ty aie = Tis | Whiten ae > Ne - PROCEEDINGS OF THE BATH NATURAL HISTORY AND ANTIQUARIAN FIELD CLUB. VOL. IV. No. I. PRICE HALF-A-CROWN, ae < weet ” oo Lg BATH : E BATH HERALD” OFFICE, 12, NORTH GATE, 1878, . PRINTED ( FOR THE CLUB) aT “TH re eee a ee Sma a * el” 5 i us Pie ak bee a tapes * - ‘ PROCEEDINGS OF THE BATH NATURAL HISTORY AND ANTIQUARIAN FIELD CLUB. VOL. IV. BATH : PRINTED (FOR THE CLUB) AT “‘ THE BATH HERALD” OFFICE, NORTH GATE. ; 1881. . i a ‘ ae : pirate TABLE OF CONTENTS. —0:—— Vou. IV., No. 1. 1,—On the Poor, and some Attempts to Lower the Price of Corn in Somerset, 1548—1638, by EMANUEL GREEN 2.—Some Account of the Skirmish at Claverton during the Civil Wars, July, 1643, by H. D. SKRINE we 3.—Gales of Wind, by the Rev. LEONARD BLOMEFIELD, M.A., F.LS., &. wee Bs 4,—Notes on an Oolitic Quarry at Bathford, Lut Rey. H. H. Winwoop, M.A., F.G.8. ; ee, of Pabessatis for the Yeah 1877- 8 No. 2. 1.—Did Queen Elizabeth visit Bath in the years 157 4 and 15922 by EMANUEL GREEN ... 2.—Further Gleanings in the Mewsye by the Rev. Pre- bendary ScartH, M.A. 3.—An Enquiry concerning Fortified Hills near Bath, : the Rev. J. Wricut, B.A. 4.—The Old Walls of the City of Bath, " HAROLD Lewis, B.A. 5,—Summary of the Proceedings for the Year 1878-9 No. 3. 1.—On Some of the Fungi found in the Bath District, by C. E, BRooME, M.A, F.LS. 2.—The Winter of 1878-9 in Bath, and Seasons eee by the Rev. LEONARD BLOMEFIELD, M.A. F.LS., F.G.S., &. . 3.—The Prehistoric Races of Man in Somersetshire and the Adjoining Counties, by Henry Birp, M.D, PAGE. 105 120 129 150 181 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 4,—On the Restoration of the Roofs to the North Aisle and Hungerford Chapel, Wellow Church, by THOMAS Browne, A.R.I.B.A.. 5.—The Hedgemead Landslip, by CuarLes Moorg, F.G.S. 6.—Summary of Becvootinee for the aa 1879-80, a the SECRETARY.. 7,—List of Excursions and Walks since the First Formation of the Club ay No. 4. 1.—Pen Pits, by the Rev. H. H. Winwoop, M.A., F.G.S. 2.—On Local Names in the Neighbourhood of oe i H. Brrp, M.D. "A 3.—Had King Alfred a Residence at Wedmore ? with some Notes on the Manors of sina and Wedmore, ie EMANUEL GREEN 4,—Notes ona Roman Road at Radstock, by J. Mecano 5.—Summary of Proceedings for the year 1880-1. 6.—List of Members for the Year 1881, PAGE. 344 353 386 1 On the Poor, and some Altempts to Lower the Price of Corn, in Somerset, 1548—1638. By EMANUEL GREEN, (Read November 21st, 1877.) The following notes drawn largely from official MSS. are neces- sarily very much compressed, yet, extending through an import- ant period of our history, they show fairly the condition of the so-called poor, i.¢., the labourers in husbandry, a name so applied peculiar to England alone, whose present movement to better their condition has been generally both a surprise and a novelty. In the earlier times the best land only was cultivated and that carelessly. When not held by the lord or owner, it was let in small holdings, and worked with but little hired labour, no more being used as earable than would suffice for immediate local wants. Wheat was grown chiefly or entirely for the nobility and gentry. There was in consequence usually but little corn in store to meet emergencies, and years of scarcity seem to have come as often as years of plenty. . On this subject, the Venetian Ambassador, writing from Eng- land in 1551, makes some curious remarks. In some places, he says, grain abounds, and there would be more did not the natives shun fatigue, but they satisfy their wants and nothing else.* Another Venetian Ambassador, writing in 1554, reported that the soil produced wheat, oats and barley in such plenty that there was usually enough for general use, but “ were they to work more diligently and with greater skill, and bring the soil into higher cultivation, there might be grain for exportation, but they. do not attend to this, so they need sometimes assistance from Flanders and Denmark, and occasionally France.”+ Live stock was kept only by the help of the common lands, PLGi - Ul Vigo REG! SO ee * Barbaro to the Senate, Venetian Papers, p. 304, + Soranzo’s Report, Venetian Papers, p. 547. Vou. TV.,-No.. 1, 9 upon which all cattle owned in a parish were turned out together during a portion of the year. Even with this help much meat was salted on the approach of winter. Of this common land there were large tracts, enabling the poor, the very poorest, to live roughly, often as squatters, sometimes to become freeholders, if left too long unmolested. The older customs, especially those relating to the smaller tenants, were interfered with by the dis- solution of the monasteries. The extensive estates of these bodies, largely obtained without cost, had been let at low rentals, and, as usual with corporation real estate, without much super- vision. On their being re-distributed, the new proprietors threw together the smaller holdings, enclosed much of the common lands, and converted others into pasture or park for their own use. This was done, as besides that wool growing was more profitable than corn, the lands could the more easily be retained in hand. Under this process, many who had been small holders and so fairly independent, were compelled to become labourers, or, fall- ing into extreme poverty, were driven into new districts far from their old associations. Districts previously having a dozen ploughs, and a population of a hundred or more, were left with but three or four inhabitants, these being the master and his shepherds. Another consequence was, that whilst the production of corn remained in the poor man’s hands, whose necessities obliged him to sell and so keep the early markets cheap and well supplied, the breeding of cattle fell into the hands of the rich, the holders of pasture, and as these could sell or not as they chose, such stock became very dear. All poultry and eggs rose to a remarkable price, these being then as now, as a profitable stock, entirely the produce of the small holder. These alterations however were not the immediate result of the Reformation, they had been in progress long before. Leland, writing of Thornbury, says, the Duke of Buckingham, in 1511, made a “ fayre park by the Castle and tooke much fayre ground in it very frutefull of corne, now fayre launds for coursynge. The inhabitants cursyd the Duke for thes lands so inclosyd.”* There was also the debased currency, a large quantity of which was turned out at Bristol, and which had become so bad that Edward, hoping to correct it, ordered the shilling to pass for ninepence, and the groat for threepence. As then every twenty shillings paid for land would produce only fifteen, the landlords rose their rents to meet the reduction, as did the dealers the price of every commodity. But against this the wages of the labourer remained fixed, at a rate ordered by the Justices in Quarter Sessions, and which was very seldom varied. With these changes there happened one of the ever-recurring periods of scarcity, and a consequent loud outcry from the “poorer” sort. In 1547, the plenty had been such that corn could be exported ; yet, in 1548, the deficiency was so great that much suffering and trouble ensued. The poor, obliged to feed upon peas and oats, “like beasts,” con- ceived a wonderful hatred against the gentry, considering them all as enemies, who fleeced them for their private benefit, and “flayed” them by public services and customs.t { This general discontent was seized upon, as a good opportunity, by “divers unlearned and undiscreete preachers and other priestes, of a develishe mynd and intent,” to lay all the blame upon the Reformed religion, and to incite the people to disobedience, and “stubbornesse against the King’s godly proceedings,” to his majesty’s “no little grief.”§ The plan was fairly successful, as the use of the ‘“ newe” religion was “not yet _ prynted in the stomacks of eleven of twelve partes,” in the realm, although outwardly they conformed. || To meet the emergency the Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector, * Itinerary, Vol. vii., pt. 2, p. 95. 2nd Edition: + Duke of Somerset to Sir Philip Hody. Harleian MSS. 523. +t Sir Jno. Hayward’s History of Edward VI. Harleian MSS, 6021, § Proclamation, Edward VI., 24th April, 1548. || State papers, Edward VI., Vol. viii , fol. 64. Sir William Paget to Duke of Somerset. 4 who was “as yt were a Kynge,” during the King’s “young age,” and who, by his “softnes and opinion to be good to the pore” caused “evell men lyste to prate,” that he had some greater enterprise in his head, issued a proclamation, in May, in the name of the King, as “ever careful for the contentment and prosperity of the people,” forbidding the enclosures, and appointing a day by which they were again to be thrown open. The land- lords however chose to disobey this order, and the peasantry, “having confidence in their preachers,” who now told them they would soon have to pay a tax on their sheep and cattle, and an excise for everything they ate or drank, were seduced into insurrection and rebellion, and considering themselves supported by the Protector’s proclamation, resolved to redress their grievances by force.* The movement first began in Wilts says one account,f in Somerset, says another, where the people rose, and having chosen leaders,} “supposing a Commonwealth could not stand without commons,” broke down the park enclosures of Sir William Herbert and Lord Stourton, levelled the ditches and laid the fields open.§ The “Comyns ys become a Kinge,” reported Sir William Paget to Somerset.|| Sir William Herbert sent off quickly to London and getting the King’s Commission for the purpose, gathered a well armed and ordered company and setting sharply upon the rioters, some were reduced by fear, some of the more forward were slain, whilst others, being taken prisoners, were executed as rebellious people. Horse and foot were also raised under the the Earl of Pembroke, Sir John Paulet and Sir Hugh Speake, but by the influence and * Proclamation 2, Edward VI. Hollinshed’s Chronicle, p. 1003. + Carte, p. 234, Vol. iii. + Cox's History of Somerset. § Harl MSS., 6021. || State Papers, 1549, 7th July, Vol. viii., fol. 4. {| Hollinshed, Cox’s History of Somerset. Harl MSS., 6021. _ 5 ~ authority of the county gentlemen, who assembled for the ees the trouble gradually disappeared. For riding post “to and fro the commotions in Somersetshire,” Sir William Herbert’s messenger was “oe £3, by warrant on Sir John Williams.* As the “Gospellers” also declared against the enclosures, the Lord Protector, having failed in his first attempt, found it necessary to appoint a Commission to consider the question, and it was hoped that “ maugre the devil, private profit, self love and money,” to settle it, without one having too much and a great many nothing. But the Commissioners proceeding too confidently in their work and in an absolute and arbitrary manner, found themselves opposed by the landowners, as “invading the rights of property, without the aid of a Court of Law,” and so again the attempt was frustrated.+ As the disaffection had now spread into Devon, where the in- surrection commenced on Whitsunday, the 9th June, Lord Russell, Lord Privy Seal, was sent off for the government of Somerset and the neighbouring counties, and soon arrived at Taunton with a small force. It being known that the popish party at home and abroad thought this a good time to attack England, his instructions were to reside for a time in the west, as well for its governance, as for its better defence against invasion by a foreign enemy. Next, calling to him the Justices of the Peace and such others as he should think fit, he was to learn the cause of any “ onquietness,” if he found the people “ out of frame ” or disobedient, and to endeavour by all ways and means possible, to bring them with “ gentilnes,” to a proper conformity. But, if by such gentle persuasions they - would not come to a knowledge of their duties, he was to assemble the power of the shire and repress the obstinate and wilful, as examples to others who may attempt the “lyk.”{ The rebellion * State Papers, Docquets, Edward VI., Vol. i. + Burnet. t State Papers, 1549, Vol. vii., fol. 40, 6 being checked in Devon and Cornwall many fled from those parts to Bridgewater, and there endeavoured to renew the struggle, but found their efforts speedily stopped.* Enquiries seem to have been made, perhaps privately, as to this “ unyversall dearthe of vytells” and a report is preserved naming three chief causes. Ist. The lack of breading and rearyng of cattell and poultrie ware ; for it is not possible to have that good cheape, that is not. Secondly, Regrating; when most part of vytells be gathered into few men’s hands, who may defer to sell but when they see the most profit. Thirdly, the Kynges pro- visions ; when vytels is taken from the poore people that be the breaders, against their will, and have neither ready money for their wares nor yet so much as it is worth. Which discourageth the people to breade and causeth the prices of all things, because there is not plenty of them, to be increased.+ + To remedy this “ excessyve pryce,” directions were issued to the Justices, to take means to have the markets well supplied. They were to view and “trie out,” what quantity and sorts of grain every person had, and to order all that could be spared to be sent to market by weekly portions, under the heavy penalty of £10, or three months’ imprisonment. The names of all farmers, with the quantities expected weekly from each, were to be returned to the clerk of every market,§ and one at least of the J.P.’s was to be “alwaies, from tyme to tyme personally present” in every * Harl, MSS., No, 6021. + State Papers, 1548, Vol. v., folio 20. } On this question of the King’s Purveyors, differences had already occurred in Somerset ; and when in 1537 certain Commissioners went into the county to take up corn, the people rose against them, but by the exertions of the Paulets the commotion was suppressed. The leaders with about sixty others were condemned, and of these fourteen were hanged and quartered. ‘This episode is not more fully noticed, as the papers relating to it, if any, are not at present available. Mus, Brit. England, Edward VI., p. 1386, 7 market, “searching and examining” as to whether their orders were carried out.* These instructions were either very coolly received or entirely disobeyed, as the Protector on the 30th Oct. by letter, rebuked the slackness of his subordinates, and called upon them to be more earnest in the service of his Majesty and their country.t By proclamation, “reasonable” prices were set on all kinds of victual, and from the Feast of all Saints, any who had grain, butter or cheese were to sell only at these prices, or under, but not above. Wheat varied from the “best sorte, cleane and swete” at 13s. 4d. the quarter, to 8s. for the meanest, not clean, nor tailed ; “accompting eight bushelles” to the quarter, eight gallons to every bushel “lande measure.” Barley was 9s. and 7s., Rye 7s. and 6s., Beans 5s. to 3s. 8d., Oats 4s. per quarter, Sweet Butter, one ob. (i.e. obolus), one halfpenny the pound. Any person selling above these prices was to forfeit 13/4 for every bushell of corn sold, and 2s. for every pound of butter or cheese ; one moiety to go to the King and the other to the informer. The sheriff was to proclaim these regulations, as being for the “ wealthe and commoditie” of the realm, and the J.P.’s in their respective hundreds, three or at least two of them together, were to repair to all “barns, stacks, garners, cellars, sollers, loftes, wikes, daries, granades, and other houses,” and there to “ view, searche out, and trie,” what quantity every person could spare, and order the same to be taken to market and sold at the prices fixed. Sufficient could be reserved for household use, or neigh- bours could be supplied instead of the market. No bagger, or carrier was to have more than twenty quarters at one time.¢ The price of cattle too was fixed, but altered according to the season. From Midsummer to Hallowmas, an ox varied, from the * State Papers, 20 Nov., 1549, Vol. ix, fol. 55. t State Papers, 1550, Vol. x., fols. 40, 43. { Proclamation 4, Edward VI., 20 Oct., 1550, 8 “meaner sorte” at 27s. to the fat at 45s. From Hallowmas to Christmas the price was 39s. 8d. to 46s. 8d. From Christmas to Shrovetide 41s. 4d. to 48s. 4d. Sheep, from shearing time to Christmas ranged at 2s. 4d. for the meaner sort to 4s. for the fat. From Michaelmas to Shrovetide from 2s. 4d. to 4s. 4d. The penalty for disobedience was £5 for every ox sold and 10s. for every sheep. The profit to be allowed to the butcher was also fixed, and it was further ordered that a sufficient supply of animals should be sent to market.* Notwithstanding this “ dred commandment,” the farmers, sup- ported by the continued slackness of the magistrates in enforcing it, resisted a compulsory sale, and in “their gredie and insaciable avaryce” refused to supply the markets at the “reasonable” prices hamed for them. Consequently the King, “not mynded to suffer such lewde, insolent, and very strange behaviour,” on the 17th November, cancelled all his former letters to the J.P.’s, and placing the matter in the hands of the sheriff, appointed a Com- inission to assist him, with power if need be, as ‘‘the insolency and wilfulness of many was so great,” to assemble the force of the shire. The Commissioners were to “cause” the Justices to see the markets supplied in a “quiet manner,” and if any farmer refused to produce the quantity ordered, it was to be taken from him, and removed to the market by the constable of his parish, and the disobedient party sent up to be dealt with by the Council for his contempt.t By orders of the 18th Nov., carried into Somerset by Lord Russell, the Commissioners were to allow the baggers, or carriers from one county to another, to add a fair profit for their trouble to the prices fixed. This effort also proved a failure, and the Council, obliged to vive way, pretended to discover, by the “judgement of men of * Proclamation 3 Edward VI., 2 July, 1550. + State Papers, 1550, Vol. x., folio 5. { State Papers, 1550, Vol. xi., fols, 6 and 7. 9 good experience,” that, “although godly meant,” from the scarcity being greater than had been anticipated, the limit was _ “not of so good effect as was looked for.” | It was therefore revoked on the 6th December, and the prices were left “to be none other than the byars and sellers could agree upon ;” but the Justices were still charged, “by their wysedomes, dylygences and good dexteryties, eftsones,” to see the markets well and sprightly kept, and that they wanted not their reasonable furniture from ‘tyme to tyme.”* The scarcity continuing and with it the discontent of the poor, the blame was next laid upon the “ malice and naughty nature ” of the engrossers, “‘a certain kinde of people that live onely for themselves as it seemeth,” and who “eate and devoure as well the estate of the nobility as the lower sort.” As by such “deuelishe malice” the King’s “counsaill” was utterly per- verted, he determined, though ‘not in ire or passion,” that such ‘“lewde” persons, if they ceased not their “gredy and unnatural” practices, should not remain unpunished to their own ‘ dampnations.”+ All these orders and threats were still without effect, either from the temper of the farmers or the Justices, neither perhaps liking the constant interference with their properties, and the latter, remembering the arbitrary conduct of the Enclosure Com- mission. The discontent amongst the Commoners consequently continued, riots ensued, and the King, whilst promising punishment for the engrossers, was now obliged to warn the “lower sorte,” who had lately “lacked all manner of reason, and beyng like to sicke madmen, that either will have no physic or else will be their own physitions ; had presumpteously taken upon them the office of his majesty, both in reprehending their superiors and attempting redres of thinges, after their own phantasies, with * State Papers, 1550, Vol. xi., fol. 15. +t Proclamation against Engrossers, 1551, 11 May. 10 force ;” that if they continued in that mood he would not fail to minister to them the sharp terror of his “ swearde and laws.”* His early death, however, not without suspicion of poison, here stopped these, and perhaps many other good intentions. During the succeeding reign of Mary, there was a recurrence of this “great penury and lack.” In 1555, the poverty and misery of the multitude were extreme. So great was the scarcity that the scholars at Oxford were dismissed to their homes “ till such time that bread corn” was more plentiful.t Under these circumstances the rioting continued, and fresh enclosures being made, many were brought before the Star Chamber for destroying them,{ but there seems to have been no endeavour to alleviate the distress. Coming now to the time of Elizabeth, by 1563 a remarkable change had occurred, In this year there was a great plenty, and the prices of corn fell accordingly. In Somerset, wheat was quoted at 16/-, rye 14/-, malt, barley, peas and beans, 12/- the quarter.§ This plenty continued through ’64 and ’65, and there being a scarcity in Flanders, a country then as now in close alliance with England, the Queen was asked to send a supply there, in return for similar favours given to England when in the same difficulty. This request her Majesty granted, but only, after enquiries had given her the expectation, that it could be, done without much enhancing the prices at home. Not to disturb the usual course of trade, instead of allowing the purchases to be made by strangers, whose travelling through the country would excite alarm, and cause the prices to rise, a secret plan was adopted, and government agents were sent into each county to purchase quietly, under pretence of buying for * Proclamation, 11 May, 1551. + Proclamation of Vice-Chancellor. { Burn’s Star Chamber. § State Papers, 1563, Vol. xxviiie, fol, 19. ———” 11 the garrisons on the “frontures.” The quantity thus pought in Somerset by the Lord Treasurer, William Russell, was three- hundred quarters of beans only. No other corn is mentioned.* No sooner, however, did it become known that large purchases were being made, than some “ill disposed persons, partly to move the misliking of the common and meaner sort of people,” ‘and partly to enhance the values, spread abroad, also secretly, that prices were rising and that the buying was on behalf of some favoured ones, to whom the Queen intended to grant licenses for export.t By this means the original scheme was frustrated, as prices rose so rapidly that a real dearth was threatened by the general withholding. Compared with the prices of 1563, those now ruling differed greatly. Delivered “in port” wheat was 60/- a quarter, rye 33/4, barley 20/-, malt 19/-, oats 13/4, and peas 15/{ The purchases were consequently stopped, a promise publicly made that no licenses for export should be granted, and the corn already bought was again distributed. The onus of the great rise was as usual laid upon the “engrossers and forestallers,” and all such, by Proclamation, were “strayghtly” commanded to be committed to prison.§ A few years later the question of a regular supply again cropped up, and special Commissioners were sent into each county to make enquiries and see the markets well and properly supplied ; also the Judges on Circuit were ordered to explain the “true intention” of the various statutes bearing on the subject. This was done in Somerset and duly reported to the Council by Serjeant John Jeffrys on the 27th July, 1572. Enclosed was a certificate from the Justices as to the prices and the ability of the county to export. The price of wheat was marked—hbest 28s., seconds 17s. 4d., rye 16s, barley 8s, 8d., oats 5s. 4d., and * State Papers, 1565, Vol. xxxviii., fol. 38. + State Papers, 1565, Vol. xxxix., fol. 15. T State Papers, 1565, Vol. xxxviii,, fol. 40. § State Papers, 1566, 20 January, Vol. xxxix., fol. 16. peas 8s. the quarter. “ The wich beinge as abovesaid, our countrye populos, our tillage scarcely convenyent to serve ourselves, Devonshire adioynynge unto us beynge barreyne of wheate and ayded thereof by us, from whence we have diverse other necessary p‘vycons. We thinke we maye not convenyentlye spare any grayne.” * This was signed by fifteen J.P.’s, viz. :— THOMAS POULT. EDWARD POPHAM. JOHN STAWELL. RICHARD WARR JOHN HORNER. JOHN WADHM. Henry PorRTMAN. HuMFRY WALROND. JOHN BAYNES. EDWARD BABER. WYLLyamM HYLL. JOHN BULLOR. JOHN CLYFTON. JOHN BRETY. | RYCHARDE WATKINS. At the same time, reports were forwarded from other counties adjoining, and the differences in local prices are clearly seen. In Dorset, with “grain plenty,” wheat was 16s. the quarter for best, seconds 13s. 4d., rye 10s., barley 6s., oats 4s., beans 8s., and peas 6s. 8d. In Devonshire, best wheat was 26s, 8d., seconds 24s., rye 21s. 4d., barley 16s., oats &s. In Cornwall there was yet a greater difference, wheat was 48s. for best, and 44s, for seconds, rye 32s., barley 26s. 8d., and oats 10s. the quarter,t Winchester measure. These enquiries quickly aroused a suspicion that, as corn was again dear in foreign parts, some Court favourites were to have licenses for export. The growers as before at once withheld their produce and waited for the higher prices. As soon as the con- sequent rise began, a Commission was issued, directed against these “covetous, greedie, and evill disposed farmours, and others,” who, “myndyng” their own lucre, made a “great scarcitie.” * State Papers, 1572, 2nd July, Vol. Ixxxviii., fol. 52, No. 2. t State Papers, 1572, Vol. Ixxxviii., fol. 52. e@td pajonb str paytuo yred ayy syckeagoyny Surmoys ayeoyntea) Jo ywey yY YHOOd TH NO ‘N@WUUNO “4 @L8l SONTIGMAD0Ud a1 GTA Hove SOS: ee Ona berated f te | POET oy hens na ee Soo mg alsa Day pets Some 27, sha ‘o a eee Be Pah ee ae ae pg pe il 13 The Commissioners for Somerset, by appointment of 21st Oct., 1573, were Lord Thomas Poulett, Sir Morice Barklie, Sir John Horner, Sir George Rogers, Sir John Clifton, George Sydenham, Esq., Edward Popham, Esq., and John Coles, Esq.*# These were to search or examine rigorously, such persons as were vehemently suspected to be offenders ;+ to order them to bring their corn to market and sell it at a reasonable price, or suffer imprisonment until the Queen’s pleasure should be known ; and further to be bound to appear “presentlie” “and forthwith” before the Privy Council to answer their contempt. At the same time it was ordered that no grain should be exported, but only carried from port to port, to relieve the scarcity at home “in those parts that lacketh.” Either because the Justices were still slack, or as an extra assistance for them, licenses, with powers to enforce the various regulations, were granted to individuals as informers. These licenses lasted for twenty-one years, and the profit to them arose from three-fourths of all fines or forfeitures.t As in the other cases, this constant interference produced what it was intended to correct. It so discouraged production, that corn next became dear from a real scarcity, so that in the following year, 1574, it was found necessary to consider some means for the maintenance of tillage. To this end a limited export was suggested, the quantity to be fixed annually by the Justices, with a duty of 2s. 6d. per quarter on wheat, and 12d. on barley, beans and peas.§ This plan of raising money by an export duty was attempted a few years later for the reparation of Dover Harbour, for * State Papers, 1573, Vol. xcii., fol. 41, t+ Commission for providing markets. t State Papers, 1572, Vol. xc., fol. 36. § State Papers, 1574, Vol. xcix., fol. 54. A Decree for the maintenance of Tillage. 14 which purpose it was determined to export 40,000 quarters.* The Council, by letters dated 25th Nov., 1581, required the Somerset Commissioners to certify what grain could be spared towards serving such a license, and they, having assembled and considered the question, replied from Bridgewater on the 16th December, that the price of wheat was 3s. 4d. the bushel, and in many markets 3s, 8d. to 4s.; and barley, 2s. As the “times of tillage” had been unseasonable, the last harvest bad, and no store reserved for the past five years, they thought prices must rise, and so concluded that none could be spared.t The report is signed by George Rogers, George Sydenham, Edward Popham, John Colles, Thomas Poult, John Horner, and Arthur Hopton, Any exportation except under the royal license and supervision was jealously guarded against, but was as constantly practised where possible. In May, 1585, a minute was sent to the Lords Lieutenant and Commissioners, that on account of the scarcity and unseasonableness of the year they were carefully to prevent this, which was being done under pretence of moving corn from port to port.{ The Somerset Commissioners were — Lord Thomas Pawlett, Sir John Horner, Sir Geo. Rogers, Sir Jo. Clifton, Sir Jo. Stowell, Sir Geo. Sydenham, Sir Hen. Barkley, Edward Popham, Arthur Hopton and Jo. Coles. With this continued scarcity, the prices of all necessaries per- sistently rose ; a cap usually sold for 14d. was now 2s, 6d. ; a pair of shoes 12d., instead of 6d.; shoeing a horse 10d. for 6d. The tenants laid all the blame upon their landlords, for raising the rents ; these replied that what they did was in self-defence, for once they could buy the best pig or goose for 4d., for which then the tenant charged 12d.; a good capon for 3d. or 4d., a chicken 1d., a hen 2d., all of which were now doubled or trebled in value. * State Papers, 1581, Vol. cl., fol. 88. { State Papers, 1581, Vol. cl., fol. 84. { State Papers, May, 1585, Vol. clxxviii., fol. 82, 15 Amongst the Ashmolean MSS. there are some miscellancous memoranda made by one Dr. Simon Forman, of Salisbury, an astrologer, and a man well-known in his day, which happen to refer to thistime. For the quarter from 13th December, 1585, to the 11th March, 1586, by calculation, he found aries in 12th ascension with the sun and venus in her detriment, from which he concludes, that a great dearth of several sorts of cattle is signified, and amongst them, of “cows in Somersetshire.” Accordingly, during the winter and lent following, the “dearth of kine” was so great that butter in Somerset was 6d. a Ib, instead of the usual 3d.; cheese 3d. instead of from 2d. to 24d., and “swine and cattle did die in abundance.” Wheat was 4s., barley 2s. 6d., and “had not the justices made the farmers thresh out their corn, it would have been 7s. or 8s.” the bushel. Even at the lower prices there was a great famine amongst the poor. In one place they went to the barns and threshed out the corn “whether the farmers would or no,” and many “uproars were like to be, for want of corn, yet there was enough in the realm if it had been brought forth, but men would not bring it forth, till they were compelled.” To meet the emergency rye was brought into Bristol from Dantzic and sold at ten groats the bushel, yet at Midsummer many of the poor were likely to starve and made “uproars,” whilst some “hanged themselves from want.” At this time cothed (i.e starved) sheep were £5 a hundred, “rother beasts” very dear, eggs four a penny, some- times seven for twopence. In 1588 best beef was a penny per lb.* Tn 1591 again, extra precautions for relief seem to have been necessary and some curious briefs or licenses to collect charity, were issued under the hands and certificates of the local justices. On the 27th November a “ Protection,” for the poor house of Langport Westover, in the county of Somerset, was granted to Sir Richard Pepyn, “ guider” (? master) there, to “gather ” in the * Ashmolean MSS., No. 6866, Bodlean. Walter Yonge’s Diary. 16 counties of Somerset and Wilts. It is certified by Sir John Clyfton and Thos. Phellipps. A similar ‘“ Protection” was given for the house of Plympton St. Mary, co. Devon, granted to Robert Chyvers, “ guider” there, to “ gather” in the counties of Devon and Somerset, and certified by Sir Thomas Southcote and Thomas Ridgeway. There was another on the 29th November, for the poor house of St. Leonards, alias Gilmerton in Cornwall, granted to John Ewyns, “ onider” there, to “ gather” in Somerset and Dorset. This is certified by Peter Edgecombe and George Grenville.* A fourth differs somewhat, and is a “ Protection ” for “ burninge,” granted to Oliver Palmer, of Whitchurch, Devon, on testimonial of Wm., Earl of Bath, Sir John St. Leger and other justices, to “gather” in cos. Devon and Somerset.t This was for personal losses by fire. Each license cost two shillings. It will be observed that whilst these named counties are suffering at the same time, Somerset collects in Somerset and Devon ; Devon in Devon and Somerset ; Cornwall in Somerset and Dorset ; and Devon again in Devon and Somerset. Why each should not have collected at home for its own wants, does not appear. Notwithstanding the attempts to check it, the enclosing of commons continued. With this the price of corn rose, and the discontent between the gentry and commonalty widened, and grew almost to petty rebellion, Although there is no account from Somerset, there was a rising in Oxfordshire in 1597, chiefly of the young unmarried men, on behalf as they said, of their poor married neighbours, who lived in misery and could hardly find bread and water for their wives and children, Their determina- tion was to destroy the hedges round the new enclosures, cut off the gentlemen’s heads, pull the corn out of the rich men’s houses and so live merrily awhile. With these intentions they assembled * State Papers, 1591, Vol. ccxl, 29th November. + Docquets, Domestic, 1591, Elizabeth, Vol. ii., fols, 93-98, 17 with pikes and swords, and some heing taken prisoners were sent to London on horseback, with their legs tied under the horses’ bellies, but stubbornly declaring, they would rather rise than starve. * What is to be done with the offenders, wrote Lord Norris to Sir Wm. Knollys, and what about the enclosures that the poor may live.t When James succeeded Elizabeth the ill-feeling still strongly existed. It is recorded that one day whilst hunting, the king saw a man in the stocks, and asking the squire of the parish why he was there, was told it was for stealing a goose from the common. The prisoner hearing the conversation cried out and enquired of the king, which was the greater thief, he who stole the goose from the common, or he who stole the common from the goose.{ This has been since put into verse as, The law condemns the man and woman Who steal the goose from off the common But does not punish what’s far worse To steal the common from the goose. A dearth occurring in 1608, the King found it necessary to issue Directions, to be “ straightly’ observed, for easing the pressure. It was ordered that no large purchase should be made until two hours after any market began, that the poor might thus be first served. The quantities to be sold in half-quarters, two bushels, one bushel, or less. The bakers to bake rye, barley, peas and beans, for the use of the poor. Neither peas nor beans to be used for feeding sheep, because “the same may serve the poorer sort to make bread.” No corn to be used for feeding dogs, nor to be spent in making “stuff called starch.” No miller was to be a buyer of corn, but to attend to the grinding for others only, and to use a “measurable” toll. * State Papers, 1597, Vol. cclxii., fol. 4. T State Papers 1597, Vol. cclxi., fol. 10. { Walter Yonge’s Diary, p. 65 18 From the scant cultivation and uncertain supply there was con- stantly a great and wide range in prices. Immediately after harvest and during the winter the markets were generally well supplied, but many stores being exhausted by Lady Day, the prices then rose and would continue to rise until the new harvest. ‘Therefore those who could afford to hold the whole or part of their stocks would wisely do so and wait the highest price. This was the plan objected to as “greedie and uncharitable.” These corn- holders were called traitors to nature, cormorants and enemies of the Commonwealth, and vexers, scourgers and torturers of the store of the year. The labourer, it was asserted, with his groat or threepence a day and a house “full of small children,” could not obtain from them a peck of barley, but found it harder labour to get corn for his money, than money wherewith to buy the corn. He could earn half a bushel whilst running over the parish to buy a peck.* In 1621 the price of corn fell so very low that wheat was sold at 2s. to 2s. 8d. the bushel, and rye Is. 3d. to 1s. 4d., when the poor, formerly glad with rye-bread, now searched the markets for the finest wheats. At these prices the value of land fell, from twenty, to sixteen or seventeen years’ purchase. The next year, 1622, wheat was 6s. 8d. to 8s., barley 3s. 8d. to 5s, 4d. the bushel, and the poor as usual “ quickly and sharply” complained.t Riots again occurred in Somerset and corn was taken by violence. The Council sent down enquiries, but by the 20th May the Under-Sheriff, Matt. Jenings, was able to reply, that “the riotous assemblies in Somerset aboute the takinge away of corn from people travaylinge to the markett,” were repressed and “ pacyfied,” and the “ countreys is now quiett, and hath binn ever since, for ony yt I know or can understande.”+ * Curse of Cornholders, C. Fitz-Geoffrey. t Diary of Walter Yonge, pp. 17, 42,55. } State Papers, 1622, Vol. cxxx., fol, 99. 19 In 1623 the dearth continued, and again letters of enquiry were sent out with orders, that means should be taken to have the prices moderated. On the 8th May, Sheriff Edward Popham ~ made his report and transmitted withit the various certificates of the Justices as returned to him.* Henry Berkeley, Matt. Ewens and Ja. Farewell, replied on the 10th Feb. for the hundreds of Catsash, Horethorne, Bruton and Norton Feris. After allowing a “ com- petente pporcon of breade corn and malt for their own expend- inge,” there would remain in bushels in Wheat. | Meslin | Barley. | Beans. Peas Oats. | Rye. Catsash ab 1991.) 964° |" 4565 |759° | 138°) 100°) 74 — Horethorne ...| 2222 | 573 | 542 | 181 | 111 | 308 {164 Bruton | 574 | 963 | 114 — 108 | 196 | — Norton Feris...) 485 | — 384 36 111 | 310_| 68 me All badgers of corn and engrossers were “restrayned ;” bakers there were none of note, and ‘for ought” they could find, there was “not any corn master within those four hundreds but without constraint fully purposeth to sell betweene this and the next harvest all the corne he can possibly spare.”+ On the 19th Feb. Rice Davies and Rich. Cole sent in a cer- tificate of their enquiries of the corn masters in Portbury, taken at Fawland Cross. There were in store and to spare, of wheat, rye, and barley, 2,427 bushels, which would “ hardly serve for the provision of the other inhabitants of the hundred.” There were no “broggers”, nor “badgers,” and the hundred being without a market town, the corn was carried to Bristol and Wrington, where the price of wheat was 5s. and barley 3s. 4d.t * State Papers, 1623, Vol. cxliv., fol, 24, + 1623, Vol. cxliv., fol. 24, No. 1. } 1623, Vol. cxliv., fol. 24, No. 2, 20 Sir Robert Phellips and Sir Edward Hext, on the 28th Feb., certified as having in bushels in the hundreds of Wheat. Rye. Barley. | Beans. Peas. Oats. $$$. —— | — Martock Pn eso A — —— | Life [= — Hounsboro | 1559 210 | 680 | 266 | 140 | — Tyntenhull ...} 1519 _ 160 | 1015 — _ Stone ...| 1266 _ 180 | 375 | 518 | — Coker szaj- B80 130 | 270 60 | 100 | 180 Barwick rat 270 60 80 | 150 —_ _ Somerton w| 3825 — |1546 | 554 | 260 | 445* Pytney sti 6850 — | 594 | 446 | — — Total of all sorts 23,676 bushels. Badgers and bakers they were “careful to prevent” and although prices were higher, the “poor did not yet much complain.”+ From Bridgewater, 28 Feb., George Gray, mayor, Hum. Blake and William Hill, aldermen, reported that the few corn sellers within the borough, sold in the open market, but the quantity to be spared was small. The | county round was well stored, and with the consent of the magistrates and Customs, 600 bushels of beans and 119 of peas, had been passed by water to Bristol, Barnstaple, Cardiff and Carlion. Small quantities had also been allowed to certain Irishmen for their own provision. The prices were somewhat higher but the poor had “no great cause to complain.” Badgers and bakers were watched, to prevent the “inconveniences which they were accustomed to cause.” } * Oats and dredge. + 1623, Vol. cxliv., fol. 24, No. 3. { 1623, Vol. cxliy., fol. 24, No. 4. 21 For Chew, Chewton and Keinsham, Fras. Baber and William Capell, under date 3rd March, found the quantities to be spared were, in quarters, | Wheat. | Rye. | Peas. | Barley. | Oats. | Dredge. | Malt. ee | MD hia. 2 Chew se GO 50 4] 16 16 — — Chewton ...) — 160 34 62 120 16 — Keinsham...| — 61 | 190 | 160 25 — | 159 Overseers had been appointed in the two market towns of Keinsham and Pensford. The markets were well supplied and the prices were for wheat 6/- to 6/8, rye 4/- to 4/8, peas 3/- to 3/4, beans 3/4, barley 3/- to 3/4, and oats 1/6 the bushel. From want of money to “imploy” them the poor were hardly able to pay these prices, but the overseers of parishes endeavoured by all possible means to relieve them.* On the 9th March, Jno. Symes and Thomas Brereton, certified that they could spare in bushels from— Wheat. Rye. Barley. Beans. Peas. Oats. Taunton & Taunton | | Dean winked G1. Dog sed 461 | 599 | 1010 North Curry —...| 1397 | — se B13 | 555 | cae Total, 9,910 bushels. The market was “ plentifully furnished.” Badgers and bakers were looked after, and although prices ruled higher the poor did not “ much” complain.t * State Papers, 1623, Vol. cxliv , fol. 24, No. 5. + State Papers, 1623, Vol. cxliv., fol. 24, No. 6, 22 On the 20th March, John Wyndham, George Luttrell, and Thomas Windham, for Williton, Freemanors and Carhampton, reported that they had met and called before them “divers of the honest inhabitants” who had searched the barns, granaries and lofts of every one haying corn, and had taken course to have the markets well supplied. They thought and “ verilie beleeved” from the information gained, that there was corn sufficient to serve until harvest. There were neither badgers, broggers nor carriers of corn. Rogues and vagabonds were taken up and punished or sent off by passes. Care was taken to have the poor set to work, the impotent relieved, and the children bound apprentice. Prices were, wheat 44/-, rye 30/-, barley, beans, and peas 24/-, and oats 12/- the quarter.* Dating from Longaishton, 23 March, Hugh Smyth and E. Tynte, for the “little” hundred of Hartcliffe and Bedminster, considered they could spare 770 bushels of wheat, rye and barley, and 130 bushels of oats. There were in the hundred six badgers, as being necessary for the provision of Bristol, but they were allowed to buy only small quantities. The markets were well served and the prices lately ‘‘ rather somewhat ” abated. Wheat 6/-, rye 4/4, barley 4/-, beans and peas 3/-, and oats, 1/6 the bushel.t The next certificate, for Milverton and the tithings of Kings- bury, is dated the 27th March and signed Edward Lancaster, a new name, and which belonged apparently to a new broom. The J. P.’s of the county having assembled for a conference, he, with Sir Henry Hawley, called before them in January, several of the inhabitants of their district and gaye orders for them to “present,” by the last day of February. They appointed also overseers of the markets. In the meantime Sir Henry went to London and did not return, so the report falls into the first * State Papers, 1623, Vol. cxliy., fol. 24, No. 7. + State Papers, 1623, Vol. exliv,, fol. 24, No. 8, - 23 person. He had himself attended and been present in the markets to see the orders duly performed ; had weighted the bread brought thither to be sold, and any not weight was disposed of to the poor at under value. He repaired also to many mills and examined the measures used for the toll, and had appointed “certain honest persons” to attend to this weekly, with orders to “inform themselves of the poorer sort” how they were used in their grinding and toll, and to speedily present the defaulters “tome.” No badgers, or carriers of corn, butter or cheese, were allowed. Those having corn in store were ordered to carry it weekly to market. The quantity to be spared was 4,379 bushels, sufficient for the inhabitants until harvest, and the prices had somewhat fallen. Wheat 5/4, 5/8, 6/-; rye, 5/- 5/4; barley, 4/-, 3/6; oats, 20d.* aishn Maje (May), Nathaniell Still and Wm. Capell, on ‘the - 3lst March reported they could spare from Winterstoke 6,048, Bempstone 4,482, and Brent 2,093 bushels. Total, 22,623. Their two market towns were Axbridge and Wrington, where officers were appointed and the markets well served. Wheat 6/, 6/8, rye 4/, 4/8, beans and peas 3/, 3/4, barley 3/, 3/8, oats 20d. and 22d.t Edwd. Rogers and Robt. Cuff notified that Whitleigh and Cannington had a great store and much to spare. Huntspill, Andersfield, and North Petherton, were also sufficiently stored, and ‘the inhabitants and owners, do, are, and will be ready” to supply the markets. The prices not very high and the poor “as yet do not much complain.” Badgers were suppressed. ¢ The last certificate on this enquiry dated 16th April, is from Sir John Horner, Robt. Hopton and James Bysse, for Frome, * State Papers, 1623, Vol. exliv., fol. 24, No. 9. + State Papers, 1623, Vol. exliv., fol. 24, No. 10. t State Papers, 1623, Vol. exliv., fol. 24, No. 11. 24 Bathforum, Wellow, Kilmerston and the Liberties of the same. From enquiries made before them at Frome they found there were very few cornmasters, the country in great part being forest or woodland, and the rest very barren for corn. Their supply came from Wiltshire. One of them attended weekly, in turn, to see the market well served and that the people were fairly dealt with. As to badgers and carriers of corn, many resorted to Frome, that being the only market, with corn to sell. They found them useful, “ therefore we tollerate some of them, otherwyse the people would not be able to have corn in our market for their money.” The great increase in the number of people engaged in the trade of clothmaking, was one reason of the scarcity with them, also for some years last past the earth had not yielded a good increase, and further, the’ “great neglect of tillage upon many great farms.”* : Passing over four years, an example occurs of how wide the prices could be in a short time. At Lady-day, 1628, wheat was 23/- per quarter. At Lady-day, 1629, it was 32/- and at the same time in 1630 it was 37/11. The weather being then unseasonable there was again a great scarcity and prices rose by Michaelmas to 54/6, and to 64/- at Lady-day, 1631. With this great rise, there came the usual difficulty with the poor, which threatened more than the usual trouble, as with it now, there was a strong and wide-spread political discontent, against the tendencies and proceedings of the new King, Charles I. Extra care was taken to meet the emergency. Circumstances make this business of no small importance, wrote Sir Thomas Barrington to Lord Dorchester.t So great was the anxiety at headquarters, that the following doggerel which was nailed on a church door in Kent, was thought worthy by the Sheriff of being sent to the Council. * State Papers, 1623, Vol. exliv., fol. 24, No. 12. { State Papers, 1630, Vol. clxxxvii., fol. 31, a 25 The corne is so deare T dout manie will starve this yeare. Tf you see not to this Som of you will speed amiss. Our souls they are dear For our bodyes have some ceare. Before we arise Less will sufise. The pore there is more Than goes from dore to dore.* Directions were consequently issued to the constables, on the 18th November, 1630, not to allow the people to assemble, and to the churchwardens and overseers, to double the tax for the relief of the poor.+ As the dearth was likely to continue through 1631, the King “having a watchful eye for the publique good always kept open,” confirmed all former orders for keeping the assize of bread ; for suppressing abuses by traders in corn, Loe for seeing the poor “ first supplied.” + Fresh regulations ice were issued, in which the constables were ordered to look after “those that goe in good clothes, and fare well, and none knows whereof they live ; builders of cottages and takers in of inmates.” To see the law for ordering of wages was not “deluded,” before coming to the Statute, and that the common fashion of “essoyning” (i.¢., excusing) many absent, be not allowed. To present those who were relievers of Rogues and Beggars, and to get from all such, wandering with women and children, where they were married and their children christened, “for these people neither marry, nor christen, nor bury, which licentious liberty makes so many delight to be Rogues and Vagabonds.” With the new King and his marriage with a papist, had come ———$—— $$$ * State Papers, 1630, Vol. clxxv., fol. 81. + State Papers, 1630, Vol. clxxv., fol. 74. t State Papers, 1631, Vol. clxxili. 26 fresh hopes to the popish party, and various little evidences are traceable through these papers. Under pretence of easing the demand for corn, fish days were ordered to be observed with abstinence from suppers on Fridays and the eves of Feasts. The usual dinners of the City Companies were to be foreborne and half the cost given to the poor. Badgers were to be overlooked with a “strict eye,” and these unfortunate men, often getting their corn taken from them, found their trade a most difficult one.* Besides these older orders, new and additional precautions were taken. A store of corn was laid up in every town, so that when the dearth punished them the most, the poor could have it at 18d. or 2/- under market price. By this means the prices were lowered, as the buyers being supplied at home, the market demand became so much the less.+ It was at this time that bread was first adulterated ; turnips, when boiled and squeezed, being used with their weight in meal. The novelty caused much talk in London at the time, but as there was always a slight taste and smell with this mixture, potatoes were next tried,} and these have successfully held their place for the purpose to the present day. Next came out a Proclamation for preventing and remedying this dearth of victuals. Orders were sent to Sir Francis Dod- dington, Sheriff of Somerset, to direct the Justices of the Peace to take account of the prices, and what corn every grower had in his barns; how many acres there were to be sown; and, that the probable buyers and consumers might be known, a census of how many there were in a family.§ Enquiry was also to be made into gifts for charitable uses ; the well-ordering * State Papers, 1630, Vol. clxxvii., fol. 50, December 27. + State Papers, 1630, Vol. clxxvii., fol. 31. t Phil. Trans. Abridged, Vol. ii., p. 630. No. 90, p. 5142, § State Papers, 1630, Doddington to the Council, Vol. clxxxii., fol. 80. Vol. elxxvii., fol. 32, 27 and training of youth in trades; the reformation of disorders and disorderly persons ; repairing the highways; keeping watch and ward for the punishment of rogues and vagabonds, and for the relief of the poor and setting them to work. In some places the poor-rate was doubled or trebled, and the magistrates at Wrington taxed parishes of “more worth” to help the poorer ones in relieving their poor.* But whilst the “poor” were thus cared for, masterless servants or such as lived out of service were sent to gaol, there to work for their living. Consequently, “all betook themselves to masters,” and rogues and vagabonds were so severely punished, that in some districts not a wandering person was to be found. Of the returns or certificates made by the Justices of the Peace in respect to this order and forwarded to the sheriff, some are more full than others, and some enlarge on one, some on another, of the questions submitted, The plan they adopted was to meet together, and then call © before them the constables of hundreds, the churchwardens and overseers, and a jury, from the various parishes, giving them directions to bring in their presentments by a certain date and to continue them monthly. The first report is dated from Wellington, 3rd December, and came from William Francis and William Every, for the hundreds of Milverton and the four Western Tythings of Kingsbury, and certified that there was there sufficient corn of all sorts. The prices—best wheat 7s., rye 5s., barley 4s. 4d., beans 4s., ee 3s. 8d., and oats 2s. the Winchester bushel.t On the 7th December, J. Wyndham, Thos. Luttrell and Thos. Windham, from Watchett, replied for the hundreds of Williton, Freemanors and Carhampton that they had sufficient of all sorts. * State Papers, 1631, Vol. cxciv., fol. 28. + State Papers, 1630, Vol, clxxyi., fol. 18. 28 The prices, per Winchester bushel—best wheat 7s. 6d., rye 5s. 6d., barley 5s., beans 4s. 4d., peas 5s, 5d., oats 2s.* Under the same date is a fuller return from Sir Ro. Phelipps, Kt., Thos. Lyte and John Harbin, for the following hundreds :— Wheat.| Rye. | Barley.| Beans, Oats. Peas. | Dredge. Martock 4 <1 0943 te — 0) —— |. 8635 | —. _ — Tintinhull ...| 4318 | — | 240 | 9399} — | 480} — Hounsboro ...| 2540 | 1286 | 1946 | 2135) 195) 560 | — Barwick” ...}° 700") ‘100 | £180 | 909:}"2h ey oL-eevn aie Coker _...| 1581 | 649 | 1103. 66} 370 | 106 | — Somerton ...| 4951 | — | 1531 | 385 | 170/ 3811 | 248 Pitney...) 871 | — | 424| 354) — | 38) 10 sate’! agtg | Oat ygagep eldofows fennel | \ The total being 26,220 bushels of wheat, 2,035 of rye, and 24,897 of Lent corn. The pyices—wheat 8s., rye 7s., beans 5s, barley 5s., oats 3s,, peas 5s. The poor were relieved, by setting them to work and raising “the books of collection upon “the abler sort.” Thus, although the number was very great, it was hoped to “keep them in some good order and obedience.” Salt and oatmeal, “with which the poor were wont at an easy “rate to relieve themselves,” were grown to very high prices. The cause assigned was that ‘the merchants monopolise the salt “and the clothier in making his mingled cloths consumed an “infinite quantity of oats.” Badgers, bakers and millers were * State Papers, 1630, Vol. elxxvi., fol. 39. + Lent Corn. 29 watched, and rogues and vagabonds so severely punished that but few passed that way, except Irish only, by whom, notwith- standing “heavy punishment,” that part was “ abundantly “ pestered,” which proved a “ great oppression,” as well in relieving them as in the charge for “sending them back. to Ireland.” To remedy this, they suggested that an order should be sent to Ireland “to prevent them coming forth from thence.”* For the hundreds of Andersfield. North Petherton, Cannington, Whitleigh, Huntspill and Puriton, on the 20th Dec. E. Poulett, Robt. Cuff, Abraham Burrell, Wm. Bull, and Wm. Hill, mayor of Bridgewater, certified their due diligence in executing the orders sent them, and that after view of the store, they found there was a sufficient and plentiful supply and to spare, but the prices held up somewhat dear, on account of the multitude of buyers and the populousness of the district. Wheat was 8s., rye 5s. 6d., barley 5s., beans 4s. 2d., oats 2s. 6d. and peas 4s. the bushel.+ From South Petherton, William Walrond and Ja. Rosse, wrote on the 23rd Dec., that there could be spared of all kinds of grain from the hundreds of, Abdick 3,153 bushels, Bulstone 3,174, Kings- bury 4,425, South Petherton 10,011, and Crewkerne 6,188, but that these quantities would be consumed by the inhabitants before next harvest. They had ordered a reasonable proportion to be taken for sale every market day, and they usually attended per- sonally to see this duly performed. The prices were wheat 8s. and thereabouts, barley, beans and peas 4s. 6d. and oats 2s. 6d. f S Next comes a minute report from He. Berkeley and James Farewell, which notes not only the quantity of corn but the number of “ buyers” in each parish, in their hundreds. * State Papers, 1630, fol. clxxvi., fol. 53. + State Papers, 1630, Vol. clxxvii., fol. 29. t State Papers, 1630, Vol. clxxvii., fol. 40. 350 In the hundred of Catsash could be spared in bushels, from— Wheat. | Barley. | Beans. | Peas,| Meslin. | Buyers. North Cadbury,.,| 1283 — | 170 | 62 a 340 Sparkford Fea[.* 200 — 95 | — — | 172 Weston & Sutton) 471 — | 235 | — — | 93 Maperton 90 nis Nee Cay 88 Babcary 325 30 —- |— _- 120 Lovington 64 _ 20 | — _— 90 Kineton pid 76 _ — |— = | 32 Barton David 106 ee 18 | — ints} 34 Kingweston 80 20 — |— oS | 33 West Lydford ...! 186 _ — |— — 40 Barrow, North ... 20 — — |— — | 48 Barrow, South ...} 126 —_ — | —|(wheat&] 64 ‘ meslin Alford oe = 100 — 150 Castle Cary __...\of all sorts of grain 812 bushels} — Total of all sorts 5,012 bushels, and “ buyers” for it 1,741. SSS 31 The hundred of Horethorne could spare from— Wheat.| Barley. | Beans. ——— Horsington —_ 20 Chewton aT 80 Charlton Horethorne Corton Denham Trent Coombe ... Stowell ... Marston... Sampford Pointington Horsington Milborn Port 20 60 Kingsbury Regis -.. Total 4,518 bushels, and buyers 1,745. * Meslin and Wheat. Peas, | Oats. | Meslin.| Buyers. — | 175 site 392 | 113 135 | 97 110 | 144 os Ssh ie a eae 20 | 113 10 |" “31 — | 139 150*| 214 438 | 303 32 The hundred of Bruton could sell from— Redlynch ... Wheat ... .. 4 bushels, buyers 125 Weeke ... of all sorts a eRe 4 36 Bruham a 3 2b F m 407 Milton Clevedon ie sid O urs m 84 Upton i yy Ane Ajwdt **,, Ke 146 Yarlington... R ate fa ; 1l Bruton .. Wheat and Meslin 168 ,, “* 1156 Pitcombe a 59 ... 450, barley 160 ,, 90 Total of all sorts 15,388 bushels, buyers 2,055. From the hundred of Norton Ferris, from— Shepton Montague ... | of all sorts 770 bushels Norton Feris and Kil- mington ... af 5 180 59 Charlton Musgrave... { Wiest eh is \ buyers 148 Stoke, Cucklington and Bayford ... , Mi a2’ Cs, |Wheat. | Banter Oats. | Peas. | Dredge. | Buyers, Wincanton Borough ... | 116 | 78 $-) 12 664 ‘Wincanton Tithing ... | 554 | 420 ap 42} 28 | 408 Pen Selwood ... ab 8 16 | 102 Jothercorn28! 80 Total 2,784 bushels, buyers 1,300. The prices were, best wheat 8/6, seconds 7/8, rye 7/, barley 5/, beans 5/4, peas 6/, oats 3/, dredge 3/4.* During the former reigns the bishops had not interfered or been called upon to act in these proceedings, but in accordance with some ecclesiastical notions at this time pressed into promi- * State Papers, 1631, Vol. clxxxvii., fol. 51. 33 nence they now appear. Walt, Bath and Wells, with Gerrard Wood, reported from Wells on the 6th January, 1631, that in the hundreds of Whitestone, Glaston, and the 12 hundreds, there was a sufficient supply. That overseers had been appointed for every market day to apprehend badgers, forestallers or engrossers, and that some bakers had been suppressed, whilst others had been “restrained” as to the quantity of corn they should bake. They had ordered every “ corn-master” to bring to market as much as he could spare, and some of every Tithing had been appointed to see this done. Wheat, 7s. 6d. ; barley, 4s. 6d. or thereabouts, which was a “ high rate.” * _ From Fayland, on the 31st January, Robert, Bishop of Bristol, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Kt., Rice Davies, and Richard Cole, for Portbury, Bedminster and Hartcliffe, found from the constables and from twenty or thirty others who assembled before them that there were 8,387 bushels of corn to be spared. This they ordered to be sent to market by weekly instalments, and the names were recorded of all badgers, bakers or millers who offended the laws.t For Frome, Kilmersdon, Bathford and Wellow, and the Liberties of Hampton, Claverton, Phillips Norton, Henton, Witham Friary, East Cranmore, Mells, Leigh and Hill-House, Sir John Horner, Knt., Robert Hopton, and John Harrington certi- fied “as near as they could.” The hundred of Frome, with its fifteen parishes near the forest of Selwood, and a great and populous market town full of cottages, was reported very poor, with 6,506 inhabitants, mostly clothiers, weavers and spinners. Of wheat and rye, there were in store not more than 250 quarters, barely enough to serve the inhabitants a fortnight. Of barley, oats, beans and peas there were 241 quarters, all of which would not seed a third of the acreage to be sown. As the other |, Reet Lae SS ee * State Papers, 1631, Vol. clxxxii., fol. 17. + State Papers, 1631, Vol, elxxxiii., fol. 49, 34 hundreds and liberties were well stocked, the Justices of the Peace had ordered a supply to be brought in to the markets of Bath and Frome.* This finished the first report, but the Justices continued their meetings once a month to make enquiries and see their various orders executed. Every three months they were to make a report to the Sheriff, who made his to the Judges, and the Judges theirs to the Privy Council.+ Accordingly, E. Poulett, Robt. Cuff, Abraham Burrell and Wm. Bull made a second certificate that they had done their best to supply the markets ; but, nevertheless, on account of the popu- lousness of their district, corn remained at a dear rate, being, in Bridgewater — wheat 8s. a bushel, rye 8s., barley 6s., beans 6s., and oats 3s. 4d.4 William Walrond and Ja. Rosse, from Barrington, wrote that they had carefully ordered that all who had corn should serve the market weekly, and had taken account thereof every month. Yet the prices were somewhat higher—wheat, 9s. ; barley, beans and peas, 6s. ; oats, 3s.§ The sheriff, Sir Francis Doddington, now made his return to Sir Thomas Richardson and Sir John Denham, Judges of Assize. Dating from Combe Sydenham, the 10th May, he enclosed with the last certificate, that for Frome, and was daily expecting others, which he promised should be “ suddenly presented to their Lordships.” The price of corn seems to have abated somewhat, and the certificates now refer more largely to the poor, the well ordering and training of youths in trades and the reformation of * State Papers, 1631, Vol. clxxxv., fol. 40. 21st February. + State Papers, 1631, Vol. clxxxiii., fol. 60. 5th January. { State Papers, 1631, Vol. clxxxii., fol. 50. § State Papers, 162%, Vol. clxxxvii., fol. 36. 25th March. || State Papers, 1631, Vol. exc., fol, 69. eS ae ee 35 disorderly persons, Thus E. Poulett, Abraham Burrell, Robert Cuff and William Bull, for North Petherton, Cannington, Anders- field, Huntspill, and Puriton, state that they had made enquiry concerning gifts for charitable uses and intended a reform. That they had provided for the poor and impotent. All others were placed out at service or maintained themselves by their labour and they had bound out a great number of apprentices. The market at Bridgewater was plentifully supplied, the prices being wheat 8s., barley 5s., oats 3s.* For the hundreds of Chew, Chewton and Keynsham, Fras. Baber reported that all the orders were carefully executed, that overseers of the markets were appointed ‘to see the poor sort of people first served,” and that all the corn brought weekly to market was openly sold and not engrossed by “ badgers.” The markets were well supplied, there was sufficient and to spare before next harvest, and the prices had moderated. Masterless persons were ordered to “ covenant service” and the refractory sent to gaol, there to remain until they should willingly obey, and course was taken for repairing “ divers ' great bridges” then in decay. t The monthly meetings of Pa. Godwyn, Thos. Lyte, Sir Robert Phillips and Mr. Harbin were kept at Ilchester, Yeovil, Somerton and Langport, and when they found by their officers any neglect of their orders, the parties were fined ; the money, subject to a reward to the informer, being given to the poor, Any persons refusing to take apprentices were bound over to the assizes to answer their contempt. The rates for wages, as ordered and set down at the Sessions, were delivered to the high constables and by them published in every tithing, that masters and servants may know them. They had taken extraordinary care by appoint- ing “ Inquisitors” and “ Viewers” of every man’s store of grain, and by “ constraining” the cornmasters, to have the markets well * State Papers, 1631, Vol. cxcii., Fol. 48, 26th May. t State Papers, 1631, Vol, cxcii., Fol. 49, 26th May. 36 supplied. By going themselves to see this done and getting offenders punished, the scarcity was turned into plenty and the prices had fallen to near one-half of what they were.* Walt. Bath and Wells and Rob. Barlow found, that in Wells there was no money given to “ pious uses,” but what there was, “was bestowed according to the intentions of the donors.” Others differed apparently on this last conclusion, and the enquiry seems to have stirred up a nice little squabble. Thomas Baron, the mayor, and Henry Foster, one of the “ Masters” of the City, certified that the churchwardens of St. Cuthbert’s had relieved their poor, the rates being raised one-half more, and with their “ condiscents,” had bound out fifteen apprentices, thirty others being ready when money was raised to clothe them. Several sums of money amounting to five hundred pounds, had been given to charitable uses, for the maintenance of the magistrates and to be lent to burgesses who were tradesmen in the city. Part of this was found to be employed according to the will of the donors, and other part thereof was ‘ misemployed,” which they intended to correct by putting “ in suite” those who had the money in their hands. There was one almshouse founded for the maintenance of - thirty poor people, men and women, and there were then thirty such therein. John Wookey, an innkeeper of Wells, and John Aborne, a maltster of Bruton, had been bound over to appear at the next Sessions ; Wookey for receiving corn into his house and so forestalling the market, and Aborne for bringing it for sale otherwise than through the market.+ A few days later John Baber, Recorder of Wells, wrote to the Sheriff that he had given orders to the “ verderors” to survey the poor and they had pre- sented a list of four hundred. The overseers had asked for £20 from the city revenue, to clothe those apprentices who were “placed” but had not fit clothes, and a hundred pounds more to set the poor * State Papers, 1631, Vol. excii., fol. 50, 26th May. + State Papers, 1631, City of Wells to Sheriff, Vol. exciii, fol. 75, 12th June, 4 , : 4 37 to work, wishing to avoid a further rate, and ease the inhabitants, who now murmured at the weekly tax. This request he considered reasonable, but the Mayor and Masters were “ cold therein” and refused it. He found that great sums of money were given to the burgesses, some of which were rightly employed, some detained in private hands and not employed, and some “ misemployed.” A sum of five hundred and sixty pounds, to be lent without interest, was in the hands of the “ Masters” of the city and not employed for the support of the poor burgesses in their trades. Weak excuses were urged to justify these doings, but he con- sidered it should not be spent in superfluous feasts or privately “ eloyned,” and he intended to take a Commission of Charitable uses to effectively rectify it. About Michaelmas he had sent to Mr. Cox for a note of the various sums given and how they were employed, but got no information in reply; only under the new orders and directions, and then with great difficulty, could any knowledge be obtained. Strict proceedings against forestallers and others had freed the city from trouble with them; the magistrates personally inspected the markets, being very careful to see all corn brought into it and not retained in private places.* From Tickenham, under the same date, Rice Davis and Richard Cole reported that in the hundreds of Portbury and Hartcliffe cum Bedminster, corn had fallen twelvepence in the bushel, and there was enough to serve until the next harvest. They had used every means to suppress badgers, bakers, millers, and carriers of corn, that the markets at Bristol and Wrington might be well supplied.t+ Sir Edward Rodney, Kt., and Wm. Capell for Winterstock, Brent and Bempstone, gave the prices at Wrington, wheat 7s. 6d. to 6s., rye 5s., beans and barley 4s. 8d., oats 2s. 6d.{ * State Papers, 1631, Vol. cxciv., fol. 19, 16th June. t+ State Papers, 1631, Vol. exciv., fol 20. { State Papers, 1631, Vol. cxciv., fol. 26, 17th June. ~ 38 From Taunton, Jo. Symes and Thos. Brereton found, that the cornmasters having obeyed the orders given them, and brought to market what they could spare, the prices had abated, wheat being 7s. 6d., rye 6s., barley 5s. 4d., beans 5s. 8d., peas 5s., oats 2s, 4d.* From Whitelackington, George Speke, Wm. Walrond, and Ja. Rosse, certified that the constables and churchwardens of every parish being “ precepted” to come before them once a month, some offenders had by their information been fined and others sent to gaol for the next assizes.t But notwithstanding that prices were generally lower, the Privy Council chose to be dissatisfied and issued a second letter on the 19th October, asking the cause of the continued extreme rates and requesting a closer enquiry as to any hoarding, combinations, or secret transportations. The first reply is by Geo. Speke and Wm. Walrond, from Ilminster, who advertised their “ L’pps” that they had found no man in their division with above five or six bushels of old corn at the time of the last reaping, and but very few even that. There was however one exception in Master Atkins, of Winsham, who was presented by the viewers of his parish on the 23rd Nov., the day the letter is dated, as having threescore bushels remaining, although he had been oftentimes commanded to bring it forth. To which Atkins replied that he had kept it for his own use, as he had grown none that year. They found that prices were not kept up by any combinations or indirect practices, or any other cause than bad harvests, the yield being last year less by half than usual, in some places not above a third, and the old crop “ clean spent.” They would do all they could to keep down prices. Wheat was 5s. a bushel and other corn proportionate.t * State Papers, 1631, Vol. cxcvi., fol. 4, Ist July. + State Papers, 1631, Vol. cxcvii., fol. 58, 30 July. 3 State Papers, 163], Vol. cciii., fol. 65, 23 Nov, =. 39 From Milverton, Willia. Frauncis and Willia. Every, after strict enquiry in that hundred and the four western tithings of East Kingsbury, could find neither hoarding nor combination, nor secret transportation. The cause they conceived of the continued high prices was, that last year’s store was “ well nigh altogether spent,” before the new harvest, which was not so plentiful as expected. The market was sufficiently furnished and they would do their utmost to abate prices.* Most of these returns mention a good supply or store, but the next certificate, from Jo. Wyndham and Tho. Luttrell, for the hundreds of Williton, Freemanors, and Carhampton, speaks no doubt with great truth as to the cause of the scarcity. They state that they had taken an “exact view” of every man’s store, but their common experience had taught them, “ that viewing and searching for corn had ever caused the countrymen and corn- masters to suspect an imminent dearness, and thereupon, as much as possible to conceal their corn, so causing a dearth without a scarcity.” The crop of last harvest being exhausted their district had been supplied from Wales, and many “good husbandman ” to “relieve their own wants did resort to their own corn fields, before the same was thoroughly ripe.” The other causes of scarcity were, they supposed, the too free export to Ireland two years together when somewhat plentiful, and “under cover thereof,” it was thought, into foreign countries also. At the then harvest the corn had a good “kerninge” and prices had fallen, wheat from 10/- to 6/-, rye from 8/- to 5/-, barley 7/- to 5/-, peas and beans 6/- to 4/-, and would fall yet as more corn was threshed. There was much suspicion of secret transportation but it could not be detected.+ Relating to this last paragraph a case did presently come to their notice. By information from the customs one Sylvester Bickham, of Watchett, was charged before them with ingrossing, * State Papers, 1631, Vol. cciii., fol. 88, 28 Nov. + State Papers, 163], Vol, cciii., fol. 48, 17th November. 40 and conveying certain peas into a bark at Watchett. After a full investigation Bickham acknowledged, that about a fortnight before Michaelmas he had bought in a private house at Wiveliscombe “of persons whose names he knew not,” twenty- four bushels and a half of peas at 4/8, which were brought to him at Watchett by one Cole and another, name unknown. The same peas he delivered to Mr. Johnstone for Mr. Witheridge, of Barnstaple, for whom they were bought, and they were put on board a bark at the “Key.” There were also about ten pecks more in his house, and which his servants had bought in the Tuesday's market at Wiveliscombe for Thomas Stevens and Walter Burston, two masters of “ Pynisses” then at the quay. This being all Bickham could say, the deposition of Richard Luccas, of Watchett, yeoman, was taken on the 20th November, who, it seemed, being deputed by Mr. Norris, the “ customer,” to see what was brought in or taken out of the harbour, learned from Bickham that twenty bushels of peas would be carried on board the boat of Mr. Stevens, of Barnstaple, and that they were intended for victualling Mr. Witheridge’s ship there. Without “any more speeches” and seeing Bickham’s man the same evening carry something in sacks upon a horse, towards the harbour, he repaired to Stevens’s boat and demanded whether he had taken in twenty-four bushels of peas, and then “purposing to view” whether he had any greater quantity, he went on board, but found that the cargo was laid deep in the hold and covered with great stones, so that he could not see it. Departing, he intended next day “to have further speech” with Stevens, but the wind and tide serving, that astute skipper secretly sailed in the night, without any “lett passe or cockett.”* All this was forwarded to the Council, but other information being obtained, Sir John Wyndham writing from Orchard, after- wards “tendered” the examination of John Coles, of Wivelis- * State Papers, 1631, Vol. cciii., fol. 48, articles 1 and 2, 41 combe, miller, taken on the 30th November, who stated that on the 14th September, being fair-day at Wiveliscombe, Bickham came to his house and asked him to buy for him forty bushels of peas, which he intended for a merchant to whom he was indebted for salt, and he bought four bushels for him, at 3/4, of Margaret, wife of Davy Westbrooke, and delivered them at Bickham’s house, and Bickham was “ earnest” with him to bring in forty bushels more which he had bought, but of whom “ he knew not.’”* After a good harvest the prices now dropped, wheat going to 5s. a bushel, and these reports seem to have been gradually discon- tinued. On the lst Dec. G. Poulett, Rob. Cuff. Abraham Burrell and Wm. Bull wrote, that strict enquiry had been made in the five hundreds about Bridgewater, but no hoarding, combination, or secret transportation could be heard of, and had there been any, the “jealous eyes of the watchfull poore” would by some means have discovered it. As to the cause which kept up the price they could only attribute it, by conjecture, to the late exportation to Ireland, as since then the harvests had not allowed any “ sur- plaidge.”+ The last in the list, as before, is from Sir John Horner and Ro. Hopton, who having summoned the constables of their hundreds to appear at Frome on the 14th Nov., by their presentments made on the 24th, found that there was very little or no old corn left, not sufficient to serve a quarter of a year, the inhabitants being all “buyers.” There were no ingrossers, and all corn was sold openly in the market or to poor neighbours. The reasons adjudged for the dearness were the failure of the crops three years before; the great quantities exported from Bristol, and that “much of the arable land was being converted into pasture.” * State Papers, 163], Vol. cciv., fol. 35, 13th December. t+ State Papers, 1631, Vol. cciv., fol. 4. t State Papers, 1631, Vol. cciy., fol. 112, Dec. 42 This report of newly-made pasture was quickly noticed, and brought out a commission in 1632, for Somerset and some other counties, to enquire touching any depopulation and conversion of arable into pasture since the 10th Elizabeth. For Somerset the Commissioners were Sir Ralph Hopton, K.B., Sir John Horner and Sir John Hippisley, Knts., Charles Harbord, Esq., H.M, Surveyor General, Thos. Wynn, Esq., one of H.M. Auditors, Edward Kirton and Thomas Hughes, Esqrs., or any two or more — of them,* but no account of their proceedings seems to have been preserved. From this time there is only an occasional certificate and these are very much shortened. Thus John Wyndham and Thomas Windham, “lovinge kinsmen and ffriends,” notified to sheriff Thomas Luttrell that they had endeavoured to relieve the poor in their hundreds and had “ quickened” the constables in all things recommended in their “Instructions.”t Willia. Frauncis and Willia. Every, on the 26th June, also declared that they had done their best,{ and Roger Hill, mayor of Taunton, and Hugh Pitcher, J.P. for the borough, writing to William Walrond, sheriff, on 4th of March, 1633, gave the prices there, as wheat 4s. 8d., rye 3s., barley 2s. 8d., beans 2s. 6d., peas 3s., oats 1s. 4d.§ Three returns only are found in 1634. On the Ist August, Thos. Windham and Thos. Luttrell for Williton, Freemanors, and Carhampton, certified to Sir John Carew, sheriff, that wheat was 6s. 8d. the bushel.|| In September there was one certificate, “a very good one,” from Geo. Speke, Wm. Walrond, Ro. Hanley and James Rosse,{] and on the 1st Oct. was the last, from * State Papers, 1632, Vol. ccxxix., fol. 112. + State Papers, 1632, Vol. cexxx., fol. 55. ~ State Papers, 1632, Vol. ccxix., fol. 27. § State Papers, 1633, Vol. ccxxxiii., fol. 26. || 1634, p. 444, Vol. cclxxiii., No. 5. J 1634, Robt. Reade to Secy Windebank. 43 Taunton, to the same effect, and that William Roberts had been fined twenty shillings for travelling with his packs on the Sunday.* With these troubles about the poor there were still difficulties with the currency, and the Mayor of Taunton, Philip Lissant, with Roger Hill, Justice ; John Trowbridge, William Lechlande, Hugh Godsall, Hugh Pytcher, Jasper Chaplin, and Henry Godsall, of Taunton, were obliged to complain to the Privy Council under date the 19th May, that “ of late” such extraordinary quantities of farthings “of several sorts’ were brought into Somerset, and their town especially, that the poor weavers and labourers were obliged to receive their wages in farthings. The great supply aroused suspicions and caused a rumour, that the “ greatest part” of these coins would not be acknowledged, “ being suspected to be brought into the kingdom by some indirect means.” The traders of all sorts refused to take them, so that the labourers, not being able to buy their necessaries, made a great tumult on the market days, and “were like to perish unless some speedy course” were taken for their relief.+ The interference in this, as well as other matters, which continued to increase, was presently met by an outspoken pre- sentment of the Grand Inquest at the Assizes held in Bath on 2nd July, 1638. With other things not pertinent, it was then presented, that the excessive rates for corn and other provisions was occasioned not so much by scarcity, as by the great and heavy taxations by new invented ways, which laid so heavy a burden upon the farmers that they were obliged to sell their grain at high prices to support it. Consequently their labourers were not able to get sufficient sustenance for their families, and so committed many thefts and felonies. Further, as “a great grievance,” agriculture had been much interfered with by several “commissions” from the Secretary of State, for taking * 1634, p. 445, Vol. cclxxv., No. 7. { State Papers, 1634, p. 32, Vol. celxviii., No, 32. 44 up such a number of horses within eight miles of the post- houses, as the post-masters at their discretion thought fit. Under this warrant they took into their stables ten or twelve at a time, and kept them two days and two nights, and then took up so many more fresh horses from others. If they found employment in the king’s service for any of them, they paid the post price; if otherwise, they made the owners pay for their keep and dressing, just what they pleased. Some parties were favoured and omitted from this impost, which made it the heavier for the rest to bear.* With this growl from Bath, the records relating to these enquiries cease. In conclusion, several subjects of interest are suggested by the replies, but which, in the limit of a paper, can be barely more than mentioned. ‘Besides the condition of the poor, their food and their wages, and the difference in prices, there are other questions such as, what acreage and population may have produced the quantities named, and what proportion the wages and rental of land may have borne to the value or purchasing powers of money. The returns of 1630 afford some guide for a census.t As to the rental, the manor of Lamyat in 1644 was worth £220 per annum, but the acreage is not named. The same authority, an officer marching with the King’s army, says of Mells, “the Horners have lived here three or four descents. He is in rebellion, his estates sequestered, £1,000 per annum.”{ This pro- perty has probably not altered much, and so would afford a fair guide. In 1621, land is seen to be a five per cent. invest- ment, being usually bought at twenty years’ purchase. As to the price of corn, the badgers or dealers, if left alone, * State Papers, 1638, Vol. cccxey., fol. 9. tT In 1554 the population of London was estimated at 180,000. + Symond’s Diary, Harl. MSS. as Saas 45 would have quickly equalised it, by carrying supplies from the cheap to the dear country. Compared with other articles it was excessive, as, whilst in the reign of Charles, it is about that of our own day the buying power of money must have been nearly ten times what it is now. That is, whilst wages have greatly increased, the price of corn, which should have increased in like ratio, remains the same. Concerning the food, barley alone in some places is mentioned as used for bread, and this corn seems also to have been more consumed in other forms than in our time. The “divine Williams” writes of the English, “Can sodden water, a drench for sur-reined jades, their barley broth, decoct their cold blood to a valiant heat?” (Henry V., Se. 5, Act 3.) In 1584, on the 29th October, Sir Christopher Hatton writing to Lord Burghley, remarks of the Queen [Elizabeth] about whom there was always the greatest solicitude, that “Hir mat since yor going hence hathe byn troubelyd wt -muche disease in hir stomak. The cause thereof as bothe hir selfe thinkithe, and we all doo judgge, was the takynge in the mornynge yesterdaye a confection of barley sodden with suger and water, and made exceedynge thycke with bread. This break- fast loste hir bothe hir supper and dinner, and suerlye the better haulffe of hir slepe.”* Bread from barley, or from the coarser flours in which the bran remained, called panis canicarius, as being more fit for dogs than men, was made only in times of searcity, but formed a “very bad excremental nourishment,” Rye, the next in price to wheat, was largely in use either alone _ or mixed. Meslin, which was wheat, rye and barley mingled, was also in general use, and from it was probably made the household bread of the time, the panis de omne blado, of the old books. The price of meslin is not given, perhaps because it was not made up for sale. As the labourer was often paid in * State Papers, 158, Vol. clxxiii., fol. 94. 46 kind, when he had wheat at all, it was most likely in this form. Bread with oatmeal and salt formed his staple food. From the earliest times there has always been some law regu- lating the assize or quality and price of bread. Amongst the Romans the trade was kept as a close mystery, and any man who married the daughter of a baker was obliged to join the craft. Judging from the following incident, which is a very early notice of its visitors and customs, it may be supposed that the business was of some importance in Bath. By a letter, dated the 12th April, 1602, from Thomas Power, Mayor, Edward Horton, John Chapman, Willia. Heath and William Sherston to Dr. Czsar, master of the Court of Requests, it appears that John Sachfield, a baker by his trade, and one of the Aldermen of the city, had been served with a “process of Privie Seale,” to appear in the Court, in quindena Pascce, within a fortnight after Easter, at the suit of one Richard Bye, but, “for matter as yet unknown to him or them.” Alderman Sachfield clearly disliked this “process,” and consequently his friends petitioned, that, as besides being a Commissioner for the subsidies, he was well-known asthe “most sufficient mann to make provision of breade in the said cittie, not onlie for noblemen, but also for manie others then present soiourninge and abydinge for dyvers respective causes, he could hardly be spared, without great prejudice to Her Majesty’s Service, and the greate hindrance of the Cittie and Inhabitants there lykewyse.” The subscribers therefore thought “fytt” thus to become suitors, that his answer might be taken at Bath.* At this time there were several trading, self-constituted, Guilds in Bath, of them the bakers being one. They walked in pro- cession annually, and endeavoured to prevent non-members from trading within the city. This claim being opposed, was set aside by a Court of Law in 1765, and the Guilds then ceased. Forty-seven years later the trade was still a prominent one, as * State Papers, 1602, Vol. cclxxxiii., fol. 76. 47 may be gathered from an adventure of comical John Taylor the Water poet. Being as he describes himself a youth of three score and ten, with only a leg and a half, he set out from London on the 21st June, 1649, for a walk to see the wonders of the west, and on the 28th, came to the “famous, renowned, ancient, little, pritty city of Bathe.” “TI lodged,” he continues, “in the mayor's house, but his worship was as ignorant as myselfe, for he being a baker had let halfe his house to a victualler, so he sold bread without and I bought drinke within, The next day, I had notice where I was, wherefore I went to his stall, or shop window, and told him what I was, and that I was he who came nine years agoe from London to that City, with a small sculler’s boate. Mr, Mayor was pleased to entertain me most kindely (with both hands in his pockets), and like a man of few words forebore to say Welcome to towne. So parting dryly (the dryness was evidently not to John’s taste), I left him in his shop, Lord Baron of the Browne Loaves and Master of the Rolls. But there is no doubt but the man may live to a faire age and dye in his bed, if he escape the unfortunate destiny of Pharoah’s baker.”* Noting one more incident in the order of time, in 1673 the prices of corn were again at famine rates, and rose from 10s. and 11s, to 12s. the bushel, when the poor suffered so much they were “fain” to make bread of peas and beans. The material thus produced was so hard a hatchet was necessary to chop it to pieces, “‘ yet it went down as sweet as honey.” But the trial was too much for them, they rose, went into the markets, seized the farmers’ sacks, cut them open, and filled their pockets with grain. Such suffering, attributed to the “wretched covetousness” of those who would not bring their corn to market, so struck the heart of a farmer of Welling, three miles from Wells, that he sold out his own store at 6s. the bushel, or half the market price. For this he was derided by his neighbours, as acting foolishly and * Wanderings to see the West, 48 not making the most of his. own; but to this he answered, that he thought it his duty to relieve the distress of the poor. The result proved the rectitude of his conduct, for the next year, having sown a ten acre piece, the blades came up very thick, and presently several ears upon each strand, on some seven, on some eight and on some thirteen. Every stalk, one with another, was reckoned to produce an average of ten ears apiece. There was as much wheat in that ten acres as upon ten times the quantity elsewhere. This story was published in a little pamphlet, and some of the ears were to be “seen in coffee houses in London, lest scofters may render the story a lie,” for, continues the writer, “some be more like Jews than Christians,” and will believe nothing ‘but what their eyes do see.” * With a most troublesome persistence the prices of all provisions continued to rise faster than the money wages, so that in 1794 the labourers were still “ brooding over their miseries in sulky silence.” They were now accused of “ luxurious excess in drinking tea,” and being over nice in the use of potatoes.”"t At this time the wages in Somerset, at Holwell, were 5s. in winter and 6s. a week in summer, the house rent being paid by the parish. Fuel was got from cow dung, or by breaking their neighbours’ hedges. In addition there was the labour of the woman and children, but altogether not sufficient for bare necessities. Innumerable were the pamphlets published about and just after this time on this subject, suggesting all sorts of remedies ; many as of old blaming the dealers. Locally, besides others, there were the single sheets of Miss Hannah More, such as The Riot; or, Half a loaf is better than no bread. In a dialogue between Jack Anvil and Tom Hod, to the tune of ‘The Cobbler there was,” &c. Says Tom— * The Charitable Farmer of Somersetshire. + The case of the labourers in husbandry stated, &c., by D. Davies, 4to. Bath, 1795. 49 Come, neighbours, no longer be patient and quiet, Come, let us go kick up a bit of a riot, I’m hungry, my lads, but 1’ve little to eat, So we'll pull down the mills and seize all the meat ; Tl give you good sport, boys, as ever you saw, So a fig for the justice, a fig for the law. Derry down, &e. Jack, however, demonstrates, or suggests, that to destroy the mills will not cheapen flour, or to abuse the butchers will not produce more meat, &c. Quoth Tom, thou art right, if I rise ’m a Turk, So he threw down his pitchfork and went to his work. But the problem as to the corn, so difficult for so many centuries, was solved in our own time, when some thirty years ago it was determined that all interference with the trade was wrong, and, to use the words of Edward 6th in 1550, as nearly as possible three centuries before, the prices were left, to be none other than the buyers and sellers could agree upon. Whilst this determina- tion has enabled the manufacturers to accumulate fortunes from _cheap labour, the consequence of cheap food, its effect upon the land and its labour is only now beginning to be felt. Some Account of the Skirmish at Claverton during the Civil Wars, July, 1643. By H. D. SKRINE. (Read November 21st, 1878.) At the request of our Secretary I have undertaken to give the Field Club some account of an incident of the Civil Wars between Charles I. and the Parliament, which occurred in this neighbour- hood and on part of the estate I now own. I have called it “The Skirmish of Claverton,” though in my own opinion it was of much more importance than readers of the history of those times may imagine. 50 There is indeed very little trustworthy contemporary history of those times accessible to the ordinary reader. This is, I believe, the case with the Bath Archives ; Inter arma silent leges et muse. Men wrote with caution and spoke with bated breath when they knew not what the morrow would bring forth, or which party was to rule in ere while “merrie” England. Until a few days ago I was not aware of any source of information beyond the notice in Clarendon and in Collinson’s “History of Somerset.” A friend, however, having suggested a reference to the Rushworth collection of Papers, I was fortunate enough to light on a passage which made the imperfect notices of the action with which I was acquainted more clearly intelligible. If we look at some of the old maps of Somerset we shall see on a part of the map adjoining the Avon at Claverton the mark of crossed swords, indicating the spot where a battle was fought. This is at the ferry and ford which connects the opposite sides of the valley. Collinson thus describes what took place :—“ In the Civil Wars (temp. Car, 1.) while Sir William Basset, Sir Edward Hungerford and other gentlemen were dining in this house (Claverton Manor) a cannon ball directed from the hill opposite pierced through the outer wall of the house, and passing over the table at which they sat, lodged in the breast wall of the chimney, without doing any further mischief.” * ; An old print of the house in my possession, dated 1734, marks the spot where the ball struck the walls and an inscription states that the house was at that date in possession of — Skrine, Esq., and that Charles I. was in the house at the time the shot was fired ! The cannon-ball is still preserved, set in a table in the posses- sion of Colonel Vivian, whose father lately owned the property, * The authority for this story is mente to be Wood’s ‘‘ History of Bath,” vol. i, p. 92. (Claverton.) 51 and another is known to have been found near the house.* The statement about Charles I. must be only derived from an obscure tradition utterly contrary to the facts, as the King was at that time at Oxford, and how Sir Edward Hungerford happened to be there at the time the house was occupied by a detachment of the Royalists is very strange, as he was about the same time harrying the King’s friends near Swindon, as Commander of the Parlia- ’ mentary forces in Wilts! Anyone reading this account, unaccompanied as it is by any reference to the fight, might conclude that it was only a mis- chievous shot fired to annoy or to frighten some Royalist gentle- man who was entertaining his personal friends. But farther on, when he is describing the Church and churchyard, Collinson states: “In the parish register is the following :—‘ Upon the 30th day of June (old style ?), 1643, there were buried under the west wall in the churchyard three soldiers killed of the Parlia- mentary party, and one of the Royal party in an unhappy civil war (meaning skirmish or battle), at the river side in the plain meadow at Claverton.” + : * In an old poem entitled ‘‘ Bath and its Environs” is a curious version of the Bombardment of Claverton :— As Basset, Cla’erton’s lord, at his fire sat, Safe (as he thought) from harm in friendly chat, Old Noll a cannon-ball fired from this place, f Which whizzed around his head and pierced ye chimney piece. The chimney piece e’en now this mark retains Of Heaven’s protection and of War’s remains. + In ye old register of Claverton in the handwriting of Richard Graves is the following. N.B.—The skeletons of these men were digged up when the ground was dug for Mr. Allen’s Mausoleum. N.B.—The battle on Lansdown in which Sir Beville Grenville was slain was on July the 5th, 1643, and Lord - Clarendon (in the own life) mentions a party of the King’s forces that marched from Bradford and passed the ford at Claverton, probably with intent to join the Marquis of Hertford. t N.B.—Farleigh Hill, 52 What was the nature of this skirmish, and who were the contending parties ? Let us first turn to the “History of the Rebellion” by Clarendon, and see what he says pertinent to the matter. After stating that the Cornish Royalists had gained a great victory over the Parliamentary troops in Devon, at Stratton Down, which had decided the King to send the Marquis of Hertford and Prince Maurice with as many troops as they could collect in Dorset and Somerset to join the Cornish army—a movement which was effected at Chard—and that the united forces having taken without opposition Taunton and Bridgwater, and Dunster Castle, which was surrendered to them by its owner, had marched to Wells, near which place on the Mendip Waller's advance guard of cavalry encountered for the first time the Royalist party, with a somewhat indecisive result. The victory indeed remained with Prince Maurice, and Waller’s men retreated to Bath, but the Prince was wounded and at one time the force was in a critical position. After staying seven or eight days in Wells to cure the Prince’s wounds and rest the army, Clarendon says, “The Prince and the Marquis advanced to Frome, and thence to Bradford, within four miles of Bath. And now no day passed without action and very sharp skirmishes, Sir William Waller having received from London a fresh regiment of 500 horse, under the command of Sir Arthur Haslerig, which were so com- pletely armed that they were called by the other side the “ Regiment of Lobsters,” because of the bright iron shells with which they were covered, being perfect Cuirassiers, and were the first that made any impression upon the King’s horse, who being unarmed (i.e. with body armour) were not able to bear a shock with them, besides which they (the Cuirassiers) were secure from hurts of sword, which were the only weapons the others were furnished with. The contention was hitherto with parties in which the successes were various, and almost with equal losses, for Sir William Waller on the first advance from Wells beat up a 53 regiment of horse and dragoons* of Sir James Hamilton’s and dispersed them; so within two days the King’s forces beat a party of his from a pass near Bath, where the enemy lost two field-pieces and near a hundred men.” That this last fight was “The Skirmish at Claverton” there can be hardly any doubt when we compare this account with that given of the same event in the Rushworth collection of Historical Papers. Rushworth says (Vol. v., p. 284, under June, 1643,) “the Marquis of Hertford, and Prince Maurice and Sir Ralph Hopton had their head-quarters at Wells: and Sir William Waller being at Bath sent out Major Dowet to beat up one of their quarters, where Sir James Hamilton’s regiment of horse lay, whom they dispersed and took Lieut.-Colonel Carr, Major Blunt, two captains, four cornets, ninety-seven troopers, one hundred and. forty horses and sixty cases of pistols. This provoked his Majesty’s forces, so that the next day being the 3rd of July (old style ?) they advanced in a body towards Waller, and being come within two miles of Fourd Hill the said Major Dowet was commanded forth with three hundred horse and foot to secure the Pass at Fourd Bridge but he was beat off—ten of his men were killed and two hammerpiecest taken.” ‘On the 4th Waller having drawn his forces out of Bath lay all night on Lansdown, and on the 5th July Captain Butler under command of Sir Arthur Haslerig and Major Dowet with 200 horse seconded by 200 more under Colonel Carrt gave a warm charge but were so gallantly received that they were forced to retreat though yet they kept in order till they were relieved by Colonel Burghill.” This was the commencement of the Battle of Lansdown and we need not follow the chronicler farther——but the dates are given to show the close connection in point of time between the skirmish at the Pass near Fourd Bridge and the battle of Lansdown. * Mounted infantry. + Hammerpieces—cannon with flint locks probably. } Had Colonel Carr changed sides—he was taken at Wells two days before ? 54 The distance of Claverton from the point of Fourd Hill is about two miles, and this was the best point to defend the Pass (as the whole of the valley of the Avon near Warleigh and Claverton may fairly be called). The Warleigh Lane was the only direct road from Bradford to Bath at that time and meets the Ford road from Claverton exactly opposite Claverton village and Old Manor House. The cannon were posted on the wooded hill above the ferry so as to command the lane as well as the opposite side of the river.* It might have been done by dragging them over the fields from Bathford—there was then no Bradford Road there—or straight up from Warleigh Lane, The valley of the Avon at this spot is about half a mile broad and the hills rise abruptly almost from the water’s edge on each side, the higher slopes of the hills being thickly covered with timber and brushwood. Almost the only level space in the valley at this point is the Ham meadow—an island then as now—over which the road from Claverton to the Ford passes, and here the skirmish was fought. The road is an ancient pack-horse road probably dating from early British times, and on the Warleigh side is sunk deeply between high banks the sides of which are walled, higher up it was also much hidden by the banks covered with brushwood and hedges. Down this hollow road the troopers_of the Par- liament must have descended to the Ford without much observa- tion, and in all probability were massed there before the cannon was fired and then immediately advanced through the Ford to gain the field on the opposite side and make the attack on the Manor House,t It was part of Waller’s tactics, to draw on the * Near this spot on the hill—whence tradition states the shots were fired— the Bathford revels were usually held, and the common people used to say it was in memory of a battle, and that human bones were frequently turned up when quarrying was going on. ++ How they fared in the Ham meadow, or whether the Royalist horse allowed them to form up before they charged them, or whether only the head of the column had emerged from the river when the enemy was upon them must be matter of conjecture—but probably as there are some cavalry officers present they may be able to throw light on the subject. | - SE tee 5 Cavaliers to an engagement ata disadvantage and he probably thought that only a small number of men were arrived at Claverton, but in this he was mistaken and the Parliamentary horse must have received “a warmer charge” than they expected and were driven in some confusion across the river. Instead of rallying to defend the cannon and fall back on the support of the infantry—tradition says these gallant warriors galloped as fast as they could back to Waller along the Warleigh meadows bringing word to him of their discomfiture. Did the Royalists pursue them or ride up at once to capture those cannon that had so insolently assailed them? We only know that the cannon was taken, but if conjecture is allowable, I would suggest as a probable solution of the matter, that the main body of the army of the Marquis was not far behind and on the same side of the river as Warleigh, marching from Bradford through Turley, Winsley and Conkwell—a part of the cavalry only being sent forward along the lanes on the Claverton side from Bradford, guided perhaps by the Major-General of the Cornish Infantry, Colonel Thomas Basset, who was doubtless a relative of Sir William Basset of Claverton. It was found necessary at the battle of Lansdown to wing the — cavalry with the Cornish musketeers—whose fire was so rapid and delivered with so true an aim that they made great impression on the enemy’s horse and routed them on the slopes of Lansdown, and these were the very men too who called out on that day “for leave to fetch off those cannon,” so that if there was a small force of infantry as well as the cavalry at Claverton they might have taken the cannon and the men who guarded them prisoners, and thus the loss might well have been in killed, wounded and prisoners one hundred men as stated in Clarendon, although only four were buried in Claverton churchyard. The number of killed in the Rushworth account is ten—and seeing this discrepancy in the ‘numbers I asked my neighbour, Mr. Tooke, the Rector of Monkton Farleigh if his register could throw any light on the subject as the register of Bathford is not older than the eighteenth 56 century. The communication I received was curious, but gave no hope of a discovery of burials there. This is the extract from the Registrar of Monkton Farleigh :— Memorandum.—John Allanbrigge, Inducted Jan. 30th, 1641. That at the time of my induction, John Butler the elder being then (and many years after in the times of troubles) Churchwarden, kept in papers a register of Christenings, Burials and Weddings, the parch- ment book being full ; which papers since his death cannot yet be found. I therefore (noe Churchwarden taking care or notice*) beginne from the said Butler’s death. What is past, ego nescio, nec ego curo.- It being ever the Churchwarden’s office. J. A. Part of ye year 1650 (John Butler died March 13th.) In support of the conjecture that the main body of the Royalist army was already on this side of the river, I would urge the fact that they had got to Bradford, where there was a bridge, and their direct road to Bath would be over that bridge and along the lane which passes through the Warleigh Valley ; whereas the other way would be placing themselves on the wrong side of the river, which could only be passed by fords and ferry boats, and the country was close and the roads circuitous. If this was the case, and, as Clarendon says, they were only two miles from Fourd Hill, the sound of the cannon would soon bring the vanguard out on Warleigh Hill, with only a smooth green sloping down between them and the battery on the ridgway stretching for miles towards the Oxford Road, and a little wood (called Dead man wood to this day) closely adjoining the battery would have concealed their advance till they were close upon the guns. However this may be, the guns were taken and the Parliamentarians who were not killed or taken prisoners retreated to Bath and left the Bridge of Fourd (or Bathford) open to the * “Noe Churchwarden.” By Act of Parliament at that time the custody of Parish Registers was given to the local civil authority and withdrawn from ye clergy. 57 Royal army-—which now marched on to Marshfield, about five miles to the East of Bath, and a little out of the direct line to Oxford, which was their main object. No sooner had Waller ascertained the direction of their march, than he drew out his forces on Lansdown, where he raised breast- works and planted his cannon, and sent his cavalry to beat up their quarters again and provoke the Royalist General to attack him on the battle-field he had chosen. The importance of the battle at Claverton and Warleigh con- sisted in its opening the passage of the Bridge of Ford to the Royalists, who might have placed themselves some miles on the road to Oxford. It also gave great encouragement to their cavalry, which had been lately rather shamefully handled by the Regi- ment of Lobsters or Ironsides, and in a corresponding degree it depressed the spirit both of Waller and his army. Sir William Waller had, by his brilliant successes in the early part of this year, and notably in Wilts and Gloucester, been hailed in the Parliament as “ William the Conqueror.” He had received now a severe check, and gave up the idea of barring the retreat of the Royalists to Oxford, and was determined to secure a good defensive position, trusting that the necessities of the Royalist _ army—which was short of provisions and ammunition, and in a disaffected district—would compel them to hurry on an engage- ment, This last circumstance explains the conduct of the Royalist General in not pressing on towards Oxford. He felt that it was of great importance to win a battle in this neighbour- hood, and time was precious. And Clarendon states that the army had a somewhat unreasonable contempt for the military - skill of their opponents, and then threw away a great chance by attacking Waller in a very strong position, when they might have given him battle greatly to his disadvantage among the stone- walls and fences of an enclosed country.* * We have it in Waller’s own words in his “ Vindication of his Conduct,” published after his death, that he very -much disliked fighting “in an 58 And this was proved shortly after, when the valiant Cornish Infantry, under Sir Nicholas Slanning, kept so well the rear- guard of the King’s forces on the march to Devizes, and after- wards for three days kept that comparatively open town from the persistent attacks of Waller, who assailed them on all sides with superior force. The Cavalry of Charles’s Army were at once its great strength and a source of peril. The rash undisciplined valour of the Cavaliers could seldom be kept within safe bounds, and they too often threw away the victory they had won. On the occasion of this skirmish however it would seem that they shewed no less discretion than valour, and thus made this small victory sure and useful to the Royal arms. Gales of Wind. By the Rey. LEONARD BLOMEFIELD, M.A,, F.LS., &c. (Read January, 16th, 1878.) - In the following paper on “ Gales of Wind,” I have no idea of bringing under the notice of the Bath Field Club anything that is new on the subject or of stating more than what every one may glean for himself who refers to the same sources of information that I have consulted. I simply thought that (there being pro- bably many who would not do this) it might be of interest, and help to fill up one of our evening meetings, if I put together a few notes in connection with the furious gale that occurred in Bath and in most other parts of Great Britain on the night of October 14th-15th last year (1877). I do not mean notes relating exclusively to that particular storm, which was described in such enclosed country, which Somerset was, where every field was as good as a fortification and every lane disputable as a pass,” to which service he had been condemned by the orders of Parliament. 59 detail, with its destructive effects on trees, buildings, &c., in The Bath Chronicle of October 18th, as well as in the London papers, for any further account of it is hardly necessary. But I mean notes relating to former gales, of which after a few years there is generally but an imperfect recollection in men’s minds, if they are not altogether forgotten ; and for this reason it may be that when a gale occurs, or indeed any meteorological phenomenon of such a marked character as to force itself on the notice of all, or when there prevails any unusual state of weather whatever, it is often thought to be quite unprecedented. We hear the remark, ‘“‘ Did you ever know such extraordinary weather as we are having just now?” “Surely last summer must be the hottest on record? or last winter the most severe ?” as the case may be ; or, “ the rain- fall or the drought has been excessive beyond all experience,” and so forth. In like manner gales of wind are not unfrequently magnified into the most awful hurricanes imaginable while they are raging, less and less however remaining in our recollection for comparison with gales that may occur hereafter as they recede gradually into the past. This subject may be treated both historically and scientifically. We may first chronicle the most noteworthy storms that have occurred in back years, and then, secondly, investigate the laws of storms in general, their nature and characteristic features, and the probability or otherwise of our being ever able to predict their approach with anything like certainty. There are ample materials at hand for the first of these inquiries, in the Meteorological Registers of the Bath Literary Institution, the Lockey Registers preserved in the Jenyns Library, and in my own Registers of Weather Phenomena, which together date back over a period of nearly 69 years from the pre- sent time. For earlier periods than this, a work published some - years ago by Mr. Lowe, of Nottingham, entitled “ Natural Phenomena and Chronology of the Seasons,” may be consulted with great advantage. Of course to enumerate all the gales and 60 storms that have occurred in these Islands within the records of history would take up far too much of our time at present. I shall content myself therefore with a very general statement respecting them, particularising only in a few special cases, or where there is direct reference to Bath and its neighbourhood. I may first observe, looking over the above Registers, that very few years occur in which there are not one or more gales more or less violent and causing more or less damage. In the entry of these gales there is often appended a remark of this kind, “ most tempestuous,” “perfect hurricane,” “terrific hurricane,” “storm of wind and rain almost unprecedented in Bath.” In one instance the gale is said to have been “ described by old sailors as one of the most fearful they had ever witnessed.” These expressions tell plainly in what light and with what feelings the gales were regarded by those who witnessed their effects, and when we connect such remarks with long paragraphs extracted from the papers of the day that often accompany them, in which the violence of the storm is dwelt on at great length, with full details of the damage it had done in different parts of the country, one can hardly think there is much difference on the whole between the gales of one term of years and those of another term of years. At the same time it is undoubtedly true that some years are more exempt from gales than others, probably from causes that will be spoken of further on. Thus it has been stated that ‘“ few gales of remarkable force and duration occurred during 1870, whereas those that occurred between 1871 and 1875-6 were very numerous and destructive.” It may be remarked further that the same gale is often much more violent and destructive in some places than in others. This was the case with the gale of October last, which appears to ‘have been more violent further west than at Bath. At Torquay, houses were unroofed and plate-glass windows broken in. At Haverford West “a new roof just slated and firmly nailed down, was forcibly lifted entire and carried fifty yards, and it came PEST De % TY er Ti P= oe 61 down without injury flat on the ground.” It is also remarkable that while in the eastern counties of England this gale was not accompanied by a drop of rain, in the north-west of Scotland the rainfall was very large, amounting at Portree, Skye, to nearly five inches. At this last place the force of the wind and rain together seems to have been tremendous, doing the most lamentable damage. “Fields” are said to have been “left unfitted for cultivation in all time to come ; or, along with bridges and roads, swept into the sea. At Uig, the whole burial ground, _ except six graves, was carried completely away ; coffins were put ashore by the sea ten and twenty miles distant. The mansion house, garden, and all the plantations were also swept away, with the estate manager, who was the only one in the house at the time ; not a vestige remains.” Among the gales noted down in the “Lockey Registers” are several that have occurred in Bath, but which appear to have been less severely felt here than in Bristol, and in other parts of Somerset. A reason may be suggested why as arule we might expect this to be the case with storms in this neighbourhood ; the hills which surround Bath acting as a barrier to check their violence below, and tending in some measure to divert them from the course they would have otherwise taken. A few instances in point may be adduced, extracted from the above registers :— 1865, Nov. 22.—Very disastrous gale (called a hurricane) especially severe at Bristol, with great damage to the shipping in the Channel. Less so at Bath. 1863, Dec. 3.—Terrible storm throughout England ; raged especially in the Bristol Channel, doing much damage to shipping, and several vessels lost,—but not particularly severe in Bath. 1861, Feb. 20.—Fearfully destructive storm in Bristol, doing an immense deal of damage in that town and neighbourhood, but tts effects much less severe in Bath. This gale blew down the spire of Chichester Cathedral, with its tower and supporting arches, 62 1859, Oct. 25.—The “ Royal Charter gale,’ so called from the name of the unfortunate vessel that was wrecked this day on the coast of Anglesea, does not appear to have been seriously felt in Bath, The gale lasted two days and caused the loss of 343 ships. 1856, Sept. 22.—Destructive storm at Glastonbury and other places in Somerset. ‘“Chimnies dislocated, sashes driven into the chambers, roofs totally uncovered, tiles flying in the air like - autumn leaves, and a pair of massive gates whirled some distance away.” Mr. Lockey in his register speaks of the damage at Glastonbury, but says nothing of the effects of this storm at Bath, simply noting the day as “ squally.” 1853, Aug. 26.—A destructive “hurricane or whirlwind poured up the Bristol Channel from 8.8.W., spending its chief fury in the neighbourhood of Bristol and doing immense damage. Less violent in Bath, but left its effects there.” Other storms may be mentioned in which Bath suffered more ~ severely, though in the following instance to a less extent than Bristol. 1851, Jan. 8.—Tremendous gale of wind in the West of England, 1842, raging especially at Bristol. “Tradesmen were compelled to put up their shutters, to prevent their windows being blown in. A large furniture van in crossing Durdham Down was blown over three times, and at last could proceed no further. In Bath many houses were stripped of their tiles, and several walls blown down in the neighbourhood.” Jan. 26.—Dreadful hurricane in the West of England and South Wales. “In Bath did most extensive mischief to chimney stacks and roofs throughout the city.” Great loss of ships on the coast. 1841, Sept. 28.—Tremendous gale in Bath from S.W. “The tempest roared with the loudness of a blast furnace, and the houses in every direction shaken,” and much damage done. In 1859, on December 30th, there occurred in Wiltshire, in the vicinity of Calne, an “extraordinary tornado,” as it was called, or 63 one of those fearful storms which occasionally take place devastat- ing a very narrow track of land, through which the storm cuts a way for itself, levelling trees and all other obstacles that oppose its progress, while the country on either side is left undisturbed, In this instance the length of country traversed was about six miles, the breadth being only 100 to 150 yards, The mighty rush of wind and all the consequent destruction occupied not more than five minutes. Amongst other effects “a heavy four-wheeled wagon was taken up and carried completely over a high hedge, and straw and wheat ricks were borne completely away and distributed over the field never to be collected again.” It is said. “hundreds of persons came hundreds of miles to visit the district over which the storm had passed.” I find record of a whirlwind, very similar to the one shines described, which occurred at Cerne-Abbas, Dorset, on the 30th of October, 1731. In this instance the storm, which had a track only 200 yards wide, trees being uprooted and houses unroofed, only lasted two minutes. In the same Chronicle* two other gales are mentioned in con- nection with Bath, that happened during the last century. One was on the 4th of January, 1739, described as “violent at Bath and Bristol, with thunder, lightning, hail and rain, whereby great numbers of trees were torn up by the roots, and many others twisted off at their trunks. At Bath the flood was so great that the boats came up the streets.” The other was a severe thunder- Storm at Bath, January 4, 1738, “with a sudden violent wind, which destroyed Walcott Church.” The above are merely a few selected cases of gales that have occurred in the Bath neighbourhood, or in the adjoining counties in former times, and they can hardly fail to impress us with the belief that the storms of back years were quite as severe as those _ of the present day, some indeed much more severe. * “ Lowe’s Natural Phenomena.” 64 It is observable that nearly all the storms above alluded to took place in the winter half of the year, in one of the last three or one of the first three months ; more rarely such gales occur in September and April, and still more rarely in August. One destructive “hurricane” in this last month is dated at 1853. And I may mention another that came under my own observation on the last two days of August, 1833, when a storm of wind and rain took place, almost unparalleled, at that period of the year, for its violence and the length of time it lasted. It was a furious gale from the N.N.W., with a continued rain for forty-eight hours, doing immense damage to trees and buildings. Birds were beaten down in numbers where they could not obtain shelter, and in some cases the cattle in the fens were actually blown into the dykes and killed. ‘The accounts from the coast were appalling, fifty- nine vessels were reported at Lloyd’s: in this fearful gale the Amphitrite, convict-ship, was lost, and all on board perished.” But, after all, none of the storms hitherto noticed can be compared for a moment with ‘The Great Storm,” as it has been emphatically called, which occurred on the night of the 26th-27th of November, 1703, a storm never exceeded in its destructive effects, and which calls for a much longer account to be given of it. We may form some idea of the violence of this storm from the circumstance of several books having been written about it at the time, one of the earlier volumes of the “ Philosophical Tran- sactions ” being also full of it. The best known of these books is that by Daniel De Foe, the author of “ Robinson Crusoe,” published in London in 1704, the year after the storm. A copy of this book, which is rather scarce, is in the Jenyns Library in the Bath Literary Institution.* In it De Foe, who was himself in London during the whole time the storm lasted, has brought together all the particulars he could collect from different parts of the country, as well as from abroad, to add to what fell under his * It is from De Foe’s book that I have chiefly borrowed, in the account here _ given of this storm, ee 65 own observation. He speaks of this storm as “The greatest, the longest in duration, the widest in extent, of all the tempests and storms that History gives any account of since the beginning of time.” It is said to have been—not merely a short and sudden burst of tempest lasting a few hours, but a fierce and tremendous hurricane of a week’s duration, which attained its utmost violence on the night above-mentioned. It had blown exceeding hard for about fourteen days previous, so as to be accounted terrible weather, and many sad accidents had occurred, but the nearer it came to the fatal 26th of November, the tempestnousness of the weather increased. There had been a great deal of wet during the spring and summer of that year, and in the early part of the autumn. Much rain fell in places at the commencement of the storm, the wind being S. and South-westerly, veering to W. and N.W., toward, the end of it. As already stated, DeFoe was in London at the time, and he details in the first instance what took place there. He says it did not blow so hard till 12 o’clock at night, but that most families went to bed, though many of them not without some concern for their safety. But about 1 or 2 o’clock on the morning of Saturday the 27th, it was supposed few people that were capable of any sense of danger, were so hardy as to lie in bed; and the fury of the tempest increased to such a degree that most people expected the fall of their houses. ‘Yet in this general apprehension, nobody durst quit their tottering habitations ; for whatever the danger was in-doors, it was worse without. The bricks, tiles, and stones from the tops of the houses flew with such force, and so thick in the streets, that no one thought fit to venture out, though their houses were nearly demolished within. They were forced to take shelter in cellars and the lowermost rooms. From two o'clock the storm continued and increased till five in the morning, and from five to half-past, six it blew with the greatest violence ; the fury of it during that particular hour and a half being so exceeding great, that had it 5 66 not abated as it did, nothing could have withstood its violence much longer. \ It was just at this time that the greatest part of the damage was done. Shortly afterwards, about sunrise, the storm abated for a while ; but in the afternoon it increased again, “‘ with sudden gusts as violent as at any time of the night.” Then followed a storm of rain which reduced the force of the gale for another interval. “Ere long however the hurricane recommenced with great fury, and in the course of the Sunday and Monday attained such a height, that on Tuesday night few persons dared go to bed. Continuing till noon on Wednesday the storm then gradually decreased till four in the afternoon, when it terminated in a dead calm, at the very hour of its commencement on the same day of the preceding week.” This terrible storm, it is said, “ shook all Europe ;’—our island being the first to receive the shock, whence it continued its course over France, Germany and other parts of the continent. When at its greatest height on the morning of the 27th, ‘‘ many thought that the end of the world had arrived: horror and confusion had seized upon all; no pen can describe it, no tongue can express, no thought conceive it, except some of those who were in the extremity of it.” And a strange spectacle presented itself when, about eight o'clock in the morning, on the lull of the storm, the affrighted inhabitants of London first ventured “to peep out of doors.” “The streets lay so covered with tiles and slates, stones, lead, timber and all kinds of rubbish, that the quantity was incredible. The houses looked like skeletons, and were so universally stript, that all the tiles in fifty miles round would be able to repair buta small part of it.” All business was laid aside for a time. Horror sat on the countenances of the people. “ Everybody’s first work was to visit and inquire after friends and relations.” “The next day or two was almost entirely spent in the curiosity of the people, in viewing the havoc the storm had made. When this 67 was satisfied, they were generally intent upon getting help to repair their habitations.” The extent of the destruction was so great that the price of tiles rose several pounds per thousand ; bricklayer’s labour also rose, and many of the householders were obliged “to patch up their ‘dwellings with boards, tarpaulins, old sails and straw ; regular repairs being in many instances, at the time, wholly impossible.” De Foe says that “an incredible number of houses remained all the winter exposed to all the inconveniences of wet and cold,” and, at the time of his writing this, he thought “ they were like to continue so, perhaps a year or two longer, for want of tiles.” In truth, the damage done by this storm in all ways—the loss of life—the loss of shipping—and the money value of the property destroyed—was awful in the extreme. “ Above 2,000 stacks of chimnies were supposed to have been blown down in and about London, besides gable ends of houses, some whole roofs, and sixteen or twenty whole houses in the out- parts.” Many were the lives lost from these accidents, the stacks of chimnies in some cases falling through all the floors to the bottom of the buildings. “The fall of brick-walls, by the fury of this tempest, in and about London,” De Foe says, “ would make a little book of itself.” _ The public edifices of the city, also, were terribly shattered and knocked about. “A part of her Majesty’s palace, with a stack of chimnies in the centre of the new buildings, then not quite finished, fell with such a terrible noise as very much alarmed the whole household. The lead on the tops of the churches and other buildings was in many places rolled up like a roll of parchment, and in some instances blown clear off from the buildings as at Westminster Abbey’—and elsewhere. Other __ churches lost turrets, spires and pinnacles, all carried away by the f - force of the wind. % The number of trees and buildings thrown down in different parts of the country were incalculable. De Foe himself, 68 in a circuit through Kent, counted 17,000 trees uprooted, and then left off, tired of reckoning, without having, as he believed, noted one-half the quantity. In the same county 1,107 houses and barns were destroyed. He speaks of “‘ whole parks ruined, fine walks defaced, and orchards laid flat,” especially in the great cyder-making counties of Devon, Worcester, Gloucester and Hereford, where, for several miles together, there were very few trees left. In some parts of the country so many trees were every- where blown across the roads as to render them for a time impassable. Great also was the damage done to shipping. From the tem- pestuous state of the weather for many days previous to the night in which the storm rose to such a dreadful hurricane, a vast num- ber of foreign vessels in addition to our own had collected for safety in our ports, and the destruction would have been pro- bably much greater but for this circumstance. Yet,notwithstanding, the loss among them was very terrible. Sir Cloudesley Shovel had just arrived from the Mediterranean with the Royal Navy. The Admiral and part of his ships anchored at the Gun-Fleet and rode out the gale, “though in great extremity, expecting death every minute.” But of the vessels lying in the Downs few escaped. ‘Three ships of 70 guns, one of 64, two of 56, one of 46, and several other smaller vessels were totally destroyed, with a loss of 1,500 officers and men.” There was also a great destruction of property and loss of life on the river Thames. The night was unusually dark, and a high tide was up at the time when the storm blew with the greatest violence. Above 500 watermen’s wherries were lost, most being not sunk only but dashed to pieces one against another, or against the shores and ships where they lay. Ship-boats were driven about in every corner sunk and staved, and 300 of them destroyed. Above 60 barges and lighters were driven foul of the Bridge, and as many more were sunk or staved between the ice ee 69 Bridge and Hammersmith. London Bridge was blocked up with wrecks, and the high tide caused the water to flow a great height into Westminster Hall. In the floods occasioned by the storm on the rivers Severn and Thames and coast of Holland, 8,000 persons lost their lives. In one place 15,000 sheep were drowned, At Bristol the storm blew down a church, and the tide was so high in the ‘streets that they were forced to pass about in boats, and many hogsheads of tobacco and other goods were floating about in the streets, the damage amounting to £150,000. No estimate at all approaching the truth could be made of the total damage occasioned by this storm in different parts of the country. De Foe considered the damage sustained in London alone as £2,000,000, and far exceeding the damage done by the Great Fire in 1666. The total number of lives lost were supposed to be 8,000. Among the effects of this terrible storm were two disastrous occurrences which have especiaily made it memorable in history. One was the circumstance of the Bishop of Bath and Wells and his wife being killed at the same moment in the palace at Wells ; the other was the destruction of the first Eddystone Lighthouse. The first of these calamitous events is noticed in the “ Life of Bishop Ken.” Ken was not Bishop of Bath and Wells at that time. He had resigned the See, and it was his successor Bishop Kidder who met with this sad fate. But Ken himself had a narrow escape. He was staying with his nephew, Isaac Walton, Junior, at Poulshot. Writing to Bishop Lloyd, of Norwich, he thus describes his danger, in a letter dated Noy. 27th, 1703 :—“T have no news to return but that last night there was here the most violent wind that ever I knew; the house shaked all the night, we all rose and called the family to prayers, and by the goodness of God we were safe amidst the storm. It has done a great deal of hurt in the neighbourhood and all about, which we cannot yet hear of; but I fear it has 70 been very terrible at sea, and that we shall hear of many wrecks there. Blessed be God who preserved us.” Then in another letter he says :—“I think I omitted to tell you the full of my deliverance in the late storm, for, the house being searched the day following, the workmen found that the beam which supported the roof over my head was shaken out to that degree, that it had but half-an-inch hold, so that it was a wonder it could hold together ; for which signal and particular pe God’s holy name be ever praised.” Two days after, Ken writes again to Bishop Lloyd, this time in reference to Kidder’s melancholy end. He says. “The storm on Friday night which was the most violent, I mentioned in my last, but I then did not know what happened at Wells, which was much shattered, and that part of the palace where Bishop Kidder and his wife lay, was blown down in the night and they were both killed and buried in the ruins, and dug out towards morning. It happened on the very day of the Cloth fair, when all the country were spectators of the deplorable calamity, and soon spread the sad story.” One of De Foe’s correspondents gives more particulars. He says, “The dismal accident of our late Bishop and Lady was most remarkable ; who were killed by the fall of two chimney-stacks, which fell on the roof and drove it in upon my Lord’s bed, forced it quite through the next floor down into the hall and buried them both in the rubbish, and ’tis supposed my Lord was getting up, for he was found some distance from my Lady, who was found in her bed ; but my Lord had his morning gown on, so that ’tis supposed he was coming from the bed just as it fell.” The second calamitous event connected with this memorable storm was the destruction of the first Eddystone lighthouse. This lighthouse had been built four years previously by a gen- tleman of Essex, of the name of Winstanley, wealthy and an ingenious mechanic, but too little of an engineer to design and construct an edifice strong enough to resist the fury of the elements ' a ee ee Te ey pune, 71 amid the dangerous rocks collected together in that part of the channel. He was warned and remonstrated with by men who knew from experience the force of sea-waves in stormy weather, but he took no heed. He declared, indeed, “that he was so well assured of the strength of the building, that he would like to be in it during the greatest storm that ever blew under the face of Heaven.” His wish was gratified. Whilst engaged in some repairs that were being made under his inspection, the terrible hurricane during the night of November 26th, 1703, came on and swept away the entire building. He and his workmen, five in number, perished, and in the morning not a vestige of the light- house was to be seen “except some iron stancheons and a chain.” De Foe, who mentions the destruction of this lighthouse, thought it ‘very doubtful whether it would be ever attempted again.” He little contemplated the erection of such a structure as was destined one day to take its place—not immediately, for there was a lighthouse after that of Winstanley’s, which was des- troyed by fire—but a lighthouse which having been commenced in 1756, and rapidly completed, has stood firm to the present day, a period of more than 120 years, a lasting monument of the engineering skill of the celebrated Smeaton. It is now time to turn from the historical to the scientific con- sideration of storms, to inquire into their movements and character, as also to inquire how far prediction of their approach is possible, or likely to be so in times to come. On the present occasion however we can only deal with this part of the subject in a very general way. “Storms are violent commotions of the atmosphere, occurring in all climates, and differing from other atmospheric disturbances in their destructive power and the extent over which they spread.” They—and indeed all winds whatever, from the lightest breeze to the fiercest hurricane—are occasioned primarily by the sun’s unequal influence on different parts of the earth’s surface, in con- nection with the earth’s daily rotation on its axis. Heated por- 72 tions of the atmosphere rise ; colder portions flow in to take their place. Atmospheric disturbances of this kind are constantly occurring everywhere ; but they are of a more marked character in tropical regions, where the storms too are on a larger scale and more violent in their effects. It may be added that, irrespective of latitude, there are everywhere also local influences at work to complicate the movements of the air set in action in this way. From these causes combined, along with others that might be mentioned, the problems in meteorology are rendered extremely intricate, and it must be very long before we can expect thoroughly to understand the subject. Most of the storms which visit these islands come to us across the Atlantic from America, though after their first rise they are liable to have their direction as well as form much altered from various circumstances as they travel onwards. They are almost all cyclones or partial cyclones, this name being given to them from the disturbed portion of the atmosphere revolving round a centre, where there is an area of more or less deep depression and where there is a calm. ‘The depression however is of small vertical depth compared with the superficial area over which the storm reaches. Sometimes while the branches of trees and the fragments of the wreck of buildings are being carried by the wind for miles, the clouds above do not indicate the slightest signs of disturbance. The superficial area, on the other hand, which the storm spreads over is “‘seldom less than 600 miles in diameter,” and occasionally “ two or three times that amount.” The rate at which these storms revolve is very great though variable. ‘In Europe it frequently amounts to sixty or seventy miles an hour continuously for some time.” In the “ Royal Charter” gale in 1859, above alluded to, Admiral Fitzroy states that the velocity of the wind in spiral eddyings was “from sixty to 100 miles, at a distance twenty to fifty miles from the central depression, where there was a comparatively quiet space.* In the * «* Weather Book,” p. 300. 73 instance of a storm that occurred at Liverpool on February 1st, 1868, Mr. Buchan records that “ there were short intervals when the velocity of the wind was at the rate of from 100 to 120 miles an hour.”* It is upon this velocity of the wind, “as it blows round and in upon the centre of the storm, combined with the onward movement,” that the violence of a storm depends, and of course its damaging effects. The onward movement itself, or the rate at which the storm is impelled forward from place to place, is very much less, varying from fifteen to thirty miles an hour, though on rare occasions amounting to forty-five or more. It is, moreover, “greatly retarded by friction against the earth’s surface.” During the gale of October 14th-l6th, 1877, the total horizontal motion of the wind in twenty-four hours, as estimated by the anemometer at Greenwich, amounted on the 16th to very nearly 600 miles, The maximum velocity was forty-four miles per hour between 2 and 3 a.m. on the 15th. In some places it was stated to have been much greater than this.t From the circular movement of these storms round a central depression—the whole assuming more or less of a funnel-shaped character—it follows that the revolving strata of air will be successively at increased altitudes as the whorls recede from the bottom towards the top of the funnel; and the ascent from the bottom will be more or less steep in proportion to the diameter of the whole area occupied by the storm. It is important to know the degree of this steepness, or to determine the gradients, as they are called in the weather charts in the Times, the same being ascertained by contemporaneous barometric observations at fixed stations. The curved lines in those charts, drawn through stations having the same barometric pressure, are called isobars» and the gradients are more or less steep, according as those lines * ‘‘ Handy Book of Meteorology,” p. 259. + ‘*Symon’s Met. Mag.,” Nov. 1877, p. 147, 74 are close to or further apart from each other. “Where the isobars crowd together the violence of the storm is greatest, and where they are far apart the winds are light or moderate.” In a general way, it may be stated that “ the occurrence of a storm of wind is determined by the simultaneous occurrence of great differences of pressure between places not far distant from each other.” Mr. Scott remarks that “no storm of any serious extent is ever felt over the United Kingdom unless there be an absolute difference in barometrical readings exceeding half-an-inch of mercury between two of our stations.” * In all cases of cyclonic disturbances, at least in the northern hemisphere (for in the southern hemisphere the law is reversed), the wind sweeps round the central area of depression against watch hands, This is just the contrary to what is the case in anti-cyclones, or areas of high pressure characterised by more settled weather, in which the isobars are much further apart, besides other marked differences that present themselves. Of anti-cyclones, however, we are not called upon to speak just now. To an observer at a fixed station the wind in a cyclone will be different, aceording to how he is situated with reference to the centre, and anywhere the wind will change from time to time as the storm’ advances. Sometimes these changes are very sudden. Scott has remarked that “one of the most striking characteristics of a cyclonic storm is a sudden shift of wind which takes place between S.W. and N,W., accompanied frequently by a heavy squall and a shower, together with an almost instantaneous fall of temperature.” + © I have recorded elsewhere some remarkable cases of these squalls noticed in Cambridgeshire ;¢ the splashes of rain accompanying * ‘Weather Charts and Storm Warnings,’ p. 43, from whieh book, as also from ‘‘Buchan’s Handy Book of Meteorology,” much assistance has been derived in this part of the subject. + “Weather Charts,” p. 60. + ‘Observations in Meteorology,” pp. 251—253, 75 i to j : them being so thick and heavy during the few minutes the shift was taking place as to render objects out of doors almost invisible. Tn one case the temperature also, which previous to the shift had been as high as 819, fell soon after to 65°, and later in the day to 56°5. The usual direction of the storms that reach the British Islands is from §.W. to N.E,, or, speaking more exactly, from any point of the compass between §.W. and N.W. to any point in the quadrant between N.E. and-§.E. They do not, however, as already observed, always keep to the same direction throughout their course ; nor to the same form. On first setting out they occupy an area of a form approaching more or less that of a circle or ellipse, but from various circumstances this form is liable to become very irregular while crossing the Atlantic. In some cases “the storm parts into two, or more rarely, three distinct storms, which remain separate for some time, and afterwards reunite; or they continue separate and diverge, one taking one direction, the other a different.” Or two storms, distinct in origin, may come into collision and disturb each other’s movements; or several storms may become so mixed up together as to have not merely their form altered, but their violence lessened or increased as the case may be. Sometimes storms die out altogether before reach- _ ing our shores. There is record of a ship having left the shores _ of America in perfectly fair weather, and after going a very moderate distance, encountering a most violent storm for two or three days, which again settled down into a calm before reaching Europe. These several circumstances render the predictions, which we every now and then receive by cable from America, as to storms having left that side of the Atlantic and being calculated to arrive here on a particular day, very uncertain. They may not arrive the exact day they were expected, or their fury may be much abated before they get to us, or they may not come at all. And here we are brought to the last part of our subject, the question whether we are ever likely to be able to predict these p storms with more success than at present, 76 Our weather knowledge is confessedly very imperfect. It is something to know the general character of these storms; the atmospheric conditions which seem to favour their occurrence, the laws of their movements, and the path by which they travel to this country. It is, further, a most important step to have had organised the several meteorological stations which now exist in different parts of this country, as well as on the continent, due in the first instance to Le Verrier, the late Director of the Paris Observatory—afterwards taken up by the late Admiral Fitzroy, who definitely established the system here in the beginning of 1862—and still doing good work, though under somewhat altered arrangements. From these stations daily weather reports are forwarded by electric telegraph to the chief office in London, which, according to the intelligence brought, determine the issue or not, to the principal ports on our coast, of storm warnings. Yet admirable as this system is, it does not tell us all we want to know. Thoroughly to warrant the issue of these warnings and to insure success, we require to know the conditions of storms, their rate of progress, and what changes of form and direction they may be undergoing, while yet on their road to this country, and before they arrive. We have no stations on the Atlantic to transmit to us this information, and consequently storms are often almost at our doors before we know of their existence. Still the warnings have their value if we look to results. Many may be wrong, but a larger number are right, and the number of successful warnings would seem to be increasing. In 1874 the percentage of warnings sent to our own coasts and justified by subsequent gales or strong winds was 78.2 ;* in 1876 the per- centage of the same had got up to 82, And there is further hope for Meteorology in another direction. There are grounds for believing that a connection exists between the meteorological phenomena that take place on our earth and * ¢ Scott’s Storm Warnings,” p. 137. if sun-spot phenomena. This connection has been traced as yet with success in but a limited number of instances, and the whole subject calls for closer investigation before ‘speaking positively about it. But it seems to open up so promising a field for research, that one of our eminent men of science accounts it as the quarter to which we must look for “The Future of Meteor- ology.” Ican only state very briefly what is fitting to be said here relating to it. We know that the energies of the sun are not always constant, as shown by the varying character of the spots which are often seen upon its surface. Sometimes these spots are numerous ; certain of them, also, of such an enormous size as to be visible to the naked eye. At other times no spots whatever can he detected anywhere. “At times again, glowing vapours rush up from its bowels with such persistence that the careful observer is sure to catch a sight of their eruptions whenever he looks for them. At other times they are invisible for months together.” In addition to the spots, may be mentioned “the solar prominences or red flames,” never seen till of late years, except during an eclipse, which occasionally appear very many at once round the edge of the sun, some of them 100,000 miles high—then settling down again into a quiescent state so that they shall be scarcely visible. Further, it is observable that these spots and prominences vary together, the greatest number of spots being accompanied by ae greatest number of prominences, and vice versd. Now there being such fluctuations in the condition of the sun’s surface and in the energy it displays, it can hardly be thought but that these fluctuations must have some influence on the meteorological phenomena of our earth. The mere existence, however, of such fluctuations is not all that has been established by modern science. It has been ascertained further that they are not of irregular occurrence, but that they observe a periodicity, recurring in number and development according to a fixed cycle. 78 It was Schwabe in 1826 who first made an enumeration of sun- spots, carefully watching the sun’s surface from day to day. Similar observations by others have been carried on from that time to this, the result of the whole being the determination of a period of rather more than eleven years as the cycle within which the sun-spot variations, or the change from maximum to minimum and then the change back to maximum again, take place. It should he stated, however, that these two changes do not occupy exactly equal times, “the period of increase from the minimum to the maximum year in the sun-spot cycle being almost always shorter than the period of decrease from the maximum to the minimum.” A connection between the variations of solar activity and terrestrial magnetism has been well established for a long time back, but it is only of recent years that a similar connection has been thought to be traced between sun-spots and terrestrial meteorology. It is due to Mr. Meldrum, Government Astronomer at Mauritius, to have first drawn the attention of observers to this subject, as bearing especially upon that particular class of phenomena which we have been considering above. It is well-known that the Indian Archipelago is the site of those fearfully destructive cyclones which occur from time to time in the southern hemis- phere, as the West India Islands mark the region whence emanate the tremendous hurricanes in the northern hemisphere, many of which last crossing the Atlantic find their way to this country, though generally losing much of their force before reaching our shores. It is to these cyclones in the Indian Ocean that Mr. Mel- drum has directed his attention in connection with the sun-spot cycle. Noting down with great exactness the number and intensity, as well as the times of occurrence, of all the cyclones that took place there during a period of more than twenty years, and then marking with equal exactness the number and intensity of the spots on the sun during the same period, he found there 79 was a close correspondence between them. The results being tabulated in two parallel columns, it was at once seen that they varied strictly together, the years in which occurred the great- est number of cyclones being also those of the greatest number of sun-spots, and the years of fewest cyclones those of fewest sun-spots. The intensity and violence of the cyclones seemed in like manner to coincide with the intensity of those great fiery outbreaks occasionally observed in the largest spots. There can searcely indeed be a doubt of the connection that exists between these two classes of phenomena; and it is remarkable that a long time back an opinion was expressed by the late Sir John Herschel, that those great disturbances on the surface of the sun which lead to the formation of spots were analogous to those great storms on the surface of our own planet to which the name _ of cyclone has been applied. - Nor is it surprising that, since the publication of Mr. Meldrum’s observations, many should have been led to inquire whether there might not be discovered a similar connection between sun-spots and other meteorological phenomena besides cyclones. Mr. Meldrum himself indeed has extended it to the rainfall at the Mauritius, but has hardly at present brought out any results “on this head that have met with general acceptance. Nor are his conclusions in agreement with those of some other observers, who have carefully examined rainfall registers kept in various parts of the world. We might add that the sun-spot theory has also been applied to solar radiation and temperature, and to hot and cold seasons, as well as to wet and dry. But here too the evidence is rather conflicting, and even less satisfactory than that which connects the rainfall with sun-spots ; which is not to be wondered at, the question being a very complicated one, and _ several distinct agencies, not thoroughly understood, having to be taken into account. In truth, these inquiries, though there is _ much probability in the theory to which they point, call for more extended investigation before we are likely to arrive at any 80 results that can be regarded as conclusive. The number of stations must be multiplied, as well as the number of observers, and the observations continued over a long term of years, so as to include several sun-spot cycles, which may not all yield results of the same value. The heating and other energies of the sun, however they may vary, must affect our earth as a whole, and only comparative observations, made contemporaneously in as many different parts of the earth as possible, can help us to determine what the sun’s influence in respect of these spots really is. At the same time it must be borne in mind that every place we fix upon has its own climatal peculiarities, and that if there be such a law as we are led to suspect and look for—a law, viz., of common periodicity in sun-spot activity and the meteorological conditions of our earth—it is but a general law which will be subjected to, and sometimes over-ruled by, the local surroundings. But we must not stop longer on this part of our subject. As regards cyclones, it is satisfactory to think that sun-spot influence has been more successfully traced here than in the case of any other terrestrial phenomena affected by fluctuations of solar activity, except those relating to magnetism and electricity. It leads us to hope that a day may come when we may be able to predict not merely the near approach of a storm, but the par- ticular years and seasons in which they are most likely to occur. And the importance of any addition to our knowledge of these destructive agencies cannot be over-estimated. In an article in The Times of October 20th, 1877, headed “ A Year’s Wrecks,” the number reported for the year 1875-6 was set at 3,757, being 167 in excess of previous years. The average number—between 2,000 and 3,000—was said of late years to have increased. This may arise in part from increased ocean transit, and the multiplied number of vessels engaged in trade and commerce at the present day. Nor of course were all these wrecks occasioned by gales— many may have been due to other causes. Yet it is a remark- able circumstance that the marine casualties themselves have 2a 81 - been found to “disclose a cycle closely corresponding with the sun-spot period.” This striking confirmation of the sun-spot theory, as regards wind disturbances, was the result of an exam- ination of “the returns of marine casualties posted on Lloyd's Loss-book, from 1855 to 1876,” being two periods of eleven years -each ; from which it would appear that the percentage of casualties was decidedly greater in the years of maximum sun-spot than in the years of minimum sun-spot. It is allowed, however, “that the two periods of eleven years for which the returns of marine casualties are available, form a very narrow basis for a statistical induction.”* And some may be disposed still to ask the question—whether gales are more frequent, or more violent, now than formerly? To ~which it may be answered, there is no evidence to show that, taken on an average of years, they differ either *in frequency or violence from what they have always been. The great storm of 1703, of which so much has been said above, might seem, indeed, to point the other way. It might be thought that no storm like that had ever occurred since ; and perhaps not, at least in this country. That storm was an exceptional one. The late Admiral Fitzroy, whose experience as a sailor, and knowledge of what the power of wind is in a violent tempest, renders him a competent judge, says that De Foe’s account of it “will bear criticism.” He seems to consider it as probably not exaggerated. Yet in reference to the above question, after speaking of that particular storm, he ’ gives it as his opinion that “the greatest storms on record do not appear to exceed those occasionally witnessed now.” In another part of his ‘‘ Weather Book,” in relation to our own country, he | says—“‘ No year passes in which the British Islands are not * See an Article in ‘The Nineteenth Century,” No. 9, for November, 1877, 4 _ p. 583, in which will be found an account of the present state of our knowledge __ respecting the sun-spot theory, in connection with meteorology, and from _ which the above statement is taken, along with a few other particulars relating to this subject. 6 82 visited by storms, varying in degree of force, from what is usually called a gale, to a hurricane almost irresistible in violence.”* With this knowledge of what we may expect from year to year, derived from so high an authority, we must take warning, and watch, and wait patiently till science is ready to reveal to us what is still wanting to enable us to predict these storms with certainty. Were such a storm as that of 1703 to burst upon us again, we should not, perhaps, suffer to the same extent our forefathers did. We have, as Admiral Fitzroy remarks, “ better buildings, better ships, and more precautions ;” we “understand the laws of storms” better. But we can never hope to disarm the tempest itself. And therefore it is that we must look to science to fore- warn us of its approach. Nor, it is believed, shall we look in vain. The future is full of promise. Each year science is widen- ing its field of research, and adding to its possessions. It knows no limit to further advances but what is imposed by physical impossibility. ee Notes on an Oolitic Quarry at Bathford. By Rev. H. H. Wrxwoop, M.A., F.G.S. (Read January 16, 1878.) The object of my short communication this evening is to call your attention to the singular position of a mass of rolled flints in one of the Oolitic quarries in our neighbourhood. During a very pleasant visit paid to Bathford in the early part of last year Capt. Sainsbury called our attention to these flints in a quarry on the left-hand side of the road leading from Monkton Farley to Bathford, and just below the plantation of fir trees fringing Farley Down. At the first glance anyone not quite aw fait with the singular freaks of Geology would be struck with the apparently extraordinary fact of a layer of flints interstratified between two beds of Oolite ; such indeed might well be the first impression. * “ Weather Book,” pp. 173 & 298, Se eee 83 But putting this notion aside at once, what will account for the unusual position of these flints? In the first place, however, let me give a description of the quarry. It consists of some 21ft. 8in. of broken-up beds of the Great Oolite, and is worked for the purpose of rough walls and road metal; the blocks not being of sufficient size and their nature - being otherwise unsuitable for ashlar. The height of the Down above the level of the Avon is 629 feet and that of the quarry about 100 feet lower. | ~ Beginning from the top downwards we have :— Ft. In . Humus, &e. a eu . Oe. 2. Oolitic debris A: oe aoa | . Solid bed of Oolite ... fs 3.240) 10 . Flint pebbles ny sees slong 5 at 72 : Se 5. “Rag beds” 6 = 6. Broken-up beds of Oolite fissured and dipping into hill 5 .ub 4 resting on yellow Clay, probably the Fuller’s ear th, down ka which _ the beds are worked. The face of the quarry runs nearly North and South. The mass of flints attains at the South end its greatest thickness some five feet more or less, and gradually thins out toa few inches at the North end, filling up the joints and fissures of the Qolite bed on which it rests. The size of the flints varies from pebbles 44in. long and 3in. broad (the largest measured) to little rounded pellets of about the size of No. 6 shot. A mass of lish loam holds them together at the thickest part ; this, n n looked at closely through a lens, is seen to consist of minute ns of quartz with little black and white chips of flint. The flints -yary in colour from white to black, yellow, bluish-white and red 84 Some of them are merely spotted with dendritic markings ; others are completely covered with those spots which coalescing form a coating of black. Most of the larger ones are rounded, some of the smaller are quite sharp and angular, whilst others are sub- angular and appear to have had but little wear. One yellow pebble which I tractured presented the appearance of calcined flint ; the interior was porcellanous white, with an outer coating of an ochreous colour extending inwards from a depth of 1-18 to 2-18 of an inch, the result of infiltration from the surrounding matrix. The most careful searching failed to detect any other pebbles than those of flint, and here and there some white and yellow quartz. I may here state that this is by no means the only deposit of flint gravel to be found on our downs. During some of the walks of the Club I have frequently called attention to the occurrence of this gravel. Higher up than the quarry in question I observed a pocket of flints cut through by the roadway leading to one of the quarries. Then again, somewhat lower down, I found a quantity of flints cemented together by a percolation of carbonate of lime, forming a recent breccia. But there is a noteworthy feature in these flints; whilst they are to be found more or less plentifully scattered over the fields all the way from the Chalk Downs to the South of the Box Valley, yet so soon as you cross over to the North side they become very rare indeed, and if found at all generally show traces of having been fractured and flaked by the hand of man; consequently brought there by human agency, and not coming within the scope of these notes. There is a great distinction between this flint gravel on the higher ground and the ordinary gravel found in the valleys. Whilst the former consists almost entirely of flint, the latter is made up of almost every rock in the neighbourhood,* from Mountain * These gravels in which Mammalian remains have been found, and hence termed ‘‘ Mammal drift,’’ have been described by Mr. Moore in Vol. IL, No. 1, of our Proceedings Mer 2 85 Limestone to Millstone Grit,Lias and Oolite. Whilst the former there- fore must owe its formation to pre-existing beds of chalk, whence the flints have been washed out, the latter is derived from the . yocks over which the ancient river Avon and its tributaries flowed. What then is the inference to be derived from this fact? Why, that the same stream which cut its way through the old beds bringing along with it specimens of the rocks over which it once flowed to be found now not many feet above its present level, did not deposit the gravels which in so many places rest at so much higher a level on our downs. If, however, these gravels were not deposited by the ancient Avon—which though much increased in volume and flowing with far greater velocity in those days yet maintained the same main line of drainage as now—how were they deposited? We have a certain guide in fixing the date of the river bed gravels in the Mammalian remains and shells of freshwater or terrestrial origin which “are found in the intercalated beds of marl; but I have been ~ entirely unsuccessful in finding a trace of an organism to fix the date of these higher gravels. Neither are there any foreign pebbles in them which would enable one to correlate them with the Northern drift, which occurs further North and Eastwards on the opposite side of Severn valley, so as to assign their deposition to the agency of the great ice age. Nothing of the sort ; neither ave there any ice-scratched pebbles, the gravels consist entirely of flint and small grains of quartz, which would indicate that they came from the great Chalk range existing to the South. That they were transported by water in some form is evident, for nothing but water would have moved them into their present position, and distributed them between two hori- /—___ gontal beds of Oolite in the way they are seen to be in this quarry. _ I must confess at present I do not see my way to a clear solution — of the difficulty, but am inclined to attribute their presence to a ‘. Pr: period when a portion of our table lands, after having been sub- merged by the sea and denuded of the Chalk with flints and 86 Green-sand which once covered it, began slowly to rise again to the surface and become dry land; and as the waters gradually receded and carried with them away to the West the debris in their rush, these gravels were left behind in the pockets and fissures of the Oolitic rocks, then the old sea bed. Thus the direction of the current in this case would be the reverse of that which deposited or re-assorted the Northern drift; whilst the latter came from the North and North-west, the flints seem to have come from the South in accordance with the configuration of the land—from the Chalk hills, that is, towards the lower plateau and valleys North of the Chalk. As to the age of those deposits, we may, I think, place them any time between the elevation of the Chalk hills, and the glacial period ; somewhere that is before the final disappearance of the Tertiary period, and the setting in of the glacial period. So that those deposits on our hills would be, according to this view, considerably older than the gravels in the river valleys, and were probably laid down before ‘the valleys had assumed their present shape ; the object of these few and imperfect notes will be gained if I have succeeded in exciting an interest in our local geological phenomena second to none in variety, and a study of which will repay any who pursue it both in body and mind—adding vigour to the one and enlarging the scope of the other. During the progress of these notes, whilst looking up the literature of the subject, I found an abstract of a paper read before the Geological Society of London, and printed in the Sixth Vol. of their Journal (1850), by the late Mr. C. H. Weston, of Ensleigh, in which he describes the finding of these flint gravels on the tablelands around Bath, and gives an account of their existence in a trough of the Oolite on Kingsdown. Having worked without any previous knowledge of his paper I am pleased to find that our facts agree, as do the main deductions therefrom. The subject of these deposits had not created such an interest then as now; it therefore serves to increase my admiration for a 87 man who, in addition to his other eminent scientific attainments, added this one, that he had carefully worked out the superficial deposits of his neighbourhood and supplied another name to our by no means insignificant list of local geologists ; men now, alas! almost passed away, but who have left behind them lasting records of their researches into the secrets of the hills and valleys of their immediate neighbourhood. Summary of Proceedings for the year 1877-8. Mr. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN, Would that your Secretary had a greater mass of material whence to draw his summary for the past year! Scanty have been the doings of the Club, scanty will therefore be the year’s record. In the first place the usual dinner did not conclude the — day of the anniversary meeting of the members, owing to the small number of names sent in. In the second place, though the Committee resolved that there should he only two evening meetings instead of the usual number, thinking thereby to secure a good attendance of members, yet the interest shown in the subjects brought forward was even less marked than formerly, as gauged at least by the very small numbers of those who were present. . The first of the Evening Meetings took place on Wednesday, _ November 21st, Mr. Skrine in the chair when Mr. EMMANUEL _ GREEN read a paper on “The Poor, and some attempts to lower _ the price of corn in Somerset 1548-1638.” (Vide p. 1). ; ‘ _ An interesting conversation followed, and Mr. Green was asked R and answered several questions in connection with points raised — in his very admirable paper ; the meaning of some curious and _ interesting old words quoted in the course of his paper, the effect 88 of free trade upon the prices of land in the present day, and the value of money at that time as compared with the present. The secretary then took the chair while Mr. SkRINE read a paper on “The Skirmish at Claverton in 1643,” (vide p. 49) which raised several interesting points of discussion as to what portion of the Royal forces was there engaged; what was the object of attack, and further whether there was a cavalry skirmish at the ford. Mr. Skrine showed, among other maps and views, a print of old Claverton Manor-house with the place where the cannon ball fired during the skirmish entered (as tradition says) when King Charles was in the room. A lengthened conversation followed, in the course of which Mr. Green remarked, that if Claverton House were ever struck by either cannon ball or bullet, it must have been in July, 1643, when the royalist forces, coming from Frome, passed by Claverton and over the river towards Batheaston, their opponents retiring, but fighting them closely up to this point. This he had sketched in a paper on the battle of Lansdown, printed in the Club’s Proceedings. The ford over the river, still so called, close by Claverton, was defended on the Batheaston side and consequently facing Claverton, by an earthwork or battery, with cannon. In the general fighting here or during the melée when this battery was taken and the ford secured, it is possible that Claverton House might have been struck. Ifit were not done then, it was never done, as no fighting occurred there afterwards. But the King certainly was not there. It was in July, 1644, that coming through Gloucestershire, he passed by Marshfield and over Lansdown, to view the battle-field of the year before, and descending the hill, was met towards the bottom by Sir Thomas Bridges, the governor of the garrison, and conducted into Bath. He stayed one clear day to rest, and then marched on to Mells. That he went to Claverton is entirely supposition, unsupported by any evidence ; and to imagine that he did so is to forget his- fatigue and suppose that he had nothing else to do. He was at 89 Bath again a few months later, when, after his defeat at Newbury, he fled there in all haste. He made no stay, but under the protection of Prince Rupert’s horse, went off at once to Oxford. - With regard to “the regiment of lobsters” spoken of in the battle of Lansdown, it was remarked that the red uniform; now so general in the British army, was ordered by the Parliament in January, 1645. Mr. Green added that at Agincourt the English wore red. Captain Wedgwood Yeeles said he should be sorry to attempt to deploy a troop of cavalry in the Ham meadow at Claverton, and Mr. H. M. Skrine said they could only be used as he had used them in drills there with the Bath troop of the North Somerset Yeomanry Cavalry—by dismounting half the men and leaving the rest to guard the horses. He thought cavalry might have dashed across the ford in pursuit, but there could not have been a cavalry skirmish. Some discussion followed, in which Cromwell was: defended from the responsibility of the proceedings of the Parliament and its army previous to the declaration of the Commonwealth. The second evening meeting of the session was held at the Royal Institution on Wednesday, Jan. 16th, Mr. H. B. Acton in the chair, when a paper on “Gales of Wind,” vide p. 58, by the Rev. L. Blomefield, was read by the secretary. The writer gave some notes of gales previous to those of October last, and pointed out that as meteorological phenomena are imperfectly recollected, there is a tendency to think every fresh phenomena unprecedented. In tracing the historical part of the subject he referred to the information afforded by the registers of the Institution, the Lockey registers dating from 1859, deposited in the Jenyns Library, and Mr. Blomefield’s own. Several storms _ were mentioned, none equal to the great gale of the 26th and _ 27th November, 1703, about which several books had been t ‘written, including one by Daniel Defoe, of which there was a _ copy in the Jenyns Liprary. It killed Bishop Kidder at Wells and blew down Eddystone Lighthouse. From the scientific point 90 of view it was stated that most of our storms come from America and are cyclonic. They extend sometimes over an area of 600 miles, and are two or three miles in depth ; their velocity in rotation is 60 or 70 miles an hour, their onward movement from 15 to 30 miles, being variously retarded by the friction of the earth’s surface. The percentage of successful warnings from America seem to be on the increase; in 1874 it was 78-2, in 1876 it rose to 82. There is believed to be a connection between atmospheric disturbances and sun-spot phenomena, and an eminent scientific man has said that we must look here for the fiture of meteorology. The writer believed that in the time to come it would not only be possible to predict the near approach of storms but the years and seasons at which they are most likely to occur. The chairman, Mr. Bankart, and the secretary joined in the conversation on the paper. The latter regretted that failing health prevented Mr. Blomefield from being present himself and joining in the discussion. The Rev. H. H. Winwood then made a communication regarding a curious infilling of flint gravel between two beds of Oolite in a quarry at Bathford. The third paper on the list, “ Report on Roman Diggings at Bathford,” was not read, owing to the illness of Mr. Charles Moore, EXCURSIONS. : Pen Pits—The first excursion took place on Tuesday, April 17th, when the spots visited were the Pen Pits and Stavordale Priory, both which places are in the neighbourhood of Win- canton. The Club mustered to the number of 15 persons, including visitors, and took the picturesque line of railway along the Midford Valley to Wellow, and by Radstock, Shepton Mallet and Evercreech to Wincanton. The morning was very fine but cold, and occasional flakes of snow whitened the tints of early green which seemed everywhere to be struggling to escape from the grasp of winter. The hedge banks were yellow with primroses and purple with early violets, and abundance of daffodils might 91- be seen in the low meadows as the train sped on its way through a district rich in geological-interest and in the variety of its form- ations. Arrived at Wincanton, the party started on foot to the Pen Pits, under the guidance of a gentleman who kindly undertook to lead the party, and placed his carriage at the disposal of any members who did not relish the fatigue of walking. The Pen Pits have long been known as the “Crux of Antiquaries ;” they have attracted the attention of writers from the time of Sir R. C. Hoare, who has treated of them in his “Ancient Wiltshire,” and of Collinson and Phelps in their “ Histories of Somerset,” and are noticed in the “ Proceedings ” of the Somerset and of the Wiltshire Archeological Societies, but no satisfactory solution of their purpose and origin has been arrived at by any of these writers. More recently a very elaborate and carefully written dissertation has appeared in the form of an octavo pamphlet by Mr. Kerslake, of Bristol, who has collected all the notices given by previous writers, and has, by the aid of these ancient chroniclers, endeavoured to show that the Pen Pits are the site of “A Primeval British Metropolis. ” This learned and ingenious attempt to settle the site of a lost city, the “Cair Pensauelcoit,” of Nennius, and identify it with _ Penselwood, or the Pen Pits, has called forth an article in the Saturday Review, which speaks in no unfavourable terms of Mr. _ Kerslake’s pamphlet. The circular excavations called the Pen Pits oceupy a large plateau of table-land, part of which is included in the park at Stourhead, from whence the site of the pits is not far distant, and they once extended over an area of 700 acres.* _ Much of this land is now brought under cultivation, and thousands _ ofthese pits have been destroyed, and are still being filled up, but enough are left to give an idea of their nature and the extent of the i. __ * Vide Hoare’s “‘ Ancient Wilts, and Journal of Somerset Arch, and Nat. 3 4 Hist, Soc.,” Vol. vii. pe 51. 92 whole area. It is earnestly to be hoped that a sufficient number will be preserved for the examination of future antiquaries and that every record of this very remarkable relict of a bygone population may not be entirely effaced. The party proceeded to the examin. ation of the portion which remains not far distant from the village of Pen, the modern representative of what may have been the settlement of a large population in prehistoric times. On a cursory glance over the heath where these indentations are found, the visitor would be inclined to believe that he was looking simply into old quarry holes, and such indeed is their first appearance, but closer inspection leads to the belief that there is more form and regularity: and more appearance of design, than in ordinary workings for stone or mineral produce. Many of these pits are perfect circles or elliptical, with a bank surrounding them, some divided into two, some into three compartments, and the bank is not formed of rude masses thrown together at random, but appear to have been regularly formed. If anyone will take the trouble to examine the ancient Roman lead workings on the Mendip Hills, or the more recent excavations in search of Lapis Calaminaris, he will find a marked difference between these and the Pen Pits. Very little attention seems to have been given to the contents of these pits during the progress of their destruction, though querns have been found within them, and also torques, and the stones found within the hollows bear marks of fire. They have therefore been regarded as holes made in the process of obtaining stones for querns or hand-mills, as the geological formation yields the kind of stone suited for such a purpose though soft. This may have been the case, but the regularity of formation forbids the idea that they are simply the remains of quarries rather than of primitive dwellings.* It is quite possible that old quarryings may have subsequently been adapted to the purpose of dwellings, and this would account for - the regularity of form in many instances. If the same care had * These notes have been kindly furnished by Mr. Scarth, and he alone is responsible for the view herein adopted.—Zd. 93 been taken to ascertain their contents that has been taken in the examination of similar circles on the Worle Hill, near Weston-super- Mare, much more light would have been thrown upon their origin, and it is not too late to hope that this may be done. The absence of coarse pottery and flint implements may appear at first to militate against the idea of their having been inhabited, but such remains have not hitherto, as far as we can ascertain, been very carefully looked for, or preserved when discovered. It is necessary to observe that the projections of this vast plateau are fortified at particular points, as if to defend the whole area. Having lingered for some time on this interesting ground, which may be classed _ with the region of barrows, cromlechs and megalithic circles, and is involved in the same mist and obscurity, -the party walked on to examine another monument, but of a different date, and the history of which is by no means doubtful. This was Stavordale Priory, three miles from Wincanton, but not on the direct road from the Pen Pits. The situation of this Priory is very pic- turesque, but it is little visited, though the remains are full of interest and the history well known. It is a Priory Church and chantry, converted into a dwelling-house immediately after the suppression of the religious houses in the time of Henry VIII. It is now a farm-house, and through the courtesy of the tenant the members of the Club were allowed to inspect it throughout. The plan and arrangement can easily be seen, although the chancel of the Church and the chantry are all divided into living rooms, and the lower portion into a kitchen, dairy and parlour. The corbels have coats of arms with the quarterings of Zouche, S. Maur and Lovel families, by whom the Priory was built and endowed. An account of it will be found in “ Phelps’ Somerset,” and a further notice in the “Proceedings of the Somerset Archzeological Society,” vol. vii., p. 17 (1856-7), where the seal of the Priory is engraved. A full notice is also given in “Sweetman’s Illustrated Journal,” _ for June, 1874. The Priory was founded in the reign of Henry III, by Richard Lovel, Baron of Carey, who planted there a Prior 94 and Canons of the Order of Saint Augustine, about A.D. 1263. ‘The Church was afterwards rebuilt by John Stourton, and dedi- cated to 8, James, about 1443. The present remains are of this date. In 1533 the Priory was attached to the monastery at Taunton, but was suppressed altogether A.D. 1544, when it was granted to the Earl of Oxford, and has by purchase passed into the Hoare family. The plan and arrangements of the Priory, as well as the adjacent traces of the orchard and fishponds, and the field with the remnant of the cross where once the fair was held, having been investigated, the party returned to Wincanton, Had time allowed they would have visited the ancient (British) fort, called Kennewilkin’s Castle, situated in Cock-road wood, near at hand, but as the party desired to return by the afternoon train to Bath, and the walk had been of sufficient duration, this interesting object has been reserved for another excursion. The closing evening found the party again at their starting point, after _a very successful excursion, the only drawback being that two of the members, one well versed in geology and the other in medizval history, were prevented attending. Chewton Mendip and Priddy.—A most perfect day for the Mendip Hills failed to bring out more than eleven busy bees on Tuesday, May 15th, the remaining portion of the hive may fairly be classed under the category of drones, who preferred their ease at home to the laborious pleasure cf gathering honied instruction from the breezy hilltops fragrant with the scents of spring. Haying thus unburdened a little pent-up indignation at a seeming indifference of a number of men to those very pursuits for which they have formed themselves into a Club, let us proceed to chronicle the day’s doings. After an early start at 9 a.m. in one of Mr. Stuckey’s comfortable breaks, Chewton Mendip was reached about 11. Here in spite of the repeated exhortations of the Secretary, too much delay at so early an hour took place over refreshments ; fancy wants however were at last satisfied, and after _ various windings along devious ways Priddy was reached at 12.30. “95. The Vice-President, as usual at his post when Archeology is in question, received a hearty welcome as he appeared over a wall with a neighbouring friend, and at once went in medias res. Standing on the top of a mound in the middle of the churchyard, supposed to be one of the ancient barrows which had wandered from its fellows to be seen dotting the north-east horizon with their humpy backs, Mr. Scarth called attention to the Church tower which was of the Decorated or Early Perpendicular style, and had an external stair-turret brought out on its north side. The south porch contained anarch of Early Pointed date, but the structure of the masonry courses corresponded with that of the tower, and was in striking contrast with that of the walls of the nave which are of later date. Entering through the porch which formerly contained a parvise chamber—the interior of the Church, with its open wagon roof and string of corbels beneath, from which an earlier roof evidently sprang, its Early English piers apparently built on Norman bases, its Norman font, ancient stone pulpit, so constructed that there was only just room to stand up and deliver from, evidently intended for a preacher of somewhat sparer habit than that of a corpulent member of the Club who attempted an entrance—contained features of interest which were as unexpected as agreeable. A light wooden Perpendicular screen ran across the chancel, and the two aisles were continued up the east end on either side. Thus, small as it was, this Church, formerly a _chapelry of Westbury, near Wells, and dedicated to St. Lawrence, contained much of historical interest, and is capable at some future day, when the bleak air of this elevated region is warmed by a little more ecclesiastical zeal, of becoming quite a little gem. The green mould on the walls and the dreariness of the interior were too much even for the most simple-minded Protestant. _ After Mr. Scarth had said his say about the Church, “Over the walls to the barrows” was the word, and then the fun began. _ This part of the Mendips is chequered by loosely built walls, . with so few gates that the cattle are seemingly first put in and 96 then the walls built up around them; when bipeds however attempt to scale them they usually come down with arun. On this occasion two of this class had a peculiar facility of just mounting the wall and quietly subsiding on the other side along with the debris, in fact they might be described as good at stone walls like the Celtic hunter; a gap thus conveniently made (no uncommon sight to the bucolic mind here), the rest soon followed through and the barrows were mounted. Here the Vice-president was again at home, and from the top of the central barrow, learnedly descanted on barrows in general and these in particular. “They were,” he said, “all on the top of the Mendips and not on the sides. Some enthusiastic antiquaries saw the serpentine form in their arrangement, but he failed to make this clear to his own mind after careful examination ; though he certainly thought that an earthwork (of which more on some future occasion) lately discovered by himself on the Mendips assumed that form. This led him to think that possibly Mr. Phene’s idea might be correct. Mr. Skinner, of Camerton, had examined and described all these barrows for Sir Richard Colt Hoare, and from his investigations it appeared that all the interments were by cremation ; urns, bronze implements and drinking cups were dug up, and a record of the finds was contributed by himself (Mr. Scarth) to the xvi. vol. of the ‘Som. Arch. and Nat. Hist. Soc, Journal.’ They consisted of two sets, as it were, close together, called. respectively, ‘Priddy nine-barrows’ and ‘Priddy eight- barrows.’” After inhaling the pure air and enjoying the fine view, embracing Glastonbury Tor on one side and the Welsh mountains and the “ Severn sea” on the other, a long ramble was made over common gorse land riddled with “old men’s” diggings for calamine and ochre, in search of some circles called “ castles ;” at length they were found to the north of the barrows, five or six in number, and of considerable diameter, some 500 feet. Were they small Stonehenges and Aveburys without the stones, or merely cattle enclosures?) Who shall tell? The antiquaries had their field 97 day, and the turn now came for the geologists. The “Castle of Comfort,” however, was too attractive for the same class of mind that called a halt at Chewton Mendip, and in vain did the stone walls, abounding in fossils, entice them away. Suffice it to say that those to whom geological phenomena were of paramount importance saw no more of their friends until they met them again at Chewton Mendip and described to listless ears how they had seen some Liassic beds so altered that their nearest friends would not recognise their facies ; how all the beds resting on the limestones at this part were much changed and metamorphosed into siliceous and cherty beds; how Millstone grit blocks were found scattered here and there over the fields ; how in fact the whole geology of this portion of the hills was a puzzle, and required to be worked out by the busy bees of the geological hive ; but a quarter of lamb had to satisfy the want of eleven members, now increased to fourteen ;—but perhaps the least said about this the better. Sufficient energy was, however, left to thank Mr. Scarth for his guidance and to mount the break for Bath, Pleasant are the recollections of Priddy ! Llanthony Abbey.—Llanthony Abbey was the object of the third Excursion of the Club; and on Tuesday, June 19th, a party of eight members and two visitors found themselves after an uneventful journey by rail, vid Portskewett and Newport, somewhat too tightly packed in a conveyance at the Abergavenny station. After shaking down gradually into their places as this ancient town, which gives its title to the Neville family, was traversed, the Hereford road skirting the western sides of the Skirrid-Fawr was followed for about four miles as far as the village of Llanvihangel. Here a turn to the left was taken, and — the pretty valley of the Honddu ascended in its sinuous course _ for about seven miles. The rounded hills on either hand began _ to close in, and every turn in the road seemed to promise a view : of the ruins ; the Spanish chestnuts grew thicker and thicker, and at last through a wooded grove of these trees a grey mass 98 was seen, and in a few minutes the members were landed on the well-kept green sward, in the midst of the ruins. A more secluded spot than this could scarcely be found. Encireled by the Black Mountains which rise up on either side, the situation, as Giraldus Cambrensis writes, was “truly calculated for religion and more adapted for canonical discipline than all the monasteries of the British isle.” The remains of the conventual Church, founded by William de Lacy, Earl of Hereford, soon after 1108 for the Black Canons of the Order of St, Augustine, are remark- able for the simplicity of their architectural details, but cannot be compared in extent or beauty with those of Tintern. The roof has entirely disappeared and with it a great part of the eastern and southern walls. The west front is the most perfect portion and is a beautitul specimen of the Early Pointed style. The greater part of its two flanking towers remain, as also do the piers and arches on the north of the nave. Two lofty pointed arches support all that exists of the great central tower, and a large ill proportioned circular arch with Early English corbels opens from the transept into the south aisle of the choir, of which but little now remains, the site being utilised as a flower and vegetable garden. After enjoying pretty little peeps of the dis- tant hills, framed to east and west by pointed arch and ruined window, a visit was paid to the small building on the south called the Church of Cwmyoy Upper.