SOCKTY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS.

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[ShAlmaneser II, b.c. 859-825.]

Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers.

In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus, the price for each part is now raised to £1 10s.; to Members of the Society (the original price) ;£i 1*.

Society of Biblical Archeology.

COUNCIL, 1889.

President. P. le Page Renouf.

Vice- Presidents.

Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor.

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.

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VOL. XII. Part 3.

PROCEEDINGS

THE SOCIETY

BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

VOL. XII. TWENTIETH SESSION.

Third Meeting, January i^th, 1890. [anniversary.]

CONTENTS.

PAOB

Secretary's Report for the Year 1889 ... 129-134

Statement of Accounts for the Year ending 31st December, 1889 135

Council and Officers for 1890 136

Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A. — Remarks on the Tablet of the

Thirty Stars (Part I) 137-152

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8ce r.e

The following Presents were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors; a special vote of thanks being awarded to M. Guimet, for his valuable present : —

From the Author, Robert Brown, jun., F.S.A. : — The Etruscan Numerals.

Archaeological Review. July, 1889. From the Author, Philippe Berger : — Inscriptions ceramiques de la Necropole Punique dAdrumete. Revue Arch. 1889. From the Secretary, Geo. Yate, F.S.A. : — Letters from Syria and Palestine before the age of Moses. By Archibald Henry Sayce, M.A.

Reprinted from the Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society. 8vo. 1889. From Robert Bagster : — Records of the Past. New series. Vol.

II. 8vo. 1890. From M. Guimet: — Annales du Musee Guimet. Tomes I to XIV. 1880 to 1882. 4to. Paris.

Congres provincial des oricntalistes. Compte rendu de la

troisieme session. Lyon. 1878. 2 vols. 4to. Catalogue du Musee Guimet. Par L. de Milloue, directeuj du Musee. Nouvelle edition. Lyon. 1883. 8vo. [No. lxxxviii.] 127 l

Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

From the Author : — Sull' origine e fondazione di Roma. Disser-

tazione dell' aw, Gio. Batt. Lugari letta all' Accademia Pontificia

di Archeologia il 25 Aprile, 1889. Roma. Folio. 1889. From the Author : — La Domus Marmeniae ed il sepolcro di

S. Urbano al IV miglio dell' Appia. Dissertazione dell' aw.

Gio. Batt. Lugari letta all' Accademia Pontificia di Archeologia

il 24 Maggio 1888. Roma. Folio. 1889. From the Author : — La Via della Pedacchia e la Casa di Pietro da

Cortona. Memoria di Gio. Battista Lugari. Roma. Folio.

1885. From the Author : — Intorno ad alcuni monumenti antichi esistenti

al IV miglio dell' Appia studii di Gio. Battista Lugari Romano.

Roma. Folio. 1882. From the Author : — S. Sebastiano. Memorie publicate in occa-

sione del XVI centenario del suo martirio con note archeologico-

critiche di G. B. Lugari. Roma. 8vo. 1889. From the Author, F. Cope Whitehouse, M.A. : — The Raiyan

Moeris. 8vo. 1890.

Address made before the American Geographical Society. 11 Nov., 1889.

The following were elected Members of the Society, having been nominated at the last Meeting on December 3rd, 18S9:—

Charles F. Richardson, LL.D., B.A. (Lond.), Tranby, Colwyn Bay.

Charles Martin, Clanmarina, Torquay.

The following was nominated for election at the next Meeting on 4th February, 1890: —

George A. Barton, care of J. N. Danforth, 13, Pearl Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.

The Secretary's Report and Audited Statement of Ac- counts having been submitted and received, the thanks of the Meeting, proposed by the Rev. Canon Beechey, seconded by E. Towry Whyte, were voted to the President and Secretary, the latter being proposed by Jos. Offord, jun., and seconded by P. R. Reed, for their labours in behalf of the Society during the past year.

128

Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

SECRETARY'S REPORT

FOR THE YEAR 1889.

During the past year the Society has suffered severe loss by the death of some of its members, and it is with no ordinary pain that I have to record the names of the Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., &c, Bishop of Durham, Vice President, and Professor William Wright, D.C.L., LL.D., &c, both of whom from its commencement took the warmest interest in the Society. To Prof. Wright we have been often indebted for valuable papers and notes. In Volume IX of the Proceedings, he commenced a description of Kufic Gravestones in the British Museum, and being asked, with his usual kindness willingly undertook to place the members in possession of descriptions and translations of these ancient and curious memorials of those who lived and died 800 to 1,000 years or more ago. Commenced in June, 1887, a melancholy interest is attached to his second and last communication, which appeared in our Proceedings of June, 1888.

Another distinguished member has passed from us, Philip Henry Gosse, F.R.S., well known from his many valuable works on Natural History. Although his favourite line of study was foreign to the objects of the Society, his interest in our subjects was very great, and as one of our earliest members, he ever gave the assistance and support in his power, which was continued to the last.

It is true our loss has been great, but I am pleased to be able to state that the number on the roll of Members, although the increase is not so extensive as might be wished for the welfare of the Society and advantage of present and future Members alike, is fairly maintained. In order to fully realize the wish and intention of the Council, when they decided, as I mentioned in my last Report, to change to some extent the form of our Publications, it is necessary for every Member to exert himself. To many the Society is indebted for valuable communications, and if the remainder, who from one cause or another do not wish to help in the same manner, would make a distinct effort to enlist the assistance of those interested in Biblical Archaeology, the intention of the Council would be realized, and general advantage would accrue to all. I have urged this in other Reports with happy results, but cannot urge it too often, as, except by the accidental circumstance of the generosity of single members, it is only by our own efforts that the present success of the Society's Publications can be increased. There is no want of material, an almost unlimited supply simply waits the means of publication, and more is certain to be

129 L 2

Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S90.

forthcoming. The Society has done much, but there is much more to be done, and I cannot help feeling that it is our duty to do it.

The Twentieth Session has now commenced, with the twelfth volume of the Proceedings. In almost every instance it has been possible to print in extcnso in each current number the paper or papers read at each meeting. Thus those Members who, from distance of residence, or other causes, have been prevented from attending the Meetings, have been placed in possession of the subject-matter discussed within but a short time, and the writers are no longer subjected to the irritating delay in the appearance of their communications which existed in former years. Although the old form of publication, the Transactions, may really be said to have ceased, with the exception of the completion of Vol. IX, and a probable Index Volume to the Series, it must be distinctly understood that nothing is really done away with. The papers read are printed exactly as formerly, the only difference being that the material is transferred to another form of publication, the Proceedings; at the same time being not only increased in bulk but in variety of subjects. Thus, the old irregularly issued Transactions have been merged into what may be called a regular monthly Journal of Biblical Archaeology, a change certainly more convenient, and one which I think none can look upon as other than a decided advantage.

In former years I have detailed the various papers laid before the Society, classed under different sections. It will be well to continue this arrangement, as best suited to the objects of my Report, and of greater convenience than any other for general reference.

I am happy to be able to state that about fifty communications on many different subjects have been printed in our Proceedings. Some of them are of very considerable length, some are illustrated by plates and others include new texts, either never before published, or now issued in a more correct and complete form. I need hardly point out the advantage to Members of thus having valuable texts, translations, and notes placed in their possession, in clear type, without the necessity of poring o\ei the crabbed and difficult writing of the originals. It has always been the endeavour of the Council to furnish students with such original material for study and extension, and the best thanks of the Society are due to those who are able, and at the same time willing, to go through the necessary drudgery in order to place us in possession of the results of their labour.

To the President, the Society is indebted for a variety of Papers and short communications, which I have every reason to believe would have been much more numerous during the past year, had not his official duties usurped a more than ordinary portion of his time.

To commence with the first number issued during the past session (November, 1888), the President re-opened a very interesting discussion in

130

Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. L1890.

a paper with the double title : Is tfJJK (Genesis xli, 43) Egyptian ? The Thematic Vowel in Egyptian ; in the former portion of which much light was thrown on the debated meaning and origin of the word abrech. Again, in the next number (December, 1S88), for the first time, I believe, is a distinct explanation given of two interesting vignettes from the Book of the Dead, the explanation being found in the magnificent papyrus recently acquired by the British Museum, a complete fac simile of which will shortly be issued with a commentary by our President. Errata to the Inscription of Kum-el-Ahmar, which appeared in Vol. X, pp. 73, 132, followed in the January number, and his valuable paper on Egyptian Phonology (Part I) in February (1889), to be completed at a future time ; to close the list, I must mention a most interesting communication, entitled Parallels in Folk Lore, which appeared in April.

The letter on Pronominal Forms in Egyptian (November, 1888), not included in the above list, gave rise to a discussion between the President and Professor Sayce (January and May, 1889).

Professor Piehl of Upsala has, as on former occasions, contributed several valuable notes, some in continuation of those printed in the volume for the previous session. Among these may be mentioned : Errata, Textes Egyptiens Inedits (January, 1889), referring to Vol. X, pp. 530-9. Sur le sens du groupe 1^ f P ] ^ (February, 1889). Notes de Philologie Egyptienne (April, 1889). The continuation of the first of which, I am happy to say, will appear in the current number (December, 1889) of the Proceedings.

Professor Maspero has favoured us with two interesting papers, La Reine Sitra (April, 1889), and Quelques Termes dArchitecture Egyp- tienne (June, 1889) ; to the latter of which I should wish to call the special attention of those more particularly interested in the art of building as practised by the ancient Egyptians. I am happy to be able to state that Professor Maspero has kindly promised me to send at no very distant date a longer paper of considerable interest.

In the Proceediii^s of May 7 was printed an interesting paper by Prof. August Eisenlohr, describing the Egyptian Antiquities at Brussels.

To one of our most regular and valued correspondents we have been indebted, as in former years, for several communications calling attention to texts and antiquities which have either escaped notice, or upon which new light has been thrown. From Dr. Wiedemann we have received Some Monuments of Mont at Thebes (January, 1889) ; Stelae of Libyan Origin (April, 1889) ; Texts in the Collection of Mr. Lee (June, 1889) ; Texts of the Second Part of the Eighteenth Dynasty (June, 1889).

Mr. F. L. Griffith, of the British Museum, whose recently published work, presented to our library, includes some of the collections of inscrip- tions made by him in Egypt, besides an illustrated paper with suggested

131

Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1890.

corrections of the received text of the d'Orbiney Papyrus (March, 1889, continued with the same title in the June number), has in Notes on a Tour in Upper Egypt (April, 1889), commenced a series of communi- cations which will be of great assistance to students.

The last note of the Egyptian section to be mentioned is that by the Rev. Henry George Tomkins, to whom we have often been indebted for papers dealing with the interesting subject of the identification of Towns mentioned in the Egyptian lists of conquests : Note on the Name Nepiriuriu in the Karnak Lists of Northern Syria (January, 1889).

To turn to the Assyrian section. The Society has been fortunate in being able to publish a large number of translations and texts. Some of the latter now appear in print for the first time, and it is sincerely to be hoped, for the benefit of students, that during the present session some competent scholar will lay before the Society translations of those texts which still remain unexplained.

In June, 188S, two papers were printed, dealing with the important discovery at Tel-el-Amarna of tablets wiLh cuneiform writing. The first, a valuable catalogue, by Mr. E. A. Wallis Budge, with selected specimens of those obtained by the British Museum. The second, by Prof. Sayce, describing and translating tablets preserved in other collections. A fitting supplement to the latter is found in Prof. Sayce's paper, entitled, The Cuneiform Tablets of Tel-el-Amarna now preserved in the Boulaq Museum (June, 1889).

Besides this paper, which gives translations of a large number of texts, the Society has been indebted to the same writer for two other short letters (November, 1888), Note on the Babylonian Weight (see Vol. X, p. 464), and Greek Graffiti at Abydos (June, 1889 ; see also Vol. X, p. 377).

The valuable series of papers by the Rev. C. J. Ball, commenced in the last volume of the Proceedings, has been continued, and I may say nearly completed. It must be a subject of sincere congratulation to the Society to have now for the first time so large a number of texts and translations collected together recording the actions of a king who played so important a part in Bible history. The following is a list of those in the present volume : —

Inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. Parts VII and VIII (February, 1889). Part IX.— The Cylinder 85. 4-30 in the British Museum, eight plates (March, 18S9). Part X. — The Cylinder A.H. 82-7-14, 1342, British Museum; and Notes on the Cylinders 68-7-9, I (5, R. 34) and A.H. 82-7-14, 1042 [(A) and (B)] (April, 1889). Part XI. — The Nin-Mag Cylinders (May, 1889), which gave rise to two letters which will be found at the end of the June number. Inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar the Great ; Two passages of Cylinder 85. 4-30, I (June, 1889), of which text eight plates were given in Vol. XI (March).

132

Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

To these may be added a short note on the Wood called Urkarina (February, 1889).

To Dr. Bezold the Society has been indebted for six communications. In the twenty-two plates which are included therein will be found several previously unpublished texts. They are printed with the following titles: The "Woman's Language" of ancient Chaldsea (November, 1888) ; Some Unpublished Cuneiform Syllabaries, in eight plates (De- cember, 1888) ; Two Inscriptions of Nabonidus, five plates (January, 1889). On two duplicates of the Babylonian Chronicle, two plates (Feb- ruary, 1889) ; A Cuneiform list of Gods, two plates (March, 1889) : Some unpublished Assyrian " Lists of officials," five plates (May, 1889).

In the communication by Mr. Robert Brown, jun., F.S.A., entitled, Names of Stars in Babylonian (February, 1889), some curious and interesting information has been collected. Mr. Brown having made a special study of ancient Babylonian astronomy, I am glad to be able to report that he has kindly consented to continue the subject in a series of articles to appear in the numbers of Proceedings during the present session.

Of those papers dealing with more general subjects, I have already mentioned that of the late Professor William Wright, D.C.L., LL.D., on Kufic Gravestones in the British Museum (November, 1888), a folding plate of specimens of which was issued with the Proceedings of November, 1888. The Rev. G. W. Collins, of Cambridge, in a paper entitled 'Ashtoreth and the 'Ashera (June, 1889), has re-opened the interesting question of the exact meanings of these words, in the careful discussion of which he has collected a very considerable amount of interesting matter. Rev. A. Lowy, in a short note (May, 1889), advances a new theory on the origin of the name Damascus, transcribed by him Dameshek, and in the same number, under the title, The Elohistic and Jehovistic Names of Men and Women in the Bible, discusses a subject of considerable interest.

Besides those papers already detailed above, in the section devoted to Egyptian antiquities, Dr. Wiedemann has placed the Society in possession of his studies in another field, and in two papers, on the Legends concerning the Youth of Moses (Part I, December, 1888 ; Part 1 1, May, 1889), has brought together a large quantity of ancient and curious lore bearing on this subject.

Thus ends the various and valuable series of papers with which the Society has been favoured during the last Session. Before however leaving this portion of my Report, I cannot help referring shortly, and particularly calling attention to the series of papers commenced in the recent December number of the Proceedings. Doctors differ very consi- derably as to the proper position to be assigned to the nation called the Akkadians. For this reason anything based on the scientific principles

133

Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S90.

of philology which will throw light on so interesting a subject cannot help being carefully scrutinized by many, whether competent or otherwise. In the theory of Mr. Ball, in his papers entitled "The New Akkadian," we certainly have a startling discovery, and one which will work a consider- able change in the ordinarily received ideas of East and West. With the strong support of so distinguished a Chinese scholar as Professor Douglas on one side, and the justly esteemed studies of Professor Haupt on the other, leaving aside for a moment the laborious work of Mr. Ball himself, the case seems to be a strong one. And should this theory, as seems probable, stand the hard usage of strict examination and criticism, I cannot help thinking that it must take a foremost place in the philo- logical discoveries of our own century. Our Society I feel will then have good reason for self satisfaction in having been the means of making it known to the world of science.

The Library still continues to increase, and I am happy to say that this desirable improvement has added also to the number cf readers, thus extending its value and usefulness. Much has already been done by many kind friends to aid by valuable donations this important part of the Society's endeavours. To some authors we have been indebted for each portion of their writings as issued, and it is to be hoped that such admirable examples will in the future find many imitators. I must here mention the valuable donation of M. Guimet, one of our Honorary Members, who has generously placed the Society in possession of the whole series of the Annates of his magnificent museum. The Society exchanges publications with a large number of kindred Societies, with which several new exchanges of publications have been arranged both at home and Abroad. A number of books have been purchased, as funds would allow, by the Council, but I cannot too often repeat that the calls on those funds are greater than they can satisfactorily answer ; many works required by students are still wanting, and the series on many subjects still imperfect The books may be borrowed by the members, and it is therefore to be hoped that more assistance will be given, thus placing such works as may be required, within the reach of those who otherwise may have few oppor- tunities of using them. A list of works more especially required for the Library has many times been issued in the Proceedings, to which several responses have been made, and I will ask those who have spare copies of any of those given in the list, or others, will present them to the Library, where I can assure them they will be fully appreciated.

The Audited Balance Sheet annexed shows that the Funds available for the year 1889 have been ,£721 is., including a donation for which the Society has been indebted to M. P. J. de Horrack, one of the Honorary Members, and the expenditure in the like period .£668 \is. gd. The Balance carried forward to the current year, 1890, is ,£52 8s. 3d.

W. Harry Rylands, Secretary, 134

T-AN. 14] PROCEEDINGS.

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135

Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

The following Officers and Council for the current year were elected : —

COUNCIL, 1890.

President. P. LE PAGE RENOUF.

Vice-Presidents. Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor.

The Ven. J. A. Hessey, D.C.L., D.D., Archdeacon of Middlesex. The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c. F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c. Walter Morrison, M.P.

Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B.. D.C.L., &c. Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D. Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c. Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.

Council.

W. A. Tyssen Amherst, M.P., &c. Rev. Charles James Ball. Rev. Canon Beechey. Prof. R. L. Bensly. E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. Arthur Cates. Thomas Christy, F.L.S. Charles Harrison, F.S.A.

Rev. Albert Lowy.

Prof. A. Macalister, M.D.

Rev. James Marshall.

Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.

J. Pollard.

F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A.

E. Towry Whyte, M.A.

Rev. W. Wright, D.D.

Honorary Treasurer. Bernard T. Bosanquet.

Secretary. W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.

Hon. Secretary for Foreign Correspondence. Rev. R. G wynne, B.A.

Honorary Librarian.

William Simpson, F.R.G.S.

136

Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

REMARKS ON THE TABLET OF THE THIRTY STARS.

Part I. By Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A.

I.

The Tablet W.A.I. V, 46, No. 1, written in the Babylonian cuneiform, is of great interest in connexion with archaic astronomy and stellar mythology. It is divided into three parts. Part I, lines 1-38, including the obverse and the two first lines of the reverse, is in two columns, the first of which gives the names of thirty stars, and the second their regent divinities. Part II, lines 39-53, is also divided into two columns, the first of which gives a further star-list, and the second adds some remarks and explanations. At the head of this second star-list stand Sakvisa {Mercury'), Dilbat {Venus), Lubat (Jnpiter), and Nibatanu (Jlfars).* Part III, lines 54-64, consists of text, not in columns but in two divisions the first containing six, and the second five lines. The Tablet, as of course, is very difficult to transliterate and translate ; and the mean- ing of much in the astronomico-mythological tablets is extremely involved and obscure, even when a satisfactory rendering is possible, these records being essentially for the illuminated, and not for the profane.

According to the well-known passage in Diodoros (ii, 30), the Babylonian heaven was divided into three parts: (1) a central portion, roughly corresponding with the Ecliptic, in which moved sun, moon, and the five planets, these latter being called 'Interpreters,' which " is probably the meaning of the word >~<y< >-y<y^ (]*- or »-<y< ^y<y^* ^y^, which might be read ticsi, tirfiv, or ticpi."\ Ytto 8e ttjv roVTiov (jiopav Xe^ovffi TeTct-^Oat TOiaKovra aore/Oas, ovs

7rpo<raryopevouffai fiovXai'ou? Oeov*. "And under the orbit of these [the planets] they say that thirty stars, which they denominate 1 Divinities of the Council,' have been marshalled." As I have

* Vide Robt. Erown, Jun., Names of Stars in Babylonian [Proceedings, Feb., 1889, p. 145 et scq.).

f Sayce (Transactions, III, 173).

137

Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

elsewhere * observed, these " Divinities of the Council " are the thirty stars of the Tablet. (2) A northern portion, occupied by twelve stars called by Diodoros 'dicasts'; and (3) a southern portion, also occupied by twelve stars similarly named. " And they say that the chiefs of the Divinities [of the Council] are twelve in number, to each of whom they assign a month and one of the twelve signs of the Zodiac." Here we see a combination and harmonization of two distinct systems, solar and lunar, and also, apparently, Semitic and Sumero-Akkadian. For in the Semitic Creation Legend, Tablet V, we read (ap. Sayce) : —

3. " He ordained the year, appointing the signs of the Zodiac (Mizrdta = Mazza roth, Job xxxviii, 32) over it ;

4. For each of the twelve months he fixed three stars."

Here we have no mention of thirty, but twelve central, stars (or Signs), flanked by their paranatellons, northern and southern, the twenty-four "Judges" of Diodoros. Again, in W.A.I. IV, 15, we read (ap. Sayce) of certain spirits : —

Ak. " In the watch of the Thirty (stars) was their office." As. "In the Signs of the Zodiac was their office." So that the sphere of the Thirty Stars was equivalent to that of the twelve Signs, and the former concept was rather Sumero-Akkadian, the later Semitic. In a combination of the two divisions and sys- tems, twelve of the thirty necessarily became ' chiefs.'

Although the number thirty, as that of the days of the month, is connected with the Moon and the lunar month of twenty-nine days, thirteen hours, yet these thirty stars do not, strictly speaking, repre- sent the lunar mansions ; for they only mark the moon-stations in a very vaguely approximate manner. Thus, in the Arabian lunar mansions, which are accurately mapped out, and named with reference to the Zodiacal Signs, the twenty-first moon-station, Al Beldah ( " A district "), represents no particular star or stars, but an apparently starless space in the Archer.

Dilgan ( Capella) is not included amongst the Thirty, but appears in Part II of the Tablet, next to Kaksidi, which I was inclined to identify with Spica, but the balance of authority regards it as being Sirius, and its non-appearance amongst the Thirty, gives additional weight to this opinion. Sibzia?ina (Arcturus) does not appear in

* The Babylonian Zodiac (The Academy, Jan. 29th, 1887). 138

Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

either List, and the exclusion of Capella, Arcturus, and Sirius from the "Divinities of the Council," supplies some idea of the limits within which we may look for the Thirty Stars.

Mr. J. F. Hewitt, who has recently published some very interest- ing remarks on the questions of the archaic Lunar Year and early Euphratean influence in Non-Aryan India,* has called my attention, in connexion with this Tablet, to the Hymn Rig-Veda, X, 189, where " the thirty stations of the day and night " are said to " shine with the rays " of some power, the Sun, according to the native commentators, but, more probably,"}- the Moon. Another reading is, " He shines for thirty stations," explained by some as "the thirty days of the month."

The stars named in the List in Part II of the Tablet are not placed in uranographic order, but there is very considerable reason to suppose that the Thirty Stars are so placed, if not in all cases exactly, yet, at all events, approximately.

Prof. Sayce, with his usual kindness, and Mr. George Bertin have rendered me much assistance in the study of the Tablet, but I am alone responsible for the views expressed.

II.

The " Divinities of the Council " thus representing thirty more or less prominent stars in or comparatively near to the ecliptic, the very interesting question next arises : — Assuming them to be placed in uranographic order, where does the circle begin ? Now, very fortunately, what the thirtieth and last star represents, is, as will be seen, absolutely certain ; and, hence, there is a considerable amount of material for the identification of the first star. Of course it is quite possible that the stars may not be named in their heavenly order, but the balance of probability is decidedly the other way.

Line 1, Star No. 1.

^HJ ~£TT I HP- 4

Kakkab Apin | Tin Sar

The-Star of-the-Foundation. The-god Sar

* Notes on the Early History of Northern India (in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXI, New Series).

t The place of the Hymn in the Canon, the divinity of the Hymn Sarparajni, otherwise " Kadru, the mother of the serpent race,*' and several other points, strongly indicate non-Aryan influence.

139

Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

Line 38, Star No. XXX.

Kakkab Ma-{kh" } Kakkab Muna-Xa

The-Star Makhar, (i.e.) the Star of -the- He-goat-fish.

Hf- *? < HP- IH T- ^

D.P. Nabiu u D.P. Ur - me - turn

The-god Nebo and t he-god Urmetum.

The male Goat-fish is of course Capricortms, who appears on the monuments much as in a modern almanac,* the ideograph (the reading of which is not quite certain) showing goat + fish + tail ; and therefore next to the Goat-fish comes "the Star of the Foundation." This affords a striking illustration that we have before us a lunar circle, for a solar circle would begin with the Ram, or (earlier) the Bull ; and the Pleiades, for many reasons, would excellently answer such an appellation as "the Foundation Stars. "f But, whilst the "Star of the Foundation" being placed first is strongly suggestive of an orderly, as opposed to a hap-hazard arrangement, on this theory we are necessarily precluded from identifying it with the Pleiades. One star would be the ' Foundation,' or first star, in a solar scheme and another in a lunar scheme ; and the term ' foundation ' may be used in various senses. Thus Ur (^^z)]), the horizon, was also "the god of the Foundation," X the nadir. Mr. Pinches prefers to translate Apin by 'channel,' but Messrs. Sayce, Bertin, and Budge read 'foundation.' Mr. Bertin, in accordance with his linguistic views, would render the star-name by the Semitic equivalent Ussu. In W.A.I. Ill, 53, No. 1, 1. 2, we read (ap. Sayce) : — "The star Apin portends a gate to be begun," which reminds us of Tablet K. 2894,

* Vide Robert Brown, Jun., The Heavenly Display, Fig. 58.

f This is well illustrated by the Indian Nakshatras or lunar mansions, the order of which has been changed several times and in different ways. "One ancient order of the asterisms" commences with Krittikd, the Pleiades, "precisely as we find it among the Chinese" (Weber, History of Indian Literature, 247). The second asterism is Kohini (" the Red-one," "a red cow") = Aldebaran (" the Follower," of the Pleiades). The names of the twenty-eight Pahlavi lunar mansions are given in corrupt Pazand forms in the Bundahis, cap. ii, the first of them being Padez<ar, which corresponds with the Indian Aivini, and the Arabian El Slieratain ("The Two Signs "), and consists of « and (i Arietis, a solar commencement.

% Sayce, Rel. And. Babylonians, 118, 249.

140

Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

"The constellation of the Scorpion (Girtab) portends a foundation";* but Apin is not Girtab, which latter is No. XXVI in the List of the Thirty Stars. There was both a vernal and an autumnal 'foundation,' but those were solar. That Apin was in the ecliptic we also learn from S. 375 (ap. Budge), "The Star of the Foundation {Apin) the road of the sun took."f Its importance we may gather from the "Saints' Calendar" Tablet, translated by Professor SayceJ: — "The twenty-fifth day (is) the processional day of Bel and Beltis of Babylon. A lucky day. In the night the king presents his free-will offering to Bel before the Star of the Foundation."

The winter solstice was a natural commencement of the year, and the Boiotian, Delphian, and Bithynian years began at this period. § The appearance of the first full moon after the winter solstice " is still celebrated as the chief annual festival of the Dravidians of southern India, where it marks the beginning of the year ";|| and a list of Tamil (Dra vidian) lunar and solar lunar months, given by Mr. Hewitt, is in exact agreement with the Tablet of the Thirty Stars. This list is as follows : —

Tamil Lunar List. Tamil Solar-Lunar List.

Kumbha, "The Watering-pot." Minam, " The Fishes." Meskain, " The Ram." Rishabam, "The Bull." Midhunam, " The Twins." Kartakam, "The Crab." Siniham, "The Lion." Kauni, " The Girl." Tulam, " The Balance." Vrishakam, " The Scorpion." Dhamsu, " The Archer." Makaram, " The Goat -fish."

* Vide Proceedings, Feb. 1889, p. 145.

t Transactions, VII, 60. The sun-path ^$ >-»-| ^\, Kharran D.P. Samsi, is referred to in several passages. X Rel. And. Babylonians, 74. § Vide Lewis, Astronomy of the Ancients, 29. || Hewitt, Early Hist, of Northern India, 55 1-2.

141

I.

Tai.

2.

Ma us si.

3-

Panguni.

4-

Chittri.

5-

Vayasi.

6.

Aunt.

7-

Audi.

8.

Auvani.

9-

Purattasi

10.

Arpesi.

1 1.

Kartikai

12.

Margali.

Jan. 14]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY.

[1S90.

The signs of the Zodiac reached India through the Greeks,* and duly appear in the Tamil Solar-lunar list, but they are found in a non-solar order, and in one which, harmonizing with the Euphratean Tablet, places Capricorn, styled Makaram, and by Hindu writers elsewhere, "the Makara," last, and, consequently, the Urn of Aquarius first.

Else\vhere,t when treating of the ten Antediluvian Babylonian Kings in connexion with the ecliptic, I have shown that the legendary lengths of their reigns correspond with the distances separating certain ecliptical stars ; and when allowance has been made for variance in tradition and alteration in records, the agreement is very remarkable. The list appears thus : —

King.

Reign in

Stars.

Aloros

10

Alaparos

3

3rd King

13

4th „

12

5th „

18

6th „

10

7th „

18

8th „

10

9th „

8

10th „

18

Degrees.

Point in Ecliptic.

Degre<

3°

Hamal

31

9

Alcyone

10

39

Aldebaran

43

36

Pollux

36

54

Regulus

53

3°

Spica

44

54

Ant ares

53

3°

Algedi

20

24

Deneb Alqedi

16

54

Skat

54

120 360 360

The arrangement here is solar, but it will be observed that both Algedi (" the Goat," = a1 and a2 Capricorni, twin stars in the head of Caper) and De7icb Algedi (" the Goat's Tail," = c Capricorni) appear in it, with Skat ("the Leg," = B Aquarii), also styled Sakib ("the Pourer ") ; k Aquarii is especially called Situ la (" the Urn "), the con- stellation generally, the Burj ad dalu ("The Constellation of the Pitcher '") of the Arabs, appearing in the Tamil List as Kumbha ("the Watering-pnt "). There are, therefore, strong reasons for identifying the Kakkab Apin with Skat, or with Skat and the adjoining stars, since kakkab also signifies 'constellation'; and the meaning of ' channel,' suggested by Mr. Pinches, would be

* Vide Max Miiller, India, what can it teach us? 322 et sea.; Robt. Brown, Jun., The Law of Kosmic Order, Sec. VIII. f The Heavenly Display, Appendix ii.

142

Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

exceedingly appropriate for a star or an asterism which marks (and may have marked at a remote period) the flow from the Urn. The " Channel " star may have become the " Foundation " star by a secondary meaning. "The channels of waters" (mi nyyai rwv bhinwv) are connected by the Hebrew poet with "the founda- tions of the world"* (to Oefiekia i-i}? oikov/ucvij^A In this part of the heaven is situated the Great Deep, wherein swim Cetus ("the Sea-monster"), the three Fish, the Dolphin, and the Sea-goat ; and its position here in connexion with the ' Foundation ' and ' Goat ' stars, alike at the beginning and end of things, is in perfect accordance with Sumero-Akkadian belief respecting the Abzu or "watery abyss which was the source of all things," \ and which in one aspect is, and in another contains, the Tiamat or Cetus-monster.§ The ruling divinity of the " Star of the Foundation " is appro- priately the god Sar, Ak. An-sar, the power of the upper expanse, who is named in the Creation Legend, and whose name " is generally read Assur as a deity in later times, being an ordinary symbol for the supreme god of the Assyrians." || His position in the interesting Euphratean Theogony preserved by Damaskios, is shown by the following table : — -

Ziku (Gk. Sige)

l -x— 1

Tiamat =j= Apsu

(Gk. Tauthe) (Gk. Apason)

Mummu (Gk. Moumis)

Lakhmu (Gk. Lache)

1

Lakhamu (Gk. Lachos)

! _ — . (

Kisar -p Ansar

(Gk. Kissare) (Gk. Assoros)

I T 1

Ana (Gk. Anos) Elimma (Gk. Illimos) Ea (Gk. Aos)=pDavkina (Gk. Dauk( -)

Bilu (Gk. Belos)

III.

The very prominent position of the Goat in archaic religion and

* Psalm, xviii, 15. t LXX, in loc.

X Vide Sayce, Rel. And. Babylonians, 374. The Sumerian mob-aim, Semitic ap&u, seems to have been the origin of the famous magical word £di^, said to mean " the sea" (vide Clemens Alex., Siromata, V, 8).

§ Vide Robt. Brown, Jun., Eridanus, River and Constellation, 16.

|| Smith, Chaldean Account of Genesis, 61.

1 43 M

Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1890.

mythology is well known. It was a sacred animal alike in the Euphrates and Nile Vallies ; it equally appears in connexion with the Vedic Pushan, the Semitic Dionysos, the Hellenic Athena, and the Norse Thorr ; and this prominence has ensured its entry into the Semitic Zodiac. Line 38 may possibly speak of two stars, together forming an asterism, but I do not think that such is the case, for in line 34, where two stars are undoubtedly mentioned, they are coupled in the ordinary way by the conjunction ^, vd, 'and/ I think, therefore, that, as in many similar instances, we should read, " The Star Makhar, the Star* of the Goat-fish," which, from several indications, seems to have been conterminous with Capricorn. This Sign and its stars are further illustrated by W.A.I. Ill, 57, No. 7, Sec. IV, where we read : —

1. r ^Hf- - ~< '-' -23 e£ ^ w

Kakkab Dil-bat ina arakh Sabadhi nip-kha The-star Venus in the-month Sebat a-rising (makes).

D.P. Dil-bat ina zumbi ina D.P. Samsi atsi innamar Venus at the-tails at Sunrise is-seen.

Professor Sayce reads " with tails," but this I do not understand. Mr. Bertin writes, " In Arabic, as was shown by Redhouse, the fox or wolf's tail is the Zodiacal Light. Could it be possible to see Venus in the Zodiacal Light at sunrise " ? I think so, and the nearer the equator the more easily would this sight be seen. But the passage speaks of ' tails,' which negatives the idea of the single tail of the Zodiacal Light ; and the scribe, who has in his mind the constellational figures in this quarter of the heavens, refers, I think, to the closely adjoining tails of Capricorn and the Southern Fish, for, as we shall see, "the Star of the Fish"" is mentioned next to the Star of the Goat-fish.

4. \ kHF- ~< - -S3 £ *T TT ^

Kakkab Dil-bat ina arakh Sabadhi yumu 2

The-star Venus in the-month Sebat on-day the-second (and)

yumu 3 icassid-va ina karni

day the-third is-in-thc-ascendant and on the-horn (o( the Goat)

* I include 'constellation' under the term 'star,' when necessary, as kakkab can mean either.

144

Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1890

5. Rises. In the month Sebat on the first day on the horn of the constellation of the Yoke (Niru, ^TJT^"|) .... (it is seen and)

6. Crosses (i-ti-ik).

Kakkab Uz saku-sa-risi kakkabi Muna-xa

The-star of- the- Goat = the-top-of-the-head of-ihe-constellation of-the-Goat-fish.

This explanatory line shows that the Star Uz = Algedi, and, hence, that the Goat-fish was conterminous with our Capricorn ; and I may observe that it is a striking illustration (and one at the time quite unknown to me) of the principle on which I have endeavoured to explain the origin of the Signs of the Zodiac, and many other mythological symbols, i.e., as reduplications of simpler ideas connected with natural phenomena. The Akkadian goat-god Uz is a solar divinity who, clad in goat-skins, presides over the revolution of the sun;* and the Goat-sun is reduplicated in the Goat-star. Astrologers for centuries, and without knowing why, have termed the twelve Signs alternately " diurnal " and " noc- turnal"; and this is quite correct, inasmuch as they were in origin simply diurnal and nocturnal phases familiar to what I may style the mythological imagination, not arbitrary inventions or products of mental imbecility, but ideas which arose naturally and spon- taneously in the mind. On such an analysis the twelve signs appear thus : —

I — Diurnal Signs. II — Nocturnal Signs.

1. The Ram-sun, afterwards, Aries. I. The Moon-bull, afterwards Taunts.

2. Sun and Moon,

3. The Lion-sun,

4. The Holy-sun,

5. The Archer-sun,

6. The Rain-giving sun

* Vide Sayce, Rel. Aiict. Babylonians, 284-5.

t Vide Robt. Brown, Jun. , 71ie Heavenly Display, 65; Proceedings, Feb. 1889, p. 146. Achilleus Tatios says of the Claws (of the Scorpion), liis x«\av tcis Ka.Xov/j.evcvs vtt Afyvimtov 'ZtV-^ov ( = Libra).

X Afterwards Pisces. " The double mouth Adar and Ve-Adar would be the origin of the double Pisces" (Sayce, Transactions, III, 166).

145

,, Gemini.

2.

Darkness, ,

, Cancer.

, , Leo.

3.

The Moon, ,

, Virgo.

„ Ara. f

4-

Darkness, ,

Scorpio.

,, Sagittarius.

5-

The Sea-sun ,

, Capricornns.

,, Aquarius.

6.

The Nocturnal sun ,

, Piscis. X

Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

Mr. Pinches has supplied me with the next line, one which does not appear in the W.A.I. : —

8a. The constellation of the Yoke = the Goat-fish.

An interesting instance of the fact that the same star, or con- stellation, may be, and often was, known by various names. In W.A.I. Ill, 57, No. 4, line 5, it is stated that "the constellation 01 the Yoke like a flag (As. dagilu, Heb. degel) floated"; and as the Yoke = the Goat-fish, we are confirmed in the view that the latter equalled Capricorn in extent. The notion of a ' yoke ' placed on the ecliptic is familiar to ourselves from the instance of the Greek constellation Zy-/os (=X//\«/), where the idea, which arose in Egypt in comparatively late times, is apparently suggested by the star-grouping as well as by the equinox; and so, here, the ends of the Yoke would be the head and tail-stars of Caper, which alone are remarkable, the constellation, as a whole, being "the dusky Goat."* The head and tail stars would form the ends of the ' Flag.'f

In W.A.I. Ill, 53, No. 1, reverse, line 29, we meet with "the

constellation of the Yoke, the star of Gula, \ the star the

constellation of the Goat-fish." The sense is uncertain ; the passage might mean that some of these stars are identical.

kakkabi of-the-constella Hon

9- - -23

m _ - <r-

Ina arakh

Sabadhi ina pan

In the-nwnth

Sebat in front

<>A^A SK

m ht<t*

Muna-xa

itik

of -the- Goat-fish

she

(i.e.) Dilbat) crosses.

The XXIXth Star of the Tablet is :—

Kakkab nabu a - ab • ba §

The Star of the Proclamation of - the - Sea.

* Aratos, Phainomena, 702.

t The Flag, as a distinct constellation, appears in a MS. of the XVth century in my possession. Its stars are taken out of Leo and Virgo (vide Robt. Brown, Jun., On the Origin of the Signs of the Zodiac, in Archacologia XLVII, I't. ii).

J Betelgeux (« Orionis), according to Messrs. Sayce and Bosanquet.

§ As. tamti.

146

Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [189c.

And those stars are found in similar order in W.A.I. Ill, 57, No. 4, reverse, where we read : — -

Kakkab Dil-bat* ana kakkab Tamti dikhu

The Star Venus to the Star of the Sea opposite (is).

2 The star Dilbat to the Star of the Fish (^<) is opposite. The star Dilbat to the constellation of the Goat-fish is opposite.

3 The star Dilbat to the Star op the Foundation is opposite.

Here, in each case the three stars (or asterisms) of the Sea, the Goal- Fish, and the Foundation appear in the same order. By the " Star of the Fish," I think we may understand Fomalhaut ( Fom-al-hut. " the-mouth-of-the-Fish," a. Piscis). We meet again with Capricorn and its stars in W.A.I. III. 57, No. 7, Sec. I : —

T^Hf- ^ - *E3 £T

Kakkab Dil-bat ina arakh Duzi.

The-star Venus in the-month of-Tammuz (is seen).

HP- <« Hf- e£5 <Ee Efl

D.P. Sin. D.P. Sar - ner - ra

The- Moon, - The King of the Foundation (and)

D.P. Gal - lam - ta - ud - du - a ina bi - rit karni kakkabi.

The - Bull - of - the - Rising - Sun\ close to the - horn of- the - constellation (of the Goat -fish are). •

Kakkab Uz. | innamiru-va yumu 3 nazuzu.

{They and) the-star of-the-Goat are-seen and on-day the-third they-are-flxed.

* Mr. Bertin (The Pre- Akkadian Semites, 15) prefers to read Dil-mut, but Hesychios gives AcXc0ot (= Dil-bat, "Proclaim + old," = "the Ancient Pro- claimer'), o t//<? 'A0/jo^/t//v «vt>)/j, vTrb XaXdai'ivv. Tlie name thus corres ponds with Ln-bat, "Old Sheep" or "Old Ox," an Akkadian appellation for the planets.

t Prof. Sayce renders Gallamta-uddua, " He-who-goes-forth-in-strength "

(Transactions, III, 175), which, I presume, is an Assyrian paraphrase. Cf. a usual name of 'Mercury, Sul-pa-ud-da or Sulpa-uddua, " The-messenger-of-the

rising-sun."

X As. Enzu ; Algedi, as shown above.

147 M 2

[aw 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S90.

5. The god Sar-ner-ra and the god Gal-lam-ta {are)

6. D.P. Gut-tav* ("Bull of heaven," i.e. Jupiter) and D.P. Nibat (Mars).

In the -tablet of the Thirty Stars, line 4, Sarnerra and Gallainta- uddua appear as joint regent divinities of Star No. IV, Bar-tab-ba- gal-gal-la.\

In W.A.I. Ill, 57, No. 1, Sec. I, we read : —

2. Kakkab Gut-tav ina kakkabi Gu-la yu-dan-nat

The-Star Jupiter in the-constellation of- Gula lingers.

4- Hf- m *T - srHF- £* -£T T -4- ^TT^ ^T X*T

D.P. Gut-tav ina kakkabi Gu-la ana D.P. Sak - us dikhu Jupiter in the-constellation of-Gula to Saturn opposite (is).

From this it is evident that the asterism of Gula consists of more than the single star Betelgeux.

Sec. II, 2 : —

HP- $zi *] - -HF- 4<>4 -T4 £< *#= MW V £T

D.P. Gut-tav ina kakkabi Muna-xa yu - dan-nat-va

Jupiter in the-constellation of-the-Goat-fish lingers, % and

3. The-star Nun-ki (" Prince-of-the-earth ") measured a measure ( = rose). In the tablet of the Thirty Stars, the Star ^-TTTT illT> Nun-ki, is equated with No. XXIX, " the Star of the Proclamation of the Sea," and thus in each case appears next the Goat-fish.

From another passage W.A.I., 53, 24-6, § we find that Dilbat ( Venus) was named in different months after the fixed stars which she approached, so that in one month she was styled "the Star of

* As gut = gud, Prof. Sayce suggests that the Phoenician name of the planet Gad (" Good-fortune," cf. Isaiah, lxv, 11) may be hence derived, with a Semitic meaning added.

t "The Great Twins " (vide Proceedings, Feb. 1SS9, p. 151) are Castor and Pollux in the solar scheme, but not in the lunar ; there are, of course, many twin stars and twin asterisms in the heavens.

X This reference to the slow motion of Jupiter, so different from "the gallop of Fomalkaut" near at hand, and "the rapid transits of the Ram" (Aratos, Phainomena, 225), shows real astronomical observation.

§ Ap. Sayce, Transactions, III, 196. "The Star of the Goat" was formerly rendered "the Star of the Double Ship."

148

Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

Gula," in the next " the Star of the Goat," and in the next Dilgan (" Messenger-of-light," Capelld).

Star No. XXIX, Nunki, I would identify with Altair (Al Tayr, •'the Bird," a. Aquilcc), a star of the first magnitude which mounts with the Goat* and proclaims the coming of the vast watery space which extends in the south from the Eagle to Orion, and is occupied by the Dolphin, the Sea-goat, Aquarius, the three Fish, the Sea-monster, and the River Eridanus. i\ratos, who, as I have shown, f constantly preserves archaic observations and ideas, thus speaks of this celestial locality: —

" Beneath the Goat, below the southern blasts, Turned towards the Monster hang's on high a Fish The Southern called, distinct from those forenamed. And others scattered 'neath the Waterpourer, In midst between the Monster and the Fish, Are seen in ether, dim and nameless ; near The right hand of the famous Waterpourer, Like a slight flow of water here and there Scattered around, bright stars revolve but small, More clearly 'mid them move a pair of orbs, Not very far away nor very near, One % large and bright by both the Pourer 's feet, The other§ 'neath the dusky Monsters tail, And all are called the Water." ||

IV. I do not find any satisfactory Aryan etymology of Makara, the Indian name for Capricorn. It is explained as (1) a fabulous animal, emblem of the god of love; (2) a dolphin, and (3) a sea- monster ; and the ocean is styled " the receptacle of Makaras." The Bab. >-YyT rg = the As. ^fflf ^ fc£ ; ^J = Ak. ma, As. elippu, ' ship ' ; ^ £j= has several phonetic values, kJiar, gur, ur, and several meanings, amongst which are 'bond,' and 'bracelet,' as that which binds. Makhar might therefore mean " the-Ship-of- the-bond " (rope). Now the Akkadian Okeanos, which in idea

* Aratos, Phainomcna, 682-91.

t Vide Robt. Brown, Jun., The Phainomcna or 'Heavenly Display'' of Aratos: done into English verse, 1885.

X Fomalhaut.

§ Diphda (" the Frog," (3 Ccti).

|| Aratos, Phainomena, 3S6-99. " Cunctis nomen Aqua est" (Avienus, Aratea, 841). ,

149

Jan. 14]

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[1S90.

greatly resembles the Homeric, is sometimes compared to a snake, like the Norse Midhgardhsormr (" Serpent-of-Midgard," i.e., Earth), and sometimes to a rope, "and was then called 'the rope of the great god'";* and, in accordance with this idea, we find that the solar goat-god Uz is depicted as " watching the revolution of the solar disk, which is placed upon a table and slowly turned by means of a rope."f That is to say, this Okeanos-rope, which includes the Oversea in heaven above, by its flowing on turns the sun round in it and with it. Hence, "the Ship of the Rope" would be the solar vessel sailing in the all-encircling Okeanos ; and, as such, would be identical with the solar Capricorn.% Considering the

Fig. I. Cai'kicorn. (From Baisylonian Uranograi'hic Stone.)

Fit;. II. Capricorn. (From a Euj'hratean Boundary Stunk.)

* Sayce, Rel. Anct. Babylonians, 116. f Ibid., 285.

X As to the solar Ship, vide Robt. Brown, Jun., Eridanus, Sec. V ; The Law of Kosmic Order, Sec. XIX. The Sea-gont.

*5°

Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1890

archaic intercourse between Southern Babylonia and India, * it was as easy for the word makara to have been exported, as for the word sindhn ('muslin'), "which is found in an ancient Babylonian list of clothing," to have been imported ; and when we remember the very remarkable agreement in the important point of commencement between the Tablet and the Tamil mouth-list, t we see how greatly this inference is strengthened. But the investigation of this archaic eastern sea-traffic has only just begun ; and doubtless much will be revealed by subsequent researches.

If, however, Makhar and the Goat-fish are, as is possible, two distinct asterisms, then we may identify the former with the Dolphin, of which Aratos says : —

" Now near the Goat the Dolphin speeds along, Dim in the midst ; and round it lie four stars Which parallel are fixed by two and two" \%

his Dolphin occupying the space now filled by Delphinus and Equuletis (the Colt). The Akkadian name for ' dolphin ' is unknown, but its Assyrian name was nakhira, from the Syriac word for ' nostril,' " in reference to the animal's blow-hole." §

The regent divinities of the constellation of the Goat-fish are the gods Nabiu (Nebo, the " Proclaimer ") and Urmetum (" Hero-who- proclaims ") ; and these are evidently one divinity, the former name being Semitic, the latter Akkadian, just as Makhar and Munaya are probably one constellation. Nebo, in origin, is "the Sun of the Dawn," who proclaims the day, the solar Goat climbing the heavenly steep out of the abyss (sea) of the Underworld, night, and east, and so half fish ; and, thus, as an ultimate analysis, Nebo and Capricorn are identical.

Thus, by means of the constellation of the Goat-fish, with its adjoining stars of the Sea, the Fish, and the Foundation, we are enabled to determine the beginning and the end of the Thirty Stars and we further observe that this beginning indicates a year com- mencing at the winter solstice, several other examples of which I have mentioned. || Amongst others, the old Athenian year began

* Vide Sayce, Ret. And. Babylonians, 137-S. t Vide sup. p. 141. % Phainomena, 316-18.

§ Rev. Wm. Houghton, in Transactions, V, 363. || Vide Sup. p. 141.

151

Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

at this period, whilst in the reformed Metonic calendar of cir. B.C. 432, it was made to commence on the first new moon after the summer solstice. So Avienus writes : —

" Primaeua Meton exordia sumpsit ab anno, Torreret rutilo cum Phoebus sidere Cancrum."*

I may add that "the English began their year on the 25th ot December until the time of William the Conqueror," when the historical year was made to commence on January i, the date of his coronation.

* Aiatea, 1373-4-

152

Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9,

Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 4th

February, 1890 at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will be read : —

Ernest de Bunsen : — -"The Pharaohs of Moses according to

Hebrew and Egyptian Chronology." A. L. Lewis: — "Some Suggestions respecting the Exodus."

[53

Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.

Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.

Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1866- 1869. 3 vols., folio.

Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols.

I— III (Brugsch). Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par H.

Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen

of vols. 3 and 4. ) Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867.

2nd series, 1869.

■ Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1S86.

Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.

Golenischeff, Die Metterhichstele. Folio, 1877.

Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 18S0.

De Rouge, Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.

Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy.

Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.

Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.

Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.

Burkhardt, Eastern Travels.

Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873.

Le Calendrierdes Jours Fasteset Nefastes de l'annee Egyptienne. 8vo. 1877.

E. Gayet, Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre. Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. Nos. 1, 2, 3, Memoires de la Mission Archeologique Fran9ais au Caire. Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee. Lefebure, Les Hypogees Royaux de Thebes. Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.

Guimet, Annales du Musee Gumiet. Memoires d'Egyptologie. Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2nd partie. "Osiris."

Lepsius, Les Metaux dans les Inscriptions Egyptiennes, avec notes par W. Berend. D. G. Lyon, An Assyrian Manual.

A. Amiaud and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes et Assyriennes.

Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer, 2 parts.

Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides.

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.

Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.

'54

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Ghe Bron3e ©rnaments of tbe palace Gates from Balawat

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Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers.

In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus, the price for each part is now raised to £1 10s. ; to Members of the Society (the original price) £1 is.

Society of Biblical Archeology.

COUNCIL, 1890.

President. P. le Page Renouf.

Vice- Presidents.

Lord HalSbury, The Lord High Chancellor.

The Ven. J. A. Hessey, D.C.L., D.D., Archdeacon of Middlesex.

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.

The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c.

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.

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Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.

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Council.

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VOL. XII. Part 4.

PROCEEDINGS

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VOL. XII. TWENTIETH SESSION.

Fourth Meeting, February 4th, 1890.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

E. he BuNSEN. — The 'haraohs of Moses according to Hebrew

and Egyptian, chronology 157-166 ]

A. L. Lewis. — Some su ;gestions respecting the Exodus 167-179

Robert Brown, Jun., F.S. A.— Remarks on the Tablet of the

Thirty Stars (Part II) 180-206

Rev. C. J. Ball.— The New Accadian. l'art III 207 222

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TWENTIETH SESSION, 1889-90.

Fourth Meeting, ^th February, 1890. F. D. MOCATTA, Esq., Vice-President,

IN THE CHAIR.

■%&&&"

The following Presents were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —

From the Author, Prof. C. P. Tiele : — (Letterkundig oversicht.) Assyriaca.

Notice of Works by A. H. Sayce, Dr. Alfred Jeremias, Hugo Winckler, Eberhard Schrader, Friedrich Delitzsch, H. Zimmern, J. Epping, S.J. From the Author, Prof. C. P. Tiele : — Notice of Untersuchungcn zur altorientalischen Geschichte von Hugo Winckler.

From Jos. Pollard: — The Bible and Modern Discoveries. By Henry A. Harper. 8vo. London. 1890.

The following Candidate was elected a Member of the Society, having been nominated on 14th January, 1890 : —

George A. Barton, care of J. N. Danforth, 13, Pearl Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.

No. LXXXIX.] 155 N

Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890

The following were nominated for election at the next Meeting on 4th February, 1890 : —

Rev. Frederic H. J. McCormick, F.S.A. Scot, Whitehaven, Cum- berland.

Rev. J. C. Bradley, B.A., Queen's Coll., Oxford, Rector of Sutton- under-Brails.

To be added to the List of Subscribers : —

The Lancashire College, Whalley Range, Manchester.

A paper was read by Ernest de Bunsen, entitled, " The Pharaohs of Moses according to Hebrew and Egyptian Chronology."

A paper was read by A. L. Lewis, entitled, " Some Suggestions respecting the Exodus."

Remarks were added by Rev. A. Lowy, Mr. P. R. Reed, Rev. James Marshall, Mr. de Bunsen, and the Chairman.

The Rev. Robert Gwynne remarked that Mr. de Bunsen's assumption that the Hyksos were the oppressors of the Hebrews, was inconsistent with the usual opinion that they were of kindred Semitic origin, and would therefore be naturally inclined to favour the Hebrews. The oppressors were more likely to be of the native Egyptian race.

Mr. Lewis (in reply to observations made) said that the question whether Amenhotep IV and Khuenaten were one or two persons, did not affect his theory, as Khuenaten was in either case the later. The location of the Hebrews while in Egypt, and the route taken by them in leaving it, were also points which did not affect the matter. As Ramessu II is said to have set out from Rameses before fighting the battle of Kadesh in his fifth year, it was extremely unlikely that he founded the city, though in his later years he no doubt made great additions to it. It was not stated that the Pharaoh was drowned at the Exodus, and therefore any objection as to the time of year when Horemhebi or Ramessu I died, or the existence of a tomb or mummy of either, would have no weight.

Thanks were returned for these communications.

156

Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

THE PHARAOHS OF MOSES ACCORDING TO HEBREW AND EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY.

By Ernest de Bunsen.

In this Essay the attempt will be made to prove that Ahmes was the Pharaoh of the oppression, and Amenophis I the Pharaoh of the Exodus, in which case Moses lived about two centuries and a half earlier than hitherto supposed.

It is generally assumed that the Hyksos were the bondmasters of the Hebrews. According to the Elkab inscription, the Hyksos were expelled from Avaris and from Egypt in ' the year five ' of Ahmes, the founder of the XVIIIth Dynasty.* The bondage of the Hebrews, which according to Genesis lasted 400 years, would therefore have come to its end at the beginning of the XVIIIth Dynasty, certainly in the sixteenth century, not at the commence- ment of the XlXth Dynasty. Yet Ramses II is held to have been the Pharaoh of the oppression, and Menephtha the Pharaoh of the Exodus.

If the year B.C. 2360 was the year of the Flood, and therefore, according to Genesis, the starting point of Hebrew chronology, as it will be proved further on, Hebrews under Abraham migrated from Haran 367 years later, f that is, in 1993. Nothing is opposed to the assumption that they entered Egypt the same year, and that then — not under Jacob — the bondage began. If this can now be proved beyond the possibility of a doubt, the attractive; legends about Joseph's meeting his brethren, though conveying a true de- scription of Egyptian conceptions and mode of life, will turn out to be essentially unhistorical.

According to Biblical tradition the Exodus under Moses took place 430 years after the Exodus under Abraham, say in 1563. Thirty years have accordingly to be added to the 400 years of bondage, either before or after it, for the dwelling in Egypt. J The

* Records of 'the Past ', vi, 5-10 ; lines 12-15, 21-26. "We took Avaris. . . we laid siege to Sharhana in the year five, and His Majesty (Neb-Pehti-Ra, or Ahmes), took it."

t Gen. xi, 10-32.

X Gal. iii, 17 ; Exod. xii 40, 41.

157 N 2

Feb 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S90.

Biblical year for the Exodus, 1563, if the 430 years are reckoned from 1993, falls certainly within the reign of the XVIIIth Dynasty, and so does the year 1558, in which, according to Orosius, the Exodus under Moses took place.* The difference of only five years between 1558 and 1563 may have been caused by the still prevailing supposition that the pursuing Pharaoh was drowned in the Red Sea, what the Biblical records do not assert. The Spanish presbyter Orosius, who spent many years in Africa, and was the intimate friend of the learned Jerome, can have known that the death of Ameno- phis I, whom he must have regarded as the Pharaoh of the Exodus, took place in B.C. 1558, as it will become quite certain further on. For if it can now be proved that Ahmes ascended the throne in 1598, Amenophis I reigned from 1571-1558. Orosius could likewise know, that in the last or thirteenth regnal year this Pharaoh finally expelled the strangers, according to Manetho.t

In order to be able to fix the year when the Hyksos dominion came to an end, it is necessary to assign a calendrian year to the expulsion of the ' Asiatic barbarians ' from Avaris in ' the year five ' of Ahmes. This was hitherto impossible, because not a single political event in early Egyptian history could be connected with a calendrian year. It is acknowledged as a fact that the twentieth regnal year of Shishak — Sheshenk, in which, as implied by the Silsilis inscription, his northern campaign took place, therefore also the capture of Jerusalem, was identical with the fifth regnal year of Rehoboam, since according to the Bible Shishak's capture of Jerusalem took place in that year. But for the time of Rehoboam's reign no positive calendrian dates could be given. On the assump- tion that the Biblical year for the Flood is B.C. 2360, we now proceed to prove that the year b.c. 928 was the fifth regnal year of Rehoboam and the twentieth of Shishak.

Instead of the 480 years assigned in the first Book of Kings to the period from the Exodus under Moses to Solomon's founda-

* Orosius, contra Gentes, ii, 10. ' In the year 805 before the foundation of the city . . when Egyptians suffered from scurvy and leprosy, they expelled, on the advice of an oracle, Moses and those who were diseased beyond the borders of Egypt. Appointed as leader of the exiled, he secretly carried away with him the holy things. Then the Egyptians tried to recover (them) by force of arms, but were forced by storms to return.'

t Josephus contra Apionem, 1, 26-^5.

t58

Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

tion of the Temple, 592 years must be reckoned for this period, according to the repeated statement of Josephus, who does not even mention the 480 years of the Bible.* The successive chrono- logical data here transmitted for the time from the division of the land under Joshua until Samuel amount exactly to 450 years, provided that either we allow no time for the indefinite period without a leader after the division of the land and before Chusan- Risathaim, transmitted in Judges ii, 6-8, or that the probable 32 years of Samuel's judgeship are indefinitely shortened. In the latter case there could not have been any definite period from the Exodus to the foundation of the Temple, neither one of 480 years nor one of 592 years. Paul refers to the period of 450 years,f and it is exactly according to the Scripture. If to 450 we add only the 40 years from the Exodus to the succession of Moses by Joshua, we get already ten years more than the entire period from the Exodus to the foundation of the Temple is said to have lasted. We have sufficient reason for assuming that this period has indeed extended over 592 years. For only on this supposition, and by starting from b.c. 2360 as the Biblical year for the Flood, we arrive at the synchronisms which comparative chronology demands. J We accordingly get b.c. 971 for the foundation of the Temple, 934 for Solomon's death, and, after a chaotic period of two years, according to the Septuagint, 932 for Rehoboam's accession to the throne, therefore 928 for his fifth regnal year, which is also the twentieth of Shishak.

The thirty-four years which Manetho ascribes to this Pharaoh can now be asserted to include the thirteen years during which Sheshenk was only co-regent with his father-in-law Psusennes II or Pisebkam. For the XXIst Dynasty of Royal High-priests, to which Psusennes belonged, Manetho has transmitted 130 years; for the XXIInd Dynasty, that of Sheshenk, 135 ; for the XlXth Dynasty 162; for the XVIIIth Dynasty, 236 years. It being now certain that Sheshenk's co-regency of thirteen years began in 94S, Ahmes

* Josephus contra Apionem, II, 2.

t Acts xiii, 20.

t Thus, only on this supposition, the first Assyrian campaign to Ashdod and Judah, in the year 711, according to Assyrian date, coincides with the fourteenth of Hezekiah, in which, according to the Bible, this event took place ; then the battle of Karkar on the Orontes falls within the reign of Ahab (Biblical Chronology, p. 94).

159

Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1S90.

would have ascended the throne 663 years before Sheshenk, that is, in 161 1 ; but, after the necessary deduction of the thirteen years, it is now proved that Ahmes began his government in B.C. 1598, so that his fifth regnal year was 1593. This is exactly the 400th year after 1993, the Biblical year for the Exodus of Hebrews from Haran, whose immigration into Egypt, according to the above chronology, took place in the same year. The servi- tude of the Hebrews in Egypt had lasted exactly 400 years in 'the year five' of Ahmes, from 1993-1593, and thirty years after this date of the Elkab inscription they were led out of Egypt by Moses, in the Biblical year for this event, 430 years after the Exodus from Haran, that is, in 1563. The Hebrews have there- fore sojourned 430 years in Egypt, as recorded in the Book of Exodus, and in that land which was not theirs they served its rulers, and these did afflict them 400 years, as transmitted in the Book of Genesis.*

The Pharaoh of the Exodus was Amenophis I, the ' Amenophis ' of Manetho, during whose reign of thirteen years the second oc- cupation of Egypt by the Hyksos took place, whose return was assisted by the leprous people or Hebrews according to Manetho, that is, according to the Elkab inscription (line 22), by 'rebels' who 'joined them.' Not only do the thirteen years of Manetho correspond with the thirteen regnal years of Amenophis I, but whilst Manetho refers to the retirement of ' Amenophis ' to Ethiopia, the Elkab inscription refers to the 'journey up to Rush' of 'King Sor-Ka-Ra,' that is, of Amenophis I (line 23). t Manetho calls this Amenophis the son of Ramses, and there was a Prince Ramses belonging to the family of Ahmes. Amenophis I may have been a grandson of Ahmes.

A harmony so extraordinary between Hebrew and Egyptian chronology and history it would be impossible to explain by a mere chance coincidence. This result has been obtained by establishing a calendrian year for the fifth of Rehoboam which is likewise the twentieth of Shishak, and by reckoning backwards from this year B.C. 928 to the accession of Ahmes the regnal years of the Pharaohs transmitted by Manetho.

This new result can be raised to the dignity of a fact by the now possible explanation of the 390 years announced by the vision

* Gen. xv, 13 ; Ex. xii, 40, 41. t Manetho in Josephus cont. Ap., I, 26-35. 160

Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

recorded in the fourth chapter of Ezekiel. These 390 years, decreed for the 'iniquity' of Israel, are implied to have begun by a siege of Jerusalem, evidently that of Shishak ; for if reckoned from B.C. 928, the 390 years reach to 53S, the year of Cyrus' edict, which permitted the return to Jerusalem. To this year of 'redemption' refers the fortieth chapter in the Book of Isai th. The author announces to Jerusalem that her ' time of servitude is accomplished, that her iniquity is pardoned.'*

A further confirmation of the year b.c. 928 for reckoning back- wards the regnal years of Egyptian dynasties as corre( tly transmitted by Manetho, is contained in his statement that the fall of Troy took place during the seven regnal years of Thuoris, the last Pharaoh of the XlXth Dynasty. He is said to have come to the throne in the 150th year before Sheshenk's accession, that is, B.C. 1208, and this is one of the two traditional years for the fall of Troy. A still more important confirmation of the Manethonian lists is presented by the hitherto unexplained period of 400 years, the era of Seti-Nubti, to which Ramses II refers in the Tanis inscription. It can now be asserted to have lasted from the sixtieth year of his reign backwards to the accession to the throne of his ancestor Seti I, of the XVIIth Dynasty, that is, from 1284 to 1684.!

Finally, we now get an at least possible calendrian year for the accession of Menes to the throne. Syncellus the Byzantian, born about a.d. 800, has transmitted a Manethonian period of 3555 years, which began with Menes. J When Herodotus was in Egypt, about B.C. 455, the priests read to him from a papyrus 'the names of 330 monarchs who (they said) were his (Men's, the first king's) successors upon the throne . . . The last was named Mceris. § Diodorus Siculus states, and he may have known it from historical tradition, that this Pharaoh Mceris of Herodotus was identical with Mendes or Smendes, thus with Her Hor, the first of the Royal Higl>priests.|i According to the Manethonian lists this Pharaoh came to the throne

* Is. xl, 1,2; lxvii, 4.

t Comp. ' Egyptian dynasties' in my Ueberliefemitg, App. I, pp. 346, 341.

t Syncellus does not recognise the correctness of this period, which he wroogly understood to have included the successive regnal years of the thirty dynasties to which Manetho referred. He asserts that the period of 3555 years cannot have been historical, because Menes and ' Mizraim ' were identical. (Fragments Hisloricorum Grsecorum, Carolus Mullerius, Parisii, Didot, 1S48, Vol. II, p. 517.)

§ Herodotus, II, 100, 101. || Diodorus Siculus, I, 61, 87.

l6l

F£b. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

117 years before Sheshenk, therefore, as we may now assert, in B.C. 1065. The period of 3555 years, beginning with Menes, may have referred to the successive regnal years of the 330 Pharaohs beginning with Menes, for on this assumption the average reign of these Pharaohs would have lasted slightly over eleven years. If so, the Manethonian period of 3555 years would have lasted from b.c. 1065-4620, a not improbable year for the accession of Menes. As a curiosity it may be observed that this possible year of the first king's accession to the throne, has been assigned to the creation of the first man by the Seventy, the contemporaries of Manetho.*

The synchronisms here indicated between Hebrew and Egyptian tradition do not in any way depend on this possible calendrian year for the accession of Menes. They could only then be doubted if the year B.C. 928 for Shishak's capture of Jerusalem could be attacked ; or if a sound reason could be advanced for not regard- ing as strictly historical those Manethonian dates which have led, in conjunction with Hebrew chronology, to such remarkable coinci- dences. The synchronisms brought forward point to Ahmes and Amenophis I as the Pharaohs of Moses. But the objection has been raised, that after Ahmes the conquering expeditions of the Egyptians began, which always first touched Palestine, and made this land a vassal-state of the Pharaonic empire. Why does the Bible not mention anything about this ?

In the first place, it has to be remarked that this argument could be made to refer as much to the passage of troops under the successor of Menephtha, the supposed Pharaoh of the Exodus, as under the successor of Amenophis I. For Ramses III, allied with the Sharutana (perhaps Sardinians) made war against the Rebo, the Tzakruri (Teukrians?) and the Purusata or Philistines, whom the Sharutana had joined by sea. He made an attack on Maka-Tyra (Tyre), and advanced into Naharayn or Mesopotamia, where how- ever he could not maintain himself. It is now proved by compa- rative chronology that his accession to the throne took place after Joshua's division of the land, even if the Exodus had taken place in the last regnal year of Menephtha, that is, in B.C. 1258.

The Pharaohs of Dynasty XVIII to XX, when marching to the north, necessarily preferred the road along the sea coast to that on

* According to the Septuagint, Adam was created 2260 years before the Kin ( >d, before R.c. 2360, that is 4620.

162

Feu. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

the east of the Dead Sea and the Jordan. Whilst passing through the country of the Philistines, Canaanites, and Phoenicians, they could ensure the supplies for the troops by the fleet, repel any attack from the seaside, and support the operations by land. These and other nations could easily be forced to become allies, and by attacking tribes of Hebrews, to keep them far from the coast, thus securing to the Egyptians their line of retreat. If the Exodus under Moses took place during the reign of Amenophis I, the first attacks of Hebrews by strangers, as transmitted in the Bible, began in the year of the division of the land by Joshua, 45 years after the Exodus, that is, B.C. 15 18. The attack by Chusan-Risathaim (1518-1510) had been preceded by the passing of Egyptian troops through Syria to Mesopotamia under Tutmoses I and II (1557-1538; IS37"I5I5)» and Amenophis III (1421-1384) crossed the country during the judgeship of Ehud (1452-1372). The temporary subjections of the Hebrews by Moabites, Philistines, and Midianites are now proved by Hebrew-Egyptian chronology to have taken place from 1470 and at different times until 1148, thus during the reigns of Tuth- moses III and successors until Ramses III (1 260-1 168) and successors. Gideon was contemporary of Menephtha (1278-1258), and put an end to the dominion of Midianites, probably the allies of Ramses II (1344-1278), hitherto supposed to have been the Pharaoh of the oppression.

It is therefore highly probable that, whilst Egyptian troops were marching northwards along the sea coast of the Mediterranean, which was not inhabited by Hebrews, these did not see a single Egyptian before the time of Solomon, excepting the incident related in the reign of David.* For this reason nothing is reported by the Bible about the passages of Egyptian troops.

To the popular argument that the name of the city of Raemses, built by Hebrew labour, directly points to Ramses II as Pharaoh of the oppression, we oppose the following facts.

A Prince Ramses belonged to the family of Ahmes I, and already two centuries earlier, in the time of Joseph (1816-1706), "the land of Ramses" was known. It would seem that originally Ra- meses, " the young Ra," or " Son of Ra," that is, Horus, the rising sun, was contrasted to Pitum, the setting sun. For Ra-em-khuti or Harmachis, whose sisters were Isis and Nephthys, means "the

* I Sam. xxx. 163

Feu. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

sun on both horizons." Also the name Pharaoh, per-aa or per-ao, " the great house," or " the high Porte," may have referred to the same symbolism. We find Ramses II represented at Tel-el-mashkuta between Ra and Turn, perhaps with reference to " the right eye " and to " the left eye " of Ra, whose vicar the Pharaoh was held to be. According to an inscription discovered at Succoth (Pitum), the god of the setting sun addressed the following words to Ramses II : "thou risest like the god on the two horizons." The inscription in which Ramses II appropriates to himself the building of Pithom and thus also of Raemses, can only be referred to a rebuilding or enlargement of these cities.

The question whether Moses has lived about 250 years before the time hitherto assigned to him, can only be finally settled by the now provable synchronisms between Hebrew and Egyptian chro- nology. What objections might be raised against this scheme ?

The year B.C. 2360 for the Flood, and thus for the starting point of Biblical chronology, is not supported by any chronological authority ; yet only on this assumption the Exodus from Haran and the possible entry of Hebrews into Egypt took place exactly 400 years before the calendrian date assigned to the ' year five ' of Ahmes, when the Hyksos, the bondmasters of the Hebrews, were expelled ftom Egypt. This Egyptian date, b.c. 1593, depends on the correctness of the Hebrew-Egyptian date for the capture of Jerusalem in B.C. 928, and on the assumption that the regnal years of the Pharaohs have been by Manetho transmitted with absolute accuracy. Again, the correctness of the year 928 for the fifth of Rehoboam and the twentieth of Shishak depends on setting aside the Biblical period of 480 years from the Exodus under Moses to the foundation of the Temple, a period which has been hitherto regarded as historical. Although it must be admitted that the 450 years from Joshua until Samuel, demanded by Scripture and cited by Paul, render impossible the period of 480 years, it does not follow from this that it has lasted 592 years, as Josephus asserts. On this supposition Samuel, the time of whose judgeship is not stated, must have been a judge for thirty two years, which is possible, but not certain. Only on the further assumption, based on vague statements in the Septuagint, that Rehoboam became king two years after the death of Solomon, the year 928 is arrived at.

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All these objections fall to the ground in consequence of the new but unassailable fact, that the 390 years in Ezekiel's vision begin with Shishak's siege of Jerusalem in 928, and point to the year of Cyrus' edict in 538. The author of the fortieth chapter in the Book of Isaiah* announces to Jerusalem, at the end of the 390 years, when Cyrus the Anointed of God gave Israel leave to return, that the time of her bondage has an end, that her iniquity is pardoned. The now indisputable year B.C. 928 for the 5th of Rehoboam and the 2cth of Shishak confirms the correct- ness of the year 2360 for the Flood, j* as also the period of 592 years, Samuel's judgeship of thirty-two years, the accession of Rehoboam to the throne two years after Solomon's death, the year B.C. 1065 for the accession of Pharaoh Her-Hor, and the possible year 4620 for the accession of Menes.

The years of the life of Moses and of Joshua's leadership can now be approximately fixed. The accession of Ahmes to the throne, of the new king in Egypt who knew nothing of Joseph, took place in b.c. 1598; this is therefore the earliest possible year when Moses can have been born. It follows that in the year of the Exodus, 1563, his age cannot have been more than 35 years, nor at his death more than 75. Moses has therefore lived beyond the 70 years mentioned in his Psalm, but, he has not reached the excep- tionally high age of " fourscore years." Five years after his death Joshua divided the land, and in this year 1518 began the dominion of Chusan-Risathaim, which came to an end by Othniel's victory. If not in the year of the division of the land, Joshua certainly died before the liberation by Othniel in 15 10.

In the following chronological table the dates not otherwise explained have been calculated after Biblical statements, starting from the year B.C. 2360 for the Flood.

* He calls himself the Anointed of the Lord (Is. lxi, 1), a title given only to a high priest, for which reason I submit that the author of the last twenty- seven chaDters in the Book of Isaiah is the high priest Joshua.

+ It is remarkable that Censorinus, about the year A.D. 238, in his work De die natali liber (21, 1-3), states, on the authority of Varro, that what the latter called 'the historical age' lasted 'about 1600 years,' that is, 'from the earlier flood, also called that of Ogygius, to the first Olympiad.' Accordingly the flood of Hebrew-Greek tradition occurred about the year B.C. 2376, within sixteen years of the Hebrew date here submitted.

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Chronological Table.

B.C.

4620. Possible first regnal year of Menes, the first of the 330 Pharaohs whose names were read out to Herodotus by the priests from a papyrus, and who reigned till ' Moeris,' identified by Diodorus of Sicily with ' Mendes ' or Smendes, that is, with Her-Hor. According to the Manethonian lists this Pharaoh came to the throne 1 1 7 years before Sheshenk, B.C. 1065. The 330 Pharaohs can have reigned during the Manethonian period of 3555 years, which began with Menes and lasted from B.C. 4620-1065.

2360. The Flood.

1993. Emigration of Hebrews under Abraham from Haran to Egypt, and commencement of their bondage.

1593. Expulsion of the Hyksos from Egypt in 'the year five' of Ahmes, according to the Elkab inscription. End of Hebrew servitude, which had lasted 400 years.

1563. Exodus of the Hebrews under Moses, 430 years after the emigration from Haran. 971. Foundation of the Temple by Solomon, 592 years after the

Exodus (Josephus). 934. Solomon's death. 932. Rehoboam's accession to the throne, after a chaotic period of

two years (Septuagint). 928. Capture of Jerusalem by Shishak in his twentieth regnal year, according to the Silsilis inscription, which year is also the fifth of Rehoboam. 538. Release of Hebrews by Cyrus, 390 years after the capture of Jerusalem by Shishak (comp. Ezek. iv, and Isaiah xl, 1-2 ; lxiii, 4).

Opinions greatly differ on the question when and by whom the Scriptures of the Old Testament were composed ; but a comparison of the dates therein recorded with Egyptian, Babylonian, and Assyrian events, points to a unity of source, to a historical tradition.

®@BU7&

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SOME SUGGESTIONS RESPECTING THE EXODUS. By A. L. Lewis, F.C.A.

The question, under which of the Pharaohs the Hebrew Exodu? took place, is one that has engaged the attei.tion of most Egyptologists at some time or other. It has been generally con- sidered that Ramessu II was the oppressor, and that his son and successor Mer-en-ptah was the king of the Exodus, but that difficulties have always been felt in accepting this view, is evident from the fact that other theories are from time to time put forth. In i860 Mr. Basil Cooper published a pamphlet in which he fixed upon Tahutmes II as the king, and 15 15 B.C. as the date of the Exodus. In 1886 Mr. David Burnett published a pamphlet in which he fixed upon Apachnas (who was, he says, the last Hyksos king but one) as the king, and 1665 B.C. as the date of the Exodus. In 1889 Mr. Jacob Schwartz published some articles in the "Theological Monthly," in which he fixed upon Tahutmes III as the king, and 1438 B.C. as the year of the Exodus. Lastly, M. de Bunsen has just designated Amemhotep I as the king and 1563 as the date of the Exodus.

There have doubtless been other theories propounded which I have not become acquainted with, but to the five already mentioned I am about to add a sixth of my own. As a justification for this appa- rently unnecessary action, it is desirable in the first place to examine the theories already mentioned, and see why and where they fail to command universal acceptance.

What may be called the orthodox theory, namely that Mer-en-ptah was the king of the Exodus, has been ably set forth by Lepsius, who considered the date to have been 13 14 b.c. Lepsius thought that the period commonly assigned to the Hebrew Judges was much too long; that Osarsiph and his lepers (spoken of by Manetho and Josephus) were Moses and the Hebrews ; that the king Amenophis v.'ho fled from the lepers to Ethiopia, was not one of the Amen-hotcps but Mer-en-ptah (or as he called him Menepthes) ; and that his prede-

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cessor Horus, who had been a " beholder of the gods," was Horem- hebi, the last king of the XVIIIth dynasty. He analysed the genea- logies of the Old Testament, and endeavoured to prove that only ten or eleven generations, equal to about three hundred years, elapsed between the Exodus and the building of the temple, instead of four hundred and eighty years, as stated in 1 Kings; and, following the same method, allowed only three generations, or ninety years, between the entrance of Jacob into Egypt and the Exodus, and only one hundred and eighty, or at most two hundred and fifteen years, from Abram to Moses. All this seems very consistent and convin- cing at first sight, but on second thoughts some difficulties present themselves. If the descendants of Jacob were only ninety years or so in Egypt, they must either have formed but' a very insignificant part of the multitude who went out and afterwards formed the king- doms of Judah and Israel, or, if those who went out were, as has always been believed, chiefly the descendants of Jacob, the Exodus must have been such a trifling affair that the absence of any mention of it in Egyptian inscriptions can no longer surprise us. Lepsius would probably select the former alternative, but it seems to me most reasonable to suppose that we have only fragmentary genea- logies, and that some of the generations have been omitted. The identification of Horus, the "beholder of the gods," with Horemhebi is not conclusive ; the seventh king of the Vth dynasty (Mencheres of Manetho) is called Hormenka in the Turin papyrus and the Abydos and Saqqarah lists, and the names of some other unplaced kings begin with Hor, and as the " beholding of the gods " must have been a mythical event, it is most likely to have been attributed to some Hor or Horus much more remote from Mer-en-ptah than was Horemhebi.

The strongest argument in favour of Mer-en-ptah and not Tahutmes being the Pharaoh of the Exodus, is that no mention of the Hebrews occurs in the account of the wars of Ramessu II in Syria, and that no mention of the Egyptian invasion of that country occurs in the Jewish annals, from which it is inferred that the Hebrews were not then settled in Judea, and could not therefore have left Egypt so early as the reign of Tahutmes II or III.

This objection applies to the second theory which I have to notice; that, namely, of Mr. Basil Cooper, who fixed upon Tahutmes II as the Pharaoh of the Exodus, and upon 15 15 B.C. as its date. The only reason I can find given for his doing so is that he

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fixed upon 15 15 B.C. by certain astronomical calculations as the year of the death of Tahutmes II, and that the year 15 13 b.c has been adopted by Eusebius and others as the date of the Exodus.

I come next to Mr. Burnett's theory, that the Exodus took place in 1668 b.c, under the last but one of the Hyksos kings. If so, the Hebrews must have been in Palestine when Tahutmes III conquered it, yet he did not record their presence there, nor they his. Perhaps it is enough to say that a cardinal point of this theory is that Moses was put into the Nile in the Hyksos domains, and saved by the daughter of the Theban king, so that, if Mr. Burnett's view be correct, he must have floated a great number of miles up the river, against the stream, and must have been accompanied along the banks by his mother and sister.

The fourth theory I have to examine is that propounded in the " Theological Monthly " by Mr. Jacob Schwartz, who says that Tahutmes III was the king, and that 1438 B.C. was the year of the Exodus. He bases his theory largely upon the supposed date of the destruction of Troy, and upon a special interpretation of Manetho's accounts — a most unsatisfactory foundation — and has been led by the latter to believe that the last kings of the XVII I th dynasty were Amenhotep III and Horus (meaning Amenhotep IV or Khuenaten, whom he confounds with the Osarsiph of the leper story, and apparently with Horemhebi), whereas Khuenaten was succeeded by his sons-in-law in the following order: — 1, Ra-sa-a-ka-kheper ; 2, Tut-ankh-amen ; 3, Ai, and they again by Horemhebi, the four reigns lasting more than fifty years. Mr. Schwartz, moreover, makes Tahutmes to be the king both of the oppression and of the Exodus, whereas both the Old Testament and Josephus plainly state that these were two different kings ; nevertheless Mr. Schwartz considers that the Exodus took place in the middle of the reign of Tahutmes III, namely in his 27th year; but that king was fighting in Syria and Mesopotamia during his 22nd, 23rd, 29th, 30th, and 31st years, or, as a fragmentary inscription (translated in "Records of the Past," vol. ii, p. 52) states, "commencing in his 21st and continuing to his 32nd year";" so that if the Exodus took place during that period, it had little if any effect on the power of the Egyptians. This theory is also open to the objection, already mentioned, that the Hebrews were not in Palestine in the earlier years of Ramessu II, which they must have been if they left Egypt in the time of Tahutmes III.

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The latest proposition is that put before us to-night by M. de Eunsen, which, like that of Mr. Schwartz, is mainly based on chronology, but which suggests Amenhotep I as the king of the Exodus instead of Tahutmes III, and 1563 B.C. as the date instead of 1438. The author admits that the truth of his theory depends on the correctness of the following assumptions : — Firstly, that 2360 B.C. was the year of the deluge. As M. de Bunsen places the deluge in the middle of his Egyptian chronology, I suppose he con- siders it to have been a limited and comparatively small one, but if it were so, the Hebrew accounts of it are so far erroneous as to the facts, that we cannot place any reliance on the number of years or generations which they state to have elapsed between it and Abraham, since facts are much more likely to be handed down correctly than figures. Secondly, that 928 b.c. was the year of the capture of Jerusalem by Shishak, in the seventh year of his sole reign, or the 20th from his association with Pisemkeb ; the capture of Jerusalem by Shishak was, however, placed in his 14th year by Mr. Bosanquet, who said the date was 949 B.C., and by Mr Schwartz, who says it was 924 B.C. ; either of these dates may be right, or all may be wrong, for anything I can now say to the contrary, but M. de Bunsen's assumption will evidently not be allowed to pass unchallenged, especially since he admits that it is based on vague statements in the Septuagint that Rehoboam became king two years after the death of Solomon. Thirdly, that the regnal years of the Pharaohs have been transmitted with absolute accuracy by Manelho ; in this matter the lists of Josephus, Africanus, Eusebius, and Syncellus not only differ from each other, but their totals, when given separately, do not agree with the additions of their own lists, and M. de Bunsen himself appears to differ from all of them. These three assumptions, which M. de Bunsen admits to be essential to his theory, certainly make a large draft on our powers of belief; but he says that all objections to them fall to the ground because, if his date of 928 B.C. be the right one for the capture of Jerusalem by Shishak, a period of 390 years, concerning which Ezekiel had a revelation, would evidently run from 928 to 538 B.C., the date of Cyrus' edict. I cannot think that Ezekiel's vision referred to Shishak's siege at all, but, if it did, there is still another period of forty years mentioned by the prophet in the same chapter, of which M. de Bunsen takes no notice, but which he ought to account for in some way. When we turn from these chronological assumptions to

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see what historical facts or probabilities there are in support of M. de Bunsen's views we find none, except the possibilities (which I deal with in my own suggestions presently) that Osarsiph and his lepers were Moses and his followers, and that the Amenophis of that story was Amenhotep I. M. de Bunsen, however, makes this king to reign only thirteen years, in opposition to his own authorities, the various versions of Manetho, which give either this king or a personage called Chebron thirteen years jointly with the Queen Ahmes Nefertari, and to Amenhotep twenty to twenty-four years by himself afterwards. How M. de Bunsen arranges this difference in his chronology I do not know. On the question of fact we are, moreover, entitled to ask how much of the Hebrew accounts of the life of Moses M. de Bunsen accepts, and how he fits them in with the facts which we know from the contemporary monuments of the history of the period he has selected, and why, if the Hebrews left Egypt in the reign of Amenhotep I, neither Tahutmes III nor Ramessu II found them in Palestine ? M. de Bunsen does indeed attempt to explain the latter difficulty, but I cannot think that the Egyptian armies confined themselves so closely to the coast, that they would not have come in contact with the Hebrews had they been in possession of the Promised Land.

I must now explain the lines upon which I have worked myself. The general supposition has been that the Exodus was so supremely important an event in the history of Egypt, that some account of it must be found in its annals, and, failing any better guides, investi- gators have followed Manetho and the Shepherds into the wilderness on the one hand, or Osarsiph and the lepers into the quarries on the other hand, and have, as I think, lost their way altogether. In my opinion, however, the Exodus was to the Egyptian but one amongst an unending series of struggles with the Asiatic barbarians, and one which, as it ended unsatisfactorily, was as well forgotten as recorded. To the Hebrew, on the contrary, the Exodus was the beginning of his national life, an event to be remembered, commemorated, and perhaps embellished. The Hebrew accounts are, therefore, in my opinion, likely to be approximately correct, and, taking them to be so, I have sought to find a period of Egyptian history into which they would fit without difficulty. From Egyptian sources, indeed, we have practically no evidence, for the monuments give us no information on the subject, and, though the poor fragments which we possess of Manetho's history contain truth, they are so far from

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containing the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, that no reliance can be placed upon them.

And what is the Hebrew account of the matter ? Josephus, whose account is on the whole fuller than that of the Old Testament, says that the Egyptians, being envious of the prosperity of the Hebrews, set them to cut a great number of channels for the river, and to build walls for their cities, and ramparts to restrain the river, and pyramids. If, as I believe to be the case, all the pyramids were built before the Hyksos invasion, the last statement of Josephus is erroneous ; and as Josephus, on the other hand, does not say that the Hebrews built Pithom and Rameses, I am also inclined to regard that statement as an error, which, being in the first instance put as a suggestion, afterwards became incorporated in the text of the Pentateuch. Josephus next tells us that a sacred scribe prophesied to the king that about this time a child would be born to the Hebrews, who, if he were reared, would bring the Egyptian dominion low and would raise the Israelites, and that this was the reason that the king desired the slaughter of the Hebrew boys. If, as is generally supposed, this king lived through the life of Moses both in Egypt and in Midian, we should be obliged to conclude that he was either Tahutmes III or Ramessu II, since no other king of that period reigned more than fifty years ; but there is no evidence that there were not several kings between the birth of Moses and the Exodus.* Feeling that there was not time between Mer-en-ptah and Sheshonk for the events stated in Hebrew history to have occurred between the Exodus and the invasion of Judea by the latter, 1 sought for a more suitable period in Egyptian history for the Exodus than that of Mer-en-ptah, and my attention was attracted by the remarkable religious revolution in the reign of Amenhotep IV, or Khuenaten, and I now suggest that he was the oppressor of the Hebrews ; that he, as a religious fanatic, was much more likely to be influenced by the prophecy mentioned by Josephus than were such gallant soldiers as Tahutmes and Ramessu ; and that he, having weakened his kingdom by religious intolerance of the most bitter description, would have had much more cause to fear the growing strength of the Hebrews than would Tahutmes or Ramessu, who had raised a

* As no king of the XVIIIth or XlXth dynasty reigned more than sixty-seven year-;, there must either have been more than one king between the birth of Moses and the Exodus, or the eighty years from his birth to the Exodus, namely, forty in Egypt and forty in Midian, must be shortened.

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united Egypt to the summit of its power. I suggest also that the new capital built by Khuenaten, the ruins of which are known as Tel el- Amarna, was constructed partly to find occupation for the Hebrews ; and, seeing that those infallible proofs — bricks without straw — are found, stamped with their respective names, not only at Pithom by the defamers of Ramessu, but at Heliopolis by the traducers of Tahutmes, I am not without hope that some may also be found at Tel el-Amarna, although the said bricks belong not to the oppressor king but to the king of the Exodus.

Josephus next describes the birth of Moses, his rescue from the Nile, and adoption by the king's daughter, her bringing him up as heir to the throne with her father's tacit consent, and the unwilling toleration of all this by the Egyptians, because " there was no one, either akin or adopted, that had any oracle of his side for pretending to the crown of Egypt." This statement of itself excludes both Tahutmes and Ramessu from being the oppressor king, because both of them had sons who succeeded them ; but it is peculiarly applicable to Khuenaten, who was succeeded by his daughters and their husbands, who appear to have left no male issue. Had Josephus mentioned the names of the oppressor king and the king of the Exodus, we should have been spared much speculation, but, though these names are omitted, that of the daughter of Pharaoh, who adopted Moses, is said by Josephus to have been Thermuthis; Khuenaten had a daughter named Tii or Tia, and, if we add to this name the syllable Mut, or royal mother, so often met with in royal names, which Dr. Birch considered to be applied to Egyptian queens, whether mothers or not,* and which the adoption of Moses would in any case have procured for Tia, we get a name — Tia-mut — which resembles the Thermuthis of Josephus as nearly as any Egyptian name we are likely to find.

Josephus, having given various particulars as to the childhood of Moses, says that the Ethiopians invaded Egypt and overran the whole country, and that the oracles having been consulted, declared that Moses should be called upon to lead the Egyptian forces, and that the father of Thermuthis commanded her to produce him for that purpose, I think, however, Josephus should rather have said her husband than her father, for Khuenaten must by this time have been succeeded on his throne, and probably in the royal tombs also, by his

* " Records of the Past," Vol. X, p. 29.

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sons-in-law Ra-sa-a-ka-kheper, husband of his daughter Aten-Mer-t, and Tut-ankh-amen, husband of his daughter Ankh-nes-Amen, who were in turn succeeded by Ai, the husband of his daughter Tii, whom I believe to have been the Thermuthis of Josephus.

Of Ai we are told (in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archceoiogy, Vol. VIII, p. 300) that he was fan-bearer, royal scribe, and master of horse to Khuenaten, and also a priest in the temple of Amen, that he became king, and gained many victories, both in the north and in the south ; so that Moses might very well have distinguished himself in some of the southern campaigns of this king, though not perhaps to the extent claimed by Josephus, who says that, as commander-in-chief of the Egyptian army, Moses drove the Ethiopians back, and took their capital city by the help of their king's daughter, whom he afterwards married. The tomb of Ai still remains in the mountains west of Thebes, and Lepsius found there his granite sarcophagus broken up, and his name every- where studiously erased; a fragment of the sarcophagus is in the British Museum.

Josephus next tells us that " the Egyptians, after they had been preserved by Moses, entertained hatred to him, and were very eager in effecting their designs against him, as suspecting that he would take occasion from his good success to raise a sedition, and bring innovations into Egypt, and told the king he ought to be slain," that the king came to the same conclusion, but that Moses, becoming aware of their plans, fled to Midian. My interpretation of this is that, as there was no heir apparent or presumptive to Ai, the nation was divided into parties, that "Moses was perhaps the hope and candidate for the throne, not only of the Hebrews but of the disc worshippers, who had already brought in so many innovations ; but that the priests of Amen and their followers adopted Horemhebi as their candidate, and did all they could to get rid of Moses ; and that he, having failed to bring the Hebrews to his support by the slaughter of the Egyptian (mentioned in the Old Testament, but not by Josephus) sought safety in flight.

Horemhebi (of whom there are two statues in the British Museum) is called the last king of the XVIIIth dynasty, though it does not appear that he was descended from any of its kings ; his queen Mut- netem, or Netem-mut, was however probably of royal descent. The Museum at Turin contains a black granite group of two seated statues of this king and his queen, and the inscription upon it

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(translated in "Records of the Past," vol. x, p. 31) intimates that he was elected or selected as heir apparent, but not without opposition ; which agrees with what I have suggested as to a contest between him and Moses for the succession. It is known that Horemhebi restored the worship of Amen and his destroyed sanctuaries, and repressed the disc heresy ; there is monumental evidence of his 2 1 st year.

We next hear of the marriage of Moses in Midian, where it is stated that he remained forty years, but it is generally agreed that the biblical periods of forty years are not necessarily to be taken literally, and the episode of the circumcision of his son while on the way back to Egypt seems to indicate a much shorter residence there — say twenty years. Whether the return of Moses to Egypt took place in the latter years of Horemhebi, or on the accession of his successor, Ramessu I, the founder of the XlXth dynasty, I am not quite prepared to say ; yet upon this depends which of the two I shall suggest to have been the king of the Exodus ; but the statement that that king had but just received the government, seems to point to Ramessu I, who reigned less than two years.

I have now to consider the chronological side of the matter. In the book of Kings it is stated that the foundation of the temple took place 480 years after the Exodus, but Josephus says 592 years, and the events recorded as occurring in the interval might be stretched out to fill up 700 years without difficulty ; but of these events or periods four have no duration stated, eleven are round or doubtful numbers of forty, or eighty, or twenty years, and only eleven have what may be called a definite duration given. Lepsius, having fixed a date for the Exodus 318 years before the accession of Solomon, took the definite, or, as he called them, the historical periods, as he found them, and found that the remaining years allowed an average of twelve for the indeterminate periods, which seems to me to be too short an allowance. The period which I suggest for the Exodus would give another century or more, thus allowing an average of nearly twenty years for the indeterminate periods. But this again depends upon what view is taken of the chronology as a whole ; it is generally considered that Ramessu II was succeeded by his son Mer-en-ptah in 1322 B.C., the date accepted by Lepsius, but we are now told by Mr. Schwartz and others that 1322 b.c. was not the date of the accession of Mer-en-ptah but of his grandfather Seti, in which case the 318 years allowed by Lepsius for

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the events between the Exodus and the building of the temple would shrink up to little more than two hundred, so that the idea that Mer-en-ptah was the king of the Exodus would unquestionably have to be abandoned. The time which I suggest for the Exodus, the end namely of the reign of Horemhebi or of Ramessu I, would then be brought down to the date fixed by Lepsius for the Exodus, and would therefore be nearer the foundation of the temple than I like it to be. If, however, 1322 b.c. were the date of the death of Ramessu II, and we allow a century for his reign and that of Seti I, my Exodus date would be about 1422 b.c. It will be observed that, as Ramessu II is known to have reigned 67 years, I am only allow- ing 33 years for his father Seti, instead of 50 which are usually assigned to him. This is because we have no evidence for the 50 years except that of Manetho, Seti's highest monumentally recorded year being his ninth, and because I think it highly improbable that a king having so extremely lengthy a reign as 67 years should be preceded by a father who had so unusually long a reign as 50 years, especially as Ramessu II was not an infant when he succeeded his father, but fought the battle of Kadesh in his 5th year. I naturally wish to shorten Seti's reign as much as is compatible with facts, in order that it and the earlier years of Ramessu II may fall within the period during which the Hebrews were, upon my hypothesis, in the wilderness and east of the Jordan, so that I may escape the objection I have urged against other theories, that, if the Hebrews had been in Palestine when Ramessu II was there he, or they, or both, would have recorded it.*

The principal points in favour of the hypothesis I have now put before you may be briefly summed up as follows : —

t. It accords with the known facts and with the probabilities both of Egyptian and Hebrew history better than any other theory.

2. It is supported by the identification of Pharaoh's daughter.

3. It does not violate any ascertained fact or reasonable proba- bility.

I have now to submit to you a second set of suggestions which may be accepted or rejected without in any way affecting the acceptance or rejection of those already made.

* If we allow fifty years for Seti, then 1322 + 67 for Ramessu + 50 for Seti = 1439 B.C., or within a year of the date fixed by Mr. Schwarz, though on a different system of chronology .

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Firstly, as to Osarsiph and the lepers. The account, as taken by Josephus from Manetho, is that after the departure of the Shepherds, a certain king Amenophis, son of Rampses, desiring to become a beholder of the gods, like Horus, one of his predecessors, consulted Amenophis the son of Paapis, a very holy man, who told him that if he cleansed the r.ountry of the lepers and other unclean people, he would be able to behold the gods. The king collected all the lepers in Egypt, numbering eighty thousand, and set them to work in the quarries east of the Nile apart from the other Egyptians ; but amongst them were some priests, in consequence of which Amenophis the prophet killed himself, leaving behind a prophecy that the lepers and unclean would revolt and govern Egypt for thirteen years. Amenophis the king then allowed them to leave the quarries and settle in Abaris, the former town of the Shepherds, where they appointed Osarsiph a priest of On as their leader, and swore to obey him in all things. Osarsiph forbade the Egyptian form of worship, allowed the sacred animals to be destroyed, and prepared to fight against the king, sending for help to Jerusalem, to the Shepherds who had been driven out by Tothmosis (meaning Aahmes not Thothmes). Amenophis the king then retired with his army of 300,000 men and his son Sethos or Rampses into Ethiopia, where they were received by the king of that country for the thirteen years of the prophecy, that king also placing an army of his own on the borders of Egypt to protect Amenophis and his army. Meanwhile the unclean people tyrannised abominably over the Egyptians whom Amenophis left behind, until, at the end of the thirteen years, he returned with his son Sethos or Rampses and his army and drove them out.

Josephus did not believe this account, but Lepsius thought it related to the Exodus, and that the king Amenophis was Mer-en-ptah, but it does not appear that that king retired into Ethiopia for thirteen years or any other period. Mr. Schwartz thinks the king Amenophis was Amenhotep III, and says that there was in his reign a great personage named Amenhotep-si-Hapi (son of Hapi or Apis), but the father of Amenhotep III was not named Rampses, nor was he, so far as I can discover, the grandfather of Ramessu I or of Seti I, though he might have been a more remote ancestor ; nor is there any reason to believe that he sought refuge in Ethiopia for thirteen years or any other period. It does not in fact seem possible to look upon this tale as it stands as being an accurate account of anything that really happened ; it seems rather to contain names

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and fragmentary accounts of occurrences of different periods brought together, perhaps long afterwards, for the purpose of connecting them with the Exodus, and annoying the Jews of a later age by representing their ancestors as lepers.

The period of thirteen years seems to me to connect this tale with a personage named Chebros or Chebron, who appears in Manetho's lists as reigning for thirteen years between Aahmes and Amenhotep I, while these same years also seem to be assigned by monumental evidence to Amenhotep I, conjointly with his mother Aahmes Nefertari, and I therefore suggest, firstly, that the rebellious priest Osarsiph and the interloping ruler Chebros were one and the same ; and, secondly, that this Osarsiph Chebros, or Chebron Osarsiph, was no other than our old friend the viceroy Joseph, who had been appointed to that position by Aahmes.

In suggesting this, it is not necessary to infer that the virtue which was proof against the temptations of a first master's wife, failed when exposed to the temptations of a second master's kingdom. Joseph (if he it were) may not have exceeded the limits of his original commis- sion ; he and the Queen Mother may have been appointed by Aahmes as guardians of or co-regents with Amenhotep I, and Amenhotep, disapproving of this, may have gone south of his own accord ; there may then have been a contest between Amenhotep, supported by the southern Egyptians and Ethiopians on the one hand, and Joseph, supported by the Queen Mother and her party, and by his own kindred, and the Hyksos population which remained in or returned to the Delta, on the other hand.* In this case it is probable that the Semitic wing of this alliance would sooner or later outrage the susceptibilities of their Egyptian friends, and drive them into joining hands with Amenhotep and his party, with the result that the king was recalled, and the Semites repressed. Some such transactions as these may well have formed the basis of the leper story, into which other names and circumstances were probably imported at a later date.

If these conjectures be correct, Joseph and Jacob must have entered Egypt in the reign of Aahmes, and soon after the downfall of the Hyksos, when the detestation of the Shepherds by the

* The Rev. H. G. Tomkins considers that traces of the Hyksos population may still be found in the Delta ("Journal, Anthropological Institute," Vol. XIX,

p. 195)-

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Egyptians, which is dwelt upon in the Old Testament, was very strong. Assuming this to be so, and that the Exodus took place at the end of the reign of Horemhebi, or of Ramessu I, the Hebrews would perhaps have been rather longer in Egypt than the 215 years assigned to their stay by Josephus ; but Lepsius has shown that this 215 years is a round number, being just half the 430 years said to have elapsed between the visit of Abraham and the Exodus, which he also considered to be a round or artificial number. The difference, however, would not be very great, and would allow more time for the increase of the Hebrew population.

As I have already pointed out, these latter suggestions regarding Joseph may be accepted or rejected without involving the acceptance or the rejection of my suggestions respecting the Exodus ; but, taking them as a whole, I venture to submit them as a reasonable and consistent working hypothesis.

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REMARKS ON THE TABLET OF THE THIRTY STARS.

Part II. By Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A.

I.

Line 2, Star No. II.

Hf- & 1 Hf-

Vr *

bar - ra 'Ilu

A - nu

Hyaena. 1 The-god

Anu

Kakkab Lik The-Star of-the- Hyaena.

The Akkadian Likbarra ("Striped-dog"), the Assyrian ayu{ahu) and Hebrew tf#x> is tne Hyaena, the oxzw being the " doleful creatures" of the A.V. in Isaiah, xiii, 21.* In W.A.I. II, 49, No. 3, line 38, the star Lik-bar-ra is explained as ^ *-^<] ^, a-khu-u ; the syllable ra is the phonetic prolongation, used in the emphatic. In W.A.I. II, 49, No. 4, line 41, the Star Lik-bar-ra occurs in a list of por- tents with the Stars of the Stag, Dog, Fish, etc. There is no " Star of the Fish " amongst the Thirty, for Fomalhaut\ seems to have been too far to the south to be included; and Pisces is a dark constel- lation, and one which certain " sage astrologers dubbed a most malignant sign. "J Okda (" the Knot," called Nodus, in Cicero's Aratos), a Piscium, which Ptolemy describes as 6 tV/ -rou awdeajaov

* The LXX renders the passage, Kai tn-K\r]Qr\aoiTai 01 oIkicu yxov. Delitzsch and others translate oxim 'jackals,' but I prefer the view of the Rev. Wm. Houghton {Transactions, V, p. 328).

t Vide Proceedings, Jan., p. 147.

X Smyth. He refers to John Gadbury. The Schol. on Aratos, Phainomena, 240, says of the Northern Fish, XaASaioi KaXovaiv 'l\9vi' xeAcrWiat'. Pisces is a dark constellation as connected in symbolism with the nocturnal sun (vide Proceedings, Jan., p. 145) ; but was not a malignant sign in Babylonia, for " If the Star of the Fish (return) justice is in the land" (W.A.I. II, 49, No. 4, line 46), the month Addaru, the month of Pisces, being under the protection of " the Seven Great Gods"; and when Mars was opposite to "the Star of the Fish, the presence of many fish in the land (is) reported" (W.A.I. Ill, 57, No. 2, line 3). Although Fomalhaiit is probably the star here specially referred to, yet the time was the same, for, as Aratos observes, —

" With the Fishes comes The Fish which lies beneath the dusky- <7<Mtf" {Phainomena, 701-2). 180

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twi> ft \ivwv, "the one at the knot of the two cords," a third magni- tude star, is styled, by Aratos : —

" both beautiful and large, And this men call the tail-connecting link ;"*

but I think Okda, which is very near the Ram's forepaws, is included in Asterism No. Ill, and that we may identify the Constellation of the Hyaena with a 7, and £ Pegasi. My friend Mr. John T. Plummer, of the Orwell Park Observatory, who has kindly assisted me in this investigation, is of opinion that at least three stars of Pegasus would be included in the Thirty Stars (or Asterisms). Pegasus is a paranatellon of Aquarius and Pisces, and its stars form the 26th and 27th lunar mansions of the Arabians; for « Andro- medae, in the 27th lunar mansion, is Sirrah] (= Surra al Peras, " the-Navel-of-the-horse "). In the Tablet, Star No. XVII is called the Horse ; but this, as we shall see, is not Pegasus.%

Line 3, Star No. III.

Kakkab Gam Kakku sa kati D.P. Maruduk

The-Star of -the- Scimitar \ The-weapon of the-hand of Merodax-

Star No. Ill supplies an excellent instance alike of the difficulties and of the interest of the investigation ; I give several opinions, and the reader must decide for himself.

The name has been read Papnu, and interpreted as "the Hero- of-setting," i.e., "Saturn, according to Oppert."§ This view may, I think, be safely rejected ; there is no planet amongst the Thirty Stars. Saturn appears in its proper place with the other planets in Part II of the Tablet. The Star occurs with others in W.A.I. II, 49, No. 1, but not so as to enable us to identify it from that passage. The form, in Assyrian ^-^J^^Es^, Akkadian gam, zubu, appears in Professor Sayce's Syllabary, No. 15, with the Assyrian equivalents

* Phainomena, 244-5. ^s magnitude may possibly have varied.

t A £wb(; artT)]p, common to both constellations (Aratos, Phainomena, 206).

X The winged Demi-horse, described by Aratos {Phainomena, 205-15), is exactly shown on coins of Lampsakos and Skepsis (vide Lajard, Culte </e I Vnits, PI. XXIV, Fig. 18), where the wings show Phoiniko-Euphratean treatment. The Pegasos-myth is connected with Asia Minor, and the Winged-horse also appears on a Hittite gem (vide Proceedings, Feb., 1884 ; Lajard, Culte dt Mithra, PI. XLIV, Fig. 3«).

§ Transactions, III, p. 173.

l8l

Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

gamlu, 'benefit,' and sicru, 'kindness.' The Rev. William Houghton, in his admirable Paper, The Birds of the Assyrian Monuments and Records, after noticing that Gain-gam is an Akkadian name of the Ostrich, and that gam "is in the syllabaries compared with gi-mil-lu ('to recompense') and sikru, a 'reward,'" observes, "It is not easy to see the exact meaning of this expression as applied to the Ostrich." The expression, as we shall see, does not apply to it at all ; but an Assyrian name for the Ostrich is sa-ka-tuv, which " may be compared with the Arabic saka ', ' abiit, declivavit, deflexit a via recta,' and may allude to the well-known habit of these birds always running in circles when hunted."*

Mr. Pinches, who at times has kindly assisted me in these investigations, wrote, " Perhaps it would be better to read gam, which is translated in Assyrian by sikru, and refer it to ' the weapon,' as 'the drinker' (of blood.")f This is ingenious, but, I think, on the wrong track. The weapon gam, whatever it may be, is not regarded as a ' blood-drinker,' but is so valuable that it has come to be equivalent to ' benefit ' in a general sense.

Mr. Bertin reads j^^jr^Es^ in this passage as the Assyrian gamlu, or sikru, and whichever of these is the correct reading, he regards as meaning ' ostrich.' According to him, therefore, the right translation is "the Star of the Ostrich." To this it may be objected that: (1) Not gam, but gam-gam {i.e., intensive — the Gam):}: is the name of the Ostrich, (2) The Ostrich does not appear on the monuments as a star or constellation. (3) It is impossible to understand how the Ostrich could be Merodax's weapon ; on the contrary, we find the god engaged in contest with this bird. Thus, a god, presumably Merodax, because armed with the saparu, or sickle-shaped sword, which " is always represented, both in the sculptures and inscriptions, as a weapon of Bel Merodach,"§ in the war against the dragon Tiamat, grasps a large Ostrich, which is evidently crying out, by the neck, and apparently is about to slay it. || The same divinity, four-winged in each instance, is repre- sented as standing between two great Ostriches, each of which he

* Transactions, VIII, p. IOI.

t He appears to connect Sikru, with the Heb. shothoh, 'drink,' % Cf. the Heb. peace + peace =" perfect peace." § Smith and Sayce, Chaldean Account of Genesis, p. 109. || Lajard, Culte de Mithra, PI. LI, Fig. 8. 182

Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

gripes by the neck;* and Mr. Franklin T. Richards well remarks, " Very far-reaching were the connexions between animal life and the mythology of the Greeks and Orientals, and strange are the forms in which their mythology found expression in art — art sometimes carrying on a religious tradition, of which the meaning must have been quite lost for the sculptor. One of the best illustrations of this is the series of monuments put together by Dr. Keller to illustrate the various steps which connect the Boy and Goose of Boethos with Assyrian or Persian figures of deity strangling geese or other creatures as a symbol of the godhead controlling nature. The imagery was traditional ; its meaning was forgotten, "f

We observe, then, that the Assyrian name for the Ostrich meant " the circle," an appellation suggested by the habits of the bird. Had the Akkadian ostrich-name gam-gam a similar meaning, and did gam mean, "to circle," "be bent," 'bent,' etc.? It did. Lenormant, in his Syllabary, gives, No. 1 8, " ^^J^cEs^, gam, aller en cercle, revenir periodiquement ; znbu, revenir periodiquement." % And the Rev. C. J. Ball compares the Akkadian "gam, gin, 'to bend,' 'bow,'" with the Chinese "yz'n, 'to bend a bow' (cp. Cantonese k'am, 'to lean over.')"§ But the comparison may be greatly extended, and here we see an instance of the advantages arising from the identification of Akkadian as a member of the great Turanian family of languages ; for, when we turn to the Turko- Tataric dialects, we find at once the root kom, komb, kun, ' round,' etc., whence the Uigur kom-av, 'amulet,' i.e., that which is round ;|| the Tchagatai kom, "camel's hump," kom-bul, 'knob,' etc. As w-final at times changes to n (e.g. kom-kun), and n into r,% the Akkadian gam and Turko-Tataric kom, komb, reappear in the Lapponic jo-r-ba, 'rotundus,' and the Magyar gor-be, 'curvus';** and so we find the Magyar gomb, "a sphere," gomb-bly u, 'round,' the Zyrianian

* Lajard, Culte de Mithra, PI. LI, Fig. 9.

t Academy, Oct. 13, 1888, p. 243.

J Vide Lenormant, Etude sur quclques parties des Syllabaires Cimciformcs, p. 294: "gam, etre courbe."

§ The New Accadian, in Proceedings, Nov., 1889, p. II.

|| Vambery compares in illustration, the Tchagatai tom-ar, 'amulet,' with turn, 'round.'

11" Vide Schott, Das Zahhvort, 20 ; R. B., Jr., The Etruscan Numerals, p. 2S.

** Vide Budenz, Magyar-Ugor Oss. Szdtdr, p. 61.

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^Sr-byltny, 'bent,' etc., etc. Gam, therefore, "the weapon of Merodax," is that which is 'round,' 'bent,' or 'curved,' namely, the safari/, "sickle-shaped sword," or scimitar already referred to, and one of his principal weapons against the Dragon.* In line 26, Star No. XXII, is similarly described as mul-mid-la kakku sa kati D.P. Maruditk. Talbot rendered mulmitlla, ' falchion. 'f The ideograph is star + star + the phonetic prolongation (la) ; as mul means 'star' and 'brightness,' mulmulla = " the very bright one." The solar disk with its arrowy rays,:): lightnings, and stars are all weapons of Merodax against darkness and chaos.

In line 49 we have the important information that the Ram is

saku - sa - risi kakkabi Gam

The-uppertnost-part of-the-Star of-the-Scimilar ;

from which I conclude that the constellation of the Scimitar ex- tended from Okda% to Hamal ("the Ram," a Arietis), the Star "Ty, also called Kakkab A-nuv kakkab Lu-lim, || " the Star of Anu (i.e.,) the Ram." The curved blade of the Scimitar would consist of a, /3, and 7 Arietis, and would appear in heaven just over the head of Cetus, the Tiamat-monster, and next to Perseus, the analogue of Merodax, if not actually Merodax himself.^" We observe further that two lists of asterisms, solar and lunar, are evidently familiar to the scribe, who, in his notes on the archaic Akkadian lunar list, is

* I shall not here discuss what the saparn represented. As to the weapons of Merodax, vide the Hymn W.A.I. II, 19, No. 2. Translated by Prof. Sayce in Rel. Anct. Babylonians, p. 480, et sea.

t The Fight between Bel and the Dragon, in Transactions, V, p. 15. It is also translated "the shaft (of the sword)" (Smith and Sayce, Chaldean Account of Genesis, p. III).

X Cf. Macrobius, Saturnalia, I, 17: " Sagittarum autem nomine non nisi radiorum iactus ostenditur."

§ Vide sup. , p. 180.

|1 W.A.I. Ill, 53, No. 1, Rev., line 30.

% As to the Oriental origin and character of the Family-group of Constellations (Cpheus, Cassiopeia, Andromeda, and Perseus), vide R. B., Jr., The Unicorn, sec. vii ; Eri Janus, p. 69 ; The Heavenly Display, p. 90 ; Ttimpel, Die Aithiopen- lander des Androinedatnythos ; Gruppe, Der pkoinikische Urtext der Kassiepeia- legende. Perseus is also specially represented both in literature and art, as using this same particular weapon, the khereb, harpi, " portentous sickle," or scimitar.

184

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thus careful to point out that the Scimitar (in part) = the well-known and famous solar Ram, which, cir. B.C. 2540, became the "dux et princeps Signorum."

Line 4, Star No. IV.

6 + *= Hf %Y %Y -eT

Kakkab Bar - tab - ba - gal - gal - la The-star of -the- Great- Twins.

There are many great and little twin-stars in the heavens, and, as previously noticed,* the well-known " Great Twins " of the solar Zodiac are Castor and Pollux ; but here we traverse the same region (the ecliptic) from a different starting-point ; and as we know exactly where we have now reached, /. e., immediately to the east of Aries, we have no difficulty in recognizing "the Great Twins" as the two famous asterisms of the Pleiades and the Hyades, the 3rd Arabian moonstation, including Aldebarati (" He-that-follows " — the Pleiades), the 4th Arabian moon-station, so constantly coupled by the classic writers, from the UXijuicwi 6' \ «cH? of the Iliad downwards. Speak- ing of Perseus, Aratos says : —

" Near his left thigh together sweep along The flock of Cluslerers.f Not a mighty space Holds all, and they themselves are dim to see. And seven paths aloft men say they take, Yet six alone are viewed by mortal eyes. From Zeus' abode no star unknown is lost Since first from birth we heard, j They thus together small and faint roll on, Yet notable at morn and eve through Zeus, Who bade them show when winter first begins, And summer, and the season of the plough." §

* Proceedings, Feb. 18S9, p. 151.

t Vide Hahn, Tsuni \\ Goam, p. 147. I think this derivation is decidedly preferable to that which connects the name with a "sailing season." Note also the description of the Cluster, and cf. the Heb. Kimah (Job ix, 9; xxxviii, 31 ; Amos v, 8), the Pleiades, which "is evidently nothing but the Assyrian kir/itit, 'family.' The stem is hamu, ' to tie,' the family being called kimtu because its members are connected by one common tie " (Delitzsch, The Hebrew Language viewed in the Light of Assyrian Research, pp. 69-70).

X (Of anything. )

§ Phainomena, 254-60, 264-7.

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[1890.

Aratos does not include the Pleiades in Taurus, of which latter he says : —

" The horned Bull, fallen near the Driver's feet, Behold. And very like him lie the stars ; Thus is his head distinguished ; other mark Is needless to discern the head, since stars On both sides shape it as they roll along. Much mentioned is their name, nor, soothly, are The Rainy-ones unheard of. They have place On the whole front of the Bull:'*

The following diagram of the Ptolemaic Taurus illustrates how the original lunar Bullf was reduplicated in the constellational Bull, and shows the "Great" and "Little Twins "in the scheme of the Thirty Stars.

J, Fig. II.

\ The Lunar Bull

(Hittite Symbol from Hamath).

Fig. I. The Ptolemaic Taurus.

The Gut-an-na (" Bull-of-heaven ") is in the kharran Samsi ("Sun-path"), and is mentioned in connexion with rain.J As

* Phainomena, 167-74. + Vide Fig. 2.

J W.A.I. Ill, 53, No. I, Rev., lines 15-16. This well accords with the "pluviae Hyades " (Vergil, Aen. I, 744; III, 516), "tristes Hyades" (Horace, Car. I, iii, 4). " Ilyadas Grains ab imbre vocat " (Ovid, Fasti, V, 166). Thales said they were two in number, a northern and a southern star.

186

Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

noticed,* Sarnerra and Gallamta-uddua are regent divinities of the "Great Twins," together with

Hf- <« < HP- fcTT

D.P. Sin u D.P. Nergal The Moon and the Great-hero.

The " Hero," Ner, Nerra, is the Death-god, called " Nergal of the Apparitions," f patron divinity of the Akkadian town Gudua ("the Resting-place "), Semitic Kutu, where was a famous necropolis. Hence, "the men of Cuth," when transplanted into the land of Israel, still "made Nergal "their special god.J The Moon-god is appropriately connected with the peculiarly lunar constellation Taurus ;§ and Bartabba is a title of Nergal. || Gal {ci. the Turkic kulli, 'great') + gal= "very great"; la, the emphatic prolongation So we find *-*-} £]>- t^>~- ^y,1T Akkadian Dingir-gal-gal-la, Assyrian Hi rabati, " the great gods."

Line 6, Star No. V. jr>^Y *f- »^ ^f ^Z *^Z

Kakkab Bar - tab - ba - du - du The-Star of- the - Little - Twins.

D.P. Si-du u D.P. Nin - sar The-goddess Sidu, and the goddess Lady-of-rising.

Bartabba = (lit.) " The-double (t= , taba) half" (>f , bar.) "The Little Twins," as will be seen from Fig. 1, must be Nath (" Horn-push," (3 Tauri) and £ Tauri. Ninsar is a name of Istar**

* Sup. (Jan.), p. 148. t W.A.I. Ill, 67, 70, ap. Sayce.

X 2 Kings xvii, 30. Oi civSpiQ Xov6 t-woirjirav ti)v 'KpytA (LXX, in loc. ).

§ Vide R. B. , Jr., Remarks on the Zodiacal Virgo, sec. viii. Cf. Porphyry : "The Moon, who presides over generation, was called by the ancients a Bull. Taurus is the exaltation of the Moon" {Peri tou Nymph. Ant., VIII).

|| W.A.I. Ill, 68, 68. 1" Tablet S. 27, line 46.

** " The true etymology " of the non-Semitic goddess-name Istar (or As -tar) is said to have been "buried in the night of antiquity " (Sayce, Rel. And. Babylonians, p. 257. Prof. Sayce regards Esther as a variant); but it at once appears on a comparison with the cognate dialects: — Sumero-Ak. Zr(-tar), Magyar /.r(-ten), Kamacintzi Esch, Arintzi Eisch ('God'), Yenissei-Ostiak Es (' heaven ') ; for, as Castren observes, "Allen altaischen Volkern am meisten den himmlischen Gott

187 P

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as connected with the planet Venus ; Istar -Venus is, however, generally called -^jEf >^k] *"H( >~<F>* Nin-si-an-na, " Lady-of-the- garden-of-heaven."

Line 7 couples as also regent divinities of " The Little Twins," '/lu Si-du, "and the goddess Ninsar" whose name occurs, too, in the second part of line 6. "The goddess Sidu" appears to be "Siduri, the Istar of wisdom." f As Si-du = ' eye ' + "the goer," J we have here a lunar Istar, appropriately presiding over the stars of the Bull, and afterwards reduplicated in a planetary Istar.

Line 8, Star No. VI.

© ^ I Hf- d*T

Kakkab Sar | D.P. Maruduk

The-Star of-the King. \ Merodax

Prof. Sayce remarks of the Akkadian Pantheon, that " its several personages, mostly forms of the Sun, were identified with [or, rather, as I should prefer to express it — were reduplicated in] the planets and the stars." § Thus, in W.A.I. Ill, 53, 2, we find that Merodax, who is primarily the Sun, was reduplicated in various stars in different months, and in the month Tebet was Sarru, " the King," a word used by the Akkadai in the borrowed form Sar, = Akkadian, Un-gal, " Great-man," = ' King."

Es verehren " {Die Finiiische Mytliologie, p. 228). He gives Asa and Yzyt as south Siberian forms {Ibid., p. 186). It reappears in the well-known Etruscan Ais-ax ('god,' or, rather 'gods.' Vide Suetonius, Augustus, c. 97 ; Hesychios : Ai'irof Otol virb Tvpprivwv). The tar in Is-tar = the Ak. tier, 'small,' 'young' (cf. Ak. tur-rak, -rakki, " little-woman "=' daughter '), Finnic tar, ' son,' 'child,' ty-tar, 'girl,' Mordvin tsora, 'son,' Magyar der, 'girl,' Asiatic Turkic tura (vide Lenormant, Chaldean Magic, pp. 300-1), Etruscan etera, 'child.' Is-tar = "Heaven-child," " Daughter-of- Heaven. " Tar is the most common ending for the names of the female mythological personages mentioned in the Kalcvala, the great epic poem of Finland, e.g., Etele-tar (a daughter of the South-wind), Ilma- tar { Daughter of the Air), Ka.leva.-tar (the Daughter of Kaleva = ' Hero '), Lowya- tar (the Daughter of Tuoni, the god of death ; cf. the Ak. god Tu, 'Death'), etc.

* Vide W.A.I. II, 57, 20.

f W.A.I. IV, 58-9, Col. iv, line 2, ap. Sayce. Mr. Boscawen reads "the goddess of wisdom " ( Transactions, VI, p. 540), ' Istar ' being used at times in the general sense of goddess.

% Cf. the Hellenic moon-name 16, "the Goer." t^j also="to wax" (as the moon).

§ Transactions, Til, p. 166.

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Now the Tablet of the Thirty Stars has some special connexion with three particular months, Kisleu, Tebet (December-January), and Sebat * We may, therefore, identify the Star of the King with the upper part of Orion, Betelgeux (a Orionis) and Bellatrix (7 Orionis), and the stars adjoining. Of these, X and 0 form the 5th Arabian moon-station, and the warrior Merodax well corresponds with the mighty giant hunter, f Meroda^, as a sun-god, " was identified with the ancient [Akkadian] Gudibir ("the-Bull-of-light "), and astrology taught that he was one and the same with each of the twelve zodiacal signs." \ This Euphratean doctrine appears in full development in late classical times.§

Line 9, Star No. VII.

^HJ ^ JU W til I Hf- 5=Atf -TTTT T

Kakkab I - ik ai | D.P. Gibil nun-lal

The-Star the-River of -waters. The- Fire-god, the prince.

The Akkadian i-ik ai, = Assyrian iku mie. Ik = Assyrian nam ' river,' and " the River " in question will be the famous Eridanus, which now begins at Kigel ("the. Foot" of Orion, /3 Orionis), and which perhaps begun at the £e/t-stars in this scheme.||

The regent-divinity of the Hirer is the Fire-god, often identified with the Sun-god, and the connexion between the latter and Eridanus, I have fully illustrated elsewhere. The name of the Akkadian Fire-god Kibir. the Sumerian Gibil, according to Lenor- rnant, reappears in the name of the Emperor Ela-gaoai-us ; and, as has been remarked by Prof. Lacouperie, is found in the Mongolian ghel, and other Turanian words for ' fire.' In an " Incantation to Fire," Gi-bil or Bil-gi is addressed as " The Fire-god, the prince who (is) in the lofty country." ^[

* Vide Part III, line 54.

+ For a full consideration and analysis of the mythological and non-Hellenic Orion, vide R. B., Jr., The Great Dionysiak Myth, II, p. 270 el sea. ; Eridanus p. 9-10 ; The Myth of Kir M, p. 146 et seq.

X Sayce, Rel. And. Babylonians, p. 107.

§ Vide Macrobius, Saturnalia, I, 21, where the connexion between the Sun and the Signs is set forth at length. " Nee solus Leo sed signa quoque universa zodiaci ad naturam solis iure referuntur. "

|| Vide R. B., Jr., Eridanus, River and Constellation.

*i W.A.I. IV, 14, Rev., line 3, ap. Budge.

189 P 2

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Line 10, Star No. VIII.

e -<t* ih in hf- -m ^r w

Kakkab Pal - lik - a | D.P. Na - na - a The-Star of-the Crossing-dog. | The-goddess Nana.

The next remarkable star near the ecliptic is Procyon (Cam's Minor). Nana ("the Lady"), is in origin a phase of Istar ; and, according to Lenormant, she was called Nin-ka-si (" the-Lady-with- the-horned-countenance "), = the Moon.*

Line 12, Star No. IX.

Kakkab Mu - sir - kes - da D.P. A - nim The-Star Yoke - of- the - enclosure of Anu,

IT- ^TTT- ¥ -HP- m Hf- %h

rabu - u sa same rabi

prince of the-heaven great.

As regards the star-name, I follow the reading kindly given me by Prof. Sayce, but, for obvious reasons, cannot agree with him that the constellation Draco is intended. " The enclosure of Anu " would seem to be the ecliptic. As to the idea of a ' yoke,' vide Proceedings, Jan., 1890, p. 146 ; and for the latter part of this line, vide the remarks of Mr. Bertin, The Pre-Akkadian Semites, p. 4. Taking the ecliptic-stars in their order, we may identify the Yoke-of the-enclosure with Pollux (/3 Geminoruni), the 7th Arabian moon- station.

Line 13, Star No. X.

Kakkab Tur-us mal ma% D.P. Danu

The-Star Son-of-the-supreme-temple. \ The divine Judge.

This Star will be Castor (a Geminoruni). The Pole-star was called, in Akkadian, Tir-anna, Assyrian, Dayan - same, " Judge-of- heaven " ; but the original " divine Judge " is the Sun-god.

* For illustration of the mythological connexion between the Dog and the Moon, vide R. B., Jr., The Unicorn, Sec. vi.

190

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Line 14, Star No. XI.

Kakkab Gis-bar namru sa pan Bel - me - khi - ra The-Star Wood-qf-light the shining which before Bel-the-Confronter (is).

" Bel-the-Confronter " is Ursa Major* Prof. Sayce recently supplied me with the reading, " The fire of light which (is) before Bel the voice of the firmament " (mo sdrra) ; but I do not think that any part of the line, except the name of the Star, is in Akkadian. Mr. Bertin reads, " Which before Bel is going in front " ; and renders the line, "The shining disc which goes before Bel" remark- ing that the group tf >f- "is a kind of weapon, or disc, which was thrown at the enemy." In a Hymn to Meroda^ the god Anu is made to exclaim : —

" In my right hand the god who binds the hosts of the firmament

I bear. The Sun-god of fifty faces, the falchion which proclaims me as

Anu I bear."t

The sun is the original disk hurled at darkness by the heaven- power, and here the solar disk is reduplicated in a stellar disk, which, being next on the list and opposite the Great Bear, there is no difficulty in identifying with the upper part of the Sickle, in Leo, the stars of which form an excellent circle, while the whole of it exactly represents in form the " sickle-shaped sword " of Meroda^- Perseus.J The Sickle forms the 10th Arabian moon-station. What the actual name of this Star was, is very doubtful : for Gisbar is merely, like fcf ^TT^y *{-, Gis-dhu-bar, a phonetic reading, and the name may be written ideographically. At one time Prof. Sayce thought the Akkadian pronunciation of £| HT^y »|_ was Kibir-ra . § ^y is the determinative prefix for 'tree' and 'wood,' and >\-, as Mr. Boscawen has pointed out, || "appears to contain the elements of the primitive fire-stick." The Akkadian Fire-god, like the Vedic Agni, is doubtless the Son of the Two Sticks.

* Vide R. B., Jr., On Euphratcan Names of the Constellation Ursa J. {Proceedings, March, 1887).

+ W.A.I. II, 19, No. 2, Rev., lines 8, 10, ap. Sayce. X Vide sup., p. 184. § Vide sup., p. 189.

|| Transactions, VI, p. 275.

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Line 15, Star No. XII.

Kakkab Gub - ba(-ra) mes - su - tu E - kur

The-Star Fire-flame, time of-the-House-of-the-East.

Prof. Sayce renders Gubarra, " Fire-flame," and observes that the Sumerian Gubarra is an older form of the Akkadian Afubarra, and that the form gis-bar (' fire ') shows that the original name was Gnsbarra ; gus, "the sky," gus, "fire," and gus^qin, "the yellow metal " (gold) being connected words. Kibir-ra and Gibil are " dialectal forms of Gubarra." With gus compare the Uigur kis, kiz, ' fiery,' 'warm,' the Tchagatai kizi, 'warm,' the Kazan kizil, 'red,' the Kirgish kizil, 'beautiful,' the Aderbijan kizil, 'gold,' 'red,' the Osmanli kiz-mak, the Koibal-Karagass kezel, 'red,' etc. "The Star Fire-flame" will be Regulus (a Leonis). Kur =" mountain (the east)." " Le e-kur cosmique est la terre et la region souterraine . . le e-kur est assimile a l'arali comme region infernale."* "Beyond the mountain, and to the north-east, extended the land of Arali, which was very rich in gold, and was inhabited by the gods and spirits.""!" The regent divinities of this Star are Sin and Nergal.

Line 16, Star No. XIII.

Kakkab 'ilu Ku - a mes-su-tu E - kur

The-Star of-the-god Kua, time of-the-House-of-the-East.

Kua is an 'oracle,' Merodax is called Kua as the oracle-god, and his special sanctuary "went by the name of E-kua, 'the house of the oracle.' ?J The next stars in order are Zosma (" Back hair," c Leonis) and 6 Leonis, which form the nth Arabian moon-station, and the regent divinities are Anu and Bel.

Line 17, Star No. XIV.

Kakkab Lamas - su mikid-isati ilu Ba - u

The-Star the Colossus, the-buming-of-flre ofthe-goddess Baku.

* Lenormant, Les Origines de V Histoirc, II, p. 232, note I.

t Ibid., Chaldean Ma^ic, p. 152. As to Arali, vide Proceedings, May, 1888, P- 355- The Rev. E. G. King, Akkadian Genesis, p. 22, has some interesting remarks on E-kur.

X Sayce, Rel. And. Babylonians, p. 95.

. 192

Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

The lamma, primitive form lamas, Assyrian lamassu, was the symbolical, human-headed, winged bull, the guardian of a temple- entrance. As to the goddess Bahu, identical or identified with the ^>J_ £^ ^y, *tfu Gu-la, " the goddess Gula," who is mentioned in the second part of the line, vide Proceedings, May, 1888, p. 351. The next Star in order is Denebola ("Tail-of-Lion "), which forms the 1 2th Arabian moon-station. The solar Lion, it will be observed, is not represented in this scheme.

Line 18, Star No. XV.

*b tf@ ^n < -4- **] -0j bh

Kakkab Nin - sar u D.P. Ur - ra - gal The-Star Lady-of-heaven, and the-god-of-the-Great-city.

HF- fctf ' '< * ~ *£

D.P. Nergal u U - bi - turn

Nergal and the Double-one-of-evening.

We now come to the zodiacal Virgo* the two leading stars in which, fi and 7 Virgin is, forming part of the 13th Arabian moon- station, and described by Ptolemy as " the one at the top of the southern and left wing," and "the foremost of the four in the left wing," will answer to the Lady-of-heaven and Urragal (= Nergal). " A punning etymology connected his name with ' the great city ' {uru-gal), as if it had been Ne(r)-uru-gal, 'the Ner of Hades. '"f Ubitum or Ahbitum is "evidently the same as Istar,"J in her planetary phase as " Star of the morn and eve." The two stars Ninsar and Urragal are elsewhere named together.

Line 19, Star No. XVI.

*H *Hr Hf- ^TT ^

Kakkab Dannu 'ilu Da - mu

The-Star of-the Hero (i.e.), the god Sky -furrow.

This Star seems to be Zavijava (' Angle,' 7 Virginis), which forms part of the 13th Arabian moon-station. "My hero the god Darau," is alluded to in W.A.I. IV, 30; da has the meaning of 'furrow,' and mu of 'sky,' Assyrian, samu.

* Vide R. B., Jr., Remarks on the Zodiacal Virgo (in the Yorkshire Archaeo- logical Journal, 1S86).

f Sayce, Rcl. Anct. Babylonians, p. 195. J ^r- Pinches to R. B., Jr.

193

Hf-

T? *•

D.P.

A - nu

Ami.

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Line 20, Star No. XVII.

Kakkab D.P. (Ansu) Kur - ra D.P. Ramanu icabbid

The-Star of-the-Animal-from-thc-East. | The-god Rimmoji-is-terrible.

"The Animal from the East" is the Horse.* In W.A.I. Ill, 53, No. 1, lines 26-7, we meet with the Star «~| ^^f| KEE*" ^TI » translated by Prof. Sayce, " Rimmon-is-terrible," but in Akkadian, Iin-dugud-khu, ' Storm ' -f ' much ' + ' bird,' " the Great Storm-bird," that is "the Bird of the divine storm-cloud," "the Giant-bird," etc., which appears in Euphratean legend f as Lugal-tudda, " the Lusty- king." The constellation in question is Corvus. Of the Water- snake, Aratos says that " the end

" Bears a Crow's form which seems to peck the fold ; " \

and true to its original mythological connexion with the storm-cloud, we read of Im-dugud-khu, "that star for mist (and) tempest is." §

Line 21, Star No. XVIII,

Kakkab Lu - lim Bel - me - khi - ra

The-Star of-the-Stag. \ Ursa Major. \

As to Lxdim, vide Sayce, Transactions, III, p. 172; Rel. And. Babylonians, p. 284. Mr. Bertin is inclined to read "r^f ^f*~, dassu, "translated by some 'Gazelle.'" The next Star in order is 8 Vir- ginis, which is below the Great Bear, and forms part of the 13th Arabian moon-station.

Line 22, Star No. XIX.

^EEYr ^ <&k*\ < Hh -If Spfl tM

Kakkab Mulu izi u D.P. La - ta - rak ]

The-Star Ma?i-qf-fire, and the-god Latarak. \

Hf- <« < ~f £5\

D.P. Sin u D.P. Nergal The Moon and Nergal.

* Vide Transactions, V, p. 51.

t Vide R. B. , Jr. , Eridanus, pp 69-70.

X Phainomtna, 449. § W.A.I. Ill, 53, No. 1, line 27.

|| Vide Star No. XI.

194

Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

The next Star is Vindemiatrix* apparently formerly brighter than at present. " The god Latarak " is named on a Planisphere, and in W.A.I. IV, 21, No. 1, we read (ap. Sayce) ; —

"Against all evil that cannot be faced (set) the Honey-god and Latarak [/. e., their images] in the gate."

And in W.A.I. IV, 58, 59, Latarak is called "the divine king of the desert (Eden)."

Line 23, Star No. XX.

Kakkab Bilat j Emuku Tin - tir - ki The-Star the-Lady, \ Might of-the-Abode-of-Life.

The Lady is Belat (Beltis), the wife of Bel ; Tintirki is a common name for Babylon, and the Star in question is Spica (a Virginis), which forms the 14th Arabian moon-station.

Line 24, Star No. XXI.

Kakkab En - te - na - mas - luv D P. Ip.

The-Star of-the-Tip-qf "-the- Tail \ The-god the- Creator

Whatever might be the exact meaning of the Akkadian name Entenamasluv, or Entemasmur,\ it is explained by the Assyrian Sir etsen-tsiri,\ "the Tip of the Tail," a name suitable to various stars, e.g., to Denebola.% The star Entenamasluv is equated with the As- syrian Khabatsi-ranu, "a Lily," which, Prof. Sayce observes, "grows up like a tail." In a list of animal-names or of names more or less connected with animals, || we meet with the >-t^£^^[ >f- ~feiz, Sa^-masiuv, explained by the Assyrian t-t-] *] *JJ1 S^YfTcr, ap-par- ru-u, which, according to Delitzsch, is a variant of the Heb. opher, "a gazelle." Be this as it may, we now come to a very curious piece of corroborative evidence. It will be obvious to anyone who has read the foregoing remarks, that the Star (or Constellation) Entenamasluv must be, or be in, or near the Constellation no\v| called Libra. The Rev. Wm. Houghton having remarked, "I am

* Vide Proceedings, Feb., 1889, p. 150. \ W.A.I. Ill, 57, line 55.

X Ibid., II, 49, 47. § Vide Proceedings, Feb., 18S9, p. 150.

|| W.A.I. II, 6. % Vide Proceedings, Feb., 1S89, p. 146.

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Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

unable to give any explanation of the Assyrian word apparru," Prof. Sayce adds in a foot-note,* " Arabic dictionaries give afr as 'statio quaedam lunae ' or ' tres stellulae in Libra ' [italics mine], but I do not know on what authority." Whatever the authority it appears to be perfectly correct, and of very ancient date ; what animal may be represented by sax-wasluv, apparru, and afr, whether bear, boar, gazelle, or any other, does not specially concern us in the present investigation, but it is clear that the three stars of Libra (formerly the Claws) which = Afr, are Zuben-el-goiubi (" The Southern-claw," a Librae), Zuben-el-chemali ("The Northern-claw," y3 Librae), and Zuben-cl-hakrabi (" The Claw-of-the-Scorpion," 7 Librae). " The Constellation of the Tail-tip," then, will be these three stars, or some, or one of them, placed at the end of the tail of the enormous Hydra : —

" The Water-snake they call it. As alive It crawls far-stretching, for the head extends 'Neath the Crab's midst, the main coil 'neath the Lion ; Whilst even o'er the Centaur hangs its tail." +

The Great Serpent is a familiar Euphratean emblem. J A and (3 Librae form the 16th Arabian moon-station.

Line 25, Star No. XXII.

MB ^ =wT ^^T ^T B ¥ HF- W Ml

Kakkab Gis - gan - gusur kakku sa D.P. Ea The-Star the Tree, Light-of the-hero, 7ceapon of -Ea,

¥ - m ~ 1 HT ~T <T- m

sa ina lib - bi - su absi iskun

which in the - midst ofthe-abyss he-placed.

26. e © ^T m 11 ? %M\ HF- d*T

mul - mul - la kakku sa kati D.P. Maruduk

Tlie-falchion, the-weapon of t he-hand of Meroda^.

Prof. Sayce renders Gan-gusur, " Light-of-the-hero," and Gis, as noticed, §= ' tree,' 'wood.' But, as gan is also an 'enclosure' or

* Transactions, V, p. 334. + Arato.s, Phainomena, 444-7.

% Vide Stone of Nebuchadnezzar I (W.A.I. V, 57); R. B. , Jr., Eridanus, Fig. 4, p- 77-

§ Vide sup., p. 191.

196

Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

'garden,' and gusur = As. nuru, 'light,' Gis-gan-gusur might be read "The-Tree-of-the-Garden-of-Light." This radiant Tree is further described as being the 'weapon' (power) of the gods Ea and Merodax, and the mulmulla * is one of the weapons of Merodax in his fight with the Dragon. The Tree is placed " in the midst of the abyss," and it is impossible to avoid comparing it with the " Tree-of- life " placed " in the midst " of the Biblical Gan-Eden. Without any intention of trenching upon other meanings and beliefs which may be connected with the subject, I may observe that "the Garden of God," whatever else the expression signifies, is the star-lighted splendour of space, the calm abode of "the moving gems of night," as Aratos calls them. It has some central point, the heart of the universe, the special abode of life, whether, as has been thought, hard by Alycone, or whether, as seems here suggested, in Scorpio, type of primaeval darkness and a starting-point and foundation;! for the stars which form the " Tree-of-light " are evidently those which Ptolemy calls " the three bright ones in the face " (of the Scorpion), ft, 8, and -n- Scorpionis, which are fixed in line, and might well represent the trunk of a tree or the stem of a plant The ideograph -|y^, Ak. zi, As. napistu, 'life,' "originally represented a flower growing up with open leaves ";| and the mystic Flower, Plant, or Tree of Life, of which there are so many representations on the monuments, reappears in many mythological systems. We find it in the Aryan Soma-Haoma, the Irminsul, the Winged Oak of Pherekydes, the Tree in which Europa (= Ereb, "the West") appears on Kretan coins, and the Norse Yggdrasil. The very similar ideograph >~yy^, Ak. gi, "a reed," shows in the linear Babylonian form, a good representation of the gigantic reed of that country ; and this plant had a mystic significance, for an Incantation reads : —

" The huge reed of gold, the pure reed of the marsh, The pure dish of the gods,

The reed of the double white [divining] cup which determines favour." §

The three stars ft, 8, and tv Scorpionis form the 17th Arabian moon-station, called El Iklll, "the Crown "

* Vide sup., p. 1S4. t Vide Proceedings, Feb., 1SS9, p. 145.

% Prof. Sayce, in Transactions, VI, p. 473-

§ W.A.I. IV, 5, 6, Col. V, lines 37-9, ap. Sayce.

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Line 27, Star No. XXIII.

Kakkab Masu (?) sar | The-Star the-Hero, the king

Bilu sa ziri (ina) arakh Tasritu D.P. Lugal - tud - da The-lord of seed ; {in) t he-month Tisri the Lusty-king.

The reading of *{{*%], an almost unique form, is very doubtful; but there is no uncertainty as to the JCing-stai, which is, in the words of Ptolemy, "the centre one of the three bright ones in the body [of the Scorpion], a reddish-yellow, called Equal-to-Ares " ('AfToypiys), Mars being "the red planet." It is named Sar, Ak. Lugal, "the King," and, similarly, Ul Saru, " the-Luminary-of-the- King," is one of the titles of Mars. This star, Cor Scorpionis, is described by way of explanation as " the lord of seed " in connexion with "the month Tisri," the 7th month, September-October. Now the original Sign of the seventh month, as I have elsewhere en- deavoured to show,* was the Altar ; and in art the Signs of the seventh and eighth months were at times represented by a Scorpion with its claws (afterwards the Sign X*/Aa/) grasping a circle t (circular Altar), originally the solar circle. A variant phase of the Scorpion is the zodiacal Cancer, the Crab, the Sign of the fourth month, which is called Su Kulna, " the-Seizer-of-seed." The original golden seed of heaven is the Sun, which, as in various mythologies, is seized and swallowed up by the Darkness, symbolized in monstrous and dra- kontic form. This is the primary meaning, and it is in the month Tisri that the waning autumn Sun begins to succumb to his foes. There may or may not be also a secondary reference to agricultural operations, but these do not form the basis of archaic symbolism, inasmuch as man's observation of nature preceded any regular agricultural course. The reader may remember in this connexion the gigantic bicorporeal Scorpion-couple of sun-guarders, encountered by the hero Gisdhubar; and on the Stone of Nebuchadnezzar I. the Scorpion stretches out its Claivs towards the solar Lamp.% When

* Vide R. B. , Jr., The I.azv of Kosniic Order, Sees, xiii, xvi, xvii ; The Heavenly Display, p. 65.

+ Vide Lajard, Culte de Mithra, PI. XLV, Fig. 14. X Vide R. B., Jr., The Heavenly Display, Fig. 77, p. 84.

198

Ffb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

the principle of kosmic harmony is grasped, the Scorpion which slew the Sun, becomes its guardian ;* Darkness receives the Sun into its care, and safely reproduces the solar Circle, Egg, or Lamp. Similarly, in the Egyptian religious-mythology the Scorpion is styled "the Daughter [i.e., mythologically speaking, the 'Successor'] of the Sun."f The Star Antares is, moreover, identified with Lugal-tudda,J patron divinity of Marad near Sippara, and regarded by the Semites as their Zu (= 1. "Stormy-wind," and 2. a kind of vulture), whom ancient legends show as hostile to the other gods, and as stealing "the tablets of destiny," the god of the lightning and giver of fire to man; and it is interesting to find that the ideograph >-£^yyy, gtr} pictorially representing 'blade,' 'sting,' or "pointed tail," means "to strike," 'scorpion,' 'plough,' and 'lightning.' As the Ak. tab is "to seize," Girtab ("the Scorpion") is " the-Seizer-and-stinger," "the torment of a scorpion, when he striketh a man," being compared with the burning of lightning. Cor Scorpionis forms the 18th Arabian moon-station, called El Kalb ("the Heart").

Line 28, Star No. XXIV.

Kakkab Nitax-bat pa - gar a - sig

The-Star Man-of-death ; the corpse, the fever. §

This group will be e Serpentarii ( Yad, " the Hand ") and £ Serpen- tarii. In modern astrology, which contains some singular survivals, the Hand of Ophiuchus is said to be a star "evil in influence." Representations of serpent-holding divinities are common on the monuments. || In W.A.I. IV, 3, Col. I, 1, we read (ap. Sayce) : — " The disease of the head coils (like a serpent) in the desert." The Man-of-death would seem to be " Ophiuchus huge," who stands on the Scorpion and holds the Snake.

Line 29, Star No. XXV.

Kakkab Tsir | 'Uu Nin - ki - gal

The-Star of-the-Snake. \ The-goddess Queen-ofthe-Great-Region.

* Vide Lajard, Culte de Mithra, PI. LIV, C, Fig. 13, which shows a Scorpion on each side of the leonine Sun.

t Funereal Ritual, Cap. LXXXVI. J Vide sup., p. 194.

§ For the rendering of the latter part of this line I am indebted to Mr. Berlin. || Vide R. B. Jr., The Heavenly Display, p. 85.

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Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1S90.

30. Hf- s2f= < HF- ^ I- «f *T < HP- ^#-

D.P. Nabiu u D.P. Sar | D.P. Samas u D.P. Ramanu Nebo and The- King (Merodax). \ The-Sitn-god and the-Air-god.

The Star of the Snake, which will be ?/ Serpentarii, as we should expect, is next to the Snake-holder ; and, in the Phainomena, Ophis and Ophiouchos form but one constellation, which is thus described : —

" By his head* " Seek the Snake/10/der's head ; and then from it You may behold his shining form itself; So bright the gleaming shoulders 'neath his head Appear. These, even when the moon is full, Can be beheld ; the hands are quite unequal, Fcr feeble glitter flickers here and there. Both of them grasp a Snake, which round the waist Of the Snake-ho.der twines ; but he well-fixed, With each foot presses on a monster huge, The Scorpio?t, o'er eye and breast scale standing Upright, the Snake, meanwhile, in both hands writhing : Less in the right, most holds the left on high."t

The regent divinity in Ninkigal, in Semitic Allat ("the Un- wearied,") also called Ninlil (" Queen-of-the-Ghost-World,") and Ninge (" Queen-of-the-Underworld "), the "Great Region," being Scheol-Hades. As Mr. Gladstone; has pointed out, Ninkigal possesses the prominence and dread character of the Homeric Persephoneia, a phase and aspect which the latter goddess has borrowed from her Eastern sister.§ We have seen|| that the Akkadian Okeanos is sometimes compared to a snake ; and the " River of the Snake " is also called " the River of the Sheepcote of the Ghost- World," a line of thought which connects the Snake with the Underworld and its goddess-Mistress. But the Snake has so many aspects in archaic thought, beneficial and honoured, as well as malignant and dreaded, that it is not surprising to find various and highly different divinities connected with it. Snakes, it may be observed, are very prominent in Etruscan Underworld-scenes.

* I.e., the head of Engonasin ("the Kneeler"), originally the Kneeling- Gisdhubar of the monuments (vide Smith and Sayce, Chaldean Account of Genesis, Frontispiece, " Izdubar in conflict with a Lion").

t Phainomena, 74-87. J Homeric Synchronism, p. 235.

§ Vide R. B., Jr., The Myth of Kirkc, p. 117 et seq.

i| Vide sup. (Jan.), p. 149, n.

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Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

Line 31, Star No. XXVI.

fcQ ~* *= - 1 ~f arc fi[< i^r *r *£>

Kakkab Gir - tab D.P. Is - kha - ra tarn - tim

The-Star of-the- Scorpion. | The-goddess Iskhara of-the-sea.

We here return to the Scorpion, the Star in question being X (Lesat/i, 'sting,') and v Scorpionis, A being described by Ptolemy as "the hindennost of the two in the sting," and forming with t Scorpionis, the 19th Arabian moon-station. In Scorpio, as in Taurus, the stars of the constellation strongly suggest the Sign, but this is quite exceptional ; in almost all instances the stars of a constel- lation have been adjusted to a previously-conceived figure. Iskhara is identical with Istar, and, the latter goddess being primarily lunar,

Iskhara, "the mistress of mankind,"* is, suitably enough, "the goddess of the sea." The Kakkab Girtab appears on the fragment of the circular planisphere S. 162, now in the British Museum, and "which once contained the names of the twelve months with the signs of the Zodiac which ruled over them." It is connected with "the 8th month."

Line 32. ->f- ^Tjy < ^f_ ^ £<*g J D.P. Sar-ur u D.P. Sar - gas The- Director-of- Fire and the-Director-of-Sacrifice.

These two gods are elsewhere found together, and Mr. Pinches suggested to me that Sarur means "the Director of fire," as "ur = araru, to burn " ; Mr. Bertin regards tir as being the Assyrian kalbu ' dog,' in which case Sar-ur = " the Leader of the Dog." I think that thes.e two, which are elsewhere described as "double stars" {i.e., stars close together), are names for \ and v Scorpionis, that is, for Girtab ; and we obtain from Aratos a very possible explanation of what may be the meaning of the title " Leader of the Dog " as applied to Girtab. The poet tells the old legend how Orion (the Sun) insulted Artemis (the Moon), whereupon she sent the Scorpion (Darkness), which slew him ; and says, when speaking of the Signs of the Zodiac and their paranatellons : —

" The Riveras windings when the Scorpion comes, In the full flowing deep will straightway fall ; And great Oridn, two, his advent fears."

* W.A.I. IV, 58-9, Col. IV, 1, ap. Sayce. 201

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Then follows the Artemis-legend, and the poet continues : —

" And so 'tis said that, when the Scorpion comes, Orion flies to utmost end of earth."

And when the Bow-stars, which are next to Girtab-Lesath, appear : —

" Then, too, the glitterings of the mighty Dog Set, and descends Orion s whole extent."*

The "mighty Dog" is, of course, Kaksidi-Sirius, and "the Star of the Dog" the Kallnc Samas (" Dog-of-the-Sun "), the fiery Dog, the Kuon Seirios,t the Homeric kvv 'Cipi'wvos, appears amongst Euphratean constellations.^

Line 33, Star No. XXVII.

MS IH ^ Hh at «HTT ! «f * ir-

Kakkab Ur-bat D.P. Ku - su | D.P. Kur-gal The- Star Beast-of -death, the god Kush, \ god of-the Great-Country

The Star Urbat appears next to the Star Girtab, but in an outer circle on the planisphere S. 162, above referred to; that is to say, the Beast-of-death lies south of the Scorpion, and so we shall find it. Thus, Aratos says of the solar Centaur, a reduplication of Sagittarius, that it

underlies two Signs ; Its human past beneath the Scorpion rests, The hinder-horse-part is below the Claws. But his right hand he ever seems to stretch Before the Altar's circle.§ The hand grasps Another creature very firmly clutched, The Wild-beast j so the men of old it named." ||

This Therion becomes specialized as Lupus ; the Wolf, a familiar mythological type of Darkness as the devourer and swallower, is called in Akkadian Likbiku (" Greedy-dog "), and in Assyrian, Akiluv ("the Devourer"). The regent divinity of this creature of night and death 1T is Kusu (' Sunset,' ' Eclipse '), an Akkadian god of sunset and night, and a god of the Underworld or " Great Country."

* Phainomena, 634-6, 645-6, 676-7. t Aischylos, AgamemnSn, 967.

X As to the Dog, vide R. B. , Jr., Eridamis, Sec. iv ; The Heavenly Display, p. 78.

§ A reduplication of the original zodiacal Altar, now Libra (vide sup., p. 198.) || Phainomena, 436-42.

If Cf. the Norse demon-wolf Feurir (" the-Dweller-in-the-depth ").

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Line 34, Star No. XXVIII.

Kakkab A - nu - ni - turn u kakkab Si - nu - nu - turn The-Star of - Anunit and t he-star of Sinuntu.

The Akkadian divinity Aniina (= an nuna, "the great god") of Sippara was made by the Semites into the female Anunit (" Great- goddess "), and identified with Istar. She is described by Nabu- nahid (Nabonidos) as " the mistress of battle, the bearer of the bow and quiver, . . . who made omens favourable at sunrise and sunset ;" * and this represents her in a planetary phase, as the star of morn and eve, Venus. But she is further reduplicated in a stellar form, and Anunitum is called "the Star of the River Mas-gu-gar " f ("the Current "), i.e., "rapidus Tigris." The Star (constellation) in question will consist of the Bow-st^xs of Sagittarius, which are thus appro- priately connected with the goddess of the bow, and are described by Ptolemy as " The star at the point of the arrow (7) ; the star at the grip of the left hand (c) ; the one in the southern part of the bow (e, Kaus, " the Bow ") ; the more-southerly of those in the northern part of the bow " (A) ; and " the more-northerly of those at the end of the bow " (/(). The Kakkab Sinuntu is " the Star of the Purattu " (" the Curving-river "), the Akkadian Puranunu, Egyptian Puharta, Hebrew Perath, Median Uprato, Old Persian Ulratu, Classical Euphrates. The stars composing it will be a and £ Sagittarii ; and the combined group of Anunitum and Sinuntu forms the 20th Arabian moon-station.

In the first part of this Paper I described Stars Nos. I, XXIX, and XXX; and we have therefore now gone round the heavenly circle.

II.

Lines 54-6 in Part III of the Tablet also occur, in a slightly different form, in W.A.I. Ill, 61, 2, lines 19-20, a translation of which has been made by Prof. Sayce in the Transactions, III, p. 291. As this translation appeared more than fifteen years ago, the learned author would doubtless now make some alterations in it ; but, at the same time, it is by means of the assistance obtained from it and

* Vide Sayce, Rel. Ami. Babylonians, 1S2-4. + W.A.I. II, 51, 58.

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from Mr. Bertin, that I am enabled to offer the following rendering of the passage, which I venture to think much more nearly expresses the meaning of the original.

54. <«J &£ <«{ £^T <<<J £N ?£\

Arakh Cuzallu arakh Dhabitu arakh Sabadhu karan The-month Kisleu, ihe-month Tebet, t he-month Sebet. The-horn

«f «< TT<« r m tl 4Bf - HfR

D.P. Sin sumelu itsabbat - va itti as - ri

of-the-Moon the-left-hand occupies, and with the-stations

55- *- W -11 *! « ^f Sf nu - ukh - khu - tu u - di - e

a - leading - back is - shown.

56. y TTT WM Hf- * *H *T <V^ HP- 4H HP- V-

Sa 3 arkhi an - nu - ti yumu 15 'ilu itti 'ilu la iw these three months on-the-fifteenth day god with god is not

<«% *- ^m ^

30 la khalabu

30th day (it is) * not clouded.

Notes.

54. yy«< = As. T<T<y, Ak. gub, As. sumelu, "left hand."f The Euphratean North = our N.W., and the right hand being towards the East, the left would be towards the West, our S.W., Ak. Mer- martu ("the-point-of-the-road-of-sunset),J the S.W. and S.E. being the part of the heavens occupied by the Moon.

'Occupies.' Lit. 'seizes.' The same expression ffi| >-<, itsab- bat, is applied to Mars% when entering a zodiacal Sign. Such passages explain the meaning of the Hindu term for 'planet,' i.e., Graha ('Seizer ').

*— *ff^' as~r^ Ak. hi, 'place,' etc. This word gives the key to the meaning of the passage. The 'places 'are obviously the thirty moon-stations or lunar mansions previously enumerated.

* I.e., the combination of Sun and Moon. t Bertin.

% Vide R. B., Jr., The Myth of Kirke, p. 99. § W.A.I. Ill, 53, No. 1, line 21. 204

<Hft

m

¥ *T

innamar

Sa yumu

seen.

Ditto.

For the

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55. Nuukhklmtu. Acutely connected by Mr. Bertin with a roct which appears in Heb. as HTO, "to lead back."*

Udie. Mr. Bertin thinks this word might be a Pael form of idu, "to know," used as passive, and therefore meaning "is known." In his translation of the B.M. Tablet Sp. 41, Mr. Pinches renders u-di-e, 'furniture,' the passage being "The tablet of his sonship we wrote and 2 mana 10 shekels of silver and the furniture (u-di-e) of a house, the dowry of Nubta, my daughter, we made known. "f He remarks on the word, " Ude, ' furniture ' (the meaning is implied by the context). Perhaps connected with the Heb. fTP ." Now i"TT . " to cast," appears to mean " to show or point out with the extended hand," and the Pael form of a connected Assyrian verb might mean "is shown." Nor are we, I think, obliged by the Sp. 41, to under- stand u-di-e as meaning 'furniture.' The account relates to litigati >u, and we find that "the tablets and contracts the judges discussed ": and u-di-e seems to mean the ' evidences,' " documents of title " (tablets and contracts), i.e., that which shows (to whom the property belongs). I do not understand what is meant by "the furniture of a house we made known." In line 14 we read, "by my tablet made (it) known"; it was the documentary evidence which made known the facts.

56. >->f- .jJB] *->f-. In Ak. an ki an, i.e., "the (sun)-god with the (moon)-god." In W.A.I. Ill, 61, 2, after the insertion of the three lines 54-6, as mentioned, the next line reads, "The Moon its path directs, and the Sun during the day goes"; so that the Sun and Moon and their respective paths are the matters in question.

The general sense of lines 54-56 is : — Observations made during three particular months : the moon completes its course " there and back" through the various moon-stations. On the 15th days of these months, sun and moon were not seen together : on the 30th days they were so seen.

An Assyrian Cylinder of great interest, figured in the Chaldean Account of Genesis, p. 112, exactly illustrates this circling lunar course. At each end, i.e., in east and west, is a Palm-tree, represen- tative of the Grove of the Underworld, eastern and western, and reduplicated in the Homeric t'iXoca Ucpaetpoven]^ Next to the eastern Palm-tree, on the back of a Leopard, which, as it could be

* Cf. Job xii, 23. t Transactions, VIII, p. 2S4.

J Od., X, 509; vide R. B., Jr., The Myth of Kirki, p. 106-7. 205 Q 2

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trained to hunt, was a'fit symbol for the Hunter-sun, stands the Sun- god Merodax, armed with bow and arrow and the saparu, and lifting his right hand in solemn oath. Above his head is the solar star, which explains the symbolism. In front of him stands the unarmed Moon-god, also lifting his right hand in oath ; for the two are making a solemn covenant to preserve kosmic order against the demons of darkness and storm. Behind the Moon-god, and standing on their hind legs, are two Unicorn-goats, counter-salient, with their heads regardant ; and in the air, between them and the Moon-god, is the lunar crescent, the key to the symbolism, and divided into three parts, illustrative of the three parts of the month and the triple lunar aspect, by what seem to be handles. The Unicorn, or any animal represented with one horn only, is, as I have shown, a distinctly lunar symbol ; and the remarkable position of the two Unicorn-goats — counter-salient, I think clearly indicates the monthly cycling progress of the moon "there and back."

Such, then, is the general scope and import of the Tablet of the Thirty Stars.

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THE NEW ACCADIAN. By the Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A., Oxon.,

CHAPLAIN OF LINCOLN'S INN ; FORMERLY CENSOR AND LECTURER IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON.

(Continued from page 80.)

I omitted to suggest any Chinese equivalent for ^Jf-^, gi, gin, gimru, "all," "the whole" (p. 53). The Mandarin h'ien, Cantonese ham, Amoy ham, Shanghai ye", "together, all, jointly — totally, com- pletely— -always," goes back to this primitive. Cp. also nigin, "all together," universum {vide p. 219 infra). The dialectic ham = gam, ye" = gin. (This fluctuation between M and n as the final sound is parallel to that between m and n as initials, in mu, nu, and similar forms. It may be further illustrated by the fact that a single Accadian sign does duty for both ban and bam, and the like.) So h'ien, han, han, he", " a bar, fence — an enclosure — a fold, corral — to obstruct, to close," is plainly identical with ^f, gan, gimi, eklu, "enclosure," "garden," "field"; gi(n), sanaku, "to shut in," ga (or gi), kali"/, "to close," "restrain" (p. 53 sq.); and hlien, " sincere "= gin, kcnu, do.; and h'ien, "anything fine, volatile, minute, impalpable" (of the motes in the sunlight) = gi(n), sahru, "small, minute," and £jt f> gina, sirru'", "little," sihru'", "small."

Another Chinese synonym is kiln or kiiin or chiiin, "all, altogether, all these," said of preceding items. This term is pronounced kwan, kun, kiln, in the three dialects. It is natural to compare it both with cm, gimru, ni-gin, nap ham, "all together," "the whole," and with ^y^y, uk-kin, puhru, "gathering, assembly, total." This latter sign has also the sound of kin, which probably means "gathering"; and the disappearance of the first syllable uk- (i.e., uku, "the people ") in Chinese is accounted for by the fact that the accent lay on the second. The same Accadian term is also the original of chiiin = kwan, kun, kiin, "an army," "a legion." Chiiin = khaan, k'un, k'un, " to collect in crowds," agrees in meaning exactly with ni-gin, pahdru, sich versammeln ; and when we note that the Chinese term also means "to bind," "to seize," we can hardly avoid recalling gi(n), ga, with the same meanings (p. 53 sq.). Chiiin, "to

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put to rights, to complete " = gin, kunnu, mullii, ga (or gin ?) sullumu. A further Chinese offshoot of the same stock is kHiin or ckHiin, "a flock of sheep, a herd — a concourse, a company, a multitude — all men of the same kind — the whole of, entire"; meanings which may all be referred to uk-kin, puhru, ni-gin, napliaru. The corres- ponding M-form is man, 'the common mandarin particle for all' (Summers, Handbook, p. 54), or, as Dr. Wells Williams calls it, ' the sign of the plural of persons ' {e.g., wo-mdn, " we, who are together") = Accadian me (men ?), me-s, "multitude," a sign of the plural. Cp. also mei, "each, every," wo-mei, "all of us"; ni-min, "multitudes"; min, "the people " ; min, "a multitude"; man, " full, complete, entire, the whole — to fill, to complete."

To the same series as kiln, kiiin or cliiiln, "all," belong kai dialectic koi, kai, ke, "all — the whole — abundant"; cp. Accadian £^y, ga, in ga-ga puhru ; gin, gimru; g'a, g'e, g'u, "abundance" (the other meanings of the Chinese character, viz., "to prepare "= gin, kunnu — and "fit," "just," " right " = gin, kenu, further corroborate these comparisons): ki or chi, "to finish — all — entirely "= gi or gin, gimru, ga or gi, sullumu: kli or ch'i, "full, abundant— large — numerous — multitudes "= gi(n), malu, "to be full," and forms cited above: kiai or chie = dialectic kai, kia, "all alike — the whole, altogether (said of things preceding), but often simply a sign of the plural"; 'all' in company, in universum, comprehending the whole class (Summers) ; cp. kiai or h'ie, dialectic kai, kia, " together, with," of ac- companiment = Accadian ki, itti, " along with," and kien, " moreover, and, along with — and also — to join several together "= gin, sanaku, "to join together," just as kien, "stable, firm — to establish "= gin, kenu, kunnu. For this last term the Cantonese is kin, Shanghai ki'1 ; and Dr. Edkins gives kin, gin, as the older forms — an exact coincidence with the Accadian gin, kin, which is all the more valuable because unintended. The Chinese series of <£-terms for " all " further com- prises kill, chi = Mt, gut, chih, "to close or desist — to finish — entirely, all — ended" (old sound kit); cp. kud, para.su, "to cut off, to decide, stop, hinder," and kueli, Cantonese kilt, " to cut off, decide, settle — decidedly, certainly, finally": king, clung, "to exhaust, to finish, at the close, the end — adv. at last, finally, after all " = gin, " to finish": ko, dial, kok, kck, kbk, " each, every, all " = ga-ga, puhru, " all together," etc. : kii, cli/'i, " all, the whole " — " altogether, at once," and kii, " to raise or lift — to begin — all, the whole, of persons " = uku, " men, the people, the crowd"; kur, napharis, " in sum;" gin, gimru,

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"all"; ga, gal, gur, nasfi, "to raise or lift," gal, mal, pitu, "to open": ku/ig, "generally, all, altogether, collectively — and, with, together " : and one or two others.

I have already pointed out that shu, " a multitude, the whole, all, the people," answers to Accadian shu, " multitude," shiti, " to count," to which also shu, " to count," belongs. Shu, " a book, record, document — to write — a clerk, writer," answers to ^, sHu, dupsarrutu, " the office of a dupsar or scribe " (the same sign ^ has also the value ge, sataru, " to write ").

Chung, Cantonese chung, Amoy chiong, Shanghai tsung, "a com- pany of at least three — a sign of the plural of persons— much, many, all — the people, as apart from their rulers," is an example of the d-form of gin, "all," going back probably to an original dun (din, dim) or dug (dig). But this brings us to the Accadian ^- A^, DIM, dial, dig (or ding) surbu "great," rabu, "great," sanaku, "to press together" (= gin, sanaku). For the interchange between final m (v) and g, compare nag and nam, "fate," nig and nin, "who." The Shanghai form tsung answers exactly to zun, which is the syllabic value of the Accadian -^$, ma'du, "much," a common sign of the plural.

The character called dtjgu, ^, has the values dug, g'a, g'i, and sar. g'a and g'i mean "multitude," "abundance," and sar is denned " multitude " (kissatu), " much " (rnddu), " perfect " (git/nalu), "great" (rabu). It is probable that the principal sound dug (=dig; also originally included these values.

^f£>, dugud, kabtu, "heavy," appears to be a compound of this dig or dug, and gid, "^>~, kabtu, "heavy," sanaku, "to press together"; thus duggid — duggud = dugud, with vocal harmony and normal neglect of duplication. This accounts for the Chinese chung, "heavy," "crowded, near together" (cp. sanaku), which in the three dialects is pronounced chung ( = dug), Hong, and dzung ( = zun). The Amoy tiong, which is a cognate of ///, to, "abundant, full— all, altogether — also, together with," and of// in the phrase ta-ti, "on the whole, generally," and of other terms (e.g., fien, "to fill up, complete," fien, "abundance," which pre- suppose an ancient tin), may be compared with Accadian til, gimru, "completeness, all" (=*tin, dim, gin, kin). Thus, in both languages, we find /-forms side by side with ^-forms, just as we find &-forms side by side with ^-forms. And it is evident from the

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Chinese dialects that the initial / for d in Accadian is as much a dialectic distinction as k for g. The Accadian forms >~<, edim, kabtu, and <^>-t?<t»-, elim, kabtu, (/from d, as often: vide infra), show that we are dealing with modifications of a single root.

I will now consider the other homophones spelled 'r/i in the Chinese lexicon. £, " the sides of the mouth," in Cantonese mi, and at Shanghai e, may be compared with c, "the whiskers." In Cantonese, the character bears the meanings "to shut." "to close," = Accadian gi(mi); "the last," cp. gi, gimru, "all," "the whole;" ga, "to finish, end;" and "small, minute " = gi, sahru ; all of which identifications confirm our view that etymologically this sound ought not to be regarded as independent, but as closely related to i, being, like that sound, simply a worn form of terms with initial ^ (;//, 11). A similar remark applies to e, "water flowing" (e.g., tears) ; and " warm water." The three dialects have i, ji, e. The term is to be compared with (g)a, me, "water;" gu-r, g'a-l, "to flow"; and the other Accadian synonyms already given. E (/, ji, e), " a car for carrying a coffin," recalls gi or ga, nasu, " to carry"; ga-r, ma-r, "a car," "chariot." E, ni, "to eat" = Accadian u, gud, ku, " to eat," gu, lasu, " to sip." E, " an emphatic particle implying a certainty," in the dialects /, ji", e, is identical with gin ( = dim, den), "thus" (=z/ian). E, dial, i, jin, e, "near," "at hand," = ga, gin, dahu, "to approach. E, "to turn the head towards," is, of course, gi(n), ga, saha.ru, nashuru, which is so frequent in the sense of a god turning towards his suppliant. E, " woven feather and hair work," recalls the terms already specified denoting clothes, hair, and to weave; while the meaning "coloured hair used on flags " suggests besides ga, " to dye." Lastly, e (/, ji, e), "the blood of a fowl offered in sacrifice," "to cut off or pull out the hairs of a victim's ears (Accadian ^ ge, uznu, " ear ") before killing it, intimating that the officers wished the gods to hear them" — takes us back to gus, gud, "blood," Chinese A'i/e/i, hi'eh (dialectic hut, hint, hiiiJi), old sound giet = Accadian gud. (There is in this instance a perfect correspondence between the Chinese and Accadian, for both possess the M-form also : HMf-*^ mud, damn, " blood," is mieh, mit, " blood," " gore.") The meaning " to smear" (to stain with blood) = ga, sarapu, " to dye or stain."

I confidently appeal to Chinese scholars to say whether a reduction of all the principal sounds and meanings, grouped under

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'RH in the Mandarin lexicon, to similar Accadian terms with identical meanings, is not, even when taken alone, enough to establish the closest relation between the two languages. To my own mind, taken in conjunction with all that I have said besides, and all that I have still to say, it establishes the relation of identity.*

Dr. Edkins has assigned ni, n'ip, as the old sounds of the terms grouped under 'rh ; and, as we have seen, the same authority considers that the Mandarin j has displaced an earlier ;/. I have ventured, in view of the Accadian evidence, and from comparison of the Chinese dialects, to suggest that the #-forms are rather variants which coexisted with, not preceded, the /-(j^-forms. It will be convenient at this point to institute a comparison between words with initial n in the two languages.

Both in Accadian and in Chinese we find that initial m and n are to a certain extent interchangeable, mu, "a male," is common to both tongues ; while the Accadian has also nu, " a male," " a slave," and the Chinese has nu, "a slave." In Accadian, {££ ne and -^»ff ni are equivalents of the Assyrian emuku, " strength," " power," " skill," and may be compared with the Chinese ncmg, older neng, "power, ability, skill," nu, "great strength," nung, "thick, heavy, strong," nung, " luxuriant " = Accadian nun, "great." With these compare the related forms mu, rabii, "great, strong," meu, "vigorous, strong, luxuriant," ma, "clever, skilled," etc. (p. 76).

In Chinese vicing is "a fierce, violent dog"; "strong, cruel, violent"; and ning is "long hair of dogs" {cp. mang, "a long flowing mane"); "fierce," "repulsive;" while another ning is said of "hair in confusion" or "any tangled growth" such as thickets or brambles.f That there is a connexion between such forms is

* Perhaps a would be a better symbol for the sound than e ; for it appears to be really the same vowel as is heard in mang, English u in " purr."

t I suggested (p. 74) that the horse, Kls, kur, ma, got these names from his long hair, kis (' Pferdehengst,' according to Jensen) answers to Chinese ki, " a steed of noble blood " ; k'i, "a dappled horse" ; k'i, "a mane." ki§ and Pis, the two values of JJJ^K, denote another hairy animal, viz., the pig : cp. the 58th radical, ki (Mandarin chi), "a hog turning up his snout " ; kia, chia, dialectic ka, kia, "a boar." (So also kia, "ahorse in harness"). With Accadian Sac;' or §ig', "a swine," cp. the 152nd radical, ski, dialectic c/i'i, si, szc, " a hog or pig." The dialectic sig' = tsung, "a yearling pig." As to Pis, cp. fan (pun), "a gelded pig " ; pa, pb, " a sow " ; pin, the name of a hill where many wild hogs were found. With dam (in dam-Sig'), cp. chtt (du), "hog"; t'un, dang, " sucking-pig."

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self-evident. So we have ma and na (Cantonese) for "an old woman," "a mother"; ma and nao for veined stones, such as the agate, opal, carnelian, onyx, jasper ; ma, "to rail at, scold," "gabble" (tsiu ma, " to gabble over one's wine "), and nan, " gabble," nao, "noisy wrangling," nao nao, "babbling, nao, "to scold, to rail"; mao, "bewildered, confused," and nao, "perturbation of intellect," "beclouded," nao, "to disturb, to vex''; mieh and nieh, "to pull out" (hairs); mi and ni, "hidden"; min and nin (now z/iau), "a cord"; mu, "small, inferior," nu, "a child," nil, "young," nun, "small, young"; mo, "the pulse," "the blood running in the veins," and no, "to bleed at the nose"; met, "flowing water," man, "an overflow," mi-mi, "full," mien, "a flood," and ni, "many, abundance of," "rising, overflow" (the same character is also read mi, in the sense of "a vast expanse of water"). Many other instances of this phenomenon might be adduced from the Chinese ; and, as I have observed, it is present also in Accadian, where we find na, nab, samu, "heaven," as well as mu, me, "heaven"; na, ni, nu, zikaru, "male," "servant," as well as mu, zikaru ; nu, salmu, as well as mi, salmu; nun, radii, rubu, as well as mu, rabii, umun, rubu; nu-gig = mu-gib, "not sick," an epithet of the goddess Ishtar and the Kedeshah ; nin and mulu, beltu, "lady."

But we have already seen that Accadian possesses G-forms corresponding to these m(n) forms, e.g., gi-s, gi-n, "male," gig, ge, salmu, *jE? ugunu = umun, belli, beltu, "lord" or "lady." The case is thus exactly parallel to that of the Chinese, which presents us with the three forms i, ji, ni, as the pronunciation of one and the same character in three different dialects. In some instances Chinese has preserved the M-form, where our existing documents, so far as yet known, supply only the N-form for the Accadian, and vice versa. Thus the negative particles in Accadian are nu, na, nam ; while in Chinese we have the M-forms me, mei, mieh, mo, mu, wei, wu. In a solitary instance, however, the Accadian exhibits the alternative M-form of the negative, viz., in the epithet of Ishtar just now specified, mu-gib, the softer equivalent of nu-gig. Even if we had not this curious instance of correspondence with the prevailing modern use, the variation between the two vocabularies would present no more difficulty than the fact that in Accadian itself both mu and nu were used in the sense of zikaru, " male."

The common negative puh or pu, which appears in the three dialects as pat, put, peh, presents no difficulty, if we bear in

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mind the fact that a Chinese p or b may be a double of m. In Accadian also there are B-forms as well as M-forms corresponding to those with initial g; both bal and gal mean "to be strong" (abdrit), and we find aba = aga, la-bar = la-gar, tag = dib, and so on. Pieh (= bit), Cantonese ///, "do not ! ", is a close relation of puh, and to be accounted for in the same way. This view is borne out by the fact that the Mandarin mo or mi, which in Cantonese is pronounced mut, in Chifu mu, and at Shanghai meh, is but in Amoy. Similarly, wu, " without," the Cantonese mb, Shanghai vu, is in Amoy bu (a very interesting example for tha exchange of the labials) ; and mieh, old sound mit, the Cantonese mit, Fuhchau miek, Shanghai mih, is the Amoy biat. On the other hand, the Mandarin mo, mu, " do not " ! old sound mak, is in Cantonese mok, in Amoy mo//, and at Shanghai mbk.

A very remarkable instance of the equivalence of m and B in both languages is the following. We saw (December Proceedings, 1889 p. 80) that in Accadian J^f (g)us or gis was defined by the Assyrian muttatu, "hair," "whiskers" (a term which is also used for the explanation of ^ff^y kisi, or kis " hair ") ; and we compared these Accadian terms gi-s, ki-s, with the Chinese i, ji, e, "the whiskers," "hairy," Jan, "the whiskers," "the beard" (p. 55). With kis cp. also chi, dialectic ki, "tufts of hair, a girl's coiffure"; chi, kei, ke, ki, "to do up the hair"; chi, kei, ke, kih, "a Chinese woman's tuft"; chi, "a hair fishing net"; chi, "a camel's hair rug." We also saw that in mao, dialectic mb, mo (= ma), the general term for "hair," "fur," "wool," "feathers," "down," and in met, "eyebrows," which in Can- tonese, Amoy, and Shanghai, is pronounced mi, bi, me, respectively, the Chinese possesses corresponding M-forms. The compound term mun-sub, sarin'", "hair," sarat zumri, "hair of the body," seems to contain an Accadian equivalent in mun. But we also find in Chinese the series pa (pat), " hair on the thigh," "the short hair on the flesh "; pacing, "dishevelled hair " = piung, hong, pung, in the three dialects; p'dng = dialectic pang, p'eng, pang, "loose hair," etc. ; plei in plei sai, " a bushy beard " (sai = dialectic sot, su si' ; cp. sii = dialectic so, su, sii, "the beard," "whiskers of animals"; Accadian su, " beard " ; sig, or sing, " hair ") ; p'i, " furs " ; piao (the 190th radical, or as it would be called in Accadian "determinative," of characters relating to human hair), " locks hanging down ; bushy hair "; = Cantonese piu, Shanghai pio ; p'ieh (pit) a classifier of moustaches ; pieti, "a cue"; pin, "tresses," "curls," "whiskers,"

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fa (pat) " hair," Amoy hwat = gut, gus, Shanghai feh = pit ; and other terms with initial / ( = p, b). The starting point of this development is to be seen in the Accadian i^ ba, muttatum, " hair," "whiskers" (5 R 37, Col. I, 46).*

Another instance of the equivalence of m and b is seen in the Chinese poh, "a great junk," as compared with mang, and the Accadian ma, " ship." The old sound of poh was probably bak or bag = mag. Cp. p'a, dialectic pa, pb, " a bridge of boats " ( = ba) ; san pan, " a row boat " ; pal, "a^.raft " = Cantonese pat, Amoy pat,

* Another meaning of this Accadian ba, is might"1, "half" = Chinese pan, "half"; see BAR. If any one still doubts a connexion between the Chinese and Accadian terms for "hair," let him consider the following facts. In Accadian sag, or SANG, is "the head," and in Chinese sang is "the forehead." In Accadian sanga, Assyrian skangii, is a priest of some kind, and in Chinese sang is a Buddhist priest (the Sanskrit samgha, sanga, " assembly of priests," is clearly no more than a coincidence of sound). The 59th Chinese determinative /// san, " hair " (dialectic sham, san, se"), resembles the Accadian \\\, BA, " hair " ; a sign which also has the value sin. The Chinese sang (older seng) means " short hair," and the Accadian sig, or sing, means Sdrtu, "hair." The Chinese s//a, dialectic ska, sa, so, old sound shak, is "long, fine hair;" cp. the Accadian SAG, "head," SU, "beard." I have before compared ZAG, "the head," with shan, dialectic siu, sh, "the head." Further, Gis, "hair," implies a df-form, dis ; which explains the Chinese ti, "hair," dialectic t'ei, t'e, di, and ti, t'i, "to shave." Sha, " feathers," old sound shap ( = shab), comes very near to Accadian shub (in munsub). The dialectic forms sap, ck'iap, seh, show the hesitation between sh and s common to both Accadian and Chinese, and ring the changes on the vowrels in the way that Accadian teaches us to expect {ck'iap is Accadian dub, " hair," in DUB-SAG, do. ; seh, Accadian SIG, "hair"). For SHUB, "hair," we have also the cognate skit, "horse-hair rug," with the dialectic skit, ju, sit, of which the second form recalls (g)us or Gis ; and skit, dialectic skit, sit, sit', 1 ' garments of camel or yak's hair. "

I think it likely that SAG (in dubsagga) also means "hair" (=sig) ; so that the two halves of the compound are, as usual, synonymous. So in the much discussed uan-sur we have ban = p'an, " platter, basin, deep dish " (old sound ban); p'an, "a tray"; p'an (ben), "bowl, basin, cup"; + SHU R = skang (older shung), "a cup, goblet, bumper, feast, banquet"; skang (older shing), " a dish for holding food "; skivan (older shon = shun ?), "a cup or small bowl "; shu, "a vessel on its base," etc. TIMMEN, again, appears to mean "records," " documents," if we compare tien, Cantonese tin, " written documents, records," and wan (old sound, men), Cantonese man, Amoy biin, Shanghai viing, " litera- ture ; a text, despatch, writing." In this case, men, "writing," is an M-form answering to GE, "to write," gin, "a reed for writing," KIN, "a letter"; and TIM (tiv) is an easy variant of dub, tub, "tablet": cp. tim-sar, " record - writer," a title of the god Nebo.

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Shanghai pa (primitive ba) ; pang, a class-prefix of fleets ; pang, " a double boat" (primitive bag); pang-jdn, "a boatman"; p'ang, "a kind of scow;" also/tf (pat) "a raft,"///, "a float," and other terms in the f series. Compare, again, Accadian ba, pitii, "to open" (cp. bal, " to split "), with ma-l, pitii = gal, pitfi ; or the Chinese pat, poh, " a hundred — the whole of a class — many — all — everybody "= Cantonese pak, Amoy pek, with Accadian me, " many," " a hundred " (probably deflected from ma), and mag', " great," " much." The Chinese pei, "the back, rear," =piii, pbe, pe, as compared with Accadian A-r;.\, arku, " the back, rear, behind," arkatu, " the rear," " the back," " here- after," "the future" (dialectic of a-ga), and >f- bar, arku, arkatn, and this last, again, with J^Tt31 e-gir, arku, arkatu {e.g., egir-mu, " behind me " ; egir ma, arkat elippi, " the hinder part of the ship " ;) supplies another interesting example of the relation between initial G and b, which is parallel to that between g and m. The e of egir is dropped in Chinese, as is the e of edin, "field," in becoming t'ien = Cantonese fin, Amoy tian, Shanghai di", and the 1 or e of >-<,, ipiM, or edim, samu, "heaven," in becoming t'ien, the Cantonese Pin, "heaven." In DTffcJ, gir, mer, iltdnu, " the north," as compared with Chinese /<?//, /<?/, "the north," of which the sign represents two men standing back to back, we have again an instance of the equivalence G = m = b. Pei, " back," is represented by a character composed of the signs for flesh and north, to indicate that one ought to face the south.

The fluctuation between t and k (primitive d, g) for the final sound is parallel to the Accadian zid = zig, bad = bag. So in nu-gig = mu-gib, sag = sab, we have final g alternating with final b ; just as k and p (primitive G, b) alternate as final sounds in so many ancient and dialectic forms of Chinese.

I will now give a table of terms in which both Accadian and Chinese present initial N.

Accadian. Chinese. na, nu, utulu, rabasu, salalu, "to na read ?w, "to rest," "peace- lie down," "to rest;" nad, ful ";«/," to recline, as a sick ditto; "a bed." man."

na, ni, pronominal suffixes of na, nai, "that," or "those," ni third person (both singular (Cantonese), "this." and plural), ne, annu, "this."

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Accadtan. Chinese.

ni as an adverbial termination nang (neng), an adverbial termi- ( — "ly" = like = gin, dim, nation; h'ien-h'ien-ndng, "dan-

" like as"). gerously" (Shanghai).

na-nam, annu, kictm, umma, "this," na, a colloquial final particle used

in replies; "so," "certainly." ni, an affirmative particle. nan (nam), "now," "at this time"; nan mo, " then " (Shanghai).

"in this way," "so." nam, annu, "this."

ana, minu, "who, which"?

na, "which"? "where"? "how"?

nin-nam, minima, manman.

nin-name, minima basu, "what- ever exists."

na-me, aiu, "who? which"? ma, me (mi), mie, Cantonese mat, minu, "who, which," manman, "who? what? how"? before

mala, " whoever," "whatever," a negative, "why"? "where- "all that"; "any whatever"; fore"? quicunque, quoties, quilibet. mei, " each, every, any." nin, ni, ^ dialectic AMA,mimma, nai, "how"? "in what way"? "whoever, whatever." nai hoi "what next"? (ho =

who ? which ? what ? how ?) na?i (nam), as an interrogative particle, in the phrase nan tao. ni, an interrogative particle.

?igan, Mandarin an, " how " ?

"why"? ning, "how"? "why"? (cp. nin,

nig values of ^). (hg)o, dialectic 0, 0, eh, " who " ?

"what"?

nam-, nag-, as prefixes of abstract nouns, e.g., nam-men, sarrutu, "royalty"; nam-tag annu, amu, "sin," segu, "error"; is also probably of pronominal (demonstrative) origin ; and so related to nam, " this," and nam, nin, nig, " who," " which " ; cp. the history of the Greek S<?, and, further, the abstract to cIkihov, "what is just," "justice." nam-tag is to a/iapTwXov (cp. with tag the Chinese fell, older t'ek, "error," "to err"; dialectic fik, fek, tak). We might also compare the Chinese nang (neng), "power, ability, skill " ; " duty, function " ; as though nag-tagga meant "sin-craft," and nam-lugal, "king-craft."

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Chinese.

nan, " to force a man to do something''; nan, "adversity,'' " calamity."

na, " to be appointed " ; Can- tonese ?iap (nab = nam).

ning, "to direct" (= ming).

nam-tar, araru, " to curse " (pray nan, "to mutter, perform incan- tations " ; tao, " to pray to the gods." nan (nam), a species of bird ; ni-nan, "twittering, as swallows" (;;/ = " twittering "), cp. nan, "incessant talking."

Accadian. nam, nag, simtu, "appointment," "decree," "fate."

pihatu "governorship."

against).

nam (g'u) sinuntu, "a swallow."

nam, hadu, "to be glad." na, abnn, "a stone."

ni-ni, a kind of precious stone.

nao, now read nung, "pleased," "glad"; nao, noh, "to play with."

nao, generic name for veined and coloured stones, like agate, onyx, jasper, etc. {cp. ngao- ngao, "stony ground ").

nu, a kind of flint.

nim, zumbu, "a fly or insect"; nan, name of an insect; in Can-

nim-lal,* znmbi dispi, " flies of honey"; nim-ni-nuinna, zumbi himeti, "flies of curds or butter" ; vid. infra.

nim saku, "high."

na, elii, high."

na samu, "heaven," "the sky."

{vide ana, do. Proc.,Nov., 1889,

p. 40.)

tonese, bites of gnats or fleas ; ni, insects on leaves ; aphides. nan, unfledged locusts; niang, ( = nim) is a term often applied to insects.

ning, " the top of the head " ning, "to carry" (Cantonese) ni, "to carry" (Cantonese) nien, Cantonese nun, " to pick up," "to carry"; ni, a fabulous tree a thousand feet-Jjiigh.

* »J*!^y LAL = dispu, "honey." and tdbu, "sweet"; ga-lai.k = Sa tit/nsa tabu " (a nurse) whose breast (milk) is sweet." Cp. la (lap or lat), "wax," especially of bees.

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AccADtAN. Chinese,

nab samu, "heaven" (or nap) nieh, Cantonese nip, "to ascend";

ni, "rising" of waters.*

na, zikaru, "male," "man," nan, "the male of the human

"slave"; ana, amclu, "man." species." Shanghai «*?n( = NiN).

ni, nu do. do. do. nu, "slave"; ni, "slave-girl."

■jV^y nin, ni, ahattu, sister," niang (niung), Cantonese neung,

beltu, entu, rubatu, "lady" "girl," "young lady"; " fe-

(nam-nin, Mliitu, "lordship," male"; "goddess"; »',"anun";

implies nin, bclu, "lord.") ni, "slave-girl"; nil, "woman,"

"girl," "lady," "wife"; niu,

(nu) "a lass."

ninni, nina, nana, a goddess niang-niang, title of the empress ;

(Ishtar), the Great Mother; the a goddess (used like 'Our

Lady par excellence. Lady'); nai-nai, "an old lady,"

"a grandmother" (nai is " a pet word for mother " ; "a lady ") : Am. nai"-nai", Sh. na-na. na, "a dam," "granny," "mother," "female of animals" (Canton- ese). no (na) "the elegant bearing of a lady." ^ Jft- ni, zumru, " body," " belly." nei, " the viscera" ; nan, " flesh on

the belly," "a fat abdomen" (Cantonese). ni, ramanu, "self" net, "near to," "personal"; per-

haps ni, " thou," " you," in Kiangsu "we," "us." Cp. nei chih, " my own nephew." ni, piiluhtu, "fear," "awe," ning, "fierce"; "repellent, like the "reverence," "worship." guardian images in temples";

ngoorb," to shudder," "startled," Cantonese ngok, Amoy gok.

* Add ngo, 0, dialectic ngok, gok, "a cliff," "a precipice" (ngak) ; ngb, "high"; dialectic ngo, ngb, ngu ; ngo-ngo, "very high" (of a peak); older nga; ngao,"ta\\" ao, "high"; ngan, an, "a high cliff " ; forms which show the relation of initial N to initial G: cp. GA, uasil, "to lift," "carry"; na, C'lA, " high."

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Accadian. Chinese,

nina, adir, "fearing," in the nan, "to venerate"; "rever- proper name Samas-adir. ence"; puh nan, "not terri-

fied." ni, emuku — ^E, ne, emuku, nang, "power"; "skill"; "to

"depth," "skill," "force."

be able"; nu (no = NA), "to exert the utmost strength." ni, "many"; nu, no, "great strength."

ni, "greasy," "fat," "oily" = Cantonese ni, Amoy ji, Shan- ghai ni.

ni-nunna, himetu, "curds, butter" neu, oldnu, Shanghai nu, "milk." (= ni, " fat" + nun, " milk "). nai, nain, " milk."

power,

>-|yyy, nun, rabu, rubu, "great." J^:, ni, samnu, "fat," "oil."

ne = gunni = kiniinu, " oven, " furnace," " fire-place " (?).

nwan, " heat " ; " to warm " ; Cantonese nun, Chifu nan, Shanghai nb'n ; nieh, " to burn in the fire," as pottery ; nieh, " a little warm," Cantonese nip, Shanghai nth; (ngao) ao, "a griddle"; ao, "warm"; ngao, "to boil," "to parch"; ao, "to warm or bake in a close vessel"; an (ngan), "to boil flesh"; ai (ngat), "warm air."

nan, " the south ; it belongs to fire, and is the region of heat and vegetation"; "summer."

"EL "Till en-nun, "to watch, yen, "a night-watch or guard"; keep, guard; a watch (of the niu, "to escort or guard," dia- night), watch and ward" (na- lectic nau,nu; nang(p\der nung saru, massartu). =nun), " to ward off" = nan,

Fuhchau nang, " to push away, or off."

iCCjj ni-gin, ni-gi, paharu, "to na n Cantonese "with," " to-

gather together," sich ver- gether with," cum ; na, " to

sammeln ; nap/jaru, " all to- collect " ; nang, " to connect

gether/' " the whole." with," "to accompany"; ///,

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ACCADIAN.

Cp. na, ina, adi, "with," and gin, aldku, "to go"; gin, sandku, "to press together," etc. (p. 53); nin, "all" {mala), and gin, "the whole " {gimru.

nigin, sahdru, "to turn round," "go round," "surround" (=/«;«??); cp. gin, tarn, "to turn," sandku, " shut in"; ga or gi, kahi, sahdru (pp. 53, 54). Chinese has not only the #-forms opposite, but also ^-forms corresponding to -gin in the term nigin ; e.g.', Men, kiln, kwan, M", "to roll up as a scroll, to seize, to gather, to whirl about," etc. K'-ilen, " to en- circle, to surround, a ring or circle" (old sound of both, gin)-

nigin, sddu, " to hunt."

<$<, nimin, *kissatu, " multitude," (ni + min) = nigin, napharu ; cp. me, "much"; and perhaps ni or ne, " a force," " host."

Chinese. "many," "abundance"; ni, "to follow another"; "near"; ni, "to stick to," "associate with"; ni, "to adhere"; nien, "to connect"; "to tread in another's steps"; ning, "gather- ing," of clouds; nung, "thick, dense," of trees, corn; ning, " plants growing thick and like a jungle"; niang, "mixed, blended"; nan, "to join to- gether."

niao-niao, "curling, like smoke"; niao, " winding," of a way ; nao, "to twist"; nien, "to wring, twist, roll up, turn the fingers"; nien, "to roll; a stone roller"; nin, now zhdn, "to twist a thread"; ning, "to twirl, whirl, turn"; niu, "to twist or turn with the hand"; ngo (nga.), Can- tonese ngo, Amoy ngo, Shang- hai ngu, "to make a thing round"; "a ring."

na, "to seize," nien, "to pursue";

nieh, "to track, to pursue a

trail." ni, "many"; min, "a multitude";

jd'/i min-min, "a mass of

people" (gin + min).

* nimin is also arb&, "forty." Is this ni(s), "twenty," min, "twice"? Cp. Chinese shih san, " thircy," (s/ii/i, "ten," sdn, "three").

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Accadian. Chinese.

X~*£~, ninda, ittii, a measure of >ian, " to measure by spanning length (gi-ninda, "measuring the fingers"; "a span," "a reed").* finger's length."

ner, niru, vijpo<i, "six hundred." Ta Nao, a statesman who esta- blished the sexagenary cycle in b.c. 2637. nam, btttUy a kind of dress (Arab, na, Cantonese nap (nab = nam) cL-»j ?) "padded, quilted"; "priestly

garments"; na, "tattered clothes."

Ni, "body," and ni, "self," are really the same term ; for words meaning "body" are common in the sense of "self" (Selb and "self" are said to mean "body"; and the Chinese f/ian, shim, "the body," also means "one's self " = Accadian su, shi, "body."). This character -^Jpf, when pronounced tu, means saru, "the wind "; and it is a striking fact that we find in Chinese both tu, "the belly,'' and tui, Shanghai dc, " a gust of wind " (cp. Accadian te = tu). The Accadian i^\J\ lil (= li + li) saru, zakiku, "wind," is amply represented by the Chinese liu, " the sighing of the wind," liu-liu, "the motion of the air," li-li, "a driving blast," lien, "the wind raising ripples on the water," liao-liao, "the continuous blast of a gale," and also "a steady breeze," la, leh (lab, lib), "the sound of the wind," and other cognates. Thus the Assyrian lilit, lil'tlii, Hebrew Lilith, would seem to be distant relatives of the Irish Banshee.

The common Chinese term for "wind, air, breath," is fang. Fis only a very modern modification of p, and the older sound is pong. But this is evidently not the simplest form of the root. To get at that, we must, as usual, compare an entire series of related sounds, supplied by the wealth of the Chinese dictionary. And first we note the phrases fa-shan, "a spiritual body," and fa-tun, "wind, wheel," i.e., "praying-machine." The old sound is pap (= pa-pa?). Then we have fan (pan) "to flutter about" (which is applied to the wind in phrases like yih fan-fang, "a gust of wind ") ; fan, "the wind fluttering a flag"; fan, read ping, ''the soughing of wind through trees" ; fan, "driven to and fro by the wind" ;fan, "a sail" {cp. ma, ba, "ship") ; fan-fan (pun), "soaring and flying" (Amoy hun =±: gin) j

* DA = '' V ii spread oul "? or merely an afformative.

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yrtwo- (pung), "fragrant"; ft (pi, pu), "to fly," " airy," lien-ft, "the Wind God," and ft-ft, "fragrant," ft, dialectic fi, hui, fi, "the lungs"; fau (pu), dialectic/?/, Jut, vu (= pu, gu, mu), "a storm," fu-fdng, "a great tempest ";fuh, dialectic fat, k&t, feh, " a light breeze." pa (pi, pu) is obviously the simplest form of the root, which has ramified thus widely in the Chinese. Cp. under the letter p, pi, "the nose," pHao, "a spiral gust of wind," p'ei, "flying and wheeling about," of swallows, plei, "misty vapour," pok, " mist," p'iao, "a whirlwind," and other members of the same series. The ultimate root is seen in the Accadian ^$~, pa, which occurs in pa-pa, mehic, "a storm," and pa-pa, sdru, "the wind"; cp. also pe-s, napdsu, "to breathe, blow." Another value of ^fz is sig, which appears in the senses of zik/ku {cp. papa, zakiku), "wind," sakummu, sakammatu, "sorrowful," " grief," pasdhu, "to be at rest." Now the Chinese sih, older sik, means " a full breath — a gasp — to breathe — to sigh, pant, sob — to rest, repose." Another sih is "to compassionate"; another yields sih-sih (sig-sig) " to blow gently," of the wind.

When, finally, it is remarked that the Chinese k% dialectic hi, k% chH (= gi, ki, di), "steam, breath, air," and kHen, "to pant," in Mandarin, and the Amoy hu, hui, hun, hut, and Cantonese hi, point to original g(k) ; while the Accadian sign i^\\ (lil, " the wind ") actually has also the values ge, ki, kid ; and that the M-form, implied by the Shanghai 7>u " a storm," and the Mandarin mo, mei, ming, mang, " rain," " mist," is actually extant in the Accadian -^»ff imi, sdru, "wind," zunnu, "rain": enough perhaps has been said, though more might be added, in proof that the Accadian and Chinese terms for " wind, breath," etc., are identical.

Addenda. — It is clear from the Assyrian texts that isansur sometimes means "table," or perhaps rather "feast," "banquet": vid. Phillipps' Cyl., I, 27 ; II, 34, and Haupt's remarks, Beitrage zur Assyriologie, p. 161. In Chinese, fang-si is "a plenteous table." This fang combines the meanings "a large goblet, a full cup, abundant, plenteous"; while si is defined "a mat to sleep or eat on before tables were used, a table, a repast, to spread out, a chair." So yen is (1) "a mat spread out"; (2) "a feast"; and i/idng is "a dish tilled with food," and "a plentiful table." With ninunna, cp. also the Chinese niu-nai-ping, "cheese," lit., "cow's milk cake," which has quite as much right to be regarded as a single word ; and niu-yiu, " butter," lit. " cow's fat."

Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 4th March, 1890, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will be read : —

Dr. Gladstone, F.R.S., &c. — "The Bronze and Copper of Ancient Egypt and Assyria."

E. B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S., etc.— "On the Winged Figures of the Assyrian and other ancient Monuments."

223

Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.

Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.

Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1866- 1869. 3 vols., folio.

Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler Vols.

I— III (Brugsch). Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par

H. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text hy Dumichen

of vols. 3 and 4.) Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867.

2nd series, 1869.

Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.

Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.

Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, li

Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1880.

Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.

Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy. 2nd edition.

Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.

Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.

Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.

Burkhardt, Eastern Travels.

Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873.

Le Calendrier des Jours Fastes et Nefastes de l'annee Egyptienne. 8vo. 1877.

E. Gayet, Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee de Louvre.

Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.

Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.

Lefebure, Les Hypogees Royaux de Thebes.

Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.

Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2nd partie. "Osiris."

Lepsius, Les Metaux dans les Inscriptions Egyptiennes, avec notes par W. Berend.

D. G. Lyon, An Assyrian Manual.

A. Amiaud and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes

et Assyriennes. 2 PARTS, Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides.

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.

POGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. *

224

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS,

Uhc Bron3e ©rnaments of tbe palace Gates from Balawat

[Shalmaneser II, b.c. 859-825.]

Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers.

In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus, the price for each part is now raised to £1 10s. : to Members of {he Society (the original price) £1 is.

Society of Biblical Archaeology.

COUNCIL, 1890.

President. P. le Page Renouf.

Vice- Presidents.

Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor.

The Ven. J. A. Hessey, D.C.L., D.D., Archdeacon of Middlesex.

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.

The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c.

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.

Walter Morrison, M.P.

Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c, &c.

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c, &c.

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.

Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c.

Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.

Cow, ril.

W. A. Tyssen Amherst, M.P , &c. Rev. Albert Lowy.

Rev. Charles James Ball. Prof. A. Macalister, M.D.

Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A. Rev. James Marshall.

Prok. R. L. Bensly. Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.

E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. J. Pollard,

Arthur Cates. F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A.

Thomas Christy, F.L.S. E. Towry Whyte, M.A.

Charles Harrison, F.S.A. Rev. W. Wright, P.D.

Honorary Treasurer— Bernard T. Bosanquet.

Secretary — W. Harry Ryi.ANDS, F.S.A.

Honoiary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, P. A.

Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S.

HARRISON AND SONS , PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY, ST. MARTINS LANE,

VOL. XII. Part 5.

PROCEEDINGS

OF

THE SOCIETY

OF

BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

m

VOL. XII. TWENTIETH SESSION.

Fifth Meeting, March 4th, 1890.

#oe>— ■ —

CONTENTS.

PAGE

J. Ii. Gladstone, Ph.D., F. R.S. — On Copper and Bronze of

Ancient Egypt and Assyria 227-234

Prof. G. Maspero.— Sur le sens des Mots Noult et Halt 235-257

Dr. A. Wiedemann. — A Forgotten Prince 258-261

Prof. Karl Piehl. — Errata 262

F. L. Griffith. — Notes on Egyptian Texts of the Middle

Kingdom —II 263-268

Rev. C. J. Ball. — The New Accadian [continued) 269-287

$'.*•

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1890.

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PROCEEDINGS

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BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

TWENTIETH SESSION, 1889-90.

Fifth Meeting, 4th March, 1890. P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President.

IN THE CHAIR.

-3C&<&€>-

The following Presents were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —

From the Author, J. Menant : — Le Cylindre de Urkam, au Muse"e Britannique. 8vo. 1889. Revue Archeologique, 1889.

From the Baron de Cosson : — Congres Provincial des Orientalistes francais. Compte-rendu de la Session inaugurale. Levallois. 1874. 8vo. Paris. 1885.

From the Baron de Cosson : — Indication succincte des Monu- ments e'gyptiens du Musee de Florence, par le conservateur, A. M. Migliarini. 8vo. Florence. 1859.

From the Author, Rev. S. Kinns, Ph.D. : — Moses and Geology, or the Harmony of the Bible with Science. 8vo. London, 1889.

From the Author, Dr. C. F. Lehmann : — Ueber das babylonische metrische system und dessen Verbreitung.

Verhandl. der Physikal. Gesellsch. zu Berlin. 22 Nov., 1S89. Jahrg. 8, Nr. 15.

[No. xc] 225 s

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S90.

From the Author, Dr. C. F. Lehmann : — Das Verhaltniss des agyptischen metrischen Systems zum babylonischen.

Aus den Verhandl. der Berliner Anthropol. Gesellsch. 19 Oct., 18S9. From the Author, Napthali Herz Imber : — Topics of to-day in the Talmud. London. 1890.

Reprinted from the Jewish Standard.

Purchased by the Council for the Library of the Society: —

Keilinschrifte Bibliotek. Sammlung von Assyrischen und Baby- lonischen Texten in Umschrift und Ubersetzung .... heraus- gegeben von Eberhard Schrader. Band I, 1889. Band II, 1890. 8vo. Berlin.

The following Candidates were elected Members of the Society, having been nominated on 4th February, 1890 : — Rev. Frederick H. J. McCormick, F.S.A. Scot., Whitehaven,

Cumberland. Rev. J. C. Bradley, B.A., Queen's Coll., Oxford, Rector of Sutton-under-Brails.

To be added to the List of Subscribers : — The Lancashire College, Whalley Range, Manchester.

The following Candidate was nominated for election at the next Meeting on 6th May, 1890 : —

Edward Oxenford Preston, West Lodge, Cookham, Berks.

3&

A paper was read by Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S., on " The Bronze and Copper of Ancient Egypt and Assyria."

Remarks were added by Rev. C. J. Ball, Rev. A. Lowy, Mr. J. Offord, Prof. Roberts-Austen, Thomas Christy, Dr. Kinns, Prof. Gladstone, and th'e President.

A paper was read by E. B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S., on " The Winged Figures of the Assyrian and other Ancient Monuments," which will be printed with illustrations in a future number of the Proceedings.

Remarks were added by Rev. A Lowy, Rev. J. Marshall, Mr. J.

Offord, and Dr. Kinns.

226

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

ON COPPER AND BRONZE OF ANCIENT EGYPT AND ASSYRIA.

By J. H. Gladstone, Ph.D., F.RS.

Mr. Flinders Petrie has kindly permitted me to examine the Copper and Bronze tools which he was fortunate enough to find during his excavations in Egypt last winter. He had holes drilled in a number of these tools, and gave me the metal which was thus obtained from the interior of them. The specimens, therefore, were in a fairly fine state of division, but they contained small quantities of workshop dirt and grease, which had to be removed by washing in ether. Some of the specimens also, if not all, are oxidized superficially more or less : in one case, that of the handle of the mirror from Kahun, the fine powder has thus become dark in colour ; and when the specimen was heated in a stream of hydrogen gas it yielded water equivalent to 29 per cent, of oxygen. Most probably the whole of the oxygen was not obtained by this method ; and whether any part of this 2-9 per cent, was in the original alloy it is impossible to say.

Tools of the Twelfth Dynasty.

The very interesting find of tools at Kahun consisted of a variety of implements, which were in a remarkably good state of preserva- tion. Of these I have examined a large hatchet found in the basket, a round chisel, the handle of a mirror, and a knife.

The Hatchet. — The borings from this, when submitted to analysis, proved to be copper mixed with a little of those substances which usually accompany it in its ores, especially arsenic. The most interesting point to determine was the presence or absence of tin, but unfortunately it is one of the most difficult problems in chemical analysis to separate properly tin, arsenic, and antimony ; and in this case it was rendered all the more difficult by the small amount of material at our disposal, and the small percentage of these metals in that material. The analysis which my assistant, Mr. Hibbert, who

227 S 2

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

performed most of the actual work, has the greatest confidence in, is

as follows : —

Copper ... ... 93*26

Arsenic ... ... 3*90

Tin ... ... ... 0-52

Antimony ... ... o-i6

Iron ... ... ... o-2i

98-05 The amount of tin is rather doubtful, though there is not much doubt that a very small quantity of it is present in the hatchet.

The Round Chisel.- — The borings from this were nearly free from arsenic, but there was no doubt about their containing some tin. The reactions of it were unmistakeable. The following proportions

were obtained: —

Copper 96-35

Arsenic ... ... 0-36

Tin ... ... ... 2-16

98-87 The deficiency in this and the other analysis may well be due to a little oxide ; but some portions of the metal seemed to contain a little sulphide, while others did not.

The Mirror Handle. — The borings from this, excluding the 2-9 per cent, of oxygen already referred to, gave approximately 95 per cent, of copper, and a decided amount of tin and arsenic, with a little iron.

The Knife. — The borings from this were of much the same composition, the tin being comparable in amount with that found in the large hatchet.

In none of these specimens was any zinc detected. It is evident therefore that these earlier alloys have no right to be called brass ; and probably they should be designated rather as imperfectly puri- fied copper, than as bronze. It is difficult to imagine that such small quantities of tin were purposely added ; it is, however, easy to sup- pose that the ancient Egyptians found certain ores of copper more suited for their purpose than others.

As phosphorus is known to have the effect of hardening copper, and is supposed to have been used in ancient times for that purpose, it was sought for carefully in the material from the round chisel, but no trace of it was detected.

228

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

Before leaving these most ancient tools, it may be interesting to compare the first analysis given above with one made by Dr. Percy of a supposed knife which was said to be found below a statue of Rameses II, and thirteen feet from the surface, viz.: —

Copper ... ... 97 "12

Arsenic ... ... 2*29

Tin ... ... ... 0*24

Iron ... ... ... o-43

ioo'oS The date of the knife was probably long anterior to that of the statue.

The metal of these tools is said to be rather soft, and at first sight it would appear improbable that such small impurities could do much for hardening copper, and making it available for cutting purposes ; but Professor Roberts-Austen, whom I asked about the matter, writes, " without question either two per cent, of tin or three per cent, of arsenic would have great influence in hardening copper, and even such small quantities as two-tenths per cent, of either element would have a very sensible effect." He thinks it probable that the tools were hardened by hammering, and adds that " they may have been originally much harder than they appear to be now, as alloys of copper undergo molecular change by time and exposure." As these tools are supposed to date back to about 2500 B.C., a period when the majority of tools were still made of flint, there is ample time for any change that might occur.

Tools of the Eighteenth Dynasty.

Mr. Petrie kindly gave me similar borings of some of the tools which he had found at Gurob, and which belong to the eighteenth dynasty, about 1200 B.C. The following analyses were obtained : —

Small hatchet.

Large hatchet

Copper

... 89-59

9C09

Tin

... 6-67

7-29

Arsenic

... 0-95

0'22

Antimony . . .

. . . trace

trace

Iron

... 0-54

—

9775

9 7 60

229

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1S90.

Traces of sulphur were also found in the large hatchet, but no phosphorus.

The main interest of these analyses consists in the much larger amount of tin. There can be no doubt that by this time the value of an admixture of tin was recognized, and these tools may fairly be described as bronze.

Bronze Figures.

Mr. Joseph Offord, jun., to whom I owe the inception of this work, some time ago placed at my disposal a bronze figure of Osiris which was rapidly falling to pieces in his cabinet of Egyptian Antiquities. I found that it consisted of a solid metallic statuette covered with a light green coating that disintegrated very easily. The metallic portion was like copper in colour, but as analysed by my assistant, Mr. T. A. Rose, it gave : —

Copper... ... ... 87*1

Tin, with silica ... 6-3

Lead ... ... ... 4*4

Iron and alumina ... traces

97'8 The outside crust was evidently far from homogeneous. It was a mixture of hydrated oxides with a little carbonate, and, what is more remarkable, a large amount of chlorides and oxychlorides. In one portion analysed the amount of chlorine was as much as 17*7 per cent. : the lead was proportionally greater in this crust than in the alloy itself, about 6 per cent., which means about 9 or 10 per cent, of the metallic constituents.

I am informed by Mr. Petrie that ancient bronzes which have laid long in the soil of Egypt are very apt to be corroded by the chloride of sodium or ammonium present in the soil. The materials may then set up a continuous electro-chemical action, more and more of the metal being converted ultimately into the oxide, while the liberated chlorine attacks fresh portions of the metal. In the case of Mr. Oftbrd's statuette, the action seems to have been peculiarly energetic.

Mr. Offord also gave me a head of Pasht which was disinte- grating, but more slowly. It was found to be copper mixed with iron and a little lead, with mere traces of tin, arsenic and alumina. It also contained a small amount of chloride.

2;o

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

A broken image of Horus in my own collection was covered with a hard, irregular coating of greenish matter, something like the pre- ceding ; but it was not suffering actual disintegration. It was found to consist of copper, with a little iron and alumina, and only traces of lead. There was no chlorine in the outer crust.

A small ordinary image of Osiris which I had by me, and which showed no signs of active deterioration, was also examined. It consisted of copper and a little tin ; but there was no lead or earthy matter.

Through the kindness of Mr. Rylands I also received two small pieces of bronze, much corroded, from the collection of Mr. F. ('. Hilton Price. They came from Bubastis. As this town was destroyed B.C. 352, they must be of an earlier date than that, and probably are some centuries earlier. The piece of an image con- tained copper, a fair amount of lead, a little tin, and traces of iron and alumina. The small bar consisted of copper, with a little tin, and traces of iron and alumina, but only a very minute trace of lead.

These observations seem to suggest that the copper alloys that contain lead are more liable to corrosion than the others.

Assyrian Bronze.

Through the kindness of Mr. Rylands I have also had the op- portunity of examining the bronze of the gates of the palace of Shalmaneser II, b.c. 859-825, found buried at Balawat. The authorities at the British Museum could only spare two small frag- ments : one of a metallic band, the other of one of the bolts which attached it to the wooden framework of the door. The metallic band was corroded almost entirely through, presenting an appearance of dark red and of white streaks, as though the components had separated from one another. The dark red portion owed its colour to the presence of a mixture of metallic copper, sub-oxide of copper, and black oxide. The alloy consisted of copper and tin with small quantities of arsenic, iron, and alumina. These were for the most part in the state of oxide, but there was also a notable quantity of chloride present. The sample analysed gave the following per. centages of the two principal metals : — -

Copper 73-9

Tin ... ... ... 9-04

which would indicate 1 1 per cent, of tin if these two metals constituted the whole of the original alloy.

23r

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S90.

The bolt was also much corroded, and covered with a light green crystallisation. When this was scraped off the interior was found also to consist of copper and tin, with small quantities of iron and arsenic. Chlorine was also present in the crust. The pro- portions of the two first in the scraped sample were : —

Copper ... ... ... 707

Tin 7-T5

or a little more than 9 per cent, of tin in the original bronze. These proportions resemble those usually found in ancient bronze, and those of modern gunmetal.

Ancient Ores.

It is well known that the ancient Egyptians had large turquoise and copper mines in the Sinaitic peninsula. Those at Wadi Nasb appear from the inscriptions to have been worked before the Xllth dynasty, and practically ceased to be worked after the reign of Thothmes III of the XVIIIth dynasty. I was anxious to see whether there were any indications of tinstone in the ores from these mines, and through the kindness of the Rev. Prof. Bonney I have been enabled to examine some small specimens of mineral and two pieces of ancient slag from the workings at Wadi Nasb, Igneh (Magharah), and Ragaita, but I have not succeeded in finding any indications of tin in them.

General Conclusions.

The interest of these observations appears to me twofold — Biblical and archaeological.

In the older books of the Bible, the name of a metal occurs which is generally translated " brass." This word at the time of King James' translation was applied indiscriminately to the various alloys of copper; the word bronze, of Italian origin, having been only recently applied to the compounds of which copper and tin are the principal elements. The furniture and ornaments of the taber- nacle, and other things mentioned in the book of Exodus, were made by artificers who had learnt the art of bronze manufacture in Egypt under the XVIIIth dynasty. Bronze, indeed, seems to have been used at that period by the Israelites to the total exclusion of iron. The two metals are both spoken of in the later history, though bronze was used for most purposes for which iron was afterwards employed : for instance, the arms and armour of Goliath and Saul

232

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. ri890.

(1 Sam. xvii, 5, 6, 38); fetters were made of it (Judges xvi, 21, etc.) ; as also were the bars of the cities of Argob (1 Kings, iv, 13). More remarkable still is the allusion to bows of bronze in the book of Job (Job xx, 24) and the song of David (2 Sam. xxii, 35). So unsuited for this purpose did brass appear, that the translators of the authorized version have rendered it a " bow of steel " in both cases. The revised version gives the more correct rendering : " He teacheth my hands to war, so that mine arms do bend a bow of brass." The " doors of brass," at Babylon, referred to in Isaiah xlv, 2, were probably similar in composition to that given above for those of Balawat, which were contemporary with the Israelitish King Jehu.

The analyses of the metallic implements of the Xllth dynasty strongly confirm the view held by many archaeologists, that in the latter part of the stone age there was what has been termed a pre- bronze age in which copper ores were smelted and the metal used for implements. It could scarcely have been otherwise. The metal thus obtained was harder than refined copper would have been on account of the impurities which were left in it. It seems highly probable that such ores as those that produced the copper found at Kahun would be preferred, and that gradually the workers in metal would find out why they made better tools, and a demand would arise for the ores of tin. Of course as tin was a rare and costly material, they could afford to add it to the copper only in small quantities, as in the bronzes of the XVIIIth dynasty which Mr. Petrie found at Gorub. When, however, tin was imported in larger quantities it could be used more freely.

We find indications of this process in other places. Berthelot* examined the " sceptre " of Pepi I, of the Vlth dynasty, and found it to consist of copper, without any tin or zinc. He also gives an analysis of a small votive figure found at Tello, and belonging to about the most ancient period of Mesopotamian history, which was nearly pure copper without any tin whatever. He found 9 per cent, of tin in an Egyptian mirror of the XVIIth or XVIIIth dynasty, and 10 per cent, in a votive tablet from the palace at Sargon, about B.C. 706.

The ancient metallic tools described by Dr. Schliemann in his work entitled " Ilios," tell the same tale. In the older buried city,

* Annates de Chimie et Physique. Serie 6, XII, p. 129 : and Academic des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, C. R., 18S7, p. 472.

233

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S90.

specimens of copper pins or nails analysed by Roberts- Austen gave in one instance no tin, and in another 0*22 per cent. But in the third city at Hissarlik, battle axes and other implements found in the " treasure " gave a larger amount of tin ; one examined by Damour gave 3*84 per cent., another by Lyons, 8*64 per cent., while two others by Roberts-Austen yielded respectively 4*39 and 57 per cent. Zinc was entirely absent.

All these observations indicate how the stone implements were gradually replaced by those of copper, and how, by increasing the amount of tin, this was changed into the more valuable alloy of bronze.*

* For the composition of ancient bronzes occurring in different countries, and a summary of what was known upon the subject up to 1883, see Professor E. Reyer's " Die Kupferlegirungen, ihre Darstellung und Verwendung bei den Volkern des Alterlhums," Archiv fiir Anthropologic, vol. xiv, p. 357.

= 34

MAR. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

SUR LE SENS DES MOTS ®t NOUIT ET [] ^ HAlT. Par G. Maspero.

Les mots ®t nouit et [J ^ hait entrent tous les deux dans la composition de la formule par laquelle les scribes expliquent les scenes oil Ton voit le mort recevant le tribut de ses domaines

I "fk "TL © © /WWW

funeraires. La version la plus ordinaire est ^ \s\ \s\

XI Maa nouitou nti pir-zotou, " voir les nouitou de la

_>% Ik *f^Oe o

maison eternelle. ' — ^ \\ V\ ~ ^ ^ ._, A A/Wv/W ?\

3^ CD "*-=*. A/wwv <jVi> -"I

c» 1 d ^ ^IT |sh, maa nouzit-hir turn, paoutou

/WWW I . — ^: — 'V ' ... ' r\ "t

arpiou, torpou, roou, e/ieou, annit m nouitou^ nou pir-zotou nti to-mihi rhi, " voir l'hommage en pains, gateaux, vins, oies, bceufs, apporte de ses nouitou du pays du Nord et du Midi " -

J\ \ <©> H &> a\Anit nouzit-hir turn, paoutou,

arpiou an nouitou pir-zotou, " apport de l'hommage en pains, gateaux, vins, par les nouitou de la maison eternelle,'"3 etc. On trouve parfois la vanante I ~ 1 Y7 I\ ~ww. w\

o © © o ^^ c=?^= <,yr> <\ 07 _ . . _ .

o<=< ^1/ |4^ ofcnqpit nouzit-hir ron-

pitiou nibou annit m haitou-/ nouitou^" nti to-mihi rhi, " Defile de l'hommage de tous les produits de l'annce, apporte de ses haitou et de ses nouitou du nord et du midi,"' 011 le mot [J ^ hait est insere a cote du mot ®t Nouit. On

rencontre meme quelquefois la variante v\ *!+ in

haitou/ nti rhi, oil ®t a ete entitlement supprime.6 Si on etudie les noms des personnages qui s'avancent processionnellement derriere ces titres, on verra que le mot [J ^ hait y figure assez souvent, meme quand la formule du debut n'annonce pas de y r-^ haitou

1 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 317. 2 Mariette, Mast abas, p. 275.

3 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 353.

4 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 380; cfr. Lepsius, Denkin., II, 1)1. 64, 102 a.

5 Lepsius, Dcnkm., II, bl. 104 /'.

235

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY*. [1S90.

u^J[o]pT®-ll='

parmi les nouitou : ainsi ^ 1

0\T© hait Haraqaou Rasankhit, hait Asst Ramiriankhit, etc.1

Les personnages ainsi designes ne different en rien des autres, et appor- tent au mort les memes ofifrandes que leurs compagnons ou leurs compagnes qui repre'sentent plus specialement les ®, nouitou. On me permettra de resumer ici en quelques pages les tres longues recherches que mes etudes sur la constitution politique de PEgypte m'ont oblige' a. entreprendre a propos des deux mots qui entrent dans cette for mule.

i . ^| nouit sert a. designer un domaine rural d'etendue plus ou moins considerable, portant ou ne portant pas de village ou de maison d'habitation. Ce domaine a un nom, par lequel il etait inscrit sur les monuments et dans les ecritures, c'est-a-dire sur les registres du cadastre et de I'impot. II etait done une personne reelle, formant un corps complet en soi, et e'est pour cela qu'on le represente sous la forme d'un homme ou d'une femme, apportant des produits agricoles et des offrandes. II ne se fondait pas avec un domaine voisin, quand raeme il appartenait au meme proprietaire, mais lapersonnalite de chacun des domaines persistait. Un homme qui reunissait, par heritage ou par acquisition, vingt de ces domaines n'en faisait pas un domaine unique ; il etait le maitre de vingt parcelles de terre distinctes, dont chacune conservait son nom, ses limites et sa vie propre. Les domaines etaient separes par des steles portant le nom du proprietaire, et aussi la date de l'erection de la stele.2 Le proprietaire etait appele [ ^®| hiqou nouit, avec le meme titre [hiqou qui sert a marquer la propriete du Pharaon ou du grand seigneur feodal sur l'Egypte entiere ou sur une partie du territoire egyptien.3

1 Lepsius, Denkm., II, bl. 76, et So.

2 Cfr. V Inscription de Beni-Hassan, 11. 36-53, 131-156 ; j'ai eu l'occasion de citer deux de ces steles (Mariette, Monuments Divers, Texte, p. 30).

3 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 145, 246. Le chef du nome d'Ounou est appele, dans l'Ancien Empire jj^ <==> @® J? Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 112, />, c, sous

le premier empire thebain A \ov ©©© — -^ {Inscription de Beni-Hassan,

rr\y ' 1 1 1 "^ 1

1. 69), oil j'avais cru d'abord que J? , & est un chiffre, la forme hieratique

rcdress^e du chiffre neuf qu'on rencontre si souvent aux epoques posterieures

236

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

Le mot employe nous montre qu'il s'agit bien d'une propric'te reelle, et non d'une location ou d'une condition analogue a celle du colo- nat : le maitre d'un domaine en etait f hiqou, de la meme maniere que le Pharaon etait [ hiqou des deux terres d'Egypte. Xous savons en effet que le Pharaon, dans ses courses le long du Nil, distribuait a ses fideles des terres prises parmi les terres libres de son domaine, et qui devaient leur servir a les nourrir eux et leurs families : ils devenaient ( Jf, hiqou nouit, comme le montre l'inscription de Beni-Hassan, et ils devaient au Pharaon, outre l'impot en nature, le service militaire contre ses ennemis. Les grands seigneurs faisaient de leurs terres des liberalites analogues a celles que faisait le Pharaon : si certains de leurs domaines etaient administres directe- ment par eux et cultives par leurs propres esclaves, d'autres etaient aux mains de petits tenanciers libres, qui etaient eux aussi [ ®\ hiqou nouit, et que je n'ose appeler colons de peur d'amener une con- fusion entre les donnees de la loi romaine et la constitution politique de l'Egypte. Ces Hiqou nouit payaient naturellement des rede- vances en nature, reglees selon l'etendue de leur domaine. Une paroi du tombeau de Sabou nous les montre amenes devant les scribes greffiers pour rendre leurs comptes J] ™^ [ ^^ ^ © 2 I PJ. * ■ > dans les registres on voit denier des boeufs, des gazelles, des volailles

(E. de Rouge, Chrestomathie, II, p. 109). Dans le nome voisin de la gazelle, le

fk V :fffff

chef etait Ms- g. linn (Lepsius, Denkm.. II, pi. m, (/, i). II aurait done < — :>,— >•*-! Ill

resulte de ces exemples, qu'au moins dans cette partie de l'Egypte, le prince ou le

chef du nome avait soit a lui en pleine propriete ? a ^k jr. soit comme adminis-

|v V ' ©©© TFFff

trateur pour le compte du Pharaon tf^s- ^> , neuf domaines ou ;

cet emploi du nombre neufa.ura.it ete analogue a celui qu'on voit dans l'expression

les Neuf arcs HI III pour exprimer les Barbares. Toutefois on trouve au

III tombeau de Pahournofir (Nestor Lhote, T. Ill, fol. 338-341) la mention d'un

j^. / qui ne me permet pas de maintenir cette supposition. Quoiqu'il

en soit de / le sens de nouit est certain dans le passage de l'inscription de Beni-Hassan qui a donne lieu a cette discussion. Dans un autre endroit (11. 184-192) Nouhri [ ^ .^T ®i ^ — rigit son domaine dhs I'enfance, et est choisi pour le roi «cz^> | z: ■ ^-^ pour rigir son domaine.

237

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

de diverses especes, avec des chifFres indiquant le total des tetes de betail pour Fensemble des domaines.1 Leurs comptes sont rendus sous la menace et parfois sous l'application du baton,2 mais il ne faudrait pas que la vue du traitement qu'on leur inrlige nous inspirit le moindre doute sur leur condition. Le baton etait en Egypte un moyen de gouvernement qu'on maniait du haut en bas de l'echelle hierarchique, et un grand seigneur etait expose a recevoir la baston- nade comme un simple esclave. II faut meme croire qu'on y ecnappait rarement, car un des fonctionnairs enterres a. Saqqarah

nous dit en maniere de panegyrique y* 1 1 ^ tit y-q ~WT ft

&

0 /■ ,', Fk v~^/ <z*-\ ^S " Je su*s l'ami des homines,

et jamais je n'ai ete batonne devant aucun magnat depuis ma naissance."

La plus grande partie des renseignements que nous possedons jusqu'a present sur les ®t nouitou nous sont fournis par les repre- sentations funeraires. Mais ainsi que j'ai deja eu l'occasion de le remarquer,4 les coutumes de la vie mortuaire ne sont que la trans- position des coutumes de notre vie, etce qui estvrai des unes est vrai egalement des autres : nous pouvons nous servir des tableaux que nous voyons dans les tombeaux en toute securite pour en deduire ce qui se passait dans le monde des vivants. L'examen des noms domaniaux est des plus instructifs.6 On peut les diviser en deux categories : i° ceux qui contiennent le nom d'une des denrees qu'on donnait aux morts, et qui etaient enumerees tout au long dans la table d'offrandes ; 2° ceux qui renferment un element historique ou agricole, etranger a la table d'offrandes. La premiere cate'gorie forme une serie bien determinee qu'on rencontre plus ou moins complete dans tous les tombeaux oil la procession des domaines est representee. L'ideal eut ete de prendre tous les noms de toutes les provisions enoncees dans la table; et de former avec chacun d'eux le nom d'un

1 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 149-46 ; cfr. Lepsius, Denkm., II, 42, a, b, 63-64 a. I )'apres l'analogie des autres scenes les personnages innommes qui defilent clans Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 15 b, 51, appartiennent a la classe des hiqou nouit.

- Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 9, ou sont des | ^| de ce genre. Les | tenanciers libres places devant les scribes sont introduits chacun par son nom. •f Mariette, Mastabas, p. 417.

4 Maspero, Les Hypogies royatix de Thebes, p. 32 sqq.

0 La formation generate en a ete indiquee par Erman, Aegypten, p. 146 sqq.

238

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

domaine particulier, mais cet ideal n'a jamais ete atteint, et les tombeaux qui nous fournissent les listes de domaines les plus longues, sont encore loin d'arriver au total qu'on obtiendrait avec la table d'offrandes. Voici, autant que j'ai pu les recueillir ceux de noms de

domaine ainsi formes qu'on rencontre: 0© Shait, le gateau

conique l ffi^ 0 © pait,2 le gateau en forme de boule avec impres-

AfVvvM III ti

sion des doigts du patissier, "W nepahou,3 grains, § j^ ©'

pokha, autre espece de grains, |^. 0 "c 0 © 1^~2 \ © masitou,s autre especes de grains, a © shaou, autre espece de grains,

OOO

n bbt> « H ftAAAAA -^

^-^ © agai'tou,7 orge, JJ Q q © anit ti, apport du pain,

W /%AAAAA 9 A ft <T" "^>

J\ ^ \ ^q © anit haqit, apport de la biere,8 1|q q® arpou,9 le

J A AAAAAA

y © tobou,10 le figuier, la figue, | [1 Q noubsit,11 le

jujubier, le fruit du jujubier, |l 0 @ sokhit,13 sorte de grains dont on signale deux especes, l'une verte, l'autre blanche : J^JJ^^® babaitou, 13 sorte de fruit ou de graines jlj'f'r© habninit," \ I 7^ \ ©, I \ -^ fTo © ouHA'iTou, houaitou,13 sorte de

I Mariette, Mastabas, p. 185 ; Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 46.

~ Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 185, 353.

8 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 185. 4 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 1S5.

s Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 185, 186, 328.

6 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 185.

7 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 186, 196, 324, 398 ; Lepsiu?, Denkm., II, 46, 50 a, 47 ; le domaine inutile de Mariette, Mastabas, p. 185, me parait devoir se retablir 0 bbb

a o © •

8 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 196 ; Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 46, 47.

9 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 185, 325 ; Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 46, 47, 50 a.

10 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 185 ; Lepsius, Denkm. II, pi. 46.

II Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 306, 353, 398 ; Lepsius, Denkm., II, pL 47, Ci.

12 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 196, 276, 325, 353.

13 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 276, 324.

14 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 1S1, 186, 196, 276, 306, 324, 353, 398 ; Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 47, 50a, 61.

15 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 181, 324.

239

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

fruit ou de graine, [1 c-=^» (j ashdou, l l'arbre ashdou et son fruit, 3=^© zosirit.3 le koumi, le lait fermente et alcoolise, ^ |l riTo ® snoutir3 l'encens, ^ n ^ ^ II Q. ^ aoufou r-shit,

la viande pour le tombeau, © haha, 5 le feu, _*_ ^ posni, g le ^ateau. La forme que plusieurs de ces noms prennent J\ ^ q © anit ti, J] ^ a ^ © ANIT haqit, montre que dans l'esprit des Ecryptiens certains des domaines etaient destines a fournir au mort la denree dont ils portaient le nora : c'est un usage qu'on retrouve ailleurs qu'en Egypte dans le monde antique, et qui s'explique fort bien dans des pays et dans des temps ou, la monnaie etant encore inconnue, les revenus des particuliers et les impots d'etat etaient payes en nature. Le domaine appele les Jtgues c=^i JO © tobou, pouvait done fournir les figues du mort quoi qu'il produisit d'ailleurs ; le revenu des terres dont il se composait servait a assurer au mort son approvisionnement de figues. Cela dit, on peut se demander s'il portait reellement, dans l'usage ordinaire de la vie, ce nom de tobou qui in- dique sa destination? La reponse ne me parait pas douteuse, car les monuments se chargent de la faire pour nous. L'accord entre le nom du domaine et la matiere qu'il est charge de fournir n'est pas aussi constant qu'on serait tente de le croire. Ainsi le domaine ^^ ®^ le poisson latus de Khouit-hotpou, apporte non pas du poisson, mais de la biere \ ^ CZi.1 Certains des noms etaient done reels, d'autres ne l'etaient point, et n'avaient d'autre objet que de repondre a une des prescriptions du Rituel Funeraire egyptien. Reels ou fictifs, ils avaient pour le mort un interet serieux. J'ai deja eu souvent l'occasion de montrer que la representation d'un objet ou d'une scene suffisait pour valoir au proprietaire d'un tombeau la possession de cet objet dans l'autre monde ou le benefice de Taction

1 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 324, 353, 398, peut-etre a la p. 1S5 [1 est-il une faute de copiste pour [| _^ y © . - Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 185, 325.

3 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 353. 4 Lepsius, Dcnkm., II, pi. 28.

B Mariette, Mastabas, p. 186 ; Lepsius, Dcnkm., II, pi. 46, 61. 6 Lepsius, Dcnkm., II, pi. 46. 7 Mariette, les Mastabas, p. 70.

240

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

figuree sur la scene. La peinture d'une procession de domaines, apportant a l'image d'un mort les divers produits necessaires a la vie, donnait eternellement au double de ce mort la jouissance reelle de chacun des produits representees. Le domaine avait beau etre fictif, du moment qu'on mettait sur le raur un personnage le representant, et qu'on ecrivait un nom a cote de ce personnage, le mort recevait perpetuellement l'espece particuliere de fruit, de graine ou de legume que ce domaine etait cense lui devoir, et lui apporter comme rede- vance. Comme c'etait apres tout un procede des moins couteux pour les survivants, on ne se faisait pas faute d'y recourir liberalement : autant on avait de place, autant on pouvait figurer de ces domaines fictifs.

Les noms de la seconde cate'gorie representent toujours ou pretendent representer quelque chose ayant une existence reelle. Une bonne moitie d'entre eux est empruntee a la nature egyptienne, comme beaucoup de nos noms de villages le sont a. notre nature : "^□"oQ© nouhit,1 le sycomore, (j^g^Yix^ iarou,2 les palmes, U ^fctih kanou, 3 la treille, J

o l°UKANOU' ia treme- JLW!

J 0^| benzouitou, benzouit,4 le vignoble (]'v\<^r=> "W*©

iarorit, ialolit,5 le raisin, p=s=i W © soshshni,6 le lotus i—rc-i 7 fi pi pi ■— ii— ' 1 <o<

J^=-_ f\ U UU © shafit,7 le champ de pieds d'alouette' Anit8

^ V in- n ' " 'i o ©

le poisson latus, v\ ¥\ *N«^ mimou, 9 l'hyene, Q «cz=> ^°

1 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 186, 276, 325 ; Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 46, 47.

2 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 28.

3 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 61. ^\ W\ 1 rnot non signale jusqu'a present, se retrouve sous la forme ^ T^lX N0UKA> dans un^ inscription du tombeau d'Amten (Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 7, b, 1. 3).

4 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 181, 186. Benzouit, au pluriel BENZOUITOU, est un mot nouveau.

5 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 46. 6 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 47.

7 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 1S1.

8 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 153, 186, 196, 300, 306 ; Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 28, 46, 47.

9 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 306, 474.

241 T

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S90.

hazourit1 l'ichneumon, le rat de pharaon, ^ v v?()© toritou,2

les saules, la saussaie. D'autres sont empruntes aux accidents divers du terrain ou a des constructions, ^N@ shit,3 le bassin, l'etang,

9. 1 — ( Ro-shonou, 4 la bouche de l'ecluse, jL ©

I /www © £^ 3>

I \\ I 00c

shit-risit et oc>* shit-mihtit,5 le lac du Sud et le lac du

o ©

J "^ SOKHIT-AMENTIT et I U U U 7TC SOKHIT

i? ® 1 ,0^1^ 1 ©

abtit,6 le pre de l'Occident et le pre de l'Orient, jhU^ ^^ D00 © sokhit Anou,7 la prairie des fleurs Anou, ( ) ^) ©

ait azdou,8 l'ile verte (?), ( > T <=> ait nofir,9 l'ile du bon, a'it-sovkou, l'ile du crocodile ou du dieu Sovkou,

Nord, (1

^>^>© ait rokhitou,11 l'ile des blanchisseurs (?), _§^jt|=^, \ ^ 12 ahait, ha'it, le champ, I oA-jj- @ ait sokhit,13

l'ile du filet ou des chasseurs au filet, (I v\ /j-A „ iai't, la porte,

&

1 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 28. X <^^> a ete traduit par cheval, malgre son

determinatif, et M. Lefebure a conclu de cette interpretation que le cheval etait

connu en Egypte des l'Ancien Empire. C'est une forme dialectale du mot a

khatour, &[<L0OtX ou M. Lefebure reconnait avec grand raison l'ichneumon :

le determinatif jj^Ko represente l'animal lui meme. On trouve X <^>

o 0 ^ 0 Ac

hazourit, \ <_-~> hatour, et avec chute de < — > finale t ° *, dans les noms

propres de l'ancien empire : c'est un nouvel exemple a joindre a ceux que nous

avons deja du passage de ) a e^^> , ° v et O .

2 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 23.

3 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 196, 276, 306, 353, 398, 474 ; Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 28, 46, 47.

4 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 181, 481, 484.

5 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 317. 6 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 300.

7 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 481, 484.

8 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 474. 9 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 300. 10 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 181. H Mariette, Mastabas, p. 300.

12 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 474 ; Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 28, 32, oil le mot est inutile.

1:1 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 317.

242

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

o ©

I I J asit,1 le «renier voute, le silo, ^~^ Mr V^ ^

shit ouahouou, le lac des pecheurs, IT JJJ

sha smiritou,2 le verger des amies. Le caractere tout local que presentent ces noms nous montre qu'on a ici des domaines reels. lis faisaient partie des proprietes du mort, et auraient droit a figurer tous sur la carte de l'Egypte, si des renseignements certains nous permettaient d'y retrouver les parcelles de terrain auxquelles ces noms divers etaient attaches. Je crois bien que la plupart d'entre eux etaient assez petits : si riches qu'on suppose leurs maitres, its avaient a cote d'eux beaucoup d'autres personnages de rang et de fortune a peu pres egale, dont les tombes ou sont detruites ou sont encore inconnues, et qui possedaient chacun une certaine quantite de territoire. Or la superficie du norae Memphite, ou tous ces gens avaient leurs proprietes, n'est pas telle qu'on puisse y trouver place pour quelques centaines de grands domaines : il faut done se resoudre a admettre que si quelques uns de ces biens-fonds etaient considerables, beaucoup etaient de dimensions restreintes.

Les noms de la seconde serie dont je n'ai pas encore parle sont formes avec des cartouches de pharaons, et sont les plus interessants de tous. Le cartouche qu'ils contiennent est en effet une date qui nous apprend le moment ou chacun d'eux fut con- stitue : il ne prouve pas necessairement que le Pharaon donna a un particulier le terrain nomme d'apres lui, mais qu'il etait encore sur le trone quand le domaine recut son titre. Or cette observation a une importance capitale pour nous prouver que le domaine, une fois etabli, conservait longtemps sa personnalite : si en effet nous trouvons sous un roi de la VP dynastie des domaines oil se ren- contrent les cartouches des rois de la Ve et de la IVe, il faut bien admettre qu'ils avaient conserve leur nom depuis le moment ou les rois qui portaient ces cartouches avaient cessd de regner. Ainsi Phtahhotpou, qui vivait sous l'avant-dernier roi

Assi de la Ve dynastie, a des domaines nommes d'apres ( © W ^^, ] Didifri dela IVe dynastie f^lP^"] OusiRKAF TofflT^j Sahouri (UUI] QAQAi (kT^J \] Haraqaou Qz^j]

1 Mariette, Mas/abas, p. 353. - Mariette, Mas/abas, p. 181.

243 T 2

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

de la V6;1 ces rois couvrent un espace de plus de deux siecles

pendant lesquels le domaine ( O ^ h^— I 1 Q *= @ Fetoile Sahoud,

de Didifri n'avait cesse de porter le nom de l'obscur pharaon Didifri. Les elements qui entrent dans la composition des noms de cette espece ne sont pas tres varies. Dans quelques uns c'est un dieu ou une deesse qu'on dit aimer le roi, vivifier le roi, ou proteger sa

vie : CHHlil] I JJ \^ © Hika miri Ankh assi, ( WlJ^J "T^VIt©!2 Safkhit-aboui miri on kh Haraqaou ( f| ~~l~ \\ ]

^[W© Safkhit aboui sankh Assi3 (Ikfl U V[ J?) I^g @ Haraqaou Mati miri.4 Dans d'autres, le nom du roi est accompagne" d'un terme qui exprime une qualite du roi ou

du terrain qui porte le nom du roi : ( Q ll\ ^ J J Q g Sahouri bahit, la richesse de Sahouri T () Z^Z I] J J 8 S Assi Bahit, (Az^zf)] X CXj © Assi MAN HABI» Assi

a des fetes durables, f l)—^~/| J I© Assi-aa-nofir, Assi est

tres bon 5 ( Q ~^~ 0 1 T [I |(| Assi nofir habi, Assi a de bons

poissons de fete6 (o ^ J , .. ™ .© Khafr! oir kaou, Khafri est riche (ou grand) en doubles 7 f®^^!^)"^®^© Khoufoui ouakhou 8 Co 3Q J jT) Q^ © Khafr} ouakhou9

1 M-iriette, Mast abas, p. 3153. 2 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 74^.

3 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 76 a et b.

4 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. So : ^ \ J£^ mati est ici le nom du dieu lion.

5 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. So ; cfr. Mariette, Mastabas, p. 306.

6 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 76 a, £.

7 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 12. 8 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 23.

9 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 42; a la planche 74 d, se trouve un domaine

0M jQ O ifP © oil le cartouche est soit Haraqaou, soit Kakai ; WM&fc-m Ola peut-etre doit-on lire dans ces noms Ouakhou Khoufoui, Ouakhou Kiiairi,

le pre de Khonfoui, le pre de Khafri.

244

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

le roi Khoufoui, le roi Khafri verdoie, ( O I <2>- \ J | ff 1 ^yb* g§

V ° ' — J r^v- 1 Ju\ ^

NOFIRIRKERI OUASH-BAIOU,1 ( j[ J j[ J (j J JPlr^X- i^kfift KaKI OUASH-

ba'iou, le roi Nofirirkeri,2 le roi Kaki, ont des ames pleines de volonte, ( ® y ^\ J ^"1 K^v® Khoufoui-aa-zofaou,3 Khoufoui

a beaucoup de provisions. Je pourrais continuer cette enumeration, mais je prefere me borner a indiquer quelques cas oil Ton pent reconnaitre une survivance assez longue du domaine et de son nom. Phtahhotpou avait sous Ounas deux domaines portant le nom de

Snoufroui, fjj^g^et (U^Y] «=» ^ »■ ™ » nom de Khe'ops, ® V\ ^ | hat-khoufoui un au nom de

Sahouri, I 0^. ^ \\> T < hat-sahouri miri nofirit, et plusieurs

au nom de Kiki et d'Assi : les plus anciens retenaient done leur nom depuis au moins quatre siecles quand il mourut.4 Shop siskafankhou, ne probablement sous Shopsiskaf comme son nom l'indique, mais dont la vie se prolongea sous Nofirirkeri, avait

deux domaines portant le nom de Khoufoui, f <fi ~^j§ ® y> *^=^ I S@0^ et S@l©, un au nom de Shopsiskaf ffl^l ■¥■ , un au nom de Sahouri f O ^\ P ] x ) ^) > un au nom

de Nofirirkeri ( O ! -cs>- 1 )| "H *SSn> © ; 8 les plus anciens de ces

V 0 ' — 'A ' " ' IIaI

domaines, ceux qui contiennent le cartouche de Khoufoui, avaient done, a sa mort, porte leur nom pendant pres d'un siecle et demi. Mihtinofir, qui vivait sous Sahouri au debut de la Ve dynastie, avait un domaine

qui portait. le nom de Snofroui ( P I <=> p J ' £T" Snofroui

Saou-hit, et un autre qui portait celui de Didifri, I O 7? ^^ J

I [jjjll © Didifri sokhit:6 le domaine appele d'apres Snofroui

avait done conserve son nom pendant un siecle et demi au moins. Sabou, qui mourut dans les premiers temps de la VIe dynastie,

1 Lepsius, Denkm. II, pi. 50 a. 4 Diimichen, Rcsitltate, T. I, pi. xviii.

2 Lepsius, Denkm., pi. 74^/. 5 Lepsius, Denkm., pi. 5o</.

3 Lepsius, Denkm., pi. 23. 6 Mariette, Mast abas, p. 300.

245

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

possedait a cote de domaines appeles d'apres Assi, Ounas, et Teti, une propriete dont le nom renfermait le cartouche de Khafri.

f O a^ I <x0^ © : ce domaine avait conserve son nom pendant

pres de trois cents ans. Quelques uns des domaines ainsi con- stitues se developperent peu a peu et s'eleverent au rang de ville:

ainsi, dans le nome de la Gazelle /rf) fflTF, le domaine nomine

( ® v k — \> I wwva <=>&Q® Monait-Khoufoui. ^^ <=> (W) monait la nourrice, etait un des mots qui entraient dans la composition des noms de domaine : nous avons par exemple y /www o (W) ©

oA^ D. Monait ptahhotpou, et q m) Monait 3 a Meydoum. Monait-

Khoufoui fut d'abord un domaine a qui son proprietaire donna le nom du roi Khoufoui; puis il devint une ville, non pas Minieh, comme on le dit depuis Champollion, mais l^o^*]^ el-Anbage, appele aussi Medinet Daoud ^\j &>.<**>, ou la Commission d'Egypte a rencontre des ruines considerables.4 Cette ville, importante pendant le moyen empire, fut, sous la XIIe dynastie, la capitale de la principaute orientale de la Gazelle. Elle avait probablement disparu ou change de nom pendant la seconde periode thebaine, car les touristes de la XXe dynastie qui visitaient les tombes de Beni-Hassan ne savaient plus ce que c'etait que Monait-Khoufoui, et, appliquant ce nom aux tombes meme, y voyaient le souvenir d'une ville, d'un temple de Khoufoui.5 Beaucoup des vieux do- maines ont du avoir une destinee analogue.

De tout ce que j'ai dit, il resulte que nous avons, pour la propriete egyptienne, une constitution analogue a celle que nous avons, pour la propriete romaine, a l'epoque imperiale, et aux premiers temps au moins de l'epoque barbare. Le domaine y est une personne ayant son nom independant de celui du proprietaire actuel et persistant a travers les ages. L'examen des processions funeraires nous apprend que, comme le domaine romain, il pouvait comprendre

1 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 383. 2 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 353.

s Mariette, Mastabas, p. 474.

4 Description de ViLgyple, Antiqftitds, T. IV, p.. 347 sqq.

' Maspero, Les peintures des tombeaux igypHens et la Mosaique de Pa/eslri/ie, p. 49.

246

Mar. 4]

PROCEEDINGS.

[189c.

des pres, des vignobles, des terres en labour, des etangs, des herbages marecageux, des terrains de chasse : on voit en effet tel de ces domaines qui amene un boeuf, un veau, une gazelle, une chevre, ou qui apporte des fruits, des legumes, du raisin, des paquets d'oies et de volailles, du poisson, ce qui montre la variete de leurs produits et par suite la variete des terrains qu'ils embrassaient. Comme dans l'empire romain, la grande propriete n'etait pas formee d'un seul domaine s'etendant et s'elargissant a l'infini : elle etait constitute par dix, vingt, trente domaines et plus, quelquefois groupes dans un meme canton, quelquefois disperses sur plusieurs cantons eloignes '■ (ceux de Sabou, par exemple, etaient dans cinq noraes differents), quelques uns contigus, quelques autres isoles au milieu de proprietes du meme genre appartenant a des maitres differents. Ces domaines souvent ne renferment que des groupes d'habitations rurales trop insignifiants pour etre ce que nous appelons un village ; souvent aussi ils renferment une maison seigneuriale, autour de laquelle peuvent se former des villages et meme des villes. Ceci me conduit a examiner ce que signifie exactement le mot

LJ £T3 H^IT> Qui echange avec le mot ®, nouit, ou le double, et qui parait a premiere vue designer ces maisons seigneuriales et les bourgs qui les entourent.

20. Je ne me rappelle pas qu'on ait explique de facon certaine ce que represente le signe I . Cest n'est pas, comme on l'a dit, une chambre avec un siege, mais, si on le compare au petit croquis

que voici qui represente la Shounet ez-Zebib a Abydos, on reconnaitra sur le champ que I et ses variantes , F~|, P~~q> [""3' sont le plan abrege d'une forteresse egyptienne. Cest une enceinte rectangulaire, posee tantot sur un des cotes longs, tantot sur un des cotes courts ; dans un des angles on a dessine le trace de la porte

1 Mariette, Mastakas, p. 383. 247

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1890.

principale et de la place d'armes qui la defend, quelquefois merae on a indique a deux angles opposes deux grandes portes P~~T], cotnme c'est le cas pour certaines forteresses, ainsi pour celle de Kom el-Ahmar (Hieraconpolis) en face d'el-Kab.

Aujourd'hui encore, en Egypte, les maisons seigneuriales qui ont ete baties avant qu'on imitat les modeles europeens presentent un plan analogue a celui de la Shounet ez-Zebib. Les unes sont isolees, les autres placees au milieu d'un village plus ou moins considerable ; toutes sont de ve'ritables forteresses, offrant pour la plupart l'aspect d'un rectangle plus ou moins regulier selon les contours du terrain qu'elles couvrent. L'enceinte exterieure est assez haute pour mettre les habitants a. l'abri de l'escalade, epaisse de deux metres et plus, construite en briques crues recouvertes d'un crepis blanchatre ou jaunatre. La porte, encadree de briques cuites et parfois de pierre, est assez etroite ; deux ou trois poternes basses, dissimulees sur les cotes, fournissent des issues aux defenseurs de la place. Les facades sont nues ordinairement, sauf quelques lucarnes placets le plus haut possible et des meurtrieres par lesquelles on peut tirer sur les gens du dehors. A l'interieur c'est un fouillis de cours, de corps de batiment construits dans tous les sens, et se raccordant ou se separant sous tous les angles imaginables : une maison assez soignee pour le maitre et sa famille, des huttes pour les domestiques et les ouvriers agricoles, des magasins a. provisions, des etables pour les bestiaux, des colombiers, le tout reuni par des couloirs etroits et tortueux, ou la resistance peut se prolonger, meme apres que le mitr exterieur a ete force.1 C'est un veritable chateau fort, et chateau est le meilleur terme qu'on puisse employer a traduire [J ^ hait dans notre langue. Certains gros villages de la Haute-Egypte renferment plusieurs de ces maisons seigneuriales habitees par des families ennemies, et sans cesse en guerre l'une contre l'autre. Aux mois de Decembre 1885 et de Janvier 1886, un de ces villages que je visitai entre Girgeh et Abydos avait ete en proie a une veritable guerre civile : le moudir de Sohag avait du envoyer un fort detachement d'infanterie pour retablir la paix, et faire demolir a coups de canon deux de ces maisons seigneuriales qui soutinrent contre ses troupes un siege de plusieurs jours.

1 Voir dans Denon, Voyage de la H*e Egypte, in-40, p. 150 sqq., le recit de la resistance qu'une de ces maisons fortifiees opposa au petit corps du general Belliard.

248

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

N c~D hait est done une habitation fortifiee, par suite, la maison seigneuriale, le chateau construit dans un domaine, et cela explique pourquoi, dans la formule que je citais au debut de cet article, on voit [J ^ hait, tantot accompa- gner, tantot remplacer Jp, nouit. Des haitou sont en effet melees aux processions des nouitou, qui ne different de ces dernieres que parceque leur nom commence par y ^ hait; comme les nouitou? les haitou apportent des gateaux, des fruits, des volailles, amenent des bestiaux ou du gibier. Quelques uns portent le nom de y [7-3 hait sans epithete, et s'appellent le chateau tout court.1 D'autres, en souvenir du role funeraire qu'ils jouent dans les processions figurees sur le mur des tombes, s'intitulent y rj^j ""H- hait-ka, chateau de double,2 et designent souvent soit le tombeau qui etait le chateau du mort, soit le chateau ou siegeait l'administration des biens du tombeaux. On y ajoute souvent le nom du mort, D y J=j © HAIT KA pohnou,3 chateau de double de Pohnou,

®k+Q^® hAit"ka tapemAnkhou4 sV^QJ^-®

HAIT-KA RAKAPOU,5 [1 ^>i \ [J vi^- © HAIT-KA SAMNOFIR.6 Le mort

pouvait avoir plusieurs de ces chateaux de double qui alors se distin- guaient les uns des autres par une epithete J 1, T" J^V hait-ka Sonouankhou AMENTiT, le chateau de double Occiden- tal de Sonouankhou, LJ rH] 1 5 "f* i HAIT KA Sonou-ankhou risit, le chateau de double meridional de Sonou-ankhou, IV T" 'A, hait ka Sonouankhou hihatit, le chateau de double moyen de

1 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 33 c.

2 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 50 a ; Mariette, Mastabas, p. 305.

3 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 46.

4 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 196 ; cfr. Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 76 a, le suite des

u

de Snozmou-hlt.

5 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 276 ; e'est par erreur de copiste que le texte auto-

w ■ n \ r

iphie donne □ > S^ au lieu dc y » Si .

6 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 398.

249

Mar. 4]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY.

[1890.

Sonouankhou1 Unlof ^ hait ka Sonouankhou mihit, le chateau de double septentrional, ^ V ~" •¥• >„ Sonouankhou ouabit, le chateau de double pur de Sonouankhou,

hait-ka

Lu n 1 D T liH I' '==&j hait ka Sonouankhou hait asokou> le chateau de double de Sonouankhou (appele) le chateau- frappeur, ou le chateau des chaouches.2 On trouve aussi

QJ

0

HAIT

hait noutiri, un chateau du dieu, un

Aou (?) chateau de l'ane.* Tres-souvent les noms des chateaux contiennent un cartouche de Pharaon : ils sont alors formes sur le merae modele que les noms des nouitou. L'on a done des

\ T~ !) I O ^ ■?• © HAIT ASSI MIRI-R1 ANKHOU, /[ ~T~ (| 1 © B ^

° MM °

HAIT ASSI RA SROUDOU,

D O

HAIT ASSI RA SEHOT-

POU5

mm\

HAIT ASSI NOFIR HOSITOU

\\H~ HAIT HARAQAOU [ra] SANKHOU,6 ® ^\ "K

.lufcJo

I

HAIT

khoufoui nofir.7 Le meme personnage donnait aux chateaux qu'il possedait dans differents nomes le nom du roi qu'il servait, et les distinguait par une epithete : ainsi Sabou avait dans le nom

n □

Libyque ^ I) I " P o © hait teti iritniphtah, dans le nome de la vache, Iff! ° $B f dans le nome Letopolite ^

HAIT TETI PHTAH SANKHOU, -<2>-

n

HAIT TETI PHTAH

1 Le chateau moyen -k,' e'est-a-dire, le chateau situe au milieu des tevres, dans la vallee du Nil, a proximite du fleuve qui, theoriquement, marquait le milieu j=l, de 1 Egypte, entre les deux montagnes.

2 Mariette, Afastabas, p. 317. 0 | -- — *T est, comme j'aurai occasion de l'indiquer ailleurs, un vieux mot ayant designe les soldats, et ne designant plus que les huissiers, les soldats de police attaches a une administration, ce que dans l'Egypte moderne on nomme les chaouches . L%\s—

3 Mariette, Mastabas, pp. 481, 484. A Lepsius, Dcnkm., II, pi. 80. 6 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 80.

5 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 76/'. 7 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 32.

250

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [18

□ Q ^^

n

NOFIRIRIT ^l| I Q ~ ' T ® HAIT TETI PHTAH MANEN

sankhou dans le canton Oriental.1 Les noms de ces cha- teaux pouvaient se perpetuer comme ceux des domaines : ainsi Phtahhotpou avait sous Assi et Ounas des chateaux au nom

d'Ousirkaf, de Kaki et de Haraqaou j ^ () U \ I T Q Vj\ ©

HAIT HARAQAOU NOFIRKHA-TI,

OUSIRKAF HOR MIRI ANKHOU

kaki miri ANKHou,3 dont le plus ancien portait le nom d'Ousirkaf depuis plus d'un siecle quand son proprietaire le fit representer sur les parois de sa tombe. Les haitou des simples particulier etaient done, comme on voit, dans les memes conditions que leurs nouitou. Rapprochant 1'un de l'autre tous les faits epars dans cette etude, on en arrive a voir que la propriete territoriale des grands seigneurs egyptiens se partageait en domaines ruraux n'ayant pas de maison seigneuriale proprement dite, ou n'ayant pour l'usage du maitre qu'une maison insignifiante non fortifiee, et en domaines ayant une maison seigneuriale, un chateau analogue a ceux que j'ai decrits comme existants encore dans l'Egypte moderne : les premiers

s'appelaient ®t nouitou, les seconds [J n haitou. Je traduirai done la formule qui m'a fourni le sujet de cette etude [| ^ KT< *~? 1

Q Q AAAAAA « rjj-l O © © O ^^ ^Vh> *\ I D -A I ^ 1

" l'hommage de tous les produits de l'annee, apportes des chateaux du mort et de ses domaines du nord et du midi."

II me reste a examiner certains emplois de ces deux mots (J rj^j hait et J®, nouit, qui decoulent de leur sens primitif. Le mot Jf| nouit sert a, designer un tombeau, le territoire de chacune des douze heures que le soleil parcourt pendant la nuit, une ville comme Thebes. Le tombeau etait le fief du mort, e't se compo- posait de la maison du mort ou tombe proprement dite, des terres dependantes de la tombe et destinees a l'entretien du mort et de ses pretres. La tombe proprement dite est parfois comme je l'ai dit, identifiee a la maison seigneuriale, et s'appelle [j [73 hait ou hah KA> N m "-vft"? rnais l'ensemble des biens du mort constitue un

1 Mariette, Mastabas, p. 383. " Mariette, Mastabas, p. 353.

251

M\r. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGY. [1890.

veritable domaine identique aux domaines des vivants, et par con- sequent peut etre considere comme une ^J| nouit; c'est pour cela qu'on lui donne le nom de nouit ®t dans tant de cas, et avec l'epithete ^[, eternel, ®x 4*4 nouit zctou, domaine eternel, concession a perpetuite. Les heures de la nuit ont chacune un territoire organise de la merae facon que le territoire de l'Egypte ; ce sont de vrais nomes. On concoit que les pretres les aient comparees a, ces domaines des grands seigneurs qui avaient ou n'avaient pas leur village ou leur maison seigneuriale, et les aient appelees^i nouit, un domaine. Enfin, on a traduit des expressions comme Jfi \ i~~| ® nouit Amon, ®\ \ Tj~vP p^ ® nouit Hapi par la ville d'Amon, la ville de Hapi, Diospolis, Nilopolis. Je traduirai le domaine cT Anion, le domaine de Hapi ; ces expressions designent en effet non-seulement la ville de Thebes ou celle de Nilopolis, mais le territoire dependant du dieu Amon et celui qui relevait du dieu Nil. II y a au fond de la traduction ordinaire qu'on donne de ces mots, comme au fond de beaucoup de nos traductions, une deformation de l'idee antique. Nous sommes les dupes de nos mots et de nos notions modernes, et nous cherchons a les retrouver sous les mots et sous les idees d'autrefois, au grand detriment de la verite historique. La traduction ville qu'on a

tiree de ®x \ £^ © Nouit- Amon, No-Amon pour ®x nouit, nous a masque le sens reel de ce mot. Si Ton voulait lui trouver un equivalent latin, ce serait par le mot ftagns qu'on devrait le traduire, plutot que par urbs ou par clvitas, comme on fait ordinairement.

y £~2 hait entre dans un titre tres frequent sous l'ancien empire, et dont la valeur n'a jamais ete etablie bien nettement, celui de f U hiqou hait. f [J hiqou hait designe un homme qui exerce l'autorite pleine et entiere sur un chateau, de la meme maniere que [ ^~| hiqou nouit, celui qui exerce l'autorite pleine et entiere sur un domaine ; mais quel est ce chateau ? L'inscription d'Ouni nous montre les [ |J ^ ^"^ hiqouou hait places sur le meme pied que les ^ ® ^^ ^ hi-topou, dans le nord et dans le sud de l'Egypte. Comme nous savons que les princes feodaux portaient le titre de X=- hi-topou aa de leur nome, j'incline a croire que le titre parallele de [ [J hiqou hait devait conferer a celui qui en etait revetu une autorite reelle sur une partie quelconque du

252

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

territoire egyptien. Et de fait, nous voyons que tous les ndminis- trateurs des nornes sous 1'ancien empire s'intitulent ( [J hiqou hait ou plus tot fnn' I LD C~3 <^T> HIQ°U hAit ait, Seigneur da grand chateau : ainsi Amten eta it [ "Q" dans plusieurs nomes de la Basse-Egypte,1 Khounas etait [ xJ hiqou hait ait dans le nome de la Gazelle A/\ THTP ,2 les hauts personnages enterres a Bersheh et a Sheikh Said avaient la meme dignite dans le nome du Lievre ^ap Hill ; 3 Pahournofir l'avait a Heliopolis et dans plusieurs autres localites.4 Ce dernier personnage est interessant,

en ce qu'il nous donne la dignite de K3 , Commandant du

flv-^-

nome busirite, en parallelisme avec celle f "jjfll©, Seigneur du grand chateau d' Heliopolis. II y avait done dans tous les nomes et dans toutes les villes 011 commandaient ces personnages un chateau [J ^ hait, et meme un grand chateau "q" rj^j hait ait dont ils etaient les seigneurs. Ce grand chateau, comme les chateaux des domaines ruraux, pouvait etre isole ou situe dans une ville ou dans un village. Ilya aujourd'hui encore dans l'Egypte moderne des Edifices qui repondent a ces chateaux, isoles ou non, et dont l'aspect et l'usage nous expliquent ce qu'etaient les chateaux [J ^ haitou de l'Egypte ancienne.

Le mtilleur type que je connaisse de ce grand chateau ^ rjn moderne isole est le couvent Blanc d'Amba Shenoudah, dans la province de Sohag. Le mot couvent, par lequel nous rendons en ce cas le nom j j deir, ne donne pas une idee exacte de ce que e'est que le Deir blanc en question. En voici un croquis pris rapidement en quelques moments et sa'ns instruments, mais assez exact dans les grandes lignes pour montrer ce dont il s'agit. L'ensemble forme un massif rectangulaire, delimite par une enceinte en pierres, haute, epaisse, capable de resister longtemps a une attaque de vive force ou l'assaillant n'emploierait point l'artillerie pour ouvrir la breche. La porte est placee sur le cote long qui fait face a la plaine, plus pres

1 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 4-7. 2 Lepsius, Denim., II, pi. 106, 299.

3 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. no-ill.

4 Nestor Lhote, Papiers Manuscrits, T. Ill, folio t,^ sqq.

253

Mar. 4]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV,

[1S90.

cle Tangle meridional que de Tangle septentrional. Elle est assez etroite et facile a defendre, et donne acces sur un couloir borde de chambres ou de maisons, qui debouche sur une cour a peu pres rectangulaire. Les deux tiers environ de Tespace enferme dans Tenceinte sont occupes de maisons a plusieurs etages, etroites et

sombres, baties Tune contre Tautre, et reliees par des passages le plus souvent voutes ou du moins couverts. Les contours en sont indiques au hasard sur le croquis : il eut fallu des journees pour en lever le plan, si meme les habitants s'etaient pretes a ce qu'on le levat. Le tiers restant est occupe par Teglise et par ses annexes. Ce chateau-fort contient quelques moines, et une population nom- breuse de fellahs, hommes et femmes, qui en sortent le matin avec leurs bestiaux, et se repandent sur les terres du couvent et rentrent le soir un peu avant nuit close. L'abbe et les dignitaires occupent des logements dans les batiments de Teglise. Cette disposition est ancienne, car le couvent a ete fonde a Tepoque byzantine ; du reste, j'ai eu Toccasion de visiter un certain nombre de deirs mines, et j'y ai rencontre partout la meme disposition et des dispositions analogues. L'exemple le plus frappant en est celui du couvent, situe a TOccident d'Assouan, au dela du Nil. Pris et devaste par les Turcs vers 1540, il est reste a. peu-pres tel qu'au moment ou la population a du le quitter. Le rectangle est pose sur le versant d'une colline, dont Tun des cotes longs couronne la crete. A Tinterieur, il est divise en trois quartiers par des murs per<jes de quelques portes : au bas de la colline, une veritable ville contenant des maisons encore presque intactes, au milieu desquelles circulent des rues voutees, quelques unes assez larges, d'autres a peine suffisantes pour livrer passage a un horame; plus haut, le quartier des religieux ou se dressent encore plusieurs eglises, dont Tune a, dans le choeur, des fresques curieuses d'une bonne con- servation, enfin, tout au sommet, un donjon renfermant probablement Thotel de Tabbe et de Teveque dAssouan, le tresor, la bibliotheque,

254

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

et qui communiquait avec la ville par un escalier long, etroit et sans rampe. J'ai eu la curiosite de faire quelques fouilles dans les forteresses d'epoque pharaonique qui subsistent encore, et j'ai reconnu que le deir en reproduit les principales dispositions. A la Shounet ez-Zebib, bien que les sondages de Mariette aient boule- verse l'interieur de l'enceinte, on reconnait encore, dans Tangle Sud-Ouest, pres de la puterne qui s'ouvre dans le cote long tourne vers la plaine, les restes d'un edifice assez considerable qui renferme des pieces relativement assez grandes et en tout cas bien baties : des debris d'une muraille en calcaire semblent indiquer en cet endroit l'existence d'une petite chapelle, analogue a celles qu'on trouve dans les ruines de la ville de Thebes, au milieu des maisons. Vers le centre, il n'y a pas trace de constructions ; il y avait la un espace vide, place ou cour, analogue a la cour du Couvent blanc. Autour de cet espace, vers le Nord et l'Est, et l'Ouest, on constate un peu partout la presence de murs en briques crues et en pise, appartenant a d<>s maisons de fellahs, et, ca et la, des nappes de fumier, placees a quelques pieds au-dessous des couches de sable, ou Mariette decouvrit un cimetiere d'ibis et d'enfants en bas-age, montrent qu'il y avait la des elables a. bestiaux. A Kom el-Ahmar, j'ai releve des faits analogues, mais de facon moins complete, faute de temps. Les enceintes comme la Shounet ez-Zebib devaient done presenter l'aspect des deirs coptes; d'une maniere generale, on peut dire que les deirs isoles nous rendent la physionomie des [J ^2 haitou isolees.

Mais la meme disposition qu'on signale dans les deirs se trouve avec quelques modifications dans les maisons seigneuriales des emirs mameloucks ou autres, que j'ai pu visiter dans quelques villes de la Haute-Egypte. Les restes de la maison que les emirs ou cherifs d'Akhmim occupaient a l'Ouest de la ville, au xvne et au xvme siecle, existaient encore il y a huit ans : ils ont ete restaures et le plan, modifie vers 1884, par le descendant actuel de ces cherifs. Cetait une enceinte, affectant la forme d'un carre long assez irregulier, entoure d'un mur epais en briques cuites, reposant en plusieurs endroits sur un soubassement en pierres. Au centre, etait une cour oblongue, a laquelle on avait acces vers l'Ouest par un long passage couvert, bordee vers le S.-O. par l'habitation de 1'emir, et, sur les autres cotes, par les maisons des domestiques et des employes, par des magasins d'armes, de'fourrages et de provisions, par des corps de garde ; vers le S.-E., un autre passage voute ouvrait sur un ruelle qui

255

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

passe derriere une grande mosquee, Gama 'el-E/mr, et mene au bazar. Aujourd'hui, le cherif ne possede plus que l'ancienne maison d'habi- tation : le reste appartient a des particuliers. La cour est devenue une place publique, le passage couvert de l'Ouest est une rue, l'autre passage voute a ete detruit et n'est plus qu'une rue decouverte, sur les murs de laquelle on apergoit encore, a intervalles, la naissance des arceaux qui soutenaient la voute ; les anciens magasins et corps de garde en partie sont detruits, en partie ont ete transformed en mai- sons bourgeoises. C'etait de ce chateau que les emirs d'Akhmim administraient la ville : ils s'y enferniaient a la moindre emeute, et la famine seule pouvait les reduire. Akhmlm n'est pas visitee par les Europeens, mais Siout est un de leurs points d'arret, sa moudirieh est un edifice du genre de celui que je viens de decrire. Tous les touristes ont traverse cette cour ombreuse, entouree de maisons basses oil sont installees les diverses administrations de la province : un mur et des canaux l'isolaient de la ville et de la campagne, et en faisaient une forteresse imprenable pour des bandes de Bedouins ou d'emeutiers. Les changements survenus en Egypte depuis quelques annees lui ont fait perdre une partie de sa physionomie, mais on voit pourtant qu'elle etait le chateau, le donjon, d'ou les gouverneurs de Siout tenaient la ville pour leur maitre. Chaque grande ville moderne de la Haute-Eg>pte, Esneh, Girgeh, Kous, Kouft, Assouan, possedait et possede encore un chateau de ce genre : xj ^3 hait ait, grand chateau, des anciens textes en dtait le prototype. Chaque ville de l'Egypte ancienne avait son chateau ou siegeait le prince feodal ou l'administrateur nomme par Pharaon. II y logeait ses biens, les magasins ou s'entassaient les produits de l'impot ; ses esclaves et ses soldats le mettaient a l'abri d'une emeute ou d'un coup de main. II etait f "jj hiqou hait ait, seigneur du grand chateau, et n'avait au-dessus de lui que le \ A\\\ hiqou hiqouou, seigneur des seigneurs, c'est-a-dire le Pharaon. On comprend a quelles tentations de revokes pouvaient l'exposer cette demi-indepen- dance. Enfin, la residence du Pharon lui-meme etait un "jj rj^j grand chateau.1

On trouve le mot [J n HAIT applique a un dieu. Le dieu etait en effet un seigneur feodal, faisant fonction de maitre sur un territoire plus ou moins etendu, et borne par les territoires relevant

1 Lepsius, Denkm., II, pi. 49-58. 256

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

, HA IT NOUTIR

des dieux du voisinage. Le terme 11 , T

que nous traduisons par temple, est done a proprement parler le chateau fortifie 011 le dieu residait, et d'oii il gouvernait son domaine par le ministere de ses pretres, comme le prince seculier gouvernait le sien au moyen de ses scribes et de ses soldats. Ainsi a Thebes. Le sanctuaire d'Amon a Karnak etait la maison du dieu , 11 1— — J © pi-Amon, et 1 pirou, pi, pir, maison, est le mot qui repond le plus exactement a notre mot temple. L'enceinte rectangulaire en briques crues, qui enferme le temple et le gros de la ville, et dont les pylones detaches des temples de Khonsou et de Nectanebo marquent encore les portes, etait [J rj^] Lj £~~ © halt Amon, le chateau d'Amon. Le territoire du nome Thebain, borde au nord par le territoire des dieux de Kous et de Coptos, au sud par le territoire des dieux de Taoud et d'Hermonthis, etait ®t (j ^^ © nouit Amon, le vicus d'Amon, le domaine d'Amon. Je ne crois pouvoir mieux resumer qu'en cet exemple les explications que je viens de donner, et je termine en proposant pour les mots discutes, les traductions sui- vantes 1 —

I NOUIT DOMAINE,

jfi. HAIT MAISON SEIGNEURIALE, CHATEAU,

& « * A-

U U3 HAIT AIT • • • • GRAND CHATEAU, BASTILLE,

qui, si elles ne rendent pas entierement la valeur des mots egyptiens, en approchent plus, a mon sens, que la plupart des traductions pro- poses jusqu'a present.

Le Portel, le 15 Septembre, 1889.

D

257

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S90.

A FORGOTTEN PRINCE. By A. Wiedemann.

The relations between Ramses II and his father have often been treated in different ways (p. ex., Maspero, Hist, anc., 217 sq. ; Brugsch, Gesch. Aeg., 469 sq.; Wiedemann, Handbuch, 418, 427), but in the discussion it was generally overlooked that Ramses was not the eldest son of Seti I. The eldest son appears three times in the description of Seti I's war in the north. Firstly is found the picture of a prince bringing prisoners to the king ; his

title (ftf^r l 1 ft r= A is given, but not his name (Champ., Mon.,

290, 2 ; Not., 87 sq. ; Rosell, Mon. st., 46, 1 ; Guieysse, Rec. de trav., XI, 56). The second representation (Champ., Mon., 292 ; Not., 91 sqq. ; Ros., Mon. St., 50 sq. ; L. D. Ill, 128a; Guieysse, 1- c> 59 > cf- Leps., Koenigsb., nr. 416) shows the return of Seti I from the war in the first year of his reign. Behind the king a prince stands with the bow and flabellum, and above the inscription

. Rosellini gives, in the destroyed parts, some

_',/X-///\-vf//\-///\r>\^-'//\

signs which appear to be very doubtful ; so is also the / 1 at

the end, given as certain by Lepsius and Champ., Mon., as uncertain by Champ., Not., and wanting in Rosellini. The words show that the prince accompanied his father to the country of Retennu. His titles

are the usual ones of Egyptian princes ; only rw >/ I [TJ Qh V\

is new. The word I [TJ QT) was looked upon by Guieysse as an

abbreviated form of I ^K [TJ ^, /kJ ^ , "maudire," and the

title translated "le grand des imprecations;" to me it appears

more probable that it is a causative of [TJ QA, "praise," and that

the title was a priestly one, meaning " the high-praiser at " (follows

258

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

the name of a temple). The text in general is very well preserved ; only the picture of the prince and parts of his title and name are erased.

The third mention of the same personage occurs in a bas-relief showing Seti I killing an enemy (Champ., Mon., 297, 2 ; Not., 98, sq. ; Ros., Mon. st., 54, 2; Guieysse, 1. c, 68 ; cf. Leps., K., nr. 414-5).

Behind the enemy the □ I Ik^ | V q i is standing, whose

picture is spoiled by chisel-marks, while the remaining bas-relief

is untouched. Behind Seti a very small prince is seen, the n I

%* f1 Ik f1 ft Ij Jl il ? (fi f1 M il' wh° has not

been hurt. This last figure representing the later king Ramses II, who has here the same titles as at Abydos, injures the whole. The representation of the war of Seti I is divided into different incidents, separated one from the other by vertical lines. Ramses is standing between two of them ; his head is drawn through an hieroglyph of the separating line, and the very small signs of his name are partly engraved in one, partly in the second incident, as if the figure had been only inserted at a later time in the already finished bas-relief.

The other prince appears nowhere else, but this can not surprise. The reign of Seti I was apparently a short one ; the highest date known of it is the 9th year (the date, year 27, given in my Handbuch, 421, belongs to the reign of the last Ramesside). The number of larger texts of his time is small, and his temples were nearly all not finished by himself, but by Ramses II. Such was the case with the temple of Abydos, the large pillar-hall at Karnak, and the temple of Qurnah.* If our prince died before his father, his name could not be expected to appear very often, the father having no time to engrave it, and Ramses II having no interest to commemorate him.

We know from the inscriptions of the latter king, that he tried to make believe that he reigned from his earliest childhood or even before his birth. At Abydos he relates how his father gave him the crown,

* To the inscription about Maa in this temple, which I published in the Annales du Musee Guimet, X, 561-73, and of which the first part had been already edited by Champ., Not., I, 303, an interesting parallel text is given by Virey, Le tombeau de Rex-ma-ra, pi. 35-6, p. 152.

259 U 2

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S90.

and in another place it is said that the monuments were already designed with his name during his first youth. These assertions are not true. Ramses II counted his years not from his birth, but only from his real kingship, which he got as a grown-up man ; in his fifth year several of his sons were old enough to accompany him in battle. If he had really been associated with the throne, he would certainly have counted from this event, as other Egyptian kings did. Further, no monument is dated in a double-reign of Seti I and Ramses II ; when the two appear together, Ramses is called prince and not king. The differing indication of Ramses originates evidently in the pretension of all Pharaohs to have the same course of life as Horus, who was king from his childhood. If Ramses II entertained this wish, the existence of an elder brother, who was

the I ^e\ \j and would be king, if he did not die before his

father, must have been very disagreeable to him. He, who used with predilection the monuments of his ancestors as material for his own, would try by all possible means to destroy his brother's memory ; the obliteration of the prince's name will have been made by his instigation. The prince took part in the Syrian war, and was therefore then an adult ; it is doubtful if Ramses also assisted, the only proof would be given by the above bas-relief, in which his picture is so out of place as to make us doubt its historical value.

Of the name of the prince only the sign v_^ is preserved. Underneath there is space for only one long sign, so that the whole name, if \^_y marks the beginning, may have been /p^_, a word appearing in the XVIIIth and XlXth dynasties as a private name. For instance in the text on the dhu, published by Virey, Mem. de la Miss. arch, du Caire, I, 481 sqq., whose date, year 5, refers, as M. Virey pointed out, to the time of

Ramses II. To his proofs we may add, that the F=q (I $ n A (1 ll MA

quoted on pi. Ill is known to be a son of the governor of Thebes

at the time of Seti I and Ramses II, AX FW, in whose tomb (cf.

Champ., Not, 520 sqq, 846 sqq.) he appears as f=3 (1 X >j\ tm y

4?} fl [I jl (1 v\ 4g|. To get the sense of the name Neb-ua, it is

necessary to supply as the first element the name of a divinity, as Ra or Amen and to translate then, " The god N. is the only master."

260

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

The elliptic formation is here the same as in the names Neb-f, Neb-mes, Neb-nu-t, Neb-neter-u, etc.

The only objection which could be made against the opinion that Neb was the first son of Seti I would be, that I <fe\ was

not only a designation of the son of a king, but also a title. This use of the word in relation with country or town names is very well known. For example the suten sa en Kusch may be a prince, but the title does not necessarily involve this position. Also other persons might bear the title suten sa ; this was the case in the Xlllth and XXIInd dynasties and in the time of Ramses II (Wiedemann, Aeg. Zeitschr., 1885, 79), and the same use existed under Seti I, when the

son of the suten sa en Kusch Amen-em-apt had the title I ^|\ (Petrie,

"A Season in Egypt, 1887," Inscr. No. no). But in our case it cannot be spoken of as a mere title. This is shown by the addition

of ^ 1 to the I ^k^, which can only be used properly for a real

son of the king ; the representation and mention of the prince side by side with Seti I, to whose person alone the suffix 3^ in the titles can refer, proves this king to be his father.

261

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

Monsieur le Secretaire,

Permettez-moi d'avoir recours a. vos bonnes graces pour voir effacer deux petites inexactitudes qui se sont glissees dans mon dernier article, inse're aux Proceedings (Vol. XII, Dec. 1889).

i°. Le nom de reine que M. Maspero avait lu Anhapou doit necessairement se transcrire, comme l'a fait ce savant. C'est que, a Vepoque (Foil date V inscription hieratique de la caisse de Seti ier, les formes cursives des hieroglyphes O et (^ sont a. peu pies identiques, ce qu'elles deviennent du reste bien avant cette epoque.

La variante Q f^ 7SCSX » — \ du nom du Nil se rencontre, par

exemple, Maspero, Deir-el-Bahari, page 599, et sans determinatifs, Zeitschrift, 1882, p. 41, ou von Bergmann nous fournit le nom

propre (£ ^^ £3 Vyh , dont il releve fort exactement la variante

D W

20. En mentionnant les documents relatifs a. 1'oracle du dieu Amon de Thebes, j'aurais du tenir compte de l'excellent article de notre savant confrere M. Pleyte, article qu'il a publi<f dans les Proceedings (X, Nov., pages 41 — 55). Je ferai du reste remarquer

que la V\ QJQ >\ ri <=> ^s&=* UTU du texte de Seti ier pourrait bien etre la deesse Mout, epouse d'Amon, ce dernier portant le titre (j ^^ f=^i r 1s^ (Lepsius, Die Elk, pi. I, b).

Veuillez agreer, Monsieur le Secre'taire, l'assurance de mes sentiments de parfaite consideration.

Votre tres humble serviteur,

Karl Piehl. Upsal, 16 fdvrier, 1890.

262

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

Notes on Egyptian Texts of the Middle Kingdom. — II. By F. L. Griffith.

I have recently received, through the kindness of Dr. Krebs, a copy of his valuable Dissertation * on the great inscription of Khnumhotep at Benihasan. Many passages are most satisfactorily explained in it, but in some cases Professor Maspero's translation! of 1879 is to be preferred.

The original of this important inscription was written with rather

more than the usual amount of carelessness. Ridiculous errors J

(^=— ^ 3^ for <rr> ^ ^^ , 1. 30, superfluous =^, 1. 82, omission

of 1 1 1. 137, etc., etc.) prove that less obvious mistakes may be

looked for in obscure passages. The copies also are not entirely

satisfactory.

Lines 80-81. Akdn smnkh-na-sv \ I O r-^—, *t\ r—S

A Li I W 1 1 1 Jih^ 111^

sic sic fl.

Aha always takes , viz. '■ Y [\ in the papyri (Saneha,

Prisse, Mathematical-Rhind) : at Siut§ (I, 247, corrected by Erman in pi. 21) and at Rifeh (VII, 50) w A ^

" (As prince in Menat-Khufu) I established it (the city) and its treasures grew in all kinds of things."

Lines 81-3 : smnkh-na |J | Yj, , \ , ( ,.

This can hardly be explained as it stands. Possibly [} [o] )y[ ^p is the "chamber of the kas" in the temple as at Siut [J \J (I, 1. 285,

* De Chnemothis Nomar,chi et Commentatio, Berlin 1890 (in Latin).

t Recueil de travaux, i, p. 160 ff. Compare also Piehl's notes, A.Z., xxv, p. 34 ff.

X Dr. Krebs has silently corrected some of these.

§ The references are to my own publication, The Inscriptions of Siut and Der Rifeh, Triibner, 18S9. I prefer to quote the number of the tomb, not of the plate, as a revised edition of the texts nvy well be hoped for.

263

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [iSgo.

schedule) : 1 Js:rp>, agreeing with rii would refer to 1 ^ ^ above, tTi Q i I i being almost equal to LJ ^ , but being preferred to it owing to the compound U ^ U n.

" I established a ia-house for the kas of my father." Strictly speaking, I believe a man had only one ka, but the plural is used similarly elsewhere,* perhaps in the sense of ka-statues.

Lines 104-113 : The meaning is very doubtful.

* ~^a w^ ^ c I I I T=r m] <=> ox^^

^^ ^ -^ /WW>

I I I w o _m^ I

/c=a

\1A\

r\ /WW\A Q

o

«. |l_ 0 1 \7 IT : in 1. 185 IT is equivalent to cr>^ or \ \ :

whether it is the determinative of, or separate from 0 _ a J O is

not certain :f

* I must quote a later text, the very curious record of a- sale of land, published by M. Bouriant, Rec. de trav., ix, 100. It is dated in the 66th year of

Barneses II: (j = ^ fl ^ *S *

V^\A/>A

1 1 1 Z/M 11 Je&a 1 1 1

/www

_B*tJ o w JS^ /vwws 1 1 1 W f J O £=> fl

0

lllllllll' P / t /WWW

C7 HI <^ • This may perhaps be translated : " Whereas is given ar

dudu ? to thee the price of this land, namely to this my mother (who is the servant of the kas (n.b.) of the priest and Kher heb Nekht menthu), upon the west of the canal of Hermonthis. ( Therefore) is assured to him ahantu smnnf? the land which was of Aputa," I.e. lines 5-8. It would be of great importance to know where this unique document is to be found.

f Max Midler's ingenious and plausible interpretation, Rec.de trav., ix, p. 170, includes an apparently wrong identification of the sign it with the v series,

some varieties of which resemble it very closely : but the doubled string | is a

distinctive mark. (1 q J \\' "to sweep together, "and [j ^—, J "to offer."

Brugsch, Wtb., Supplement, p. 30, may be compared.

264

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

Q a Q <^

b. Tk . . . . \k seem to state correspondence (cf. Maspero ad

/<?<:.) and ■— -, *£ = ,— -. v\ % a word quoted in Brugsch's lexicon.

a, b. " . . . . the courtiers, who gave me praise : equal was the reverence (?) paid to me, equal were the praises offered before the decree ? (face ?) of the king himself, that is, "I received from the courtiers the same salutation with which they saluted the king himself (or his speech)."

<"■ trb. m K37 ^ |l 7TT lit. 'that of their master' forms the subject of the verb !y$ >., ?

K V 2a? I <^ is an explanatory phrase appended to the

, n / n q o 1 *

sentence ? I ^ i.e., of the rzn M^ 1 .

I aw^ J U £LL 1

"Never thus was the (honour paid to) their master given to

servants : (I mean) the praise of the courtiers."

Lines 184-88:

(c=u)

a. hq-nf nut-f \\\ P »^7j) % /vw^ Tf £\ <fc

b. arnf apt sutn 1 @\ O rP <fo\ . II "£k -P1 ' iuti-faba-sn )^_^?™^J^\^_

The parallelism of ;// sf. . n fkht-f mt'am m khnu n qbat-f seems to me to give the key to the meaning.

a. I ]j % or perhaps better I S^ is exemplified in Brugsch's Dictionary, and JLo~~ cr>^: 's a weU known word meaning " to untie," exuere, etc. ; fi~^r V\ |\ T[ means "covering," and here mt'am]

* I have not however met with | a as a subject-suffix; cf. Erman, Die Sprachc des Papyrus Westcar, p. 38. One would like to make the whole paragraph refer to the granting of royal favours (y o «---=> \ ^ ) ^ Khnumhotep, but

I do not see how this can be done.

\ fkht-fm t'am with the preposition m, "solvere eumrt praeputio," meaning "exuere praeputium," is hardly a possible construction even in this highly artificial passage.

265

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

may be a derived form signifying praeputiztm ; it must be distinguished from | "^ ^\ (c==xD. A curiously similar phrase in Saneha, 1. 190, fukh-nk-baaut (I quote from Maspero's transcription, Melanges darcheologie, p. 157), has probably an entirely different meaning.

The first half may now be translated, " He was ruler of his city as a babe of his circumcision," i.e., a newly circumcised * infant.

b. A jj^ J p is papilla, the nipple of the breast, \^ being here a more special determinative. The only possible rendering seems to be, " as a child of his breast," meaning "a suckling."

The two phrases are therefore :

a. " He ruled his city while he was yet an infant at the time of its circumcision."

b. " He performed a royal mission (?), his plumes (of office ?) waving while he was yet a babe at its mother's breast."

The precise meaning of apt suten has not been discovered. The child may have been nominally president of the court in some royal enquiry undertaken at the command of the king.

Dominion in extreme infancy was attributed to kings, e.g., Usertesen I,f and subjects also prided themselves on the early age at which they commenced feudal rule or a distinguished career.

Cf. Siut III, 13, Tefaba's son (a ^\ v& , 0=^

" ruled when a cubit long," i.e., as a new-born babe. % And Siut V, 2 1,

* Cf. Hdt, II, 37 and 104, for the custom in Egypt.

f "He has ruled from the egg," Saneha, 1. 68, much as we say "a bom ruler."

% The meaning of this phrase, differently interpreted by Maspero, Revue Critique, 18S9, p. 417, "en homme equitable," is assured by the passage

OCX

I " ein Kind von einer Elle" in the Westcar Papyrus, Q

as quoted by Erman, Die Sprache des Pap. Westcar, p. 139 (for the context, see

— « — Erman, Aegypten, p. 501) ; \A ■ is a word of the most indefinite meaning.

Lastly, I learn, on the best medical authority, that 21 inches is the average length of new-born infants in England, so that the idiom of the Egyptians was very correct, especially as their babies probably measured a trifle less than those of the tall northern peoples.

266

Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

The king made Kheti "rule when a cubit long; he promoted his seat J^ J, jijk'S^ ^ | at the age of t'aa? whatever that means.

GL "\ I ' < MAMA TL \

Line 188-9: t\ M^ M O ^=t A ift. *— cf. 1. 113.

J>i^ O 11 «— \ AAAAAA SIC I

Tc(m)J'vi^f >Vf "since the

king knew the nature of my tongue, the moderation of my character?"

This is the most remarkable instance that I have yet met with of the use of the monogram * * = I ■ w ■■■ . A good

scribe would hardly have tolerated it in such a phrase.

For ast nsa compare Rifeh, VII, 1. 46, aqa hati mt ast ns, "exact in thought, just in speech."

Line 193: '%$%$ © "ffl (f- 11.204, 2°9j 2I5- %!££ ^ certainly

AAAAAA C?± I cJL AAAAAA

equivalent, in meaning at least, to §^ *)£$ ~tT \ ^-t It: is worth noting that at El Bersheh, L.D., II, 134, 1. 11 §^. ^fci S2 ® *? a^a is used in a similar context.

" In this city," " in this tomb," are cant phrases, and sometimes almost superfluous.

Line 206. P <=$ \. D n. See my note, Proceedings, XI, p. 88. Read P c£ \ Qn or as Maspero P c4 \ . ' n.

Lines 208-13. I should read somehow thus : —

^^ ill O 'VW,AA o

fj "Vr—t AAAAAA

— "~ ^— ^ AAAAAA _ .

<C^_-> AAAAAA I w 1 A/W^AA & I AAAAAA

«g« © o ri^i A ri^ OOO ~^~ fl ®. I j -rf.? \

jf' Ol w^AA O I) AAAAAA I I I Q^Q I □ I I CTDM

* C/i Bergmann, Rec. de trav., ix, p. 57 t This was proved by Piehl, A.Z., xxv, p. 33. 267

Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

S LU should be = H2H-

a. "Great in a monument* for this city beyond my fathers."

b. "A son of this city, excellent in monuments of its necropolis- hill beyond the progenitors, upon the edifices which were made before my time ;" b refers to his restorations and improvements of old monuments ?

Lines 214-18 seem to deal with agriculture, I j * i3) *a n}\

V1.1 ^rS <=> , " I taught all the ignorant (?)

farmers (?) in this city" * ' ^^ "canal?" "high Nile?" "Nile

mud? " may be found in Brugsch, Diet., p. 981, Suppl., p. 831.

An excellent feature of Kreb's edition is the clear and suggestive arrangement of the Text, indicating the parallelism and sequence of ideas. I have been glad to avail myself of the hint in the prepara- tion of these notes.

* This phrase, zir mnu, occurs as an addition to the royal name on a colossus of Rameses II, Petrie, Tanis I, PL V, 35 c, and on the shrine of Saft (Naville Goshen, PL V, I. 3), as an epithet of Nekhtnebef. It should perhaps be translated in a general way ' monumentally great,' without reference to the object upon which it is inscribed, or any other definite work, but more examples are required to prove this.

t The copies give approximately 5 : as also in line 12. X JT 2HT read

q 21 1 *r^ w A 1 1 1

X Errors are so numerous that this word may be viewed with suspicion.

/VVSAAA AVNAAA

Hieratic ^^\ may easily be misread ^ (compare for instance line 66 of Pap. II, Berlin, where ^ /i M -^^. would be a passable transcription of the

signs composing ^^ (III -^)- So perhaps ^^ -^^" wanting," "deficient," "insignificant," should be read here.

MSi®^

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THE NEW ACCADIAN. By the Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A., Oxon.,

CHAPLAIN OF LINCOLN'S INN ; FORMERLY CENSOR AND LECTURER IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON.

(Continued from page 222.)

AccadioChinese Roots with Initial L.

In his well-known and invaluable Akkadische und Sumerische Keilschrifttexte, published nine years ago (Leipzig, 1881), Prof. Paul Haupt gave this brief list of Accadian words with initial L (vide p. 156) : —

(1) lag', "bright, clear, light." (8) lu, "to trouble, disturb."

(2) lag', "to be pure, to purify." (9) lu, "Mensch, Mann."

(3) lag'lag1, "to glitter, to beam." (10) litgal, "king, lord;" pro-

perly "great man."

(4) lag', lag'lag', "to carry, or be (11) lugud, "clear blood."

carried away."

(5) lanuna, "a demon." (12) lugurus, "Mann."

(6) lal, "to suspend, to weigh, to (13) lug, "servant."

pay" ; " to pour out, to fill."

(7) lid {?), "a bull or steer." (14) lul, "bad, refractory" (wider-

spenstig).

Several of these terms have already been compared with their Chinese representatives. They may now be treated with greater fullness. *y, lag', "bright," "light," and its reduplicated form *y *f, lag'lag', "to glitter" (with a phonetic suffix *] *] ^TTKj lag'-lag'-ga), is hardly a distinct root from £ffy<, lag', misii, "to wash, cleanse, purify." lag'lag' is rendered by the Assyrian ababu, " to wash, purify," e.g., the hands, ceremonially : and by ibbu, " clean, pure," and its synonym ellu, which is also used of the hands : cp. 1 lag'lag' =«a/"2^ ellitu, "a pure stream." The moon-goddess, Ai, is called lag'lag', " the pure," like the chaste Artemis-Diana, or, perhaps, simply "the bright." lag'lag' is rendered in other places by namaru, "to glitter," mimru, "bright," and nuru, "light." The character ^, lag', namaru, fiamru, niiru, is oniy a graphic variant.

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As we have seen, lugud, "clear blood," as opposed to adama, "dark blood, gore," also contains this root lag', "bright, clear"; a fact indicated by the character itself, ^^f. The law of vowel- harmony, or assimilation, which governs Accadian compound terms, has caused the change from lag1 to lug1, before gud, "blood." The intermediate sound lig', which belongs to both ^| and ty|f<, made the transition easy. The latter sign actually has the sound lug' (in the sense of "servant"); and the former may well have had it also.

Now for lag' (=lag=kng), " bright " and " to cleanse " (i.e., " to make bright "), we have in Chinese the exact equivalent lang, " clear, as moonlight, bright, lustre, clearness." The term is compounded with tsHng, Amoy ch'eng (zig, dig), "pure, clear, limpid," "to purify," in the expression tsHng-lang, " limpid, pure, transparent," of water. And as the moon-goddess is called lag'-lag' in Accadian, so in Chinese we have the phrase yueh lang, "bright moonlight, moon- shine." To complete the parallel, this same Chinese character has in Cantonese the meanings " to rinse the mouth," " to rinse in water, in order to cleanse, as a plate "=lag'} nu'su, lag'lag', ubbubu," to wash." With the older lung, we may compare the second half of the Accadian compounds su-lug and sus-lug, " to be bright " (namdru). su, sus, answer to sit, " limpid, pure," siieh, Cantonese si'tt, "snow, to whiten, to wash clean, white." Chinese supplies, besides, lang, "fire," "the bright blaze of a fire," and lang, "bright, clear." Close cognates are loh, older lak, Cantonese lok, "to brand, red-hot"; Ian, dialectic lam, lain, le", "fire burning furiously"; Ian, "the lustre of burnished metal, especially of gold" (used also in the compound tsHng-lan, "brilliant"); Ian, " the lustre of a gem"; Ian, dialectic Ian, Ian, le11, " bright, splendid, brilliant " (cp. also Accadian di, "to shine," de, "fire").

The next term in Dr. Haupt's list is |S^, lag', reduplicated lag'lag', " to carry or be carried away," as booty. This ideogram is variously rendered alaku, " to go, to march " (cp. J^|, dun, tum, "to go"); salalu, "to carry off," as booty; (lag'lag'), itaslulu, nasallulu, "to be carried captive," or simply italluku, "to go to and fro." The root-idea is "to go," and causatively "to make to go," "lead," "lead away," especially by force. The term reappears in the Mandarin lung, Amoy long( = lang), "walking"; lung, Amoy long, "to drag"; lung-liieh, "to plunder," as a highwayman: cp. lun, older Ion (=lan), the Fuhchau lung, Shanghai lang, "to walk with

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difficulty "; lu, older lok, Cantonese lok (=lag), Amoy liok, Shanghai lok, "to go carefully"; lu-lu ( = lag-lag), "to go with," a crowd ; lu, "to move, walking about," "to go up or down," as stairs = Accadian lag'lag', aradu, "to go down" (= loh, old sound lak, Cantonese lok, "to descend"); lu-lu, "to toil or trudge along"; liok, liiek, older liak, Cantonese leuk, Amoy liok, Shanghai liek, " to rob, plunder, take by force, invade, make a raid"; Iwan, older Ion (=lan), Cantonese liin, Shanghai lb", Chifu Ian, "to drag along"; lu, Cantonese lu, Amoy lb, Shanghai lu, " to capture prisoners, prisoners, slaves taken in war"; lu, "a road, to travel." It is natural to remember in this connexion the Accadian ffif, which had the two values lu, dib. With the latter pronunciation the character means " to seize, take, bind" (aljdzu, sabatu, kamu), and probably also "to walk" (aldku) ; but the Chinese forms just given make it likely that lu also once had these meanings.

For the sake of completeness, I add the principal related forms of the Chinese.

The second character with initial / in the Chinese lexicon is la, " to pull, to drag along, to lead, to seize." In the three dialects this is lai, Hap, le; the old sound was lap (lab). Then we have la, "to pass by — to go ahead"; la, dialectic, la, lat (lad), Veil, "to grab at, to clutch — to carry off in the mouth," etc.; lai, dialectic lot, lai, le, "to come, to bring, to get" ; Ian, dialectic lam, lam, le", "to go quickly — to stride over, step across," Ian, "to grasp"; lau, dialectic lau, lo, lu, old sound lu, " to carry off, to drag away" ; //', "to walk"; Hang, Cantonese leung, Amoy Hong, "to jump," read lang in the phrase lang-lang is'iang-fs'iang, "to hurry, press on rapidly" (ts'iang, "quick"); liao, liu, lio, "to run, get away"; lick, Up, Hap, lik, "to stride over, leap over, overstep, to tread"; lien, liin, bian, li", "the quick, jumping run of some animals"; lieu, " to transport, remove"; //', old sound lik (lig), "to pass over, by, or to"; li, "a step, to go"; finally, liu (lim), "a raised field-path."

Dr. Haupt's next Accadian word is lamma, a kind of demon, which the Assyrians called lamassu. lamma is the pronunciation of the group «->~y £-]]y, which consists of the signs for "god" and "strong"; just as in Chinese ngan, "quiet," is represented by the signs for "woman" and "roof" (peace being naturally indicated by the housewife at home). The same group is also read ai.ad, denoting the kind of demon or guardian-genius which the Assyrians called scdu. The two names designate the colossi which guarded the

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gates of temples and palaces. Now lamma, or lam, "strong," answers to Chinese Ian, dialectic lam, lam, 11", "strong, hale"; cp. lieh, lip, Hap, lih (i.e., lib), "robust"; lieh-lieh, "tall and strong." lib, libba, sutuku, " extended, long," is one of the values of the sign tfly. Another value is lig, ligga, dannu, "strong, great," which I have already compared with Chinese lih, old sound lik (i.e., lig), dialectic lik, lek, lih, "strength." Chinese has also lin, "strong, fierce, enduring," dialectic tun, lin, ling.

We may also compare with lamma, the awe-inspiring, protecting genius of temples, lung, " the dragon," the emblem of imperial power and awe, and a designation of the ruling powers of nature ; and ling, " the spirit or energy of a being, the majesty of a god, divine, supernatural aid"; a term applied variously to gods and ghosts. Kit. ling is "the great or chief Spirit"; san ling, "the three spirits, i.e., the sun, moon, and stars." Cp. also Icing (leng) " the awe or influence of a god."*

But as regards lung, which is important as being the 212th Chinese radical or determinative, it is to be remarked that its mean- ings, " to bud " (pullulare) and " essential vigour," point at once to ' the Accadian {^]] lam, esebu, lam-lam ussubu, " to sprout," ^£ LUM,f and lum-lum, unnubu, ussubu, " to shoot, bourgeon, sprout." And as this / represents even in Accadian an older d (cp. ^[Cyy dim, " to beget, to be begotten," ££jE damu, dumu, "child"; and another instance to be mentioned presently); and as initial d is dialectic for g, we are not surprised to find that in Acca- dian -j^jr is pronounced g'um and gum (Oppert) as well as lum, or that Chinese possesses yung, "bursting forth, as plants," yung,

* As regards alad, the character "*£*" is the only one with the value lad or lat in Accadian. This character also means "strong" (dannu), and "to take, capture" a city (kaSadit), when pronounced kur. alad is perhaps "the seizer"; cp. la, lat (= lad), "to grab at, to clutch," already cited. But as kaSddu is thought to mean "to come at, reach, get" (ankommen, gelangen, erlangen, erobern), and lai (old sound lat ?) is " to come, to reach, to get "; this term also may be cognate with the Accadian lad; cp. lag', "to go" and "to carry off." On the other hand, as the ideogram suggests, alad, like lamma, may simply mean " strong" ; cp. lao, lb, lo, " firm, strong" ; lei, " robust, strong" ; lao-lao, " gigantic" ; of which terms lat may have been the earlier form.

f This character is also contained in ka-lumma, "dates" (Suluppt'). Cp. Chinese kwo, Amoy kb (= ka) ; Shanghai^, "fruit." The "five fruits" (with kiud) are peach, apricot, plum, chestnut, and date. With LUM here may be compared lang (lung), " a species of palm."

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" brave, brawny, to exert strength," which are related to lung, as gum is to lum. But, further, we find also in Accadian the group £?ff ^iz da-lum, explained dannu, "strong, mighty." This is a compound of the ordinary kind, consisting of two synonymous terms, and not an ideogram as has been supposed hitherto, viz., DA, astu, a synonym of dannu, + lum (= lam), "vigorous" (strictly used of sturdy growth), and then, generally, " strong, mighty, stout, great." Lung ma tsing-shan, " of dragon horse vigour-spirit " = "he has the vigour of a dragon or a horse."* Of the same Chinese character, lung, it is further noted that, "in matters relating to betrothals, it is often used for a man." This is certainly remark- able ; for, in Accadian, we have the composite nita-lam and nitA- dam, in the sense of " spouse," " husband " (Assyrian luYiru). nita is "male" (= ni), and dam (lam) is "mate," either man or wife (-J^tEf is both dam and lam).

The Accadian dam, lam, " mate," coincide in sound and idea with other Chinese terms. With dam we may compare tang (tong, dong) "what is suitable, convenient, or just," "equal to, to match," a relation of ideas which is illustrated by the Accadian gin (din), "just, proper," gim, dim, "like"; tang (teng, deng), Amoy teng, " to compare, equal, like, same " \ and Fung, dialectic thing, tong, dung, "together, all at once, all, united, identical, same, alike, to unite, matched, to equalize, to assemble, and, with, the same as"; a group of meanings which is not the disconnected farrago which it may appear to be, but which corresponds plainly enough to the Accadian wrords already cited, gin, til (tin) "all," ni-gin (ni- min) " all assembled together," " to assemble " ; dim, dig, dug, "great," "heavy"; gin, dim, "like"; gin (din) "to unite"; gis, Dis, "one"; gin (kenu) "just, equal"; ki, t^f di, ////, "with." ^£E|, dam, not only means " man " and " wife," but also kimet, "like, according to," and atta, "thou" (my second ox fellow). And as we notice once more / and d interchanging as the initial sound in these Chinese words, so in Accadian we have »-£tT £1 tuma as well as dam, dim, in the sense of " like, as."

* Tsing, "fine, subtle, delicate"; "the pure part of a thing, ethereal, essential"; "the germinating principle, semen of males," recalls DIM, "to heget," on the one hand, and Zl, ZIG, "life, soul, spirit," on the other. As it also means "an apparition, a wraith, a form taken by spirits," we may also compare dimma, " a ghost." For the relation of ideas, <p. the phrase tsing chi sh&n-chij>&n, " the semen is the support of the animal spirits." The Amoy eking gives the */-form corresponding to dim.

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We have already observed the curious connexion subsisting between the Accadian and Chinese words for the first and second numerals, and the first and second personal pronouns. A great fuss has been made by some writers over the fact that the Accadian A^ kur, is rendered by the opposed Assyrian terms ahn, "brother," and nakrn, "enemy"; while the synonym ^^^^ ses, aim, "brother," is likewise also equated with limnn, "hostile," "bad." But the familiar uses of the Latin hostis, "foreigner, stranger, enemy," and its cognate hospes, "foreigner, guest, friend" (cp. the Greek ft'i'os-), ought to have been enough to restrain any one acquainted with the classics, from supposing upon such grounds that Accadian words were merely arbitrary symbols, employed variously as the fancy of their inventors, the Assyrio-Babylonian scribes, might dictate. There is really no rational objection to the combination of opposite meanings in the same term; and, as a matter of fact, the phenomenon is not uncommon in philology. Is not the Hebrew *V*Q. "to bless" and "to curse"? and does not Arabic, in particular, supply a number of instances of a similar character?

If the Accadian terms for " brother " mean " the other, the second," "the man at one's side," it is intelligible enough that they might be used in the senses of "alien, opposed, hostile," as well as "second, helper, comrade" ; cp. our own ambiguous term "match," related to "mate," and used in an analogous double sense. I dare say all this will be called special pleading ; so I will say no more, but content myself with the following little tabular comparison of the Accadian and Chinese sounds in question, showing at a glance their common uses :

Accadian ^ kur. Chinese ku(r).

1. kur, "a brother " (aim); kur, kin, " a brother " (of one's mother

"a father," "parent" or wife); a husband's parents (abu). were formerly so called (kin-

kn) ; kin is an old term for a

wife's father.

2. kur, "an enemy"; "to be kin, "to twist, to cabal, to head

hostile"; "to alter," "in- a sedition"; kin, "a fault," jure," "deface" (nakant, " wicked acts " ; " evil" {limn n niikkuru). = ses) ; kin, "to hate"; kin,

" to destroy, demolish." 274

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[1890.

Aecadian ^- kur.

3. kur, "to help," "defend,"

"save " {nas&ru).

4. kur, "all together," "as a

total," "in sum" (j/aph oris, adv. from paharu, " to assemble").

Chinese ku(r).

kiu, "to assist, save, protect, defend."

kiu, "to assemble," kiu, "to col- lect together, many, to the end"; kiu, "after all, finally, at last."

5. kur, "another," "a second," k'iu, "to pair, to match, to join

"different," Lat., alter two in marriage, a union, part-

(sanumma) ; cp. No. 1. ner."

6. kur, "to repeat, tell," "in- kiu, "to inform, to announce."

form " (sunn//).

7. kur, "male" (zikaru'").

k'iu, membrum virile; kiu, "the male of the elk."

To these may be added : — Aecadian kur.

V kur, "land, country, earth' (ij/atum, irs/ti/'")

8.

9. KUR, " hill " (sadu)

Chinese ku(r).

k'iu, "a hillock; a hill with a level top for worship, a high place " ; the term is also a classifier of parcels of land ; " a plot or lot " of land ; san k'iu, " the three hills," where the fairies dwell in the eastern seas.

10. kur, "dwelling place," k'iu, "a place, village; a tumulus.''

" neighbourhood "(dad/nu).

11. kur, "to conquer" (kasadu). kiu, "to act with martial vigour." 1 2. J^[ kur, "to bind " (rakasu). kiu, read liu, " to bind." *

Of course it is not meant that kiu, k'iu, are the only Chinese equivalents of the Aecadian terms. I wished to show that, even restricting our comparisons within the narrow range of these two closely-related and ultimately identical sounds, it was possible to find modern representatives of most of the Aecadian homophones written as A^ V", kur. But it is not to be forgotten that the Chinese kiu, k'iu, are, like all other sounds in the Mandarin vocabu- lary, members of a series ; and if we enlarge our horizon, so as to

The Aecadian lu, " to bind," p. 271, suprn. 275

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take in their cognates, we shall strengthen our argument by the additional evidence which they afford, and perhaps account for the few Accadian homophones which we have not succeeded in identi- fying under kiu, iciu.

For lal, the sixth term in Dr. Haupt's list, see Proceed., Nov., 1889, p. 12. The seventh term is lid, "a bull or steer," or rather perhaps " a wild ox." The sign, <^Z, has also the value rim, from which which the Semitic rutin, re'em, were probably derived. In Chinese we find //, "the Tibetan yak or grunting-ox." But other domestic animals bear similar names in Accadian. Thus we find JtjIJ, lu, read udu, in the sense of immeru and kirru, " lamb " ; Jt^Of -£S=jy, lu-li, read gukkal, " lamb " or " sheep " (gug + kal) ; lu-gug, lu-zig, lu-nim, kirru ; and ffif tf—, lu-lim, hdimu, which has been variously rendered "he-goat," "ram," and "bell-wether." With iu as the class-prefix of small cattle {semi), we may compare the Chinese lao, dialectic, lb, lb, lo, " domestic animals," which, with the prefixes la, "great," and shao, "small," denotes oxen and sheep respectively. Lu, " a deer," may also be related. As to lim, in Chinese a ram or deer " with three curls in its horns " is called san- tsa-chien, "three-curl-horn." Chien is the modern reading of lien = lim. At Canton the character is pronounced lin, at Shanghai //". lulim is thus "sheep -+- horn."

Lu-nim may be compared with yuen, dialectic tin, gwan, nil", a large -horned species of sheep, found west of China, said to be as large as an ass (nim = saqii, " high "). lu-zig contains a s-form corresponding to the d of udu, as dug to zib. Chu, a lamb five months old, is dz'd at Shanghai, but fu (=du) in Amoy. Chinese has other s-forms, as the Shanghai ls'en ( = zin), "sheep crowding together," the Mandarin ch'an (dan). As to lu-gug, I have already compared yang, Cantonesejyrz^z^, Amoy yong, old sound yung ( = yug, gug), with gug in gukkal. Yang, the 123rd radical, means "a sheep or goat," and " animals of this family, as the antelope or gazelle."

It is an important fact, that even in cases where we find an Accadian N corresponding to a Chinese, e.g., nim, elu=-nieh {tup, nib), "to ascend," the Amoy dialect often presents / instead of n; as, in this instance, Amoy //#/!> (lib) = Mandarin nieh (nii:)= Fuhchau niek (nig). The Accadian script reflects this variation of initial sounds. The character £^l ni, " oil," is pronounced LI, in the

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Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

sense of "ointment" or "anointing" (rukkfi); cp. tit! luj " to mix up" ingredients into an ointment {mard.su: Jensen), with nie "to work or knead with the fingers, as in clay." The character KzjYjy, nag, has also the value lam (Hommel), both apparently in the sense of drinking or giving to drink ; cp. the Chinese tan, dialectic /dm, lam, /e", "greedy for gratifying the appetite," "to have a drink all round, and finish the bottle." The same Accadian character is pronounced immeli, in the sense of the Assyrian sikru, " strong drink," "new wine or must," or simply "liquor." IMME = IMMA ima (im), with vowel harmony, on account of Li, has already been explained as meaning "to drink," "drink." (Or imme = in + ME, " drink + water " : IMMA = in + MA, ditto.) In this term it is compounded with 1.1, "must" or simply "drink"; cp. the Chinese //', dialectic lei, /e, li, "sweet or newly distilled spirits — must, new wine." IMME-Li, "drink + must," is thus formed exactly after the analogy of ges-din, "liquor + wine," gug-kal, " sheep -f- lamb," ban-sur, tim-men, etc. The syllabary uses the same Assyrian term, sikru, for the explanation of another Accadian term for "drink," viz., gam, written ^^£^£3^; a term which is not to be confused with its homophones of various meanings, gam, sikru, is related to gu, /dsu, " to sip," a> lam in nita-lam, " husband," is to lu, "man," or as nam,* implied by the Chinese nan, "male," is to nu, "male" (in the three dialects nan appears as nam, lam, //<•" = nam, lam, nin). Now gam, " drink," corresponds with yen, " to swallow"; e.g., yen-shui, " to drink water "; in Cantonese in and it, in Amoy yat, in Shanghai/"; yun, "fermented liquor," = wdn, un, yiin ; yin, "to drink— drink," and, with a different tone, "to give to drink "=ydm, im, ydng ; and other related terms.

The same Accadian ideogram repeated, gam-gam, is the name of some kind of bird, which the Assyrians, imitating the Accadian name, called gamgammu. There may be as much or as little connexion between gam, "drink," and gam-gam the bird, as between the Chinese yen, "drink," and yen, "a swallow" (cp. English, "to swallow" and "a swallow"). Yen is the general name for birds of the swallow tribe; but another yen is the female phcenix (in, an, i"), so called in early times because it was the bird before which all others boived (cp. Accadian gam, kadddu, "to bow the head"); another, the wild goose = ngan, gan, ngi" (=gan or gam, gin).

* nam, "man," is also implied by nam as a relative particle ; cp. Ml'i.i', "man," and "who."

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With the determinative mul, " star," the same ideogram occurs as the name of a star : mul-gam | mul-lugal, " the star gam | the star of the king"; 2 R 49, 10 c. ; and again, mul-gam | gi§-ku sa su yy D. Marduk, " the star Gam | the weapon of the hands of Merodach," 5 R 46, 3 a. In Chinese we find another yen, the name of a star in the Milky Way. The character also means the eaves of a roof, and the beams which support them (cp. gam, " to bow, bend ")•

The Accadian ideogram also means supft, " shining," as in men- gam, agil supft, " a glittering crown " ; cp. yen, " bright, as a gem " ; yen, " luminous, bright " ; yen, " brilliant " ; yen, " to flame, blaze " ; yen, " fire " {cp. gi in gi-bil, " fire ").

This ideogram is also probably to be read gam in the compound GAM-lil, sakdsu, "to destroy," "slay"; cp. yen, "to grind to powder " ; yen, " to fall " ; yen, " to throw or push over," " to bend " (—gam, kandSn); yen, "to repress"; yen, "to cut off or in two"; yen, read ye, " to destroy entirely " (in the compound yen-tsueh, where tsi'teh = tsiit, tswat, dzih, Fuchau chiok, Chifu chit = zid, zig, di-m, dig, " to cut short a thread," " sever," " utterly destroy ").

The other value of the ideogram, zubu, which is rendered by the Assyrian ganiht, " benefiting," is probably no more than a variant form of zib = dug, "good."

The / in li, etc., supra, appears to represent an older d ; so that ^liy^HT^y in,* ila, nasft, "to raise," clft, "to go up," "high," very naturally has also the value du, as well as the corresponding ^-form ga, which also means "to raise." That this du had a similar meaning is likely, as it is only a dialectic variation (cp, du, tilu, "a mound"). Accadian possesses another ili, written jp^r, a character of which the commonest syllabic value is ni, but which also stands for 1 and dig. It is probably a synonym of the other, meaning "high"; for J^: J^:, ili, is used as an ideogram for the like^sounding Assyrian term ili, "gods," and even for the singular Hit, "a god," At all events, the value 1 recalls 1, nadu, "lofty/' "exalted"; and ili may be a composite word, viz., 1 + li (=z di), as if, "High and Lofty."

:> In such cases the former term is the class-prefix, or the more general expression, which is restricted or defined more exactly by the latter. The change from N to I. in the case of initials should be compared with the like clnnge in that of finals, DIN, nil., "male," Til., TIN1, " life," sUUUI , §UDUN, "yoke."

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The sound yen affords other important verifications of Accadian terms. We saw that the compound en-nun, " watch," " to watch," " to guard," contained it. Besides yen, " a night-watch or guard " = im, giam, ni", we have yen, "doorkeepers in the harem — persons who stand as guard, eunuchs " = im, yam, i". Bearing in mind that y — g, we see that these forms corroborate the suggestion already made in regard to en, "charm, spell," that it is worn down from gan or gin (p. 71). But the word en, yen, "watch," has since suggested to me an important identification. When dealing with /, ni, "to glance at," and mu, "the eye," I compared with them igi, " the eye " (= igin ?). Now Chinese has not only the ///-form ?nu, "eye," but also the corresponding guttural forms yen, "the eye" = ngan, gan, nge" ; which three dialectic forms imply primitive GAN, gin. Further, the 147th radical is kien, "to see" = kin, kian, ki" ; a term which points to a primitive gin, with dialectic form kin, as plainly as kien, "a slip of bamboo for making notes on, an official writing, documents," points to gin, "a reed," and kin, "a letter," or kien, "stable, immovable, firm," to gin, "fixed, firm," or kien, " to ravish, wild, horrid, ogre-like, villainous, wicked (of genii and spirits)," to gi-gim (= gi + gi, sabatu, ekimu, "to take, seize, carry off"), "a demon." I was long puzzled to identify this yen (gan, gin), "eye," "to eye," or watch, and kien, "to see," in Accadian, until it occurred to me that it was contained in the compound en-nun, " to watch." en = gen, gan, " eye," and nun, which we compared with nu, "to guard," is clearly an //-form synonymous with en: cp. nin (nin, nun), the Shanghai equivalent of yen, "a night watch." In hHen, "to watch narrowly " = //an, k'e", we have identical forms (gin, gan, kin), en, " lord," nin, " lady," are parallel Accadian forms.

More remains to be said. The ^-forms, £-forms, ///-forms, //-forms, and forms which have lost their initial sound, are before us. But we have usually found that a ,^-form implies a dialectic d-form, with a variant /-form corresponding to the ^'-form ; and further pairs of dialectic variants in b, p, s/i, a, are also possible. Do these phenomena occur in the present case ? In Accadian we have ide, "the eye," "to see," represented by the character 4J-, which has the various sound-values igi, ide, lim, lib, mad, bad, shi.

Now igi, IDE, mean not only "the eye" (Snu), but "the face" (ftanu), and consequently " the front," " before " (ma/jru, ma/nir). In just the same way, the Chinese mien, min, bian, mi", the 176th

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Mar. 4l SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1890.

radical, denotes "the face, the front, before, in one's presence." It hardly needs to be pointed out that mien is the ///-form implied by yen, kien, and the Accadian en (gin). And when it is added that the same Chinese character also signifies "to front, to face, to show the face, to see one, to look," we can understand the like breadth in the Accadian usage.* The next homophone in the Chinese lexicon, mien, "to look towards, to accompany, to go with, to turn the back on," curiously corroborates our view that en = gin ; for these meanings obviously answer to gin, "to see," gin, "to go" {cp. ni-gin, "to come together"), and gin, "to turn back" (tdru), or "to turn round" (saharu) ; cp. nigin in the same sense.

The M-form immediately answering to igi would be imi. This form is actually found in ^*ff", imi, originally " face," a point of the compass ; a term which enters into the designation of north, south, east, and west, in Accadian. In Chinese mien, "the face," is used in a similar sense: pah mien, "the eight faces," or directions, are the four points of the compass and their halves. It was natural to transfer the Accadian term to the four winds.

As /-forms answering to mien, kien, we have tien, " written documents, records" (Accadian tim), "statutory, constant" (Accadian gin, "fixed"), "to consider, to take oversight of" (Accadian ^J^f, me = men, hasisn, "reflexion," "wisdom"); tien, "to glance at, regard with attention"; and t'ien, "to show one's face."

T'ien, "a field," the 102nd radical, as a verb read tien, with a different tone, means also "to arrange for planting, a plantation, to till, to hunt." With the last meaning it is clearly the t{d)-iorn\ of ni-gin, "to hunt." In the other senses it represents ^^Ef, a-pin, "a plantation" (riartabu), where pin (bin) supplies a p or /'-form ; cp. pei, " to heap up dirt, to cultivate," pi, " the coulter of a plow," piao, pin, "to hoe fields," pien, pin, "a bank between fields," pien, "an ancient land-measure, ^th of a village lot"; and especially pHen, plin, the 91st radical, a classifier of plots of land. Pin, "a border," and////, "to make a partition," are related; a field being a portion of land divided off by borders or banks from the rest.t

* Besides yen, "the eye," yen, "a night-watch," etc., Chinese has yen, "the countenance, visage."

t Another meaning of AriN is "foundation " {uSSit) ; cp. pan, pun, older pen, "the origin, root, source, fundamental part."

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The same Accadian symbol is read exgar, in the sense of "field-worker," "tiller of the soil" (ikkaru). With this ex, which is softened from gan, "a field" {eklu), cp. yen, "limits of a plot of ground," dialectic in, yan, yi" (where yan = gan, in = en, and yi" a transition form between gen and ge) ; as well as yuen, "a yard, a garden," and yuen, "a high and level field." The second element gar (kar) abbuttu, "field-work," "serfdom," answers to yao, dialectic iu, yau, yo, " feudal vassalage or labour of a serf, a villein's service." The old sound ngo = nga, and Shanghai yo •= ya = ga, point to ga(r) ; while iu = yu — gu = gu(r).* So we have yao, " a brick-kiln," agreeing with Accadian ^j^ GAR> dialectic mar, the common ideo- gram for brick (libittu) ; yao, " a car "= gar, " a chariot " (narkabtu) ; yao, " to bite, gnaw, chew " = gar, " to eat " (akalu) ; cp. ya, the 93rd radical ( = ga) "teeth, to gnaw, bite" = dialectic nga, ga ; yao, "brightness" of heavenly bodies, "to shine "= gar, "brightness," "to shine."

THE CHINESE 'RH.

In my haste to banish an apparent anomaly from the Chinese lexicon, I rejected a valuable testimony to the truth of my own theory (p. 79). I was not ignorant of the leading facts which I am now about to state; I was misled by the fewness of the sounds grouped under this head, and by the fact that they were all homo- phones, instead of presenting the usual elaborate development. What has now to be said upon the subject does not, however, involve the withdrawal of any of the suggested comparisons with Accadian terms. I have to add rather than to subtract.

Exclusive of proper names, there are twenty-four homophones written 'r/i. This represents the sound dr, if we are to keep to Dr. Williams' usual mode of signifying the particular vowel-sound involved. But in English it might equally well be written er, with Dr. Edkins, or ir or ur: ordinary pronunciation making little or no difference between the vowels of bird, surd, nerve. The h of 'rh seems especially inappropriate, because the Chinese r is not rough but smooth. (1) The first of these homophones is the 126th radical, ir, dialectic i, ji, ir ( = gi, gi, ir), " and, together, also,

* We can now explain lagar, labar, ardtt, kalu, "servant," "man." The former consists of la = Chinese lao, " labour " + gar = Chinese yao, "service" (servitium = servus) ; the latter of LA = lao + BAR = pao, "to ilig" a trench ; j>'ao, " to till the ground."

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still, if, as if," "all" (in the phrases ir-i or i-ir, "that is all"; kiu jdn ir-i, "nine men in all"). These meanings at once recall those of the Chinese terms related to the Accadian gin, discussed in last month's Proceedings (p. 208). Now it is a noteworthy fact that just as we have in Chinese a form ir or er (dr) cognate and synonymous with gi (now i,ji), so we have in Accadian ir or er as a dialectic equivalent of gin (J^: eri, ir, alaku, "to walk, go" = «iy gin, alaku). What is the etymological relation between these Accadian words ? I think the Chinese dialects, if nothing else, might teach us. ir or er is simply gir denuded of its initial sound. And if ir, ir-ra are relics of gir, gir-ra, eri may be the remnant of meri. This suggestion is confirmed by the fact that gir, gir-ra (^£E), dialectic meri, means "foot" (sfyu) and "track" (kibsu) or "path" {taliaktu), and that gir-gin is "to go," "to tread" (kabdsu), and "path." The same relation is traceable between these terms as between the Sanskrit pad-ydmi, "to go," padam, "a step," and pddas, " foot." To walk is to foot it, and a path is made by footprints. Among the other uses of this Chinese particle, we find that it may mean "as if," "like"; e.g., in the phrase, "to treat darkness, ir ming, like light," or "as if it were light." This may correspond to ^^, which sometimes means /'»««, "as, like," and is read ir in the sense oikirbu, libbu, "middle," "heart." (The other values of this sign illustrate the wearing down of initial g. They are GUR, g'ur, ur; g'ar; g'ir; besides mur and kir, kin.)

Among the uses of J^:, ir, we find it as a postposition, equated with the Assyrian ana, "to, unto, into, toward," and ina, "in, by, with." In the former sense it is clearly identical with ir, "to go," "to bring." Cp. (2) The Chinese ir, dialectic i, jin, ir, "near, at hand," "to approach"; ir-lai, "hitherto." Lai, "to come, to reach, to bring," may be compared with the postposition »^^yy, li,* ana, ina, " to, in," on the one hand, and with $£.]] RA, ana, ina, on the other, li is the Chinese postposition //, " to, in," as kia-li, "unto the house," ye-li, "in the night." Now t£\ is also read ra in the sense of alaku, " to go." These postpositions, therefore, are, as we suspected, merely special uses of the verb of motion. The Japanese pronunciation of lai, "to come," is rat. It is curious that Accadian supplies both the /-form and the /"-form.

* That this 1.1, "with," is not independent of an older u'-form, is evident from J^y, read vi, and rendered itli, "together with."

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(Besides ra, Aceadian has »— or ^TT|, ru, in the same sense, as a postposition. The modification of vowel depends on the laws of vowel-harmony.) amr or anira, "to his father," is thus literally " father -f- his + going." A trace of the postposition ir, "to, at, on," is seen in the Chinese kin-ir, "to-day," ming-ir, "to-morrow"; "depend on me, tsz'-ir for this."

(3) The Chinese ir, dialectic i,ji, ir (gi, gir), "whiskers, hairy," may be at once explained by supposing an Aceadian by-form gir = gis, "hair," as in the case of gis and gir, "heaven," kis and kur, " horse."

(4) The Chinese ir, now read iati (see p. 270), dialectic i, ji, ir, "to boil," recalls gir girri, "fire," = gi, "fire."

(5) The Chinese ir, "water flowing in diverging streams, warm water," an expression used of the flow of tears, corresponds perfectly t0 It ^T^ er or IR> "tear>" "to weep," "weeping" (dimtu, baku, bikitii). The other pronunciation of this ideogram, es, is an instance of the interchange of final r and sh just referred to. This (g)ir, (g)es, may be compared with gur, "to flow," and perhaps gas, ges, "liquor" (ses, "to mourn," is perhaps es + es ; cp. essesses " to weep ").

(6) The Chinese ir, "a queen-post resting on the top of a beam, to support the roof," may be compared with the common ^TH^f, ur, "a beam" (Assyrian guSuru).

(7) The Chinese ir, "a funeral carriage or hearse," may be worn down from gar, mar, "chariot."

(8) The Chinese ir, "a male child," e.g., ir-?iii, " boys and girls," has the dialectic forms i, ji, ni, answering to the Aceadian gin (gi, gis) and ni, both of which are defined zikaru, "male," as already stated. With the Mandarin ir, we may compare THf, ur {ami-lit), "a man," and >-*Z~!\, uru, dialectic eri, "servant"; and probably *^, erim, sabu, "man," "warrior."

(9) The Chinese ir, "a 6mall horse" (ir^ma, "a stallion"), may be worn down from kur, " a. horse."

(10) The Chinese ir, ni, dialectic ni,ji, ir, "to eat," may be re- ferred to gar, kur, ku, "to eat," gu, "to lick" or "sip." The fluctuation between the vowels * and 11 here and elsewhere will be no shock to Aceadian scholars.

(n) The Chinese ir, "the ear," "a side," dialectic /, //", ;//, is another example of gir = giS, the latter being an Aceadian

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term for ear (gis-tug, and ge, uzmi). The Amoy ji" recalls gin, "to hear" (mdgaru).

The meaning " side " (which appears also in two other homo- phones denoting the sides of the mouth or face) agrees with TTT>-, ur, "side," "quarter," (esidu, hamamu), and with ^^E, ur, "a wall" (usurtu), and with ^^~y|. ur, " the loins, the flanks " (sunu), and with gur, "heap, bank, side" (karu) : Sb 1, 3, 20. ir-ir, "soft and pliable, of reins, complying," implies (g)ir = gin, " flexible."

(12) The Chinese ir, "ear-ornaments," is obviously an extension of ir, "the ear." In the sense of "a ring near the sun," "parhelion or mock-sun," it reminds us of the sign ^TTT^y, gir, mer = men, "a crown." The moon is called in Accadian "lord of the bright crown"; an expression which seems to allude to the halo which sometimes surrounds it. In Chinese yun (old sound yin), dialectic wan, hun, yun (= men, gin), is a halo. The relation to Accadian men, "a crown," on the one hand, and to gin in ni-gin, "to surround," on the other, is evident. Cp. yuen, "round" (yii" = gin).

(13) The Chinese ir, dialectic i, ji, ir, "to cut off a man's ears," recalls gur, "to cut off" (kasdtnu, kasdsu, masdru).

(14) The Chinese ir, "thou, you," in the three dialects i, ji", ir, is another instance of (g)ir = gin ; cp. the Amoy ji" = gin. We have already seen that gin and men mean both " I " and " you " in Accadian.

A second use of this homophone is as an affirmative particle, "so," "just so," "thus," "in that way." This implies (g)ir = gin, "thus," (kiihn); and answers to -<^j|e, IR (?), "like": vide supra.

A third meaning is "to remove" = the Accadian J^:, ir, "to cause to go " (suluku), " to take away " {tabdhi) ; and the fourth is "abundant," e.g., ir-ir, "plentiful"; with which we may compare Jjyf, ur, "abundance" {baltu, bultu, root wabal; rendered by Prof. Hommel, strotzende Fiille, Ueberfluss). Cp. also gur, "to flow." This is, again, an instance of (g)ir = gin ; for we have gin, ma In, "to be full."

(13) The Chinese ir, "to turn the head or face towards . . ." is, again, an instance of (g)ir = gin ; for gin is tdru, "to turn," saharu, "to turn round" (p. 53); cp. gur, tdru, sa/jdru. In Cantonese it is mi or ni; in Amoy ji, at Shanghai ir. In Cantonese

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Mar. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

this homophone also bears the meaning " to purse up the mouth," as in the phrase mi-mi hau,* "to pucker the lips," or more literally "close the mouth." With this may be taken another homophone, the fourth in the list, read mi in Cantonese, ir at Shanghai, and meaning "to shut, to close." Now Accadian furnishes gin, gi, "to shut or close " {sanaku, kali'/) ; ^££e, ir (? g'ir), "to shut in," (eseru) ; and ^J^f, g'ir, "to close" {kalu).

(T4) The Chinese ir or ni, and mi, ji, er, "woven feather and hair work," "coloured hair," admits of further comparison, not only with our hypothetical gir = gis, "hair," but also with Jjy, ur, urri, "a hyena," (Assyrian ah/1), and the synonymous UR-barra (ahti, barbaru). The variegated fur of the creature is indicated by both names (cp. the next er).

(15) The Chinese ir, dialectic i,ji, er, "the blood of a sacrificed fowl," "to pull out the hairs of a victim's ears," er-er, "ear-blood," may be compared not only with gir = gis and ge, "the ear," but also with Evfn^' URU> " blood " (damn).

(16) The Chinese ir, "a second; an assistant or attendant (eunuch)," answers to ^i^f, uru, eri, "servant." Cp. also ^yy^TYT*3^, uru, zikaru, "male, man"; tyy^*^, eru, zinnistu, " female," and ^yy^ £-, eru, abdu, " servant."

(17) The Chinese ir, the 7th radical (dialectic i, ji, ni), " two, the second, to divide in twain, to double," may be equated in the first sense with '-^fy, gir = tab, tappu, "a fellow," "second"; and in the third sense with J^; in ir-tim, "a plow-share" or "coulter," apparently (dimmu, mahrasu). tim means " to cut," and the ana- logy of other compounds of this kind requires that ir should be synonymous. With this ir, "to cut in twain," "divide," cp. ^^Je, ir, " the middle " (kirbu, libbu), and ur, " the bowels " (tirtu), and ^£~~yy, ur, " the loins " (sftnu : Dr. Jeremias, op. Bcitnige zur Assyrio/ogie, p. 287), which are middle parts.

(18) Lastly, ir (/, ji, ni), "a substitute, a second," a mere duplicate of the last homophone, has also the meanings " to suspect" and "to oppose." Cp. ]^, ur, "an enemy" (nakru), or

* Hau, in Amoy klo, and at Shanghai £'//, is the 30th radical, pronounced k'au in Mandarin. These dialectic variants point to an original /•<?, /•//. The term means "the mouth," "a gate," and is identical with Accadian *-£■]£?{, ka, " mouth " and " gate " (/>//, b&bti).

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Mar. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

"opponent," urri, do., ^^^T ^JTf, erim, "a foe" (dibit), on the one hand ; and Km^j URU> (dialectic eri ?), "to help," "protect" (nasdru), on the other. And cp. kur, p. 274.

I leave these facts to speak for themselves, as they doubtless will, to people whose knowledge of Accadian goes beyond a doubt- ful assent to the definitions ki = earth, and ana = heaven. Those who prefer to keep Accadian to conjure with, will probably not thank me for comparing with ki, " earth, land, country, place, domain," the Chinese ki, "a domain," — "a limit or border," ki, "land left— poor land," k% " the god or spirit which animates the earth," T"u k%* " the goddess Earth," shan (shin) k'i, "the gods of the land" (Accadian shi, "spirit," ki, "land"); k'i, "a border, confines, imperial lands."

It is obviously of the greatest consequence that Chinese, which has for the most part dropped or metamorphosed the final r, should have preserved it in these crucial instances. As is well known, Chinese transcriptions of foreign names usually exhibit / for r, as in Eu-lo-pa, Europe, Ki-li-sse-tu, Christus. That this change began in very early times is evident from the fact that it is observable in native words as compared with their Accadian prototypes. Take the Accadian kirrud, "a hole, hollow, gorge or valley" (hiirrii). This, as usual, is a compound term = kin + rud. The character is {Yfc^f, which is composed of ^, bur, "depth," "bottom " (suplu), and <7By, ki(n), "earth," and thus suggests "hole in the ground," and is equal to the Assyrian hitrru, " Loch, Schlucht, Thai," as Dr. Delitzsch long ago explained. In Chinese we have k'u-lung, "a hole," from fc'u, "a hole in the ground or hill-side" (cp. klu, "a cave- dwelling," and k'u, "the buttocks," suplu), and lung, "a cavity." This lnng=RUM, in kirrum, the alternative value of the Accadian character. On the other hand, Chinese has preserved the / of billudu, "law, precept, command"; cp. pien, "a law or rule of action," dialectic////, bi", and lii/i, (lut = LUD), Cantonese hit, Amoy ////, Fuhchau Ink (lug = lud), Chifa lit, Shanghai //'// (lid, lig), "a statute, an ordinance." Thus billud = bin(pin) + lud, and is a

* 7^u, "earth, ground, land, region, place," is the 32nd Chinese radical. There is also li, " the earth, the second of the three prime powers, worshipped as Queen Earth, a place, a spot, a territory, the bottom or support of a thing" ; and both occur together in the phrase Vu-ti-shan, " the local gods."

Now in Accadian < J£ 1 1 KI, is also pronounced du.

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synonym of the other terms grouped under the ideogram ^z »->f-. That this group may be read also pan,* in the like sense, as the component parts of it (pa-an) suggest, is made probable by the fact that p'an in Chinese means, "to divide in twain, judge, decide," "a decision, sentence."! The value kus, parsu sa Hi, " command of a god," may be compared with the cognate Accadian kut, "to decide," (pardsu); and with the Chinese kiieh (kut), Cantonese kut, "art, rule, precepts"; kiieh, "to decide, settle, cut off, sentence."

The group "fc^f: £<f sfly*.

This group affords another example of the value of recognizing in Accadian the existence of nouns compounded of two synonymous expressions, like those we have just considered. I think it should be read sag-dugga. It is well known that the group means " head " {kakkadu). sag or sang we have already compared with the Chinese sang, " forehead " ; dug answers to Chinese fau, which at Shanghai is pronounced dii, " the head " {cp. also lit, " the skull," " the fore- head " = du). We have also the cognate forms >JL^, tig (ting), "the head" (rait), and in Chinese ting, "the top, crown, head."

If this reasoning be correct, it is evident that ^fs^ £2f must be read sagdu, or sangdu, or perhaps saddu. The second character may even have had the value dug, as well as du ; but the case appears to be analogous to si, sig-ga, etc.

* Hence pan-pan, "a chapel " (parakku) ; cp. bar(a) in the same sense.

+ liih (lut) is also "to divide, to distinguish between, to adjust " ; and pien, a homophone oipien cited above, is "to cut asunder," "to divide or distinguish," "to discriminate." Cp. pan, "to divide in two, to halve." With GAR-ZA(g), the other value of ;^z>->^-, cp. yao, dialectic^ (= ga, gar), "to be bound, to restrict, to try, to examine into," and tsai, " to govern, to rule," and tsc/i, dialectic tsak, chek (dig), " rule, precept, law," and chah, Shanghai and Chifu tsah, "an order."

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Rev. C. de Cara.— Letter. The Hittites 289-291

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PROCEEDINGS.

I,

Session

1878-79

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A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain for sale, which may be obtained on application to the Secretary, W. H. Rylands, F.S.A., 11, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.

PROCEEDINGS

OF

THE SOCIETY

OF

BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

TWENTIETH SESSION, 1889-90.

Part 6.

{April, 1890. No Meeti?ig.]

-m>&&-

I have received a letter from the Rev. Cesare de Cara, S.J., inviting attention to a series of articles on the Hittites, by him, now appearing in the Civilta Cattolica. The following extract from his letter will be of interest : —

Cipro fu primitivamente occupata dagli Hethei (Hittiti) che le diedero il loro nome xe(^hl, come attesta Flavio Giuseppe confon- dendo xc^> c'°^ DWf con QTO figlio di Javan. Col nome di X^Olfi, egli dice, gli Ebrei chiamano tutte le isole e la maggior parte delle citta lungo il mare. Ora quel nome x^'P sopravvive, alterato, e vero, da' Greci, in una citta di Cipro, cioe in Kino?, Citium.

Dunque, COnchiude, da Cipro, inr aV7?j? v1\aoi to ttiioui, Kat n) -Xn'ic twv irapa Sakaaaav Xe®'l"' ^'7ro Ef3f)ru'wi' ovofia'C^cTiii ("Antiq. Jud.,"

Lib. I, c. VI). II ragionamento di Giuseppe non regge. Una citta qual e K/tiov, Citium, non poteva dare il nome a tutte le isole e a tanti paesi lungo il Mar Mediterraneo. L' isola chiamata da lui XeOtpa occupata da X^Otno?, e in quanto da questo occupata, pote dare e diede di fatto il nome di XeOifi a tutte le isole e a moltissime [No. xci.] 289 y

April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1S90.

luoghi marittimi. Imperocche quel Xt0i/no9, tolta la terminazione greca, e xe^'y"' c'0^ QTill, gli Hethei (Hittiti). La mutazione del X di XeOljn in K per riguardo a K/t<o<? e dovuta a' Greci, come

afferma Giuseppe : K/t<os vtto twv i^eWi]vtaavTUv aim)v KaXelrai (I.e.)

II nome primitivo dunque con pronunziato col X, e tutti i Codici hanno infatti in questo vocabulo Xeft'/t di Giuseppe : XtOip, Xerelju, XeT<et/i, XeTu/i, sempre col X e non mai col K.

Si confirma il gia detto che cioe 1' isola di Cipro fu denominata Xe6if.i dagli Hethei (Hittiti) che ab antico 1' occupanno, da un altro fatto importantissimo e finora sfuggito all' attenzione degli hetheo- logi.

Gli Hethei fondarono nelP isola di Cipro una citta, alia quale diedero il nome d' una loro citta celebre di Siria, Hamath (Hamah). Quetta citta in Cipro si chiamo 'A/iaOoi's, che tolta la desinenza greca, resta A/ta0. Ora 1' A/aaO cipria e identica ad Hamath sira ; le varianti non sono che puramente accidentali e di nessun valore. Difatti 1' Hamath sira da' LXX e detta 'A/iaOi, da Giuseppe 'AjuaOrj (I.e. p. 23), da altri Hemath, Emath, Amath, Hamath, Chamath e Chammath, per ragione della gutturale conservata ovvero caduta. Anche in assiro v' e la stessa varieta e accanto a Ha-ma-(at)-ti, Ha- am-ma-at-ti troviamo Amatti (II, RawL, 53, no. I, 1. 37; Khorsab., 49, 56). La leggenda riferita da Stefano di Bisanzio porta che 1' Amath di Cipro fu fondata da Cinyra, e detta 'A/iaflot)* da Amathusa sua madre. Cinyra poi e detto figlio di Pafo re degli Assiri. Da Cinyra e da Smirne nacque Adonis Osiris che Cipriotti e Fenicii rivendicano esclusivamente per loro. II mito e qui abbastanza trasparente e vuol dire che il culto di Adonis fu introdotto in Cipro da' Siri cioe dagli Hethei di Hamath sira in Amath di Cipro. Che patria primitiva degli Hethei sia stata la Tiria fu da me dimostrato nella mia Opera sugli Hyksos ; che Siri e Fenicii sono spesso scambiati dagli antichi gli uni con gli altri e cosa nota, come di pari Siri con Assiri.

Inoltre tutta 1' isola porto un tempo il nome di Amathusia (Plin. V, 31, 35), come porto quello di XeOiju. Ma la prova perentoria che 1' Amath cipria sia figlia dell' Hamath sira e per me, la somi- glianza e quasi identita. di alcuni caratteri dell' alfabeto arcaico di Cipro con quelli delle iscrizioni di Hamath presso 1' Oronte, come fu gia indicato dal Dr. Taylor e ne fu fatta 1' applicazione felice dal Sayce. Di quella somiglianza di caratteri delle iscrizioni hethee con quelli dell' arcaico alfabeto cipriotto, nessuno cerco la ragione

290

April] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

che ora io ho trovata e che sembrami convincente, cioe che 1' origine dell' Alfabeto arcaico cipriotto e dovuta agli Hethei e forse a quelli in particolare che fondarono Amath in Cipro.

Se la mia scoperta e reale, avremmo importanti conseguenza da cavarne per 1' avanzamento degli studii sugli Hethei tanto nobil- mente promossi dalla patria di Vostra Signoria, dove nacquero, e per i quali ella ha tanto fatto a comune utilita de' dotti. Trovera nel mio secondo articolo svolte tutte queste cose ampiamente, che qui ho solo accennate.

291 v 2

April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

LES COUPES MAGIQUES ET L'HYDROMANCIE DANS L'ANTIQUITE ORIENTALE.

Par Mse. Schwab.

(Communication faite a. l'Academie des Inscriptions les 3 Aoiit 1883 et 25 Septembre 1885.)

Les Orientaux ont accorde grande creance aux pratiques de magie. Les coupes judeo-chaldeennes, a formules d'incantation, trouvees lors des families recentes faites en Babylonie, sont la preuve palpable de ces superstitions populaires. C'est donc.de la Chaldee que les pratiques magiques et divinatoires se sont repandues dans le monde, et qu'elles ont penetre meme dans les milieux d'ou elles auraient du etre plus particulierement bannies. Ainsi, M. Edmond Le Llant * a demontre que chez les premiers Chretiens, certains versets inscrits des phylarteres devaient sauvegarder leurs posses- seurs des effets de la torture. Par exemple, un texte de saint Jean au sujet de la Passion, t qui contient ces mots : Non comminuetis os ex eo, etait considere comme posse'dant une vertu preservatrice et permettait aux patients, soitcoupables, soit martyrs, qui le recitaient, de demeurer impassibles au milieu des souffrances. Cela est si vrai qu'attribuant a l'emploi de pratiques secretes la Constance des premiers Chretiens suspects, a. leurs yeux, de magie,| les pai'ens s'appliquaient a chercher les moyens de rompre le charme.

L'origine anterieure de cet usage se retrouve chez les Assyriens.§ A cet effet, il suffit de rappeler, outre le poeme de " la descente d'Istar" (trad. Oppert, Fragments Mythologiques, p. 8), les Inscrip- tions de Nabuchodonosor dans les West-Asia Inscriptions (T. I, pi. 61-63), celles de Negrilissor, pi. 67, et les termes d'hydromancie

* Actes des Martyrs, dans les Memoires de t Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, T. XXX, 2C part, p. 105.

t -S. Jean xxi, 36 ; cf. Exode xii, 46 ; Nombres ix, 12.

X E. Le Blant, Metnoire stir Vaccusation de Magie dirigce contre les premiers Chretiens, clans les Mem. de la Soc. des Aniiquaires de France, T. XXXI.

§ Les recherches dans le domaine de l'Assyriologie utilisees ici, sont dues a l'obligeance de M. Babelon.

292

April] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

en general (ibid., T. II, pi. 56, col. Ill et IV; T. IV, pi. 1, col. I, pi. 3, col. II; pi. 14, 16, et pi. 25, col. IV). A cote d'Assour, rappelons les Pheniciens, dont une serie de coupes en forme de calottes hemis- pheriques a ete decrite par M. Clermont-Ganneau (Vlmagerie phenicienne et la mythologique) ; les sujets traces a la pointe sur les parois rappellent assez les inscriptions en spirale des coupes juives.

On pratiquait egalement des operations magiques en Assyrie avec d'autres liqueurs que 1'eau, de meme qu'on omait aux dieux des libations de vin, d'huile, d'hydromel, et de lait. M. Oppert * a consacre a l'une de ces liqueurs, ou le sikaru, une notice fort interessante, dans laquelle il a rapproche cette expression designant une " boisson fermentee," du terme biblique ~OtT-

I.

11 n'est pas etonnant que ces formes du mysticisme aient passe chez les Rabbins. Outre les nombreux versets de la Bible ou se reflete le souvenir des "eaux de vie et de resurrection " (Zach. xiii, 1 ; xiv, 8; Joel iii, 18; Ezech. xlvii, 1-12 ; Prov. x, n ; xiii, 14 ; xvi, 22; Ps. xxvi, 9-10), maints passages de l'Ancien Testament et des Evan- giles sont relatifs a la " coupe de mine et de perdition " (Isaie xli, 17 ; Jeremie xxv, 15-27 ; S. Matthieu xx et xxvi).

On reconnait aisement des allusions a des pratiques d'hydro- mancie dans les passages suivants du Talmud, oil Ton interprete et commente le texte biblique a la lumiere des usages contemporains. C'est ainsi que le Midrasch Rabba — sur Genese ch. 92 (f. 80 b. ; cf. Yalqut, I, s. 150 (f. 47 b.), et IIe partie, s. 929, f. i3id. — dit : " Josef prit la tasse, et feignit de faire des experiences et de flairer la tasse." Dans le Tanhonma (s. 5, f. 20 a, sur Genese, xiii. 9 etc. ; Midrasch sur Proverbes i. 14), on lit : " II prit le calice et frappa dessus."f

Le Talmud (B, tr. Baba Metcia, f. 29 b.) parle aussi d'un breuvage magique N2D")m ND3> compose de stimulants ou d'in- gredients narcotiques. 11 faut cependant reconnaitre que le sens du second mot N2DH!~n n'est pas tres clair. On voit, d'apres le radical, qu'il s'agit d'un melange bien broye, comme en arabe

* Comptes rendus de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, iSS2, 2e trimestre, p. 125.

f Cf. (Jraetz, Alonatschrift, XXVII, p. 336 ; J. Levy, Targum Wbrterbuch, I, p. 364 b. ; Lattes, Nuovo saggio di giuntc t correzioni al lessico Talmudico,

R. Accademia dei Lincei, p. 27S (ib!So, 1), s.v.

293

April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV. [1S90.

^ v d'olt ^j jj,) "patee de viande," selon Fleischer,* et c'est un peu avec ce sens que Ton retrouve la meme expression dans d'autres passages talmudiques (B. tr. Be fa, f. 16 a.; tr. Sabbat, f. 37 b.; tr. Yoma, f. 84 a. ; tr. Aboda Zara, f. 38 a).

Void enfin une anecdote du Talmud t dans laquelle on voit un sorcier devenu, par une force raagique, inaccessible aux eaux de pluie qui tombent par torrents sur ses vetements ; il "passe a travers les gouttes," comme nous disons encore dans le langage familier : —

''Simon B. Schetah se leva un jour et prepara Pexecution de 80 sorcieres ; il partit sous la pluie, emmenant avec lui 20 jeunes gens d'elite, leur remit en main autant de vetements blancs, qu'ils etaient charges d'emporter chacun dans une marmite neuve fixee sur la tete, leur dormant l'ordre suivant : ' A mon premier cri (appel), vous vous couvrirez de ce vetement ; et a mon 2e cri vous entrerez tous a la fois, et aussitot entres, chacun de vous saisira une de ces femmes qu'il soulevera de terre ; car il est de regie en magie qu'une fois le soicier souleve de terre, il n'a plus de pouvoir.'

" Sur ce, Simon alia se presenter a la porte de la caverne, et dit : ' compagnes, o/noi'a, ouvrez-moi, puisque je suis des votres.' 'Com- ment se fait-il,' dirent-elles, ' que tu aies pu penetrer jusqu'ici en un tel jour?' ' J'ai su (par sortilege) passer entre les gouttes d'eau (sans me mouiller).' 'Et que viens-tu faire ici ?' demanderent-elles. ' Je viens apprendre, puis enseigner, car chacun fait ce qu'il peut.' Chacune alors opera a sa facon ; 1'une par ses paroles put apporter du pain ; l'autre prononca les mots (magiques) et apporta de la viande ; une autre enonca de tels mots et apporta des legumes ; une autre encore, agissant de meme, apporta du vin. ' Et que sais-tu faire ? ' demanderent-elles. ' Je sais, en poussant 2 appels, dit-il, vous amener 80 beaux jeunes gens, qui se rejouiront de vous avoir, et vous aurez de la joieavec eux.' 'Nous voulons bien les recevoir, dirent-elles. 11 poussa un cri, et les jeunes gens revetirent le costume blanc ; au 2e cri, ils entrerent tous a. la fois, et il com- manda que chacun se choisisse une compagne, qu'ils enleverent,

* Nachtriige zum Nenhcbr. u. chald. Wdrterbuch von Jac. Levy, II, p. 559. t Talmud de Jerusalem, tr. Haghigd, II, p. 2 (traduction francaise, T. VI, P- 279)-

294

April] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

puis ils partirent et les crucifierent. C'est pourquoi il a ete en- seigne:* il est arrive a. Simon B. Schetah de pendre 80 femmes a Ascalon."

II.

Dans les fouilles archeologiques dont la Chaldee a ete le theatre en ce siecle, on a retrouve, a cote d'objets se rapportant a l'antiquite chaldeenne et a l'epoque de la domination des Arsacides, des Sassanides, et des Arabes, des monuments juifs du moyen age, qui meritent particulierement de fixer l'attention. Parmi ces monu- ments figure une collection de vases en terre cuite, avec inscriptions, qui devoilent un des cotes les plus interessants de l'histoire des colonies juives installees sur les ruines de Babylone apres la con- quete de Jerusalem par les Romains. Ces vases hemispheriques, assez grossierement faconnes au tour, et depourvus de tout interet artistique, ont ete tous jusqu'ici decouverts dans les environs de Hillah, e'est-a-dire, sur l'emplacement meme de Babylone, dans le quartier qu'on croit avoir ete assigne comme residence aux Juifs pendant la captivite. C'est a l'interieur, sur la surface concave, que se trouve ecrite a. l'encre, circulairement, l'inscription magique destinee a. mettre en fuite les demons, et a. preserver de certaines maladies celui qui buvait le liquide verse dans la coupe.

La langue dans laquelle sont conchies ces formules d'incanta tion, est generalement celle des Targums de Babylone ; l'ecriture est le plus souvent l'hebreu carre, affectant des formes plus ou moins eloignees des formes de l'ecriture actuelle, suivant I'an- ciennete du monument. Quelques autres vases portent des in- scriptions en caracteres syriaques estranghelo, redigees en un dialecte qui se rapproche du mendai'te ; il en est aussi d'arabes.

Le British Museum est tres riche en vases jude'o-babyloniens d'incantations magiques. Grace aux obligeantes communications de feu Samuel Birch, l'eminent conservateur du Departement des Antiquites orientales, nous avons compte plus de vingt-trois de ces coupes, dont les dimensions varient depuis onze centimetres sept millimetres (4% inches), et douze centimetres ( lj inches), jusqu'a quarante-et-un centimetres deux millimetres. En outre, nous avons remarque un grand nombre de fragments brises, non encore classes, et dont quelques-uns, rapproches, pourraient probablement servir

* Talmud Babli, tr. SynhSdrin, f. 45b ; voir Derenbourg, Essai sur la Palestine, p. 69.

295

April]' SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

a reconstituer des vases complets. Les inscriptions sont tantot en lettres hebraiques (hebreu carre), tantot en lettres syriaques (cursif et estranghelo), tantot enfin en arabe.

Sur l'un des fragments a inscription hebraique, nous avons pu facilement dechiffer la principale priere de la liturgie judaique : Schema Israel, Adona'i Elohenou, Adona'i . eliad : " Ecoute, Israel, l'Eternel est notre Dieu, l'Eternel est un." (Deut. vi, 4.) C'est la profession de foi religieuse de l'lsraelite, qui est non seulement recitee dans la priere quotidienne plusieurs fois par jour, mais encore dans des circonstances particulierement solennelles, comme a Tissue du jour du Grand-Pardon, ou au chevet d'un mourant.

Parmi les vingt-deux vases parfaitement intacts conserves au British Museum, il en est quatorze qui y sont entres depuis un certain temps deja et qui proviennent des premieres fouilles archeo- logiques dont la Chaldee a ete l'objet. Dans ces quatorze il faut comprendre les six qui sont d'ecrits dans l'ouvrage de M. Layard, Nineveh and Babylon (pp. 509-526). Voici d'ailleurs 1 enumeration sommaire de toutes ces coupes magiques : —

1. Vase ainsi numerate : 10-9 L'inscription est aujourd'hui a

peu pres completement fruste.

Si

2. 10-9 Publie par M. Layard sous le No. 1 ; sera decrit

ci-apres, au chap, iii, rubrique A, dans la revision que nous faisons de l'inscription.

3. (Le No. d'ordre manque; sans doute 97?) L'inscription,

qui avait quatorze lignes, est presque completement fruste.

5i

4. 10-9 L'inscription est egalement si fruste qu'elle n est plus

dechiffrable.

51 10-9 L'inscription, qui avait quatorze lignes, n'est plus de- chiffrable aujourd'hui.

51 . .

10-9 Publie par M. Layard, sous le No. 2 ; sera decrit ci- apres, au chap, iii, rubrique B.

51 ...

1° 9 Ce vase parait semblable au precedent; mais l'inscrip- tion est a peine lisible aujourd'hui. 296

April] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

8. Marque N (=Nimroud) 1560. On peut seulement recueillir quelques mots epars de l'inscription completement fruste dans certaines parties.

9. (Sans marque). Ce vase est tres grand. On voit une in- scription d'une ligne et demie au bord exterieur, et de 10 a 12 lignes a l'interieur, a peu pres illisibles.

Nous ferons remarquer en passant que les deux vases precedents ont des dimensions telles qu'on ne peut guere les considerer simple- ment comrae des coupes a boire ; ce sont de grands bols, ou plutot des marmites. II ne faut pas oublier, au surplus, comme nous l'avons dit plus haut, que souvent il ne suffisaitpas pour le patient de boire une partie du liquide contenu dans la coupe. L'officiant en repandait parfois avec la main, soit sur le malade, soit autour de lui, ou merae en aspergeait toute la maison.

IO 7-26 L'inscription qui recouvre ce vase est en syriaque. M. Layard l'a donnee sous le No. 6.

11. Vase marque L. L'inscription, en hebreu carre, a dix-sept lignes ; mais le vase est trop mutile' pour qu'elle puisse offrir un sens

suivi.

83

12. 4-73 L'interieur de cette coupe est partage en quatre co-

lonnes ; a l'exterieur se trouvent encore six lignes d'ecriture. Un trop grand nombre de passages sont obliteres pour que les inscriptions puissent etre comprises dans leur ensemble.

13. Vase avec une inscription arabe d'une seule ligne placee au milieu d'un double cercle ; l'ecriture anguleuse resemble assez aux caracteres coufiques ou mendaites.

68

14. 5"23 Vase avec une inscription arabe de sept lignes, dont

5 une au centre forme une formule a part. II sera

question plus loin de cette inscription, sous la lettre J du chap. iii.

Huit autres vases sont entres recemment au British Museum ; ils proviennent, comme les precedents, des environs de Hillah, qui parait avoir ete, ainsi que nous l'avons deja dit, la metropole de la fabrication de ces poteries inscrites. Ces vases n'avaient pas encore recu de numeros de catalogue au moment oil nous les avons etudies. Ce sont : —

1. Un bol assez creux et affectant la forme d'une petite terrine. A l'interieur, au milieu, on voit un dessin qui represente une plante a quatre branches ; sur la paroi sont deux inscriptions separees par

297

April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S90.

une ligne circulaire fermee. Celle du fond contient huit lignes; celle du haut n'en a que six. Une seconde ligne circulaire laisse entre cette inscription et le bord du vase, un espace qui n'est occupe que par ces mots : Amen, Amen, sela, sela.

2. Un vase contenant deux inscriptions syriaques ; celle du fond a douze lignes, frustes dans certaines parties ; celle du haut a six lignes, dont trois sur la paroi exterieure du vase ; entre les deux, un cercle lineaire.

3. Un vase contenant une inscription en estranghelo de seize lignes ; cette inscription offre cette particularity, qu'elle commence au centre du vase, ou se trouve en outre un petit cercle a l'encre. A l'exterieur on lit ces mots traces en travers :

(mon nn d ?.a). * j/v &~n l±t c*> v=ti

C'est le nom du possesseur du vase, celui pour lequel ^inscription a ete faite. Nous verrons plus loin que sur ces amulettes on inscrivait generalement le nom du personnage qu'on voulait exorciser ou guerir.

4. Un vase de dimensions plus qu'ordinaires, mais brise en deux places.

5. Un vase contenant une inscription de douze lignes, bien completes, dont trois a l'exterieur. Au centre interieur se trouve la saillie ou ombilic, signalee sur d'autres monuments (cf. ci-apres E).

6. Un vase renfermant interieurement un texte assez court, que nous commentons plus loin vous la rubrique H.

7. Un vase renfermant une formule hebra'ique, dans laquelle nous relevons ces mots qu'on lit couramment : —

mvbft ^«^«m rofc&o btf'naa owa rho jdn • • • • bwEnn roN1?^ btcm rovbo Wnirn na«7D bb^naan

• • • • Man «-idi« ^Mntoifin [naw^Q]

"... Amen, Sela. Au nom de Gabriel l'ange, f de Hamiel l'ange, de Nabriel l'ange, de Gabriel l'ange, de Michael l'ange, de Raphael [l'angej], de Hattabriel, le grand. ...(?) esprit, ou demon. § . . ."

* Cette derniere lettre, cassee, est incertaine ; en supposant un !"l, on aim nom a tournure arameenne.

t La lettre H, a la fin du mot, est une faute d'orthographe, comme il y en a souvent dans ces textes vulgaires.

J Le mot du texte entre [ ] est un pen fruste.

§ Litteralement, celui qui lie (l'esprit du mal).

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April] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

8. Un petit vase peu profond, et plus semblable a un couverrle qu'a. un bol. L'inscription, qui avait dix lignes, est assez fruste ; elle commence au centre ; on lit a la troisieme et a la quatrieme lignes :

\iW2 ^unn pi ptzra prm yon pnDN rho pN pw • • • • nq^n pi NnNtan pi rrf»a pi —

"Amen, Amen, Sela. Qu'ils se separent de toi les mauvais esprits et tes mauvais sortileges. . . . Sois delie des vceux, des sacrifices* et des expiations. "f

C'est une formule qui, ainsi que nous le constaterons plus loin, est frequemment usite'e sur ce genre de monuments. Au reste, a part quelques variantes de peu d'interet, les inscriptions de ces vases judeo-chaldeens ne sortent pas de trois ou quatre formules qu'il nous suftira d'etudier en detail pour donner une idee exacte et precise de ces monuments. Prendre l'un apres l'autre chacun de ces vases pour en commenter le texte, nous exposerait a des redites superflues ; il nous a sufifi de relever dans ces textes des variantes paleographiques qui ont assure le dechiffrement, ou des variantes soit de mots, soit de membres de phrases, qui ont eclairci le sens general. Nous croyons done que les critiques les plus difficiles seront satisfaits par la transcription et la traduction justifie'e que nous allons donner de huit des principales formules magiques relevees sur ces vases judeo- chaldeens : ces huit formules nous donnent certainement, au point de vue philologique, le vocabulaire a peu pres complet de ces textes, qui renferment d'ailleurs nombre de passages obscurs. Ce vocabulaire constituera la conclusion finale de notre travail.

III.

A. Le plus ancien monument qui dans Layard a le No. 1, porte une inscription qui se deroule en spirale sur la paroi interieure du vase, allant du centre a la circonference. Voici la lecture qu'en a donnee J. M. Levy :X

* Le mot nXUn signifie d'abord, peche, puis par derivation, sacrifices Jc /<•'<■//<'.

+ Le parallelisme nous fait supposer qu'il s'agit du mot Dti'N, qui par derivation a le meme sens que le terme precedent.

X Zeitschrift d. Dcut morgenl. Gcscllschaft, T. IX, pp. 465, etc. Comp. D. Chwolson, Corpus inscriptionum hebraicarum. (S. P^tersbourg, 1SS2, fol. I, pp. 103-20.)

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•rrntVi ^tAi i-obdVi 'prmVi '«t^ Nt^a \<in •pro p '\biasn rwvhb\ *\w---Tih\ mto "YioafcAi ho nrvn pi wnssf " torn inn pi i,n para 711 NB'^ttj "Tm •rmtn "prTa^b "jm 110 udW?n m ra rrn«W> "b^onn ^y "Masnwa nn^Vi rai n:^21^q M3j7ia dm 18im dm wthh vim "nmi

nih Nin^ nq?»m rrrpmmi pnn*? 20^d *Kh&

nh «n "p^apra m an ntyW ^y pro hy vtbo pi 711 ]v:nn yn prm nrvn pi ma psm n^tsn *& mm prrwb pnm ptovi pTttt pnrori ann mn mini ipisi pnnnnn i^npi pwa biptp prrty pun vnn own 711 ]v:nn -711 prm nrru p wni i,ttoi inpcm Nra'fl tpm rap p^npn win dee imm •rfro pw pw p« ffln:nttt ntA 0^ jn^ jm1? pmn

Traduction.

" Voici un acte de divorce* au demon, aux esprits, a Satan, a. Niriek, a Zariah, a, Abtour-Toura, a Dan . . . . et a. Lilith. Puissent- ils disparaitre de la localite de Bahran, de celle de Bethunyan, du Bahr du desert, du Espandarmid, de toute La maison. O Eternel bon, brise le roi des demons et des Dew, la puissance grande de Lilith ; je t'en conjure .... Lilith, petite-fille de la belle Lilith, soit male, soit femelle, je te conjure .... Qu'il se detourne, votre coeur, et par le sceptre de l'homme puissant qui domine sur les demons, sur Lilith, cette fille qui est dans les tenebres. Ah ! Ah ! je vous annule (repousse) de la, de la maison de Bahran-localite, et de celle de Bethunian, ainsi que des alentours. Comme les demons ecrivent des actes de divorce et les remettent a. leurs femmes, et celles-ci ne reviennent plus aupres d'eux, ainsi, prenez votre acte de divorce, recevez votre douaire ecrit, et sortez, fuyez, hatez-vous, et quittez la maison du lieu de Bahran, du lieu Bethunian, au nom de Dieu l'Eternel . . . Allez aux tenebres, devant l'homme puissant, scelle de son anneau, pour que Ton sache qu'ils n'y sont plus. Que ce soit la une bonne lumiere. Amen, amen, amen, Sela."

* En signe de repulsion. 300

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Notes.

1. Dans le mot NT1£?, il faut reconnaitre l'expression assyrienne sedi, qui designe egalement les genies et les demons. Les sedi et les lamassi sont, dans les inscriptions cuneiformes, les lions et les taureaux ailes a tete humaine, qui gardaient l'entree des temples et des palais. La Bible parait les avoir designes sous le nom de Keroubhn (Babelon).

2. La lecture du mot WTTyTl est douteuse pour M. Levy. La lettre lue n ressemble en effet plutot a un y, et le * manque sur le monument a, la fin du mot. Cependant le contexte et les inscriptions similaires exigent cette lecture ; en outre l'expression ■pnW) 'PT^ est frequemment usitee dans les livres rabbiniques.

3. Le mot *"p"V2Tb lu par M. Levy, n'est peut-etre pas certain; car le genie ou demon Niriek n'est mentionne nulle autre part. II faut sans doute substituer a ce mot une autre expression designant le dieu Nisrok des Assyriens, ou plutot le Nerig (Nergal) des Mendai'tes. L'original parait omettre le 1 apres le 3 : il semble qu'il y ait "THS 71 ', mais cette variante orthographique ne modifie pas le sens, d'autant plus qu'il ne faut pas demander une orthographe rigoureuse a ces inscriptions.

4. Le mot rTHrTl, que M. Ellis avait lu rT'Dt'Tl, est lui-meme douteux. La quatrieme lettre, dans laquelle nous voyons un -j, ne ressemble pourtant pas aux autres "") de l'inscription. Quant a l'explication du mot rTIf donnee par M. Levy, elle parait fort con- jecturale a Chwolson, qui ne reussit pourtant pas a. lui en substituer une meilleure. II faut sans doute chercher a. identifier ce mot avec le nom d'un des genies du pantheon mendaite. Si Ton pourait lire !TVYJ, il faudrait y voir le personnage celeste designe dans le Sidra rabba sous le nom de Zivo.

5. Le texte original porte tres clairement ^I^CN? et ce mot parait suivi de NTltt, les lettres etant assez frustes. M. Chwolson eleve des doutes sur ces lectures, et il pense que ni l'un ni l'autre de ces deux mots ne peuvent etre des noms de genies ou de demons. Mais nous croyons que c'est a tort. Dans le Sidra rabba et les autres livres des Mendai'tes, on trouve mentionne frequemment un genie du nom de Abatour, qui correspond bien au "Ylt^CN ou llt^n^- C'est certainement ce meme genie qui joue un grand role dans la mythologie mendaite, dont M. Siouffi, sous la dicte"e de son interlocuteur, a orthographie le nom Avaf/icr, et qui nous

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est depeint comme le juge supreme des ames.* Le mot Tlt^N signifie Pater taurus ; le scribe a repete le nom, en supprimant la seconde fois la particule UN, pater.

6. Levy donne seulement comme certaine la lecture des quatre premieres lettres de ce mot ; quant aux caracteres qui suivent, il conjecture \ \ 2> ou 3> et 10. La quatrieme lettre est peut-etre un ty, et la derniere pourrait etre un 5, de sorte que le mot complet serait fl^lTl plutot que P]^T71, vu le peu de dis. tinction graphique entre le "f et le "v Ce mot f^UT^ fait songer au dieu phenicien ftUH, adore aussi en Egypte,| et aux Fj'ttJH "^2 de la Bible (Job v, 7). Ce dernier texte a sans doute un sens mythologique en correlation avec le dieu solaire Fl^T

7. Au commencement du mot NiT* 71 v1> le scribe a omis par erreur la marque initiale du datif h.J On connait les demons males et femelles que la Bible (Is. xxxiv, 14) appelle Seirim et Lilith, dont le nom a persiste jusque dans les livres des Mendaites.§

Le nom de Lilith est facilement reconnaissable dans le NH,,7 v de notre texte, et peut-etre que le mot efface qui precede n'est autre que celui de Seirim. Dans la mythologie mendaite le bon genie Sarniel eloigne du lit des femmes en couches les mauvais genies Lelioto.\\ M. Fr. Lenormant pense qu'il faut reconnaitre dans

* Siouffi, Etudes sur la religion des Soubbas, chap, xxiii, xxv, et passim. "I1D2X = "IIDDS, en mendaite (voir Kohut, dans Abhandhingen fiir die Kitiidc des Morgenlandes, T. IV, No. 4, article : Angelologie und Damonologie, p. 82) pour 1113, signifiant wont.

t ^.Journal asiat., 1867, t. x> PP- 88, 92, 91, et surtout, p. 162. J. H. Mordt- mann, Der Semitische Apollo, dans la Zeitschriftder deutschen Morgenl. Gesellschaft, 1878, T. XXXIII, pp. 554 et seq.

X Sans doute par suite de la succession des trois L.

§ II est curieux de noter que D vv est devenu en arabe <u}J, dame, avec un sens respectueux ; il apparait dans les noms de lieux, avec la signification de Dame venerce, sainte. Ainsi, Lalla Maghnia dans la province d'Oran ; le tombeau de Lalla Manoubia pres de Tunis ; la Koubba de Leila Gouraya pres de Bougie, province d'Alger ; Lalla Khadidja, le pic le plus eleve du Jurjura (2308 m.) ; Lalla Magnia ou tenait garnison un Numerus Syronim, ville batie a 10 kil. N.E. de la frontiere marocaine ; Lalla Sitti, construit dans la banlieue de Tlemcen. Voir Vocabidaire arabe-francois des principaux tertnes de Geographic, par le general Parmentier, p. 32 ; Cherbonneau, Lcgende territorial de TAlgerie, Revue de Geographic, T. X, 1882, p. 279.

|| V. Norberg, Codex Nazareus, T. II, p. 197 ; T. Ill, p. 159.

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les Seirim et les Leliots la perpetuation de la croyance aux demons iiicubes et succubes qui tiennent une si grande place dans la demonologie des Chaldeo-Babyloniens.*

8. Le mot p7t22'H, etant au pluriel, se rapporte par consequent a tous les genies enumeres plus haut.

9. Le mot prill designe certainement le nom d'une localite' ou d'un lieu. Dire qu'il est situe dans le bourg ou le district de Tunioun (?) nous parait temeraire. L'identification geographique actuelle, dans la basse Chaldee, n'en est guere possible. J Dans le nord de la Mesopotamie il existe une localite appelee p[£Q, en arabe i^Uuj avec laquelle le nom mentionne dans notre texte ne peut avoir aucun rapport.

10. Le membre de phrase : —

b\2 rrrpi pi tdtwbjp «im ira

offre des difficultes de lecture et d'inlerpretation. II n'est pas siir que le premier mot soit ")H1 plutot que 1112, et l'original n'est d'aucun secours pour elucider ce point de paleographie. Qu'est ce que le 1PQ du desert ? C'est peut-etre le souffle, l'esprit. Dans ce cas on pourrait rapprocher ce mot du mot mendai'te bouro, qui signifie genie.

Le sens du mot mm (desert) est bien certain, mais rien n'indi- que s'il faut poncteur dabro ou debro (du dehors).

L'explication du mot lEm^Cir, a supposer que la lecture soit indubitable, est fort difficile. J. M. Levy le rapproche du persan iX^^'a^a-j'j lundi ; mais Chwolson n'accepte point cette explication ingenieuse. D'apres l'interpretation de Levy, toute la phrase dirait : "Puisse Lilith disparaitre du lieu de Behran, de la localite' de Bethanyoun, du Bahr des deserts, au Espandarmid (c'est a-dire, le lundi, jour ainsi nomme en persan) et de toute ma maison." Les objections de Chwolson portent sur ce que le mot Espandarmid romprait toute la suite de la phrase ; il devrait se trouver apres le mot 1"iSlD3,>,1' et ^tre pourvu d'une preposition indiquant un rapport de temps. Nous croyons que le mot "PD-n^DS"1, ^ont quelques caracteres sont d'ailleurs fort douteux, designe une localite, ou un

* Fr. Lenormant, Les Origines de FHistoire, T. I, p. 320. t De la racine "1112 (briller), vient pHQ, le brillant. Serait-ce la planete Mercure ?

% "A Bethunian " rappelle, par assimilation, la Batanee.

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endroit quelconque, comme les mots qui precedent, ou bien une personne, un objet dont il s'agit d'eloigner les demons. Dans l'in- scription du vase cote C, nous verrons qu'il est dit : " Puissent les sorcelleries etre eloignees, des localites, des demeures, des animaux domestiques, des proprietes, etc." Le texte dont il s'agit ici doit contenir une formule analogue. En considerant que les gutturales, comme d'autres lettres d'une meme classe parentes par la pronon- ciation, permutent souvent entre elles dans le dialects de la basse Chaldee, ^)~Q pourrait etre mis pour N"V^Q; et dans les lettres suivantes on peut trouver les elements de H2""W"ft2T Enfin Yty) TO iTrPl signifie sans aucun doute, "de toute la maison," ou "de touted maison."

11. Le fc$ medial est une faute d'orthographe, pour )-f.

12. Chwolson croit devoir lire tilH^I, qui, avec le sens propre de "chasser, mettre en fuite, expulser," conviendrait peut-etre mieux au sens general.

13. Pour ITIIH pfP^TDj nue Levy traduit par "le roi des Schedim," Chwolson voudrait traduire par le pluriel "les rois." A notre avis, il ne faudrait pas ici prendre a la lettre les matres lectinnis, et le singulier pourrait subsister malgre la presence du 1, puisque cette presence n'yaffecte en rien le singulier du mot ^"0^ (v. ci-apres, note 18).

14. Chwolson ne veut pas non plus admettre la lecture ^"pfl, "et des Dews," mettant en question la lecture du troisieme caractere "7, Apres cette lettre, selon lui, il y en aurait une petite, un *} completement neglige par Levy. Wyi = .. j, et en syriaque fci-»?, exige un "i apres le 1, Le mot suivant ^I3*|7iy', souverain (et non souverainete), devrait, selon le sens adopte par Levy, etre precede d'un n ; sans quoi, toute la phrase ne pourrait pas etre traduite comme le veut Levy : "que le roi des Schedim, des Dews, aneantisse le pouvoir de Lilith." Comme il n'y a pas non plus de conjonctif en tete de SM^/t^ le groupe de lettres lu "^"H pourrait etre un verbe, probablement un imperatif de nn°T) " repousse, domine," et le ^I2*'~,1^ en serait le complement. Sans affirmer comment il faut lire ce mot, Chwolson exprime la conviction qu'on ne saurait le lire selon l'interpretation de Levy, et que, par suite, la phrase entiere n'a pas le sens adopte par ce dernier. En presence de ces hesitations de maitres eminents, nous penchons dans le sens d'une sorte d'apposition entre ce membre de phrase et le precedent.

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15. Ce mot commence certainement une autre phrase, ou l'idee essentielle de l'incantation.

16. Dans ce groupe de lettres, la lecture est incertaine pour les trois premieres. . . . D2H- II nous est impossible de donner un sens absolu a ce mot. Y voir une transcription mal orthographiee de D'Ht^'IlN (Absalom) nous parait peu probable. Peut-etre est-ce plutot l'invocation 'O /3xai\evs (O roi [des esprits] ? Notre terme a quelqu'analogie evidente avec D7H2D, pierre precieuse (version chaldeenne au Targoum de Jerusalem sur Nombres, ii, 10).

17. Levy traduit : "petite fille de la belle Lilith." Chwolson ne croit pas ce sens exact. La lecture ni~n2 est douteuse, et les deux mots suivants devraient etre lus, d'apres Levy,* niTv^TH rDTnri- Chwolson suppose au contraire dans ^lin un im- peratif avec suffixe a la premiere personne du singulier. Mais comme il n'y a pas de signification certaine pour le groupe lu 0 /D2n, toute la phrase laisse a desirer.

18. Aux mots |"QM DN "D"T DN> "soit male, soit femelle," commence une nouvelle phrase ; ils se rapportent aux mauvais esprits, comme on peut le voir par comparaison avec l'inscription D, oil se trouve un passage analogue : —

napn iai nsn rm pi

II est impossible que ces membres de phrase se rapportent a Hi! v v precedent, qui est du feminin et du singulier.

19. II faut lire'Ti"^, "sur toi;" la lettre suivante, lue 1 par Levy est probablement toute autre ; il se peut, en tout cas, qu'elle fasse partie du groupe suivant non dechiffre, d'ailleurs par Levy. Ce membre de phrase signifie : " Qui que tu sois (demon), homme ou femme, je te conjure. . . ."

20. Levy traduit le mot ^~>0 par detourner (comme effet de la crainte) ; Chwolson trouve ce sens inexact, N7D signifiant partout mepriser, conspirer.

21. Les mots fcyQ'O f1pT\*T — s'il faut bien les lire ainsi — ne peuvent pas signifier " de l'homme violent," selon Chwolson ; sans quoi, il faudrait ^Cpil ^H"1^"!. Ce savant propose done de traduire : " et avec la lance du . . . . il dominait sur les schidim."

* II ne faut pas oublier que le talmudique X31T ( = arabe iojO ) signifie : ordure, et par derivation, ver. Faut-il, par consequent, y voir un qualificatif en mauvaise part, a l'addresse de Lilith, au lieu du terme " la belle Lilith ?*'

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22. Le sens des cinq derniers mots est obscur.

23. Chwolson trouve preferable de lire rQ*"Vttf> c'est-a-dire, "pour le bien de sa famille."

B. Texte; Notes.

L'inscription que Layard donne sous le No. 2 (trad. Zenker, p. 395, et PI. XX, B), a ete ainsi transcrite par M. Jos. Halevy (Chwolson, ibid., p. 115), sans traduction: —

\\nh^ pDN NrWn "n^rci "Obd 2- • • "nans h 'pmrn

p prfa pox 'we^N m hi am Nnapia 'Nmon* 10 bw jnaty ^ 9)Sn p p pnm p prro jn*fla 13 -to r^an 12 rrw rmo n rr^cn rosn mm prrwuto anto^ H rrHWi nii^n m ^arr pmw reran 'bto insm nprrn ,5«n^ an^rm Nrton wrom noti nini 16 a^rttf Mraifi Nbyi unm nopm Nim nppi rmpm rroism n:di rown fc&oa ms Ssn n*itt> anm i^ti «mm Nm^S «^nn^ 17 nd!im -idn mffphN wisi NtA ton'to "Mrtno Vd p "jtro p-pcrro p Nprftm an Nnrro ansa rrnb fcfooD jnw iw in n^ rr*n (?)^S DBjrfo MDphM 2iNcpira "maty rmrm rmro ^3 pvm pD« pV»N ann^D p:n *?y lajrr ^A prtntta pn arm tra ^rm *?m Nmno^ 22 tfYWi Mnroi^i *rpa

Mtaparo pm pi p pi-na pTSE p prta powi j^an^

anp njnN*rr ^ai '■nTm (?) vWn Trm (?po) ^e BpTTi

wnn^ H>p «*Ay pin p rwar "m-pee n^u^i Sai

^p wapi Dprn • • p&a thy n*w ictn ntoiVi i • • i

pmpfr "nun nio^i Nnrpfcm ^ dd *• n n *• pfora

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1. Le premier mot, pn^l, a sans doute le meme sens que le syriaque \*.ii, voisinage (avec suffixe), qui a probablement pour verbe : ]^DN, soient lies (interdits).

2. A cette place l'original a quatre lettres ; la premiere est peut- etre un f, qui appartiendrait par consequent (comme finale) au mot precedent. La deuxieme est avec certitude un "), Les deux suivantes, peu claires, paraissent constituer une repetition anticipee, par megarde, des lettres £3D> qui suivent. On pourrait done lire: ^tODI ^"IDnD, demons et satans.

3. II faut peut-etre lire ici : 'WOijlQI' ce ^u' Peut designer des demons femelles.

4. L'original a ici "pl^Dft, par transcription fautive de ^"VCtt puisque Ton retrouve deux fois l'expression "PITO "PTE^ (a expliquer note 5). Du reste, ce membre de phrase se retrouve mot-a-mot une ligne plus bas. Ce premier mot peut se traduire : "qui detruisent."

5. Tout en transcrivant ce mot VTTlD, M. Halevy met un point dubitatif sur le py: ce mot pourtant se retrouve jusqu'a trois fois dans la suite, et M. Halevy lit une fois pniDi avec n> con- fusion tres plausible. M. Chwolson admet cette derniere lecture et combat le sens de "maladies fievreuses;" pour lequel, selon lui, il faudrait 'p'VDft 'prn^ , et il prefere les traduire dans le sens de "qui enflamment des maladies," e'est-a-dire, qui les provoquent. L'on a du employer avec intention le terme enfla miner, parceque, pour le vulgaire, la fievre est l'indice le plus formel de l'existence d'une maladie. Inutile de rappeler la conjecture inadmissible d'Ellis a ce sujet, dans Layard (p. 515, note).

6. Le mot vf^ est evidemment apparent^ avec le talmudique **T\1, cinathbne, qu'il faut prendre ici dans le sens plus £tendue de malediction, d' ana theme.

7. II faut peut-etre lire NrnD^NI V"0*H. D'aprfes le contexte, Nj-PD^N semble designer quelque chose d'analogue a ^3VTD» comme il resulte de la phrase [V^l Tm 721 NmrtD'W, "■•■ et tous mauvais esprits," placee un peu plus bas, i>?r\^D^^ a peut-etre ici le sens de |Aj;mV>, agmina ; mais la forme precitee WHilC^N derive certes de la racine "VHDj usitde en chaldeen avec le sens de renverser, detruire. On peut done, par le mot NmnD^N- avoir voulu designer des demons du sexe feminin, "qui ruinent, qui

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portent la devastation, qui la provoquent." En rabbinique, on traduirait plus volontiers : "les caches, invisibles."

8. La lecture des quatre derniers mots ne parait pas sujette au doute, et ils doivent designer les mauvaise paroles des hommes, par exemple, "les maledictions et les voeux de mal."

9. Le texte original n'a ici que les lettres 'p'p ; mais le sens exige f?P1 ? qu'ils partent.

10. Litteralement, " qu'ils montent," 7^ pour *|~!>^V

n. Les deux |~T dans rO^CH sont douteux, comme les lettres 3Q le sont dans le premier rDDm> renversement. Le terme est redouble pour plus d'intensite.

12. Mot difficile a expliquer. Kohut, ibid., p. 97, songe a epine. Serait-ce qu'il faut lire ITHDj pourri, ce qui sent 1

13. Le sens de I^ID ou "^"Q est obscur; il pourrait y avoir ici le mot *Q3"l3> etoiles, a titre de parallele des ^~>Tft, p lanetes, qui suit. M. Sachs nous suggere l'idee du Q^pft ^^t? (deplacement), et propose de traduire : "que les directions (les itineraries) changent, et les fortunes, les destinees, changeront."

14. La lecture rTH'CJn parait certaine ; mais le sens de ce mot dans cette phrase n'est pas clair. Faudrait-il lire iTH'&Tl, se demande Chwolson? II pourrait designer quelque chose d'analogue au nPTl^> °iue l'on retrouve trois fois plus loin, a prendre dans le sens de delie, annule, renverse, ecarte. II est possible aussi que 7-p-y^j-j soit ici au lieu de rTHDn> puisque dans les inscriptions palmyreniennes on trouve aussi souvent ^ (= ty) pour D (ft- Noldeke, Zeitschrift des deuischen morgenl. Gesellscliaft, T. XXIV, 1870, p. 95). "TDn ( = J^.^) a ici le sens de invisit. Kohut, ibid. p. 94, a un mot "W^Jl dans le sens de metal, egalement inapplicable ici.

15. La lecture N^tZ? est bien certaine ici : delie.

1 6. Est aussi a lire N"H^, soit delie.

17. Dans les onze derniers mots, il y a bien des doutes. Dans 7JH le y est incertain ; car cette lettre resemble plutot a un \£\ Faut-il lire ce mot 7&H acheve, ou affaiblis 1 Quant au sens des mots N2Q1 N2T1T1 et de ND2N 1 il est trcs obscur. Adoptant pour ce dernier mot le sens hommes, les precedents signifient-ils "du ruisseau " et " en face ? "

18. Faut-il lire ici «TO piOTO p ? (cf- note 5).

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19. C'est peut-etre N2JTT3, notre ville.

20. Le texte a 7YQTV> de la racine abandonner la puissance. II n'est pas trop temeraire de lire ITO"^, epaisseur, qui est bien chal- dai'que.

si. C'est plutot NEpVQou MBJ7ITQ) puissance. II est possible aussi que la premiere lettre soit un ft ; de cette facon, ce mot recoit au moins une tournure semitique. Le mot qui suit (repete) parait mal transcrit de NtOlIHN, un potentat (d'apres fyyairenf*, dignitaire), qui provient des mots persans ^ \ citadelle, et Jo (pour 1^0) chef, dit Fleischer, dans Levy, Neu. Wort., I, 281a.

22. Peut-etre a-t-il disparu la un 3, de sorte qu'il faudrait lire ce mot N13VC% demons.

23. Des trois lettres du texte original, la derniere seule est certaine ; la premiere ressemble a un ") ou % et la deuxieme a un ft,

24. Chwolson veut lire pHTTO*! pl>./^ et filles. II y a aussi tous les elements pour lire VT-rQ> Bathanyoun, de l'inscription A.

25. L'expression "HIT, qui implique une canjonction (comme en arabe ^J&it>, dans Qoran, XLI, 44, signifie amener, diriger), doit exprimer au contraire l'idee d'cloigner, si elle est suivie de la prepo- sition Yf2, de.

26. Pour le mot NJft*ft (? d'un radical i"^, filer), nous hesitons entre le sens d'obscurite et celui de supplication, insistance, de la racine Jllfl2> pencher.

27. II y a plusieurs doutes dans la derniere ligne. — Les lettres NNN sont l'abrege, non de JftN, |ftN> jftN (Amen, Amen), mais du nora sacre de la Divinite dont chaque appellation commence par N,

Finalement, revenons au second mot, "OHOi que Ton retrouve dans la version chaldeenne d'Isaie viii, si. Elle traduit ce verset : " II meprise le nom de son idole et son faux dieu." Pour elle done, *D hl2 de ce verset, est le dieu Molokh. (cf. Amos v, 26 ; Sofonia, i,5-)

Traduction.

" Que les voisinages des spectres (males) des demons et des spectres (autres), ainsi que des maledictions, soient tous interdits a ces fievreuses maladies, savoir les repousses et les maudits, tous les spectres males, les esprits ruinants femelles, et la bouche (mauvaises

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paroles) de tous les fils de 1'homme, [qu'ils] soient tous interdits a ces fievreuses maladies, qu'ils se cachent d'eux, qu'ils partent tous les operateurs (de magie) et aillent dans leurs demeures (ou ligne droite), soit le nom du renversement de la destruction; son nom est sourah (le mal). Renversez-vous, etciles ; renversez-vous, planetes ; soyez renversees les heures de tous les fils de 1'homme, toutes les maledictions du pere, de la mere, de la fille, de la belle-fille, de la bru ; delie-les de pres et de loin, celles qui se tiennent au dehors et celle qui se tiennent dans la localite, celles qui se tiennent au dehors, annule-les ; celle qui maudit en ville, renverse-la, sur la voie de Nafla (la chute), ou sur le ruisseau, soit en face (en se tournant), soit au bord. La malediction et la terre * (oeuvre) du puissant, l'interdiction des hommes, qu'elles soient closes, qu'il s'agisse d'incan- tations nouvelles ou anciennes, de ces fievreuses maladies dans toute la province ; 6 ange (esprit) qui a onze noms : la perdition de la mite, la pourriture, l'etoile, l'etoile (superieure), l'ordre, l'eclat, l'epaisseur, la puissance, la domination, Arpax (? Lama), dans leur trame- A tous ceux qui passeront pres de ces noms (pres de ceux ainsi nommes), qu'ils soient interdits ; qu'ils soient clos (annules) les voeux, les maledictions et incantations (ou demons) d'interdits, tous mauvais esprits, esprits de vieux ou de vieilles, de tous ceux qui forgent le mal, des fabricants de sortileges et sorcellerie, de toutes especes d'etres malfaisants. Qu'ils soient tous interdits a ces fievreuses maladies (eloignes) de vos fils et de vos filles ; detourne d'eux les fievres (ce qui bout) et les maledictions, les accidents facheux (? emanations malsaines) du sol, tout ce qui a pour nom Matitha (Pobscur), qui ecoute en ce monde la voix de femme D. . d et l'imprecation. Que le precieux (le bon) reside sur elle d'entre vous, . . . pour faire dresser ce qui doit etre debout et decouvrir ce qui doit etre decouvert, I. — A. — A.I.S.S. I. — I, Que la malediction de la femme se dissipe en fumee. Amen. Amen, Amen."

C.

Ce texte, compose d'une spirale qui va de 1'exteVieur a l'interieur, a ete imprime une premiere fois (de facon illisible) dans les Trans- actions of the Society of Biblical A rchceology (T. II, p. 114), puis repris et corrige dans une lecture academique par M. Joseph Halevy, enfin

* Peut-etre : ce qui est bus, vil, au ras du sol (la calomnie). 310

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reedite par ce dernier dans ses Melanges de critique et d'/iistoire (pp. 229 et suiv.). On va juger des modifications qui ont ete adoptees : —

Nrra^trw ^vroi ^n^i^i pQpn pnw ptira pttnn bi "wmn ■narr n^n^ti n^i prmpm pprm 9«n^ni wrp^i mwnV] ""ami*? rrb pinyn iff? nasn 'f^N prfcoi o^y "W "p wan1' p n^fcA-n *n "feari

p^anni ppsm p-vpy pTnrn piu pTODi prrara p^«i

"•pmniDip^ in ^d pi pnwi p

Tjr rkvhn 'moan ^itqti rrnvm prprrra pi

M^5n wiDia San rra uwirn Maia ^n "wi rmN

pntol "wtznrrS •'tmn updSd tfim uvem mo« arm

17-rr?D pN pw imsn am rrour i6rrD^D^:n rrwa

Traduction.

"Toutes mauvaises sorcelleries, grand'ceuvres, maledictions, vceux, engagements, paroles inconsiderees, de loin et de pres, la nuit ou le jour, d'hommes ou de femmes, qu'on a suscite contre les fils ou les animaux, ou les acquisitions de Belyehay fils de Lala, depuis ce jour jusqu'a jamais. Que toutes ces choses, sans exception, soient anathematisees, bannies, exclues, brisees, arrachees, chassees, anean- ties de leur corps et de chacune de leurs habitations, des animaux domestiques et des enfants de Belyehay fils de Lala, sur la voie de Houci. O etoile, plus puissante que toutes les etoiles du monde, par laquelle le salut provient, qui es la reine de tous faiseurs de sortileges, [bienfaiteurs] au nom de Karmesisia, nom sublime (et) ineffable. Amen, Amen, Sela."

Notes.

1. Le texte original a bien clairement 'HTjIj avec \ les voeux.

2. M. Chwolson ne partage pas l'avis de M. Halevy, dans l'observation de celui-ci que, selon la doctrine des Talmudistes, tout vceu non accompli peut amener des malheurs a. la famille, et il ajoute : " Je crois que ces mots, place's a cote' de ptT"Q ptl/'HIl et Ni1ZD17> et auxquels se rapporte aussi le verbe "Ha}H> doivent

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avoir un sens analogue a ceux qui viennent d'etre rapportes." II faut done comprendre par la certaines sortes de maledictions, d'objurgations, et de formules magiques.

3. La forme de l'N dans ce mot est tres remarquable, tandis que dans le reste de l'inscription cette lettre a une apparence presque moderne. M. Halevy propose d'y voir une lettre erronnee, a supprimer.

4. M. Halevy lit "*Nmi7, et traduit : "ses enfants." M. Chwolson ne croit pas cette version exacte : car la forme du mot, ainsi que l'absence du pronom suffixe a la fin, et de la conjonction 1 au commencement, plaident contre cette hypothese. II croit done que "^NrVQ ou infill est un nom propre, probablement celui de la personne pour qui cette amulette a ete ecrite, et a laquelle se rapportent les suffixes des mots suivants.

5. M. Halevy a fini par voir dans ces mots un nom propre, apres avoir lu : YiJ"| ""TOT, et avoir traduit : "de n'importe quelle nature ; " ce que Chwolson n'avait pas adopte, parce qu'il lit "Hpf, et lui donne la signification de "villages, localites." Cf. Levy, Chald.

Worterbuch zu den Targumin, I, p. 242, s.v. NiTlM III ; Fleischer, Additions a ce passage; ibid., p. 424; Levy, Neuhebr. Worterb, II, p. 43, s.v. NrPn, oil Ton trouve aussi l'etymologie exacte de ce mot selon Fleischer. Le mot PlvNTH doit designer le nom d'une grande localite, ou d'un district, qui contenait ces villages. Chwol- son n'admet pas la conjecture de M. Halevy, savoir que ce nom a quelqu'affinite avec l'arabe aAJ\ , qui entrerait dans la composition de ce mot. Le Diet. Geogr. de Jaqout cite un lieu a l'ouest de l'Euphrate, entre ijVc et <L^., du nom de <L0^jJU ce qui coincide presqu'avec notre mot.

6. Le texte original a nettement T^l p"T, "de celui-ci jusqu'a."

7. En lisant F^Ni pT^, le premier mot ces au masculin se rapporte a ^23 > hommes, le second au femmin a. ^t^^2> fannies ; soit : ceux et celles.

8. Les quatre derniers mots se trouvent ecrits dans le texte entre les lignes. Dans prTWTO > il ne faut voir ni les Medes, ni le mot mensonge, comme le voudrait ailleurs Kohut, ibid., p. 98.

9. M. H. lit : IVP^n ^imm ; il traduit : "et ses enfants de Belyehay." Seules les cinq premieres lettres du premiere mot sont

31?

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claires dans le texte ; le reste est conjectural. Chwolson donne au premiere mot le sens d'un nom propre (comme a la No. 4), sans se prononcer sur la lecture du mot suivant.

10. M. H. apres avoir (une premiere fois) rappelle le celebre \\jb\, adopte le nom propre Hiciel ; le Did. Geogr. de Jaqout parle d'une localite dite ;^aJ'> sise dans le voisinage de a-s'jj par consequent au coeur meme de la Me'sopotamie. Au lieu de cela, il n'y a qu'a. rappeler la localite talmudique Houci ou Houcia du Talmud Jerus., tr. Schebiith, viii, 5 (trad. T. Ill, p. 405).

11. Peut-etre faut-il lire ici fc^m : " 0 etoile de la vie."

12. Le mot ">ft7}n est douteux ; on s'attend a voir N£7}H, et d'ailleurs le texte a plutot rTviH, d'en hant.

13. M. H.traduitles trois derniers mots : " source de guerisons," en ajoutant un ? dubitatif. On peut lire le premier mot N^ft"! (d'ou), bien que les lettres ft et 2 aient ici une forme autre que dans tous les passages de cette inscription. La troisieme lettre dans JTlDN ressemble plutot a un 2 qu'a un 1 (par homonymie). Le mot rYlDN pourrait bien ici avoir le meme sens que ^n^DN et NfTTDN, saint ; mais on s'attend plutot au mot NJTlDN ; alors le masculin ^1H^ ne s'y adapte plus. M. Chwolson declare ne pas savoir expliquer ce passage, mais il croit pouvoir affirmer que le sens adopte par M. H. n'est pas conforme au texte.

14. Au lieu de TO /ft, reine, il faut peut-etre lire : HE Tft, ^He qui enseigne (la maitresse).

15. Le texte a ^TtlMH?. Mais le sens est probablement le meme que celui de N^irn> aux sortileges.

16. La lecture de ce mot pour I^J est mise en doute par M. H. lui-meme. Le sens de la derniere phrase est obscur.

17. A la fin, il y a une ligne de lettres isolees, de p a D. qui n'offrent pas de sens, et ne doivent sans doute pas en avoir. Elles appartiennent aux formules de conjuration. N'est-ce pas un cri final, une onomatope'e de gutturales et de sifnantes, usitees a la chasse ?

D.

Enfin, une des plus courtes inscriptions est aussi des plus jeunes ; eu egard aux pointes supe'rieures encore maintenucs sur quelques lettres, ainsi qu'en raison de la forme du 1, die ne doit

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pas etre posterieure au IVe ou au Ve siecle. Le caractere de cette ecriture est nettement plus ancien que sur les papyrus trouves au Fayoum. Cette reserve faite, voici la transcription de M. Halevy (dans Chwolson, p. 113), sans traduction. Le meme texte forme le No. 5 dans Layard : —

nynp 2 Dnnn Dinn *rw p p nynp . • 1 (?) b*d

pm b^ nw tp®b\ tmpk ^ph 'rrmffvci «^n p

nto pi anaiS pi "wr? pi 'woiw pi 4n-n p to •to *td pi Nntrmn ^n pi ^ony nto pi (?)'^ds nyi py pi ropn -at run rm pi pay nSti pasn n^n wano 7 «y2m dw nttrw tir>N ■W2 :rDtw pi pDQ 8]itoh j-^m d • • *?e • - • • py • • • n: • • . - ^ (?) ^:rh

pw pN WDiy • • • rwtp 8dtin ^Diy ^ihi Dip Dip Snp

.fifto

Notes.

1. Des six premieres lettres presqu'effacees la premiere pourrait etre un N-

2. Ce mot est peut-etre a lire DiTTO, egalement de la racine sceller.

3. Ellis (dans Layard) lit les trois derniers mots fr$nat2l rprnt£H1?2> lecture graphiquement possible (bien que la fin soit plutot PtirO- Ce dernier mot a pu etre pris dans le sens " d'agissant avec force," de la racine N^l, "Uttl, comme le comprend aussi Ellis; cf. Levy, Chald. Worterbuch, II, p. 437 el seq.

4. Cf. ci-dessus, Note 2, a l'inscription C.

5. Ellis traduit ce mot par sorcery, sens qu'il peut avoir d'apres le contexte; son etymologie est inconnue. N'est-ce pas un derive" de fpl!?, voir, envisager (du mauvais ceil)?

6. Le sens isole est comprehensible ; c'est celui d'agreab/e. Mais, comme ce sens est oppose aux expressions precedentes et suivantes, on se trouve peut-etre ici devant un mot qui n'est pas chaldee'n, mais hebreu : melange.

7. Probablement deux noms d'anges (la fin N pour ~»N), ou denominations cabalistiques des forces surnaturelles qui sont in-

314

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voquees ici. Le second terme peut signifier " Source de l'eau." Les deux mots suivants peuvent se traduire mot-a-mot : " la mere de Henoch." Mais comment adopter ici ce sens? Puis, des lacunes, dont quelques lettres subsistent seules.

8. Litteralement : qui sorit, prPTH (avec redoublement erronne de la premiere syllabe *H), nommcs.

9. Terme derive (comme fort souvent a cette epoque) du grec 07/ros, charge, ?nasse pesante, dont un brouillard epais est le symbole dans Pair. Ce sens cadre, comme parallele, avec le contexte.

Traduction.

"... Eau . . Cette amulette, de par le ciel, est scellee et cachetee ; cette amulette-ci est de'signee (particularised) par l'eau contre les accidents (facheux), afin de delier (liberer) lui (le pos- sesseur du present) et tous ceux qui demeurent avec lui (les siens), des vceux, des visions (pernicieuses), des sorcelleries, des impreca- tions, de l'eau coupee (infestee), de l'eau melangee (impure), des desirs (sources) d'amertume, de toutes sortes d'agents, actifs ou passifs, des mauvais esprits, soit males, soit femelles, du mauvais ceil, des sortileges accomplis par des hommes ou par des femmes,

au nom de Babnea et de Mambea Ceux dont les

mains empoisonnent, devant les bois et les forets, dont le nom (represente) les tenebres, le brouillard, l'obscurite, de par le ciel. Amen, Amen, Sela."

Observations Generales : paleographie, linguistique. (Sur A, B, C, D.)

Le contenu des quatre premieres amulettes n'est pas tout-a-fait identique. La piece A est un preservatif contre les diverses especes de demons et de mauvais esprits des deux sexes qui sont en partie designes nominalement ; on exprime en meme temps le vceu qu'ils restent eloignes d'un certain lieu. La piece B contient aussi une formule d'objurgation contre les demons et satans, qui suscitent des maladies, rriais en meme temps contre les maledictions, les malefices, et contre tous ceux qui effectuent les maux et causent des dommages. A cet effet, on invoque le secours d'un ange notoirement bon, qui porte onze noms differents. La piece C con- tient une adjuration, non contre les mauvais esprits, mais contre diverses sortes de magies, de malefices, qui, de loin ou de pies,

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par des hommes ou des femmes, pourraient etre exercees ou enoncees contre le possesseur de l'amulette et contre son bien. A ce propos, selon la maniere foncierement paienne et babylonienne, on parait avoir sollicite l'influence auxiliaire d'une puissante planete, peut-etre celle de Jupiter, contre ces sortileges. Dans la piece D, on emploie le terme talmudique H^Qp pour designer une amulette. On lui attribue presqu'une origine celeste, et elle doit pro- teger contre les maledictions, les malefices, les sortileges d'hommes ou de femmes, contre les mauvais esprits males et femelles, contre le mauvais ceil, etc., en invoquant dans ce but deux tres bons esprits ou des anges. Cette inscription contient aussi plus de mots hebreux que les autres, et elle a aussi plus de couleur juive que les autres pieces. On trouve en effet dans le Talmud (B., tr. Sabbat, 67) des formules d'adjuration avec des mots tout-a-fait inintelligibles et des noras invoques contre diverses maladies et contre les mau- vais esprits ; quelques-unes de ces formules sont designees corame paiennes. Dans les notes a Jamblichus, de mysteriis Aigyptoruni, Gale cite diverses formules d'adjuration en caracteres grecs, com- posees de mots isoles qui n'ont aucun sens non plus : —

" Les gnostiques, les paiens hellenisants, regorgeaient de textes incomprehensibles, en ce sens qu'ils etaient depourvus de determina- tions directes. Nous autres Europeans, nous en avons possede dans le Moyen-age ; nous en avons encore aujourd'hui. Je dois a la bienveillante obligeance de M. Miller, dit feu Gobineau,* la com- munication de deux amulettes grecques que je copie ici : —

Bapfiapos, fiapfiapi^ovoa, ^a^cr^icpa, ftapjiapwv Trvpi, 7rvpnovj*o\e aw£c iov (fiopOUVTCL.

" Pour produire tout son effet cette invocation doit etre ecrite sur papier. Mais l'autre sera vraiment puissante si elle est tracee sur une feuille d'etain et ainsi qu'il suit :

"Ces deux exemples n'ont pas de sens appreciable, et pro- viennent certainement d'une source, d'une imitation et d'une cor- ruption perso-arameenne."

Reste a savoir dans quels siecles nos documents ont ete composes, car il va sans dire qu'ils appartiennent a des epoques differentes. Pour determiner la date d'un monument ecrit, on a recours a trois moyens : le contenu, la langue, la forme des lettres.

* A. de Gobineau, Trait i des Cunii formes, II, p. 375. 316

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Le contenu general de ces inscriptions peut se rapporter a n'im- porte quel siecle, etre aussi bien ecrit sous les Pharaons que de nos jours. De tout temps, soit parmi les nations civilise'es, soit parmi les barbares et les sauvages, on a eu recours a des fetiches pre- servateurs du sort. Leur contenu spe'cial, ou forme externe, ne donne pas non plus d'indication precise pour determiner leur date. A. Levy, il est vrai, a cru pouvoir decouvrir dans 1 'inscription A des elements de parsisme et de mandaisme ; mais en realite il est difficile de les y voir, et M. Chwolson s'y refuse. D'apres ce qui a ete dit plus haut, notes 7 et 10, sur cette piece, il n'y aurait rien la. du Jk^c.ljuuuoU ni des Dews. Le mot TIEEN5 se retrouve bien, sous la forme *YirQN> criez les Meendaites ; mais ceux-ci peuvent avoir seulement emprunte ce nom a la mythologie de Babylone, car tout leur systeme doctrinal est compose d'eclectisme. L'allusion trouvee par Levy au sceau de Salomon est au moins tres douteuse, et Ton ne peut en tirer aucune conclusion. Si effectivement on trouve dans ces inscriptions maintes idees superstitieuses, que Ton rencontre aussi dans le Talmud, cela ne prouve pas encore qu'elles lui sont contemporaines : ces idees n'appartiennent exclusivement ni au Talmud, ni a l'epoque talmudique. Elles pourraient en consequence, par elles-memes, etre soit plus anciennes, soit plus nouvelles, sans preciser d'avantage l'epoque du document.

Au sujet de ces inscriptions, M. Renan dit dans son Histoire generate des langues semitiques (4s ed., p. 73, n. 1) : " Les idees magiques et cabbalistiques qui s'y rencontrent et qui rappellent le livre d'Henoch, feraient regarder ces inscriptions comme l'ouvrage des Gnostiquesoudes Sabiens." M. Chwolson ne l'admet pas ; carles ide'es emises dans ces documents sont de la plus haute antiquite. Le ou les auteurs du livre d'Henoch n'etaient pas non plus les createurs des idees exprimees dans ce livre sur les bons et les mauvais esprits ; ils ne l'etaient pas plus que ne le furent plus tard les Gnostiques. A ces derniers appartiennent seulement certaines formes externes de ces doctrines, qui constituent un heritage remontant aux temps les plus recules. Feu Lenormant, se referant au passage prerite de M. Renan, invoque egalement le vase analogue, trouve par Layard (ifo'd., p. 521 et sec/.) au sud de le Mesopotamie, contenant des formulcs de conjuration en langue et en ecriture syriaque ; il croit par suite que la plus ancienne des quatre inscriptions qui nous occupent ici remonte au IVe ou Ve siecle de J. C., et il ajoute : " . . c'est-a-dire, a l'epoque de la grande ecole juive des bords de l'Euphrate, qui pro-

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duisit le Talmud de Babylone." II faut pourtant distinguer entre les dites inscriptions et les doctrines rabbiniques, qui sont loin d'etre semblables. En ce qui concerne la dite inscription en syriaque, M. Chwolson la croit, d'apres la forme des caracters, d'un temps plus ancien que le MS. syriaque de Fan 411 conserve au Musee britannique (cf. la planche d'ecriture syriaque par le Professeur J. Euting, jointe a. la Grammaire syriaque de Noldeke, col. 6). Du reste, pour notre question, il importe peu de savoir la date a. laquelle se rapporte l'inscription syriaque ; cela n'empeche pas nos inscriptions en hebreu d'etre de plusieurs siecles plus jeunes ou plus anciennes. On trouve un seul point, et encore pas tout-a-fait certain, dans l'inscription C, qui peut donner une indication pour la date : c'est que la planete soit invoquee, "qui est plus victorieuse (ou plus eclatante) que toutes les autres etoiles de l'univers." C'est la du pur paganisme, de l'idolatrie, et non pas seulement un usage etranger, que defend meme le Talmud. Un tel culte des astres denote une epoque oil les doctrines severes des rabbins n'avaient pas encore penetre d'une facon generate dans la Babylonie meridionale, pour ce qui concerne les emanations doctrinales du paganisme et pour ce qui derive de ses idees. Avant l'an 220 de J. C, une grande ignorance predominait encore parmi les Juifs dans maintes contrees de la Babylonie, par rapport a diverses lois mosaiques. Mais a partir de Fan 220, les ecoles superieures y acquirent un grand eclat; le nombre des etudiants augumenta beaucoup, et les homraes places a. la tete de ces ecoles s'eflorcerent, avec une grande energie, de propager la connaissance des lois parmi les Juifs de Babylone, en ayant non moins soin de faire executer avec severite les prescriptions religieuses. Done, en raison de Finvocation adressee aux planetes, a supposer que ce soit bien la. le sens du passage en question, M. Chwolson hesite fort a placer cette inscription au Ve siecle ; et il est plutot d'avis qu'elle remonte au [IIe siecle, ou au plus tard au IVe siecle. Si elle appartient a Fun de ces siecles, et tenant compte des circonstances paleographiques qui seront exposees plus loin, on est conduit forcement a placer l'inscription B, indubitablement plus ancienne, au IP siecle, et l'inscription A, encore plus ancienne, au Ier siecle de Fere chretienne. On va voir que des motifs, tires de la paleographie, conduisent egalement a adopter ces dates.

La langue de ces inscriptions est certainement parente de celle du Talmud ; mais elle ne lui est pas identique. Beaucoup de mots out un sens qu'ils n'ont jamais dans le Talmud, et de meme

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l'orthographe, ainsi que la prononciation de plusieurs mots, est differente : par exemple, KTl^ Pour N113 ', flpYl pour *ppn ; 1p*H^ pour "Ip^V- L'orthographe predominante de l'etat empha- tique termine en J"T> indice evident d'anciennete, oblige de remonter assez haut, selon la remarque deja faite par Levy. Cet etat emphatique se presente dans l'inscription de Sakkara, dans celle de Carpentras, dans celles du Hauran a l'epoque d'Herode ; enfin dans celles de Palmyre, on trouve ce n seulement dans les pronoms H"T et 7121,* et dans quelques noms propres composes avec T\p>V (ef. Noldeke, Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenl. Gesellsc/iaft, T. XXIY, 1870, p. 87 et seq.). " Cependant," dit Levy {ibid., p. 473), "des formes comme celles de "pt^Vl, fcOIlVb piTtl^ h, militent en faveur d'une epoque posterieure ; meme le i bref (Hiriq) est represente par une mater lectiofits, \ ce qui rappelle un mode scripturaire de deca- dence, tel qu'on le trouve chez les Talmudistes et chez les Mendai'tes." Mais, objecte M. Chwolson, comme nous ne possedons pas de plus anciens monuments literaires Juifs que le Talmud, nous ne pouvons pas savoir quand cette orthographe s'est developee chez les Juifs babyloniens. Du reste, Gibro au lieu de Gabro represente deja une forme singuliere, etonnante, et il ne faut pas oublier que ces inscriptions de conjuration ont ete ecrites par des ignorants et pour des ignorants, a qui Ton voulait sans doute faciliter cette lecture. II parait superflu a. M. Chwolson de refuter la conjecture de Levy,

que le nora de Dieu t*VQ =^= ^..j0^. ^ans ^inscription B, et que 1H3, doive avoir le meme sens que l'arabej^=C a titre de designation de l'Euphrate, d'011 il tire la deduction de reculer l'inscription a l'epoque qui a suivi l'invasion arabe. En tous cas, selon lui, cette conjecture est si peu fonde'e, qu'il serait trop hasarde d'en tirer des con- se'quences.

Comme element essentiel pour fixer la date, reste la paleographies M. Chwolson accuse Le'vy de n'en avoir pas fait bon usage. Ce dernier n'avait pas encore d'autres monuments scripturaires en hebreu a utiliser comme terme de comparaison. On n'avait encore que les inscriptions palmyreniennes et le Codex babyloniens de l'an 916, dont il s'est servi (p. 478). C'e'tait une grande lacune, laissant le champ libre a toutes les combinaisons. Deja Lenormant et Euting ont eu un plus grand nombre de documents a collationner ; et

* De Vogue, Syrie centrale, ch. ii ; Haouran, No. I, pp. 89—90; Nos. 10 et 11, p. 122 (avec mutation du H en X).

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pourtant ils ont cru pouvoir placer l'inscription au ive ou ve siecle, et la piece B dans le vne : — ce qui etonne vivement M. Chwolson. Les raisons avancees par M. Lenormant lui paraissent insoutenables, et il ignore celles qui ont servi de base a Euting pour sa fixation de date. II va jusqu'a admettre que Levy meme a indique la voie pour dater l'inscription A, la plus ancienne des quatre presentes, sans toutefois faire bon usage de ses indications exactes. Dans son analyse paleographique de l'alphabet de cette inscription (p. 478), Lenormant a demontre que la plupart des formes de ces lettres se retrouvent sur les monnaies des satrapes, sur la pierre de Carpentras et d'autres monuments surnommes egypto-arameens : quelques-unes des lettres ressemblent a celles des inscriptions palmyreniennes. Mais, comme les premiers monuments precites remontent au ive et au me siecles avant J. C., tandis que les derniers proviennent des ier au ine siecles apres J. C, on en tire la deduction naturelle que l'inscription A appartient au ier siecle de l'ere chretienne, c'est-a-dire a un moment ou beaucoup d'anciennes formes arameennes se sont encore conservees, ou les alphabets ayant l'arameen pour souche, le haurano-nabateen, le palmyrenien, en fin le carre, ne sont pas encore separes d'une facon tranchee.

Par consequent, si dans les monuments en caracteres carres, les lettres paleographiquement caracteristiques offrent telles formes qui plus tard ont disparu, mais sont identiques ou au moins tres sem- blables aux lettres correspondantes des alphabets congeneres, de tels monuments ne peuvent appartenir qu'au ier siecle, ou au plus tard au iie siecle de l'ere chretienne, dit M. Chwolson. De plus, on sait que les hastes (crocs) superieures des lettres H> *7> l~b 3> *1> et Jl> dans l'alphabet arameen, proviennent des formes originates de ces lettres en phenicien. En outre, on sait que ces pointes dans les dits alphabets de seconde generation se sont successivement emousses, jusqu'a disparaitre completement plus tard. La consequence natur- elle a tirer de ce fait, c'est que les monuments en caracteres carres, ou les hastes sont plus ou moins pointues, doivent etre d'une epoque anterieure a ceux ou ces marques sont plus ou moins effacees. Si Ton compare par exemple l'inscription A avec celle dite des Beni- Hezir (Tfn ^22), qui est a peu pres du ier siecle de J. C, on remarque que l'indice d'anciennete en question ressort beaucoup plus nettement dans la premiere que dans l'autre. Dans l'inscrip- tion A, le 3, tres souvent, puis les T,rb3et")> sont sans cesse pourvus de ces pointes, dont il n'a ete conserve que de faibles traces

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sur ces lettres dans d'inscription de Hezir. Le trait vertical de droite dans n et n> ou de gauche dans jl> depasse dans l'inscription A la ligne horizontale, comme dans les anciennes inscriptions nabateennes et dans d'autre vieilles inscriptions. De meme, le 1 a une forme nettement antique, et dans plusieurs passages il a une parente visible avec le 1 nabat^en. En considerant le point de vue paleo- graphique, il faudrait placer l'inscription A avant celle de Hezir, au commencement du ier siecle de J. C. Mais comme il n'y a pas a tirer des inscriptions palestiniennes des conclusions pour celles de Babylonne, M. Chwolson croit devoir assigner le ier siecle apres J. C. comme date de l'inscription A, et il ne croit pas qu'il y ait des motifs serieux pour la supposer plus jeune. Une fois cette date admise pour l'inscription A, la fixation approximativement exacte des trois autres inscriptions babyloniennes n'est plus difficile. Dans l'inscription B, ces marques paleographiques, et les parentes des lettres avec celles de l'alphabet provenant d'une descendance arameenne, sont moindres que dans la piece A. La piece B est manifestement plus jeune que la precedente, mais pas de beaucoup ; car presque toutes les lettres paleographiquement caracteristiques ont leurs formes archai'ques, qui sous le rapport paleographique renvoient a une epoque anterieure aux inscriptions de Kefer Ber'em* M. Chwol- son voudrait done placer la piece B au ne siecle de J. C.

La piece C est encore plus jeune. La, les caracteres d'ecriture sont nettement plus jeunes que dans la piece B, sans l'etre beaucoup plus que l'inscription precitee de Kefer Ber'em, ou dans celle de Venosa. M. Halevy conjecture que cette inscription appartient au ixe siecle environ, et il se fonde sur les motifs suivants : Selon lui, Nilft/X^N dans le sens d'engagement rappelle le sens de la forme du verbe arabe congenere >Lc. Mais, dans la note 2 sur cette inscription, il a 6te observe que ce mot ne saurait nullement avoir le sens qui lui est attribue par M. H. Puis, celui-ci suppose que le terme N1TT pour N*V}D rappelle l'arabe ^yk&. • M. Chwolson, a. l'oppose, observe que ^VJl dans les versions chadeennes et le Talmud, est souvent employe pour designer les animaux domes- tiques, \epecus. L'invocation de la planete, vers la fin de l'inscrip- tion, rappelle l'astrologie des Arabes ; les Babyloniens au contraire cherchaient bien a guerir par des formules de conjuration magique,

* Renan, Mission en Phinicie, pp. 763 — -4. Cf. David de Gunzbourg, Etudes epigraphiques, dans Revue des etudes J uives, xviii, 213.

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sans que celles-ci s'adressent a. une planete, mais aux dieux. Par contre, M. Chwolson pense que les Arabes n'ont pas apporte leur astrologie du desert, mais l'ont tres probablement commence a apprendre en Babylonie. On peut afnrmer avec certitude, selon M. Chwolson, que les Babyloniens du ier siecle n'ont jamais adresse leurs vceux aux etoiles. Soit par des raisons pal£ographiques, soit par des raisons de fond, il y a done lieu de fixer cette piece C au plus tard dans la ier moitie du ive siecle de J. C.

E.

Un vase similaire, acquis a Paris par la Bibliotheque Nationale, etait, jusqu'en 1883, a. notre connaissance, le seul de ce genre que renferment les musees de France,* et e'est par lui que nous allons continuer cette etude. II afifecte, comme tous les autres, la forme d'une calotte hemispherique tres-evasee; il est uni sur toutes ses parties et n'offre aucune trace d'ornementation ; il n'a merae pas au centre, a l'interieur, cette saillie ou o/MfiaXos qu'on remarque sur quelques bols du meme genre, notamment sur celui C, qu'a interprete M. Halevy. La pate de Pargile est rougeatre, et les parois sont d'une epaisseur moyenne. Le pourtour du bord mesure un diametre de 15 centimetres environ. Rien dans la fabrique et l'aspect de ce monument, grossier en lui-meme, ne peut reveler l'epoque de la fabrication ; les caracteres paleographiques et linguistiques seuls permettent, comme nous le verrons, de placer cet objet vers le cinquieme ou le sixieme siecle de notre ere, par assimilation au bolf decrit plus haut rubrique C : ceux qui ont et^ publies par M. Layard sont manifestement un peu plus anciens.

L'interieur de notre vase, e'est-a-dire la surface concave, est occupee par deux inscriptions qui se deroulent en spirale, et qui, se faisant suite l'une a l'autre, sont neanmoins separees par un trait a l'encre qui court sur tout le circuit de la paroi. Contrairement a ce qui s'observe sur la plupart des monuments du meme genre, notamment celui qu'a dechiffre M. Levy, A, la spirale inscrite va de la circonference au centre. La premiere formule, celle qui est la plus rapprochee du bord, a un peu plus de cinq lignes ; celle qui est

* Abstraction faite par consequent d'une coupe de ce genre qui est au Musee de Cannes, que l'abbe Hyvernat a publiee et traduite dans la Zeitschrift fiir Keilschriftforschung, T II, 1S85, pp. 113-148.

+ Ce dernier, a en juger d'apres le caractere graphique, est peut-etre d'un siecle posterieur a celui nous occupe ici.

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au centre en contient a peine quatre petites. Au milieu, sans doute pour remplacer la saillie ou ombilic dont nous parlions plus haut, on remarque, trace a l'encre, un cercle irregulier et tres allonge, traverse par deux diagonales qui se croisent en forme d'X. Cette particularity, qui devait avoir un sens magique, se constate de meme sur plusieurs des coupes publiees dans 1'ouvrage de M. Layard.

Voici, en caractere hebra'iques ordinaires, la transcription de nos deux textes, qui sont d'Une conservation graphique suffisante, sauf quelques parties frustes que nous essayer'ons de reconstituer : —

*[jwil \*wt\ bi 3rro« 13 ,narh 2rvw p '«niD« pmpm prm «r»f?ttwi "HTn anisi^i 6pEi>pn] 'patin rth '\n23m Ttb ">"Ojn i-teneti rrhhi 7wsny "nrrn pi^Qi from pVwi pVw prta anbyh\ p rrav p pn«Q pi "mrrrra pi mDia p ppQDi ipypw "p-ani 13 ^tn by rraN in *nwn irnnp wn ,2m:£rn pniNi 15 rain rrhyi rrarti bs p rta «im rania wl? annn ,7[Dumi p^ ] NnunnS ^unn rsfaa Kim 16;iddn trro wm: .rfe p« p« nw)m ran rrou? ,8 rnDTOirr *nnin rrTO ^ pi jwa nyiQ pi Niwa ami p rvw p« jtoq pfYQtm pVran iton in "hot?*? rthpfh vypi

\rbo

Traduction.

"Salut du ciel, pour Hisda bar Ama. Toutes mauvaises sor- celleries, grand'oeuvres, maledictions, voeux, engagements, de loin ou de pres, d'hommes ou de femmes, la nuit ou le jour, qu'ils font contre lui ou qu'elles font contre lui, depuis ce jour jusqu'a jamais : que toutes ces choses, les unes et les autres, soient ana- thematisees, bannies, expulsees, arrachees, et chassees de son corps et de sa demeure, hors des deux cent quarante huit (membres) ensorceles, et hors de l'endroit ou se tient Hisda bar Ama, sur le chemin de Housia. A l'etoile qui domine sur toutes les autres etoiles d'en haut, qui chevauche (dans le firmament), appartient

le salut, car elle enseigne la magie aux magiciens sous

l'invocation (?) de jujubier. Que le grand nom (de dieu) soit prononce. Amen, Amen, Sela."

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11 Delivrance par la grace du ciel, des mauvais esprits

et des mauvaises maladies, et de toutes sortes d'adversites qui se levent contre lui, contre Hisda bar Ama : qu'ils disparaissent et soient aneantis de devant lui. Amen, Amen, Sela."

Notes.

1. Le mot NrnDN se traduirait exactement par le latin salus, c'est-a-dire, sante, salut, remede, talisman, preservatif physique ou moral. C'est par ce mot que debute aussi la formule magique de l'une des coupes du British Museum (Layard, op. cit., p. 515, note 2). On sait que NfDDN est le souhait de sante formule, au- jourd'hui encore, par les Juifs a, l'adresse de ceux qui eternuent : c'est, selon la tradition, un preservatif contre une mort inopinee, car la legende rapporte quAbraham mourut en eternuant.

2. Nous ferons remarquer que le mot rPDtU' est ecrit par un n au lieu d'un N- Ce n'est pas la seule particularity: du morceau, qui prouve que l'orthographe en est tres negligee. Nous en citerons d'autres exemples.

3. La forme "HOT? est pour N"TDTT, et iTQM pour *£&*. Ces noms propres se rencontrent tres frequemment dans les livres rab- biniques.

4. Ce mot est tres fruste et presque illisible ; mais le contexte et la formule analogue publiee par M. Halevy en rendent certaine la restitution.

5. M. Halevy traduit "PC^pjl ^"121^ par "ceuvres puissantes;" l'expression nous parait correspondre a ce qu'on appelait au moyen age le gra?id,ceuvre (magique).

6. Les trois premieres lettres de ce mot ont presque disparu.

7. Ce mot "^yn est ecrit plus emphatiquement It&frWTl dans le texte de M. Halevy.

8. Mot fruste, en partie restitue. On remarquera la repetition du raerae verbe au feminin pluriel, ayant pour sujet les demons feminins.

g. La formule D7i^71 3*n T172V ip est exprimee (avec une legere vanante) dans le texte de M. Halevy par les mots, NQV \72 oSv 13? r"f> ^m ne modifient en rien le sens.

10. ^1"Or\ vwt-a-mot : brisees, broyees.

11. Dans le texte interprete par M. Halevy, le mot ^JTT1?3 a heureusement une sorte d'explication placee a l'interligne, qui contient

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le mot Jirfrffl2ftpD> "ses emplacements." Peut-etre faut il lire ici : iTHYTBS (avec intercalation superflue d'un premier 1), dont le sens certain est : sa demeure.

12. "Les deux cent quarante huit" (membres). Cette formule est tout-a-fait nouvelle dans les inscriptions des vases magiqucs. Au moyen age, les Juifs admettaient que le corps humain se decom- pose en 248 membres, ou parties, qui etaient sujettes, chacune individuellement, a subir les atteintes de la maladie ou du de'mon. Notre formule d'incantation a pour but de les preserver toutes sans exception. Faut-il, au contraire, supposer qu'il s'agit de " 248 precedes de sorcellerie," contre lesquels ['inscription a pour but de proteger le dit Hisda ? Meme expression dans l'inscription G.

13. M. Halevy a lu ce mot JTYlN 5 roais la lecture "H^N. sur notre vase, ne peut faire l'objet d'une contestation. Litteralement : main, par extension (?), voie. On le trouve aussi dans le Talmud comme nora propre (traduction francaise, T. I., p. 15 ; T. VI, p. 183).

14. La lecture de cette lettre est certaine; elle est assez distante du mot qui precede et du mot qui suit ; le fac-simile de la coupe Rodwell sur lequel a travaille M. Halevy, l'a induit en erreur; il a vu dans le passage semblable au notre l'interjection "V^, 6, com- parable a l'hebreu *<«; il lit: NlS'O ^M . ^n . . . au lieu de MH1313 h W¥\r\- Dans l'un et l'autre cas, il y a un point d'arret, une fin de phrase, apres le mot Houcia.

15. Au lieu de TOtTl tVbiH tTOSO, M. Halevy a cru lire sur son texte defectueux fc^ftl ^SjT! b^SffE) ; mais la lecture de notre passage ne peut faire l'objet d'aucun doute. Le mot rm3"^ applique a une etoile, a Venus probablement, indique une curieuse notion astrologique empruntee par les Juifs aux Chaldeens.

16. Le mot jlEDN est le meme que NJllDN, le premier mot de notre inscription, avec une orthographe un peu differente (par mutation du "} en Q). En rabbinique, il est vrai, ce mot a fini par etre regarde comme derive du grec airuOi], sflata, d'ou il a pris le sens d epee plate ; mais ce sens ne saurait convenir ici.

17. Passage fruste et difficile a retablir. Le dernier mot ne parait pas douteux, c'est DI^HI, et Par h nom : il en reste encore des traces graphiques. Mais ce qui precede a completement disparu, et nous proposons conjecturalement de restituer les lettres suivantes : . . DirHn^TP, dont nous avouons ne pas comprendre le sens. Dans le passage parallele de l'inscription traduite par M. Halevy,

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egaleraent fruste, ce savant a cru pouvoir restituer le mot 'p^.^DQ- Ici, ce mot n'est pas admissible. Pour les trois ou quatre dernieres lettres de ce groupe, il y a peut-etre lieu de lire par conjecture : MH^Tj "de ceux qui murmurent " (sous-entendu : les for/miles) 11 de ceux qui enoncent a, voix basse," selon le mode usite au temps des auteurs du Talmud, pour guerir par l'incantation : tWT?« Enfin, serait-on en pre'sence de lettres detournees de leur vrai sens, a reconstituer par les precedes du t£7!l JIN ou Dl1?^ ?

1 8. Au lieu du mot rT,Dt,DE"l3'"T> M. Halevy propose de lire : rPiTDft *"Q3- Mais il n'est pas possible de se ranger a l'opinion de ce savant, car la lecture materielle du mot est certaine. II faut done y voir une forme derivee de N^m"^ (ou N1Ift23"^)» en syriaque "^Tlft"^ N\^ftY"0> le jujubier, ziziphus rhamtnus, jujiiba, dit J. Levy, dans son Nenhebr. Worterbuch {sub verbo), en rappelant le passage suivant du Talmud Babli, Pesahim, f. 11 1 b: "Pour tout arbre dont le branchage est dangereux, l'ombre Test aussi (parqe que e'est ordinairement la que les demons operent leurs malefices.) Une exception est faite pour le jujubier : son ombre n'est pas nuisible, bien qu'il ait un feuillage touffu (pouvant servir de repaire aux esprits) ; puisqu'un demon femelle dit un jour a son fils : tiens-toi a, l'ecart du jujubier, car e'est lui qui a tue ton pere et qui te tuera." (lis s'eloignent done d'un tel arbre.)

1 9. Avec les points diacritiques : fc$rP2 » repos, tranquillity de- livrance. NfTO ou n"1- a le meme sens en syriaque.

T T

20. Ce mot est tres fruste, et il semble qu'il y ait entre ^Jl^ et lui place pour une ou deux lettres qui nous echappent.

21. Ce mot est difficile a lire; mais le contexte laisse deviner le sens.

Au point de vue tachygraphique, nous noterons les particularity suivantes : la forme particuliere du D est celle d'un triangle. Le "i se confond avec le \ et meme parfois avec le 2 au commencement ou au milieu des mots. Le 3 est presque identique au *"\. Les trois lettres n> n et jl se confondent absolument. Le ft a, quand il est fait negligemment, beaucoup d'analogie avec le J>. Le y et le 2J sont presque identiques. Le p peut se confondre avec le ft, car la queue est souvent sacrifice. Faisons enfin remarquer que le 3 a une forme particuliere dans le mot )"PD^l> et que frO sont joints de facon a ressembler a un n phdnicien. Le 2 nnal est

326

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quelquefois a angle droit et ressemble assez a une equerre ; il est orne d'une ou de deux petites hastes a sa partie superieure ; mais il ressemble aussi parfois a un 1 ou un *\ prolonge.

Parmi les notions talmudiques a signaler dans la formule qui nous occupe, notons celle des 248 membres ou parties du corps humain. C'est a. l'ancienne astrologie chaldeenne que se rattache la mention de l'etoile Venus, l'antique Istar ou Belit, qui etait particulierement puissante pour les exorcismes et les guerisons,* et qui a pris place avec les memes attributs dans l'astrologie des Mendaites et des Arabes. Les deplacements meme de la planete Venus sont indiques dans notre texte : elle chevauche a travers le firmament, et sans doute, la place relative qu'elle occupait devait influer sur Pefricacite de l'invocation de son nom. L'invocation du jujubier doit aussi etre d'origine chaldeenne ; les Mendaites ont egalement un arbre dont l'ombre est bienfaitrice ; il est irequemment mentionne dans le Sidra rabba, sous le nom de Ttt2in]H, que Norberg traduit par vitis cypria.\ II y aura certainement un jour des rapprochements fort interessants a etablir entre ces antiques traditions chaldeennes qui ont persiste presque jusqu'a nos jours, et les textes cuneiformes concernant les pratiques magiques et astro- logiques des anciens Babyloniens. Le vase que nous avons examine etait fait pour Hisda fils d'Ama, qui habitait non loin de Housia ; cette localite, mentionnee aussi dans le texte traduit par M. Halevy, est connue ; elle devait se trouver non loin de Hillah, peut-etre sur les ruines memes de Babylone.

Deux pieces, F et G, assez semblables a celle de Layard No. 2, sont au meme musee.^ Au bord exterieur de la seconde, on lit : —

nan© rbn\ rtnma dtt ^ ">f?pn §ta ninn *jnn *?pn nw ba m nbyn nVi rvasn $&\ snm vh rona bi mm -pn tip** D^nsn rroi« mwi dytd rocrrciD mwi rraito awsn wn "fsn mm icni Troiii ienh jnm «^i mmn $h\ rbvn m bs nxr^y roBmoa qiid

.ims^ rbty\ ncnt? bz ddtm

* Fr. Lenormant, Chaldean Magic, p. 17. t Norberg, Onomast. ad lib. Adami, p. 1 44. J Elles doivent paraitre dans la Revue des Etude's Juives en 1890. § Pour Ty fort, violent. Ce n'est du reste pas la seule faute d'orthographe : il y en a bien d'autres dans le verset qui suit, comme dans le texte precedent.

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Apres les sept premiers mots, pour detourner la mort du malade qui lira ces lignes en buvant de la coupe, se trouve textuelle- ment un verset de la Bible (Deuteronome xxix, 12) ; puis les memes mots sont ecrits a rebours, en commencant par le dernier mot pour finir par le premier.*

A envisager le commencement de ce texte, " que ceci soit un moyen de destruction pour l'esprit qui repose sur Mar-Zoutra," il est tres possible que le texte se rapporte a un personnage du meme nom, dont le Talmud de Jerusalem dit (tr. Maasser scheni, v. 8) : " II prie et jeune pour d'autres, sans avoir pu se guerir lui-meme par sa priere." On aurait alors fait pour lui la presente amulette.

H.

Une des dernieres acquisitions faites par le departement des antiquites orientales au British Museum concerne un petit monument de la meme famille que les precedents. II est probablement bien anterieur — au moins d'un siecle ou deux — a celui du cabinet des antiques de la Bibliotheque nationale. Deux motifs nous font emettre cette hypothese : i° la disposition de l'inscription, qui, au lieu d'etre en forme de spirale (comme le sont tous les congeneres), se compose de lignes concentriques, la plus petite occupant naturelle- ment le centre, et les autres, en s'eloignant, s'e'tendent ; 20 la forme meme des lettres, encore pourvues de hastes superieures, signe certain de la transition entre le phenicien et les caracteres carres.

Voici le texte, avec toutes ses incorrections et fautes d'ortho- graphe : —

."WN-T mnsipD'w by rvrmb tm& p nhion -i rwip mm rrotr^n Trh marc diu> bp\ tpinhb ■*

www lnoa iion *im ton wrm hvftvm rcn -3

w fariattm mm ■"p'ttf hww* "nfmi ^ rh Vaao -4

ifcw *pm ybn ysd mm isno rho pw pM afo& ~]b did^i ybn i^d mm s

tu*B\p\ p ma snrm

* Encore de nos jours, les Juifs pratiquants, qui ne negligent pas de benir la neomenie entre le ier et le 15 de chaque mois lunaire, disent entre autres versets, apres la benediction du mois, celui de l'Exode xv, i6,_dans les deux sens, ordinaire et a rebours.

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II y a la un veritable abus des tuatres lectionis, complique d'erreurs d'auditions, ou de lectures mal comprises des versets bibliques, sans compter i° des alliterations de sons, 2° des exemples de tachygraphie.

L'ensemble peut se diviser en deux grandes parts : la premiere Chaldeenne, composee de deux lignes et demie ; la deuxieme est hebraique, exclusivement composee detrois passages de l'ecricure sainte.

Voici la Traduction.

[Ligne 1] "Salut du ciel1 pour (donner) la vie2 sur le seuil3 de Aschir4 [ligne 2] Mehadioud et a ce qui est (?) sous sa vue,5 au nom de l'Eternel saint, le grand Dieu6 [ligne 3] d' Israel, dont la parole, aussitot qu'enoncee,7 est executee." "Voici,8 le lit de Salomon9 est entoure10 [ligne 4J de 60 hommes vaillants parmi les plus forts11 d'Israel." "Que l'Eternel12 te benisse et te protege13; qu'il fasse luire sa face vers toi et te favorise ; qu'il leve [ligne 5] son regard14 sur toi et te donne15 la paix." Amen, Amen, Selah. " J'aneantis" les signes du tribunal11 et des devins.18"

Notes.

1. L'expression " salut du ciel " est commune a plusieurs docu- ments de cette nature, et il suffit de renvoyer aux textes analogues (par exemple en tete de E).

2. Dans le mot nTTO^, pour la vie, les lettres "> et H (dont la premiere est superflue, figurant un / bref) sont jointes : premier exemple de tachygraphie.

3. La premiere lettre du mot suivant est a-demi effacee ; mais on devine l'y de 7^. Dans le mot rPnOpD^N, les lettres jHD sont jointes ; nouvel exemple de tachygraphie. Le mot meme, identique- ment semblable en syriaque, a deja ete explique plus haut.

4. Le term Aschir, dernier mot de la ligne 1, et le suivant Melja- dioud, premier mot de la ligne 2, ont bien une tournure persane, en rapport avec la localite ou l'inscription a ete decouverte.

5. Le mot du texte est obscur, en raison de la trop grande similitude des lettres 1 et "|, ainsi que J"l et n> et 1 avec ,« J-a lecture 11'''^, vue, est proposee a titre de simple conjecture.

6. Un seul mot, celui de nN',7',N, Dieu (pour nHT"^), > subi une cassure ; mais la lecture ne souffre pas de doute.

329

April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

7. L'^crivain inexperimente qui s'est charge d'ecrire ce talisman, donne la une nouvelle preuve de son ignorance, en ecrivant NliTTT pour ^ini) <7ut' est- C'est une imitation ou reminiscence, en chaldeen, d'un verset du dit Psaume xxxiii, 9, premier hemistiche.

8. Ici commence la partie hebraique, par le verset des Cantiques, iii, 7, intercale d'ordinaire dans la liturgie juive de la nuit comme preservatif contre les demons nocturnes.

9. Le texte porte ici par erreur IDIT'tl^/tlf > pour i"TO7'ttr?'ttf> "de Salomon," que comporte l'orthographe massoretique de la Bible.

10. Autre preuve d'ignorance du scribe, qui, ayant vaguement retenu l'assonance des mots, ecrit PH T^HD pour J"17 H^Dj autour de lid.

11. Une inadvertance du meme genre a fait £crire *'^"l2l",^l*,^j des forts (en deux mots), avec une profusion de voyelles inutiles, pour TQaO.

12. Suit la benediction sacerdotale, telle qu'elle est prescrite dans le livre Mosaique des Nombres vi, 24-26 ; un texte de la Bible sufnt pour corriger les fautes manifestes du copiste.

13. Le troisieme mot de ce verset est completement estropie dans le texte courant ; et audessus des trois dernieres lettres fautives IftT, que le copiste — par un scrupule exagere — s'est interdit d'effacer, se trouvent superpose'es deux lettres presque pareilles, qu'il faut rectifier en *p, fin du mot "TlftXZ^"! , et te protege.

14. Ici, contre l'ordinaire, le copiste a trace avec trop de parcimonie les voyelles, ecrivant "77N 12Q, ce qui n'a aucun sens, pour "p7N V2D, "sa face vers toi."

15. Le mot suivant est ecrit a tort QID^I, pour Q^l, "qu'il place," ou " donne."

16. Apres la formule finale, habituelle aux objurgations, "Amen, Amen, Selah," vient un verset (Isaie xliv, 25), dont un seul mot, le second, est correctement ecrit ici, et qui seul a permis de reconstituer la lecture (avec la signification) du reste. Le premier mot eut £te impossible a dechiffrer, vu la jonction de deux caracteres, sans les precedents tachygraphiques de la ligne 1, qui ont servi a titre de comparaison, pour reconstituer le texte.

1 7. Les mots trois et quatre de ce verset invoque, savoir TF2. "p"T, tribunal, sont le produit d'une corruption acoustique du mot D'Hi, "prophetes de mensonge," qu'offre en r&ilite le texte biblique.

330

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18. La fin de ce meme verset, qui dans Isa'ie est libellee : D^Dp") hsliTV "et les devins, il les proclame insenses," a ete tronquee, soit involontairement, par suite du manque de place, soit de plein gre, pour mieux accomoder la phrase avec l'ensemble de l'invocation. D'ailleurs, la Bible parle a la premiere personne, et ici il s'agit de la troisieme personne.

Ces cinq lignes de texte forment non une spirale, mais des quatre cinquiemes de cercles successifs ou concentriques. Au defaut de jonction des lignes le vide est occupe par un dessin qui se prolonge depuis le bord du vase jusqu'assez pres du centre, dessin deux fois reproduit, sur une plus petite echelle, a droite et a gauche du premier : ce dessin est tout-a-fait enfantin, digne de la main qui reproduit si mal les textes bibliques ci-dessus enonces. C'est peut- etre 1'aspect informe d'un arbre, dont les racines sont denudees de la terre. En ce cas, on pourrait songer a V arbre de vie d'autant plus qu'en dehors de ces lignes, presqu'au bord on lit nettement un n, abrege de Q^n> 77(?> entoure d'un carre, autrement dit un cercle angule symbolisant l'eternite.

Tout au milieu, constituant le centre, il y a trois lettres, dont la lecture n'est pas absolument certaine. Nous ne saurions rien y voir en dehors des lettres '^'n'Xt^- C'est sans doute l'abreviation de M2 W^STI "HXPj "Tout-puissant, protege-moi ! "

L

Le Musee du Louvre a recemment acquis pour son departe- ment des Antiquites orientales un bol en terre cuite grisatre, con- tenant une inscription chaldaique tracee en forme de spirale, qui commence au bord (a l'interieur) et se termine au centre. Elle est ainsi concue : —

Tnri 'ttnm Nrapro pvis "mms pnVa ptdn wi piN pDDNm rn^pi mdm Nnura «rmi wmoiVi

nti prpi"nM tfprra) • • • • prrcrs (p)jmjn pmsDi prma

nrva Son rrjnt by\ Nn*?tt? m -niaQN by rrhy rmivrk

rmiu) (p°ur vhy\n) T^n xbi Nrm p rnr<DM fcfQ * "1

pprrn n^7D3 p-iurra pD^ rpsrm pw nth prrara p

•mym ^nrn ^p ,*to: bi NmnDNi *wib ba pimpi pan

pwtt K*rr wvttra rrm «mira tnun itnmfn *mn

331

April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGY. [1890.

p-QM irniwpBi mnaai rrsntai nkjV©1 na ntsEMa na wrh pbu* imj-im n« nw rvwyb it(?)*?ia pi

to: Mtaa nnn Tm n© *rM "naj Sm *hu> ^m iimi mvi

L (?)

pnria lormi wsnwi we? pnos •mm Mtfroittn

ittn Mai rrrfci nrmwai pm prwai rran^ a1?!

PDfr&D *?M^MTT roS rOD--.. M^ITO N!nD"7 m»W

*?mdi raM^n ^m^mi ra*An *?MiiMa nsvbo ^m^di

^MyTO TOM^ ^WIBTO HDN^ b^ll^a PDM^E

fWTp paK^ paVo ina Wi3Wi«a ^^ms roM^a

Mai sniQ^1? wb pftrm psrtr: piimpi pi pma

pVwr* pioi M&ai Nnyinu? 'pyby Nayawi

Miun MreiSn ''inn Mmno^Mi nans by\ ''Win *?a «^i *?ai piwn in pittn niis itS'i- fan Mnii^a pi msn* pi MD^iy na ihsdm p p^om purwQ WTvmwo hy\ inning by panni pSn nWNi irrra

.rfco pM xhyh\ pi m&v p

Le milieu du cercle est occupe par 32 fois la lettre SI, formant ensemble une circonference inachevee ; l'espace laisse libre repre- sente en traits enfantins une plante, ou arbuste rabougri, eclaire par le soleil.

Ce texte, qui par la forme des caracteres employes, comme par le langage, est du Ve siecle environ, laisse a desirer pour la lecture ; les lettres sont pales, frustes, parfois illisibles. Mais le nombre des mots certains est assez grand pour rendre possible l'essai suivant de traduction : —

"Soyez lies vous tous, demons nombreux, faiseurs de malefices1 (ou astrologues), magiciens, faiseurs de vceux (ou excommunicateurs), maudisseurs et mauvais esprits ; soyez enchaines et attaches et immobilises; que soient perdus leurs efforts* et ecartes, que dis- paraisse (s'enfuie) leur victoire, comme envolee (ou rejetee2) ; que leurs oreilles n'entendent rien3 d'Amtor fille de Salomon, ni de

* Les points designent les lettres non lues; et en cas d'hypothese d'une deuxieme lecture, celle-ci est figuree par des lettres superposees.

332

April] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

ses enfants, ni de sa maison, . . . (ni de ses gens4) ; qu'ils soient lies quant a leurs mains, pour qu'ils ne puissent pas blesser (frapper, detruire) ; qu'ils deviennent aveugles pour les choses decouvertes (visibles5) pour qu'ils ne voient pas6 en faisant de la magie ; que les eaux*(?) soient droites (coulent libres), pour sa personne, soit de loin, soit de pres, que tous demons et interdits, toutes choses avec lesquelles ils conjurent, et enchantent, et tracent des sillons, et excommunient, maudissent, et reposent dans les prairies (?) ; que les mauvais esprits ne demeurent pas chez Amtor fille de Salomon, ni chez ses enfants, ni dans sa maison, ni parmi les

biens acquis (mobiliers) ; qu'ils soient perdus (? que tout

ceci soit inexecutable en ces lieux) ; qu'il aille dehors (qu'il sorte), lui et aussi, Dieu puissant, en mon nom (ou par le nom) de A A A, avec lequel il vainc leur trace ; qu'ils soient lies au ciel et sur terre, qui sont tous bouillants ; qu'il n'y ait pas de devastation dans leurs maisons,8 par la domination du grand roi, du seigneur Salomon . . . (? maitre du fer) ; que le repos predomine d'une categorie (d'anges) a l'autre, de Raschiel l'ange, Bassouriel l'ange, Barouiel l'ange, Rayiel l'ange, Raphael l'ange, Bacouriel l'ange, Badartoumiel l'ange, Badarqiel l'ange, Barachiel, Badanouel. Vous etes tous des anges saints, purs, grands,9 sacres, victorieux, miseriror- dieux, qui lancent de la main droite dans la grande mer. Je vous conjure par la plus grande (grave) adjuration . . . . et par leur ordre ; qu'elles soient annulees toutes les magies, les ceuvres de demons, les interdits d'enchainement, les vceux, les maledictions, l'effet du sejour en prairie (des gnomes), que les bons fruits restent accessibles, et que Ton puisse tracer des sillons ; que les esprits non libres (astreints au mal) cessent d'etre (s'ecartent) d'Amtor fille de Salomon, de ses enfants, de sa maison, de ses gens ; qu'ils partent, qu'ils soient caches (disparaissent) pour son habitation et sa residence, depuis ce jour et a jamais. Amen. Sela."

Notes.

1. On peut he'siter entre le mot NnT!~ft2> a'lix llul voient, pri- voient (par les etoiles) = astrologues, et le mot NPQpD, de la racine i"Qp> mandire, synonime des termes qui suivent.

2. Ou, bouches, si Ton adinet la second lecture, superposee par hypothese.

3. Si ce mot fruste peut se lire fTCflS, il a l'un des deux sens ; etivole, ou rejetc.

333

April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

4. Sous entendu : ne provoquent pas (par leur audition) de mauvais jugement.

5. II y a lieu de supposer ce sens, par analogie avec la fin du texte. M. Sachs me propose de lire N1^, de la racine p*^, chanter, penser, medire, calomnier; ou N^"H> mauvais bruit; c'est-a-dire : " qu'ils n'entendent rien de mauvais sur Amtor."

6. Peut-etre : " Quant a leurs ouvertures," terme metaphorique pour les yeux : "qu'ils deviennent aveugles quant a leurs yeux."

7. Si la lecture de ce mot est bien telle, il derive de POU? ou POD* voir, regarder.

8. Abrege des trois mots : Adona'i, Al (El), Alohim. " Le moyen infaillible de dompter les demons," dit M. Halevy {Revue des etudes juives, T. X, p. 62)," consiste a connaitrele nom du demon possesseur et a le conjurer par un des noms sacres transmis par la Bible ou la tradition." Ces noms sont reunis dans le livre cabalistique dit de Raziel.

9. Ici, comme souvent, des lettres inutiles sont repetees du mot precedent ; le scribe ne peut rien effacer de ce qui est ecrit et consacre" desormais. Voir Revue d ' Assyriologie et d ' Archeologie orientate, 1885, pp. 11 7-1 9.

10. Une telle succession de qualificatifs se retrouve dans le "ETP, premiere benediction avant le schema du matin au rituel juif quotidien.

Ces invocations aux anges ont leur pendant dans la litterature chretienne. Dans une petite piece du XVe siecle, conservee a la Bibliotheque nationale (8° E 5730 inv. Reserve), on peut lire la conjuration suivante analogue a notre texte, sauf que les anges sont devenus des saints, cites a cote des anges : —

" Conjuro te diabole per sanctum Michaelem, per sanctum Gabrielem : per sanctum Raphaelem et pet sanctum Uzielem ; et per omnes angelos et archangelos ; et per novem choros angelorum et per omnes virtutes celorum principatus et potestates, thronos et dominationes, cherubin et seraphin, Deo patri obedientes et ipsum semper laudantes, glorificantes in secula seculorum. Amen."

J.

Le British Museum possede (comme nous avons dit plus haut) une petite coupe talismanique ecrite en arabe. Les caracteres sont si grossierement traces, et emanent d'un scribe si ignorant,

334

April] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

qu'il est impossible d'en dechiffrer le sens. D'ailleurs la piece a un aspect moderne si evident, qu'elle n'offre nul interet paleo- graphique ni philologique.

II suffit de lui comparer les documents similaires deja. longue- ment analyses, ceux vus et lus en 1828 par T. J. Reinaud, Monu- ments arades, persans, et turcs, etc., T. II, pp. 324-359, puis ceux qu'a donne E. Rehatzek au Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, T. X, 1872-3, pp. 150-162 et 299-315 ; T. XIV, 1873, pp. 199-218, avec planches.

K.

II ne faut pas croire que ces formules de talisman soient com- pletement perdues et hors d'usage. Seulement, les coupes ont fait place a des feuillets. De nos jours encore — et meme en plein Paris, specialement parmi les emigres polonais et russes — on ne manque pas d'epingler aux rideaux du lit d'une femme, lorsqu'elle vient d'accoucher, et au berceau de son enfant, un imprime hebreu, bizarrement dispose, contenant des objurations a l'adresse des esprits malfaisants, leur signifiant d'avoir a passer outre. Un grand nombre de nos lecteurs ne connaissent sans doute pas ce texte.

Comme cette piece moderne n'a non plus nul interit paleo- graphique, ni philologique, il suffit d'en resumer rapidement le contenu :* En exergue, le souhait de prosperity. Pour titre : " Pre- servatif de l'enfant, d'apres la formule d'un saint homme." Au milieu, le premier cantique des degres, ou Psaume cxxi, entier. Au- dessous, l'invocation"Schaddai (Tout-puissant), dechire Satan," suivie de trois noms d'anges et de ceux des trois patriarches avec les noms de leurs femmes. Comme base, un carre, et a l'interieur, les deux noms : Adam, Eve. A droite et a gauche de ce carre, la prescription mosaique de "ne pas laisser subsister de sorciere " Exode xxii, 18), de chaque cote trois fois. Cette colonne mediale est encadree dans les versets bibliques suivants: A droite: Cantique des Cant., iii, 7 et 8; a gauche : Ps. xvi, 1 ; xvii, 8, et xxxii, 7. Enfin, sur les deux marges externes, encastrant les deux angles de base de la colonne du milieu, on lit deux textes rabbiniques : Le premier (a droite) raconte qu'Elie ayant rencontre Lilith avec toute sa bande de demons obtint

* Une telle feuille de preservation, dite ("171)1 D> se retrouve avec son formulaire dans l'ouvrage Amtahath Binyamin par Benjamin ou Benush b. Juda Lob Cohen (Wilmanstadt, 17 16, in-40), fol. 34a.

335

April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

d'elle, sous la menace de la petrifier, le secret grace auquel les nou- veaux nes echappent a ses atteintes ; c'est d'exposer nettement les divers noms cabbalistiques de la magicienne. Le second texte (a gauche) donne une autre fa^on de mettre la mere etl'enfant a l'abri des tentatives du demon et de ses malefices : c'est de piler du fenouil, ou de l'herbe de S. Jean, et d'en repandre sur le foyer ; la fumee qui s'en de'gagera chassera les esprits malfaisants (ou emanations mal- saines).

En somme, dans les dix pieces dont les textes precedent, nous voyons les traces d'une superstition curieuse a plus d'un titre. C'est le reflet image de croyances populaires qui n'ont rien de purement mosaique. C'est un ecart tres marque des religions monotheistes, de ce qu'elles ont d'eleve, d'ideal, de sentiments spiritualistes. Ce n'est plus le materialisme grossier des idolatres, des polytheistes, mais un reste d'adoration des forces divinisees de la nature. II n'est pas etonnant de les voir se maintenir avec tant de persistance, si Ton songe que, sans remonter aux siecles anterieurs, on en retrouve encore actuellement l'echo en Orient. Ainsi, un voyageur, de retour du royaume de Siam, disait : —

" Les superstitions des Siamois n'ont aucun rapport avec leurs croyances religieuses, bien plus, elles leur sont radicalement op- poses, puisque les doctrines de Bouddha les proscrivent severement ; mais en depit de ces memes doctrines, le brahmanisme indien a introduit parmi le peuple, generalement ignorant et naturellement porte au mysticisme et au surnaturel, certaines croyances grossieres tendant, soit a expliquer les phenomenes naturels, soit a conjurer les mauvais sorts, soit enfin a. donner un sens aux songes et aux changements de temperature, etc.

" Corarae on voit, les fonctions de ces individus different de celles des magiciens et diseurs de bonne aventure, qui, de nos jours encore, jouissent d'un certain credit dans les contrees peu civilis£es de la vieille Europe."

Esperons que la juxtaposition d'un grand nombre de ces textes contribuera h. resoudre les questions encore obscures de ce domaine;* leur contenu et leur langage fmiront par reVeler leur age encore indetermine.

* Le dernier document connu en ce genre est celui qui vient de publier M. Harkavy, avec traduction russe, dans les Zapiski de la Societe imp. russe dArcheologie (T. IV, p. 83-95).

336

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[1890.

VOCABULAIRE.

Pour mettre le lecteur a meme de suivre notre marche, de la controler, nous devons donner ici le vocabulaire des termes peu usites, employes dans les inscriptions qui precedent. Par ce procede on se rendra compte combien cette sorte de juxtaposition alphabetique, faite avec une certaine hesitation, en presence de lectures douteuses, a influe plus ou moins sur ces dernieres et sur les interpretations. Certains mots, ainsi ranges, se sont retrouves maintes fois ; grace a leur classification, ils ont paru offrir un sens, tandis que d'autres, marques du signe de doute (?), restent pour ainsi dire doublement obscurs, car fort souvent encore ce ne sont que des conjectures et hypotheses.

nitOlMi A,nom. pr. (=^ni« mendaite).

pN, I, oreille. NErW. F* (?nm«), terre. WIN ou rp\&> Fi (?) demontrer (de TO1)- p21i^> D, charge, lourd(ou de- rive de NpQmD, messager, Tal. B., Sanhedrin, f. 386). JjlNi h aussi.

HN> *. ah- pfWi G,- py, temps, ou= 1"TN> osier, jonc. •V^, C, quoi 6 (= \j, en arabe 6). IWN, et ^^ D, F, mere. "YlttENj *> nom Pr-> Amtor. jniD^j G, separer, se retirer.

NHlON. E> H> salut-

«nsipD«» F> H> seuil-

*")DN> *> ner> mterdire.

mow. b,

^QN» F, *)pN, G,

m«. B>

MBpm b,

"TON, F,

antm F>

•wu* A>

^n»i g,

rwpr** b,

Nnnw. b,

-wain, f,

bwWBTDi Ii

337

I, de*mon qui ruine (de -mD)-

te"nebres.

voir fp2-

C, H, voie.

terre.

dominateur (lieu- tenant du roi).

G, H, fort, heureux.

engagement.

feu.

n. pr.

foyer.

(?) sera suspendu.

1° Puissant, 2°saisir.

F, femme.

n. pr. d'ange.

n. pr. d'ange.

(?) en ses fils.

n. pr. Badesor 011 Bar-Esor.

Badartousiel, n. pr. 2 B

April]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

[1890.

W'jrrni l> n- Pn d'an&e.

pnN3> A> brillant (? Mercure). "*in*2> F> choisir, preferer. • NMlfrO^ F> n. pr. (? corrompude

^^rm )• voir

7123,' I) annuler. 'H7*2p*<"2, I, Aux tenebres. p, G, fib. £123, > G, revolte. Voir aussi

7N*H1D"2> *j Basouriel, n. pr. d'ange. *i}*"2, D, desirer, demander. k$*"Q5 A, au dehors.

^mi» c> sesfils(?dei-frrQ] oiseau, Tal. B., tr

Houlltn, f. bib).

TTQ» r> Pur-

rro» A> fuir-

/N^rn"!) *j Barahsiel, n. pr. d'ange.

rmo in. (°u ttnsin). F> Bar Porat,

n. pr. (ou par type)- \2Jr*2, I, mauvais. NEp"irQ> B> Par la force- IVirQ? A> Bethunian ( ? — k*Jj""Q, Baravaia). VCWQ., G, dernier. i~)*Q;i, G, limites.

nraa> G> force-

2*73, A, briser, couper.

Vj, F, pour if ou l^ ce, ceci. ND*0> G, approche, a cote ; etre grand, gros. fcVVb c> exciter.

TU?«1> F> H> n- Pr- (de TEW, heureux).

TtSVllt B, F, (=&j-!), ruisseau. N"*l"2"7> A, desert (? exterieur). ■vyyf. A, Dews (ou : malade,

triste). -pn> A, lieu (mot talmu- dique). prOIT. F> id- (au pluriel). fc$7")"T> F, celui qui va puiser,

vampire. Sorte. WTi A> belle- N 77T7) G, tremblement. "H, G, que.

nS^7l> c> n- Pr- (Delala, ou : de Lala). HlDI* F> apparence.

1*7, B, ce, ceci (celui, celle). prT07> B) voisinage. N3"*n (?;, F, beau (ou = ara ^J, ver).

D>Dlin> A> (?) 6 roi (o BainAeus). p HPT- B> F> eloigner de.

rrrm. B> ^clat

POD"!) B) G, renversement, ruine, changement. tits G. achat, relations (? pf, temps).

D^NT, F> ( ? = D^"r. Per- sistant).

mtj F> couler (? Dm n. pr.).

n*i"*l'*> A, ce qui est jete.

V^V*^, F, (fternument.

^D^r?) x> immobilise".

*2n ou "2^n> B> G, aimer.

Pan* J> cacher.

n^nn ou j^n, b, g, i, biesscr,

ddtruire.

Nmn.rrnn. b, g, neuve.

t^lPfs G, chaud, chaleur. n^n- E, grave

333

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PROCEEDINGS.

[1890.

Mm

nwn,

man,

win,

Nn:mn>

•rain,

ttnrii

aza>

nfi «*,

■varnay

C, E, dehors, ou :

Nnrr.

Houci, n. pr.

G, serpent.

two.

F, blanc. C, animaux.

G, force. — F. frapper.

G,aigrie,oumelde (pour

Twchrh

D. Voir TO03. F, tourbillon de pous- siere.

pro,

F, be le-fille.

ro>

F, ruine.

■Yd.

E, G, interdit. C, E, I, sorcellerie; sorcier.

Trpi

B, repandre. VoirT^^.

rrbb*

I, cesser d'etre.

xbyb,

A, bon (PfcTOB, ga- zelle). G, adhdrer.

A, mont.

G, enduit, ciment.

F, cache". Rognons.

G, mobilier.

F, impurete*

G, enfoui.

ma, Nana,

I, effort.

NmnDi

A, Oh (pour HN).

mrm,

I, aller.

F, (?pour 1Q1D^» le couvrent).

nana

NE% G> h mer.

NrpED.

I, droite.

(?), A, Espandarmir (mois ou jour per-

M3fO.

san).

ru-m

A, obscurite*.

maz^D^,

G, I, resider.

"TOTE.

339

F,C,habitation(?pIacer, restituer), donner.

I, vaincre.

B, droit (ou : sejour).

G> (-?fcTlj en toi, par toi).

B, C, E, F, etoile.

I, ce avec cjuoi.

B, maladies.

C, E, jujubier. I, categoric G, couronne

I, nombreux. G, cceur.

B, E, F, I, malediction. A, Lilith ( = <3.i).

I, a jamais. F, vetements.

C, E, localite, habita-

tion.

F, G, crane, cerveau.

G, defaut.

F, livrer, Her.

A, sceptre.

G, planete, destinee. H, n. pr.

I, voyant, astrologue. H, nourriture, subsist-

ance, etre. G, nom d'ange. C. Voir 3J£.

B, F (? de N1t£)> obscu-

rity, insistance.

F, demeure.

C, d'ou.

G, mort.

F. Voir n^tt^D F, G, (.'lever, jeter. 2 B 2

April]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.

[1890.

ptPTOi G- Voir W- iSnn^j F> renouveler.

Nn¥?n. c- F> parole-

WOftft* D> de source.

"l^ft, G, nomme, p repose. *7NT0EB> F> n. pr. d'ange (derive de SfcWHO)- m?DD> G> ^tre reDelle-

12ft, Gj objets, ustensiles. IIDDi F> guerison. niTDQ (?)> C, devastateur(gril- lon). "DSflDs F> faiseur. TTttJOi G» (?) argent (ou de rnE)> crane).

pT^DDj B, fievreux (de ^-)Q,

four). fc$rOp?2> I, maudisseur.

"VHDj d> amer-

njHftj E> paturage (ou : du mal). Nnt^ft> G, oint, onction.

*QtL^2> F> qui brise-

TffTOOi Ij Hbdrd. pttfD> r» reJet^-

prunttfn, b. voir ptma-

iTIEWD. F> n- Pr-

NlttHt^tt. F n- Pr- (Talmudique). Nmmittft. !> residence.

NVnirra, G> n- Pr-

fcWltt, F> corde.

i^^2> G> femmes.

P|7)0j F> '1 ddcouvert.

pllS. F' P°ur plTli et de ses fils.

TO

TO ou tu n*n3

JTTOT

naBTBwa

raiaa

to

.^ •mo

pfco

HDD

■•ODD

iltSDD

G, repousse*.

B, C, lumiere. Outre.

Trame. I, faiseurs de vceux. F, fondement, fonde. F. Voir J-pnCPtt-

B, de'couverts.

C, est devenu.

E, I, repos.

A. Voir -fi}.

F. en face.

B, F, sortilege.

F, Stranger.

A, Nod (chez les Men-

daites).

G. souffle.

B, F, G, n. pr. (? chute).

C, F, sortir.

C, I, briller, vaincre.

B, vengeance.

G, percer, cogner.

G, support, voie.

B, I, ordre.

B, mal, ce qui ecarte

(? n. pr.). G, e"cuelle (=situla).

A, obstacle, accusateur, Satan.

A, qui se de"tourne

me"prise. F, de penitence. I, sortir. F, G, poison.

B, F, les noms. I, etre aveugle.

F, n. pr. (du radical CD) mite).

340

April]

PROCEEDINGS.

[1S90.

"WZODDj F> n- Pr- (du radical DD> mite).

N7DDD> B> n- Pr- (du radical DC» mite).

N11DD. E, F, n. pr. (le grand Sass).

ITHD> B, pourrir, sentir mau- vais.

py, D, Eden (ou J-py, temps).

^iy> I, tracer un sillon.

TTlJN F> sa ville, son entou- rage.

rP!2T}7> B, abandon.

JlpTi^j A, anneau.

^NWy> G, n- Pr- (? abre'ge de

"ji^i^, F, yeux (? VH^, veil- ler, dit Kohut, 16. p. 6).

-py, F, ville.

*p^, F> ta misere (? de la racine Y)ty).

y*p$, C, E, sterile.

Nft'H^. F, ruse- (le serpent).

rPD"^> F> laisser. Faible. Nuque.

p1}7- A, I, fuire, disparaitre.

Np]"iy> B> ancien.

tD1D> G, I; bouche, interieur.

p"lD> A, D, E, sortir.

mic °u iq> F> n- pr- (sor0-

□1"OG> F> renverser.

b$2Q, B, se tourner.

pnDQ> D> couper.

^nD> I> fer.

*H3r©> B, I, demons, spectres. |

. . *2 (?), D, n. pr. *yV12> G, siffler.

na^Sj g, bord.

}Q2, F, cacher. Dip, E>, bois, foret (? cri de chasse). rWDIpj F> sa hauteur. bap F> tuer- "PEp. i> attache*.

rrhyp, e. voir pVop^a-

mt^p> B, fumee, brouillard. Nceud. 7p> B> F> voix. — G : ange Il7p. G, ( = *aXifc), prison. !TBp> A, E, devant. pip, C, I, acquet. D2p> h conjurer. f)2p» G> colere. "Hp, B, F, accident. Ville. nip) C, lisse, froid (?Nord). N*Hp> B. prince. "WW* I, Raiel, n. pr. d'ange. *T*WN1, I> Rasiel,n.pr. d'ange. KBITI, F> G, le grand (de ^). DJ""n> 'i misexicoidieux

"VI, F, Ejection. Demon. m3l> E, chevaucher. fr^l; I> mauvais bruit. *?NS"1» I, Raphael. D")ttn> D> I> designation, trace. 1irpm> B> J> bouillir. MrCnS^i h serment nmit?) *» habitation. T^, A, ddmon. 1111^) F> assaillir.

34i

April]

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV.

[1890.

^'n'tt^j H, (abrdviation d'un voeu).

rronm g, nid.

NHtDlrTil^ F, consomption. pIlTttr. F, noir. NE^T1, C, voie.

pu?> h voir-

NI^T*^ > A, dominateur. "toE^. Ii cieL J"Wt^> C, analheme. mV^' B> G, heure- M^Q^» F, vallee.

1Dt^> B, Pr^cieux. fctfl&pt^i F>, seuil. Vision, vue. rWWi F, principe(ou=mD)- N^Ht^> A> lumiere.

fr$n!TYll^> F, lascive (demon fe- melle).

i"^^, G, I, sojourner, reposer

*H^, B, chose permise, dc- lie"e.

fe$"V^W, B, commencement. ]HTH1£?> F, commencement. vy-^, G, lacher.

*H"^tZ?> F dominer. Nrmtt7> F (?) prairie.

Dnt?> F devaster. rn^lTlj c> E> briser. NQpirb E> puissant.

N-nn, F, bceuf. vb^rPfls G, sans doute pour

*TNTrn, n- P1-

fr^^ rip1]!' A., l'homme puissant (Salomon).

]vin, a, voir yrana.

[The other illustrations to this Paper will be issued with the next Number of the Proceedings (May). W. H. R.]

342

April]

PROCEEDINGS.

[1890.

THE NAMES OF ISIS AND OSIRIS. By P. Le Page Renouf.

One of our respected colleagues* has recently quoted a state- ment which I made in these Proceedings more than six years ago, viz. : that " The real names of Isis and Osiris in the classic times of Egypt are as yet open questions."! Whatever doubts I had at that time were, however, dispelled before many months were over; as may be seen by a note in the May number of the same year of the Proceedi?igs. It may still be true that Egyptologists are not unani- mous on the subject of these names ; but that is because they have not paid attention to evidence which is palpable to all who will only take the trouble to look at it.

The evidence to which I refer is found in the variants of the divine names invoked in the Litany of Ra.

These names occur in a fixed order in the different royal tombs at Bab el Moluk, and also on a monument of the same period as the tombs, — the Temple of Ramese sat Abydos. % The order of file- names in the Temple only differs from that in the Tombs by alter- nating from the north to the south side of the chamber. The following table, consisting of the names from 11 to 22 inclusively, will show what I mean : —

Tombs.

No. n. Tmu.

12. Chepera.

13. Shu.

14. Tefnut.

15. Seb.

16. Nut.

17. j] g$ Isis.

18. Nephthys.

19. ^Horu:

20. pSg^Nu.

21. Remi.

22. Huaai-ta.

Temple. North Side. South Side.

11. Tmu.

12. Chepera. 14. Tefnut. 16. Nut.

18. Nephthys.

20. Nu.

22. Huaai.

13. Shu. 15. Seb.

17-^P^Isis.

I9"<i>^HorUS- 21. Remi.

Civilta Cattolica, v, p. 664. t Proceedings ^ Feb., i{

X Mariette, Abydos, torn, ii, pi. 14 — 17.

343

b P- 95-

April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

On comparing these lists it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that t] _p 1 1 ^ JJ auset was meant to be an equivalent of jj q, the ideogram of Isis, as truly as <-£-> j^ stands for ^| ^J Horus, or as the If) *|\ y ^ at Abydos corresponds to yr^ | in the tombs of Seti II and Rameses IV.

No importance whatever is to be attached to the beard which has thoughtlessly been added to the divine figure. I have referred to the undoubted name of Isis, JJ q,, which is written over a bearded figure in the papyrus of Suti Kenna. And I have during the last three or four years repeatedly met with similar blunders.

That a goddess was meant, and not a male personage, is evident from the text. A prayer is addressed to each divinity, and the sex of each divinity can be seen by the pronoun attached to the verb. The imperatives addressed to Tmu, Shu, Seb, and Horus have the masculine suffix v_^o ; the imperative addressed to Auset has the feminine c^.

It can no longer then be said that the name of Isis has not been found phonetically written. It is so written on the temple walls of Abydos.

Mistakes of course are conceivable ; and with reference to this particular name it might be suspected that _^> was wrongly written f°r .m- But if the JJ in Isis be the same as in JJ <s>- there can be no doubt that p 1/ is a necessary part of the sound. And in proof of this I appeal to a document of the same date as the monuments we have been considering.

In the Hymn to Osiris with which the Papyrus of Ani begins we have the following play upon names : —

~^$\ <=><&

D

h

U=4 ^^ "^ -M* —n -^ ™ £*1"

The name of Osiris is here connected by paronomasia with

| |l us, just as Sekar is connected with |l $ ^ ^ sek. Brugsch

has already quoted evidence of this kind from the texts of a later

period. But there can be no doubt about the name at a time

when it was written ]-o>-, jjU'^.ttWl, and P^^; for |

344

April] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

has the value ^f) j^J' from the earliest times, and j\ J\ A, occurs with the value of -£) jj^ in the inscriptions of Rameses II at Karnak.*

The usual Phoenician transcription *>*YD"!N *s m exact agreement with the hieroglyphic reading, and is more correct than "HDN-

It is a very grave blunder to take the sign o or © in the forms Jj O, Jj 0, J © &c, as having the value rd. The sign represents not the Sun but, as Champollion pointed out from the very first, the eye- ball, used (especially in cursive writing) instead of the entire eye <2>-. It is constantly used in the hieratic transcription of t)^5=^ \ aru 'attributes.' And even in the Turin Todtenbuch (c. 15, 46) we have fjo^fl

The names which begin with the letter | h have nothing to do with that of Isis. They are different appellatives, and may even represent different personifications of the Dawn or Sunset. ] 1 <~=> ^ Usert, ' the powerful one,' is not a variant but an appellative of Isis. And the same thing, I believe, must be said of ^-^ ^ Aaset. The meaning is not easy to recognise under this orthography, but \ !k A ^as *s a very ancient word signifying "quick, swift, speedy." A man tells his donkey in a picture of the pyramid period I] ^ 1 v_^J aas-ek, "quick!" The word still exists in the Coptic IHC.

The name M4%| is not a variant of n^& but should be

read Sexlt. It is written Q H Ijlj <=> JJ in the inscriptions of Rameses II at Karnak, § where it is brought into connection with the verb

t/i seyit, and also with the words (J II (1 o \^ r . /vwvA*

sexaita qen, ' the valiant hunter.' The pictures given in Cham- pollion's Monuments, pi. 52, from the temple of Dakke are interest- ing, but they are of a late period, and seem only to imply personifica-

* Champollion, Notices, II, 187.

t Denkm., II, So, c.

X Lanzone, Dizionario, p. 813 ; Brugsch, Diet. Gcogr., p. 379, and 1329.

§ Champollion, Notices, II, p. 41 and 42.

345

AlPRiL] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1890.

tion of rural life. I do not know how far the ancient 'huntress ' is to be identified with the better known goddess | 2 n SeX***

For the edification of those who love such identifications, I will just add that the Egyptian Dawn-goddess Auset wonderfully re- sembles the Doric ««.'"?, Ionic ijws, and Aeolic al'w<i, and I mention it for the purpose of showing what such resemblances are worth.

Far more important and instructive are the epithets of the evdpovo? and xpvaoOpovoi 'Hws.

* Transactions of Society of Biblical Archneology, Vol. III. This goddess, who was formerly called Pasht, is now not less erroneously called Somchit or Sechmet by some Egyptologists, who in this way build mares' nests for the confusion of great scholars like Lagarde (Uebersicht iiber die im Aramaischen, Arabischen und Hebraischeti ubliche Bildung der Nomina, p. 12). In the days of E. de Rouge and Chabas it would have been dangerous to venture on so gross an error. Signs

originally different are confounded in the hieroglyphic J, but when the phonetic complement is \s\ it has nothing to do with Sexet, and when the phonetic complements are ^ it has nothing to do with se\cm. There is just the same kind of mistake here as when the metal I v\ ^™1 is called uasem. The sign J is polyphonous, one of its values is uas, another is sent. There is no connection between the two, but some scholars persist in mixing them up into one. All is not progress in Egyptology, by any means !

346

April] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

NEITH OF SAIS. Nomina numina.

By P. Le Page Renouf.

In the preface to his interesting Dissertation on the Worship of Neith at Sais, M. D. Mallet is inclined to apologize for having attached too much importance to the name of the goddess.

" La theorie, si brilliamment soutenue par M. Max Miiller, sur le role preponderant des mots dans la creation des personnages mythologiques, parait aujourd'hui fortement ebranlee. Le fameux Nomina numina, qui passait jadis pour une sorte d'axiome, est abandonne maintenant et singulierement demode. Nous le savons et ne pretendons point remonter le courant ni braver l'opinion nouvelle."

M. Mallet continues : " En Egypte cependant, les noms divins, qui tous sont significaiifs, demandent a. etre examines de tres pres."

This at least is most true. In Egyptian, as in all other languages, the divine names, like all names proper as well as common, are appellatives. Horus, for instance, Heru in Egyptian, is exactly equivalent to the Greek 'Yireplwv. It is immediately derived from the preposition her, 'above,' 'over.' It may often be difficult or even impossible to discover the etymological meaning of a word, but that the word had such a meaning is absolutely certain, and it is no argument against a philosophical truth, which Hobbes admitted as readily as Leibniz, that people differ about etymologies. True scholars are the only safe judges as to how far scepticism is allowable in this or that individual case.

It is only among persons thoroughly incompetent to form a judg- ment that the doctrine of " Nomina numina " has fallen into dis- repute. I am not however going to argue upon it now, but only wish to show that the doctrine is one of the highest antiquity, even in Egypt.

In the 17th chapter of the Book of the Dead the Sun-god says : —

347

.■nk!^kiTiT-~!Tn

April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S90.

" I am the great god, self-produced, who creates all his names ; the cycle of the gods."

This is the uninterpolated text of the earliest period. At a later time, and in the manuscripts of the eighteenth and later dynasties, the foregoing text is explained by the gloss : —

1$°\^\W^\\P^M]-

/WAAA

"It is Ra who creates the names of his limbs, which become those of the gods who are with him."

The doctrine taught by the Book of the Dead is simply this : —

The Sun has given rise to a diversity of names, and these names have become those of divinities mythologically associated with him. This is the exact truth, and it cannot be improved upon by modern theories drawn from the extremely aprocryphal facts and doubtful inferences of anthropological dilettantism.

It is not probable that M. Mallet will long continue to defend his etymology of Neith from /VN^VX> a group implying (according to him) the idea of existence. "La conception philosophique per- sonifiee en la deesse Neit ne serait autre que celle-ci : L'etre, ce qui est, ou sous la forme feminine mieux adaptee a la mythologie vulgaire : Celle qui est."

Even the last mentioned interpretation is much too metaphysical a one. Mythological names are always drawn from attributes easily apprehended by the senses. And M. Mallet has not considered that it is only in a secondary way that the pronoun vv^vv) which is a compound of two words, mv*, en and ^ 1] ta or o _p tu, comes to be connected with the idea of 'being.' We might as reasonably look to the Greek ore for a mythological etymology.

I am not sure that I can myself give a satisfactory etymological meaning of the name of Neith, but I will try.

The Egyptian name of Neith is written p<^ , Q ,

*^ [J, J), Y , Y,mZ^, with other variants. The

last one quoted has not been referred to by other scholars, as far as

348

April] PROCEEDINGS. 1890.

I am aware ; but it is found as the name of the goddess on a Saitic monument at Florence (No. 1522), in a prayer beginning

1 - A^+QF

T =^=ai a <=> Idni

The here mentioned, as on all the Saitic monuments, t

Me

denote the great temple of Neith at Sais, and the goddess who is here designated as the central object, T, in the temple is no other than Neith,

I have long since X shown that the phonetic value of the wasp V-j^ is net or nat when it occurs in the titles of the king and of

the royal official called \JkL ^ £*§ ( = ySL <=* W = e/ fl Q )• This Y is to be read phonetically in t w = tysfa 1 Suten Niit.

I have also quoted § the proper name of the goddess as

\SZ @ D (1 /vwwv appearing under the two equivalent forms is^ M Q and

w [J . Another variant is ^ M .'' Ant is the name

Q Q I Q QQ 1 /vw>AA Willi

of a place where Neit and her son Sebak were worshipped together with other divinities.

The reading se^et as applied to the sign %fa is absolutely without authority. The alliterative text^T which was supposed to include the sign in the s series does not really do so. The last

name of Hathor in the column is y ^ -<2^ afe J and it is only the sign y which is affected by the alliteration.

* Catalogo Generate dei Mitsei di Antichith {Serie sesta), vol. i, p. 223. Signor Schiaparelli translates the expression by "P Ape che risiede nei templi" — " espressione che dovera riferirsi a qualche trasformazione d' Osiride, ancora non ben nota."

t The term itself, in this sense, is as ancient as the Pyramid texts ; see Unas, line 609.

% Zeitschrift, 1877, p. 99. Cf. Brugsch, Die Aegyptologie, p. 211.

§ Proceedings, 1886, p. 253.

|| Antiquith, V, pi. 40. Cf. Sharpe, E.I., II, II, 3.

TT Mariette, Denderah I, 25, line 5.

349

April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

In the older days of our science no other value but xe& was known for the sign \^. Is this the value of the sign in the name of the Saitic |\J^ I ? I know no proof of it, and Dr. Wiedemann calls the place Hat sexet. But unless there be evidence forthcoming it seems most probable that Mj^ | is like I ft I or %/ I Hat Nait, ' the House of Neith,' the sacred name of

Sais.

The great goddess is the Mistress of Heaven and the Mighty Mother of Ra. She is also the Mother of Osiris, and the Mother of Sebak.*

Ra, Osiris, and Sebak are names of the Sun. Neith like other goddesses is generally identified with the Sky. But this identifica- tion is not sufficiently precise. The Sungod is not the Son of the Noonday or of the Midnight Sky. It is that part of the sky only where he is born that is his mother. The goddess who is his mother or sister is part of the solar phenomenon ; and this is indicated in various ways. The goddess is ;^2>j ° ^j ' Eye of the

Sun,' or she is ^^t^l^J jj j) f ^ "the 0pener of his paths, in [or from] all her stations,"! as is said of Neith. The i^Jc uat, path or highway of the Sun, is clear enough: it runs from East to West. But what are the mansions of his mother, Nit, Hathor, or by whatever name she may be called ?

To this question I reply in the words of a great and popular writer upon astronomy : — t

" Each star rises and sets at the same points of the horizon throughout the entire year. The points of rising and setting of

* This filiation was known from the late texts at Esneh (Champollion, Mon., pi. 145, quinq. 4), but it has now been found in the Pyramid texts: " Unas" (line 629) "takes his place in the horizon, he rises r like Sebak son of Neith."

It is impossible to quote more ancient authority. From what unknown source then is the information derived that Sebak was originally a mere deified crocodile, and only at a late period identified with the Sun ?

t jj o is here to be read = -I - rl| ahait, 'station,' See Todt., 142, 13,

14, 15-

% Arago, Astronomy, VII, 3, English Translation, Vol. I, p. 164.

35°

April] PROCEEDINGS. [189c.

the Sun, on the contrary, are continually varying. From the 2 1 st of December till the 21st of June, the Sun rises daily in situations which are more and more northerly. From the 21st of June till the 21st of December following, we observe a movement of the opposite kind. The diurnal courses of the stars seem to be attached to a determinate horizon by fixed points ; we see, on the contrary, that the points of the same horizon corresponding to the apparent diurnal course of the Sun are continually changing."

It is apparently in accordance with these facts, which are evident to simple observation without the aid of science, that in the mythological texts the Sungod is said to be born in Tattu, An, Sechem or other localities ; which in this connection are not to be considered as geographical realities, but are points on the horizon varying according to the season of the year.

And this is also what, I believe, is meant by the J []jj, the stations of the Mother of the Sun, which change according to the season, and from each of which in turn she "opens the paths," i«?

TfHpOVS 7]\tOU.

If the true nature of Neith is once understood, as a personification, not simply of the Sky, but of the Sky giving birth to the Sun, it will not be difficult to arrive at a satisfactory etymology.

The name of Neith has for determinatives the Shuttle \ and Arrows ^V* • The goddess is frequently represented on the monuments as in the act of shooting or holding a bow and arrows.

And she is described in a canonical text, published by Brugsch,f as "fitting her arrow to her bow, and overthrowing the adversaries " of Osiris " daily." Between shuttle and shoot the connection is manifest in all our northern languages. The shuttle is shot.

The Wasp V^, which has Nat for one of its names, has evidently the same original meaning. Its sting is the arrow which it darts. It is 'the Shooter.'

Neith, JVdit, signifies "she who shooteth," >) to^o'tijs.

The ancient Egyptian conception is preserved in the Coptic veil) Itex, It OX, corresponding to the Greek fidWetv, plmeiv. Itex CLJA.P,

* See picture in Lanzone, Dizionario, p. 443, and plates 175, 2, and 177, 3. t Diet. Gcogr., p. 1064, line 63, 64.

351

April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S90.

is to "shoot out flames"; the Greek to^o't^? in Sam. 1, xxxi, 3, is rendered in Coptic by ItCX COOTTC, " shooter of arrows." *

The arrows of the Dawn-goddess Neith are the rays of the Sun. The metaphor is a common one in Greek literature. The y\i'ov fio\ai are repeatedly mentioned by the Tragic writers and others. 'H t/}//3o? Trpb? yXi'ov /3oXa? and Kara yXi'ov fioXai are ex- pressions equivalent to 77/309 uktIvu, and in the Ajaxt of Sophocles

we read of ti)u «0' yXi'ov /BoXu>i> Ke\ev0ov.

The same metaphor is applicable to Neith considered as the Eye of the Sun. The o<p9aX/.iwi> y3o\>) occurs throughout Greek literature, down from the time of the Homeric poems. It is in direct connection with the widespread superstition of the Evil Eye, and the terrors of the "Jettatura."

* The etymological sense of ]gQi nait, when signifying king or high official is more obscure ; but it may be pointed out that the Coptic ha? preserved the words ItOX, rtOO, 'shooting ahead,' in the senses 'magnus,' 'magnas,' ' senior,' 'major,' ' dux,' 'princeps.' The t in nait is radical, and is palatalized in X and tfT

I will add one more observation. The important name J] in the Royal Tombs is to be explained in this way. jgQ }gQ according to the analogy of many similar forms is equivalent to ]qq \^ nait-ta, \ft he who is dis- tinguished by the red crown ^ . " See Lefebure's Tombeau de Sett I, part iv, plate 34.

t Line 877, on which see the note of Lobeck.

The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 6th May, 1890, at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will be read :

P. le P. Renouf (President), "The Priestly Character of the Earliest Egyptian Civilization."

Rev. C. J. Ball, "The Terms for 'God' and 'Sacrifice' in Accadian and Chinese."

352

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS.

TLhc Bvoii3e ©rtiamente of tbe palace (5ates from JBalawat.

[Shalmaneser II, b.c. 859-825.]

Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers.

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Society of Biblical Archaeology.

COUNCIL, 1890.

President. P. le Page Renouf.

Vice- Presidents.

Lord Halsbuky, The Lord High Chancellor.

The Ven. J. A. Hessey, D.C.L., D.D., Archdeacon of Middlesex.

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.

The Right Hon. Sir A. H. La yard, G.C.B., &c.

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.

Walter Morrison, M.P.

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Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.

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Council.

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&c.

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VOL. XII. Part 7.

PROCEEDINGS

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THE SOCIETY

OF

BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

VOL. XII. TWENTIETH SESSION,

Sixth Meeting, May 6t/i, 1890.

-<&&-

CONTENTS.

P. Le Page Renouf (President). — The Priestly Character of the

earliest Egyptian Civilization 355_302

P. Le Page Renouf (President). — Seb or Qeb ; Sechet and

Sechemet 363-367

Karl Pieiil. — Notes de Philologie Egyptienne (continued from

Vol. XII, page 125) 368-380

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X

PROCEEDINGS

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BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

TWENTIETH SESSION, 1889-90.

Sixth Meeting, 6th May, 1890. P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq, President,

IN THE CHAIR.

-<8oe>-0o&-

The following Presents were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —

From the Author, Dr. A. Wiedemann : — Herodots Zweites Buch,

mit fachlichen erlauterungen. Leipzig. 8vo. 1890. From the Author, E. de Bunsen : — Die Ueberlieferung Ihre Ent-

stehung und Entwickelung. (2 vols.) Leipzig. 1889. From F. L. Griffith : — Two Hieroglyphic Papyri from Tanis. 4to. London. 1889.

Extra Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund. From the Author, C. F. Lehmann: — Das Verhaltniss des agypti- schen metrischen Systems zum babylonisch.

Aus den Verhandl. der Berliner Anthrop. Gesell. 19th October, 1889. From the Author, C. F. Lehmann : — Ueber das babylonische metrische System und dessen Verbreitung.

Verhandl. der. Physik. Gesell. zu Berlin. November, 1889. Jahr. 8. November 15 th. [ No. xcil] 353 2 c

May 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890

From the Author, Rev. C. A. de Cara : — Degli Hittim o Hethei e delle loro migrazioni.

Civilta Cattolica, Quad. 954. 15th Marzo, 1890, and Quad. 956. 19th Aprile, 1890. From the Author, Dr. A. Wiedemann : — Three notices of Books, from the Neue Philologische Rundschau (No. 1) and Bonner Jahrbiichern (88).

The following Candidate was elected a Member of the Society, having been nominated at the last Meeting on 4th March, 1890:—

Edward Oxenford Preston, West Lodge, Cookham, Berks.

The following Candidates were nominated for election at the next Meeting on 3rd June, 1890 : —

M. S. Schekine, Menschikova Bachnia, Great Ouspensky Street 3,

Moscow. Rev. Tupper Carey, R.D., F.G.S., Ebbesborne Wake, Salisbury. Bartlett D. Wrangham, 7, Claremont Place, Sheffield. Dr. Bruto Teloni, Via della Fortezza 4, Florence. Rev. Henry Walter Reynolds, St. Thomas Vicarage, Elm Road,

Camden New Town, N.W.

To be added to the List of Subscribers : —

Drew Theological Seminary, Madison, New Jersey, U.S.A.

A Paper was read by P. le Page Renouf (President), " The Priestly Character of the Earliest Egyptian Civilization."

Remarks were added by Rev. A. Lowy, Rev. C. J. Ball, and Rev. James Marshall.

The President being obliged to leave, the Chair was taken by the Rev. J. Marshall.

A Paper was read by the Rev. C. J. Ball, "The Terms for 1 God ' and 'Sacrifice' in Accadian and Chinese," which will appear in the next number of the Proceedings.

Remarks were added by Rev. James Marshall, Rev. A. Lowy, and Mr. J. Tyler.

Thanks were returned for these Communications.

354

May 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

THE PRIESTLY CHARACTER OF THE EARLIEST EGYPTIAN CIVILIZATION.

By P. le P. Renouf {President}.

Pure a priori assumptions as to what the condition of Egyptian society must have been whilst progressing from the savage state to a more civilized stage of existence are absolutely worthless. We know nothing whatever of the Egyptians until their earliei-t monuments exhibit a state of material civilization which was never surpassed. This early period was unquestionably preceded by a stiil earlier one, during which these arts and sciences must have been cultivated, without which it would have been impossible to raise the pyramids, to execute in diorite such a statue as that of Chafra, or to decorate the tomb of Ti. But of this earlier period nothing whatever is known beyond the mere names of certain kings. The Greek records respecting these monarchs, even if derived from Egyptian sources, are beneath contempt. The only authorities which deserve attention are the monuments belonging to the period which is being studied.

The titles of the king of Egypt are still generally misunderstood, in spite of the explanations of M. Grebaut, which have indeed been contradicted, but have not been refuted. It has never been doubted that the king claimed actual divinity; he was the "great god," the "golden Horus," and son of Ra. He claimed authority not only over Egypt, but over "all lands and nations," "the whole world in its length and its breadth, the east and the west," "the entire compass of the great circuit of the sun," "the sky and what is in it, the earth and all that is upon it," "every creature that walks upon two or upon four legs, all that fly or flutter, the whole world offers her productions to him." Whatever in fact might be asserted of the Sun-god, was dogmatically predicable of the king of Egypt. His titles were directly derived from those of the Sun-god.

There is not the slightest evidence that 1^ signified Kin- oi Upper and Lotver -Egypt. The King was like the Sun, master

355 2 c 2

May 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1890.

of the South and of the North. Whatever the Sun passed over or through was divided into two and grammatically took the dual form, as ~v\ n> Xuia-> tne horizon where the Sun rises or sets,

T^ , abta, the East, ft ^ , amenta, the West. The ' Two Earths '

===, do not signify Upper and Lower Egypt, but the Earth as traversed and divided by the Sun. The expression is a common one in divine titles. Osiris, both in his own name and in that of Ap-uat, is OX \a ^' Qp *at *au> 'divider of the Earth.' Apuat of the North j XerP Pet> 'director of Heaven,' and Apuat of the South is

„f

Y^ffff^ xerP *au> 'director of the Earth,'* These two designations form the best commentary on the Greek expression of the inscription

of Rosetta, Ka6c'nre(> o ?yX/o?, /le'^/as (3aai\evs t£v re uvus ical iCbv Kwrui

XiDpwv, "like the Sun, the great king of the regions above and the regions below." $ ^Vi^, sam-iau, "he who binds together the two Earths," is a well known title of Horus, and the act of this binding is represented on many royal statues from the earliest times. f It has nothing to do with the union of Upper and Lower Egypt, nor has the title <=;, neb mu, ' Lord of the two Earths.'

The Egyptian king's claim to universal sovereignty, as son and living image of the Sun, finds a striking parallel in the title of the Babylonian and Assyrian monarchs, sarru kibrat arbai, 'King of the Four Quarters of the World.'

It was in consequence of the royal claim to sovereignty over North and South that various government departments are habitually spoken of in the dual. The king is called ^^, and his officers are

called k/"^~" k8° ^nD ■ n«n

and so on. There was but one department in each case, not one for Upper and another for Lower Egypt.

The divinity of the King is however no proof of the priestly character of Egyptian society. The proof will be found in the accurate study of all the ancient monuments. Lepsius had already observed % that, from the numerous inscriptions in the tombs near the pyramids, he could almost draw up a Court and Official Calendar

* TodL, 142, 5, 24, 25. f Denkm., II, 116.

X Briefc aus Acgypten, p. 24.

35*

May 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

for the reigns of Cheops and Chephren, and M. Maspero with equal justice repeats the assertion.* Now the most cursory inspection of the inscriptions collected by Lepsius, Mariette, de Rouge and Maspero, will show that almost every person who has left an inscrip- tion bearing his name, had among his titles at least one of an unmistakeably sacerdotal character, such as <^~> |J ^£7 xer'lu^^ or I j[ of Ra, Sut, Osiris, Horus, Ptah, Sekru, Chnum, Sesheta, Heqait, Maat, and other deities, besides those whose priestly offices were due to the ka of this or that sovereign. The ladies were priestesses of Hathor or Neith. M. de Rouge, speaking of the wife of Ti, says : " Comme toutes les princesses, Nefer-hotefi-s etait pretresse."t

Of the few great personages of whom we cannot prove the priestly character, it is equally impossible to prove that they did not possess it.

Besides the titles which are at once recognized as sacerdotal, there are others which are not less certainly of sacerdotal origin.

It will be generally admitted that the ^^ y V, the I |\ V&,

the °°/u, the -^s^ <~p> Were essentially priests, whatever civil

— -"*^ /WWW *» -J*

functions they may also have discharged.

Dr. Erman has directed attention to the fact that the important office of ^ ^ is combined with priestly offices of every kind, but particularly with the priesthoods of Maat and of Heqait. £

M. de Rouge, in enumerating the titles of a prince of the family

of Chafra, says : " II porte le titre de 1 1 1 C7D _/3^ . . . le grand des

cinq de la demeure de Thoth." And he goes on to say : " Le sens de ces mots m'a ete revele par la liste des principaux sacerdoces tie l'Egypte que j'ai trouve a Edfou ; e'etait le titre officiel du premier pretre de Thoth a. Sesun ou Hermopolis. Le prince Ra-en-Kau, cite plus haut, possedait la meme dignite."§ This is quite true, and it is certain that these important lists of priesthoods both at Edfu and Dendera, though actually written at a late date, are traditional

* "Des renseignements recucillis clans leurs tombeaux on pourrait reconstituer / Almanack Royal de la cour <le Khoufou jusque dans ses plus petits details." Histoire ancienne des Pcnples Jc I' 'Orient, p. 59.

t Monuments qiion pent attribuer aux Six Premieres Dynasties, p. 97.

% Aegypten, p. 125.

§ Monuments des Six Premieres J dynasties, p. 62.

357

May 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

witnesses of the existence of very ancient sacerdotal offices. Among these offices we find the ^ $& ^ Sitten at Heracleopolis and the IsQ "\\ ^ i^ Nata at Coptos.* The latter is particularly interesting because the standard of it is Mv Horus, wearing the Crown of the

North V. It will be remembered that in republican Athens one of the Archons was called fiaatXevv, and that he had charge of the public worship. Republican Rome, when banishing kings, retained, if it did not actually institute, the Rex Sacrificulus.

The Suteniu are known from other texts, and Brugsch f with great reason derives the name from I \\ , seten, to slaughter :

=t JlL' su?en, is ' one who slaughters an animal for sacrifice.' It was a priest of this kind who was ordered to kill the Bull in the Tale

of the Two Brothers. This] ° D%L=/ll Q Jl\ S °,

T AAA^AA _J± T MAMA ill _Ht^ H O n

' Sutennu of the King in the Palace ' occupies a very high position in the list of priests mentioned in the Wood Papyrus ; and it is surely a gross mistake to translate the word by the term ' Butcher.' The acts of slaughter which he performed were not those of a tradesman, but of a minister of the gods. The same mistake is made in giving

the sense of ' butcher ' to Q ^c\ ^~7jl , menhu, a term applied

to kings and gods. The god is thus invoked as Suten, but certainly not as butcher, on a statue in the Louvre.

\\

' O thou Cleaver, who dividest the heaven with the two feathers.'' %

It is indeed quite clear that the title of a priest was in many cases one of the epithets or designations of the god he worshipped, and whose acts he symbolically performed. §

But there is very much older evidence than the priestly lists of Dendera and Edfu. The funereal rites go back to the earliest times, and among the priests who officiate at the ceremony of

* Brugsch, Diet. Giogr,, pp. 1374, 1377.

t Diet., SuppL, p. 1 1 58.

X Pierret, Inscriptions inidites, I, 3.

§ Compare this view with Brugsch, Religion unci Mythologie, p. 65 and

following.

353

May 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

, at>-re, we find (besides the /J \ MA yerheb, the I v\ M+* , sem,

V

1

the 5^ 2ll 2f' se-mer-efi and some other well-known priests) the D Mft, ^#, and the I T Mft , jv^r.

The latter title, which meets us on countless inscriptions, has had a remarkable destiny at the hands of Egyptologists. M. de Rouge, seeing that many great personages at the Egyptian couit bore the title, mildly hasarded a suggestion about it. " Peui-etie doit-on le comparer au titre ptolemaique tov (fitXwv." M. de Rouge himself however did not attach much importance to this conjecture, and he would certainly not have ventured upon it had he known that the Ptolemaic <pl\oi or k-raipoi were not originally Egyptian but Macedonian.* They were introduced into Egypt and Syria by the Macedonian kings of those countries; and the Roman emperors imitated the eastern courts in their ' amici Augusti ' and in their 'comites,' our Counts. There is not a particle of evidence that It ever meant 'friend.' It is impossible to quote a single Egyp- tian text in which the word is so used, and to quote the Coptic fXjc£>Hp as lts representative is to insult etymology.

From first to last smer is the name of an officer, and it is in virtue of his office as smer that he officiates in the religious ceremonies of the Ritual.

The title is not necessarily one confined to the male sex. Queen Meri-Seanch, for instance, at this court of Chafra, besides being

priestess of Thoth and of other gods, was v\ IT , the Smerit

of Horus. There is also the proper name I T | J, Smerit-ka, of

a great lady who was priestess of Hathor.

The □ erpa has a title which, in later times, was written

_ a

a ~ , and, in this form, naturally suggests the composition of the

word, from <rr> and Q. But the scribes of the eighteenth and

' o O

* It has been thought probable that Alexander borrowed this institution, as well as others, from the Persian Court. This is not the case. The institution is older in Macedon than Alexander's father, Philip. The readers of Demosthenes are familiar with the irt'Ckratpoi, the foot-guards. The horse-guards were called tra7()0i or (piXoi.

359

May 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S90.

nineteenth dynasties are very blind guides as to the etymology of one of the most ancient words of the language.

M. Maspero has lately discussed the word which he calls Ropait or Repai't, and he argues throughout as if this orthography was the

ancient one. " Q ~ ropait apres avoir designe les princes inde*

pendants qui se partageaient la vallee du Nil avant Mini," &c. The name was not so written till considerably more than a thousand years later. But supposing it had been so written, what would it signify ?

" 0, a^r pait, pa'itou, un tres vieux mot qui sert a.

<=> O a Q 1 1 1

designer les homines de meme origine, le clan, la tribu : le Q _r .

0 v)

Ropait est done a proprement parler un chef de clan, un gardien

d'hommes, a. l'epoque historique, le prince hereditaire d'un nome." Now whence is all this information derived ? Who has ever seen a text in which the Egyptian Pait signifies a clan or tribe? The Petit are undoubtedly human beings, but their place is not upon earth but in the Tuat or Auqerta. They are men of the past, just as

tne /t\/ ^^ jj I; hamemit, are the men of the future, unborn

generations circling round the sun. If any one knows of an Egyp- tian text which proves the Pait to be men still living upon the earth, let him produce it.

The Erpd, whatever the etymology of the word may be, was certainly a priest. The great nomarchs of the twelfth and later dynasties had this title, and moreover, as M. Maspero rightly ob- serves, " Les princes de Minieh etaient pretres de Hor et de Pakhit

et les princes de Oun etaient chefs du sacerdoce de Thot."*

But the priestly office of the Erpd is more ancient than the feudal dignity.

The word is a designation of the god Seb from the earliest times. If I could see my way clear to accept the derivation er +pd, first proposed by Dr. K. Piehl, the sense would be clear enough. Seb (the personification of the Earth) has in his keeping all those who are buried, all the past generations. The mythological enemies

of Osiris are in this way said (Todt., 19, 14) to be ^ £ X n *%> J <ni "*-er sau ^e^ <uno^er tne custody of Seb.'

* Ret ■ licit, I, p. 179. 360

May 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

In any case it is certain that Erpa is like Suten and other titles the epithet of a god which has been assigned to an Egyptian priest- hood.*

The two next priesthoods which I shall mention may serve as illustrations of this kind of transfer.

The other priestly title of the princes of Minieh to which M. Maspero refers is ^\~\, the true reading of which I have shown

to be ut'cb.\ In the later times it is often called <X seut'eb.

Another title which goes back to the most remote periods is

that of ^^^j at mer. The references given by Dr. von Bergmann, %

1 — 1 leave no doubt as to the correct reading of the title, which is

also written c=^> on a monument of the time of Taharqa. And another variant on the same monument j£s Z_ f i-s evidently

the equivalent of the \ "^^ Vy& 1 of Edfu (mentioned on an inscrip-

,EE3: ^ ' o\

tion of Dendera) who at Edfu itself are simply called ^^ )Kh 1 and

enumerated among the priesthoods of the temple. There were

also priests of the same kind at Dendera.

> — c at mer is an epithet of Anubis in the Pyramid Texts. ||

I will mention but one more title, which has been generally

understood in the wide sense of favourite. \ hesu appears in all the ancient texts to designate a distinct office. The JU' Jr V\t> 1 and

* The relation between the title and the god is sometimes alluded to. See Denkm. II, 17, and III, 25, q ^ /vw^a \£\ II.

t Proceedings, May 6, 1884, on the Egyptian god f\~\ $}. Without having seen what I have written Brugsch appears to have arrived at the same conclusion as mine with reference to the reading of this name. lie says, "iiber diesen noch unbekannten Namen (Ut'eb) des Gottes werde ich die Beweise in den AZ liefern." Religion d. a. Acgypter, note 1043.

X Recueil, VII, p. 176.

§ Mariette, Denderah, I, p. 15.

|| Pepi I, 80, Merenra, 709. * \\ dt signifies 'cutting, cleaving,' and

is an appellative of the ship ".-^/j >£&£* our Cutter, and of the fish ■■ . _J] "^^S dtu, the Cleaver, as well as of the god who cleaves his path through the heavens.

36l

May 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLJCAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

I

1 on

8 f| ""_fl ^j ! who came after the \ 0 V& 1 and the /j J

the ancient tablets were persons bound by religious duties of an

official nature. Queen Meriseanch was 0 "^^ hesit tirit. This does

not mean that she was a 'great favourite,' but that she was 'arch- priestess ' of some religious body.

This rapid enumeration of some of the most frequent and important Egyptian titles is, without entering into minor details, sufficient to direct attention to the striking fact that, for many centuries of the Egyptian monarchy (which in theory always re- mained a theocracy), almost every noble and wealthy personage employed in the administration of the different departments of the State, belonged to one or more of the many priesthoods of the country.

362

May 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

SEB OR QEB; SECHET AND SECHEMET. By P. le Page Renouf.

The sketch* in outline, which Dr. Brugsch is now publishing, of the results of Egyptological research, is everywhere being read with the interest which is necessarily attached to all the utterances of one who more than any other living scholar has furnished material to every branch of Egyptology.

The readers of these Proceedings^ will remember that two years ago Dr. Brugsch honoured me with a letter on the subject of the Egyptian god " dont la lecture Seb ou Keb demande de nouvelles preuves." And he quoted "an instance which militates in favour of Keb."

I did not think it necessary to reply, and my respectful silence was occasioned by the fact that Brugsch's "striking instance," how- ever explained, in no way contradicted anything that I had said in my paper on the god Seb. I had expressly stated that the god's name in the latest period was often written Aj, but I showed that the A was derived from a cursive form of *?£_, and ;=-), which also occurs in the god's name, is equally derived from another cursive form of the Bird. There is consequently nothing surprising in such a passage at Edfu as

It is Brugsch himself who has placed the "(sic)" under the sign □, which is probably an error. I will just alter it into \7, which is a well known determinative of | JO jk w^j) — I JO jk50 se??<'n7> a word which like the Coptic Ctoiil has the meanings "laugh at, mock, treat contemptuously." In the classic days of Egyptian orthography this word was never written with an initial \^*, but at the time of the Edfu texts ^5* is the commonest of variants for the letter | s. Taking the sign 0o<>£> as the determinative of spitting,

* Die Aegypiologie, ein Grundriss dcr Aegyptischen Wissenschafi, von Prof.

Dr. Heinrich Brugsch. Leipzig, 18S9. t June 5, 1888.

363

May 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

the passage may be read alliteratively : sebda-k em ta yer Seb, " thou art contemptuously spitten upon the earth, in presence of Seb."

In his new work (p. 172) Dr. Brugsch refers with satisfaction to his letter in these Proceedings, and then gives another instance from the Pyramid of Merenra I, col. 126.

akabkab ab en mut-ek her-ek em re?i-ck en Seb, which I translate : "the heart of thy mother wails over thee in thy name of Seb;" and I do not see what possible objection can be raised either to my transcription or to my version. Brugsch takes no notice of "0» "the heart." l^&jflj) akabkab is the regular reduplicated form of j^flij^j) akab, which every one can see in Brugsch's Lexicon signifies 'wail, cry.' My learned opponent conjectures "bent" as the meaning of akabkab, and refers to his work on Egyptian Religion and Mythology for an explanation, upon which I have already spoken at length.* The verbal alliteration which he sees in the above passage presupposes as proved something which is yet in question. And it must be remembered that rhyme as well as alliteration had a large part in the Egyptian play upon words.

But what surprises me most in this discussion is the apparent inability of my learned friend to see that a cartload of "striking instances," every one of which is in perfect harmony with what I myself have written, will not advance his case until he has disposed of the difficulties which beset it. Is it not certain that the god's name is written fj, and that the star ^ has the value Seb ? Is it not certain that the god's name is also written j 1 j S\, and that the number five has the phonetic value Seb ?f Do not the signs 5^- and

* Proceedings, Feb., 1887, p. 94. Since I wrote that paper my attention was attracted by what M. Maspero calls a new determinative of fD "awakening,"

Recueil, III, p. 198. That determinative fully explains the picture of Seb at sunrise.

t Proceedings, 1887, p. 87. To the proofs there given let me add another which is interesting for its own sake. One of the gods in the Book of the Tuat is called x\\c±\> seb-tu (Lefebure, Tombeau de Scti I, pt. IV, pi. 33). The word means "armed with the knife called f] J 0 slid," cf. Brugsch, Lexicon, p. 1188. I suspect that sba is the name of the 22nd Nome of Upper Egypt ^^ , which Brugsch first called Seft, and later on Matennu.

364

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Q}, with which the god's name very frequently begins, express in every other case a syllable beginning with s? If it be granted that each of these signs is polyphonous, where can a case be found of four polyphonous signs being homophonous in more than one value ? Are Egyptologists to shut their eyes to these and other difficulties which no one has attempted to solve? If it can be shown that the god's name is written keb, let it be so called whenever it is so written, but it is most unscholar-like to read it so when it is written 5^* J or ^Jj, which is most certainly Seb. Qeb Aj I have proved to be an erroneous transcript of the hieratic ^* J.

2. When I protested in a recent note against the practice of calling the goddess (> Sechet by the name Somchit or Sechmet,

I carefully avoided denying the existence of a goddess who might rightfully bear the latter name. And I was fully aware that there was evidence which might tempt the unwary to identify Sechet with Sechmet. But the temptation is precisely one of those which a well grounded scholar is bound to resist.

Among the deities whose pictures are given in the different copies of the Book of the Am-Tuat there is one whose name occurs

there as () , and in a much more ancient text, both () and {e.g., on the Sarcophagus of Necht-her-heb) as Ift V\ ^,* but else- . Now surely, it may be said, here is evidence of the very

best kind. The evidence is certainly undeniable, but what do the witnesses really say ? They must be rightly understood before any conclusion is drawn.

Nearly a quarter of a century ago M. Chabas, on the authority of these very texts, asserted that the ^^ in the plural pronouns was non-phonetic. " La question est tranchee par la variante decisive ....?PTT7 = ?P[). DoncYff = PJ) = ce."t

In reply to this I pointed out that the texts read, not ] "^^ but I /wwvs ^^ ( two^ an(j t^at nQ one ^you]^ majntain that the Coptic rt

in CIt<LT corresponded to a non-phonetic «^. f M. Chabas was

* Antiquites, V, pi. 41, 5. Sharp e, Inscr., II, 12, line 6. t Voyage a" tin Egyptien, p. 349. X Zeitschrift, 1867, p. 53.

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convinced, and so was Mr. Goodwin, who had been inclined to agree with him.* The truth is that , [| "^T" an0^ 1 ' 1 are not phonetic variants, but different readings which have come down from independent texts.

And this is the case with all the double readings assigned to the names of these gods on the sarcophagi and sometimes in the papyri. They agree in most cases as is quite natural, but there are occasional discrepancies, and it requires the exercise of a critical judgment to decide when this is the case.

The palaeographical argument is of considerable importance. In the two most ancient cursive documents f which admit of the com- parison, the initial sign of () is different from the initial sign of

(? / . The hieroglyphic sign V m these groups stands for two

different things, and consequently with two different values.

When it is followed by |^ the value is sex^ni, not sex + em > the ^ may be omitted without altering the sound of the group.

P ® l^js sexem was tne name of a sceptre having the form of j, as may be seen in the plates 28 and 38 of Lepsius' Aelteste Texte. At a later time sex^n came to signify a ' sistrum.'

When the sign is followed by the complementary letters ® the value is se\\et, a word which is susceptible of various meanings. The name of the goddess sometimes has for its initial sign a sistrum WJ It is evident therefore that the sceptre and the sistrum have been confounded under one hieroglyphic sign,§ and the ambiguity caused by this confusion easily explains differences of reading.

Y ^ niay be read either as sex^t or -as sex^met, and a copyist would supply a Q or a |\ according as he understood the text.

I will give one or two instances in proof of the necessity of subjecting to criticism these most valuable lists of gods, before using them in evidence.

* Zeitschrift, 1868, p. 107.

t The Book of the Dead of Queen Mentuhotep, c. 26, 4 and elsewhere, and the Berlin Papyrus I, Tale of Sinehit ; cf. line 45 with lines 189 and 21 1.

% E.g., the great Harris Papyrus, pi. 43.

§ The difference was still recognized by the latest scribes. See the Calendar of Edfu in Brugsch, Drei Fest-Kalendcr, pi. II, line 14, fin, where the name of the goddess is written with a different sign from that of the word which precedes it.

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One of the cynocephalous gods in the tomb of Seti I is called ^, dbdb-ta or (I (I 1 dab* This second form is the error of

a careless copyist, who has omitted the first J and the final .

In writing the name of this god in the tomb of Rameses IV, f the artist has twice misread "^™ for =. The true reading is unquestionably neither dab nor dbdb-en, but (| J (j J =3 dbdb-ta. Another deity, on the same row as a'bdbfa, is called A \s\ ^ \

/ jF^» ka-ta et?i xau-s or \ <=> ' Y H • The latter reading is

constant on the monuments, but it is most certainly wrong. The sign Y is a mistake for )$,, the value of which is equivalent to j^.

A closer examination of these texts will reveal a host of other mistakes.

Let me finally^ refer to a diorite statue of the goddess, of the time of Amenophis III, at Turin, upon which her name, according

to Lanzone, is phonetically written I as well as () .§

* Lefebure, pt. IV, pi. 26. t Dathm., Ill, pi. 225.

X I have taken no notice of the apparent or real play upon words in the Destruction of Mankind (lines 14 and 15) between se\em and Sexit, which cannot possibly justify the inference that the name of the goddess must be read Sochmit.

§ Dizionario, pi. 363, 1.

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NOTES DE PHILOLOGIE EGYPTIENNE.

Par Karl Piehl.

{Suite*)

— fl—. rs. Le mot <rr> ; 14. Des mots a /www intercale, ayant des

#7 ;

doublets, derivant directement d'un radical; 15. Le groupe hiero- glyphique Q \\ ) Xnfa ; 16. Le radical c ^ et ses derives; 17. Passage des textes de Chnumhotep de Beni-Hassan.

13. <crr>. Sous cette forme, les textes ptolemai'ques nous offrent

quelquefois un mot egyptien, dont le sens parait etre " collier, ornement de cou."

A Edfou,f un roi presente un collier a. " Horus d'Edfou, dieu grand, seigneur du ciel, beau de face, dont les yeux sont en fete, seigneur des colliers, pourvu d'ornements, dont la splendeur egaie les deesses." Au-dessus du roi se lit la legende suivante :

i\^7 ^^ r "\ ■? o ^^37 r~ ^j n a n

qfcW&i <^ , ( prenom \g\_ nom royal I II U I

1-^2 ^^ V. J\ J^r sin v. A I 2 J.

^A/W\A

>£2*c— *— ~ c a

" Le pharaon pare la poitrine de son pere et orne son buste du collier appele dn-rec/i (?)."

Au-dessous des bras tendus du meme pharaon a et6 trace :

iTAisez^Uo °0<=>&~?^Mw -*<=<=*

" mettre des chaines autour du cou de son pere, parer son buste de an-rech (?)."

Le parallelisme des phrases, appuye par la representation sus- mentionnee, rend notre acception du mot nouveau absolument indiscutable.

* Continued from Proceedings, Vol. XII, p. 125.

t Comparez Piehl, Monvelle Serie cf Inscriptions Hiiroglyphiques, copices en figypte (Leipzig, J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandl., 1890), pi. I, ligncs I, 2.

368

May 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

Ne sachant la vraie lecture du groupe ptolemaique <=zr>, j'hcsite

O s'il faille le rapprocher du copte ^jP^S1) Torques, Moni/e, Pondus.

Evidemment, ce dernier mot est derive du verbe £|Opcy, gravis

esse (cfr. Brugsch, Wbrterbuch, VI, page 834), et en choisissant

comme designation du collier, le mot &PHCLJI, on a eu pour

point de depart l'usage qu'avaient les Egyptiens comme d'autres

peuples de porter suspendus autour du cou, en guise d'ornements,

les anneaux qui dans le commerce servaient de poids.

En admettant pour <rr>, la lecture dn-rech. le sens du nom de O collier en question devient "l'inconnu, le tres-pre'cieux," designation

qui convient fort bien a un objet que Pharaon pouvait offrir h. son dieu. Neanmoins, cette lecture admise, il n'y a pas d'im- possibilite de rapprocher notre groupe du mot copte &PHCIJI, les lois phonetiques favorisant un pared developpement (an-rech < arech <( aresch < h "resell ) ; surtout comme nous ne savons a quel genre appartient le groupe qui nous occupe. Mais alors il faut accorder a l'etymologie populaire* sa part dans le developpe- ment que nous venons de presumer.

14. Parmi les particularites qui caracterisent le dialecte thebain par rapport au- dialecte bohai'rique de la langue copte, on a releve l'intercalation en certain cas d'un rt la, ou devant la lettre finale T~ ce dernier dialecte n'en emploie pas. Suivant Peyron (Grammatica Lingua Copiiciz, page 18), il parait que la forme thebaine dans ces cas soit anterieure, quant au temps, a la forme bohairique. Stern (Kopt. Gramtnatik, page 52) laisse la question de l'age des formes respec- tives indecise, car il dit : " Im sah. Dialecte ist It einige male im Inlaute vor auslautendem T eingefiigt oder erhalten worden" A la verite, si Ton excepte la particule relative eT boh., itT th&b., je crois que les autres exemples, cites par M. Stern,| parlent unanime- ment en faveur de l'anteriorite des formes bohairiques. C'est que ces dernieres s'expliquent directement d'anciennes racines £gyp- tiennes 011 le n intercale n'apparait que par exception.

* J'ai deja assez souvent eu l'occasion de faire valoir l'etymologie populaire comme moyen d'expliquer certains mots egyptiens.

* Aux exemples cites par M. Stern, on pent ajouter : JULITA.ItT'C, theb. [Zoega, Catalogus, 101, 102] = JULTWTG, boh.; OJ^rtT", ///<'/'.,

" nez" = CrJ<LI, boh. [de l'ancien <r=> <£?.]

369 2 D

May 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

Cette tendance du thebain d'inserer un it devant un T" final a du reposer sur un gout particulier pour la combinaison de son -nt, gout propre aux anciens habitants du Said. Cette observation est confirmee par le fait, que certains mots a un ancien -n final, ont adopte au dialecte thebain un / paragogique. Par exemple, <LXItXK theb., "sans toi " = ^rT(fhotK boh.; cotertT (+suffixe) thkb.-=- COTCIt ( + suffixe) boh. S'il y a, comme je crois, une liaison entre les deux particularites, il faut supposer que la combinaison de son -nt dans ce dernier cas a ete supporte par une voyelle non-accentuee [ou peut-etre par une voyelle, ayant un " demi-petit accent " ; car nous ne connaissons pas encore les differentes especes d'accent du copte].

Comme une curiosite, on peut noter que, encore aujourd'hui, on rencontre au Said des traces d'une predilection pour la combinaison de son nt, la ou les habitants de l'Egypte du nord se contentent d'un -/ simple. Comparez le mot arabe signifiant "fille," qui a Thebes se prononce bent, tandis que le Cairotes prononcent bet. (Le t a dans les deux exemples un timbre emphatique.)

Maintenant, on peut se demander, si la loi de transition que nous venons d'observer pour les dialectes du copte, est refletee par la langue ancienne. En effet, nous pouvons relever dans les textes hieroglyphiques un nombre de mots qui soit intercalent soit omet- tent la lettre n devant un -/ final, par exemple :

a. cote de <=> \Tt

r-^rn o ill rTm s^-

Jwwva n v

<wwv\ w „ I < 3

en/ H

1 1 1 /VWAA I I I ^X7 „./, L „

c-^-,® » " «, "Egypte.

1 l 1 V^7 l l l o ©

etc., etc.

* Je crois qu'il est inutile de lire Seclicniti, le nom de la deesse V _> m appar tenant au nombre des consonnes qui servent a elargir les racines.

370

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A cote de ses exemples qui nous fournissent les deux formes, celle qui intercale le ?i et celle qui l'omet, nous pouvons citer une serie de mots a -n intercale, pour lesquels nous n'avons pas note la forme non elargie. En voici quelques preuves : —

* , me/ient. <^* resent, \\ ~wwv CF=0 Pap.

Harris, N° il udennunt, ^ ^ smedent [Brugsch, IVorterb.,

* LTZD

Pi /wwv\ gj . — .

VII, p. 1066] ■ ^X? .... nt* ^^ (?)-

Mill <^ /^AyV\A

et d'autres encore, dont au moins quelques-unes doivent avoir des correspondants sans -n intercale.

L'examen de la liste que nous venons de donner de mots hiero- glyphiques, ayant des formes a ou sans -n intercale, montre bien que, si dans quelques cas, la difference entre les deux formes

J /www n —1

^^ par rapport aO "^2, a du etre

purement dialectale, il y en a d'autres, 011 Ton a aspire a produire

des differences fondamentales [comme p. ex. pour Q par

L * * III ^7

rapport a j'J ^@1. Cette consideration me porte a supposer, que le caractere de marque dialectale de l'intercalation de la lettre //, dans le cas qui nous occupe, est relativement recent. Je ne serais point etonne, qu'originairement, elle fut un moyen de differcjicicr deux mots de source commune. P. ex., il serait possible, que les

deux vieux verbes >-JJ*j "descendre le Nil" et (1 m

" remonter le Nil," fussent d'une meme racine c/ief, "bouger, aller, marcher, partir," ou quelque chose de pareil, et que pour etablir une distinction entre "aller vers les sources du Nil," et "aller vers son embouchure," on ait cree une nouvelle forme a n intercale. Cela ne serait pas plus dur que, p. ex., lorsqu'on a differcncie la vielle racine/*/ dans les deux formes p— ^ "ciel " et PL^ j=k. "arc," ou quand, dans le copte, l'ancien mot J I] ^ — •& _^ " epervier " s'est

La plupart des egyptologues semblent conferer a la desinence de

■ I,.. _ \JLS et de vocables analogues, la valeur de particule relative. Ainsi p. ex. le groupe Q est transcrit par suit (hb 11/) [Brugsch, 1. 1.

VII, 1066.]

37'

May 6] SOCIETY OK BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

fendu en &.HX, &H<5" ' accipiter, 6.&(J0K, milvus, <L&UJK, &&.OK

corvus*

Par les remarques qui precedent, j'ai voulou fixer l'attention des egyptologues sur un probleme qui merite d'etre serieusement pris en consideration, j'entends la question tres importante de decider, si la terminaison en par rapport a celle en c± represente reelle-

raent une particularite dialectale, et dans ce cas, a quelle epoque il faut faire remonter l'emploi de la terminaison "^^ dans ce role. Comme je viens de le dire, la sus-dite terminaison me parait originairement avoir servi de moyen de differencier des mots d'un meme dialecte.

15. Le Dictionnaire (Brugsch, VI, page 905) renferme un groupe t<c\i], \ufa, b®J% j|, xnflh comme subst., ®^p §, X">, I Pill ' %aufu-> Qul est cens6 etre une forme recente du mot

aJSLmii!' x^a' *~ M.A, correspondant au copte CXj^qoq, imporiare, co?igerere.

Selon moi, le sus-dit groupe f doit se lire xu^ai Xuia,li Xau?u> et je citerai en faveur de cette lecture les exemples que voici :

p4 ^-<^^c,& fiK\.%\-. "II a rempli

les magasins de grands ustensiles en or et en argent. "{ <2

j\ vr io> I X y ^^^ D i ^3r "Je t'apporte un vase a libations, rempli d'eau fraiche." §

D ^t\ (^3) -fl-*1 "%?* ^^ ® ' ' '. "La chambre dit

^ ~ _M^ 1 1 1 Jl V7 -w 111^ Ab-t'fa est remplie de ses cadeaux."||

* De m;m;, 6JUL0V "chat" et XKOt "lion" me semblent etre des formes diffirenciees d'un meme mot. Le miaulement du chat etant tres bien rendu par le son des deux formes, je regarde le chat comme anterieur au lion dans la connaissance des Egyptiens. Cette remarque n'est point sans interet quant a l'histoire de la civilisation egyptienne.

t Les exemples que cite M. Brugsch pour le pretendu groupe \ufa, pro- viennent, tous, de publications dues a d'autres savants, moins habiles que lui dans Tart de copier des textes hieroglyphiques.

% De Rough, Edfou, LXXIII. § BERGMAN N, Ilia: Inschr.

\ DUM1CHEN, Tcmpcl-Insch'-., XXVI.

May 6] PROCEEDINGS. fjSgo.

Tres souvent, le signe 0 revet ici une forme qui le rapproche de celui qui represente le dard de la queue du scorpion, (^, bien que dans le cas present, la plupart du temps, la pointe de ce dernier soit tournee du cote gauche, c'est-a-dire contrairement a l'usage generalement adopte, ce qui vous amene a douter que le signe "le dard de la queue du scorpion " soit de mise.

Voici quelques exemples de cet ordre a. ajouter a. ceux donnes par M. Brugsch :

h

-*— =20t>- cir ^ y"AA^^A

O <^ ® <=>1k (E=3) kJI «=»"

II

" II te presente le nome mendesien avec ses produits precieux, le dit nome remplit 1 'adytum d'offrandes pour ta personne."*

ta maison de produits provenant du pays, dit Mentis \

. " Rem- I I

plir la Grande Place de provisions." %

la Grande Place

r^^i,3 etc., etc.

II faut faire remarquer qu'une forme ayant *^-. , a la place de ((, n'a pas ete relevee pour notre groupe, circonstancc qui milite fortement en faveur de l'acception que nous soutenons.

Quant a. l'etymologie du mot qui nous occupe, je voudrais le

subdiviser en deux parties originairement independantes : kj -j-

c±TL ^==n A . ""2==® , <=> '7L (E3 _,

~ \0\ ou peut-etre mieux '^s -+■ ._, V\ . En d autres

termes, nous aurions affaire a un compose, forme sur le meme type que

dhj^TiT' ^Jn d°i> — *J ??! (v°ir brugsch'

Supplement du Dictionnaire hikroglyphiquJ). Toutefois, ce n'est la qu'une hypothese, car l'etymologie populaire a pu fort bien donner a notre groupe l'exterieur qu'il offre actuellement. Cette supposition est appuyee par le fait, que la forme ^J D ^ °^^ et varr. ne se rencontre qu'a partir de l'epoque ptolemaique. Je ne connais d'ailleurs aucun vocable copte qui puisse etre regarde comme equi- valent du mot chuta. II se pourrait cependant que nous ayons

* Mariette, Dendirah II, 27, 16. t Mauiettf., ibid., II, 12. 5.

X Dumichen, Kalend. Inschr., LVII. § Dumichen, ibid., LIE b. 10.

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May 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

ici un emprunt, fait a une langue etrangere, par exemple, le grec. C'est qu'a l'epoque ptolemai'que la langue egyptienne est inondee par des vocables d'origine grecque.

16. Le radical N et ses derives ont ete l'objet de monogra- phies tres instructives et tres judicieuses, qu'a inserees M. Brugsch dans son Dictionnaire Hicroglyphique (Vol. IV, page 1413 et suiv., ainsi que Vol. VII, page 12 13 et suiv.). Ce nonobstant, nous venons de voir paraitre un article * sur " le verbe ^S^ \—J\ et ses

* On lit dans cet article (Recueil de Vieweg, XI, page 118) les paroles sui- vantes : " C'est du reste un fait bien connu que le "J de l'epoque des pyra- mides alterne avec le <— =^3 sous la Xlle dynastie, lui cede presque (!) ccmplete- ment la place a partir de la XVIIIe, et devient 01 apres les Ramessides. D'ou une certaine puerilite, ce me semble, a recueillir des exemples pour prouver qu'un signe comme H^ a trois valeurs | , SS^ et jGl . La chose va de soi ; tout signe syllabique qui, a Vorigine, co/upreud un 1 about it ne'eessaire- nient an a en passant par le c— =^3. Pour ma part, je n'eprouve nullement le

besoin d'avoir des exemples pour admettre qu'un signe comme Y s'est lit T ])

d'abord, puis Y c=^>, puis Y a ." Notre auteur a ici procede par induction,

ce qui nous amene nccessairement a examiner sa these. Cela se fera plus longue- ment dans un autre endroit. A present, il suffit de faire remarquer que le traitement des sons intermediates et finales souvent est tout autre que celui des sons initiaux, en egyptien comme en d'autres langues. II est connu que le ) final et medial de l'ancien empire passe- regulierement plus tard a c— =^, observation qu'ont deja fait M. de Rouge et M. Le Page Renouf et apres eux, grace aux textes des pyra- mides, beaucoup d'autres savants. Mais nous n'avons pas de temoignages formels de la meme regularite de transition quand il s'agit du | initial (comme, par exemple, dans le syllabique ]%). Nous pouvons certainement constater beaucoup de cas, oil meme ce \ s'est change en c=^3 a l'epoque des Ramessides. Mais il y en a d'autres oil il s'est conserve, presque jusqu'aux basses epoques. Cfr. par

exemple ^ \ %, ^, ^ ^ \\\ (PePi I, 94), ^\\\\ (id., 282), oil des mots comme "* | , _f^, ,-2ZJT) > etc- Tant clue des f°rmes

n'ont pas ete relevees pour ces mots quant a l'epoque des Ramessides — j'en fais bien entendu abstraction des textes enigmatiques — on a assurement de quoi noter la forme 5=? pour le signe j^ du temps de la XVIIIe dynastie (Pikhl, Zeitschrift, 1887, page 1 17). L'expression, peu convenante, donl a use M. Victor Loret a notre adresse, retombe done sur lui-meme. Par son " presque " insere an debut de la citation, il semble d'ailleurs a cet egard etre du meme avis que nous.

374

May 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

derives" qui debute par l'assertion suivante: "S'il est un mot egyp- tien dont la presence dans un texte ait pour effet d'embarasser le verbe traducteur et deconcerter sa sagacite, c'est bien certainement le

L'auteur du dit article en faisant remarquer le peu de valeur des explications, jusqu'ici fournies, pour le groupe en question, nous enseigne " qu'il est utile d'etudier ce mot a nouveau et proceder methodiquement dans cette etude." Malheureusement, cette nou-

velle etude sur le mot ^H £ /] n'est ni utile ni methodique. Loin

d'avancer nos connaissances de la matiere, elle ne sert qu'a les embrouiller. Quiconque a lu les articles de Brugsch sur la meme question nous donnera sans doute raison. Nous allons maintenant entrer en examen de la dite etude, ce qui permettra au lecteur de juger de la verite de l'assertion que nous venons d'emettre.

Le signe c*=>^ represente la peau d'un animal ecorche, corium \cfr. par exemple ^1^ §| (1 UA "enlever la peau," Rec, IV,

441. Si nous consultons les scenes d'offrandes, nous le retrouvons assez souvent parmi les cadeaux funeraires. Dans ce role, l'objet en question forme quelquefois le sommet de la pile que constituent les differentes denrees, apportees au defunt. Du sens originaire " peau enlevee " decoule tres-naturellement le sens " outre," qui n'est nulle- ment primitif, corame le pense l'auteur de la nouvelle etude sur 2^> E P. mais bien au contraire doit se regarder comme une signi- fication derivee. A ce sujet, on peut citer les grecs a<r*ro9, fivpoa, qui signifient i° " peau ; " 2° "outre."

Le copte a garde des traces, tres-visibles de la transition de sens que nous venons de constater, car a cote du substantif bohairique ^)OT, uter, il nous offre le verbe ^)^-T, excoriare, iicBetpeiv, " ecorcher." Outre la forme reguliere ^^> v ^, que nous con-

naissons comme designation de la peau d'animal, employee en qualite

d'outre, notre auteur cite les variantes <=^», z=^>%%™, selon lui,

ayant ce meme sens d'outre. J'avoue ne connaitre ni l'une ni l'autre de ces deux variantes. La premiere n'a et^ relevee nulle part a ma connaisance (voir pourtant Levi, Dictionnaire H&rogfy- phique sub voce), et la seconde resulte d'une mauvaise lecture d'un passage de texte qui du reste pr^sente quelque difficulte. Nous le

375

May 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1890.

retrouvons dans le Auswahl de M. Lepsius, ou la ligne 5 legerement corrigee, de la planche XII renferme l'expression que voici : —

/W0M

/VWW* — M — l\ <Z — i» 7~\ <r^> O "fY n (5L /www — — w — A ra ^\

\> 111

/"» c— =^3ffl /WWW /WWW M r^-, £5 y^p-^- J* \> <R> f

;^, ^^ w^a J&HH III IN

W LI I I II <=> ZZZ IJ

LIMN

En comparant ce passage a celui-ci, emprunte au Grand Pap. Harris (VIII, 6) :—

LJ rP\^- V^ /WWW

, v , , , . ... (S& , -=-^ /www

on est amene a etabhr une analogue de sens entre ,-J£-~ S§*? AAAACC du premier et || Q J^ v^£w^ du second exemple. Pour ma part, je crois tout simplement que < %^ c^g^ %$%£ doit etre cornge

— (P — ^^^ en ^ww^ ou quelque chose de pareil. En tout cas, le sen s

v\ /WWV\

" outre " est ici inadmissible pour le mot en question.

Si mon observation est juste, ce que je crois, il n'y a pour le moment aucune raison d'attribuer au mot ^^\ ^ " peau, outre " un autre son initial que 1 w 1 .

A ce sujet, il est bon de noter que le copte $<LO, $OT, 3-UOT, crassus, pinguis, obesus, "dont l'equivalent hieroglyphique," suivant M. V. Loret, "n'a pas encore ete rencontre," ne renvoie guere a "la meme racine qui a donne _p ^ fL, j\ par developpement ; " le dit mot copte ne parle en aucune maniere en faveur de l'existence d'un ® initial, dans le radical primordial ^fy>, car un 1 w i ancien repond souvent a un © recent. Du reste, &1L&, ^OT, $(JUT~ existe dans la langue ancienne sous la forme ^^ ("£3 et varr. qui se voit [Lepsius, Denkmiiler, III, 30, 11; III, 32, etc.] dans des expressions, comme <~p> ^^ ^^H (^5 1 1 , "deux oies grasses," ^^^1 " des oiseaux chet-aa engraisses." On ne serait peut- etre pas trop hardi, en presumant une parente etroite entre ce

376

May 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

^\ fkj et le tres-commun ^\ [X3 QU1 a le mgme sens " Sras> engraisse" [Brugsch, Worterbuch, VII, page 1386].

******

Le sens "se gonfler" qui, suivant M. V. Loret, est le sens primor- dial de 2^\ ne me semble admissible pour aucun des cas ou il veut l'introduire. Quand meme il le serait pour c_fL, ou _£> <-^=-^„ il ne s'en suit de la, qu'il le serait pour ^^>, car en reconnaissant la possibility d'une origine commune pour ces trois radicaux, il faut bien que les formes diverses qu'ils ont revetu aient des raisons d'etre, c'est-a-dire qu'elles presentent des differences de sens marquees.

Dans la signification originaire "outre" que M. Loret attribue a 2^\ \ ^7, il n'y a rien d'ailleurs qui aurait force le sens "gonfler " pour le radical ^^, car "der Name eines Dinges enthalt nur ein Merkmal statt des ganzen Begriffs."* Et si nous examinons les racines, qui dans les differentes langues ont servi a former des mots signifiant " outre," nous verrons qu'une fois cette racine signifie "mettre, vetir" (lat. titer, franc, outre), une autre "avaler" (allem. Schlauch), une troisieme fois "etre place, couche, reposer" (isl. tegt'll), une quatrieme fois " porter " (isl. berilt), une cinquieme fois "gonfler" (goth. balgs), et ainsi de suite. On doit regretter que des personnes qui s'occupent de questions etymologiques, n'ont pas d'idee des faits les plus elementaires et fondamentaux de la science etymologique.

Plusieurs des preuves citees en faveur d'un sens "se gonfler" du mot 2^H sont du reste mal lues par l'auteur de la nouvelle etude sur ce radical. Ainsi les deux exemples que voici: —

Insck., XV, 32) et

2.rlQ 1\ V\Q(} ' (Brugsch etDuMicHEN,i?«w«7, II, 54)

ont-ils ete rendus, l'un par "il est comme un lion qui se gonfle, se dresse pour terrifier des gazelles," l'autre par (celui qui) "se gonfle, se hausse avec des beuglements," le signe °°\ ayant ete remplace a tort par celui de =*=\ Ce nest du reste pas le seul cas ou notre auteur ait remplace un °^\ juste par un c*=*\ faux,

* Pott, cite par Le Page RENOUF, Transactions of the Soc. of Bibl. Archeology, VIII, page 197.

377

May 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

car il a agi de la raeme maniere vis-a-vis de deux passages de l'inscription d'Ahmes, dont voici la teneur : —

r ) LORET : r. \ f <=> \\ ^r-1-

IJUk

(I/iscr. d'A/nes, ligne 12). {ibid., 1. 20).

Le sens de ces deux exemples selon le meme auteur serait : "mais voila qu'il se met a monter sur la berge"(3). — "J'amenai deux jeunes chefs, pris sur le bateau" (4).

En principe, on peut reprocher a la substitution qu'a faite M. V. Loret de c*=*\ a la place de tx=\, dans les trois premiers des quatre exemples que nous venons de citer, qu'elle viole une loi de l'ecriture hieroglyphique, loi qu'a etablie notre maitre a tous Brugsch. J'entends la loi des " indicateurs phonetiques." Origin- airement, appliquee H l'effet de faire valoir la distinction entre deux lectures d'un meme signe, cette loi vise encore deux ou plusieurs signes differents qui se ressemblent exterieurement, comme, par exemple, c'est le cas de e*=s\ et oca\. Le premier est reguliere- ment suivi de c-°^, pour qu'il ne soit mele au second qui a cer- taines epoques, exclut l'usage d'exprimer dans l'ecriture le \ qui lui appartient comme complement phonetique. Je traduirai les trois premiers des exemples cites de la maniere suivante : — ■

1. "II est comme un lion qui s'efforce* de terrifier les gazelles."

2. "(Celui qui) se met a beugler " (ou peut-etre : "celui qui saisit les craintifs ! ").

3. " Voila qu'on le mene, pince, sur le chemin " (c'est-a-dire : la digue).

Le quatrieme des exemples cites se traduit, comme l'a fait M. Loret. f

* Dans ma dissertation academique, intitulee Petitcs Etudes Egyptologiques (Vienne, 1SS1, page 22), j'ai, le premier, fait remarquer que les verbes "saisir,

prendre" I r (H~ , r- \ , etc. I, dans les textes egyptiens, quelquefois jouent le role d'auxiliaires.

t Un cinquieme exemple, oil le dit auteur a tort a substitute c^3^ a OG=>\, se rencontre a la page 124 (passage de texte, emprunte au Rccueil de BRUGSCH, IL 54).

378

May 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

Je ne vois pas du reste qu'aucune autre preuve solide ait etc alleguee en faveur d'un sens "se gonfler" pour le groupe 2^H ^-=Q, dont le determinatif ne correspond nullement a une telle significa- tion primitive. Nous pouvons done parfaitement considerer le dit sens comrae inacceptable.

[The remainder will follow in the next number^]

o-^O^fcg-^^

The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 3rd June, 1890, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will be read : —

Prof. G. Maspero : — " Sur les Dynasties Divines de l'ancienne £gypte."

379

May 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.

Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1S47-1850.

Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1S66-1869. 3 vols., folio.

Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler Vols.

I— III (Brugsch). Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par

H. Brugsch et J. Dumichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen

of vols. 3 and 4. ) Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867.

2nd series, 1869.

Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.

Tempel-Inschriften, 1S62. 2 vols., folio.

Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, il

Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1S80.

Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.

Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy. 2nd edition.

Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.

Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.

Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.

Burkhardt, Eastern Travels.

Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1S62-1873.

Le Calendrier des Jours Fastes et Nefastes de l'annee Egyptienne. 8vo. 1877.

E. Gayet, Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee de Louvre.

Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.

SAR7EC, Decouvertes en Chaldee.

Lefebure, Les Hypogees Royaux de Thebes.

Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.

Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2nd partie. "Osiris."

Lepsius, Les Metaux dans les Inscriptions Egyptiennes, avec notes par W. Berenct^

D. G. Lyon, An Assyrian Manual.

A. Amiaud and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes

et Assyriennes. 2 parts, Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides.

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologic des Lagides.

Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.

380

SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS.

Ube Broii3e ©rnaments of the palace (Bates from Balavvat

[Shalmaneser II, b.c. 859-825.]

Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers.

In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus, the price for each part is now raised to jQi 10s. ; to Members of the Society (the original price) ,£1 is.

Society of Biblical Archeology.

COUNCIL, 1890.

President. P. le Page Renouf.

Vice- Presidents.

Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor.

The Ven. J. A. Hessey, D.C.L., D.D., Archdeacon of Middlesex.

The Right Hon. VV. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.

The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c.

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.

Walter Morrison, M.P.

Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c, &c.

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c, &c.

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.

Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c.

Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.

Council.

W. A. Tyssen Amherst, M.P.,&c. Rev. Charles James Ball. Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A, Prof. R. L. Bensly. E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. Arthur Cates. Thomas Christy, F.L.S. Charles Harrison, F.S.A.

Rev. Albert Lowy.

Prof. A. Macalister, M.D.

Rev. James Marshall.

Alexander Peckover, F.S.A,

J. Pollard.

F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A.

E. Towry Whyte, M.A.

Rev. W. Wright, D.D.

Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.

Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.

Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A.

Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S.

HARRISON AND SONS, I'KINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY, ST. MARTIN'S LANE.

VOL. XII. . Part 8.

PROCEEDINGS

OF

THE SOCIETY

OF

BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

&#

VOL. XII. TWENTIETH SESSION. SeveHtk Meeting, June $rd, 1890.

356

CONTENTS.

FAGE

Edward B. Tylor, D.C.L., F.R.S.— The Winged Figures of the

Assyrian and other Ancient Monuments (4 Plates) 383 393

Rev. C. J. Ball.— The New Accadian. Part V 394-418

PROFESSOR Maspero. — Sur les Dynasties Divines de l'Ancienne

6gypte 419-432

Professor Karl Piehl. — Notes de Philologie Egyptienne (ton-

tinned from p. 379) 43j-43x

Professor E. Lefebure. — Sur differents Noms Egyptiens 439-456

('.. A. SlMCOX. Tyre 457-459

P. le Page Renouf (President). — The Sun-stroke in Egyptian... 460-461

Hyde Clarke. — Cypriote and Khita 462-470

*#

PUBLISHED AT

THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY,

11, Hart Street, Bloomshury, W.C. 1890.

[No. xciii.]

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PROCEEDINGS

OK

THE SOCIETY

OF

BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

TWENTIETH SESSION, 1889-90.

Seventh Meeting, yd June, 1890. P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,

IN THE CHAIR.

3S& &*

The following Presents were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —

From the Trustees of the British Museum : — The Book of the Dead ; Facsimile of the Papyrus of Ani in the British Museum. folio, 1890. With an Introduction by P. Le Page Renouf (President). From the India Office : — The Sacred Books of the East. Vol. XXXIII. Oxford. 8vo. 1889.

The Minor Law Books, translated by Julius Jolly. Part I. Narada Brishaspati. From the Author, M. Joachim Menant : — Etudes Heteennes I. Paris. 8vo. 1890.

Extrait du Rec. de trav. rel. a la Philologie et lArcheologie Egypt, et Assyr., Vol. XIII. From the Author, M. E. Autran : — Sur certains rapports entre TArabie heureuse et l'ancienne Egypte, resultant de son dernier voyage au Yemen, par le Dr. G. Schweinfurth. Geneva. 8vo. 1890. Trav. presente a la Soc. de Phys. et d'Hist. Nat. de Geneve 6th Feb., 1890. [No. xciii.] 381 2 E

June 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGV. [1890.

The following have been purchased by the Council for the Library of the Society : —

Ein Neuer Kambyses-Text. Von Dr. Lauth. MiAnchen. 1S75.

4to. Notice sur les inscriptions en caracteres cuneiformes de la col- lection epigraphique de M. Lottin de Laval, par M. J. Menant. Caen. 8vo. 1858.

The following Candidates were submitted for election, having been nominated at the last Meeting on 6th May, 1890, and elected Members of the Society : —

M. S. Schekine, Menschikova Bachnia, Great Ouspensky Street 3,

Moscow. Rev. Tupper Carey, R.D., F.G.S., Ebbesborne Wake, Salisbury. Bartlett D. Wrangham, 7, Claremont Place, Sheffield. Dr. Bruto Teloni, Via della Fortezza 4, Florence. Rev. Henry Walter Reynolds, St. Thomas Vicarage, Elm Road,

Camden New Town, N.W.

To be added to the List of Subscribers : —

Drew Theological Seminary, Madison, New Jersey, U.S.A.

The following Candidates were nominated and by special order of the Council were submitted for election and elected Members of the Society : —

Nathan Ball, Heanor, Derbyshire.

Daniel Isaac Marshall, 7, Rose Street, Newgate Street, E.C.

Adolf Augustus Berle, Harvard University.

J. Vallentine, St. Stephen's Club, S.W.

A Paper by Prof. Maspero, received 24th March, " Sur les Dynasties Divines de l'ancienne Egypte," was read by the Secretary.

P. le P. Renouf (President) read a Paper, entitled, " The Tale of Joseph and Aseneth," which will be printed in a future number of the Proceedings.

Remarks were added by Dr. Gaster, Rev. R. Gwynne, and Rev. A. Lowy.

Thanks were returned for these communications.

382

Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., /ion, 1890.

(H

^^^^^^~x\

/^I^iI^SIt /^f"

^^m®m

2

^

A

Mj

Bin

1 esJctx \

cz

-

Fig. 1.

Fig. 2.

Fig. 3.

Fig. 4.

PLATE

Pi'K. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1S90.

Fig. 5.

Fig. 9.

PLATE II

Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., ftme, 1890.

Fig. 16. P LATE I II

Proc. Soc. Bibi. Arch., /tine, 1S90.

Fig. 17.

Fig. 19.

Fig. 20.

PLATE IV,

June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

THE WINGED FIGURES OF THE ASSYRIAN AND OTHER ANCIENT MONUMENTS.

By Edward B. Tylor, D.C.L., F.RS.

Read &,th March, 1S90.

The following observations have arisen out of the preparation of one of my Gifford Lectures delivered before the University of Aberdeen during the past winter. In examining the nature of Spiritual Beings as defined and represented in the religions of the world, I was led to examine with more care than heretofore the class of Winged Spirits, and especially those quasi-human forms on the Assyrian monuments whose importance in the history of religious art has been lately coming into view.*

That the winged figures of Assyria were derived from or sug- gested by those of Egypt, may be taken as the accepted and probable opinion. Egyptian figures of the kind may be grouped in three classes, viz., the winged suns, the winged monsters of the Theban tombs, and the winged deities with human bodies. The Assyrian monuments present well-known forms more or less corresponding to these three classes. Firstly, the sun is represented as a winged plain disk or ring, also with an archer sun-god standing within this circje. Secondly, the animal-monsters have their grandest representatives in the colossal winged bulls and lions, and with these are to be included the winged horse, griffin, &c. Thirdly, we have the human-bodied figures, of which, though they are familiar objects, typical sketches are here inserted (Plate I), from the valuable work of Perrot and Chipiez, "History of Art in Chaldaea and Assyria," and Layard's "Monuments" in order to keep their characteristics clearly before our minds. Some are man-headed, others (to use the ordinary term), eagle-headed. Some are represented with four wings, some with two, which in a measure agrees with the mention by Berossos the Chaldean, of the primaeval two-headed men, some with two

* See preliminary letter in Academy, June 8, 1SS9. In following out the subject, I have had the advantage of referring to scholars specially conversant with monumental evidence and chronology, among them Professor Sayce, Professor Percy Gardner, and Mr. E. Wallis Budge. On botanical points I have been able to consult Mr. W. T. Thiselton Dyer and Professor Vines.

383 2 E 2

June 3J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S90.

wings, and others with four, of whom delineations were preserved in the temple of Bel at Babylon. Looking at the Assyrian figures themselves, it seems a possible conjecture that they may always have been imagined as having four wings even when two only are shown, for these are ill-matched as a pair, while divine figures otherwise similar are represented either with two or four wings. It is not reasonable however to criticize too closely the anatomical adaptation of the Assyrian wings, which may be taken as symbols in a religious picture-writing, indicating that the divine beings who wear them can freely traverse space. As has been well pointed out by Lang- behn, they never fly.* It is interesting to notice with reference to the conventional adaptation of these symbolic wings, that the Assyrian human-bodied winged figures follow the analogy not of the Egyptian human-bodied winged figures, but of the winged monster- animals. In Plate II, fig. 13, the Egyptian goddess Nephthys is seen to be constructed on a comparatively natural plan, the bird- feathered wings being attached below the arms and moved by them, in remarkable contrast to the Assyrian figures, in which all scruples as to anatomical possibility are set at nought.

The Assyrian quasi-human winged figures, whether man-headed or bird-headed, two-winged or four-winged, in standing or walking attitude on the walls of royal or sacred buildings, are in frequent apposition with the so-called " sacred tree " or " tree of life," of which a typical form is shown in Plate I, fig. 1 (see also figs 14, 15, 19 and 20). That these tree-figures represent date-palms is now recognized. An early remark to this effect is by Prof. G. Rawlinson : " I suspect that the so-called ' flower ' was in reality a representation of the head of a palm-tree, with the form of which, as portrayed on the earliest sculptures (Layard, 'Mon.,' pi. 53), it nearly agrees. "f I insert here (Plate II, fig. n) a copy of the representation of the head of a date-palm in Assyrian landscape, scarcely less conven- tionalized than in the "sacred tree," which may probably stand for a group or grove of palms. To this group of palms the winged figures are seen presenting an object resembling a fir-cone which they hold in the right hand, while in the left hand they carry a basket or bucket. The likeness of the object to a fir-cone has led

* Jul. Langbehn, " Flugelgestalten dor altesten Griechischen Kunst. " Munich, 1881, pp. 31, 39.

t G. Rawlinson " The Five Great Monarchies," Vol. II, p. 7, note. 2nd edition, 1871.

384

June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

to its being generally considered and called the fir-cone. The As- syrian drawing of plants is, however, rough and conventional, and forms more or less like this do duty for several botanical purposes, as appears in Plate II, where fig 10 shows the branches of a tree, perhaps coniferous ; fig. 1 2, a portion of a vine with leaves and bunches of grapes; fig. 9, the heads of a marsh-plant- — all from Layard's " Monuments." The pictorial resemblance of the object in the hands of the winged deities to a fir-cone is thus insufficient proof of its being intended as really such. Also, if the tree which the winged deity approaches is admitted to be a palm, there is no obvious motive in a fir-cone being presented to it, so that writers who adopt this view of the scene have been obliged to treat the whole proceeding as a mystical ceremony. In such cases, however, it is always desirable to look for evidence of that intelligible mean- ing which underlies religion as it does other institutions. It occurred to me that it might be connected with the artificial fertilization of the date-palm, which has been remarked on by naturalists since antiquity. The principal ancient accounts of this process are the following: — -

Herodotus, describing the Babylonian region, writes : " Palm- trees grow in great numbers over the whole of the flat country, mostly of the kind which bears fruit, and this fruit supplies them with bread, wine, and honey. They are cultivated like the fig-tree in all respects ; among others, in this. The natives tie the fruit of the male-palms, as they are called by the Greeks, to the branches of the date-bearing palm, to let the gall-fly enter the dates and ripen them, and to prevent the fruit from falling off. The male-palms, like the wild fig-trees, have usually the gall fly in their midst." " Elerl cd o<fii

(potvacef 7rc(/)VKOTa ova ttuv to 7reCioi>, 01 JrXewi/es (tinCcv Kap~u(jjt>iM)i, i\- twu kcu anta hai omou km /u:Xi 7roievvTai- toi<<s auKe^wv jptnrov Oepa-

TTZVOVGi, 1(1 T6 llWu, KUl <j)OIVlKWV, TOI'S (//HTevUV E\\»yl'6V KakeOVffl, TOVTUSU

Tov KapTrov TTepiceovai tijgi f3a\(tvr](fiopottn rwv <f>oivucici>, Iva vewaivn T6 <r</»» o ijrijv T>}f jiaXavov iffSvvivv Kat [uj airoppen 0 Kapwos [o] rot) (fiut'i'ticov • i/^/yj'as rya/) ci] (poptovai iv tu" icap—td ol epoeves, Kara vtp in oi o\vvOot."* It is not necessary to criticize here the historian's erroneous com- parison of the fertilization of the date-palm with that of the fig. What is required from him is merely his record of the Babylonian method. The next account is that by Theophrastus, who mentions

* Herodot., I, c. 193. The translation is from Rawlinson's " Herodotus "j see

also the notes in Larcher.

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the difiference between the male and female flowers in a passage of great interest to botanists as distinguishing plant-sex. Further on, after describing the caprification (iptvatr/ttk) of the fig, he continues : " In the palms these" [aids are given] " by the males to the females. For they cause the staying-on and ripening. Which some call from the similarity 6\w8agetv. It takes place in this way. When the male blossoms they cut away the spathe on which is the inflorescence forthwith as it is, and shake down the bloom and flower and pollen upon the fruit of the female. And when thus treated, it keeps on and does not fall away." 4 ' T u« Be <polvi}*iv ai airo tuiv upp&vwv 7rpb<i t«s 0)j\eias- oinoi r(ap eicriv 01 ewtiicvetv 7roioi>i>7e<s kcu dcTre-neiv- o KiiKouai Tive? ix T/ys- o/noioTnTo? v\vi>Oa<£eiv. Yii'crat Be rovbe tov Tpoirov. Otclv ai'dij to uppev, inrojefivovai 71)1' cnrnOtji', £(f> ?)? to uvOo<;, ebOv* wairep <\ti, tov Te yyoov kcu to uvOos Kai rov Koinojnov Kinaaetovai kutci iot> Kapirou T/ys Otj\eia^- kov touto TrdOij, Sia/rnpei, kcu ovk a7roftaWet.

Pliny follows in his "Natural History," remarking on the sexes of the date-palm, and adds that the fecundation is even contrived by man, from the males by the flower and down, sometimes even only by the dust being sprinkled on the females. " Adeoque est Veneris intel- lectus, ut coitus etiam excogitatus sit ab homine, ex maribus flore ac lanugine, interim vero tantum pulvere insperso feminis." f

From these ancient accounts we may pass to that of a well- known traveller of the last century, Thomas Shaw, who in describing the date-palm cultivation, states : " It is well known that these trees are male and female, and that the fruit will be dry and insipid without a previous communication with the male. In the month of March or April therefore, when the sheaths that respectively inclose the young clusters of the male flowers and the female fruit begin to open, at which time the latter are formed and the first are mealy, they take a sprig or two of the male cluster, and insert it into the sheath of the female ; or else they take a whole cluster of the male tree and sprinkle the meal or farina of it over several clusters of the female. The latter practice is common in Egypt, where they have a number of males ; but the trees of Barbary are impregnated by the former method, one male being sufficient to impregnate four or five hundred females." J

* Theophrast. "Hist. Plant.," II, c. 2, 6, c. 7, 4. t Plin., "Nat. Hist.," xiii, c. 7.

+ Thomas Shaw, "Travels or Observations relating to Barbary." Oxford, 1738, Part III, chap. i.

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The invention of artificial fertilization, however far it may go back in antiquity, presents no difficulty in explanation, being only a facilitation of the natural process. It has been stated in the 17th century that the groves of wild palms in the deserts of Africa without any cultivation produced good and plentiful crops of dates, the wind conveying the pollen from the male to the female palms.* Whether anything of the kind has been observed of late years I have no information, but it is obvious that the produce of such natural fertili- zation, depending on the number and position of the male palms, must at best be scanty and irregular. It is not to be wondered at that artificial methods have come to prevail generally where the culture of the date is carried on. These methods are seen from the foregoing passages to be three in number. That described by Herodotus consisted in tying male inflorescences to the fruit-bearing branches. In modern times the more economical arrangement of inserting one or two sprigs, mentioned by Shaw, is in general use in date-growing districts. There is an elaborate illustrated description of it by the eminent botanist Kaempfer. f Lastly, it appears that the plan of shaking the pollen from the male over the female flowers not only obtained in ancient, but has been continued in modern times. It is this method which especially concerns the present argument.

I now proceed to examine the form of the male inflorescence which is conveyed to the fruit-bearing date-palm, in order to show its close resemblance to the sculptured cone carried in the hand of the Assyrian winged deity, of which a figure is here inserted (Plate II, fig. 6) from one of the colossal bas-reliefs in the British Museum. In Kaempfer's treatise on the Palm already mentioned, a drawing it- given of the male palm-inflorescence, stripped of its spathe and with the flowers open and ripe for scattering the pollen, that is to say, in the precise condition required for comparison ; this drawing is here copied (Plate II, fig. 8). Actual specimens are, however, more satisfactory to deal with. By the kindness of my friend Mr. Thomas Hanbury, who has sent me from his famous garden at La Mortola, on the Riviera, several date-palm inflorescences, I am able to exhibit these to the Society, and photographs from them are copied as illustrations

* Prosperus Alpinus, " De Plantis ^Egypti," Tadua, 1640, p. 25. Juliu Pontedera, " Anthologia," Padua, 1720, cites this passage.

t Kaempfer, Amcenitat. Exotic, Fasc. Y. Lemgo, 17 12, Fasc. IV.

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(Plate IT, figs. 5, 7). In comparing the whole series, it will lie noticed that Kaempfer's drawing, which represents the flowers open, resembles the sculptures in this respect more closely than my own figures, taken at the stage when the flowers are only beginning to unclose, and this similarity is increased by the conventional drawing of the botanist, which approaches that of the ancient sculptor. On the other hand, the real specimens come closer to the sculptures in showing the cone in its early pointed state, whereas the botanical drawing represents a somewhat later stage, when the point is beginning to break up.

The similarity of the sculptured cone to the real palm-inflores- cence, taken together with the fact of its being shown as carried to the date-palm, might be considered to prove that the scene at the sacred tree represents the artificial fertilization. The further exami- nation of the monumental evidence, far from invalidating the argument, confirms it by consistent details. The basket or bucket held in the left hand corresponds with the basket carried at present in the East by the cultivator to hold his supply of pollen-bearing inflorescences when he climbs the fruit-bearing palms to fertilize them ; this is the more necessary from the dropping of the flowers and the shedding of the pollen, much of which would be lost if the cones were carried loose. Thus sometimes the bucket carried in the hand of the winged figure serves to identify the scene even when the cone is not shown in the other hand. This is the case in Plate IV, fig. 20, an impression of a cylinder (from Lajard) which has the interesting peculiarity that the palm-tree is drawn realistically below the winged sun, showing clearly that the conventional trees usually forming part of the scene were well understood to be palms.

The conventional outlines and combinations of the various parts of the palm-tree, though difficult to follow, especially when they have passed into ornament, often seem to show that the artist has the sense of their meaning. Thus on Plate IV, fig. 19, the inflores- cences on their long bending stalks may be intended as partly seen through the opening of the split spathe, and they are often more conventionally rendered in ornamental borders. Or they may be shown without the spathe, as on the royal robe from Nimrud, of which a portion is here figured (Plate III, fig. 15). My attention has lately been called to Sir George Birdwood, in his dissertation on "The Knop and Flower Pattern," having identified the long- stalked cones which flourish out from the fan-like head of the

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date-palm as being its fruit-clusters, recurring also in more conventional forms in ornamental designs.* I am glad to be able to cite this dissertation, one of the most important contributions to the theory of art-development, to show that its writer, approach- ing the subject from quite a different point of view, so long ago arrived at this opinion as to the representation of the female in- florescences or young date-clusters in Assyrian art.

Having now considered these points of evidence separately, it remains to apply them to those pictorial groups fortunately preserve 1 in the figured decoration of royal robes, where the whole argument is, so to speak, summed up (Plate III, fig. 15). There the winged deities with cone and bucket not only approach the sacred palm-tree, but are bringing into contact the male and female inflorescences, and the scene of fertilization is complete.

On the question with what motive this scene was so continually represented, some remarks may now be made. The winged sun, adopted from Egypt into Assyria, continues to hold on the Assyrian monuments the same dominance over scenes of religious significance which belongs to it in Egyptian sculptures and paintings. That it was not transferred as a mere ornament, but with meaning and purpose, may be clearly seen in a sculptured group of which the copy published by Layard is here reproduced (Plate III, fig. 14). Here the winged sun is held by ropes in the hands of two kneeling figures. These are obviously the two deities who are seen from a different point of view on the inscribed stone belonging to the shrine of Samas, the Sun-god of Sippara, now in the British Museum. It has been described by Mr. Theo. G. Pinches,! whose argument is hardly open to doubt, that the beings holding the sun with their ropes (which I may incidentally remark end in conventional palm-heads) are the guides or directors of the sun, who keep him in his straight path. In the group we are now examining they hold the sun over the palm-tree, doubtless to ripen it, while behind them stand the two winged figures with cone and bucket ready to fertilize it. The whole scene, which with more or less variation is repeated on cylinders in the British Museum and elsewhere, had obviously a well-understood significance in Assyrian nature-worship, of which at least the practical theme seems apparent, doubtful as its full religious

* Sir George Bird wood, " Industrial Arts of India," p. 3^5. t Trans, Soc. of Bibl. Arch., Vol. VIII, p. 164.

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significance may be. The importance of the palm-tree in the Meso- potamian region is measured by the fact that even in modern ages a failure of the date-crop amounts to a famine. Kaempfer mentions the Turks being turned back from an expedition against Bassora by the threat of cutting down the male palms in the invaded district, so as to leave the soldiers without supplies ; but this step, calamitous to the population, being delayed in execution, the invasion was accom- plished.* Thus it is no wonder that the Assyrian winged beings who carry in their hands the fertilizing cones, should occupy so con- spicuous a place before the eyes of the nation on the palace-walls of Nineveh. Their high divine rank is shown by their prominence and their association with the sun. But any confident suggestion as to their names, or even the decision whether they represent the fer- tilizing winds, or national deities whose fertilizing influence comprised or was typified by the process of fecundating the date-palm, must be left to be settled by other evidence than that which I can deal with here.

It has to be remembered, however, that there appears on the Assyrian monuments another quasi-human figure carrying the palm- cone (Plate I, fig. 3). This is the deity clothed in the skin of the fish, or with a fish-tail, whom Prof. Sayce identifies with Ea or Cannes, f At first sight the marine nature of this being seems incongruous with the cultivation of the date-palm, but the record of the Chaldean historian Berossos offers a solution of the difficulty. The description of Oannes, who appeared on the Erythraean sea- coast of Babylonia, and of whom a representation was preserved in the historian's time, amounts to identification with the figure on the monuments. His body was that of a fish, with another head under the fish's head, and human feet joined to the fish's tail. Now to this Oannes were attributed the origins of Babylonian civilization, and among other arts he made them distinguish the seeds, and showed them how to collect the fruits. In his hands, therefore, the cone and bucket may be the symbols of a god of agriculture.

Passing from the significance of the winged beings in the religion and art of Assyria itself, we come to their world-wide influence among other nations who adopted them, probably with little exact preservation of their original meaning. Thus since the

* Kaempfer, p. 706.

t Sayce, " Religion of Ancient Babylonians," p. 131.

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Assyrian sculptures became familiar to European eyes, their suggestive effect on the ancient Hebrew mind has been often thought of. One striking point of comparison with the mystic visions of Ezekiel was noticed many years ago by Layard. It is that the four forms of the living creatures of Ezekiel, man, lion, bull, eagle, are precisely those of the Assyrian monuments. The winged bull and lion are made up of these and no other, and if we add to them the winged walking figures, they fall into the same scheme. As Eayard argues, " These coincidences are too marked not to deserve notice ; and do certainly lead to the inference, that the symbols chosen by the prophet were derived from the Assyrian sculptures."* Through long ages of religious art, this quaternion of mystic creatures is to be traced henceforth. Within Christendom the four beasts of the Apocalypse reproduce those of Ezekiel ; and at last the series passes into the attributes of the four Evangelists.

I have now to point out that the argument for the derivation of the Cherubim of Ezekiel from the Assyrian monuments may be carried further. In the prophet's description of the living creatures who he knew were cherubim, he says that " they had every one four wings, and the likeness of the hands of a man was under their wings." Now these are two special characteristics belonging to such an Assyrian deity as is here shown (Plate I, fig. 2) majestically striding with the fertilizing cone in his hand. They form a combina- tion which can hardly have repeated itself by accident. Modern observers are not indeed struck at first sight by the express mention of the hands under the wings, which to them seem almost a matter of course. But this is because the genii and angels to whose forms we are accustomed are themselves derived from the winged figures belonging to Assyria. It is improbable that at the time of Ezekiel there were any other types in the world answering the description of the four wings and the hands below them, except such Babylonian- Assyrian winged deities, and the adaptations of them by neighbouring nations. Through the Phoenicians the Assyrian figures had long before become familiar to the Hebrew mind, as appears when the Tyrian workmen are related to have adorned the temple of Solomon " with carved figures of cherubim and palm-trees and open flowers." This shows that among the Phoenician art-figures of Assyrian origin, familiar to us by many specimens, the cherub was a definite figure known by

* Layard, " Nineveh," Vol. II, p. 465. 39l

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name, and not only was the conventional sacred tree of Assyria depicted beside it, but this was understood to be the date-palm. The types from which the visionary living creatures modelled themselves in the prophet's mind in his vision on the banks of the river Chebar, stand thus almost completely open to the modern student.*

As an example of the transplanting of Assyrian types, Plate IV, fig. 17, represents a group from Persepolis illustrating those combina- tions of winged animals with trees and other sacred objects which are commonly engraved on cylinders, etc. It is hard to guess whether they continue to embody some religious conception, or have passed into the merely decorative stage, but there is still evident in them a consciousness of meaning which makes their details instructive. In the present figure, the drawing of the palm-tree is important, for above its almost naturalistic shaft the head of the palm stands up as a half rosette. The comparison of these with the complete rosettes in the figure, makes it probable that the latter were intended as representing the head of the palm seen from above or below. Such rosettes are known in Assyrian ornament accompanying cones, leaves, and fan-heads of the palm (see Layard, "Monuments," 1st series, pi. 34-38), and it seems a reasonable explanation that the wheel-like objects to which winged deities are presenting the cone in the enamelled archivolt at Khorsabad may be the palm-trees. In Plate III, fig. 16, I give a sketch of a group from this remarkable series, which strikingly recalls the alternate cherubim and wheels of Ezekiel's vision. In Plate IV, fig. 18, is part of the decoration of the Francois Vase at Florence, which shows groups of the nature of that of Persepolis travelling into Greek art, the tree before which the griffins stand being the well-marked conventional palm-group of the Assyrian monuments. In more degenerate forms the art- student may trace the influence of such groups in the ornamentation of the Renaissance, as in the Loggie of the Vatican.

It is needless for me to bring forward evidence here on a topic now becoming acknowledged in classical archaeology, that the Assyrian winged deities whose nature and functions have been here remarked upon are the predecessors of the winged genii whose graceful forms pervade Greek, Etruscan, and Roman art. In later times, when Christianity became an imperial religion, the Victories and Cupids and guardian genii of pagan Rome with slight change

* Ezek. x, xl; I Kings, vi, vii; 2 Chron. iii. 392

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gave rise to the Christian angels, and as such have ever since retained their artistic place; so obvious is this, that mere comparison is the only proof it needs. It is a remarkable instance of the permanence of art-forms once established in the world, that the Assyrian palm-tree, though separated from the winged deities whose office was to make it fruitful, has none the less made its way also over the world. From the time of the early Assyrian discoveries, it became evident that its conventional form had given rise to the Greek ornament often called the "honeysuckle," but the real nature of which is now acknowledged in the term "palmette." Reduced to mere decoration, this pattern pervades modern buildings and furniture, repeated with wearisome iteration by craftsmen from whose minds the sense of original meaning in ornament has long since died out. It is curious to see sometimes on a church wall the honeysuckle pattern bordering a space round sculptured angels, and to remember how far off and how long ago it was that the ancestor of the angel tended the ancestor of the plant.

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THE NEW ACCADIAN. By the Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A., Oxon.,

CHAPLAIN OF LINCOLN'S INN; FORMERLY CENSOR AND LECTURER IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON.

{Continued from page 287, and including the substance of a paper read April 6, 1 890. )

The Ideogram >f-.

This character, called by the Babylonian scribes Bant, and Masit, from its two principal values, might be read bar, par, bir, pir, even ba (2 R 56, 36 c), and mas, mas, perhaps raus ; but its usual sounds were bar and mas. A relation between mas and mar, like that between kus and kur, gis and gir, is probable on the face of it. Moreover, bar (bas) and mas (mar) are to be regarded as roots really cognate with each other, and not as two wholly distinct roots which have been arbitrarily represented by a single character. This follows from the well-known dialectic interchange of b and m, in both Accadian and Chinese ; a fact which, as we shall see, is fully illustrated in the case before us. Similar meanings are found under the two sounds. If bar (or bir) is a brother, mas is a twin ; if mas is to neglect, to forget, bar is to let go, cast off, abandon ; if mas was produce, harvest, so also probably was bar (cj>. bar, to sprout, and the Hebrew ""&, wheat). The same thing is seen in the Mandarin mo, Amoy, bck, wheat; Mandarin, matt, Amoy, bb ( = ba), barley.

The Assyrian scribes have connected a great variety of meanings with this character. I have been able to verify most of them from the Chinese. In many instances the Mandarin sound corresponding to the Accadian bar is pao ox p'ao. Now the twentieth radical, of a few characters mostly relating to wrapping and inclosing, is pao, "to wrap up," " to envelop," " to contain," "a bundle." The sign *~j is not altogether remote from T__, a form o >f- which has been thought to be the original character for the sound bar, while *^- was originally mas. The Chinese sign in combination with fan, " head," means a head-band or fillet ; cp. bar, to enclose, surround, bind (kcwui), and

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PROCEEDINGS.

[1890.

bar, the enclosing walls of a town (kamatii). To wrap, inclose, infold, and bind, are kindred ideas ; and if the Accadian sign be set up, in its original position, thus, Mf, its likeness to the Chinese ' J becomes obvious enough. Other instances, in which the Accadian bar answers to the Chinese pao, are the following : —

Accadian. bar, "brother, side" {aha).

bar, "hyena" {ahu).

Chinese.

pao, "placenta, brotherly, uter- ine"; fung-pao, "brothers" (lit., same womb); pao, "to unite."

pao, spotted felinae, as the leopard, panther, jaguar, etc. ; "spotted, marbled" (dialectic p'ao, pa, bo).

bar-kak, "a spotted deer" (the p'ao, Shanghai do (=ba-r), "the

male, as indicated by £^<y spotted deer." *kak is "horn"

nita added to the expression ; the Mandarin kioh ; Cantonese

Assyrian dassu) ; bar-kak, "a kok ; Amoy kak, "horn." gazelle" {sabitu, fern.).

bar (nam-g'u), a "bird of the pao, "the spotted bustard." field " {dudu, ibbiltu).

bar, " robes " {subat cluti, " dress of /tf<?,"long (embroidered) robes,': honour"); bar-dib, "clothes." such as the sovereign gives;

pao, "a swaddling-cloth"; p'ao, "a robe." bar, "to weave"; us-bar, "the p'ao so, "to throw the shuttle" loom" (Oppert). {vide bal)

bar, "side, bank, fence, wall" pao (and /'«\ "a low wall for {ahatu, itiatu, kamatu)" castle, town '' {mahasu) /*-£:yyBARRA, "village" {kapru "1B3); bar

defence"; "a small earthwork or fortified town"; "a citadel"; "ahamlet"; "walls" (of a city);

* Also called piao, dialectic pin, pio {— IHR?). Under pin (old sound bio) we find piao, the markings of a tiger, a kind of tiger-cat, streaks, veins. /'./. is also a white spotted horse; cp. /'<>, white, dialectic pto,pib, bu, ~ PA-R, ru-r. There are other related words, e.g., p^i, dialectic/'/,//, bi, a leopard (= pi-r. ki-r) ; /'/, a hear spotted black and white. The Accadian BAR (BIR, BUR, clearly meant discolor, 7toiki\oc. Cp. BAR, " the iris ' of the eye (burwu).

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Accadian. Chinese.

in bar-nun) "defence," pao, "to protect," "defend," "bulwark" (Jiilsii) ; bar- "guard," "a protector" (cp. barri, "a citadel" (birtu). bar and kur and sis, "bro-

ther.")

bar, "family," "clan," "tribe" pao, "a group of ten families," (kimtii). " a tithing " ; pao, "a hamlet " ;

" a division of a township,

ruled by elected head-men " ;

pao, " luxuriant " (of plants) ;

" sprouts " (of a tree) ; cp. the

Heb. WC& Asyrian nannabu

= the Latin sobo/es.

bar, "to fly," "flee," "run away" p'ao, "to run," "hasten," "run

(parasu naprusu). away."

bar (in gis-bar) "fire" (isatu) ; pao, "scorching heat" ; pao, "to

bar, "to sparkle or flash," burn," "hot."

of fire {kababu sa isati), "to p'ao, "to roast"; pao, "to sun "

shine," "glitter" (naniaru); " to air." bar, " the sun " (samsu).

bar, "to leave," "let go," " aban- pao, "to throw down," "to cast

don " (insu-BAR, masaru; su off"; p'ao (in p'ao pHeh), " to

= shau, "hand.") leave," e.g., one's home.

bar, " belly," " body " {zumru, pao, " the crop of birds ; to

pagru, 2 R. 30, 46e) ; bar, swell up " (the same as pao,

" flesh " {siru) placenta) ; p'ao, " a bladder."

(Both written with the deter- minative flesh). bar, "to bring together," "to pao, "to grasp," " to compress";

collect," £.£;, food; "to close," pao, "to store up " ; pao, "to

e.g., the mouth {iissuru ; sa- wrap up."

naku). bar, "to sink or fall down" (sa- p'ao, " to fling or throw down."

hatii) ; causative " to throw

down."

bar, "to hurt," " damage " (nazd- pao, "violent," "oppressive," "to ku) ; bar, "vexation," "oppres- strike," " to waste " ; p'ao, "to sion" (kisittit). cut."

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Accadian. Chinese,

bar, "to offend," "sin against" p'ao, "to strike," " beat "; pao,

{saldpu ; Syriac pa. "to "passionate"; nu, "violent" ;

strike through," wound") ; nu, "anger," "fury"* ko old

bar-nun, " enmity," " wicked- ka, " culm of bamboo."

ness" (siliptii); bar-ka, "whip"

(naglabu). bar, "lady" (beltii); cp. "the pao, "precious" ; "honourable,"

next." " noble."

bar, "top," " surface of a thing " pao, "to praise, extol"; pao,

(elltu, fern, of clu, "high," "on " noble."

the top.") bar, three vessels (dug) of small plao, "a calabash"; p'ao, "a

size (banda) ; perhaps used gourd" (used as drinking -

as measures of capacity {ada- vessels) ; pao, " to contain,"'

guru, kupputtu, sutii). "to hold " ; pao, "an earthern

pot." bar-bar, " to think " (/jasdsu). pao, "to feel," "to have in the

heart."

Thus far, I have purposely confined my comparisons to two sounds only. But a modification of the vowels, which is so common in Accadian that it may be called normal (bar= bir, bur), would en- able us to adduce many other Chinese parallels. Thus the last instances above may be compared with piao, old sound bio, i.e., bir, Cantonese piu, Shanghai pio, " the highest peak of a ridge," and piao, " the topmost branch of a tree"; also, "to rise," and "best," "fine." The Chinese pao, "to sit on eggs," "to hatch," implying a primitive ba-r, may be at once connected with fit, old pu = pu-r, bur, "to brood on eggs"; and both with the Accadian JjTr| kin-bur, and its Assyrian replica kinburru (sa issuri), "a bird's nest." (With kin, cp. Chinese kin, "a clay hut or cabin"; or perhaps rather kin, "birds," the class Aves, in which case KINBUR would mean the brooding of birds. But as the character is also read ab-lal, which is explained to mean kinnu sa issfiri, "a bird's nest," it seems probable that kin-bur is synonymous.)

The Accadian bar, in some of its senses, has duplicates in bad (>-< and fetl^y). Thus we find bad, "to depart," "remove,"

* bar-nun resembles fa-nu, " angry, to express anger " {fa, old sound bat = bad, means " to shoot " ).

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"transport " {e.g., a people), "distant" {nisu), and "to open" {pitu) ; and bad, "wall," "citadel," "high" {duru, elii), as well as bar, "to depart," "remove," "distant" {nisu, nussii); bar, "distant places" (rikatu ; cp. ki-bad, nisatii) ; bar, "to open" {pitu); bar, "walls," "fortified town" {kamatu, mahazii), and "high" {clitit, elatu). Further, bad or bid, "dead," "corpse" {mitu, pagru), answers to bar, "a corpse" {pagru). Hence we see that pa, old sound pat or bat (= bad), "a sacrifice to the gods of the road, made at starting on a journey," may be cognate with bar, " to depart " ; and so in other cases. The intermediate sound may have had final s (=tj d) ; cp. er and es, "to weep," gir and gis, "heaven," with (g)u§ (or gis) and gud, "blood," (g)tjs, "to set up" {emedu) 'high" {saku, elatu), and gud, "high" {elu). There are numerous instances in which we find a Chinese term with final -k, i.e., G, in place of Accadian r and L. As final d and G interchange so frequently in Accadian, this is not surprising. The Accadian bar, " iron " {parzillu), may perhaps, therefore, be compared with the Chinese poh, dialectic /<?£, bok, i.e., bag = bar; in the compound, poh-t'ieh, "raw or unwrought iron.''*

Hence also bar, "liver," "feeling," "disposition," may be com- pared with p'oh (bag), dialectic p'ak, p'ek, p'ak ( = bag, big), "the animal soul," "the senses"; bar, "to transport," "remove" {nussti), with p'oh "to banish, exile, drive into the desert"; bar, "a brother," with poh, "eldest brother," dialectic pak, pek, pak {■= big, beg, bag); bar (in babbar = bar-bar) "white," with po/i,f "white," dialectic pak, pek; andpo/i, "a piebald horse," dialectic/^, pak, bok {■= pag, bag) with bar, "spotted, striped, variegated." On the other hand, poh, "back to back," the 105th radical, dialectic ////, pwat (puat), beh, has final d (bad, bud, bid) = bar, "back," "behind" {arku, arkatu, ahru, ahratu); and p'o, "white," dialectic p% bu, old sound ba, seems to point to ba(r), bu(r). Similarly, p'o (ba-r), dialectic po, p'wan, bu {=■ bar, ban, bur), may be compared with £^y bar, "a stone." The Chinese term is defined " stones like flint or obsidian, which can be used for spear or arrow-heads." It is not likely that the numerous values of the

* The Chinese call t'ieh, "iron" (old sound dit = Canton fit), the black metal ; dit is perhaps, therefore, related to "^—YYYy > DIRI» DIR> "black."

t The planet Venus is called T'ai-po//, which irresistibly recalls the Accadian dh.-bad, Ai\t<pd.T (Hesych.)j the planet Venus.

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Accadian character for stone, za, si, na, dag, dig', bar, were all identical in meaning ; they must have denoted different kinds of stone.

As the character just cited has the values dag and bar, so Z^.\ is read par in the sense of spread out (napaitu), and bara in that of " to spread, outspread " (suparruru, suparrurtu) of a fishing-net, and, with the prefix gis, par (parru), "a fishing-net"; but dag also in the like sense of strewing, laying out, e.g., a bed [rapddu, ~TE"} ), and laying oneself down ; cp. >-^- bar, a bed itenu). To this bar (par) the Chinese p'u, old p'o (= pa, ba), "to spread out," "arrange," "lay in order," e.g., a table or a bed, and then "tired," "to sleep with," "bedding," answers very well ; cp. also po, old pa, Cantonese /#, Shanghai pu, "to strew, scatter abroad," and////, old pik (= big) "a fishing-net," /^/ (dialectic//,/!?), "a fishing-creel."

With /'<? (ba), "not, "we may compare the Accadian ba, "not,"' ba-ra {Id), and ban, " not " (ban = ba + na). It would be easy to extend these comparisons ; but I think the table given above will be sufficient to convince unprejudiced minds (1) That the numerous meanings assigned to the sound bar by the Assyrian scribes are not arbitrary but really belonged to it in the old non-Semitic language of the country; and (2) that the closest possible relation connects that primitive tongue with the language of China.

The Ideogram ^f>-^.

This group is explained as meaning, " to be bright, or pure," "to make bright," "clean," e.g., hands, and so ''pure," "holy," " purity," " to wash, or cleanse " (damaku, bararu, minimum, damku, dumku, ubbubii). It is a compound of 4^-, life, and ^\, the sun ; and thus exactly answers to the Chinese character Jji sing, Chifu shing, "a star," sing-sing, "the stars," "white hair"; a character composed of £J , sun + ££, slicing, old shing, Chifu sang, Amoy seng, "to bear, to live, life." The connection between the ideas of being born and coming to light, being manifested or made visible, is seen in the old verse of Ennius : "Tu produxisti nos intra luminis oras," whence the Lucrctian "Inde enascitur atque oras in luminis exit." Hence, to open, to come out, to grow, and to shine, are all expressed by the common ^f^f (A^'j <*?#, rabii, sihu, namaru, dru, supd, etc.).

The Accadian ^f^f, therefore, pronounced shig, with phonetic complement shig-ga, or shing, shinga, "bright," is absolutely

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identical, both in the character and the sound, with the Chinese sing, shing ("bright"), "star," which was originally identical with shing, Pekingese skang, "light," slicing, "wise," "holy," for which additional characters were naturally invented at a later period.

The line, E.I.H., iv, 30, which I left unrendered, is to be read, sa-kin alam shing inatertia, "(Samas)who puttest the good thought (or desire) in my mind." alam, " image," " thought " (salmii), recalls eiSos, Idea, euw\oi>, and may be compared with Ian, lam, to desire, Ian, lam, to see. Elsewhere in Nebuchadrezzar's inscrip- tions, as I have before pointed out, we have the similar Musaskin anna khiim ina tirtia, "Putting the right desire (annu, pn> pro- pensus fuit, l^js^-> desiderio affectus est) in my mind." The idea of looking or gazing at is connected with that of desiring, longing for, thinking of, in other Chinese and Accadian terms (see kin-gad, infra). I suppose that salmu was selected by the Babylonian scribe to explain the Accadian term alam, because of the similar sound.

The Ideogram {flf .

This sign is read suku, with a phonetic complement 4^f £|, §ukum-ma, and rendered kurmatu, kurummatu, "food" (field or garden produce, D-^)- When joined with the ideogram «-| *~y\, ninni, the goddess Ishtar, it is rendered nindabu, taklimu, "offer- ing"; for offerings are the food of gods.

suku = sukum = sukkum = sug-kum; and sug is "grain," "seed," ^, as we see in j^ »-{£, sukkul (sug-kul), zeru, "seed." With the Accadian kul, "seed," cp. the Chinese ku, "grain, corn, the seeds of cereals," in Cantonese kbk (= ka-ka, fruit); with sug, "grain," the 202nd radical shu, "the panicled millet," " sorghum," and shu, older shok, " edible pulse of any kind." kur and kul are not far apart in Accadian ; and the Chinese character ku, "grain," means also "good " and "lucky," much as in Accadian kur is "to eat" (akdlu) and kur is "lucky" (damku)* kum, the second element in su-kum, is kung ($t), " to place before, offer," " to supply," " to give," " grain for troops or revenue in kind " (cp. gun, billu) ; and, with a different tone, " to nourish," " to support " ; " offerings," " presents." In Cantonese the character means " to

* The preceding ku, " a ravine, a porge," when joined with fang, " the wind," gives ku-fang, "the east"; cp. Accadian KIR (kur) in kir-ruu, " ravine," and KUR, "the east."

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eat one's fill." Compounded with shang (old shung) it yields the phrase shang-kung, " to offer in worship " ; the exact equivalent of the Accadian sukum(-ninni).

The preceding and following homophones of kung, which mean "to revere," and "to give," "to present to," "reverential," are obviously identical in origin.

The Ideogram <^F^.

This character, read *>^\ t| ^, si-gis-se, means an " offering," or "sacrifice" {niku, kitrubu). It is noticeable that the sign for "grain," ^, is involved in the ideogram for " offering " {vide supra).

The word sigisse may be analysed into si-gin-se. Now si has its equivalent in fg,, si, old si, "to sacrifice," "a sacrifice," in Amoy su (as in Accadian si is dialectic for su) ; gin answers to jjfj|[, yin, "to worship with pure intention and clean sacrifices," which appears compounded with the former, in yiu-si (= gin-si), "a pure sacrifice," " a sweet-smelling offering " ; and se, originally sheg, shig, shing, may be compared with $£> shang, old shing, "sacrificial animals, victims."

As the Accadian term was accented on the penult, si-gi'sse, it is probable that gisse has survived in the Chinese hi-shang, old sound ki-shing or gi-shing, " animals offered in sacrifice " ; a term which appears in Japanese as gisei, " a sacrifice." The character for /ii, " victims," is composed of animals + breath, just as a synonym hi, " living cattle anciently offered to the gods . . . provisions, food, grain " {vide supra), is composed of eat {shih, shik = Accadian she, seg, sug, " grain," " food ") + breath*

The Ideogram ^y<|>-y and the Name Merodach.

This sign is ^f»~ the eye, to see, life, soul, spirit, within >-^|| seat, city (sedes hominum); of which the archaic forms are <J and ,— 1~|. Combining the two in their original vertical position we

get n . This ideogram was pronounced silig, "the strong," or "the

champion" {sagapuru), "\S^y (Ps. xix, 5), see below, p. 415; and asaru or asari, as a title of the god Merodach (2 R 55, 68 c). The

* The saying I-ivo ts'i-ming, yii-ivo hi-yang " with me grain bright, with me a pure ram," i.e., " my vessels are full of clean millet, and I have a pure ram, to sacrifice," illustrates what is said above. lYi must be zi, "grain," Qua (?).

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coincidence of sound with the Egyptian Asari or rather Uasar ( JVasdri) is evident enough ; but that might be the result of mere chance, were it not for the fact that the Accadian and Egyptian ideograms also coincide : H (a seat + an eye) is the common hieroglyph for Osiris. Uas is a seat ; cp. Uas-t, Thebes* for the natural transfer to the meaning of city, dwelling-place. But the reason of this ideogram does not appear from the Egyptian. Whether Accadian throws any light upon it we shall see.

It is obvious that the name t^f]— ^f^j mar-dug, is non-Semitic ; and as each of its elements admits of various meanings, e.g., dug is " good " (^), and dug is " head " (t£] >^]]]^), and dug is " to see " (do.), and dug (^ ^) is " to melt," we can understand that various interpretations might be put upon the entire name by the Babylonian literati. Hence, as mar means " to sit," " dwell " (asabu), and dug, " to see " (p. 414 infra), the god might be indicated by a combination of eye + seat, without necessitating the assumption that the old Accadians were scientific etymologists, either in this or in any other instance. Yet, at the remote period when this curious ideogram was originally invented, the meaning of Mardug as an appellative may still have been transparent to the ancient people who used the name. And when we consider that the forms uru (gur), gal (whence Assyrian alu), "ty, "IJ^tLV ""V"y> ERI) on tne one hand, and the forms gan, kar (^f), and unu (gunu), gun (£<3« J, subtu, "seat," sedes) on the other, really imply that in Accadian the oldest terms for "seat," "city," were gar (gan, gal, etc.), gur (gun, un), and mar (mer, er) ; and, further, that the ideas of seeing and living (tin, hatu, tin, balatu), eye and spirit (shi), were expressed by the same terms, in that ancient idiom ; we may be disposed to think that Mardug was originally thought of as the eye or guardian spirit of man's seat or dwelling-place.*

The title of a god, «~ f -eft -f^ ( = — f --ff <f-), which seems to mean "Spirit of the City" (3 R 66, 29 e.), and the designation of Merodach as »-»-y ^|>- >~y<y, "the Bird that sees"

* Cf. tin-tir, Subat baldti, perhaps rather Subat napisti or niSSi. On the other hand, as tin meant "a seat" as well as "life" (^ffi >-^\ ill kis-tin, kussti = Ki-is--<^, kis-du ? = VfEl DU, Subtu), it is possible that the ideogram >-^y<y>-y was originally seat with the determinative or defining spirit added thereto. To live and to dwell are naturally connected ideas.

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all things, or watches over man (5 R 46, 28 e.), seem to lend support to this view. To the old mythologist the Sun is the Divine Eye that sees everything. Consequently Samas, who is but one of the many doubles of Merodach, is like Osiris the Judge of man.

"Heaven," "God," "King," "Spirits," in Chinese and accadian.

The Accadian *-*-|, Archaic ifc, read ana, is defined saw//, "heaven," and Anu, the god of heaven, or heaven personified (Dyaus). Read dingir, and dimmer or dimer (dimir), it is defined ilu, "god," and sarru, "king." Read anu and essu (= an-sug)* it is defined subultu "ear" (of corn), and subultu sa se'vn, "ear of corn"; while an is sissinnu, "a palm branch." The definition kakkabu, "a star," probably belongs to dingir; that of saku, "high" (~-y, «-f *+■]), elu, "high," "on the top," is to be con- nected with ana, often written >~>-y *~^~], an-na (cp. ngan, an, "a bank, a high cliff, a high forehead," etc.). I have already given reasons for regarding gan (ngan) as the primitive root which appears in ana, "high," "stalk," " heaven " (that which is upheaven), en, belu, "lord," and other related words. The sign »-»f- is also ex- plained by belu, "lord"; in which sense it was probably read an. an-na, like en, en-na, "lord." It also meant resu, "head," which agrees with the Chinesejv^//, dialectic un, gwan,yiin, "a large head," and yuen, "the first, the head, the principal, eldest." The yet further meaning of " lead " (the metal), an-na, afterwards read nagga, niggi, agrees with the Chinese yuen, also read yen, called " the azure metal " and " the black metal," terms which indicate why the Accadians called it " sky "-metal, dialectic tin, yan, i", the Japanese en; the Peking chHen (=din), which is related to the Accadian niggi ( = ningi). Lastly, an in the sense of seru, "common, waste, desert," for which we find >->~y >^y an-na alone, and ->~y t^^ >~^y AN-DiNNA,f is to be compared with /$ yuen. "plateau, or high and level field, waste, common," dialectic un, gwan, niin, as also with ^y gan a, " field " (eklu), and yuen,

* AN-sUG, i.e., >->~y^\ In Chinese wheat is called lai, because "it came down from heaven."

t Or ana-edinna ; but may not an have become EN and then fi, as in the instance p. 414 note, so that E-DIN sprang from gan-uin ?

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"garden, park." The Assyrian seru, siru, is probably related to siru, "high"; so that we have here another reason for supposing a real connexion between (g)AN, "heaven," and (g)AN, "plateau, terrace, field," fieri, "heaven," and fien, "field "= din, e-din. It is probable that dingir, dimmi'r, meant "heaven," and then "heavenly being," "god," upon the following grounds: — (1) We have the equation gi-ir-ra (girra) = an-na (anna or ana) = same, "the heavens," and this girra (dialectic Mf rra) may be the second element in dingir, dingirra; (2) din, dim, the first element, answers to *~ < idim, edim, samu, " heaven," di'mma, " king " (same), and to the Chinese fien (tin, din), "heaven," which itself "though without definite personality, is employed more than any other Chinese term to indicate God," much as the Rabbis used shamdyim, and as we speak of the will of Heaven : (3) the term dingir thus appears to be an ordinary combination of two synonyms, such as we have already often met with, and of which a trace perhaps survives in the Chinese 3EIR i"ien-k'i, "the weather" (heaven + air).

The second Chinese character for fien, "heaven," ^[fljtf,, in- volves the signs tsHng, "blue," and k'i, "air" or " ether." It at once recalls the Accadian ^Q- zikum, saw//, "heaven," which is doubtless to be analysed into zig, zi ( = sig, arku, which, like the Chinese ts'ing, meant both green and azure) + kum. What was kum? The Chinese expression ^^ k'iting-ts'ang, "the azure canopy, the empyrean, the abode of the higher powers," may inform us. Ts'ang, "the green tint of plants — the azure of the sky," is a synonym of tsHng (zag = zig);* cp. ts'ang-tsHng (zag-zig), "the greenish-blue of distant hills " : k'i/ing or k'ung (the sign is cavern + bow, as if arched cave) is defined "lofty, high and vast as the sky, empty, a hole." It is evident that kiiiing-tsiang (=kum-zag) is identical with the Acca- dian zi-kum ; the elements being reversed, as in zu-ab, ab-zu, and other Accadian expressions. kum is concave (cp. rum=g'um, in kirrum, " hole "). This agrees with the fact that >-<, idim, means a "hole" (nakbu), as well as "heaven" (samri)j

* Here and elsewhere it will be noticed that Chinese ts, ts', = Accadian z. This rule is as general as that Chinese ch, ch', = Accadian D (or T), or that Chinese y = Accadian G, g' (or a lost initial g). I was not quite clear upon this head in my first paper. Strictly, ch = T, and j = D.

t The other value of the Accadian sign read zikum, "heaven," is tu, a/>s/i, "the abyss." Cp. the Egyptian r^ci, tua-t, "the nether-heaven." The signs, as well as the words, correspond. Both are star + house.

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The saying Then ta kivo shan, " Heaven is greater than the gods," presents us with shan, old shin, dialectic shan, sin, zang (= shin, sin, zig), "spirit"; a term corresponding to the Accadian zi, shi, "spirit," " divine being " (zi-anna, zi-kia). The Chinese say that shan denotes the yang (yeung, yong = gin, gan), " the powers above, the superior of the dual powers in Nature, the male (Accadian gin) as opposed to the female or receptive element," which is called yin, dialectic yam, im, yang (= gim, im, gig = Accadian gimi, gin, "maid," "girl"), and which means "a shadow, dark, Hades (gig, g&, the Accadian for "night," "dark"), the inferior of the dual powers." Hence we understand why zang is also Shanghai for jan, " man," and why shi, Amoy si, means " strength " and "virility of males," and shi-lih, Amoy se-lek, "strength, prowess" (= Accadian silig).

But when the Chinese speak of a particular god, as the God of War, or the God of Fire, they use the term %, ti, a character of obscure origin, which is defined to mean " one who rules by his own power, a god, a divine being," and, like the Accadian dingir, dimmer, is also applied to the sovereign ; while like *-*-], it also means "Heaven" The term is, I think, identical with the Accadian »-<!< ti, til, "to live" (balatn), and "to dwell" ( as a hi) ; and the character is not altogether unlike the archaic* — c,-^, that is,

y. This Accadian ti, til, is closely related to (H, old form \,

tin, Din, meaning "to live" (baldtu), "seeing" (haitu), "strong drink " or " spirits " (sikaru), and " male " (zikarit). Comparing this with what has been said above, it becomes highly probable that the fundamental idea is seeing. The seeing are the living (oi fiXeTrovies:); the living are endowed with life or spirit; the male is the spirited animal, and the source of life or spirit by procreation ; while the transfer to strong liquids which rouse the spirits is natural enough. Hence the Chinese writer who said, " Ti means a lord of living things," came nearer to the truth than he was aware of. Hence too we understand better why a god is represented by an eye (p. 401); and we may feel justified in drawing up the series zi, zin, shi, shin, di, din (nin), ti, tin, gin, kin — "to see," "to live," "spirit," "man."

* Cp. the Egyptian •¥•, cinch, "living," the prominent attribute of gods and of the blessed dead.

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The sign >-< {vide supra) was also read til, in the sense of "to live" {baldtu), and "to finish," "cut off" {gamdru, katii); with the latter we may compare fieri, "to terminate," and "exterminate."

Further, as £K tin or din means "seeing," it answers im- mediately to the Chinese Hen, "to consider," tien, "to glance at," " regard with attention."

The Chinese _£. ^ Shang-ti, " the supreme ruler, the highest being in the heavenly Pantheon," also called fien-ti, "the ti of heaven," may now perhaps be explained. "The radical idea of ti" says Dr. Williams, "is a ruler of the highest kind," and he gives " to judge " as the first meaning of the character, for which, how- ever, the next, viz., f^ (the same sign with the determinative words'), ti, "to judge," "to examine into, to decide between," is now used. This latter plainly corresponds to the Accadian ^f^z di, " to judge," properly "to distinguish between" (discerno, and then decerno); the d-form of zi, shi, and the rest of the series of related terms meaning "to see," and then "to know." But the primitive meaning of ti, "a god," was, as we have concluded, "a seer," or "spirit"; and the word di, " to see," occurs in the Accadian compound ^f>- tfyyy ^y^f= sin-di (or igin-di), " to look at " {naplusii) ; cp. Pjft ti, " to gaze at,"'Cantonese tei, " to see," " to look." The idea of seeing is the fundamental idea of the primitive di, ti ; that of judging is secondary.

There is a saying, Shang-ti t'ien ye, "Shang-ti is heaven," which recalls the fact that «~y is both heaven and the god or spirit of heaven (Anu), like Dyaus, Zeus, Jupiter. In the Accadian J^: J^: ni-ni, " god," later, i-li, we have an n-form related to the t (d)-form ti, "god," as J^: m, "male," is to tin (din), "male." The emperor is called ti-ivang ; wang, old wung=mung, mun, Cantonese, wong, Amoy, ong (=mang, ang, man, an), " king," may be compared with ^ man, " king " {sdrru), ^ u-mun, un, " lord," " lady " {belu, beltu), >t^ mu, " king " {sdrru), and " heaven " {samu). These m-forms are, of course, related to g-forms like gi, " king," yuen, dialectic iin, gtvan, nil" (Accadian UN, " lord," *— YTT» NUN> "magnate," "prince," rubft, £-£f, nin, "lady"): cp. also ang ( = ngan), "great, high, to raise the head," with an, "high."

As to the Shang of Shang-ti, it obviously is identical with the Accadian *^\\^f- sang, shang, " head, top, great, chief, first-born," of which the oldest form is T| . Shang means "top, above, high,

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that which is above or high ; Heaven ; superior, excellent, honour- able, exalted"; thus agreeing very well with the Accadian term. In my last paper I pointed out that the Accadian ^fs^: £^f, " head," ought to be read as it stood, sag-du or sang-du. I have since come across this very term in Chinese, viz., _£ Jlji, shang-fau, "the head or chief." The Shanghai equivalent, zong-dii = Accadian zag, zang, "head" + DU. A god is mentioned under the title of dingir sang-dugga, which is paraphrased by the Assyrian ilu banisu, " the god his father " ; and Caivan 01 Saturn is called sang-us, and Nin-fb, sang-tar, forms which are parallel to Shang-ti. And just as shang- shang means "of the best quality," so sang-sang is "great" or " excellent " (kabtu, " heavy," like gravis). Finally, I have said that <K, tin or din, "life," is also "spirits" or "strong drink." Accordingly, we have ^Ifs^ £K, sang-tin, not as a title of the highest god, but of the best spirits or liquor.*

The Ideogram fc££^.

This character is compounded of tl£^, man, and ^ other, brother. It had the sounds sis, phonetically spelled Si-Es(fs), and sis, as appears from the word ^^ ^|y sis-si, as well as uru. Like its synonym kur, the term denoted both brother, and enemy (aku, limnn) ; which may be explained by the fact that in polygamous countries a brother is often a rival claimant for the father's favour and the family inheritance {cp. Ishmael and Isaac ; Joseph's Brethren).

sis or rather sissi appears to be compounded of sin + si(n), the pronunciation hovering between sh and s for the initial sound , a hesitation which is faithfully reflected in the writing, sin(sin), there- fore, would seem to be a primitive term for brother in Accadian, as sen

* The ideogram has the gloss (ku-run), an Accadian term, which is explained saint, the Hebrew N3D vinum ; cp. the Chinese jf^f, ku, " new spirits," and nung, Amoy long, " thick, rich," of spirits ; kan-nung, " sweet or oily wine" ( = karran, i.e., karan, kar&nu, "wine"). The Accadian (K tin (din), "strong drink," is not to be directly compared to tsin ; it is more nearly related to the Amoy chili (=&u). But ting, "drunk"; fan, Shanghai tc" (=tin), "fond of wine"; fan, Amoy tain, Shanghai den (=din), "generous wine," and /';', Amoy t'e, Shanghai di, "reddish, but pure clear liquor," " rich wine," are closer representatives of tin, niN; cp. also tien, " to pour a libation "; /'/<•;/, "well- tasted," of wine ; t'ien, " to strengthen spirits." All these terms except the last two have the prefix yii, " strong drink." Ching, " to distil spirits "= ting, tin.

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(sin) is in Egyptian.* It is a curious circumstance that the moongod is designated in Accadian by a group of characters which contain this ideogram sis, «-| ^^^ ^Irf- This group is denned «~y<«, Sin (4R1, 29b. etal.). Sin, the ordinary Assyrian (yet non-Semitic, because uninflected) name of the moongod, is homophonous with sin(sin), brother; which may account for the use of this ideogram in writing his name, even if the two roots were originally unconnected. The group «-| tZmt ^lij was read nanna, according to one passage in the documents (na-an-na : 5 R 23, 32 g.) ; but this, of course, does not exclude other possible values. Comparing nanna with ninni ( *± nin + nin), I think nanna may be equivalent to nan + nan, "great man," "lord." nan and nin may both mean " man," for which, in both Accadian and Chinese, we find terms destitute of the marks of gender, and denoting, therefore, either man or woman (lord or lady). In Chinese, as in Accadian, terms denoting sex are prefixed to these sexless words for the sake of precision. Jan (=din) being "a man," which in Cantonese is pronounced yan ( = gin), in Amoy jin (=din), in Shanghai niang (=nin), a China- man says nan-jdn for a man, as opposed to a woman, nii-jan. But I have already shown, by comparison of the Accadian forms, that nan, dialectic nam, lam, ne" (=nin), and nil, dialectic nil, lu, are themselves originally ambiguous as regards gender ; cp. Accadian nin, "lord" and "lady," lam (=dam, "wife"), which, with the prefix nita, "male," means " husband," ^^ lu, "man." mu-lu is explained "man," "lady," and "people" (amelu, bcltu, nisii). gin is "male," ("IT"^ zikctrti) and gin is " maid " (^V" amhi) ; cp. Chinese yin, "a bride," dialectic yan, in, ydng (=gin, in, gim : cp. Accadian In, "lord," and gimi "maid"). ■£-, the common determinative prefix for "female," had the value gal, as well as sal (cp. sao, Amoy sb = sa-1, " a woman," " a matron ") and rag (cp. lag, lug, servant, lam, lu, man, and Chinese lang, a man) ; but gal is also "man" (^^ had this sound also). The root-idea of gal, "man," may have been "great," strong," or "high": cp. £p- gal, "great," t:]]\ kala, " strong," " high ;" en, " lord " = an = gan, " high ;" and so on. In Chinese we have lao, dialectic lb (=la), iiau, "large," "great,"

* The evidence of this and other common vocables, points to a very early connexion between the primitive languages of Babylonia and Egypt ; although the latter has developed on quite independent lines, and been influenced by its own environment.

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which in the Cantonese means "a man," "a fellow;" lih (lik) = Accadian lig, "strong."

Ar to the <|E| ki in *-*■} r^m^ ^IeJ> *' *s natural to compare it with the Chinese ko, old sound ka, Shanghai ku, "an elder brother"; cp. also ki, "the youngest of brothers," and kin, "a wife's sisters," " sisters-in-law." In this case, the whole group, dingir + sis(si) + ki, god + brother + brother, means the Brother God, that is, I suppose, the kinsman and protector of his worshippers.

But now, what Chinese term corresponds to sissi, "brother"? We have seen that the term may be analysed into sin + sin, just as ninni is nin + nin. The duplication expresses greatness, and so the deep respect of the speaker; just as in Chinese niang-nidng (= ninni) is "Lady," and ko-ko, "my elder brother." I think I have found the equivalent of sin, brother, in 5£> hHiing, or as some write it, hsii'mg, "an elder brother," which is used also as a title of respect, like Mr., Don, Sehor, etc. RHiing or hsiiing is a modification of h'im or h'in (hsim or hsin), as niang is of nin. Dr. Wells Williams remarks that the initial sound, which he writes h', is like the Spanish x in Quixote ; " sh would be too much," to represent it. This seems to savour of the Babylonian hesitation between sin and sin; cp. sikka and sukka, "he-goat'' (atudu). At all events, the fact that se, "an elder brother," is given as the equivalent of this character hHiing in the Japanese lexicon, strongly confirms our identification of it with the Accadian sis(si) or ses(si).* The other value of ££w^> URU> a synonym of sis, appears to be a worn form of kur, "brother," "enemy." (See March .Proceedings.)

In speaking of an elder brother, you may say kia-hlin/ig, "my elder brother." Kia, dialectic ka (Canton, Amoy, Shanghai), but also kia (Swatow, Chifu), Peking chia, means " a household, a family, a home," and then "a house, a building," and even "a village." It is also used as " a title of a husband and of some dignitaries," and is "a suffix to nouns to denote persons"; finally, it means " the country or government," and " to dwell " (cp. ^gf, ki and ki-a, " to dwell, dwelling, place, land," etc.). In the expression kia-

* The transition from sibilant to spiritus asper, so familiar in Aryan languages, hardly needs illustration : Sanskr. shash, saptan, Latin sex, septem, Greek t'E, itrra, six, seven, occur at once. So in Chinese under SUH we find characters pronounced h'ii, and under sin, h'iin ; just like Sanskr. sunus, Zend hunu, Sohne, son.

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hHung, its force seems to be "family" or "clan" (as in kia-cfrang, kia-tie, etc.). As a title kia also occurs in the phrases tHen-kia, " hea.ven-kia," and kwoh-kia, "country-£/tf," meaning the emperor. It seems very probable that the Accadian sis-ki (or ki-sissi) is the ancient equivalent of the modern Chinese kia-hHung ; so that the moon-god was called "elder brother of the clan," or simply " the elder brother." This reminds us of a great number of Semitic personal names, in which the Deity is claimed as kinsman or brother of the family ; Ammi-shaddai, Ahi-yah, etc.

The archaic form of the Accadian <ffi ki, as exhibited by the Sfek des Vautours, viz., <% , which when restored to its original upright position is \jj> , favours this opinion ; for the Chinese character ^ with which we are comparing it, originally consisted of a shelter and three perso?is under it, although now ^ shi, a pig, has taken the place of the three men under the roof, probably by confusion with j£ shi, "a family, clan, gens, a clansman"; a term which also once denoted " the head of the clan," and accordingly was anciently a title of honour. This last term is perhaps related to the first element in sfssi.

But the Accadian >^^ ^||, si'ssi, means, "evil," "hostile" (limnu), and not only "brother." If, therefore, hHung answers to the group in the one sense, it ought to in the other, assuming that the two terms are really related. Now the very next character pronounced hHung in the Chinese lexicon is [XJ, hHung, "unlucky, baleful, malignant, cruel," and this is followed by 3E> hHung, "malevolent, inhuman, cruel, malignant, wicked, vicious " ; meanings which are all included in the Assyrian limnu, "unlucky," of days and events; "evil, malignant, cruel," of demons and human enemies.

The Ideogram <**mtt .

A distinguished foreign professor has lately alleged against my views that "any Chinese word may mean anything whatever." The language, however, is far from being so accommodating to my com- parisons as this would imply. In the present instance there are. only ten leading characters pronounced hHung, and these are not all independent of each other. And as regards the tones making all the difference to the meaning, hHung, " elder brother," hHung, un- lucky," and hHung, "malevolent," have the same tone or shing, viz., the shang pHng tone ; and are thus perfectly homophonous, as we should expect them to be, from their common origin in the Accadian

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si'ssi. Certainly, it cannot be alleged, except in jest, that "any Chinese word may mean anything." The statement is signally false in the case of this particular sound h'/ung, which means exactly what a knowledge of Accadian would lead us to expect. Let us follow it a little further. The next two characters are )]tfc) h'iung, "frightened, startled" (heart -{- breast), and jz»J, h'iung, "the thorax, the breast, the feelings, the heart, the affections ; clamour, brawling." Now this second character is meant to represent " the thorax en- veloping the heart," and, consequently, answers exactly to the Accadian <^rrr , which, in archaic form would be y) . It is the heart (^fyf) within an enclosure.* The recognized terms for "heart" in Accadian are sag, sab (= sam), and sa ; and the oldest known form of "^YTT ls ^ ■ ^n Chinese, >\j>, sin, old sound sim, "the heart," appears in the dialects as sam (= sim), sin, sing, and shin. By a natural transfer of ideas, the term also means "middle," "mind," "will," "affections," "desire," "origin," "source." The common Accadian phrase >->~y ^]] ^TII^ ana-sagga, " the middle of heaven " (kirib same), is parallel to the Chinese tHen-sin (din-sim), " the meridian, the zenith " ; and the Chinese fa [JJ , sin-fien (sim-din), " design, intention," seems to supply the d-form corresponding to the Accadian "^YYY *"TT"^ *"**"! sag-ginna, "^"YYY HfT"^ >^y sag-gin-gan, " wish design " (bib'il, or babal libbi).

Now the Accadian <^mtt_, which we have seen to have been originally a form identical with jaJ Wiling (sin or sim), "the thorax," is rendered "heart," and "middle," and "bosom," by the Assyrians (libbu, kirbu, surru = " Herzbeutel," Delitzsch), just like -*^YYY ^A (b, g) ; while, among its sounds, we find sim, which is explained by the rarer synonym halhallatu, "heart" (cp. J.jJ.^Su "the heart," and also "the liver"). It was a great satisfaction to me to find this word sim, so closely corresponding to the old Chinese sim, "heart"; and to which sab (=sam) is related as man, "two," is to min "two." I trust my readers may be equally satisfied. t

* Cp. Nos. 236 and 258, Amiaud and Mechineau, Tabl. Comp.

t In regard to LI-KIR, the other value of the ideogram, rendered "heart" (Hblnt), I cannot help remembering that Li means " in," properly " the inside," both in Accadian and in Chinese, much as libbu and kirbu themselves are often used in combination with a preposition to indicate the same idea. As to kir, A'iao Cantonese k'iu, "a hole," "cavity," "the heart," may perhaps be compared (£'*'« = ki-r). And Japanese kokoro, "heart," may be related.

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The three characters which involve h'iung, "breast," viz., h'iung, "frightened," and hliung, "to brawl, to scold" (words + breast), and h'iung, "the rush of water, bubbling; tumultuous, clamorous;" h'iung-h'iuiig, "the reveille of drums, din," "excited" (of anger), are all obviously derived from it, for it includes the notions of anger and clamour: e.g., >J* A £sj fej> siao jan h'iung-h'iung, "Petty men (are) quarrelsome," lit, small man brawl-brawl. The idea of anger is included in the Accadian < jMtt . {uggatu or uzzatii) ;* and noise is a manifestation of that passion. With this sense of the root we may perhaps further compare >^y^y sun or sin, " battle " (kablii). This ideogram consists of >-£z]] skin, flesh, body -f- ]^ water/ cp. h'iung, water + breast, for "clamorous," "noise of drums."

The relation between Accadian words with initial k and s(s), already glanced at, is observable also in Chinese. If the sound hiung presupposes an older sin, sim, on the one hand, it presupposes an older kin, kun, on the other. Hence a relation becomes visible between ko (ka), Shanghai ku, " elder brother," kiu, do., Accadian ku-r (=kus), "brother," and hiung (sin), "elder brother," Japanese se, Accadian sis ; which is just like that between Accadian kin(gin) in kin-mis, " old man," " grandsire," (bursumu), ^f>f f ^JTT, and si, sig, sun ( = sin), "old" {labiru), <^^tj- (This character seems also to have had the sound of kur in the same sense ; cp. the Chinese £f kit, "ancient," "old," and kiu, "old." Chinese has also si, dialectic sik, "old," sien (sin), "first, the ancients," and sau (su), Shanghai sit, "an old man"; in exact agreement with the Accadian. So $J sung, " pine-tree," including firs and yews, is written with the phonetic kung, showing that it once had that sound; and the same character with the radical ts'ao, "plant," ^ is pro- nounced sung, "cabbage," a general term for such plants. Compare this with the Accadian ^^y| sim, "greens" (urkitu), and ^^fy «-^E=yy siM-Li (?), "pine" (burdsii). Compare also tfyyt sam (sam), the common prefix of vegetables, which also had the values kus, gus, gud, whence, by abrasion, u. So, again, ^, kung, "an insect," read sung in the sense of "grasshopper"; cp. ki-sim, a kind of locust or grasshopper. The same ideogram is read su-rin,

* Siao, "little," dialectic siu, siau, sio, shew, seems to indicate a primary sir, shir, shar : cp. £>|; SIR, "little." With jan, jin, cp. M din, zikaru, "male," " man."

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in the sense of "grasshopper" or "cricket" (sasiru, ^TVI); which reminds us of the relation between initial R and s exhibited by the ideograms J^^ff sim (and rig), »^M sun (and rug). To both the meaning "bright, pure, white," is assigned (ibbu, Hlu). With rug (rig) in this sense we may compare su-rus, " to flash, sparkle, flame, shine" (hamatu, kababu, sabdbu, samu). But we also find su-g'us with a similar sense (sabdbu, samu) • which shows, as Haupt has pointed out, that the Accadian g' (=r) is really a sound akin to the Semitic guttural strong Ayin (~), resembling r

grasieye. This accounts for the few characters given under yuug (gug, gun) in the Chinese lexicon, which the Pekingese pronounce like rung: ^.yung, rung, "glory, splendour," "blood" (cp. run in Accadian gu-RUN, "blood," damn); ffc rung (3 fires + roof) "sparkling," "blazing," |f> rung, "lustre of gems," "lustrous."' " to brighten," and one or two other characters. The Accadian ^^y| rig also means " to surround," " enclose " (in ^^yy

jr<yy and ^z5jz<yy t^ 3=L l=L- ^ru* ^u) 5 cp- V±fz runSt " to

revolve" (of eddies); rung, "rills," "rivulets"; ^ rung, "to wind, tie around, coil around; go around." Considering that an initial r is not found in the Chinese lexicon, except in these few instances under yung, these coincidences seem to me to be very significant.

Returning now to the Chinese vocable with which we are chiefly concerned, we may point out that $ff hiung (bird + arm), "a cock bird, the male of insects and small animals ; the best, masculine, martial ; brave, heroic," is clearly related to Q hung, " prince, lord, master; the male of animals; husband," on the one hand, and to sin, sim, shim, "heart" (as. "hearty," "courageous," "spirited"), on the other. The leading idea, as in |J hiung, "pre-eminent, high, exalted," seems to be that of brightness, and so superiority ; cp. >^y^y, sun (sin), " pure," " glorious " (ibbu, ellu), ^ ku, "glorious" (ellu), ^z kun, "to be bright, to shine" (uamdru) : also S^y^T uku, "day," and "king" (umu, sdrru). ft hiung, "the bear," which involves the character (or flame, is difficult ; but this element of fire, and the fact that the character repeated is used of brightness, in the phrase ki-kwang hiung-hiung, " the glare (was) intense," seems to connect it with the same idea. Perhaps it originally meant the white bear (— Sun or sin, " white," ibbu).

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The sole remaining character with this sound is §jHJ, hiung, "to spy about, observe, watch, inform." In Accadian it is well-known that terms denoting light and sight are closely related, and we find the same sign with the meanings " to be bright," and "to see" (namdru, amarii). This use of the Chinese sin, shin, is therefore to be compared with ^|>-, §1, which includes those two senses, and moreover with the groups

which I read si-in (sin),* si-in-dug-ga (sIn-dugga), which are both explained " to see " (am&ru). The transition from seeing to causing to see, making known, informing, as in ^f^^TT , pad, "to shine, to see, to show, to say," is easy enough. ^|>-, shi (shin) may be the s-form of zi, "to know," and of di, "to judge" (discern). C/>. Chinese shen, "glittering," shen-kien, "sawit an instant"; shen {eye -f blaze), "to glance at, to peep," she n-mu, "to take a look at," sken- shen, "glittering"; shun, "to wink, to glance."

If after this demonstration of the close relation between the Accadian sin, sin, sim, sim, and the Chinese hHung or hsiung, people still incline to the opinion that any Chinese word, or any Accadian word, may mean anything you please, I will ask them to consider whether it is likely that corresponding compoiuid terms should have fortuitously arisen in the two languages, and then to examine the following list: —

Accadian. Chinese,

si-gisse (f) (= si-gin-se), a sacri- yin-si, a sacrifice; Japanese, gisei

fice. = Chinese hi-shang, victims.

sukum (= sug-kum), an offering, shang-kung, to offer in worship.

zikum (= zig-kum), heaven. h'i/'/ug-ts'ang, heaven.

gukkal (= gug-kal), ram. yang-ku, ram.

* That ^||||) archaic |r[rjz| iE| , E (i), "house" (bit 11) originally had the value IN is clear from its use in in -gar, 5 R 42, 56 g. in became E (i) by wear- ing down, as IN, "clothes," became the Chinese ?', "clothes," or as c-in became Gi ; cp. *~11, in, Siptit, withtTy, E (i) habu. But, further, this IN (en), "a house," like its other Accadian homophones, represents a primitive GIN (can), gin, "house," and gin, "clothes," both meant shelter, covering; cp. j yen, (gin), dialectic im siam ngc" (gin), "a shelter," of which the original form is said by some to resemble a house. The character is the 53rd radical, and enters into the composition of characters relating to dwellings.

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ACCADIAN.

kingad, love, to love.

ka-lum, fruit. lu-gug, sheep, ram. si-lig, leader, strong. sag-du (sang-du), | head. su-shi, a corpse.

sag-gigga, the Black-headed (a name of the Accadians). sag is the Chinese sang, sing, and gig \syih,yik, "black."

DIL-BAD, Ae\e0nT (Hesych.), the

planet Venus.

LlG-Bl(-KTj), WOlf.

ban-sur, dish, banquet, feast.

ninni (= nin + nin), The Great Lady or Goddess (Ishtar).

(sis-)si-ki, elder brother (Sin).

kud-din, younger brother.

(mu)ku, a timber tree (sign = mu, tree + ku, dioell).

Chinese.

ts'i'n (formerly kin)*-ngai, love.

kien-ngai, to love all equally.

kwo-lo, fruit (of all kinds).

ling-yang, a sheep-like deer.

shi-lih (old lik), strength, prowess.

shang-fau, the head or chief.

s'i-shi, a dead body ; Shanghai s'i-su.

klien-sliau, Black-heads ; a name of the Chinese (cp. Accadian kan, "black") from Ts'in-Chi- Hwangti's time {circa 225 B.C.), according to the native au- thorities ; but probably much older.

T'ai-poh, the planet Venus.

lang-pei, wolf. fang-si, a plenteous table (full

goblet ox plate + table), a feast. 7iiang-niang (= nin-nin), lady

goddess. kia-hiung (ki-sin), elder brother. ko-ti, younger brother. (mu) ku, a timber tree (sign =

mu, tree + ku, dwell).

It should perhaps be mentioned, though the fact will be evident enough to Chinese and Accadian scholars in their respective depart- ments, that in no case are these compound terms hypothetical formations of my own (like pin-lut = the Accadian billudu, for

* As the phonetic of the character indicates.

t sag (sang), "head," and "chief," was dialoctically shag (shang). It is related to Chinese sang, "forehead," and sin, sing, " the sinciput " (Cliifu shine) as well as to shau (old shug), Shanghai sit, " the head.*' Further, such an alter- native as sin or sing, "the sinciput," enables us to understand how Sag shang) or sag can be "mountain," "peak" in Accadian, and SHAN ( — shang), " moun- tain," in Chinese.

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example). All are taken from the accessible repertories of the two languages ; and my task has been simply to find and compare them : indice monstravi digito.

As a result of our comparisons thus far, certain laws appear to emerge : —

I. Laws of the Modification of Elementary Sounds : as, e.g., for initial consonants, that Chinese y = Accadian g;* Chinese ch (ch() = Accadian t (or d) ; Chinese j = Accadian d; Chinese ts (ts') = Accadian z; Chinese f= Accadian p (b) ; Chinese h (h') = Acca- dian k (g), s (s) ; Chinese w, v= Accadian m (v) ; and Chinese 1 = Accadian 1, d, or r.

For final consonants, that Chinese ng may represent (a) an Accadian final m or n, as in kung = kum, /7/;/^=kun (in gu-run), /u'ung= sin, sin, sim; m'dng=NiN'} Hang, leung, Hong, "humane," = lim (cp. me-li) = lam (in nita-lam), "man," as jan, " humane," = jan, "man" (Accadian din = gin): or (b) an Accadian g (ng), as yatig, yung, yeung, yong, = gug (gung), " sheep," sang, shang, zong = sag, sag, zag (sang, shang, zang), "head"; ts'ing, "green," " azure " = zi(G),f sig (zing, sing), "green."

That a Chinese final vowel (1) may represent a final Accadian vowel, pa = ba, ti = di, mu = mu ; or (2) may imply, as in Acca- dian itself, the loss of a final consonant, k, p, t (g. b, d), s, r, 1; as pao = ba-r, ba-l, mao = ma-s, "leader," "foremost," yi (yik) = gig, "disease," pa (pat) = bad, "high," kin, kit = ku-r, ngai (ngat) = ga-d, "to love," p'ai (pat) = ba-d, " to open," si (sik) = si, sig, " clothes," " grief," and so on.

As to internal vowels, a and u interchange in the dialects, and // and i everywhere show the closest affinity to each other, exactly as in the Accadian.

II. A law of Dialectic Correspondence ; as when we find that chHh, old dik, "a step," is chHk ( = dig) in Cantonese, and ts'ak ( = zig) in Shanghai, or that chHh, " red," is ch'ik in Cantonese, and

* Or a lost initial g; yuen = AN, "waste." My original instance, yc, " night," " darkness," agrees more exactly with the Accadian than I then per- ceived. The dialectic ye, ya, ya, point to 01 and ga, while the elements of the character (sik, "evening," + yik, ek, "also"1) show that the final sound was k (g). In Accadian the character was called GA-GIG, and had each of those values, as well as GE or Gf.

t In zi-kum, "heaven."

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ts'ek (=zig) in Shanghai, just like the Accadian dug = zib; or that yen, "word," is in Cantonese in, in Amoy gian, in Shanghai yi", like the Accadian, in, "speech," "charm," "word," GU(n), "to speak," gi(n) "to answer" ; or that Jan, old nin, "a man," is ydn, jin, nidng in the three dialects, forms equivalent to the Accadian gin, din, nin (ni) which all mean "male," "man"; or that juA, "to enter," old nip, is in the three dialects yap, jip, zeh C = gib, dib, zib), with which we may compare the Accadian ffij dib aldkn, bcCu, " to come," "to come in " ; or, again, as when we find that man, "the eye," "to look at," answers to bb ( = ba) in Amoy, and ma, "linen," to Amoy ha, just as Accadian mas answer to bar, and so in many other instances ; or that mu, "wood," has its counterpart \Vl yeh, "a post," yeh, " the stock of a tree " (old yet, git), just as Accadian mu answers to gis (=git) " tree," " wood " ; or, finally, that shing, " dish," is seng, sang in Amoy and Shanghai, so that we have the sequence shig, sig, zig, just as in Accadian we have shi and zi, " spirit," sang and zang, " head," sidi and zida, " right."

III. What may perhaps be called a Law of the Correlation or Equivalence of Forms, which has played a great part in the evolu- tion of words in both languages.

As an instance take the Chinese series : —

yen, "a night-watch," "a guard"; yen, ngan, nge", "eye," "to see"; yen, im, yam, ye", "to flame," "brilliant"; yang, "to look up"; kin, "brilliance"; kin, "to see"; k'in, "to long for"; kien, "to see"; k'ien, "a firefly"; kan (Amoy), "to spy"; cA'an (din), "to glare at"; chdng (ding), "to burnish"; dfen, also read tien, "to spy"; Hen (tin), " to glance at " ; ti, " to gaze at " ; ts'e" (Shanghai), " to look at with awe"; ts'e'1 (Shanghai), "to spy"; ts'iien, "to clear,"' " explain ; " tsing, " brightness " ; tsing, " ghost " ; s/ien, shan, shim, se", "to glance at," "flash"; shi, "to be"; shing, "bright," "pure"; lin (lim), " to behold " ; lien, " to discriminate " ; Ian, lam, lcK, "to inspect"; mien, "to look towards"; min, "white alabaster"; ming, "bright"; ming, "to look at"; man, "a fiat eye"; mang (mung), " dazzling," etc., etc.

And the Accadian : — en, "to watch," gan, gin, " to desire " (strictly, "to gaze at"), gan, "to shine," gan, "to see" (igi-gan), g'un, "to look up," kin, "to look for." kin, "to watch" (ki-en-nun), kin, "to desire" (kin- gad), tin (din), "to see," tin, "to want" (aS-tin), di, "to look

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at," di, "to want" (as-di), (shin-di), zin, "bright" (zim-b r)s zi, "see," "live," shin, shi, "see," "become/' "be," sin, " oright," si "bright" (si-lag), shing, "bright," lim, "eye," "see," lam, "brightness" (me-lam), man, "sun," men, "pure," mul (=mun), "to shine," etc., etc. Other members of both series will readily occur. I conclude with : —

The Ideogram T]£r<T>->^y.

This sign, with the value gidim, meaning an evil spirit of the desert, is familiar enough to readers of Accadian religious documents. As it has never yet been analysed, its analysis will perhaps be admitted to afford some proof of the value of Chinese for the illustration of Accadian. It answers to a Chinese group read hiai- chai, or hiai-chi* denoting " a fabulous animal, half-deer, half unicorn, which dwells in the desert, and gores wicked men when it sees them." The older sound of the name was kai-dai, or kai-di, as the phonetic (kiai, kai) of Mai shows ; cp. Amoy hai-ti, and Shanghai ye-za. Now the character for hiai is compounded of the signs for dog -f- horn + knife + ox (kin, kak, tar, ngu). Writing this in Accadian characters, Jjy + ^Z + *>^r + £f^ (kin + kak + tar + gu), we see at once that it is the solution of the above ideogram.

The Shanghai ye-za suggests Azazel f (Lev. xvi, 8), and points also to an initial g, as in the Accadian term. For the change from g to k, cp. the Accadian gi and ki, "fire." kin, "dog," will be treated of at length in a future paper.

* The only other meaning assigned to the character chat or chi is "to dis- criminate"; which agrees perfectly with the Accadian di, "to judge."

t Cp. also the other name of the Chinese demon, shin-yang, " the spirit-goat."

Errata. — The Chinese characters, t'ien, p. 404, middle, and hliung, p. 411, fifth line, are not correctly given; but both will be easily identified.

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SUR LES DYNASTIES DIVINES DE L'ANCIENNE EGYPTE.

Par G. Maspero.

L'origine, la constitution, et la repartition des dynasties divines

qui, selon la tradition, avaient precede les dynasties humaines en

Egypte, ont fourni matiere a hypotheses variees, de la part des savants

qui se sont occupes de l'histoire et de la chronologie egyptiennes.

Les dernieres decouvertes accomplies dans le domaine de la mytho-

logie montrent que la solution proposee, il y a plus de trente ans,

par Lepsius, dans son Memoire sur le premier cycle des dieux Egyptiens,

etait vraie dans l'ensemble ; elles m'obligent toutefois a modifier

grandement le detail, et a proposer plusieurs explications nouvelles

auxquelles Lepsius ne pouvait songer, faute d'avoir a sa disposition

un nombre suffisant de documents.

Le Syncelle* nous a conserve, dans le tableau suivant, une version de l'histoire fabuleuse qu'on rencontrait chez Manethon : —

" Sur les Egyptiens, en premier, regno. Hephcestos. 724 ans f " Premiere Dynastie.

"20 Helios, fils tTHephcBstos 8oi

" 30 Agathodemon 56^

" 40 Kronos 40^

" 50 Osiris et Isis 35

"6° Typhon 29."

Viennent ensuite des demi-dieux, au nombre de neuf, qui form en t une seconde dynastie, dont le premier roi est Harsiisit Tn/Jov ^ut'Beoi, Horos le demi-dieu, fils d'Isis et d'Osiris. Je prefere cette redaction aux autres, a cause d'un detail dont on ne me parait pas avoir tenu un compte suffisant, bien qu'il ait une valeur extreme. Hephaestos n'y est pas confondu avec les dieux qui suivent ; il demeure en vedette, isole au debut de l'histoire, et la premiere dynastie ne commence qu'apres lui, avec Helios, fils d'Hephrestos. Manethon placait done en tete de son livre un dieu hors cadre, H(^ph?estos, puis introduisait derriere lui une premiere dynastie de cinq dieux, et une

* Dans Muller, Ftagtn. Hist. Gracorum de Didot, t. II, p, 53°^~53Ia<

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June 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

seconde de neuf demi-dieux. Je laisse les neuf demi-dieux de cote" pour le moment et je m'occuperai d'abord des cinq dieux, et d'Hephasstos. Si je place leurs noras indigenes a cote de leurs noms hellenises, j'obtiens la double liste que voici : —

i° E'ephcestos Phtah

Premiere Dynastie.

20 Helios Rd

30 Sosos\Agathodemon~\* Shou-[Shai]

40 Kronos Sibou

50 Osiris et Isis Ouosiri, Osiri, et Is it

6° Typhon S/t, Souti.

La mention d'Isis avec Osiris, dans le Syncelle, montre que les documents originaux placaient les deesses reines et meres a cote des dieux. Je les retablirai chacune avec le dieu dont elle est l'epouse, et je completerai ainsi la double liste : —

i° Hephcestos Phtah

Premiere Dynastie.

20 Helios Ra-\Atoumoii\

30 Sosos-\_ ] Shou-Tafnoiiit

40 Kronos\Rhea\ Sibou-Nouit

50 Osiris- 1 sis Osiri-Isit

6° Typhon-[Nephthys] SU-Nebthait.

Si nous ecartons Hephaestos, il nous reste pour le premiere dynastie, du cote egyptien, la Grande Enneade dHeliopolis, Ra-[Toumou],

* Le nom de Sosos est introduit ici par les autres listes a. la place de celui d'Agathodemon. Agathodemon est a proprement parler le dieu Kneph, le serpent joufflu qui pond l'oeuf du monde, ou le serpent protecteur, la destinee Jq J ^T M^ MJl Shai. La substitution d'Agathodemon a Shou, ou plutot l'identi- fication de l'un avec l'autre, me parait etre amenee, i° par la presence de 2<Z<tos, dans la liste des rois demi-dieux que nous verrons plus tard : Manethon, ou l'auteur qu'il suivait, aura voulu eviter ce doid)le emploi du meme nom divin ; 2° par le desir d'introduire a une place relevee un dieu, Khnoumou, Kneph, qui commencait a jouer un grand role dans la pensee religieuse de 1'Egypte ; 3" cette substitution a ete favorisee par l'assonance sufri.-%ante du nom S/ion-Sosos, avec le nom Shai- Agathodemon. Je retablis done le nom de Shou-S6sos a cote de celui d'Agathodemon-Shai dans la liste, pour la plus grande clarte de l'exposition, et je conclus de la presence du nom d'Agathodemon, que la redaction de notre liste que Syncelle nous a conservee ne sauiait etre anterieure au moment ou le cultc <le Khnoumou-Kneph se d^veloppa, e'est-a-dire a la tin de l'epoque persane.

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June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

Shou Tafnouit, Sibou-Nouit, Osiri-Isit, Sit-Nebthait,* du cote grec, la traduction, Helios, du nom Egyptien de Ra. et la forme hellenisee des noms des quatre dieux males qui entrent a la suite de Toumou dans la Grande Enneade, Sosos (Agathodemon), Kronos, Osiris, Typhon. J'en conclus que la premiere dynastie divine de Mane'thon n'est autre que la Grande Enneade d'Heliopolis, ® ^ 1 <^=> -|- ^ a I Q rnais a la condition d'expliquer pourquoi le premier membre de la dynastie ne s'appelle pas Toumou, comme le premier membre de l'Enneade, et pourquoi Hephsestos-Phtah se trouve iso!6 en tete des dynasties.

Et de fait, le dieu feodal d'Heliopolis ne s'appelle pas Toumou primitivement ; son nom reel est Ra, dont nous ne savons ni la signification, ni l'origine. Ra est pour le peuple le soleil materiel qui se leve chaque jour a l'Orient, Ra est le createur qui a mis les elements dans l'ordre oil nous les voyons, Ra. est enfin le plus ancien roi de l'Egypte. Manethon et ses auteurs etaient done par- faitement autorises a dire que Ra. etait le chef de la premiere dynastie divine, Ra. et non Toumou, Helios et non Tomos. Toumou est, avant tout, un dieu de theologien, ne dans le sanctuaire. Le Soleil en effet, en tant que demiurge, n'avait pas une existence une et homogene. L'acte de la creation partageait son existence en deux moments entierement distincts : le moment passe oil notre monde n'etait pas encore et oil lui-meme se trouvait mele au chaos primordial, le moment present oil notre monde est et oil lui-meme nous eclaire de sa lumiere sans cesse renaissante. Les fideles ne separaient pas tres nettement ces deux epoques de la vie du dieu ; avant comme apres la creation, il etait pour eux Ra. et rien de plus. Mais les theologiens avaient ete conduits par la reflexion a les distinguer par des noms differcnts. Le mot Ra etait attache de fac,on si indissoluble a Pidee du personnage lumineux dont le disque parcourt notre ciel, qu'ils le conserverent pour designer la periode ou la personne actuelle de leur divinite supreme. La periode ou la personne anterieure a la creation, dont le peuple ne se souciait gueres, regut d'eux un nom factice Toumou, Atounwu, qui parait signifier soit le tout, la totalite, soit la creation. Au Ea primitif de la religion courante oorrespondaient dans la theologie deux noms Atoumou et Ra, qu'on isolait parfois pour marquer la

* C'est ainsi, en efFet, que nous la donnent les monuments de toutes lr> epoques, depuis les Pyramedes {cf. Maspero, la Myt/wlogie Egyptiemta, p. 43 sqq. ).

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June 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

difference entre les deux moments de la vie du soleil auxquels ils repondaient, et que parfois on reunissait en une seule expression complexe Ra-toumou, Atoumou-ra, pour bien montrer qu'ils ne couvraient qu'un seul etre. Si l'Enneade avait ete a Heliopolis une conception populaire, le nom de Ra. y aurait figure comme premier terme, et Ton aurait eu la serie, RA, Shou-Tafnouit, Sibou-Nouit, etc. Mais l'Enneade etait, comme j'ai eu souvent l'occasion de le dire, un systeme combine par les theologiens d'Heliopolis afin d'expliquer la creation et d'en preciser les instants successifs. Les pretres y plagerent naturellement au lieu de Ra leur Atoumou, et firent la serie Atoumou, Shou-Tafnouit, Sibou-Nouit, etc. Ils n'avaient point du reste la pretention d'exiler Ra de l'Enneade : ils l'y com- prenaient tacitement sous Atoumou, et le second couple Shou- Tafnouit, conserva toujours chez eux le titre de Si ou Sit Ra, fils on file de Ra, quand raerae son per e Atoumou le precede immediate- ment et que son pere Ra n'est pas explicitement nomme. En resume leur cosmologie, telle qu'elle est resumee dans la Grande Enneade, supposait qu'au debut, " quand il n'y avait pas encore de ciel, qu'il n'y avait pas encore de terre, qu'il n'y avait pas encore d'hommes, que les dieux n'etaient pas encore nes, qu'il n'y avait pas encore de mort,"* Toumou etait seul dans le Nou, l'Ocean primordial. Au jour qu'il avait fixe pour la creation, il sortit du lotus sous forme de disque lumineux et fut Ra. Au bout d'un certain temps, Shou arracha Nouit des bras de Sibou, la souleva pour en faire le ciel, et Ra montant sur elle commenca a circuler autour de notre terre. Si nous mettons ce recit en tableau, nous avons une liste de noms.

Atoumou avant la creation. La Creation.

Ra.

Shou- Taf nouit.

Sibou-Nouit, etc. qui repond comme disposition a. celle des dynasties de Manethon : — "Sur les Egyptiens, en premier, re'gna Hephcestos. Premiere Dynastie.

Helios, fils d'Hephrestos.

Agathodhnon (Sosos).

Kronos, etc.

* Pyramide de Pepi I, 1. 664, dans le Recueil, T. viii, pp. 103, 104, Toumou donne, dans ce passage, naissance a Pepi, qui est identifie a Ra.

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June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

et ne differe d'elle que par le nom du dieu anterieur, a la creation d'une part, a la premiere dynastie de l'autre, Atoumou au lieu d'Hephoestos.

La raison de cette difference est connue de longue date. L'Enneade heliopolitaine parut si ingenieuse et si complete aux colleges sacerdotaux des autres principautes egyptiennes, que la plupart d'entre eux l'adopterent entierement depuis Atoumou jusqu'a Nephthys. Si nous prenons par exemple l'Enneade thebaine, nous verrons qu'elle se compose de Montou que suivent Toumoit, Shou- Tafnouit, Sibou-Nouit, etc.* On saisit, sans que j'aie besoin d'y insister, la facon dont les pretres thebains ont procede pour s'appro- pner l'Enneade heliopolitaine. lis ont profite de la personnalite double que la theologie pretait au premier membre de l'Enneade, Atoumou-Ra, pour mettre en tete, comme dieu primordial et comme demiurge, le dieu feodal de leur pays, Montou. f Montou fut done dans le systeme thebain le dieu qui existait avant la creation : Atoumou degrade de ce rang supreme, n'y fut plus que l'equivalent de Ra, le soleil qui eclaire le monde apres la creation. J Nous avons

* Voir les exemples que Lepsius en a reunis dans son memoire Ueber den erst en ALgyptiscIien Gottcrkreis.

t Montou etait le dieu feodal de toute la plaine thebaine : on le trouve souverain a Ennent, a Taoud, a Medamot. Anion ne devait etre au debut que le dieu local du bourg insignifiant de Karnak, et ne prit son importance qu'a partir du moment 011 les dynasties thebaines regnerent sur l'Egypte, encore ne reussit-il pas a chasser Montou de ses positions, et apres la chute de Thebes, vers l'epoque romaine, celui-ci reprit la situation preponderante qu'il avait eu clans les commencements. La presence de Montou a la tete de l'Enneade thebaine nous donne une date a minima pour l'introductiorj de l'Enneade heliopolitaine dans cette region : elle se fit avant la xie dynastie au plus tard, e'est-a-dire avant le moment oil les evenements politiques assirent la suprematie thebaine sur l'Egypte. Am on ne me parait d'ailleurs, comme Atoumou, etre qu'un dieu de sanctuaire resultant d'une combination artificielle entre les deux divinites qui regnaient dans cette contree, Minou de Coptos et Montou.

\ Cette interversion etait d'autant plus indiquee que Montou, maiire d'Onou du midi, est le soleil materiel comme Ra, maitre d'Onou du Nord. En adoptani la serie Montou, Ra, Shou-Tafnouit, etc., c'aurait done ete le meme personnage solaire qu'on aurait eu sous les deux noms de Montou et de Ra, et le type du soleil anterieur a Ta creation n'aurait pas ete represente* dans la serie. Au contraire, dans l'Enneade Memphite, oil le dieu local Thtah n'avait rien de solaire et n'etait qu'un dieu terrestre, la theologie locale a respecte 1'ordre adniis a Heliopolis, et a mis apres Phtah, Ra et non Atoumou : la, en eflet, Phtah figure naturellement le dieu anterieur a la creation, et il faut introduire dans la serie l'equivalent du soleil materiel, en d'autres termes, Ra.

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June 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1890.

si peu des monuments a Memphis, que nous ne sommes gueres renseignes sur la composition de TEnneade Memphite. Toutefois, en combinant quelques documents provenant d'autres localites, on en arrive a. voir qu'elle etait constitute de Phtah, pere des dieux, de RA, puis de Sliou-Tafnouit, Sibou-ATouit, et des autres memes dieux que l'heliopolitaine. La cosmologie Memphite, mise en tableau, comprend done: —

Phtah avant la creation. La Creation.

Ra.

Shou-Tafnouit, etc.

C'est exactement la donnee de Manethon dans le Syncelle : — " Sur les Egyptiens, en premier, regna Hiphcestos.

Premiere Dynastie. " Helios, fils d'Hephcestos. " Agathodemon (Sosos), etc."

Le dieu hors cadre et les cinq rois de la premiere dynastie divine de Manethon, ne sont autres que la variante Memphite de PEnneade heliopolitaine. J'en tirerai deux conclusions egalement importantes pour la critique de Manethon et pour celle de l'histoire d'Egypte: —

i°. Le document dont Manethon s'est servi pour etablir l'histoire fabuleuse est un document memphite ;

20. L'histoire fabuleuse, a Memphis, a Thebes, ct probablement dans toute VEgypte, reposait sur une tradition theologique heliopolitaine, a peine modifice an debut par les exigences de la vanite locale.

Manethon, ou plutot les auteurs qui nous ont transmis ses fragments, ne nous ont rien conserve de l'histoire de ces dynastes divines. Les monuments egyptiens nous sont plus secourables, et nous ont rendu deja plusieurs lambeaux de leurs chroniques fabu- leuses. Les uns se rattachent de preference h. la version Memphite ; ainsi, dans le morceau oil on raconte comment Sibou termina la guerre entre Horus, fils d'Isis, et Typhon, en leur attribuant a l'un la Basse, a l'autre la Haute Egypte, et en fixant avec precision la limite de leurs domaines, Phtah semble etre le dieu primordial qui a precede tous les autres dieux et les a crees. D'autres, comme les fragments de la legende Osirienne, semblent nous etre parvenus sous une forme originaire du Delta. Partout, le recit soi-disant historique qu'on nous fait des actions des dieux

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June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

n'est qu'un arrangement des phenomenes qu'on pensait avoir ete accomplis par l'Enneade aux divers instants de la creation. Je me bornerai a citer a l'appui de cette opinion un seul de ces fragments, celui que Naville a publie et interprete le premier, et qui nous raconte la fin du regne de Ra, Helios.* L'univers sur lequel Ra exerc,ait son autorite n'etait que Pebauche du notre ; Shou n'y avait pas encore separe Sibou de Nouit, et le ciel ne faisait qu'un avec la terre. II y avait pourtant des plantes, des animaux, de veritables hommes dans ce premier essai de monde. L'Egypte s'y trouvait tout entiere avec ses deux montagnes, son Nil, ses rite's, le peuple de ses nomes, ses nomes eux-memes. Le dieu-roi residait a Heliopolis, et le palais qu'il s'y construisit devint plus tard, sous le nom de Chateau du roi — Halt Sarou, — un des sanctuaires les plus veneres du pays. Lorsqu'il en ouvrait les portes et qu'il apparaissait sur le seuil, la lumiere apparaissait avec lui et le jour se levait. II sortait alors avec sa troupe de dieux et s'embarquait aux acclamations de la foule pour fournir sa course habituelle autour de la vallee. Les provinces recevaient tour a tour sa visite, et il sejournait une heure dans chacune d'elles pour regler en dernier ressort les affaires pendantes. Sa journee faite, il rentrait dans son palais, en fermait les portes sur lui et la nuit tombait aussitot. Cependant la vieillesse arrivait et les infirmites avec elle ; le corps de Ra se courbait, " la "bouche lui grelottait, la bave lui ruisselait vers la terre, la salive lui " degouttait sur le sol." t Le temps vint oil les hommes eux-m€mes s'apercurent de sa decrepitude, et tinrent des propos contre lui : " Voici Sa Majeste vieillit, ses os sont d'argent, ses chairs sont d'or, "ses cheveux sont de lapis-lazuli." Ce n'est pas ici le lieu de raconter en detail comment il convoqua le conseil des dieux dans Heliopolis, comment ceux-ci lui conseillerent de chatier les hommes, comment Sokhit, la lionne, fut chargee de l'execution du chatiment, ni comment Ra. empecha la deesse de detruire entitlement la race humaine. La partie du recit qui interesse specialement la question que je traite, commence a l'instant oil Ra vainqueur, mais degout£ de sa propre victoire, songe a terminer son regne. II veut se retirer du monde, mais ne sait ou trouver un endroit oil il soit a l'abri des hommes. Impuissant a rien creer de nouveau en tant que Ra, il s'adresse a sa forme primordiale, celle qui etait dans l'eau primitive et

* Naville, La destruction des hommes par les dieux, dans les Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaology, T. EV, p. 1-19, et T. VIII, p. 412-420. t Pleyte et Rossi : Les Papyrus de Turin, pi. exxxii, lignes 1 et 2.

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qui se confond avec elle en son nora de Nou. Nou (Atoumou) se remet done a l'ceuvre et acheve la creation qu'il avait laissee im- parfaite a l'avenement de Ra. La legende cosmogonique presentait la separation du ciel et de la terre comrae un acte de violence exerce par Shou sur Sibou et sur Nouit. L'histoire fabuleuse interpreta la legende et la traduisit de fa^on moins brutale. Shou y devint un fils vertueux qui consacra son temps et ses forces a porter Nouit pour rendre service a, son pere. Nouit de son cote est. une enfant bien elevee qu'il n'est point necessaire de rudoyer pour lui enseigner ses devoirs ; elle consent de bonne grace a quitter son mari pour mettre son ai'eul Ra a l'abri de toute attaque. " La Majeste de Nou dit : " ' Fils Shou, agis pour ton pere Ra. selon ses commandements, et toi, " fille Nouit, place-le sur ton dos, et tiens-le suspendu au-dessus de "la terre.' Nouit dit: ' Et comment cela, mon pere Nou?' Ainsi "parla Nouit et elle fit ce que Nou lui ordonnait ; elle se transforma "en vache et plaga la Majeste de Ra sur son dos. Quand ceux des " homines qui n'avaient pas ete tues vinrent rendre graces a Ra, voici " qu'ils ne le trouverent plus dans son palais, mais une vache £tait " debout. et ils Papercurent sur le dos de la vache." lis n'essayerent pas de le faire revenir sur sa resolution, tant ils le virent decide" au depart ; du moins voulurent-ils lui donner une preuve de repentir qui leur assurat le pardon complet de leur crime. " Ils lui dirent : Attends "jusqu'a demain, 6 Ra notre maitre, et nous renverserons tes ennemis "quionttenu des propos contre toi." "Sa Majeste revint done a " son chateau, descendit de la vache, entra avec eux, et la terre fut " plongee dans les tene'bres. Mais quand la terre s'eclaira au matin " nouveau, les hommes sortirent avec leurs arcs et leurs fleches, et ils " commencerent a tirer contre les ennemis. Sur quoi la Majeste" de " ce dieu leur dit: ' Vos peches vous sont remis, car le sacrifice " ' e'earte l'execution du coupable.' Et ce fut l'origine des sacrifices " sanglants sur terre." C'est ainsi qu'au moment de se separer pour toujours le dieu et les hommes s'entendirent pour regler les rapports qu'ils auraient a l'avenir. Les hommes offraient au dieu la vie de ceux qui l'avaient offense. Le sacrifice humain etait done a leurs yeux le sacrifice obligatoire, le seul qui put racheter les fautes com- mises contre la divinite ; un homme seul avait qualite pour laver dans son sang les peches des hommes. Le dieu consentit pour la premiere fois a accepter l'expiation telle qu'elle lui dtait presentee, puis la repugnance qu'il eprouvait a. tuer ses enfants l'emporta : il substitua la bete a l'homme, et decida que le bceuf, la gazelle, les

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June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

oiseaux seraient desormais la matiere clu sacrifice. Ce point regie, il remonte sur la vache. Celle-ci se leve, s'arcboute sur ses quatre jambes, comme sur autant de piliers ; son ventre, allonge comme un plafond au-dessus de la terre, forme le ciel. Ra cependant s'occupe d'organiser le royaume nouveau qu'il decouvre sur le dos de Nouit ; il le peuple d'etres nombreux, y choisit deux cantons pour lui-meme, le Champ a* Asp ho dele (ou des Feves) — Sokhit iarou — et le Champ de paix (ou des offrandes) — Sokhit hotpit — suspend les lampes qui doivent desormais eclairer les nuits, le tout avec force jeux de mots, destines selon l'usage oriental a expliquer les noms que la legende assignait aux diverses parties du ciel. Tandis qu'il se livrait a ce passe-temps philologique, Nouit, transported soudain a une hauteur inaccoutumee, prit peur et cria au secours vers Nou : " Donne-moi "par grace des etais pour me soutenir ! " Ce fut le commencement des dieux-etais, les dieux des quatre points cardinaux, ou plutot des quatre maisons du monde. lis vinrent se placer chacun aupres d'une des jambes de la vache qu'ils assurerent de leurs mains et pres de laquelle ils ne cesserent plus de monter bonne garde. " Ra dit : " ' Mon fils Shou, place-toi sous ma fille Nouit, et, veillant pour "moi sur ces etais-ci et sur ces etais-la qui sont dans le crepuscule, " aies la au-dessus de la tete et sois son pasteur.'" Shou obeit, vint se ranger sous le ventre de Nouit, les bras leves ; la deesse reprit courage, et le monde, pourvu du ciel qui lui avait manque jusqu'alors, regut la forme que nous lui connaissons.

L'histoire de la premiere dynastie divine avait done pour cadre les principaux faits de la cosmogonie, et ses membres e'taient iden- tiques aux membres de la Grande Enneade d'Heliopolis. Si Ton passeal'examen dela seconde dynastie, celle qui, d'apres Manethon, etait composee de demi-dieux, on sera frappe d'y voir reparattre ce nombre neuf, caracteristique des doctrines heliopolitaines. La succession s'en presente comme il suit : — ■

70 Horos, demi-dieu 25 a /is.

8° Ares, demi-dieu .... . . 23 ,,

90 Anoubis, demi-dieu 17 ,,

io° Heracles, demi-dieu 15 „

n° Apollo, demi-dieu 25 ,,

120 Ammon, demi-dieu 30 ,,

1 30 Tit hoes, demi-dieu 27 ,,

1 40 Sosos, demi-dieu 32 ,,

15° Zeus, demi-dieu 20 ,,

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June 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1890.

Tous ces noms ne sont pas egalement faciles a identifier a des

prototypes egyptiens. Je crois pourtant que la liste suivante est au moins vraisemblable : —

Horos Harsiisit, Hor fits d'Isis.

Ares Anhouri, Onouris.

Anoubis Anoupou.

Heracles Khonsou.

Apollo Har-houditi, Hor d'Edfou.

Amnion Anion.

Tithoes Thouti, Thot.

Sosos SJwu.

Zeus Amon-rd.

La distinction entre Horos et Apollo se retrouve au Papyrus royal

de Turin, qui compte au moins deux j^ Horou parmi les dynastes divins : qu'Apollo soit Har-houditi, la traduction Apollonopolis que les Grecs firent du nom de la ville d'Edfou ne permet aucun doute a cet egard. Tithoes me parait cacher le nom de Thot et Heracles celui de Khonsou ; Zeus est Amonra de Thebes. Ces repetitions Horou et Har-houditi, Anion et Amonra, ainsi que la reapparition de Shou, sont justifiees par le peu que nous savons des monuments egyptiens. La petite Enneade thebaine, par exemple, renferme a Karnak deux Ouapouaitou.* La dynastie des demi-dieux est done, elle aussi, dans cet extrait de Manethon, une Enneade, mais une Enneade dont tous les membres sont des dieux non accouples. Or le peu que nous savons de la seconde Enneade heliopolitaine, la petite Enneade, presente la meme particularity. Les divinite's dont elle se compose n'ont pas de mari ou de femme, ou s'ils une femme ou un mari l'absorbent pour ainsi dire en elles-memes et ne comptent a deux que pour un seul numero. Je crois done que le prototype de la deuxieme dynastie divine de Manethon etait la seconde Enneade heliopolitaine. Evidemment la liste qu'il en donne ne nous a pas conserve la composition premiere de cette petite Enneade : des noms comme Anion et Khonsou ne peuvent y avoir ete introduits qu'apres la XIIe dynastie au plus tot, et sont a. eux seuls une preuve de reman iement. Comme la version de la premiere Enneade que Mane'thon adopte est la version Memphite, il me parait au moins tres probable, sinon entierement certain, que sa liste de la seconde dynastie represente une version

* Lepsius, Ueber den erst en G'dtterkreis, pi. II. 428

June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890

memphite de la petite Enneade, celle ou une de celles qui avaient cours au debut de l'epoque grecque. Autant que j'en puis juger, les divinites comprises dans la petite Enneade etaient celles qui, le monde une fois organise et la vie mise en mouvement sur la terre, avaient ete chargees plus specialement de disposer l'Egypte et d'y regulariser la vie politique et sociale. Ainsi, le traite conclu entre le premier d'entre eux, Harsiisit, et son oncle Sit, avait determine la division du pays en deux royaumes distincts, celui de la Haute et celui de la Basse Egypte ; Thot avait preside a la repartition en nomes et en cites, etc. Quoi que Ton pense de cette interpreta- tion, on ne refusera pas, je crois, d'admettre, qu'ici encore, l'histoire fabuleuse de Manethon a pour fondement la tradition heliopolitaine, plus ou moins modifiee par des elements memphites.

Or la tradition he'liopolitaine admettait trois Enneades formant un total de vingt-sept dieux et deesses. Nous ne connaissons rien de la troisieme Enneade, et ce n'est que par conjecture que j'ai ete tente d'y ranger les dieux secondaires des morts, surtout les quatre enfants d'Horus. Manethon de son cote admet, apres les deux dynasties des dieux et des demi-dieux, une troisieme dynastie de morts, NeWs, sur laquelle nous n'avons aucun renseignement. Nean- moins, etant donnee l'analogie des dynasties precedentes, je crois que celle-la aussi etait une Enneade, la troisieme du systeme heliopolitain. Les sources Memphites auxquelles la version de Manethon rapportee par le Syncelle aurait ete puisee auraient done renferme" un expose de l'histoire primitive de l'Egypte, derive de la theologie des pretres d'Heliopolis. La triple Enneade, les vingt-sept dieux des Helio-

politains lliniinmmmmimil, auraient fourni trois dynasties, correspondant chacune a une des Enneades. Ce qui jusqu'a present a empeche de reconnaitre et d'apprecier ce fait, e'est le peu d'attention que les Egyptologues, Lepsius excepte, ont prete aux Enneades, et la facon inexacte dont ils les ont interpreters. La presence du dieu hors cadre, la suppression des divinites femelles, l'alteration de certains noms, etaient autant d'obstacles a l'inter- pretation rigoureuse de la premiere dynastie divine ; le peu de documents qu'on avait sur la seconde Enneade, et l'oubli dans lequel on laissait la troisieme s'opposaient a ce qu'on songeat a les rapprocher des deux dynasties suivantes. La demonstration que j'ai essaye de donner n'est pas complete ; j'espere qu'elle le deviendra, a mesure que les monuments dgyptiens nous rendront

429 2 H

June 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1890.

des renseignements nouveaux sur la composition et sur la nature des deux dernieres Enne'ades.

Je n'ai examine jusqu'a present que la version de Mane'thon que le Syncelle nous a conservee. La version qu'Eusebe nous en donne est assez differente.* Elle regie comme il suit la succession de la premiere dynasties :

Vulcanus Phtah

Sol RA

\Agathodccmon~\ [Shou]

Saturnus Sibou

Osiris Ostri

Typhon Sit Horns, Osiridis et Isidis filius Harsiisit.

H mis fils d'Isis est, comme on voit, detache des demi-dieux et reuni aux dieux pour terminer la premiere dynastie. Cette maniere d'entendre les choses est conforme a une des traditions egyptiennes. Lepsius avait deja marque, dans son memoire Sur le premier cycle des dieux, que, dans bien des cas, l'Enneade ne se termine pas sur le nom de Sit ; Harsiisit y est ajoute, lui et son double femelle Hathor, si bien que le systeme comprend un couple de plus qu'a l'origine. II a fort bien explique le motif de cet elargissement, par l'horreur toujours croissante que les Egyptiens concurent contre Sit, a mesure que le mythe Osirien se repandait par tout le pays. L'adjonction d'Horus, fils d'Isis, souffrait d'autant moins de difficulte que ce dieu n'avait pas reussi a detroner completement Sit, au moins dans la plupart des formes de la legende ; il avait seulement partage l'Egypte avec lui et regne sur le Delta, tandis que Sit continuait a regner sur le Said, si bien qu'au point de vue chrono- logique, les deux regnes se trouvaient en partie au moins sur une meme ligne de temps. La version d'Eusebe est done legitime, et on ne doit pas essayer, soit de la corriger pour Tadapter a celle du Syncelle, soit, comme on a fait le plus souvent, de corriger la version du Syncelle pour l'adapter a celle d'Eusebe. II faut les tenir toutes les deux pour correctes et admettre qu'elles se trouvaient, l'une et l'autre, dans Manethon. Manethon aurait donne, dans son premier livre, deux versions de l'histoire fabuleuse, toutes deux de provenance Memphite, comme le prouve la persistance de Phtah au debut, mais repondant chacune a une variante de l'Er.ne'ade. L'une, celle qui

* Midler, Fragtn. Hist. Grcec, edit. Didot, T. II, p. 526 sqq. 43°

June 3] PROCEEDINGS. . [1S90.

nous est parvenue par le Syncelle, prenait l'Enneade heliopolitaine non developpee, et, par consequent, arretait la premiere dynastie divine a Typhon. L'autre, qu'Eusebe nous a transmise, acceptait une forme developpee de l'Enneade heliopolitaine ou le couple Harsiisit-Hathor etait adjoint aux quatre couples primitifs, et faisait passer cet Horos de la dynastie des demi-dieux a celle des dieux. Comme c'etait, somme toute, la premiere Enneade qui faisait les frais de cette premiere dynastie, je ne doute nullement que les deux autres Enneades ne servissent, comme dans la version precedente, de base au systeme des deux dynasties de heros et de manes qu'Eusebe donne apres la dynastie des dieux. Eiles avaient du, elles aussi, subir des remaniements qui compensaient la perte qu'elles avaient faite en la personne d'Harsiisit. Ces changements avaient eu leur contre-coup dans l'ordonnance des dynasties, car Eusebe nous signale pour celle des Heros l'intervention assez obscure de families thebaines et thinites. Toutefois, en l'absence complete de docu- ments certains, il m'est impossible de dire en quoi consistaient ces changements, et quelles differences la liste qu'Eusebe nous a con- served en partie presentait avec celle que la Syncelle nous a transmise. Les divergences n'ont rien qui etonne en pareille matiere, et les Egyptiens devaient avoir bien d'autres facons de se figurer leur histoire fabuleuse. Les debris du Papyrus de Turin en ont une, qui ne coincide avec aucune des deux redactions de Manethon. lis nous donnent d'une seule venue : —

MM-in-

Le roi des deux Egyptes Sibou-

Nouit

y!ss ( "i-l "c2>" ] : r : , • ^K RGI I)KS deux Egyptes RisiRi

(Osiris).

1\^ ( dj J) ] $ " • Le roi des deux Egyptes Sin

^f^^Tnlfn

O <B.

LES DIEUX, 300 AXS.

Egyptes Thouti, 3226 ans.

431 2 h 2

June 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

MSEBK

Le roi des deux

ECYPTES MAlT, 3140 ANS.

$

^Jlhltiti. Le roi des deux Egyptes

Harhouditi .... *

apres quoi le texte manque, mais il reste encore a la ligne suivante des traces d'encre rouge qui montrent, qu'apres le nom d'Horos d'Edfou, le redacteur du papyrus notait un changement de dynastie. II arretait la premiere dynastie apres Horos d'Edfou, ce qui nous force a admettre qu'il avait pris pour son histoire fabuleuse une Enneade comprenant outre Harsiisit, les dieux Thouti, Mait, et Harhouditi. |e ne connais pas encore cette Enneade, mais Lepsius cite des Enneades analogues, celle du Grand Temple de Karnak, qui, apres Nephthys, ajoute Harsiisit-Hathor, Sobkou et les deux deesses Taninit, Anit, ou celle du temple de Denderah, 011 le couple Sit- Nebthait est remplace par le couple Hor-Nebthait, apres quoi viennent Harhouditi-Hathor, Taninit, Anit, et Thouti. La presence d'une deesse Mait parmi ces rois etait legitime, et un fragment de la seconde colonne du meme Canon de Turin semble dire qu'on comptait sept femmes, ou plutot sept reines, parmi les Pharaons des diverses dynasties divines.

J'aurais du peut-etre donner plus de developpement a ce memoire : j'ai prefere ne pas abuser de la patience du lecteur pour l'entretenir d'un sujet apres tout tres ingrat. II me suffit d'avoir indique sommairement la fa^on dont les Egyptiens concevaient, je crois, l'exposition des parties primitives de leur histoire, et les sources auxquelles leurs ecrivains nationaux, Manethon y compris, avaient puise, lorsqu'ils avaient voulu en etablir solidement le cadre.

Paris, le 2 Fevrier 1890.

* Les chiffres qui manquent aujourd'hui ont ete encore vus par Champollion- le-Jeune ; le nom de Houditi a ete restaure depuis longiemps, par Lepsius, si je ne me trompe.

432

June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

NOTES DE PHILOLOGIE EGYPTIENNE.

By Karl Piehl.

{Suite*)

Le sens s'elever, se lever, monter, qui selon M. V. Lorf.t derive directement du sens radical "se gonfler," n'a pas plus de realite que ce dernier. Parmi les exemples qui ont ete invoques en faveur de ce sens secondaire, l'auteur enumere un grand nombre, ou il traduit ^^S par elever, c'est-a-dire dans une acception transitive. Mais il est hors de propos de partir de " s'elever (se lever, monter)," pour arriver a "elever." Le sens contraire est le seul qui soit appuye par la saine me'thode. Car c'est par ellipse que les verbes transitifs deviennent intransitifs, comme nous pouvons regarder elever par rapport a monter. Le sens elever doit d'ailleurs etre remplace pa%celui de "enlever," dans la plupart des cas 011 ce premier a ete appliquee a ^^\, par exemple dans le passage suivant, emprunte a la stele des mines d'or : —

<^s>\ a^aaa y rv^i v\ v\ , " il a enleve de 1'eau des montagnes."

Quelquefois, le sens elever devrait se changer en "creuser,' comme pour le bout de texte que voici : — -

"^ o I f===l V\ y^t , <]ui ne signifie point " il

eleva un tombeau dans la necropole," mais plutot " le creuseur(!) de tombeau dans la necropole."

L'expression n £ — /I i'c^. v~^n ^Ul se v0't entre autre au

Papyrus Harris No. 1, ne signifie pas "elever les travaux," mais " accomplir (litt. : t rancher ou peut-etre ecarter) les travaux."

Lorsqu'il est dit du roi Apepi, qu'il y C i V ^ h^J

jjf k^_ , cela ne signifie point qu'il eleva, mais plutot qu'il " choisit Sutech pour son maitre." (C/r. le grec aipeioSai, "enlever

* Continued from Proceedings, Vol. XII, p. 379. 433

June 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

pour soi-meme," c'est-a-dire, "choisir, elire.") Plusieurs autres cas 011 le sens "elever" se voit employe, admettent celui de "choisir, e'lire."

La stele du ^ ^QQ^ ^ ^ ^z=x> (j || qui se trouve au

musee de Turin, contient l'expression que voici : —

<^>{^15^^}1S ^' qui ne signifie pas: "J'ai

abaisse le grand et eleve le petit," mais plutot : "J'ai respecte le grand et protege le petit." (Pour la transition de sens qui ici a ete admise quant au mot ^S^\, comparez le groupe hieroglyphique ^ J^LJ, qui d abord signifie "enlever," puis "prote'ger, sauver.")

/VWASV\

La legende q ^ — o i j| \K

qui accompagne une

scene de lutte, a ete transcrite shed oud ki am sen tehe?i par M. V. Loret, qui nous presente a cette occasion la traduction que voici: "Tun deux releve l'autre qui est tombe." Le mot tehen

q ^ q, "tomber," n'a pas ete trouve ailleurs dans les textes

anciens. It doit etre remplace par Q j^ Q, "ceux qui sont

avec " [pour un autre exemple de "^ \ " ^ voir Brugsch, Grdbericelt, No. 55 b\ Je propose avec reserve la traduction suivante : " L'un ecarte l'autre parmi les combattants," tout en supposant quun /vww a ete saute entre [I et ^ fl.

Le passage du Papyrus Sallier No. 1 (PI. Ill, 1. 6) 011 notre

auteur a cru trouver antithese entre I B » . et cS\ ("etre

I <z>L=/] « 0 v .

couche " et " se lever " !) ne doit point se transcrire, corarae il l'a

fait. Pour une autre transcription, voir Maspero, Du genre epis-

tolaire, p. 74.

Egyptiemies, I, 183) signifie " Ce ne sont pas les lamentations qui dclivrent un homme du tombeau." La raeme signification "delivrer" convient au mot ?S\ du passage CXXV, 52, du Todtetibuch.

Les autres exemples, cites en faveur du sens s1 elever, se lever, monter du groupe ^^\ * — fl, sont incertains ou inexactes et ne demandent point d'examen ici.

******

434

June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

Le sens " elever une charge de ble sur le dos d'un ane," que M. V. Loret propose pour n y, J de l'epoque des pyramides, se

remplace mieux par "enlever sur le dos d'un ane, transporter." Le determinatif nous fait du reste voir le fardeau, reposant sur le dos de l'animal en question.

L'expression t=A | ^\ (Chabas, Hymne a Osiris, 1. 14) ne signifie pas "elever la voix," mais plutot "etre incisif de voix."

'^n , "momie, cadavre," s'il ne provient d'une erreur, date sans doute des basses epoques, lorsque c*=^ pouvait remplacer '^^ . Le passage VIII, 4 du Papyrus d'Orbiney qui a la teneur

suivante: ^ ^^ ^ ^ ^^^^ lk^ T H

*_. I 1MB °_^^, , , iil/^oa^0 Y

se traduit en general a peu pres : " Je vais extraire mon cceur et le mettre au sornmet de la fleur du cedre," et je ne vois pas pourquoi il faudrait rendre ^S^\ §0 de ee passage par "prononcer une con- juration," l'expression "^S**1^ & "extraire le cceur" etant consacree par l'usage. Les caprices des scribes expliquent suffisemment ce qu'il y aurait d'insolite dans l'emploi de ^ au lieu de %~=J\, comme determinatif du mot C^S^\ du passage en question.

* * # *

Le sens radical "se gonfler" qu'attribue a. tort M. Loret au groupe 2^\, ne lui permet pas de passer a celui de creuser qui est indiscutable pour ^^\ ^ — A." Et notre etymologue ajoute comme preuve convaincante en faveur de Pimpossibilite de cette transition de sens, qu'il lui "parait difficile, a moins d'ad/ne/tre ta theorie des deux sens exacteme?it eontraires, de rattacher le sens creuser au sens radical gonfler, elever de la racine ^jr^\. (Comme on voit, c'est quelquefois se gonfler, quelquefois gonfler qui par M. V. Loret est designe comme le sens primordial du groupe en litige.)

A propos de " la theorie des deux sens exactement contraires," on est autorise a questionner si elle est de trop, quand il faut expliquer le sens, soit affinnatif, soit negatif dont sont susceptibles les mots francais "personne," "jamais," "pas," "plus," ou les

435

June 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1890.

vocables egyptiens, J ro ("ne — p3s;" "endroit"), Jjar^ ("ne — pas;" "tout," "complet"), etc. Bien entendu, je ne suis point partisan des theories de M. Abel, sur le Gegensinn, theories qui d'aillenrs viennent d'etre refutees tant de la part d'egyptologues que d'indo- germanistes. Mais vouloir en toute securite avancer qu'aucun mot ne peut avoir deux sens diametralement opposes, c'est meconnaitre l'influence de la phrase, de la proposition, dans laquelle et par laquelle les mots vivent; car un mot detache n'estqu'une preparation linguistique.

Pour en revenir au mot ^S\ creuser, M. V. Loret, en se recon- naissant hors d'etat de lui fournir une place dans la serie des derives de la racine ^f^\, condamne par la meme son etude sur la racine en question. Je ne perdrai pas plus de temps par l'examen ulterieur de la dite etude dont les resultats, dans les points oil ils sont nouveaux, n'offrent que bien peu de donnees acceptables.

* * * #

Quant a la liste que, pour ma part, je voudrais dresser des formes principales derivant du radical ^£^, il faut reconnaitre qu'essentiellement et a. quelques legeres modifications pres, cette liste repose sur les donnees de Brugsch, qui comme sens radical du groupe ^S|\ ofifre celui de spa/ten, schneiden, abschneiden ( Wbrterbuch, VII, 1 213). Voici done comment je crois devoir dresser la dite liste : —

c*c=<^ (peau d'animal) syllabique qui pendant la bonne epoque hieroglyphique equivaut a. la combinaison de son ^. [La notion peau signifie ici litteralement "ce que Ton obtient en ecorchant un animal." Comparez ^)<LT, excoriare.~\ ^^ racine ou radical = separer, detacher, trancher, en/ever.

1. C=^L=/), ^% etvarr., "separer," "arracher," "couper," "extraire,1' "enlever." CtjUOT, amputare, exscindere.

2. ^|?\ ^ l\ et varr., "separer d'un danger," " delivrer," "sauver."

3. ^S^\ ^ t\ et varr., " separer en faveur de quelqu'un," " choisir,"

"elire," "exiger." (Pour cette derniere transition de sens, cfr. par exemple allem. "Wahl" a cote de "Wille.") 2JU3T", indigere, car ere.

436

June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S90.

4. c n ^ i\ var. LLI^\ > etc-) "separer, ecarter avec la

houe," trancher" ( = "enlever la peau de la tcrre ! "), "faire line tranchee," "creuser." OJU)T, II, Incisio. cyurre, ajurf, Puteus, Fovea.

5. ' \ O et varr., "separer du sein," '• sevrer " (lat. separare! ), "elever," "nourrir," " engraisser." t=5\ ft3> "nourri," "engraisseV' 5^.0, pinguis.

6. c ^ ^7\ et varr., " separer, ecarter les mots de la parole,"

"lire," "reciter." (Cfr. lego, \t~/cn>, tesa, lesen, mots qui tons originairement signifient "cueillir," "prendre a. part," "separer," " choisir.")

7. c n \fc ij et varr., "enlever surle dos d'un ane," "transporter."

8. c ^ £ f\ et varr., "trancher," " executer," "resoudre," "ac.

complir:" t*°^^ f] ^ ^J^ , etc.

Je n'enumererai pas les substantifs qui se groupent sous les divers derives de la racine ^^. Je n'examinerai pas non plus la relation qu'il peut y avoir entre elle et les groupes |l ^^\; _p 2^\, etc. Mon but, cette fois, a ete de montrer les faits principaux qui s'attachent au developpement de sens de la dite racine, et je serais content, si les confreres sont d'avis que j'ai bien fait de defendre l'acception qu'a soutenue Brugsch a l'egard du vocable ^^\ £ l\ et varr.

17. Dans ses Notes on Egyptian Texts of the Middle Kingdom* M. F. L. Griffith a enonce plus d'une observation penetrante. Ayant dernierement visite la grotte de Chnumhotep de Beni-Hassan, j'ai eu l'occasion d'en ve'rifier en partie les textes, ce qui me porte a. m'^carter sur un petit point de l'avis du dit savant. C'est con-

cernant la ligne 12, 011 se lit le groupe t ir £1 > "tous les

4 ci 1 1 1 d

artisans.

Proceedings, Mars, 1893, page 263, et suiv, 437

JutjE 3] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/LOLOGY. [1890.

Le signe initial du mot ubiit,^ qui souvent varie de forme,

a ici ete trace de la maniere que' voici q. II est bon de noter

a cet egard, que, si nous exceptons la ligne 213, oil se rencontre le meme signe sous presque la meme forme, l'hieroglyphe qui se transcrit ub ne se voit d'ailleurs nulle part aux textes de Chnum- hotep. Par ceci, je retracte formellement la conjecture que, me fondant sur la mauvaise copie de Reinisch, j'avais cru devoir proposer dans la Zeitschrift, 1887, page 35.

A la meme occasion je fcrai observer que la ligne 52 de notre

s i {sic) ft fl ^?, etc.

+ Max Muller, dans le Recueil. Viewecr, IX, a fort bien examine la valeur r? phonetique du signe T.

433

June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

SUR DIFFERENTS MOTS ET NOMS EGYPTIENS. Par Prof. E. Lefelure.

Le Nom d'Osiris. I.

Dans le Numero des Proceedings publie en Decembre 1889, M. Piehl a, sans le savoir, appuye de son autorite une etymologie du nom d'Osiris qui avait deja ete proposee avec quelque developpe- ment ; L le nom du dieu signifierait " le siege de l'oeil (sacre, le

Osiris serait en ce cas l'espace ou une partie de l'espace, comme sa sceur Isis ( (] v ° fl )' f°rme feminine et probablement primitive du meme type. Le rapport entre les deux noms est rendu evident par les anciennes variantes rl 3 1 l;4 et o,5 pour

Osiris, et jj^^^I,6 1 17 et ^8 pour Isis. Le / du mot

feminin [I j] ^9 s'est perdu dans la prononciation du nom d'Osiris, ecrit parfois I -ce?- J*f ,a^,1° comme dans celle du nom d'Isis, tout en laissant peut-etre sa trace dans la forme y» (I [I pour ifl A et 3 l\ll du nom de Seti I.

1 Le Mythe Osirien, II, p. 129. is.

soldi)," jl^.

2 Le Page Renouf, Proceedings, Avril, 1890, p. 343 ; cf. Maspero, Melanges d'Archeologie, 6e Livraison, p. 213.

3 Stele C, 3 du Louvre.

4 Livre de L'Hemisphere inferieur, 7e heure, 2e reefistre.

5 Livre de l'Hemisphere inferieur, 7° division, icr registrc.

6 Lepsius, Aelteste Texte, 29.

7 Livre de l'Hemisphere inferieur, Se division, 3e registre.

8 Id., 7e division, passim ; cf. Lieblein, Dictioanaire de noms propres hiero- glyphiques, Nos. 1212 et 228.

9 Recueil de Travaux, X, p. 28.

10 Sharpe et Bonomi, The Alabaster Sarcophagus of Oimeneptah I, S, c ; cf. Tombeau de Seti I et Tombeau de Ramses IV; Pierret, fStudes egyptologkjuo, t. VIII, p. 130; cf. Golenischeff, Recueil de Travaux, t. X, p. 96.

439

June 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1S90.

M. Piehl pense qu'Osiris a d'abord ete le ciel, mais il ne peut guere s'agir ici que du ciel infernal, puisqu'Osiris etait par excellence le roi du monde infernal.

D'apres une conception qui parait avoir ete tres repandue, l'empire osirien etait situe dans la terre,1 par opposition au monde des vivants qui etait sur la terre. C'est pourquoi on nommait Osiris le Khent- Anient, en le figurant parfois comme tel enfonce dans la terre jusqu'au cou : de meme la grande a me (le soleil nocturne, le Ra Ker-ti de la Litanie solaire) entrait a son coucher dans la terre, qu'on lui ouvrait,2 et en sortait a son lever :

Ce point de cosmographie est eclairci par differentes expres- sions, entre autres la formule frequente : celui qui fait a tels ou

teh dieux des offrandes sur la terre. I v\ ; — *9 C2^d | devient

1 /! ' WVW\A I ■ '

I -LL I V 000 1

run d'eux dans Fenfer (cette formule sera expliquee dans la tra- duction du Livre de 1' Hades, que la Societe d'Archeologie biblique a bien voulu accepter pour ses Transactions) ; on appelait les

® tk I I I 1 • r n n 1 1 1

vivants v\ et les infernaux I — ; on promettait au

possesseur de l'un des chapitres du Todtetibuch^ qu'il sortirait de

la terre, j^, ] ••• ', et marcherait sur la terre, ^ <====; on disait la con- naissance de l'autre monde utile dans le ciel, sur terre et dans la terre,

empruntait sa nuance au contexte, comme on le voit, et ne signi- fiait pas toujours 'sur la terre.')

Comme region souterraine, l'enfer avait son ciel — ■ Solemque suum, sua sidera norunt. T>e ciel de l'autre monde etait souvent figure dans la variante du nom de la deesse celeste Nut, variante dont il ne faut pas confondre le determinatif avec l'horizon terrestre1

1 Cf. Plutarque, de Iside et Osiride, 61 et 78.

- Livre de l'Hemisphere inferieur, ie heure.

3 Tomheau de Ramses VI, second corridor, paroi droite, 11. IO, 26, 60, 87, etc.

4 Naville, Todtcnlmch, II, ch. 68.

5 Livre de l'Hemisphere inferieur, J* heure.

r' Cf. Naville, Todtenbuch, II, 172 et 174; et Lepsius, Todtcnlmch, ch. 79. 7 Cf. Champollion, Notices, I, p. 559 ; et Portes des Tombes royales.

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C^d, represents parfois sur un ciel etoile.' La deesse ciel avait ainsi deux formes, l'une d'en haut et l'autre d'en has, conime on le voit au tombeau de Ramses VI (voute de la grande salle), et comme le savait Horapollon:- c'est surtout avec celle d'en bas, surnommee la tombe,:i ou le coffre,4 qu'Osiris a pu 6tre confondu.

II.

Mais l'expression d'espace convient mieux que celle de ciel pour designer le monde infernal qui, dans la conception dont il s'agit, correspondait a. l'eau sur laquelle voguaient les astres, a I'ob- scurite qui les cachait, et a la terre qui les entourait.

L'eau, c'est la deesse Nut renversee, ^ i, ocean repandu

aussi bien dans le ciel d'en bas que dans le ciel d'en haut,

AAA/WV "il V^, , ® 1 ' et seJ0Ur eternel des maitres de

/www

l'enfer, X O X v- y * \ cest aussi le bassin de Ma ou

r 1 X. A 1 1 1 U3

la coudee de Ma qu'on representait, l'un sous la montagne de Thorizon,7 et l'autre sous le trone d'Osiris ;8 l'obscurite, c'est le crocodile qui avale et rejette le soleil, figure tantot sous la forme du belier, tantot sous la forme de l'ceil,9 ou bien c'est l'une des variantes du crocodile, le serpent qui vomit ce qu'il a mange, d'apres le Todtcnbuch^ le taureau qui a avale l'ceil, d'apres l'Ap-ro," etc. ; la terre, c'est l'Osiris vegetant du Livre de l'Hades,1'- aussi bien que l'Osiris du meme Livre etitourant ferifer de son corps, et recevant le soleil ou le transmettant au ciel-Nut debout sur sa tete.1;i

1 Champollion, Notices, IT, 299.

2 Livre I, ch. 11 ; cf. Plutarque, de Iside et Osiride, 44.

3 Cf. Denkmaeler, III, 271.

4 Recueil de Travaux, VII, p. 150; J. de Rouge, Edfou, II, 149 ; etc.

5 Denkmaeler, III, 150.

6 Marielte, Abydos, I, p. 20.

7 Champollion, Notices I, p. 559 ; cj. Naville, Todtenbuch, II, 47.

8 Tombeau de Tauser, ^ salle, paroi d'entree, cote droit.

9 Tombeau de Ramses VII, salle paroi gauche; et Tombeau de Ramses IX, 3^ salle, paroi droite ; cf. Champollion, Notices, II, p. 525.

lu Ch. 108, 1. 5.

11 Tombeau de Seti I, 1. 77 et 78 ; cj. Litanie tin Soleil, it.re scene.

12 Cf. Pierret, Le Dogme de la Resurrection ; et Dumichen, Zeitschrifl, 1882. p. 92.

13 Derniere scene; cf. Champollion, Notices, II, p. 541, 511, etc.

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June 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S90.

Ces differents aspects du monde infernal expliquent pourquoi Osiris a pu etre appele eau, Nun et Nil, ou Saurien, ^g^, ou Tanen, ou taureau de l'Ouest.

Si Osiris a ete l'espace souterrain, c'est-a-dire ce que les textes appellent le sanctuaire de Pa'il du soleil couchant, (1(1 ,

la momie que Ra traversait la nuit, ® ^^ ^^lllKsfl (ih ft o " le contour de l'enfer, le coffre de l'ceil, la crypte

de l'Ut'a4 (comme ce puits des Scandinaves dans lequel Odin cachait son ceil), il est inutile de supposer que le meme dieu a ete le ciel superieur, car cette hypothese ne ressort pas des textes aujourd'hui connus ; elle n'est acceptable qu'en ce qui con- cerne Isis. Quant a Osiris, il a un caractere foncierement infernal, comme le montrent bien les metamorphoses par lesquelles son symbolisme a passe : en effet le dieu osirien a ete non seulement

l'enfer, mais encore l'habitant de l'enfer, | r et [| ), comme

l'Hades grec, et en sa qualite de personnage infernal, c'est-a-dire mort, il en est venu a personnifier plus ou moins completement tout ce qui meurt ou semble mourir dans la nature, c'est-a-dire, 1'homme, la vegetation, le Nil, la lune, et meme le soleil.

III.

On confond souvent Osiris avec le soleil, bien que Fidentification des deux divinites n'ait jamais pu etre entiere : il y a eu a la fois, entre leurs mythes. penetration et conflit, ce qui a produit d'ailleurs de curieux effets, suivant que 1'un ou l'autre dieu tendait a absorber son rival. Ainsi, la barque dans laquelle Osiris emmenait les ames par ia Fente de l'ouest, a Abydos (d'ou peut-etre la legende du mont des oiseaux), finit par s'appeler la barque de Ra,5 et par contre, a. Mendes, on enseignait qu'Osiris fondu avec Ra etait Fame de Ra en deux personnes.6

1 Ronomi et Sharpe. The Alabaster Sarcophagus, etc., 6, B.

2 Tombeau de Ramses IX, 3e salle, paroi droite.

3 Tombeau de Ramses VII, salle, paroi droite.

4 Litanie tin Soleil, 24e invocation.

5 Mariette, Abydos, IV, 74, b.

6 Todtenbuch, ch. 17, 11. 42-45 ; cf. J. de Rouge, Edfou, I, 64, et II, 147.

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Mais les deux mythes se touchaient par leur cote nocturne et non par leur cote diurne : on se serait mal figure Osiris eclairant les vivants en plein jour ou Ra jugeant les niorts en plein jour. Aussi le role solaire d'Osiris ne fut-il qu'un aboutissant extreme, comme il est arrive chez les Grecs lorsque Bacchus se confondit avec le soleil dans les doctrines orphiques :

Et's- Zevs, otv A'uijv, e/v H/V/o?, eh Aliovvoov* C'est generalement aux dernieres periodes de revolution reli- gieuse que le soleil, embleme regulier, visible et concret, peut reussir a supplanter les autres dieux, comme l'a remanjue M. Duruy dans son Histoire des Romains.1 On observera ici qu'Osiris, en particulier, est nettement distingue du soleil dans les livres thebains qui decrivent le cours du soleil en enfer, c'est-a-dire an pays d'Osiris, et l'independance de son mythe est confirmee par les recherches theologiqu'es de Ramses IV, qui, dans un texte d'Abydos etudie par M. Piehl,2 dit formellement qu'Osiris est le Nil, la lune, et le roi

de 1-enfer en reatite, i^^f-IJTl^ 1 1 / I * , 1. 7 et 8; ce texte ne fait nullement

0 I MWM I I

d'Osiris le soleil.

IV. L'idee d'espace s'accentua surtout avec Isis, analogue a Demeter suivant Herodote,3 et a Proserpine, a la terre ou a l'eau selon Plutarque ; 4 cette deesse etait la mere par excellence, j A\ ^ ou Thermutis,5 car les Egyptiens personnifiaient volontiers comme mere toute residence divine, que ce fut meme une barque ou un

temple ; il y avait des divinites nominees

et [1^ ^^ > ce qui rappelle tres exactement un des titres d'Isis

Thermutis ( r ^"^^ o — Q ^ | ,6 (et peut-etre aussi de la de*esse-

I Cf. de Rouge, Notice sommaire des Monuments egyptiens du Louvre, 4' edition, p. 104; et Reville, Religions des peuples non civilises, I, p. 175.

II Zcitschrift, 1884, p. 38. » II, 59.

4 De Iside et Osiride, 27, 32, 34, etc. 6 /</., 54 et 56.

6 Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians Edition Bin ll, T. Ill, p. 107.

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ciel dans une phrase, discutee par M. Piehl,1 qui parait autoriser le transport des momies a la face du ciel \\ ^ J) ^ \\ f=^i \ "^^r cr D, la mere le ciel, grand esfiace).

L'expression jj ^ convenait aux tombes, puisqu'elle designait souvent les pyramides royales, et qu'on appelait les sepultures the-

(<y!(jft I );3 les personnages chthoniens etaient les n ' .n> 1 1 1;4 la necropole en general e'tait la place eternelle, ou sainte. fjj\OJ\, l] n ^=^ "^TV et neu funkbre ou s'en allait le soleil,6 comme le defunt, dans le pays de la Justice, JJ rj^ =^= £= c=^=' /==2 ; elle se nommait encore [ / 1, la place de la justice, aussi bien

a Thebes7 qu a Memphis et a. Abydos : on lit en effet sur la statue d'un scribe de Ramses II trouvee dans son tombeau a Saqqarah :

"Ma statue, tu es dans le lieu de la justice, r I), avec le maitre

des dieux ;8 et Ramses II appelle J]rj^]s3) ^e champ funeraire d'Abydos.9

Toutefois Isis n'a pas personnifie seulement le type infernal, comme Osiris ; en sa qualite d'espace et de mere, elle a pu etre autant celeste que souterraine, le mot j] s'appliquant au ciel comme

a l'enfer, puisqu'on disait Ptah J^ JH et J] ° <2>" f| W|> c'est-

1 Transactions, Decembre 1889, et Mars 1890.

2 Cf. Brugsch, Zeitschrift, 1884, p. 22; et Maspero, Recueil de Travaux, II, p. 1S6.

3 Papyrus Abbott, p. 4, 1. II, 12, et 15 ; cf. Maspero, Recueil de Travaux, III, p. no.

4 Tombeau de Ramses VI ; Premiere petite salle, paroi droite, 1. 77.

5 Denkmaelcr, III, 93 et 1 14; Recueil de Travaux, III, p. 115, et IX, p. 59 ; etc.

6 Denkmacler, III, 106, 1. 6 et 172 ; cf. Maspero, Recueil de Travaux, II, p. 164.

' Ludwig Stern, Zeitschrift, 1877, p. 120.

s J. de Rouge, Inscriptions hieroglyphiques, I, 30; cf. Mariette, Musc'e de Boulaq, 3e edition, pp. 97 et 98.

9 Mariette, Abydos, t. Ill, p. 416.

10 Champollion, Notices, p. 905.

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June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

a-dire, le paredre de la divinite d'en haut et de celle d'en bas. M. Le Page Renouf1 voit meme dans Isis l'aurore, qui semble sieger ou troner sur l'horizon. Ce symbolisme, qui parait bien certain, s'est developpe surtout dans le mythe de la deesse Hathor, qui dedoublait Isis, U^\\ , car elle etait originairement ou

tout au moins anciennement la residence d'Jforus, le dieu celeste, dont Isis e'tait la mere.

Hathor, la Venus egyptienne, avait son ame3 et surtout sa face dans le disque solaire ; la nuit, cette face traversait l'enfer, sous la forme d'un sistre voile ; 4 le matin, ramenee au soleil (cf. Iusas, celle qui vient et grandit), elle apparaissait dans l'astre,5 "disque de l'horizon a. l'horizon, globe dans le ciel, couleur eclatante sous la forme des yeux de Ra,"6 etc., d'ou sans doute sa grande fete de Denderah le premier jour de l'annee,7 et sa qualification d'Hathor en Ra le premier Athyr.8

Le type d'Hathor et d'Isis, malgre tous les remaniements qu'il a du subir, se ramene toujours a ceci que les deux deesses, comme les vaches vediques, personnifiaient le ciel et la lumiere ou l'ombre qui s'y succedent sous tous leurs aspects, humides, nuageux crepusculaires, auroraux, diurnes, nocturnes et infernaux. C'est ainsi que Hathor, grande en haut et puissante en bas,9 chthonienne et celeste, put etre d'une part la vache tachetee qui reside dans l'enfer ou elle recoit la momie, puis d'autre part le feu du ciel la chaleur torride qui desseche les Egyptiens a la canicule, d'apres la legende de la Destruction des hommes (si semblable a. celle du message d'Istar et une ancienne fable americaine).

Hathor et sa variante Isis ont de la sorte un caractere celeste qui s'est manifeste sous une foule de formes, depuis celle du disque a

1 Transactions, Avril, 1 890, p. 346.

2 Lieblein, N° 518 ; cf. Plutarque, de Iside et Osiride, 56 ; J. de Roug£, Edfou, II, 114; Maspero, Recueil de Travaux,II, p. 112; Pierret, Etudes egyptologiques, I, 84 et 94 ; etc.

3 Denderah, I, 37, c.

4 Livre de l'Hemisphere inferieur, 30 heure, 2e registre ; cf. Denderah, III, 78, n.

5 Sharpe et Bonomi, II, B ; Champollion, Notices, II, pp. 534, 603, et 299.

6 Mariette, Denderah, III, 50, K.

' Mariette, Denderah, Description generale, p. 101.

8 Calendrier Sallier.

9 Id., I, 25, 1. 14, et c ; cf. Champollion, Notices, I, 68.

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tete de femme qui eclairait le monde, jusqu'a celle du sistre a. masque hathorien ou isiaque qui chassait Typhon, et se nommait seshesh

13 , a. peu pres comme le bucrane ses/i, , ■ , , l'epouvantail.

En resume, les mythes d'Isis et d'Osiris a dater au moins de la fixation des deux noms, seraient partis de l'idee d'espace, et pro- bablement d'espace souterrain. Domine par cette conception, Osiris aurait ete surtout l'enfer, le dieu de l'enfer, et le mort par excellence ; Isis, mere en sa qualite d'espace souterrain, serait devenue par la le firmament qui enfante le soleil et la lumiere qui remplit le firmament. Le texte des Denkmaeler1 qui dit d'Isis Quelle est la maitresse du del et que son mari est le maitre de l'enfer, exprime bien l'ecart final des deux symbolismes.

Le Nom du Frere de Ramses II.

I.

M. Wiedemann 2 hesite, non sans raison, a, lire avec certitude le nom du premier fils de Seti I, nom qui ne se trouve qu'une fois, dans une scene ou il est martele et oil il n'en subsiste qu'un signe.3

Peut-etre sera-t-il possible de proposer ici une nouvelle lecture, en reprenant les choses d'un peu haut pour la motiver mieux.

On remarquera d'abord que le prince a et^ depossede de ses droits au trdne, la transmission du pouvoir n'etant pas plus reguliere en Egypte que dans le reste de I'Orient, comme le montrent l'histoire d'Hatshepsu et celle des fils de Ramses III.

Le personnage dont il s'agit etait un aine qui fut sacrifie d'une facon quelconque a son plus jeune frere Ramses II. En effet, dans les tableaux de Karnak oil il est represente deux fois (il ne figure pas ailleurs), son nom et son portrait ont ete marteles, d'une part ; d'autre part, comme l'a montre M. Wiedemann, il avait les titres

d'un heritier presomptif, a a ~^' et a I 6-^ W \J *— ,

sans compter qu'il dtait peut-etre gouverneur d'Ethiopie, d'apres

1 IV, 6, b.

2 Proceedings, Mars, 1890, p. 258-261.

3 Denkmaeler, III, 128, a; et Champollion, Notices, II, p. 92. #

4 Champollion, Notices, II, pp. 92 et 98.

446

June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

ce qui reste d'un de ses titres, : : : : : r^4 , et qu'il etait honore d'une qualification emphatique, n§ wvw | fO V ^? V ^P grand qu'on acclame dans (le pays entier), analogue a celle que retjut son frere devenu roi, (1 \ (I (1 n$ «wa H ["[] V cJ? ^^ ^T'vww ° souverain qu'on acclame (ou qui slupefie) jusqua la hauteur du del. Enfin, dans l'un des deux tableaux de Karnak 011 son nom et sa figure ont ete effaces, le nom et la figure de Ramses II, dit alors

D 1 '^^ 1 k\ ' f^ ' ont ^ ajoutes apres coup.3 La substitution est evidente ; mais il faut noter qu'elle n'implique nullement la mort du prince desherite ; elle ne revele que sa disgrace, qui a pu etre partielle et ne porter que sur la privation du droit d'ainesse et de la couronne.

II.

Tous ces details concordent avec ceux que les historiens grecs et les abreviateurs de Manethon fournissent sur la rivalite de Ramses II et de son frere.3 Ce dernier, regent de l'Egypte pendant une guerre, voulut tuer ou deposseder le conquerant.

Manethon rattache ingenieusement la lutte des deux rivaux a la fable d'Egyptos et de Danaos, qui n'est toutefois qu'une alle'gorie grecque, les filles de Danaos, sorte de Zeus argien, figurant les nuees pluvieuses et printannieres poussees d'Egypte en Grece par les vents du Sud, fils d'Egyptos. Avec plus de vraisemblance, M. fibers a cru retrouver la conspiration dirigee contre Ramses II dans l'e'pisode qui fait le sujet du poeme de Pentaur.

III.

Le nom du prince rebelle a e'te conserve, non par les auteurs grecs, mais par l'historien national Manethon : celui-ci, qui confond quelquefois Ramses II avec S£ti I, au moins d'apres ses abreviateurs, dit que le Danaos egyptien s'appelait Armai's.

On a reconnu depuis longtemps qu'un autre Armais des listes manethoniennes represente le roi Horemheb, ancetre des Rames-

1 J. de Rouge, Inscriptions hieroglyphiques, I, 67.

2 Wiedemann, p. 259.

3 Herodote, II, 107 et 108 ; Diodore, I, 57 ; et Fragmenta Historicnrunt graecorum, edition C. Mueller, T. II, p. 573 et suivantes.

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sides,1 qui leur transmit la legitimite par les femmes de sa famille,2 ce qu'indiquent le changement de dynastie d'abord, puis les hon- neurs rendus aux deux premieres reines de la nouvelle ligne"e, une Sat-Ra, qui differe de celle dont la tombe est a Thebes (xxe dynastie), et Tua, femme de Seti I.

Or, les noms egyptiens se transmettaient avec assez de regularite dans chaque famille, et il est tout simple qu'un descendant de Horemheb se soit appele Horemheb.

Dans ces conditions, il n'y aura pas grande temerite a. lire Horemheb, c'est-a-dire Armais, le groupe martele en carre qui desig- nait a. Karnak le frere de Ramses II, appele Armais par Manethon : les debris de ce groupe

se pretent sans difficulte a. la restitution

O ou, pour le dernier signe, soit o,4 soit (a,5 soit |,6 soit 0,7 soit [j,,8 soit meme ^-&k.9 (Dans le signe des fetes, le losange central manque assez souvent, comme ici, ou parcequ'il n'a pas ete figure, ou parcequ'il est devenu indistinct).10

Le prince Horemheb, dont le tombeau est a Saqqarah,11 et qui

1 Denkmaeler, III, 162 et 173, Abd el Qurna, b.c. ; Wilkinson T. Ill, pi. 60, etc.

2 Cf. Brugsch, History of Egypt, p. 514 et 520.

3 Cf. Lieblein, Dictionnaire de Noms propres hieroglyphiques, Nos. 635, 854, 986 et 1355 ; Pierret, Etudes egyptologiques, 8e livraison, p. 57, Louvre c, 68 ; Champollion, Notices, II, 285 ; etc.

4 Cf. Lieblein, Dictionnaire de Noms propres, Nos. 793 et 920.

5 Cf. Mariette, Abydos, III, 430.

fi Lieblein, Dictionnaire de Noms propres, No. 355.

7 Cf. de Rouge, Chrestomathie, I, p. no.

8 Cf. Champollion, Notices, I, 647.

9 Cf. Lieblein, 903, et Denkt?iaekr, III, 184.

10 Cf. Champollion, Notices, I, p. 411, 512, 733, etc.; et II, p. 77, 104, 223, etc. ; Lieblein, Nos. 693 et 894 ; etc.

11 De Rouge, Inscriptions hieroglyphiques, I, 36-7 ; et II, 104-8; Wiedemann, Proceedings, Juin, 1889, pp. 424-5 ; etc.

448

June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

ne se dit pas fils de roi, mais qui porte l'uraeus, a des titres tres voisins de ceux du frere de Sesostris. M. Birch le prenait pour le roi Horemheb de la xvme dynastie, qui aurait ete detrone ; ' on pourrait peut-etre aussi voir en lui le fils de Seti I depossede a la fin, non de tous ses honneurs puisqu'il aurait ete regent, mais de son titre de fils ou d'heritier, comme le faux Pentaur du papyrus Judiciaire avait ete prive de son propre nom.

Le Nom du Cheval.

I.

Les egyptologues reconnaissent que le nom egyptien du cheval (assimile jadis par M. de Rouge a l'arabe hedjah2) vient d'une racine heter qui signifie joindre, et qui a laisse de nombreux derives dans les hieroglyphes comme dans le copte. Le cheval etait done un animal de paire ou de couple par excellence, si bien qu'on se bornait dans un grand nombre de cas, surtout en ^crivant son nom d'une maniere cursive, a le faire suivre du determinatif general des quadrupedes.

Pour appliquer ce nom a d'autres animaux, on avait recours a des modifications, a des periphrases et a des determinatifs caracteris- tiques: on ecrivait, par exemple, (1 ~^fcj\ V , (I O ^*>

ou bien g ° I] | , , 1 5fo^. M. Chabas a signale ces pre-

cautions dans son etude sur le cheval,6 et a montre par la qu'il faut tenir compte de certaines habitudes graphiques dont on neglige quelquefois l'importance ; lui-meme parait avoir commis un oubli

de ce genre en lisant Manna et non Iliuna le mot IK |JV),

sans doute par souci de la vraisemblance, les Meoniens etant plus rapproches de l'Egypte qu'Ilion.

1 Zeitschrift, 1877, p. 149.

2 Melanges d'archeologie eg}'ptienne et assyrienne, 30 fascicule, p. 277.

3 Brugsch, Supplement au Dictionnaire, p. 175 ; cf. Dcnkmaelcr, II, 122, et

111,5.1- ».

4 Id., Dictionnaire, p. 153.

5 Denkmaeler, III, 219,1. 19.

6 Etudes sur l'antiquite historique, p. 428.

7 Maspero, Kecueil de Travaux, VIII, p. 84.

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June 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

Des le debut du nouvel Empire, une longue habitude d'ecrire le nom du cheval se revele dans le groupe ^=%f 0 ^ 0 k$\ » ' qui est applique a un attelage, et d'ou a disparu toute trace du duel que necessiterait la racine aussi bien que la scene.

L'inscription d'Ahmes, qui nomme le cheval,3 montre de plus que le char de guerre etait connu en Egypte des le premier roi du nouvel Empire, avant l'an 5 du regne (1. 6, 7, et 14); et comme la i8e dynastie. qui commence le nouvel Empire, est la continuation directe de la ijk, qui unit le moyen, il est naturel d'admettre avec M. Chabas3 que celle-ci connaissait le cheval aussi bien que celle-la

II.

Mais la 17s dynastie elle-meme n'est guere eloigne'e des i2e, i3e, et i4e, et quand on rencontre sous ces dernieres une foule de noms propres identiques a celui du cheval, et seulement du cheval, on est fonde a reconnaitre la le mot cheval plutot que tout autre.

Les monuments d'Abydos fournissent, pour les 12s, 13% et 14° dynasties, les noms suivants, avec le determinatif des quadru pedes :4 x £ft (I l^\ M£ (i2e dynastie, an 30 d'Amenemha I et an 10 d'Ousertesen I; Boulaq, Mariette, No. 558).* Q 8 B?W.oujj B^M. (homrae; 13° dynastie; Boulaq,

Mariette, No. 364).15 I B 5 (femme; 13s ou i4e dynastie; Boulaq, Mariette, No.

778). 8 ° -[ J^l homme; 13s ou i4e dynastie; Mariette, Boulaq,

No. 905). J ° |H (homme ; Londres, Lieblein, No. 380).

8 ° ) n. (femme; Turin, Lieblein, Nos. 433 et 533).

1 Denkmarter, III, 10. 2 Denhnaeler, III, 12, b.

3 Chabas, EHudes sur l'antiquite historique, p. 426.

4 Mariette, Abydos, Tome III ; et Lieblein, Dictionnaire de noms propres hieroglyphiques, Tome I.

5 Cf. Lieblein, Dictionnaire de noms propres, No. 99; et J. de Rouge, Inscriptions hieroglyphiques, I, 8.

6 Cf. J. de Rouge, Inscriptions hieroglyphiques, I, 48.

45°

June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

Sur une stele, le nom propre $ B& (variantes x B& ,

fi fH \\, et I B V\ooo est suivi d'un determinatif peu

distinct, qui ressemble presque a un cheval galopant ou caracolant (Het'eru est la mere d'un personnage qui a une autre mere, c'est- a-dire une belle-mere; i2e, 13°, ou i4e dynastie; Boulaq, Mariette, Nos. 836 et 669 ; cf. Londres, Lieblein, No. 300).

II y a encore aux steles d'Abydos, qui semblent mentionner l'ecurie dans le titre J^JJ ^^ jj^ 51 les noms suivants, sans determinatifs :

x £& a (femme ; regne d'Amenemha I et d'Usertesen I ; Londres,

Lieblein, No. 146).

j (homme ; regne d'Amenemha III; Florence, Lieblein,

No. 146). Q ' ^ (1 (homme; i2e dynastie ; Boulaq, Mariette, No. 662; cf.

Lieblein, No. 500). q V (nomme5 J3e ou 1 4e dynastie, Boulaq, Mariette, No.

*35-)

|| £fi ^V& (homme; i3e ou i4e dynastie ; Boulaq, Mariette, No

817). X B? ^ (femme; 13s ou 14° dynastie; Boulaq, Mariette, No. 827)

x Bfc a (nom ou surnom de femme; 13° ou i4e dynastie; Boulaq.

Mariette, No. 895). Q (homme; i3e ou 14s dynastie ; Boulaq, Mariette, No. 930)

Q B^ (homme; 13° ou 14° dynastie; Boulaq, Mariette, No. 988;

cf Lieblein, No. 218). Q <Sj (femme; Louvre, c. 197)2

1 Mariette, No. 796, et Lieblein, No. 504.

2 Pierret, Eludes egyptologkjues, 8e Livraison, p. 67 ; cf. de Rouge, Noil velles Notices sommaires sur les Monuments egyptiens du Louvre, p. 150.

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Ainsi, on trouve pour la premiere moitie" du moyen Empire dix- sept noms propres, au moins, reproduisant d'une maniere exacte celui du cheval, et dans l'etat actuel de la question il n'y a aucun motif apparent pour ne pas voir la le cheval.

III.

En sera-t-il de meme pour l'ancien Empire, qui parait se ratta- cher aussi directement au moyen que le moyen au nouveau, s'il existait alors des formes comme " 0 et avec chute de <=>

finale X o dans les noms propres?" l

L'afhrmation ou la negation, ici, seraient egalement hasardees (qu'on tienne compte ou non du fait que'le papyrus medical de Berlin, ecrit a. la 19s dynastie, mentionne le cheval, car ce texte a pu aussi bien rester intact qu'etre ametiore, comme le fut, sous Amenophis III, un autre traite du meme genre).

D'une part, la forme | s=> (cf. | ]/ | ] (j ' et |^"jj () *) si

elle designait un animal, se rattacherait moins au nom du cheval qui parait avoir perdu sa finale <^> bien plus tard, dans le demotique et dans le copte,5 qu'a d'autres noms de quadrupedes, comme la hyene

0 °" des Mastaba, le6 ft «=» $*^ W^ des pyramides royales,7 le

ii;^^dupa^sEbers' "ills » tt&

du dieu Bes,9 la mangouste 9 < g 1 10 etc. (Les groupes du

nouvel Empire Q ^ P-^| > 0 f^jfl » et 0 W^ » ne Peuvent ^videm- ment etre regarde's que comme des abreviations).11

1 Maspero, Proceedings, Mars, 1890, p. 242.

2 Mariette, Abydos, t. Ill, p. 240.

3 Lieblein, Dictionnaire de noms propres, No. 551.

4 Mariette, Abydos, t. Ill, p. 108.

5 Cf. Brugsch, Papyrus Rhind, p. 46 et No. 331.

6 Detikmaeler, II, 15, 25, etc.

7 Pyramides d'Ounas, 1. 457.

8 Cf. Brugsch, Supplement au dictionnaire, p. 79§-

9 Id., p. 782.

10 Id., p. 873.

11 Detikmaeler, III, 153 et 60, 219 e, et 187 c et d.

45 2

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D'autre part, si la forme fi **" designe un animal, comme

c'est possible, et alors un animal bien connu, puisque le mot s'e- crivait sans determinatif, faut-il voir necessairement dans la bete ainsi nommee le meme quadrupede que sous le nouvel Empire ? La question reste indecise en presence du nom de quadrupede

y. £ft o qui figure dans une ancienne liste de fermes (tombeau de

Semnefer, 4e dynastie), accompagne d'un determinatif special, mais douteux.1 Le determinatif etant douteux, l'exemple ne saurait etre probant : il prete a l'hypothese.

Ainsi, on a deja suppose que ce mot peut signifier la hyene,2 en

admettant une lecture fautive, v B?, d'une forme contemporaine X

du nom de la hyene, metathese evidente pour hetem ou heteb,

i^Cv' y^^' i]vxj^;4 iesi§ne^ se conf°ndait

parfois avec d'autres signes semblables, par exemple, avec Q,3 avec ,6 avec i^h,1 avec <Q>,H avec /I\,9 etc.

On a vu aussi dans het'ert une variantedu nom de Pichneumon,1" ce qui serait une metamorphose possible, mais un peu inattendue peut-etre, de ce nom, dont les hieroglyphes donnent la forme

11 et le copte la forme CLji.ecnfX ; les deux racines du

;i

nom du cheval et de l'ichneumon paraissent avoir suivi, quant a leurs consonnes initiales et finales, chacune une tendance differente, Tune allant de © a cy et de <— > a X, l'autre allant de | a a. iff- ^^.Xpe, gemellus, ^.epGT, gemelli), et de <==> a la chute de cette lettre (cf. £> 0O equus).

1 Denfonaeler, II, 28.

2 Annuaire de la Faculte des Lettres de Lyon, 2e annee, fascicule I, pp. 8 e 9.

3 Denkmculer, II, 22 ; cf. Lieblein, No. 249.

4 Chabas, Voyage d'un egyptien, pp. 124-5, et Papyrus magique, Harris, 1.3, etB.l. 3.

5 J. de Rouge, Inscriptions hieroglyphiques, I, 65, et IV., 292.

6 Lieblein, Dictionnaire de noms propres, No. 830.

7 Naville, Todtcnbuch, II, 192.

8 Id., 193.

9 /rf.,406.

10 Maspero, Proceedings, Mars, 1890, p. 242.

11 Champollion, Notices, II, p. 512 ; cf. Denkmaeler, II, 140, et III, 224, etc.

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Enfin, on a cru reconnaitre dans le signe dont il s'agit, un qua- drupede voisin par exemple du chacal,1 lequel etait confondu assez souvent par les Egyptiens avec le chien et le loup, comme le montrent certains determinatifs,2 ainsi que les noms de Cynopolis et de Lycopolis donnes aux villes du dieu chacal.

Cette derniere opinion peut fort bien se soutenir : un animal

semblable a, celui qui determine le mot x B? ^ se rencontre

couple et domestique, a la quatrieme dynastie, dans un des titres du grand veneur Amten, et l'idee d'unir, het'er, qui a laisse sa trace

dans les noms propres (IS B? (1 (] j) 3 et S ^ "| (| Jj ,* a pu aussi faire nommer parfois het'er quelque animal dresse pour la

chasse, par exemple. Dans le titre d' Amten f*^^^

et ? oi © © © 2? ^^ % ,5 Chef du grand domaine

ou temple mendesien Shetu, l'animal parait appele Shet, mais ce mot peut etre aussi un surnom emprunte a quelque^ fait legendaire 6 (le couple mysterieux).

On remarquera que le meme couple, qui se voit trois fois au tombeau d' Amten, y est toujours figure d'une maniere differente ; la premiere fois l'animal a le museau et les oreilles pointus, la seconde fois il a une tete ronde a oreilles pointues et porte un collier, la troisieme fois il a le museau long et les oreilles tom- bantes. Est-ce un rat, une hyene, un chacal, un loup, un chien de chasse V

Ces trois variantes, dans un texte 6crit en grands hieroglyphes detailles et soign£s, doivent nous mettre en defiance relativement

1 Brugsch, Supplement au Dictionnaire, p. 871, et Dictionnaire Geographi- que, p 549.

2 Cf. Naville, Todtenbuch, 87, ch. 24 ; Champollion, Notices, II, pp. 99 et 100 ; Wilkinson, II, p. 90; Recueil de Travaux, IX, p. 83, et X, p. 146; Maspero, Boulaq, 404, etc.

8 Lieblein, Dictionnaire de noms propres, No. 476, Leide.

4 Id., No. 539, stele c. 39 du Louvre.

5 Denkmaeler, II, 3 et 5.

6 Cf. Zcitschi-ift , 1884, p. 39, 1. 21 ; Champollion, Notices, II, p. 543 ; et Herodote, II, 122.

7 Cf. Erman, Zcitschrift, 1881, p. 42; Denkmaeler, II, 96; et Wilkinson, The Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, edition Birch, I, pi. 2, b ; et II, p. 99.

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aux conclusions a. tirer, pour le mot het'ert, d'un exemple unique represente par un petit hieroglyphe douteux et peut-etre mal copie. Qui sait meme si ce dernier determinatif, en fin de compte et pour epuiser toutes les hypotheses, ne pourrait pas avoir ete un cheval ?

II y a un rat qui ressemble a une hyene dans une denomination de la sixieme dynastie, le rat blanc;1 dans les titres de Rekhmara, le chacal ressemble a un rat ;2 M. Chabas a pris pour la hyene,3 au Todtenbuch de Lepsius,4 un animal qui est le pore ou l'hippo- potame d'apres le Todtenbuch de M. Naville5 (cf. le mot fi ^j\o<^^> de l'ancien Empire,6 montrant par parenthese que le pore exista de tous temps en Egypte) ; le veau j $ — n — figure sur une planche

des Denkmaeler1 ressemble a un chien, a. un cheval, a. une panthere, etc., autant qu'a un veau ; un makes ou lion du Mythe d'Horus ressemble a. un rat ;8 M. Le Page Renouf se demande si un animal des Denkmaeler est un lion ou un rat;9 le cheval represente' a Edfou, dans un titre d'Astarte,10 ressemble a un chacal, et inverse- ment le chacal des pyramides ressemble parfois a un cheval;11 le crocodile de Sebak est un chacal sur un des monuments du Louvre;12 etc. Les confusions de ce genre fourniraient une longue liste.

IV.

Quelque soit l'animal represente au tombeau de Semnefer, hyene, rat, chacal, chien, etc., rien ne montre encore, pour le moment, qu'il faille rapporter a un de ces animaux plutot qu'au cheval le nom propre $ , d'autant que rien ne montre non plus que le

cheval ait ete inconnu sous l'ancien Empire.

Le silence des vieux textes, si peu nombreux et si peu varies, ne prouve pas plus au sujet du cheval qu'au sujet du coq, par

1 J. de Rouge, Inscriptions hieroglyphiques, I, 63.

2 Virey, le Tombeau de Rekhmara, passim.

3 Voyage d'un Egyptien, p. 125. * PL 41, ch. HO. s II, 258.

6 Maspero, Trois annees de fouilles, p. 191 ; cf. Recueil, III, 123 ; Denkmaeler ^ II, 5 ; Mariette, Abydos, III, pp. 163-4 ; Lieblein, Nos. 281, 334, et 476, etc.

7 II, 96. 8 V, 1. 8. 9 Proceedings, Juin, 1886, p. 156.

10 Naville, Textes relatifs au mythe d'Horus, 13.

11 Recueil de Travaux, V, 67 et 192 ; cf. Champollion, Notices, pp. 835 et 888.

12 Pierret, Etudes egyptologiques, 8e Livraison, p. 49.

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exemple, surtout si Ton rdflechit que le cheval a pu etre souvent impur (au meme titre que le fer chez certains peuples), comme l'indiquent un passage du Todtenbuch, l'absence de toute momie de cheval, et la rarete des emprunts faits a 1'animal par la medecine pharaonique. On s'apergoit bien que le cheval avait jadis moins d'importance dans l'armee qu'au Nouvel Empire, la cavalerie n'etant point mentionnee dans les titres des mastaba, mais elle l'etait fort peu aussi dans les titres de la i8e dynastie : conclure des maintenant a l'absence complete de 1'animal aux anciennes epoques, ce serait se montrer aussi exclusif que l'ont ete certains historiens grecs affirmant, ou que Se'sostris enseigna l'usage du cheval1 (parce qu'il avait une belle cavalerie2), ou qu'apres Sesostris il n'y eut plus de chevaux ni de chars en Egypte3 (parce que la cavalerie devint moins nombreuse ou moins prisee4).

Les Egyptiens, eux, faisaient remonter la domestication du cheval jusqu'au regne mythologique d'Horus, d'apres une tradition constante qui persistait aussi bien du temps des Grecs qu'a l'epoque de Seti I.5 Et en effet, qu'ils aient ou non adopte" a. la i8e dynastie la meme race chevaline que les Amazones, comme le veut M. Pietrement, il serait etonnant que leurs premiers ancetres n'eussent pas rencontre dans les plaines du Delta un animal qui habitait a Page de pierre la Syrie, sans parler de l'Afrique sep- tentrionale ; qui etait domestique des le regne de Sargon I dans la Chaldee, pays dont les vieux rois, correspondants des Pharaons vers 1430, connurent l'Egypte de tres bonne heure et peut-etre de tous temps ; qui se trouvait jadis et se trouve encore aujourd'hui en liberte sur les bords du Tigre et de l'Euphrate, si semblables a ceux du Nil ; et qui enfin parait avoir exists de meme a Petat sauvage ou a demi sauvage (^TO^OO'tfT, equus sylvestris), en Egypte ou pres de l'Egypte sous le nouvel Empire, dont les textes parlent tantot de pbulains poursuivis par des lions, tantot de mon- tagnes habitees par des chevaux.6

1 Dicearque, Fragmenta Historicorum grsecorum, edition Mueller, II, p. 235.

2 Josephe contre Apion, I, 15.

3 Herodote, II, 108.

4 Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 129, 1. 67; Naville, Todtenbuch, II, 333; et Le Page Renouf, Proceedings, 1884, pp. 41-2.

5 Dicearque, fragment 7 ; Flutarque, de Iside et Osiride, 19; et Champollion, Notices, II, p. 76.

6 Chabas, Etudes sur l'Antiquite historique, p. 542.

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TYRE,

By G. A. Simcox, M.A.

Isaiah xxiii, 17, 18.

"And it shall come to pass after the end of seventy years, that the Lord will visit Tyre, and she shall turn to her hire, and shall commit fornication with all the kingdoms of the world upon the face of the earth. And her merchandise and her hire shall be holiness to the Lord : it shall not be treasured nor laid up ; for her merchandise shall be for those that dwell before the Lord, to eat sufficiently, and for stately clothing."

These verses suggest many questions. Are they by the author of 15 and 16? Are they an alternative? Are they an addition? Does the prophet think of the recovery of Tyre after affliction by the Assyrians or the Chaldees ? If Isaiah prophesied against Tyre, his prophecy would acquire new meaning, and might lead later and lesser prophets to repeat it with additions and alterations (e.g., a prophet who had threatened Tyre with the fate of the Chaldees in the days of Sargon or Sennacherib, might be understood to threaten her with the wrath of the Chaldees in the days of Nebuchadrezzar, Isaiah xxiii, 13) both in the days of Ezekiel and in the days when the curse pronounced by Ezekiel had manifestly run its course. The prosperity of Tyre depended, apart from its natural monopoly of purple dye, upon the enterprise which had created a great entrepot for the overland trade of Asia and the maritime trade of the Levant. The overland trade was always at the mercy of continental powers, who could stop it, starve it, or concentrate it on some staple town of their own choice. It would not be strange if both Assyrians and Chaldees fostered Carchemish at the expense of Tyre.

Be this as it may, the prophet contemplates a time when Jerusalem will have some of the pretention and none of the re- sources of a capita], and is to be supplied by the ministry of Tyre. When the trade of Tyre is permitted to revive, Jerusalem will supply her own needs by taxing it heavily. One puzzle is how this could be possible ; another how it could be necessary.

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As late as Ezekiel (xxvii, 17), Judah and the land of Israel supplied Tyre with wheat. Why then had Jerusalem to be supplied with food by Tyre? Two answers may be given. (1) It is probable that Josiah and even Jehoiakim and Zedekiah ruled a more ex- tensive and fruitful territory than Zerubabel or Nehemiah. It is clear from Kings and Chronicles that Josiah was master in the territory of the northern kingdom, and probable from Zephaniah that he held as good a position against the Philistines as the most prosperous of his predecessors, and occupied the good corn land of the low country. When Jerusalem lay waste, Ashdod and Ekron could enlarge their border. (2) It appears (Nehemiah ix, 36, 37) that the taxation of Persia absorbed nearly all the surplus produce of the land, so that the cultivators had very little margin of profit the expenditure of which would support a capital. More- over, Jerusalem had no serious manufactures which could make its inhabitants independent of the surrounding agriculturists. It could not live on the profits of the potter's field, nor on the expenditure of governors less abstemious than Nehemiah (Nehemiah v, 14). Yet there were Tyrian traders in the days of Nehemiah (xiii, 16-22), who supplied Jerusalem with fish and all manner of ware, and had to be brought to respect the Sabbath. Obviously as the inhabitants of Jerusalem had money to buy, they had money's worth to sell. Was this wool ? Tyre of course was a constant purchaser of the material of her purple cloth. In the time of Ezekiel the Arabians drove their flocks of sheep and goats straight into the Tyrian market, which implies that there was open grazing ground all the way, with no settled agricultural population. This came to an end with the return from the captivity. The settled population of Palestine continued to increase up to the time of the struggle with Rome. When this was over, the Rabbi Judah the Holy, who suffered from chronic toothache, and was supposed to suffer vicariously and to fulfil the prophecy, Isaiah liii, 9, was a great sheep-master, and was able to employ Arab princes to look after his flocks, thus fulfilling the prophecy, Isaiah lxi, 5. The wilderness of Judah was always a good grazing ground, and when the Arabs could not drive their flocks over the mountains of Israel, it may have been worth the while of Tyre to keep up a small factory at Jerusalem to collect the fleeces shorn by the successors of Jesse and Nabal, and this of itself would make the economical existence of Jerusalem possible, though the wilderness

458

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of Judah could not support a trade large enough to bear taxing. The case would be different if Jerusalem became the staple town for all the wool of the Arabian wilderness. This in itself was quite possible. In II Chron. xvii, 17, we read that Jehoshaphat received 700 lambs and as many goats from the kings of Arabia. In II Kings i, 4, we read that Mesha, king of Moab, paid to Israel the enormous tribute of 100,000 lambs and as many rams with their wool. It appears, though doubtfully, from Isaiah xvi, r, that Israel had some prescriptive title to tribute from Moab, and Mesha may have paid to set a limit to what he regarded as the encroachments of Gad. But the kings of the Arabians can only have paid for trading privileges. In Isaiah lx, 6, 7, one of the many promises which would be equally seasonable after the disaster of Sennacherib or the decree of Cyrus, it seems clear that Jeru- salem is to be the centre of the wool trade, and so will be plentifully supplied with rams for sacrifice. It is to be the centre of the spice trade too ; — as we may infer, it was before the sickness of Hezekiah, who otherwise could hardly have had spices and precious ointments to display to the ambassadors of Babylon.

In conclusion, it may be observed that the trade of Tyre, which is to be taxed to supply the comfort and dignity of Jerusalem, is not confined to the limits of a single monarchy ; the prophet still thinks of all the kingdoms of the earth, while the writers of Esther and the life of Daniel think only of provinces. This pro tanto tells for dating the passage before the consolidation of the Persian empire under Darius Hystaspes, perhaps before the conquest of Egypt.

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June 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1890.

THE SUN-STROKE IN EGYPTIAN.

By P. le Page Renouf.

The Egyptia?i Sun-stroke is not identical with our ' coup de so/ei/.'

There is a remarkable title of the god Horus, which occurs repeatedly in the inscriptions at Benihassan. The great dignitaries

who are buried there are described* as 'faithful to' |[| t>[l(i

amxi xer) or 'executing the will of I 0 l(|(|/wwv\ hesi en) v\ Q M|

$$&§> ° Heru hu re\it, ' Horus, who strikes down men.'

Some light is thrown on this title by the following passage of an ancient text, of which copies of a more recent date are found in our museums —

1 cr=] t — p i& <=> nn ^m 1 1 1

o

" Oh Eye of Horus coming forth from the earth, whose name is ' Striker of the men of Horus.' "t

The Horus who strikes ' his men,' that is, ' men who are his creatures,' is the Sun when rising from the earth j— -.— ^ ^ I

cannot help it if we have here another Dawn-myth, and one which assigns a fatal character to the Dawn.

The same character is ascribed to the Dawn goddesses Sechet and Renenet, though both of them, like Horus, have their joyous and beneficent aspects.

But Sechet, who like the other goddesses is called the Eye of Horus, signifies ' She who striheth.' The name is derived from

Vl/l' '®^\^X. 'striking.' The expression 8 ^j f\ 0 rX-

* Cf. Denkm., II, 121, 123^, 142^, 143 a. f Recueil de Travaux, I, p. 135. 460

June 3] PROCEEDINGS [1890.

hu em C en sex, "striking with a hundred blows," which occurs in the third Anastasi papyrus (p. 6, line 13), is a good illustration of the etymology of Sechet.

Sechet, ' the striker,' and Neith, ' she who shooteth,' are both called 'Eye of the Sun '; and this is why Hathorat Dendera is called

anions; her other names ^9>^<o>. iSQ Sechet Nit, 'Eye of Ra,' in a well known passage to which I lately referred.

On the Metternich stele the Head of Ra is said to "strike down

bad men " Q *4 <gg V& J| \ ^ ^3^ «k \* This is evidently a

comparatively modern imitation of the older phrase, and it is re- markable as being the only known place in which the word rc\iu is connected with evil. There is an ethical conception here more akin to that of the invocation —

ijeXiov 6', os iravr t0o/>as Kai ttolvt eTraKoveisf

than to the purely physical one in such epithets as etcdepyu*, ihaTij/SoXov applied to Apollo.

From 9. Mj kut 'strike,' (1 fi (1(1 ti/ii, 'the striker,' is derived, and

this became the appellative of the youthful Horus ((]«(](] /i)

"^r=? \wj| zfyi nru sl' Jfat-Itor, 'the mighty striker, the Son of

Hathor'), and the title of priests and chiefly priestesses ( (J 8 (](]<=> 1 M

of Hathor. But the sistrum borne by the god and the priestly personages restricts the sense of the word to the beating of musical instruments and to the repulse of invisible enemies.

Another determinative JT gives to the group (1 k HI V the sense of beating the ground, tripudiare.

* Taf., II, 1. 15. Cf. M. Golenischefrs Xute, p. 4, n. 8. t Iliad, III, 277.

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Junk 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1890.

CYPRIOTE AND KHITA.

By Hyde Clarke.

The letter of the Rev. Cesare de Cara, S.J., on the connexion of Cyprus with the Khita (Hittites), as suggested by me in 1872,* gives a convenient opportunity for resuming the subject.

That the names of Hamath, Amathus, Kition, &c, are related, is obvious to any observer of the local names of those regions. What is the real connexion is another matter ; and so also is the question whether one is descended from the other, or both are of common origin.

What is or are the Khita language or languages — for M. Georges Perrot and myself have put forward the proposition that the characters may be read in more than one language — has not yet been agreed. The question then comes before us as to whether there was originally one character in Cyprus read in one language alone, or read in several languages. On this we have the evidence that there, as elsewhere in the ancient East, and as is now found in India, there were several languages. We may learn too that the languages before the arrival of Phoenicians and Hellenes were non-Aryan.

A convenient mode of beginning the subject will be to examine a few Cypriote characters as to which we can have evidence.

£ be, pe, phe, Cypriote [Man]. £ kai, Vy, signifies Man.

Man, Nupe, basa, baga ; Musu, mba ; Bini, okpea ;

Ihewe, ngbea ; Okuloma, oubo, owewo.

Note. — This character is Yod in Nabathsean, N in Phoenician,

Himyaritic, Old Ionic, Iberian, Anglo-Saxon Runes, Welsh

Bardic ; R in Elbasan Albanian ; Sa in Mankassar ; Kh in

Old Korean. (TJ mo, Cypriote [Head]. B Tamashek, N. Africa. ^ kun,

Vy, signifies Head. Head, Sobo, ohiomi ; Bini, li-homo ;

Ihewe (ohu-me?), &c. iU ne, Cypriote [Elephant]. N Hebrew. Elephant, Sobo,

Bini, eni ; Ihewe, eni ; Oloma, eni, &c.

* Palestine Exploration Journal. New Series, No. 4, p. I79> &c. , &c.

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June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

^ ni, Cypriote [Nose]. ^ sun, Vy, signifies nose. ^ Baby- lonian Bowl, Khita. Nose, Okuloma, nini ; Ujo, nine ; Mandenga, ml, nyne ; Sobo, unwo, &c.

Note. — An allied character is Na in Battak, Passeppa ; A, E in Runes.

>"7"< me, Cypriote [Bull] ni. ^ ni, Vy, signifies Bull. Bull, Egbele, amena ; Bini, emela ; Ihewe, emela, &c.

£ ka, Cypriote [Tooth]. Tooth, Okuloma, aka ; Ujo, aka ;

Ihewe, aka ; Nupe, ika ; Goali, eka, &c.

^ re, le, Cypriote (Sun?). Sun, Sobo, ore; Egbele, ele; Bini, owo-re ; Okuloma, erua.

if: ba, pa, Cypriote [Lizard]. Lizard, Sobo, ogulo-gba ; Bini, osi-gbalo; Ihewe, ohid-gbe; Oloma, i-gbara; Nupe, gba-la.

Note. — There is a cuneiform sign pa, ba. There is also an allied Libyan and Tamashek character, but which may, how- ever, be that for cow. On a lodge of Sioux Indians I saw three ijl and three lizards, being the sign of the medicine man. There is an African property mark recorded in Report 83-84, U.S. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 182. An allied character is found in Runes. It is employed in Lolo of S.W. China.

This examination is based on the consideration of what is the ideographic meaning of the Cypriote characters, and by which the ultimate phonetic linguistic relations will be determined. Let us take <. The transliterations by Professor Sayce is Be, Pe, Phc. The character is peculiar, but in my MS. Dictionary of Characters I find many examples. It happens however that in the Vy sylla- bary of West Africa there is the same character with the sound Kai and the meaning Man. On looking among other African languages of the same group, the Mandenga, for which there is some reason to search, we find Be, Ba, Pe in words for Man corresponding to Be, Pe, Phe in Cypriote. The French philologists have ['aid particular attention to the Mandenga group.

v£, ni, is rather peculiar in form. There is a corresponding sign in Vy, the sound is Sun, and the meaning is Nose. In my Dictionary there are several forms of this character, chiefly applied to N and nasals ; so we are safe in concluding the character to be

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Nose, and an original nasal. In Africa there are forms of words corresponding to the Cypriote syllable.

Similar remarks are to be made as to the other syllables here illustrated.

The reasons for searching in the negro countries of Africa are sufficient. It is not to be assumed that those negro tribes have any relationship in blood with the Cypriotes. There is no reason how- ever, why those negro tribes may not have derived languages and characters from common sources of culture with the Cypriotes. Indeed, the neighbours of the Vy people in the Republic of Liberia use the English language and the English characters, but we well know they are negroes who in the last generation came from the United States, bringing with them our language. The Vy syllabary, where conforming to the Cypriote, has seldom the same sound, and the Vy often differs from the neighbouring languages. The neigh- bouring languages, however, illustrate Cypriote sounds, and also the symbols on the autonomous Greek coins. It results that on looking into those neighbouring groups we do find illustrations of Cypriote philology of a non-Aryan class.

The coins of Cyprus available are few, but as they conform to the other autonomous coins known as Greek, we have no difficulty in turning them to account. The symbols on the autonomous coins will be found to connect themselves with the names of the towns. Salamis in Cyprus is an example, but one that will serve better is Byzantium in Thrace (Busant). On its coins we find the Crescent or Moon, Bull, Fish, Corn, Quiver, Ship, &c. These symbols are reproduced on coins as in the following examples : Bull, Buxentum, Li-bisona, Pcestum, Sino-pe ; Moon, Sandalium, Isindus, Pcestum ; Fish, Li-bisona, Sino-pe, Pcestum, Butuntum ; Corn, Isindus, Bisanthe, Me-ssana ; Quire?; Isindus ; Ship, Nar-basis ; Grapes, Bizanthe, Sinope, Bithynium.*

For all these objects words will be found in the corresponding existing languages ; but in the case of each city, although the general name word is one, each symbol is expressed in a different language. We know Inat in the Greek and Roman periods there were cities, as Ephesus and Rome, consisting of quarters, seated on various hills and bearing distinct names. At an early period,

* Hyde Clarke, Early History of the Mediterranean Population!:, Triibner, 1882.

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as the legendary history of Rome suggests, these quarters were held by distinct tribes, and light is thrown on this by the existence of distinct languages in the same town. The practice exists now, and we have anthropological evidence of it. In the towns of the Nagas in India there is a common town, a common defence, and a common hall ; but each quarter has its own defence, its own hall, its own tribe, and its own language.

The explanation of this state of society has become well enough known of late : it is due to the institution of exogamy (or matri- archy), still existing in many parts of the world, under which no man can marry in his own tribe, that constituting a capital crime punishable with death, and he must therefore marry out of his tribe into another. Thus a town or community is formed of several separate tribes for convenience of marriage.

Applying this to Cyprus, we have the various languages of Turanian classes, and it was within the compass of the speaker to have read the Cypriote syllabary or the mass of characters each in his own tongue. This we can well understand from Chinese, the written character being readable not only into Mandarin, but into the several provincial languages, each with its own varying words.

Why the languages of the ancient and pre-hellenic world admit of explanation from those of Africa is illustrated by the example of the Altaic languages. These latter have been found most valu- able for the interpretation of the Akkadian. Babylonia is now remote from the Altaic area, because the whole region has been denuded long since of Altaic languages. Africa likewise is remote from Babylonia and the archaic world, for it has been preserved from Assyrian, Persian, Greek, Roman, Semitic, Celtic, Germanic, Slav, invasion. It is only of late centuries that Arabs, Portuguese, and English have penetrated this continent.

In Africa, which has not shared in the vicissitudes of the ancient world, we find the languages preserved, and many other evidences as yet little explored or turned to account. The philologist ha^ for some time known that there are African languages having the characteristic of vocalic euphony like the Altaic, with many points of resemblance, as was shown by Edwin N orris. Their words too sometimes correspond. The African languages in some cases will be found more valuable than the Altaic for the interpreta- tion of ancient languages.

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Indeed, what is available as Altaic has yet to be defined. There is the recognizable northern group in Asia and Europe. Then there are Himalayan members illustrated by Brian Hodgson,* and some are inclined to include Japanese. There are relations in Dravidian, which have been examined by Bishop Caldwell in his Dravidian Grammar. The Kolarian languages however, corresponding pro- bably with the earlier European epoch, afford the most affinities. A paper was read by me at the Royal Asiatic Society on the parallel between one ot the Santal group and an African member. In Africa there is a large body of languages to which reference has already been made. With these several of the North American languages show connexion. There are traces of the old world syllabaries scattered throughout the American continents and which can be recognized. Hence illustrations are to be found in the publications of the U.S. Ethnological Department.

A matter of some interest in connexion with Cypriote and Khita investigations is the Vy or Vei Syllabary. The Vy country is at Cape Palmas, close to the border of the West Coast of Africa, in the boundary of the Republic of Liberia. We first became acquainted with it here about a quarter of a century ago, through reports reaching us from the Coast. The existence of this character created great interest on the West Coast and enquiries were made. The best known account is that of the distinguished scholar, the Rev. Dr. Koelle, author of the Polyglotta Africana, but the syllabary was also published in Vol. VI of the Journal of the Ethnological Society, New Series, p. 266, by Mr. H. C. Creswick (1867). As early as 1849 Lieut. Forbes, R.N., had examined into the matter.

There are several versions of the origin of this syllabary, which appears to have spread among the Vy people in the last sixty or seventy years. Dr. Kcelle gives an account of his interview with Duala Bakere, who claimed to have invented the character or had it communicated to him in a dream.

The great difficulty in accepting this version arises on two sides. First, it is not an alphabet but a syllabary, whereas the Arabic alphabet and the English alphabet had penetrated into the district before the time of Duala. The reversion to the ancient form of a syllabary instead of an alphabet appears anomalous. The second is that many of the characters are not ordinary combinations of * Hyde Clarke, Himalayan Origin of the Magyars. 466

June 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1890.

forms, such as anyone might invent, but they are precisely of un- common types, and which are to be found in ancient syllabaries and alphabets, as Cypriote, Khita, Libyan, Chinese, Moso, Lolo, Runes, as will be seen from the Vy characters before given, as in the examples Be, Mo, Ne, Ni, Me, Ba.

As Duala and his friends could not consult Cypriote, inscrip- tions at Hamath, or Anglo-Saxon MSS., his title to invention may be safely dismissed. There is every probability that the sylla- bary is not originally Vy, but belonging to some neighbouring race, and the explanation is that Duala adapted it to Vy in his fashion, and with some alterations, which is his title to inven- tiveness. The syllabary itself is of ancient origin.

The great value of it is that the names of the syllables are in many cases identifiable as Vy words, and thus are recognizable as ideographs and their meaning can be ascertained. With a better knowledge of the Vy vocabulary this material may be increased. Hitherto we have sought for the phonetic relations of Cypriote, Akkadian, and Khita, rather than for the ideographic value. Some few ideographs we get from the Phoenician alphabet.

The ideographic value can be worked out from Cuneiform, Egyptian, and Shwowen Chinese, and further in time from Cypriote, Vy, Khita, Lolo, and Moso. The phonetics are of far less value for decipherment and transliteration than has been assumed, for the sound of an ideograph will vary according to the language, as is shown by ideographs identical in Cypriote and Vy.

We have to go back to a remote epoch of characters beyond even the syllabary. As the alphabet is a selection from a syllabary, causing a great saving of labour and effecting an enormous advance in culture, so is a syllabary, such as the Cypriote, a selection from the great body of ideographs, of which we have examples in Egyptian and Chinese, for the radicals form but a small part of the mass available in Chinese. The first stage, belonging ap- parently to the epoch of sign or gesture language, was the con- stitution of an enormous mass of ideographs, from which Egyptian, Cuneiform, and Chinese are derived. In the epoch of spoken language syllabaries had become possible. In all groups of characters, general, syllabic, or alphabetic, we have to recognize the results of selection.

It has not been my mission or my business to decipher or trans- literate Khita, having devoted myself to other pursuits. Eighteen

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[1890.

years have now passed since my determination that Khita, or Hamath, constitutes a character, but we are far off from decipher- ment. The materials are far better than when the decipherment of cuneiform was began. The cause of the delay as to Khita and of the useless expenditure of time and labour and great ability has been the fanciful appropriation of phonetic values to the characters without ascertaining what language is available or applicable. Hence complicated Semitic and Turanian renderings without result, for each interpreter has exercised his own fancy.

The Tarkondemos boss is a valuable instrument, but no one is agreed as to the use to be made of it. It is possible that it repre- sents what may be termed the classical Khita, or the language which obtained a preference for use in public documents. There may be various inscriptions susceptible of other Turanian and also of Semitic renderings.

My comments on this boss and seal (Athenceum, 1880) remain the same after many years, and after considering the other interpretations proposed.

One main point to be determined is the meaning of [JjJ [J [J, because this will settle the position of the other character. By me it is assigned to Demos as signifying son, offspring ; first for paleo- graphic reasons, and secondly for linguistic reasons. In paleographic J is a recognizable symbol for son, as in Libyan, f] Jy, an established form of the double plural, equals sons' son, and the bar on the fourth stroke is a paleographic sign for plural, a further plural. Hence the meaning is Sons' son, Offspring, Descendant, in reference

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to descent from the royal race, an historical condition of which we may find examples in Germanic history.

The meaning of Demos or Timmi [Dem] is supported by a Phrygian word, and by a common form of Dem in the African languages for son, child.

That Mr. Rylands has determined the emblem for king, time has the more convinced me. The character for land or country, a double or treble dental, is a common paleographic fact.

There remain the first two characters, to which Tar-Kon arc assigned by me, and as to which various ascriptions of animals have been made by others. On examining these heads with the ancient and later coins of Sardis in the region of the inscriptions of the Niobe and pseudo-Sesostris, their identity is not doubtful. On the coins will be found the conventional heads as on the boss, and later the distinct heads of the Bull and Lion, and further on the Bull and Lion embodied.

Heads as the type of an animal are found still in MSS. of South- western China (Captain Gill's MSS.), and in Indian records of North America, that is a part for the whole.

The three tufts on each side of the head are a plural symbol for hair, for the mane of the lion, of which there are paleographic examples. The use of three for a plural is widely distributed, as three fingers for the hand in North America, New Zealand, &c.

The Bull and Lion, the Bull taking precedence of the Lion, and the name of Tarkon and its equivalents, are found extensively on the coins, monuments, and place names of the region, though more might have been written on the subject, if men's minds had not been prepossessed by various theories as to the assignment of the animals.

Why the Bull should precede the Lion does not at first appear, but the Bull, Aleph, as a horned animal, represents the earlier Elephant, displaced in the north. The Elephant, it may be noted, figures in the Cypriote syllabary.

The apportionment of Tar, Tara, and Ron, kona, Ku, to the Bull and Lion, is not difficult. Though Tara or Tura is also an Indo-European form for Bull, it is only so because it belongs to universal language. Looking to Africa we find Tar, as Turi, Toro, Tolo, and Kon, as Kun, Kenen, Jinan.

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These animals had become the token or fetish of the sovereign race. As the Bull represented the Elephant, so was he represented by the horned Stag or Goat, and on coins we find the Bull and Stag or Bull and Goat replacing the Bull and Lion.

Besides Tarkon other words signifying Bull and Lion appear as the kingly title.

If Tarkondemos is rightly transliterated as here given, then we have the materials for transliteration and decipherment. If however Tarkon forms one word and one sign as alleged, then my plan falls to the ground.

Tarkondemos is not in its origin a name, but the kingly or dynastic title like Caesar.

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ERRATA.

Page 156, line 2, for February read March. Page 365, line 20, for there read where. Page 365, transpose lines 20 and 21.

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