PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
BATH NATURAL HISTORY
AND
ANTIQUARIAN FIELD CLUB,
VOL. X.
BATH:
PRINTED (FOR THE CLUB) AT THE HERALD OFFICE, NORTH GATE.
1905.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
VoL. X.
No. 1.
1.—WILLIAM SMITH, THE FATHER OF BRITISH GEOLOGY,
BY Dr. Hy. Woopwarp, LL.D., F.R.S., F.G.S....
2,—NOTES ON AN ANCIENT HoUSE aT WITHAM, BY
WALLACE GILL e Ae are ae
3.—ANCIENT Rof ky Coins, DISCOVERED AT BATHWICK,
py Rev. COW. SHICKLE, M.A.,. F.5, A. (*... ee
4.—THE ELM, BY T FREDERIC INMAN
5.—THE PRINCIPLES OF THE SOMERSET DOMESDAY, BY
Rev. T. W. WHALE, M.A.... aes aoe
6.—Two DEMOLISHED Housess, By THomas S. BusH ...
7.—THE Birps AND FLowers oF BaTH, 1901, BY A.
CASTELLAIN ... ds = ee —- He
8.—SUMMARY OF PROCEEDINGS AND EXCURSIONS, IQOI-2,
BY Rev. W. W. MarTIn ...
g.—List or Members, BALANCE SHEET, &¢., 1902...
No. 2.
1.—THOMAS LINLEY AND HIS CONNECTION WITH Batu,
BY EMANUEL GREEN, F.S.A. ade aad ait
2.—RICHARD BRINSLEY SHERIDAN AND HIS CONNECTION
WITH BATH, BY EMANUEL GREEN, F.S.A. Me
3.—THOMAS MATHEWS AND HIS CONNECTION WITH
‘BaTH, BY EMANUEL. GREEN, F.S.A._... Fe
we)
PAGE
104
13U
177
No. 2—continued.
4.—SoME NOTES ON STONE CROSSES OF SOMERSET,
THEIR History and CoNDITION IN 1902, BY E.
J; APELEBY sor “eC sec ore ame
5.—On C. S. CALVERLEY AND A TOMBSTONE AT SOUTH
Stomm ey MH. ScoTr .... a
6.—On Tokens or BATH TRADESMEN, BY S. SYDENHAM
7.—Tue Brrps AND FLOWERS OF BaTH, 1902, BY A.
CASTELLAIN ... “ah “ae #36 as
8.—SUMMARY OF PROCEEDINGS AND EXCURSIONS, 1902-3,
BY Rev. W. W. MarTIN
g.—List OF MEMBERS, BALANCE SHEET, &c., 1903+
No. 3.
1.—RICHARD BRINSLEY SHERIDAN AND THOMAS LINLEY,
THEIR RESIDENCES AT BATH, BY EMANUEL GREEN,
2.,—THE ACCOUNTS OF THE City TRAIN Banps, BY REV.
C. W. SHICKLE, M.A, F.S.A. iss Sas oes
3—AncieENT INTERMENTS AT NeEwron S. LOE, NEAR
BaTH, AND SOME RECENT DISCOVERIES IN BATH,
By J. P..E. FALCONER ,” ... abe Ais cyew
4.—NoTE on A DoLMEN aT STOKE BisHop, By M, H.
SCOTT aS Ac Se a eas abe
5.—BatH ToKEN IssuES OF THE 19TH CENTURY, BY S.
SYDENHAM ... ae i ad sae one
6.—THE BirpS AND FLOWERS OF BATH, 1903, BY A.
CASTELLAIN ... tic nar Ac me eee
7.—SUMMARY OF PROCEEDINGS AND EXCURSIONS, 1903-4,
BY J. LANGFIELD WARD AND M. H. Scott Soe
8.—LisT OF MEMBERS, BALANCE SHEET, &C., 1904 ove
PaGE
192
204
207
239
243
262
267
297
315
318
320
352
356
370
No. 4.
1.—JOHN WILKES AND HIS VISITS TO BATH, By EMANUEL
GREEN, F.S.A. Fo ‘ee ai ane che
2.—THE LEADING FossILS OF THE UPPER AND LOWER
GREENSANDS OF WILTS AND Berks, By E. C.
DAVEY... a iis ae BCE aed BAC
3.—BatH City AND TRADERS’ TOKENS ISSUED DURING
THE 17TH CENTURY, BY S. SYDENHAM ...
4.—THE Via JULIA AND LANSDOWN TUMULI, BY A. TRICE
MarTIN oa ae soe sa ee ae
5.—TuHE BirDS AND FLOWERS OF BATH AND ITS NEIGH-
BOURHOOD IN THE YEAR 1904, By A. CASTELLAIN
6.—SUMMARY OF EXCURSIONS AND PROCEEDINGS OF THE
BatH FIELD CLUB FoR THE YEAR 1904-1905, By
J. LancrizetD Warp anpD M. H. Scott, Hon.
SECS: 7. As
7.—List oF MEMBERS, BALANCE SHEET, AND SOCIETIES
IN EXCHANGE OF PROCEEDINGS WITH THE FIELD
CLUB! cce a 3 ste ee ne aay
PRESENTED
7 VEU: 1905
PaGE
375
412
423
526
527
534
542
Bs - PROCEEDINGS -
OF THE
BATH NATURAL HISTORY
AND
\ ANTIQUARIAN FIELD CLUB.
+84 PF
VOL. X., No. 1.
PRICE, HALE-A-CROWN.
<. © BATH:
- PRINTED (FOR THE CLUB) AT THE HERALD OFFICE, NORTH GATE,
~ 3902,
oe
PALE gee 14
red
OG.
William Smith, LL.D., “ Father of English Geology.” By
Henry Woopwarp, LL.D. F.RS., F.G.S., Keeper of
Department Geology British Museum N.H. (1880-1901).
(Read November 27th, 1901.)
The story which I am about to tell is that of a poor country lad,
named William Smith, who was born of humble parents at
Churchill, a village in Oxfordshire, on the 23rd March, 1769-
His father, also named William Smith, was a very ingenious
mechanic, and it was while engaged in the erection of some
machinery in 1777, that he caught a severe cold from the effects of
which he died before the boy was eight years old.
After his father’s death, his mother contracted a second marriage,
and the lad William was passed over to the guardianship of his
father’s eldest brother, a small farmer at Over Norton. He seems
to have been sent for a time to a village school, but the means of
instruction at this were very limited and rudimentary, and he much
preferred the study of Nature in the fields to that of his lessons in
the School-house on the village green.
We who are privileged to live in this 19th, Century are so
encompassed on every side with the comforts and conveniences of
modern discovery, refinement and civilization, that we can hardly
conceive amidst all our advantages, how very many things English
people who lived 130 years ago had to do without. Education
throughout the country was at a very low ebb indeed. Books were
few and dear. Such places as Public Libraries and Lecture-halls
did not exist. Newspapers had hardly begun to be regularly
published. Stage-coaches were few, and most of the high roads
were still very badly kept. In 1761, Brindley, the engineer, was
beginning to construct canals in various parts of England, and
these were looked upon as marvellous methods of easy transport
for goods and merchandise. It is true that James Watts invented
A Vou. X., No. 1.
2
the steam engine in 1765, but it was fully ro years after that before
working engines began to be made for mines and collieries.
The first practical steam-boat made by Robt. Fulton was not
constructed until 1807, and the first locomotive engine by George
Stephenson till 1814. The Liverpool and Manchester line was
not inaugurated until 1829, and the London and Birmingham
until 1838. These were among the first lines opened to carry
passengers.
In fact Steam-boats, Railways, Gas, Cheap Postal Arrangements,
Telegraphs, Photographs, Daily Papers, Cheap and Good Books
and Illustrations all really belong to quite modern times.
When to the absence of so many good things we have to add
that the Government of the country was not an enlightened
Government ; that taxation was very oppressive, and that abroad
we were at war with America, with France, Spain and the Nether-
lands, you will understand that we have very much for which to be
extremely thankful.
But to return to William Smith, the orphan boy. His uncle was
a hard-working farmer who farmed his own land, and had no
ambition or toleration for anything besides.
Book-learning he didn’t care about, having done very well
without it himself. But this nephew of his was not only fond of
reading when he got the chance, but he also went about the country
lanes, the fields and roadside-quarries, picking up stones and fossils
(called “pundibs,” “pound-stones” or “ quoit-stones,”) of which
he found many in his native place.
Such idle habits, the farmer thought, could lead to no good.
But when the boy began to take an intelligent interest in the pro-
cesses of draining and improving the land, then the old farmer’s
heart softened sufficiently to give his nephew money to buy a few
books by which he might be enabled to instruct himself in the
rudiments of geometry and surveying. Thus without sympathy or
instruction the youth worked on ; labouring for and with his uncle
on his farm, and devoting every moment of his leisure to his
3
studies and to the great stone-book of Nature beneath his feet, the
pages of which he loved so to explore.
He began to draw natural objects, and to colour them, and he
also prosecuted with diligence his study of geometry and mathe-
matics, and whatever he could learn about surveying, until at last,
at the age of 18, he so strongly recommended himself to Mr.
Edward Webb, Land Surveyor, of Stow-on-the-Wold, that he
took. him into his office as an assistant to make with Mr. Webb
*¢a complete survey of the Parish of Churchill for the purposes of
enclosure.”
From this time a career seems to have been opened out to him,
and the opportunities afforded him of making extended observa-
tions over wide areas of country, and pursuing the bent of his
mind for geological investigation.
Edward Webb, like his assistant William Smith, was a self-taught
man, but he possessed great ingenuity and skill in mechanics, in
mensuration, logarithms, algebra, &c. His practise as a Surveyor
included many things now conceded to the Engineer, such as the
determination of the forces of water and the planning of
machinery.
Speedily entrusted with the management of all the ordinary
business of a Surveyor, William Smith traversed in continual
activity the Oolitic lands of Oxfordshire and Gloucestershire ; the
Lias Clays and Red Marls of Warwickshire (1788) ; the Sapperton
Tunnel on the Thames and Severn Canal (1790), and examined
the Boring for Coal in the New Forest, at Plaitford.
All the varieties of soil in so many surveys in different districts
were particularly noticed with the general aspect and character of
the country, and how the nature of the ground affected the
agricultural and commercial interests, the physical features, and
the trees and plants peculiar to each part.
In 1791 Mr. Webb entrusted his young assistant with the task
of making a survey of an estate at Stowey, in Somersetshire. To
reach Stowey Smith went on foot, as was often his wont, passing
4
Burford, Cirencester, Tetbury, Bath, Radstock, Temple Cloud to
Stowey.
Here he was surprised to find, as well as at High Littleton, the
Red Marl, evidently like that of Worcestershire, lying in the same
relation to the Lias and overlying rocks, and similarly employed
for marling the lands.
Thus commenced William Smith’s career as a geologist. At
this time he wrote as follows :—‘“Coal was worked at High
Littleton beneath the ‘ red-earth,’ and I was desired to investigate
the collieries, and state the particulars to my employers. My
subterraneous survey of these coal-veins, with sections which I
drew, of the strata sunk through in the pits, confirmed my notions.
of some regularity in their formation ; but the colliers would not
allow of any regularity in the matter of the hills above the ‘red-
earth,’ which they were in the habit of sinking through; bu? om this
subject I began to think for myself.” These observations of William
Smith at High Littleton were continued through the years 1792
and 1793, and from notes left by him we know that he was already
aware of the effect of what geologists call “ faults” upon the out-
crops and depth of the coal. Several gentlemen at Camerton
noticed Mr. Smith’s ability and perseverance, and began to interest
themselves in promoting his success in life. A canal was projected
for the transport of coal from High Littleton to join the Kennet
and Avon Canal, near Bath, and William Smith was appointed
first to make the preliminary surveys necessary for the work, and
afterwards to superintend the construction of the canal itself.
In August, 1794, the Directors appointed Mr. Palmer, Mr.
Perkins and Mr. Smith (their Surveyor) to make a tour through
England to see all the canals, locks, embankments, &c., of most
importance, with a view to facilitating their work on the Somerset-
shire Coal Canal, and this tour was extended to Newcastle-upon-
Tyne.
In those days travelling was mostly done by post-chaise, and
going up hill being slow, William Smith always walked in order to:
5
notice the rocks and the shape of the country, and to try and pick
up fossils, and so confirm his theory.
The Canal Bill passed the Houses of Parliament in the same
year (1794), and in the preliminary surveys, and also in the making
the canal itself, Smith was led to arrive at two of the greatest facts.
in geology which more than 100 years of subsequent work has not
only failed to upset, but tended to confirm.
These facts are, first, that the several layers of rock from the
New Red Marl (Trias) upwards followed one another in regular.
and orderly superposition, one overlying the other, and a/ways
following the same order: and secondly, that the fossil-organisms
such as shells, corals, and so forth, found in each are characteristic
(as a rule) of that particular formation, and serve to identify the
beds wherever they have been met with.
“ For six years,” he writes, “I was Resident Engineer on the
Somersetshire Coal Canal, which put my notions of coal stratifica-
tion to the éest of excavation; and I generally pointed out to
contractors and others, who came to undertake the work what the
various parts of the canal would be dug through. But the great
similarity of the rocks of Oolite on and near the ends of the canal
towards Bath, required more than superficial observation to
determine whether they were composed of one, two, or even of
three kinds of Oolite rock.”
William Smith was thus led to direct his careful attention to
the characteristic fossils which he found embedded in each
separate rock-formation.
“This discovery of a mode of identifying the strata by the
organised fossils respectively embedded therein, the sharpness of
these in their primitive sites contrasted with those rounded and,
water-worn in gravel, led to the most important distinctions.”
(Phil. Mag.,” 1833).
Smith remained in the service of the Canal Company till June,
1799, and in this year he drew up his first table of the order of
succession of the British strata, although not published until long
6
afterwards ; but it was sent by his friends Rev. Benj. Richardson
and the Rev. J. Townsend, to Sedgwick, and was preserved in the
Museum of the Geological Society of London.
Liberated from the Canal Company’s service, William Smith
was quickly occupied in various works as a Surveyor ; his
desire to see different parts of the country, leading him to enter
upon engagements far and wide. Wherever he went, he was
possessed with the idea of making notes of the strata and plotting
them down upon such topographical maps as he could procure.
After a time he had all these facts transferred to one of Cary’s.
large Maps of England and Wales, 8ft. gin. by 6ft. 2in., and on
this he laid down the solid geology of the country, adding to and
correcting as he went along. During all this time he was working
very hard as a professional Surveyor and Engineer occupied in the
draining and irrigating of land, the protection of coasts, the
guarding against landslips caused by springs, and in matters of
water supply, for which he had a high reputation. Lord Leicester,
the Duke of Bedford, Sir Joseph Banks, and Mr. Crawshay were
among his patrons, but although for years in receipt of a very good
income, he impoverished himself with the one idea of publishing
his cherished map.
His Books, Maps and Collections were removed to London
from Bath, and after repeated vain attempts in 1812 he accepted a
proposal from Mr. Cary, the engraver, to publish his great map..
Terms were soon settled and the work begun in January, 1813..
In 1814 some portions of the map were completely coloured,
particularly four sheets of the vicinity of Bath.
The first copy completed as regards the geological colouring was.
on May 23, 1815, exhibited at a meeting of the Board of
Agriculture.
The Society of Arts awarded its author a premium of £50,
which he might have claimed ten years earlier had not an honest
desire to produce his work complete withheld the attempt.
Just as his cherished map was completed, upon which he had
Zz
expended nearly all the savings of his life, a heavy reverse of
fortune awaited him. He had purchased a small property near
Bath, which he had greatly improved and had laid down a railway
to bring the Freestone of Combe Down to the Coal Canal, opened
new quarries, and fitted up machinery for cutting and shaping the
stone for buildings. At first the project looked well, but it failed
by reason of the unexpected deficiency of the stone on whose
good quality the whole success depended. A compulsory sale
followed leaving a load of debt to be discharged.
In order to meet these difficulties he determined to sell his
beloved Geological Collection which he had so much prized, and
in January, 1816, it was transferred to the Trustees of the British
Museum ; a Supplemental Collection being added two years later
(1818).
In 1817 a part of a descriptive catalogue of the Collection sent
to the British Museum was published under the title of
“ Stratigraphical System of Organised Fossils,” also another work
published in parts, entitled “Strata Identified by Organized
Fossils,” consisting of numerous figures of fossils engraved by
Sowerby, and printed on paper to correspond in some degree with
the natural hue of the strata. But these works, like his map, were
too costly to yield any profit to the author after paying their first
expenses of production. In 1819 Mr. Smith gave up his house in
London, and sold off all his furniture, collections and books, and
for the next seven years he became a wanderer in the North of
England, rarely visiting London save on professional engagements.
During this period he spent much of his time in making detailed
surveys for a series of County Maps, published by Carey, and
coloured upon the same system as the Great Map, but going into
greater minuteness of detail. These extended over 21 English
Counties, with a four-sheet Map of Yorkshire. During this period
he was constantly accompanied by his nephew, John Phillips,
afterwards the successor in the Chair of Geology of the famous
Professor Buckland, in the University of Oxford.
8
In 1824 Mr. Smith was invited to deliver a course of eleven
lectures on Geology before the Yorkshire Philosophical Society,
then just founded in York. From the Syllabus of these Lectures,
which has been preserved, we may gather how wide was the grasp
of geology to which Smith had attained.
In 1826, while studying the geology of the coast at Scarborough
and Whitby, Mr. Smith became acquainted with Mr. (afterwards
Sir Roderick) Murchison, and was able, for the first time, to
explain his views of the succession of the rocks to this eminent
geologist.
In 1828 he accepted the post of Resident Land-Steward to
Sir John V. B. Johnstone, Bart., of Hackness; here he made a
beautiful map of the Hackness Estate, but he could not be per-
suaded to write out a detailed memoir of his life and experiences
as a Geologist and Surveyor, which was the earnest hope of his
friend and patron.
In 1831 the Council of the Geological Society of London
awarded to William Smith the first Wollaston Gold Medal and
Fund “as a great original discoverer in English Geology, and
especially for his having been the first, in this country, to discover
and to teach the identification of strata, and to determine their
succession by means of their embedded fossils.”
Professor Sedgwick (the Woodwardian Professor of Geology
in Cambridge), who, as President of the Geological Society,
occupied the chair, sketched a brief but satisfactory history
of Mr. Smith’s career, and demonstrated the propriety of
the award. Professor Sedgwick spoke as follows :—‘‘ The
men who have led the way in useful discoveries have ever
held the first place of honour in the estimation of all who in after
times have understood their works or trodden in their steps. . . .
. ... I, for one, can speak with gratitude of the practical lessons
I have received from Mr. Smith: It was by tracking his footsteps
with his maps in my hand through Wiltshire and the neighbouring
counties, where he had trodden nearly 30 years before, that I first
9
learned the sub-divisions of our Oolitic series, and apprehended
the meaning of those terms which we derive from him as our
master, which have long become engrafted into the conventional
language of English Geologists, and also adopted by those of the
Continent.”
“Tf in the pride of our present strength we were disposed to
forget our origin, our very speech would bewray us; for we use the
language which he taught us in the infancy of our science. If we,
-by our united efforts, are chiselling the ornaments and slowly
raising up the pinnacles of one of the temples of Nature, it was
he who gave the plan, and laid the foundations and erected a
portion of the solid walls by the unassisted labour of his hands.”
The British Association, founded at York in 1831, held its
second meeting at Oxford, and on this occasion the Wollaston
‘Gold Medal awarded the year previously by Sedgwick, was handed
ito William Smith by Dr. Buckland: and he was further gratified
by the announcement that in response to the united expression of
English Geologists, the Government of His Majesty King
William the Fourth had granted Mr. Smith a pension of £700
-a year.
It was one of his greatest pleasures to attend the annual
gatherings of the British Association, where he met so many
geological friends who were glad to hail him by the title (conferred
upon him by Sedgwick) that of the ‘“‘ Father of English Geology.”
In 1835 he attended the Meeting of the Association in Dublin,
-and while there the Provost and Fellows of Trinity College,
Dublin, conferred upon William Smith the degree of LL.D.
In 1839, while on his way to the British Association at
Birmingham, he rested at the house of his friend, Mr. George
Baker, of Northampton. Here he took a cold which brought on
‘other and more dangerous symptoms, and on 28th August he
breathed his last at the age of 70 years.
It would be impossible to give in this brief sketch any adequate
adea of the value and importance of William Smith’s Geological
10
work. But that he should have been able to produce the first
Geological Map of England and Wales ever attempted, and that
the chief contour-lines on this early map (published more than 7o-
years ago) should continue (in the main) correct, is sufficient to
prove with what energy and perseverance he must have laboured,
and how keen must have been his powers of observation.
Then, too, as regards his determination of the various strata by
means of their fossils, this was a marvellous discovery, and needed
great care and caution and yet quick and accurate observation to-
recognize the same organisms in very different localities, and to-
know them again at once, and the horizon to which they belonged.
In the ‘Geological Magazine” for 1897, p. 439, Professor
Judd drew attention to the date of William Smith’s MS., Maps,
&c., preserved in the Museum of the Geological Society at
Burlington House. These documents were presented by William
Smith to the Geological Society on February 18th, 1831, when he
received the first Wollaston Gold Medal at the hands of Professor
Adam Sedgwick, the President. These documents were as follows :
1. A table of the Order of Strata and their embedded Organic
Remains, in the vicinity of Bath, examined and proved prior to:
1799:
2. A Map of the Country five miles round Bath, on the scale
of one and a-half inches to the mile. ‘Coloured geologically in
1799 by William Smith.”
3. The first draft of a Geological Map of England and Wales,
entitled “General Map of Strata found in England and Wales, by
William Smith, Surveyor, 1801.”
Doubtless other and still earlier documentary evidence in the
form of manuscript sections and maps once existed, but it is
highly probable that, by the year 1831, all such manuscripts, which
could be regarded as important pieces of evidence, had been given
away or lost by William Smith, with the exception of the three he
then presented to the Society. These documents must therefore be
regarded as of the very highest importance and of priceless value.
11
Four facsimile reproductions of these records have been
prepared. One set is exhibited in the room devoted to Geology
and Mineralogy in the Museum of the Royal College of Science,
South Kensington, one in the Library of the Geological Society,
one in the Natural History Museum, Cromwell Road, and one to
be preserved in the British Museum Library at Bloomsbury.
Professor Judd’s object in publishing the account of William
Smith’s Maps was to claim for him the right of priority of geological
colouring over any other contemporary worker.
The MS. Map of the Country around Bath, at the Geological
Society, bears the inscription in William Smith’s own handwriting ;
“ Coloured geologically in 1799, and presented to the Geological
Society February 18th, 1831.” His Map of England coloured
geologically bears the MS. title, “General Map of Strata found in
England and Wales by William Smith, Surveyor, 1801.”
How far William Smith was in advance of his contemporaries is
shown by a comparison of this map of the country around Bath
(dated 1799), showing carefully indicated lines of outcrop, with the
excellent map of the environs of Paris by Cuvier and Brongniart
in 1809, in which colour is spread over the areas occupied by the
several formations, without any clear and definite indications of
the actual limits of the outcrops. The colours used by Smith in
this map were the same as those employed by him in the later
maps of 1801 and 1815, and thus we have in it the first indication
of a scheme of colour now very generally adopted by geologists.
William Smith’s Collection is now preserved, with other
historical collections, in the Geological Department of the British
Museum (Natural History), Cromwell Road, as a centre case
on the East Wall of Gallery No. 11.
“It was commenced to be formed about the year 1787, and was
purchased by the Trustees in 1816, a supplemental Collection
being added by Dr. Smith in 1818.
“Tt is remarkable as the first attempt made to identify the
various strata forming the solid crust of England and Wales by
12
means of their fossil remains. There had been other and earlier
Collections of fossils, but to William Smith is due the credit of
being the first to show that each bed of Chalk or Sandstone,
Limestone or Clay, is marked by its own special organisms and
that these can be relied upon as characteristic of such stratum,
wherever it is met with, over very wide areas of country, not only
in England but also abroad.
“The fossils contained in this Cabinet were gathered together
by William Smith in his journeys over all parts of England during
thirty years, whilst occupied in his business as a Land Surveyor
and Engineer, and were used to illustrate his works, ‘Strata
Identified by Organized Fossils,’ with coloured plates quarto (1816 ;
four parts only published) ; and his ‘Stratigraphical System of
Organized Fossils’ (quarto, 1817).
A coloured copy of his large Map, the first Geological Map of
England and Wales, with a part of Scotland, commenced in 1812
and published in 1815—size 8 feet 9 inches by 6 feet 2 inches,
engraved by John Cary—is exhibited on the right hand side of
this Gallery, near the entrance. It is well worthy of careful
inspection.”
The bust of William Smith above the case which contains his
collection is a copy of that by Chantry surmounting the tablet to
his memory within the fine old Norman church of St. Peter’s, at
Northampton, where he lies buried a few feet from the west tower.
The bust is placed within the church, against the west wall of the
nave, south of the grand Norman arch over the entrance to the
tower. It stands on a marble pedestal inscribed :—“‘ To honour
the name of William Smith, LL.D. This monument is erected
by Friends and Fellow-labourers in the field of British Geology.
Born 23rd March, 1769, at Churchill in Oxfordshire, and trained
to the Profession of a Civil Engineer and Mineral Surveyor. He
began, in 1791, to survey collieries and plan canals in the vicinity
of Bath, and having observed that several strata of that District
were characterized by peculiar groups of organic remains he
Monument erected by the Earl of Ducie, F.R.S., F.G.S., to
the memory of William Smith, “the Father of English Geology,”
at Churchill, Oxfordshire.
This view of William Smith’s Monument at Churchill has been prepared
from a photograph taken by Lord Moreton, by whose permission it is
reproduced here.
(See ‘‘ Geological Magazine,” 1892, P. 96.)
14
adopted this fact as a principle of comparison, and was by it
enabled to identify the strata in distant parts of this Island, to
construct sections, and to complete and publish in 1815 a
Geological Map of England and Wales. By thus devoting, during
his whole life, all the power of an observing mind to the advance-
ment of one Branch of Science, he gained the title of the ‘ Father
of English Geology.’ While on his way to a Meeting of the
British Association for the Advancement of Science at Birmingham,
he died in this town, at the house of his friend George Baker, the
historian of Northamptonshire, 28th of August, 1839.”* (See
“ Geological Magazine,” 1892, P. 144.)
A monument has just been erected by the Earl of Ducie,
F.R.S., F.G.S., to the memory of William Smith, at Churchill,
Oxfordshire, where he was born ; a village already famous as the
birthplace of Warren Hastings.
The monument is formed of huge Oolitic ragstones of the
district, similar to the Rollright stones. The name “ Oolite”
was given by William Smith to the rocks of the formation of
which the higher grounds in this locality are a part.
It is a monolith standing on a double base. The lower base
is 104 feet square, and 3} feet high, the upper one is 6} feet
square, and 2} feet high. The monolith stands 9g feet high
above the upper base, and is about 3 feet square. A marble slab
is inserted in the side facing the road from Chipping Norton, and
bears this inscription :—“In Memory of William Smith, ‘The
Father of British Geology ;? Born at Churchill, March 23rd, 1769 ;
Died at Northampton, August 28th, 1839. Erected by the Earl
of Ducie, 1891.”
* I am indebted to the Rev. E. N. Tom, M.A., Rector of St. Peter’s,
Northampton, for the above transcript. There is no sculptor’s name on the
bust.
ate
s ie ° TAS
Figeon House of the Grthusion Priory of Witham. Sat
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15
Some Notes on an Old Building at Witham. By WaAu.uace GILL.
(Read December r&th, rgor.)
At Witham, near Frome, about fifty yards to the south-east of
this Church is an old building of the fourteenth century, which has
_ been considered by some antiquaries to be the ‘“ Hospitium,” or
‘Guest House of the Carthusian Monastery, founded at Witham
about the year 1173.
This building, which belongs to the Duke of Somerset, is about
36 feet long and rg feet wide, having an angle buttress at each
‘comer, the walls being about 3 feet thick.
I have recently superintended some alterations to this building
in order to convert it into a Parish Room ; and on clearing out a
lot of modern cross walls and floors we found that this building
was one large room, and that the whole of the walls had been
originally lined with pigeon cots, formed in the main structure of
the building, not added subsequently.
Clearly this building was a large ‘“ Columbarium,” or pigeon
house.
The place had been very much pulled about several times
during the last two hundred years, and no traces could be found
of the original doors or of any windows. All the original work we
found has been carefully preserved, bu the west wall was in such
a dilapidated state that we had io rebuild it. Probably the
original doorway was in this west wall.
We were obliged to form new doors and windows, and these we
managed to put in without disturbing any original work.
I consider that there were probably about a thousand pigeon
holes in the building as first constructed.
The original floor was some four feet or more below the present
floor, and the roof was about three feet below the present roof ;
traces of the line of this old roof can still be seen.
All the existing pigeon holes were found walled up and plastered
over; this was probably done a century or so ago when the
place was turned into two cottages.
16
I had all the plaster knocked off so that the cots can now be
fraced, and a few of them are opened so that their construction
can be seen. ‘Traces of grain were found in all the pigeon holes
that were opened.
The history of this monastery (which was the first Carthusiar
house founded in England) with an account of the rule and
life of the Monks of this Order, is fully dealt with in Miss
Thompson’s “History of the Carthusians in Somerset ;” and
interesting papers on Witham, with theories as to the Church
and other buildings are to be found in the “Somerset Archzeo-
logical Transactions” of 1887 and 1893. Viollet-le-duc gives
a good description of a typical Carthusian Monastery, with
a plan, in his “ Dictionnaire de lArchitecture,” Vol. I., p. 307.
A small book, published since I read my notes, entitled “ Hugh
of Lincoln” also deals with this place, S. Hugh having been the
third Prior of Witham.
I trust that some day the site of the whole Monastery will be
properly explored, so that the plan may be traced of this, the
earliest and most interesting of all the English Carthusian houses,
in the same way as it has been done at Mount Grace, in York-
shire, which belonged to the same Order; then and then
only can this vexed question be settled, whether the
Monastery at Witham followed the usual Carthusian plan, or
was divided, as some consider was the case, into two establish-
ments (one for the Monks and the other for the Lay Brothers)
about a mile apart.
Ancient Roman Coins Discovered at Bathwick. By the
Rev. C. W. SHIcKLE, M.A., F.S.A.
(Read December 18th, gor.)
That much money has been lost at the Old Bathwick Brewery
would be readily assented to by the advocates of Total Abstinence,
and that no modern coins should have been found in levelling the
LY,
ground after the removal of the Brewery premises is rather sur-
prising. A considerable number of much earlier date have,
however, been dug up, and that is of considerable interest to
those who make a study of the ancient history of Bath and the
neighbourhood.
The coins in question are of no great intrinsic value and only
of inferior metal, but they date from the time of Nero, 54—-68 A.D.
to Gratian, at the end of the 4th century, and are about 50 in
number.
At the same place was also discovered a small Roman altar
about a foot high, which, from its appearance, had evidently seen
considerable service. Of other remains I have heard nothing,
although there certainly was a villa of considerable size some-
where near the Old Bath College, which is evidenced by the
midden which exists in Sydney Gardens, just outside the boundary
of the playground. We should scarcely expect to find any old
buildings so near what must have been a marsh in those ancient
days, but the alterations which took place in Bathwick parish at
the end of the 18th century make it hard for us to realise the
proper or original position of the parish, and why it was that
(6 Anne, 1706) in the first Act of Parliament for improving the
roads of Bath, lighting the city and fixing the fares for chairmen,
parts of Walcot should be included and no mention made of
Bathwick, which now is so close to the centre of the city.
_Bathwick was then a collection of about 50 houses stretching
from the old Bathwick Church along what is now Bathwick
Street, and the way from the city to the parish by means of
the ferry at Monk’s Mill was used more for the purpose of going
through the fields to Hampton Down, possibly by a road up
Bathwick Hill, or up the path from the canal near Cleveland
House, and which now crosses the North Walk at Queenborough.
But the chief point of interest is that as Bathwick was always held
with Woolley there must have been direct communication
between the two parishes, and the position of Walcot exactly
A ;
18
opposite Bathwick points to the existence of a ford. Several
roads would in this case meet at this point, and what more
natural than for the Romans to erect a fort to guard the ford and
protect the entrance to the town.
The London Brewery in Walcot is of very ancient date, and
it probably marks the junction of the London Road
with the Bathwick Street which then ran in a straight line,
passing by the side of the old church and between the Rectory
and the present church of S. John direct to the river. One
road leads thence up what is now Margaret’s Hill to the Lansdown
Road, and there was a direct path up Snow Hill, Tyning Lane,
and by the footpath which crosses the fields and now comes out
opposite the turn to Woolley. This being so, we can understand
how it was possible for one priest to perform the duties necessary
to the two parishes, and also how it is that Roman remains are
found along this line of road, which most likely then went by
Abbey View House, up Tyning Road, and thus past Widcombe
Old Church along the edge of the Convent property to Frome.
The road may have been chosen as the boundary of the estate
when the land came into the possession of the Monks.
Along this road there would be considerable traffic, and
some miles would be saved by avoiding the road through .
Bath, and possibly also some dues. Whether the altar and coins
had any connection one with the other, whether they mark the spot
where the travellers halted after and before they crossed, whether
it was here they paid their dues, we must leave to imagination.
The existence of a ford at this conjunction of the numerous
roads is of still further importance.
Where Waller crossed the Avon in marching from Claverton to
Lansdown, in July, a.p. 1643, has always been a_ difficult
question to solve. To cross at Bathford would have obliged him
to expose himself to an attack from the Royalists marching
towards Bannerdown and hurrying to enter Bath at Grosvenor or
Dead Mill.
19
To have come over Bath Bridge he would have been obliged
to make too great a detour, and left his flank exposed. His
direct road would have been down Bathwick Hill, and then he
could have easily thrown out his men along the hill from Larkhall
‘to Woolley, which position we know he held when the Royalists
-arrived, and this point he could scarcely have gained had he
marched round by the Bath Bridge or have taken up if he had
crossed the ford at Bathampton.
These notes are made because we ought to chronicle every
discovery connected with the ancient history of any parish, for it is
only by such means that we can learn what took place centuries
ago. Mistakes can be corrected and light thrown on points
which are difficult to understand if we do not possess such
knowledge.
Of numismatics I am quite ignorant, but, through the
kindness of the Rev. J. F. Poynton, Rector of Kelston, and
Messrs. H. A. Grueber, F.S.A., and G. F. Hill, of the British
Museum, I was able to discover the period over which the coins
extended.
The Elm, with a Notice of some Remarkable Varieties in the
Victoria Park, Bath. By T. FReDERIc INMAN, Vice-
President.
(Read January 15th, 1902.)
Most of us know that there are two kinds of Elm common in ©
the neighbourhood.
If you walk on the New Warminster Road, towards Claverton,
you will find during the last half mile, the road passes through
Elms on both sides. It is a good place to compare the two
species.
Those on the left are the Scotch Elm, U/mus Montana. Those
on the right, the English Elm, U/mus Campestris.
20
The Scotch Elms were probably planted when the New
Warminster Road was made.
The English apparently grew on the side of a disused lane, part
of which was taken into the new road.
The Scotch, though seeding profusely, do not appear to have
increased in number since they were first planted. The English
on the other hand, though rarely producing perfect seed, are
surrounded by a dense undergrowth of similar Elms, and have
encroached on, and in some places, destroyed the hedge.
These two Elms are now considered to be the only true species
in Great Britain. All others to be merely varieties of one or
other of these two. (1)
In the second part of this paper I will endeavour to give a short
account of the varieties of these two species, and particularly will
call attention to the remarkable specimens of some of these
varieties in our Park. But in the first place I will confine myself
to the history of the Elm.
The Scotch Elm is considered to be undoubtedly native, (2)
that is, it has not been introduced by human agency.
The first question that arises is whether the English Elm is a
native of this country.
It is now considered that it is zof (on the ground mainly that
it does not usually ripen its seed here). (3)
Mr. Clement Reid says “The common Elm ( U/mus Campestris)
in England, only produces perfect seed about once in forty
years. (4)
Mr. Chisholm Batten in his paper on “ The Forest Trees of
Somerset ” gives the following note. (5) Some sceptics maintain
(1) ‘‘ Hooker’s Students’ Flora of the British Islands,” p. 362. ‘‘ Selby’s.
Forest Trees,” p. 103.
(2) ‘*Selby’s Forest Trees,” p. 124. ‘‘ Hooker’s Students? Flora of the
British Islands,”’ p. 362.
(3) ‘‘ Hooker’s Students’ Flora of the British Islands,” p. 362. ‘‘ Bentham.
and Hooker’s British Flora,” 5th Ed, p. gor.
(4) ‘*The Origin of the British Flora,” p. 11.
(5) “Proc, Som. Arch. and Nat. Hist. Soc.,” Vol. 36, p. 176
21
that the Elm is not indigenous, but introduced by the Romans.
This opinion is refuted by the Elm being found in a submarine
forest near St. Michael’s Mount, in Cornwall. Dr. Boase found
there, says Sir H. De la Beche, remains of a wood consisting of
Alder, Oak and Elm. (t)
This statement, however, is referred to by Mr. Chisholm
Batten, apparently with some hesitation in a subsequent paper. (2)
If the Submarine Forest spoken of was not of recent formation
the discovery of Elm in it would not of itself entitle the Elm to -
be called Native any more than the remains of the Elephant and
Rhinoceros found by Mr. Winwood in the gravel beds near
Bath (3) would entitle the Elephant and Rhinoceros to be called
Natives of Somersetshire. The name zative could only be given
to what existed here in historic times. ;
Mr. Murray, in his recent Flora of Somerset asks, “Is the Elm
found in Submarine Forests ?”
Mr. Winwood has kindly helped me to answer this question of
Mr. Murray’s, and has referred me to “ The Origin of the British
Flora,” 1899 (above referred to), by Cleiment Reid, F.R.S., who
is, he says, the greatest authority on the subject.
The following are extracts from Mr. Reid’s book :—‘‘ The Peat
and submerged Forests of the Foreland yield numerous remains
of trees,” amongst these, according to Mr. A. Bell, the Elm
appears. (4)
“At Happesburg, Norfolk. Slabs of clay-ironstone full of
leaves and twigs are thrown up by storms at this spot.” He
specifies amongst other trees the elm. (5)
ee eee ae
(1) ‘Report on the Geology of Cornwall, Devon and West Somerset,”
p. 418: citing “* Trans. Geol. Soc. of Cornwall,” Vol. 3, p. 173.
(2) ‘*Som. Arch. and Nat. Hist. Proc.,” Vol. 37, p. 108.
(3) ‘‘ Bath Field Club Proc.,” Vol. 6, p. 95-
(4) ‘* The Origin of the British Flora,” p. 69.
(5) ‘* The Origin of the British Flora,” p. 74+
22
At p. 142 he adds:—Ulmus Montana. Sm. Blashenwell,
Dorset ; Dursley, Gloucester (in calcareous tufa of doubtful age) =
Digby Fenn (Elm-wood recorded by Skertchly from a depth of
ro feet.)
Interglacial :—Grey’s Essex (badly preserved leaves) Pre-
glacial (Cromer Forest-bed), Happesburg, Norfolk.
“In each case the leaves are small and more like U/mus
Montana than U/mus Campestris. The difference in the leaves
is very slight and I have not been able to obtain the more
characteristic fruit.”
The leaves of OUlmus Montana are larger than those of
Ulmus Campestris, and Mr. Reid informs me that the passage
quoted above should read—“ The leaves are small but more like
Ulmus Montana than Ulmus Campestris in outline (rounded
ovate).”
These statements will sufficiently answer Mr. Murray’s question
“Ts the Elm found in submarine forests ? ”
We must next consider whether remains of Elm timber can be
found in the oldest habitations of which we possess any relic.
Perhaps the oldest are those in the Lake Village near
Glastonbury, unearthed by Mr. Bulleid, and which were visited
by this Club in September, 1892. (1)
Mr. Bulleid informs us that a great quantity of timber was used
for the foundations of the habitations, their walls, the Palisade,
with which the village was surrounded and defended, and in the
making of the ways through the marshy ground to the village.
Also in the wood carvings, &c., found therein.
Mr. Bulleid sent specimens of the wood found to Mr. J. G.
Baker, F.R.S., of Kew, who pronounced them to be oak, alder,
birch and hazel. No Elm was found.
The date of the village was from 200 to 300 years B.C. down to.
the Roman occupation of England in the first century.
(1) ‘* Bath Field Club Proceedings,” Vol. 7, p. 357.
23
He, in conjunction with Mr. Boyd Dawkins, gives his reasons.
for this opinion. (1)
I have argued that because no Elm was found in the lake
dwellings, therefore no Elm existed in the neighbourhood.
It is true that no wood of any kind of fir was found, although
it is certain that the Scotch pine was then existing in this Country,
but the Elm was the most suitable of all woods for many of the
purposes above named, as it lasts in wet ground longer than any
other.
Elms flourish now in that neighbourhood, as the splendid
specimens near Glastonbury Abbey testify, while the Fir is
confined to the hilly ground about six miles from the village.
If therefore Elm then existed it would have been probably
close at hand and readily obtained, while having to bring Fir six
miles in the absence of roads would sufficiently account for its not
being used.
We may therefore, I think, assume that at the time of the
occupation of England by the Romans, the English Elm did not
exist here.
The inhabitants of the Lake Village would certainly not have
used Hazel for their roads through the peat if they could have
obtained Elm.
The following is an extract from Aubrey :—“ I never did see an
Elme that grew spontaneously in a wood as oakes, ashes, beeches,
&c., which consideration made me reflect that they are exotique ;
but by whom were they brought into the Island? Not the
Saxons ; for upon enquiry I am informed that there are none in
Saxony nor in Denmark, nor yet in France spontaneous ; but in
Italy they are naturall e.g. in Lombardie, &c. Wherefore I am
induced to believe that they were brought out of Italy by the
Romans. The Saxons understood not nor cared for such
improvement nor yet had hardly leisure if they would.” (2)
(1) Vol. 40, ‘‘ Proceedings of the Som. Arch. and Nat. Hist. Soc.,” for
1894, p. 150.
(2) ‘*Aubrey’s Wiltshire,” Cap. 9, as quoted in ‘‘ Lindley’s Treasury of
Botany,” p. 1188. .
24
As the Saxon period lasted about five centuries, from the
middle of the sixth to the middle of the eleventh century, I think
the last observation by old Aubrey requires some modification.
The following is taken from a paper by Mr. E. Chisholm
Batten :—(1) ‘The cultivation of Elms was an important work of
Roman gardeners and husbandmen. Columella gives directions
for its culture. It was the tree principally selected for supporting
the vine which was encouraged to trail up it to a great height.”
Loudon says :—(2) “In England the Elm has been planted
from time immemorial, and probably from the era of the
possession of the Island by the Romans.”
Canon Greenwell says :—(3) “It is obvious as has often been
suggested that the Romans who introduced the vine may have
introduced with it the ‘piller’ Elm, the two plants being so
commonly wedded in Italian husbandry, as in both Italian and
English poetry.”
It would have prevented further doubt on the question of the
introduction of the Elm by the Romans during their occupation
of England if we could have found Elm timber in their buildings.
Mr. Reid informs me that “ Roman Ilchester yields no remains
of Elm.”
As so much of their building has been uncovered and examined
by Major Davis, the City Architect, I hoped he might have been
able to say that he had found some. I wrote to him on the
subject, and he was kind enough to send me a most interesting
letter, the contents of which are as follows :—
“In my excavations where they were exclusively amongst
Roman work, I found some timber, but it was of small trees of
withy, hazel, and I think, ash ; but these must have grown in the
baths, or have been washed into them after the year 577.
“Tn excavating adjoining the buildings that formed part of
(1) 37 ‘‘Somersetshire Arch, and Nat. Hist. Proceedings,” for 1891, p. 108.
(2) ‘*Arboretum,” Vol. 3, 1st Ed., p. 1380.
(3) ‘‘ British Barrows,” by Greenwell and Rolleston, p. 722.
25
the ancient monastery of Bath, which it is believed was
commenced about 676 or possibly as late as 781, I found ‘a tree,
placed to secure the foundations, of somewhat large size, and
judging from its bark and other peculiarities, I believe was Elm.
“Tf you go into the Museum beneath the new buildings at the
baths and search in the north-west corner you will find some
fragments of timber; these were found with this tree, but it is
difficult to say whether these are of Elm.”
A specimen of this timber was sent to Mr. Baker. Mr. Baker
‘writes to me that ‘Sir Dietrich Brandis and Mr. Massie, who
have experience in wood structure, have examined pieces of your
specimen under the microscope and do not doubt its being really
of Elm.”
So I think you may safely take it for granted it is Elm.
Elm timber, therefore, was used in Saxon times.
As it is pretty certain from what has already been stated that
the English Elm did not exist in the South of England until the
Roman occupation, and that for a considerable time afterwards
they would be too much engaged to send for trees or seed from
Italy, it may be interesting to consider what was the general
aspect of the country when the Romans left it in 410.
The Elm, now the chief feature in our landscape, would then be
comparatively scarce, although as the Roman occupation had
continued for upwards of three centuries and a half, it may well
have begun to form a conspicuous object, particularly in the
neighbourhood of the town and of Roman villas.
Bath had been destroyed by the Saxons after the battle of
Dyrham, 577.
The City must have laid for 100 to 200 years ina state of
desolation, a vast city of stones and buildings but without
inhabitants. (1) The country was mainly woodland. (2)
No weirs kept back the water of the river, the swampy margin
(1) Prof. Earle, Vol. 6, *‘ Bath Field Club Proceedings,” p. 156.
(2) ‘* Reid’s Origin of the British Flora,” p. 21.
26
of which was covered with water plants, with abundant Alders and
Willows. The prevailing trees in the lower ground would have
been Oak, Willow, Alder and Hazel, with here and there the Elm.
Corn fields were not absent, for during the Roman occupation,
Britain became one of the corn exporting countries of the
world. (1)
The hills were covered with a forest of Scotch Fir, Pinus
Sylvestris, extending probably to Bournemouth. Only a few
specimens of this Fir still remain on our hills, and are fast
disappearing. (2)
Mr. Green is quoted by the Rev. A. C. Smith (3) to
the following effect:—‘ At the close of the Roman Rule,
Britain was an Isle of blowing woodland, even then a wild and
half reclaimed country, the bulk of whose surface was occupied by
forest and waste, but in the earliest times densely covered with
medieval scrub.” ‘The town of Devizes is situated on the
brow of the hill looking down over the Avon basin upon the
forest which ran unbroken westward as far as the outskirts of
Bath.” (4)
After the Roman occupation ceased, the Elm, as we have seen,.
would begin to form a feature of the landscape.
The name Elm is the same as in the Saxon.
Collinson, inhis ‘History of Somerset” (5) says that the village
of Great and Little Elm was named from the Saxon word on
account of the quantity of Elm trees.
Loudon says :— (6) ‘There are about 40 places in England
mentioned in the Domesday Book (1071) which take their names
from that of the Elms, such as Barn Elms, Nine Elms, &c. But
(1) ‘‘Green’s Hist. of the English People,” p. 21.
(2) Rev. L. Blomefield, ‘‘ Bath Field Club Proceedings,” Vol. 6, p. 39.
(3) ‘‘ British and Roman Antiquities of North Wiltshire,” p. 43.
(4) Green, ‘‘ The Making of England,” pp. 8, 93, 97, 338, 347-
(5) Vol. 2, p. 206.
(6) ‘*Arboretum,” Vol. 3, p. 1373.
27
too much reliance must not be given to the names now borne by
places—a place in this neighbourhood now marked on the
Ordnance Map ‘The Vineyard’ was called ‘ Naboth’s
Vineyard ’—the origin of the name had nothing to do with vine
growing.”
Leland, 1540 to 1542, speaks of the Elm wood he saw in
Somersetshire. (1)
We.ts to Bruton.—“This far I saw some store of Elm
wood.”
SoutH Cappury To ILCHESTER.—‘ Al this way the pastures
and feeldes be much enclosed with hedge rowes of Elmes.”
CREWKERNE TO BRIDGWATER.—“ From Crokehorn by hilly
ground but plentiful of corne grasse and Elme wood wherewith
most part of al Somersetshire ys yn hegge rowys enclosed.”
The Saxon time lasted until about 800 years ago.
Enough has been said to show that the English Elm had long
been a tree of the country when that time came to an end.
Since then it continued to increase, and the Elm, the
“ Somersetshire weed” as it is called, has long been the prevailing
tree.
Professor Earle, in his recent work, the “ Alfred Jewell,” p. 112,
has the following :—‘‘In Alfred's time the eye was greeted by a
variety of trees which are not observable now. The Elm
predominates all over the plain. I asked the occupier of
Athelney Farm about the trees on his land, and he said there was
hardly anything but Elm. Of other kinds he had only two ash
trees and one beech; ‘but,’ he added, ‘we find bog oak in the
moors and it makes good gate-posts.” :
“The Elms have driven out both oak and ash, and whatever
other sorts they touched in their ‘ wrastling ’ progress.
“These sombre grenadiers dress up their lines so close as to
leave little room for other trees. They suck the fruitful soil more
than any other tree, and they repay their costly nurture with
(1) See ‘* Pro. Som. Arch, and Nat. Hist. Soc.,” Vol. 37, p- 111.
28
timber of inferior value. Introduced by the Romans to serve as
stakes and props in the culture of the vine they have over-run the
land, like the imported rabbits in some of our Colonies. In
Alfred’s days these hungry aliens had not yet usurped the field,
and there was still room for the display of the rich variety of
nature, oak, ash, beech, fir, maple, yew, sycamore, hornbeam,
holly, poplar, aspen, alder, hazel, wych-elm, apple, cherry, juniper,
elder, willow, mountain-ash, spindle tree, buckthorn, hawthorn,
wild plum, wild pear, service tree, &c. But now the fair places
of the field are encumbered by the tall cousins of the nettle, and
the most diversified of English counties is muffled with a
monotonous shroud of out-landish and weedy growth.” (1)
Interesting as this extract is, I can hardly forgive my friend
Mr. Earle for his attack on what I consider the grandest and
most beautiful of our trees. It is true that the English Elm has
to a certain extent ousted the native trees, but in doing so it has
only imperfectly copied the example of our ancestors, the Anglo-
Saxons, who completely ousted the native British from this
county.
But whether Professor Earle is right as to the beauty or not,
will the Elm long continue the prevailing tree in the landscape ?
I doubt it! To give a reason for my doubt I will take merely
one district, Batheaston. When I went there about 45 years ago,
there was a most beautiful avenue of trees from the villa where
Lady Miller lived, to the place where the celebrated vase, spoken
of by Dr. Johnson and now in the Victoria Park, stood in her
time.
I do not think a single tree of that avenue is left. Numbers of
the Elms in the grounds have been cut down and other kinds of
trees substituted.
= ake] See also ‘‘ British Barrows,” by Greenwell and Rolleston, p. 721, note,
and De Candolle’s ‘‘ Géographie Botanique Raisonnée,” 1855, Vol. 2, pp.
645—705, therein cited.
29
In the churchyard some very fine Elms are gone and a large
number of other trees, chiefly evergreens, planted.
In the avenue to the house at Elmhurst a number of Elm trees
were blown down and since Mr. Broome’s death, great numbers
of remarkably fine Elms, notably those in the Church path, pre-
viously a striking feature in the landscape, have been cut down. No
Elm, so far as I know, has been planted there since Mr. Broome’s
death. On the opposite side of the river, at Hampton Manor,
numbers of the Elms, said to have been planted by Ralph Allen,
have been blown down. The trees since planted are chiefly lime
trees. The grand trees in Bathampton churchyard are being cut
down. This account extends to only a small locality.
I think I need add no more on this head, though I could
easily do so.
Business considerations also have their weight in lessening the
planting of Elms.
The Elm timber was the best for the keel, &c., of ships. Iron
now takes its place for that and other purposes. The various
uses for which Elm timber was applied are stated by Evelyn,
Loudon, and Selby. (1)
The Elm used to be planted for shelter in mixed plantations.
It is now considered unsuitable for that purpose. (2)
But the Elm will make a good fight for it. For wherever you
cut down an English Elm, a dozen suckers will spring up ready to
take the parent’s place.
A curious instance of the way these young suckers will force
their way up, even through cracks in the pavement, is mentioned
by Collinson (3), who speaks of an Elm inside a pew at Weathill
Church, two feet high, with upwards of thirty branches.
It seems that at the restoration (1660) loyalty frequently took
the form of Elm tree planting.
Cie eee al
(1) ‘* Evelyn’s Silva,” 5th Ed., p. 44 «« 3 Loudon’s Arboretum,” p. I 380.
‘«Selby’s Forest Trees,” p. 113.
(2) ‘*Selby’s Forest Trees,” p. 110.
(3) ‘*Collinson’s Hist. of Somerset,” Vol. 3, p- 450+
30)
Elms were believed to have been planted in the churchyard by
the Man of Ross.
One of these trees was cut down and two suckers came up one
-on each side of the pew formerly used by the Man of Ross.
There is a drawing of these trees made on the occasion of the
visit of the Woolhope Club in 1878. From the drawing, the
trees would appear to be about 20 feet high. (1)
These trees were both dead when the Woolhope Club revisited
the Church in 1884, but the dead trees were there with a creeper
planted to climb up them. (2)
In addition to the foregoing reasons why it seems improbable
that the Elm will continue to be the prevailing tree, are, amongst
others, the following :—
It is essentially a hedge row tree, and it has been for some time
the practice to do away with hedges as much as possible. The
Elms we see are many of them those formerly in hedges, which
hedges have been destroyed. These Elms have been left, but as
they are cut down others are not planted in their places.
The Elm timber has been somewhat brought into disrepute
by the habit nurserymen have of raising plants of the Scotch Elm
and grafting the English Elm upon them.
The seed of the Scotch Elm (which fruits here) can, of course,
be obtained here in any quantity without cost.
It is therefore cheaper to graft on the Scotch Elm.
Mr. Veitch informs me that “the seed of the U/mus Campestris
(the English Elm) is obtained from Germany, but the true
English Elm is always propagated by grafting, as it does not come
true from seed.” (3)
This practice is strongly objected to by Selby on the ground
that the Scotch Elm requires a much better soil than the English
Elm, and, therefore, that the English Elm when grafted on the
(1) ‘* Transactions of Woolhope Club,” 1878, p. 115.
(2) ‘* Transactions of Woolhope Club,” for 1884, p. 210.
(3) See also ‘‘ Selby’s British Forest Trees,” p. 103.
31
Scotch Elm will not thrive on many soils where it would do very
well if raised from suckers or layers of the English Elm. (1)
In bad soils he advises that it should be grafted on the “ corky
Elm” Ulmus Suberosa, a variety of the English Elm which thrives
on soil of inferior land and strong clays.
As has already been mentioned the Elm timber is not used for
many purposes for which it was formerly considered essential.
_ Further, it has gone out of fashion. | We no longer see avenues
of Elm trees planted. In the grounds about houses, evergreen
trees chiefly of the Pine tribe are now those for the most part
substituted.
It is possible that there are some persons who admire a monkey
puzzle (Araucaria Imbricata) more than a fine Elm tree as we
see so many planted, though I cannot understand the feeling.
But when the Elm disappears will the country be left devoid of
trees ?
Perhaps I am travelling rather away from my subject, as I
suppose that the imported timber I am about to speak of is pine,
not Elm, but it would be curious if the pine, which was driven
out of our neighbourhood by the Elm, should again cover our
hills, driving out the Elm. The land, in consequence of Free
Trade, can now be got at a low price, either to buy or rent, and
Sir H. Maxwell thinks that the growing of timber might be made
profitable if it was conducted on strictly business principles.
In his most interesting article on Forestry in the October
number of the “ Nineteenth Century,” he states that we imported
in 1899 upwards of 21 millions worth of timber, and that there
is no reason why the whole of this should not have been grown on
British soil. He adds that if this were done we should find
employment in the country for those agricultural labourers now
crowding into the town. He adds that where a single shepherd
now suffices, eight or ten men will find employment, an employ-
ment which is always attractive and healthy, that of forestry.
(1) ‘*Selby’s British Forest Trees,” p. 111.
32
Where rabbits abound seedlings and coppice are destroyed. To
fence with wire netting would swallow up the profits.
He does not consider that we need give up game but that
rabbits must be exterminated.
The planting of trees, in considerable numbers would no doubt
add to our water supplies—a matter of increasing importance.
From the foregoing I have formed the following conclusions :—
1. That the Elm is found in submarine forests and in pre-
historic formations.
2. That it did not exist in recent times in this part of the
country.
3. That it was introduced here by the Romans, and spread so:
rapidly, that it was in use as timber during Saxon times.
4. That after driving out the fir and other trees, its period of
decline has now come, and it is far from impossible that
it may in its turn be superseded by trees of the fir tribe.
Before turning to the second part of my paper, I will say a few
words about the Elm bark beetle (Scolytus destructor) which some
people suppose, as I think mistakenly, to have lately killed four or
five fine Elms in the Park near the Miller Vase.
Col. Blathwayt informs me that this beetle is only successful in
its attack on injured or diseased trees.
That great authority, the late Miss Ormerod, in her account of
this beetle has the following remarks :— ‘
“The circumstance of Scolytus attack, and sickly growth of
the tree or decay of the bark occurring together, has given rise
to much discussion as to whether the Scolytus attack caused the
decay, or weakened health induced attack.”
“Tt is observed by Dr. Chapman, from whom I take much of
the abovelife-history (see “Entomologists’ Monthly Magazine,” 1869,
pp. 126, 127), that healthy growing trees are supposed to repel
the attacks of this genus of beetles by pouring sap into their
burrows.”
“He notes that in the case of the Scolytus pruni he had
33
‘observed burrows less than one inch long, some of which
containing a few eggs already laid, had been abandoned
uncompleted by the beetles, apparently on account of the
presence of a fluid which must have been sap, as no rain had
fallen to account for it.”
At a meeting of the Woolhope Club, at which I was present,
and which was attended by a member of our club, the late Mr.
Broome and other very great authorities on the subject of Fungi,
the question was raised whether the attacks of the Fungi were the
cause or the consequence of the tree being in a dying condition.
The opinion of those present was (I think unanimous) that it was
the consequence, and that Fungi did not appear on a healthy tree.
It was not beetles or Fungi that killed these fine trees.
My paper has already extended to too great a length, and I do
not, therefore, propose to go into any minute account of the
species and varieties of the Elm. This can be found in many
easily accessible books. The account given in “ Selby’s British
Forest Trees” is very interesting. The short account in
* Hooker’s Students’ Flora of the British Islands” contains the
present botanical view on the subject by the highest authority.
To these I would refer. We have already seen that it is now
considered that there are two species only, U/mus Camfpestris (the
English Elm) and U/mus Montana (the Scotch Elm).
The following is a good description of their difference in
“habit :” (1) “In some Elms the branches and head are generally
subordinate to an elongated conspicuous central trunk, as is seen
in the usual growth and appearance of U/mus Campestris and
most of its varieties. In U/mus Montana, on the contrary, the
central column becomes divided at a greater or less height in the
great diverging boughs or arms which form the head of the tree!”
The chief dofantcal distinction is that in U/mus Campestris the
fruit is deeply notched, the notch almost reaching the seed-bearing
(1) ‘*Selby’s British Forest Trees,” p. 102.
34
cavity ; in Ulmus Montana the fruit is slightly notched at the top,
the seed-bearing cavity placed considerably below the notch. (1)
Ulmus Campestris scarcely ever ripens its seed and produces a
great quantity of suckers: U/mus Montana ripens its seed in
profusion, but throws up no suckers.
The Elms flower early in spring, before the leaves, and thus
give a red colouring to the trees.
Of the U/mus Campestris in the Kew “ Hand List of Trees
grown in the Arboretum” 27 named varieties are given. In the
same list of U/mus Montana 15 varieties are given.
A large number of them will be found, particularly in the Royal
Avenue.
The first lease of the Royal Avenue is dated 1st September,
1830, and is from Dame Martha Rivers Gay to John Davies,
Chemist, and Thomas Blanchard Coward, Linen Draper. These
gentlemen were conspicuous amongst those to whom we owe the
Park.
The Royal Avenue was soon after laid out and the Elms
planted. This will give their age at about 70 years.
It appears from the Plan on the lease that the ground where
the Royal Avenue now runs was then enclosed fields. This with
the Lower Common was rented by the then Park Committee, and
the paths across the Common laid out and planted with trees,
chiefly Elms, the more rare varieties being planted in the Park,
particularly in the Royal Avenue.
In Mr. Hanham’s “Manual for the Park,” published in 1857,
the varieties of U/mus Campestris therein included are stated to.
be 9 and of Ulmus Montana 14, also of Ulmus Americana 3.
At present we have all of these except two, and we have three
not in his list.
The greatest trouble has been always taken by the late Mr.
Gore, by Mr. Bartrum, and at the present time, to keep up the
(1) ‘* Handbook of British Flora.” Bentham and Hooker. p. 401.
35
number of varieties. In some cases it was impossible to replace
Elms. For instance, Ul/mus Campestris Concavefolia, a very
beautiful variety, which could not be purchased, was ultimately
obtained by grafting from a tree we had.
The difficulty is that the varieties do not come true from seed,
and the suckers of the tree, grafted on Ul/mus Campestris, come
up the common English Elm; the varieties therefore die out. I
have been trying to get U/mus Campestris Virens, which is very
highly spoken of by Selby and Loudon ; it is stated to be almost
evergreen, but Mr. Veitch cannot procure it.
In answer to my enquiries, Mr. Milburn, the highly valued
Superintendent of the Victoria Park, has sent me the following,
from which I conclude that to obtain a tree of any particular
variety the only way is to graft. He says :—
“J feel sure that all our varieties (not species) have been
grafted. My reason for this conclusion is, they have all been
transplanted, and grafting is the usual means of perpetuating
varieties, especially of forest trees.
“ As regards the older or matured trees it is difficult to trace
the position of union between the scion and stock, the reason for
this being, and more particularly in earlier days, the grafting of
trees was performed close to the ground so that after a few years
the position of union would become obliterated. I quite believe
that on account of Camfestris being a shy seed-bearer this would
sometimes be grafted on Montana; there appears to be some
evidence of this in the last old tree, west end, in Royal Avenue,
In our younger Elm trees there are one or two exceptions to the
rule of grafting close to the ground; in variety Lous Van Houtte
growing in the bank near Queen Square entrance, and in variety
Webbiana near the Lake (these varieties have evidently been
grafted on the opposite species to which they belong, thus
showing two distinctive kinds of bark which will no doubt be
perpetuated throughout their lives); in these two instances the
point of union is a considerable distance from the ground. The
36
point of union of grafts is readily distinguishable in the weeping
varieties.
“JT do not think that any of the Elm trees grown in the Park
have been home raised either from seed or suckers ; all have been
obtained direct from the Nursery.”
Mr. Milburn has furnished me with the following list of
varieties of Elms now in the Park, with their localities. This list
will enable anyone to further study the subject, and will bea
record for the future.
I am greatly indebted to Mr. Milburn for this list and for the
help he has given me.
Also, in conclusion, I have to thank Professor Earle, the
Rev. H. H. Winwood, Major Davis, Mr. F. H. Baker, of Kew,
Mr. Clement Reid, and Colonel Blathwayt for their help.
MR. MILBURN’S LIST.
There are at present growing in the Royal Victoria Park, Bath,
twenty-three species and varieties of Elm; most of them are
specimens of seventy years’ growth.
The following are the names and the localities in which they
are growing inthe Park —
Ulmus Campestris, City entrance, Royal Avenue, Botanic
Garden, &c.
= = Variety Cornubiensis = Ulmus Stricta—the
Cornish Elm or upright growing
Field Elm, Royal Avenue and
by the wood yard.
-e = » Sarniensis (the Jersey Elm), Royal
Avenue and by water fountain.
‘ 55 s Ffoliis variegatis, lawn leading to
Botanic Garden, and opposite
side.
» » %9 Viminaiis (the twiggy Field Elm)
Royal Avenue, western end.
37
Ulmus Campestris—continued.
?
”
”
Variety Concavefolia, Royal Avenue and
North Road.
be Webbiana, a small elegant tree
planted recently near the lake.
a4 Louis Van Houtte, branches golden
tipped, bank overlooking Queen’s
Parade field, young tree.
¥ Myrtifolia, North Road.
Ulmus Suberosa, supposed to be a variety of Campestris, (the
cork barked Elm) in Cow Lane, by the
farmhouse, and between obelisk and lake.
UImus Montana (the Scotch or Wych Elm) Royal Avenue.
Variety Vulgaris, road-side, near the lake.
Rugosa, Last but two western end
Royal Avenue.
Cevennensis, a small tree and very
scarce, near wood yard.
Nigra (black Irish Elm), Royal Avenue.
fendula (weeping Scotch Elm), lawn
near the lake, and by the wood yard.
Fastigiata, eastern side of lake on the
bank.
Montana glabra (the smooth leaved
Wych Elm), Royal Avenue.
Glabra Vegeta (the Huntingdon Elm)
at new entrance at Park Lane, and
each side of the pathway opposite
through the Common.
Glabra microphylla pendula (the
weeping Scampston Elm), top of
the walk leading to lower dell,
opposite Botanic Garden.
38
Uimus Montana— continued.
o Fe Variety Glabra major, Royal Avenue.
3 ‘, ~ Glabra latifolia, at the eastern end of
the pathway, in the Common leading
from Marlborough Buildings.
_ Fe - purpurea, young tree south side of
North Road.
Ulmus Americana, variety Fulva, western end of the lake.
bs “ a Fulva macrophylla, near the wood
yard.
An interesting tree allied to the Elm is the Planera Richardit
or Zelkova crenata, band lawn near Marlborough Buildings. It
differs in the fruit and bark from the Elm and the bark peels off
like that of the Plane tree.
Principles of the Somerset Domesday.
By Rev. T. W. WHALE, M.A.
(Read February 12th, 1902.)
GELD ROLL OF A.D. 1084.
From the death of Edward the Confessor (1066) till the year
1084 no evidence is forthcoming of any inquiry into the incidence
of danegeld. Judging from Domesday inquisitions nothing formal
had been done. But the inquisition of 1084, usually called the
Geld Roll, was a step in this direction. That it was not simply
a copy of the assessment in use T.R.E. Domesday itself con-
clusively proves. The King’s councillors could not have thought
it altogether satisfactory, because the Domesday Survey was
ordered within two years. It is, however, of great value in
explaining the plan of danegeld, and the way in which it was
collected ; moreover it is very helpful to identifications. Un-
39
fortunately the essential parts, the actual payments to the King,
are only a summary, which for Somerset amounted to £514 0S. 11d.
(f. 527), and was carried to Winchester. In the final days of
danegeld, 2nd and 8th Hen. II., as the Pipe Rolls show, the
assessment amounted to £277 10. od., the payments were
4179 78. 10d. ; levied no doubt at a lower rate, and accounted
for by the Sheriff at the Exchequer.
Looking to the plan of the assessment, Mr. J. H. Round
(Feudal England, p. 54) assumes “ that the Hundreds themselves
were first assessed, and that such assessments were multiples of
the five-hide unit.” But one of his Somerset examples is con-
tradicted by the Geld Roll. Crucha (Eyton I., p. 134) is 39 hides
in the Roll, though possibly corrected by Domesday. The other,
Witestana, is indeed 115 hides (not 120), here I readily admit the
5 hide multiple applies. The Glastonbury holdings were mostly
of a peculiar character, created by the great drainage system out
of the moors and fens, and forming rectangles bounded by the
drains, each constituting a multiple of the hide, often of 5 hides.
How different the holdings of early settlers, of irregular shape,
and areas mostly containing virgates and its fractions !
But take the geld list of the 41 hundreds, and we have only
the following multiples of 5 hides ; Witestana 115, Bada 95,
Brunetona 5, Cumba 20, Cingeberia 40, Wivelescoma 15, Regis
Brunetona 10, Ciu 35, Monachetona 15. Clearly, then, the
assessors and collectors of the Geld Roll had no idea of a 5 hide
unit. As to Mr. Bates’ attempt to prove the theory, after manipu-
lating manors ad /ibitum, transgressing the bounds of hundreds,
and utterly disregarding Geld Roll and Domesday principles, the
whole has ended in conspicuous failure, and proved that as
regards Somerset the 5 hide unit isa myth. (See “Somt. Archl.,”
Vol. XLV. p. 51.) Moreover, a single mistake in identification
would bring down the whole fabric, and the subtractions, ad-
ditions, and new creations of hidage would have a like effect.
As to the hundreds of the Geld Roll (see p. 54) the order
40
is entirely different from that of the Domesday Survey (f. 64),.
though not entirely following the divisions of the County
as in Devon. Sometimes two or more hundreds are grouped
together, probably because they had common fegadri or hundred
men. Several are omitted, presumably because they were entirely
in the King’s hand, and subject to his bailiffs, viz., (2) Vicecomitis.
Brunetona, (9) Regis Brunetona, (11) Duluertona, (14) Cliua,
(28) Mertocha, (18) Crica, (17) Nortchori, (48) Suthbrent ; and
Glaestingeberia which never gelded.
(33) Sumbretona may, perhaps, have been lost, or the King
from its peculiar character, may have kept it under the control of
his servants, and apart from the County. It must be borne in
mind that mistakes are much more likely in the Geld Roll, which
was only an ordinary tax levy, than in the Domesday Hundreds.
Presumably each hundredman was supplied with a copy of his
Hundred Roll, and after collecting the tax submitted his account
to the county authority which, judging from the Hen. II. record,
was the Sheriff and others with him. He would be furnished
with a list of exemptions in respect of demesne, and would hand
over defaults or defects on behalf of those who claimed further
exemption, or failed to pay their quota. A careful examination of
this so-called inquisition, or Geld Roll, results in the following
conclusions. It is not the inquisition itself; but only a digest of
it, bearing to it somewhat the relation of the Exon Domesday
Book to the original survey.
The inquisition itself was in the form of Rolls of the Hundreds,.
with an index in an imperfect state to be found at f. 63. The
index for Devon is more complete. Doubtless the Clerks of the
Exon Domesday had this inquisition before them, but instead of
copying it into their book, as apparently was done in other
districts, they merely noted the total tax of each hundred ; the
sums paid by the hundredmen, as to which there was no dispute ;
exemptions for demesne lands held by tenants in capite, subject
to fluctuation; and lastly defects and exemption claims,
41
many of them for demesne, probably only lately subtenanted
lands, to be settled by legal process, and for some items of which
the hundredmen themselves were held responsible at their audit,
for example in the Hundred of Abediccha. This digest is on
parchment sheets of the same size and form as the Domesday
Book, and so far as can be ascertained the two have always been
kept together. Not that it was very carefully compiled, for in the
Wiltshire part there are triplications not entirely corresponding
with each other. Some important hundreds are not entered
with the rest, but will be found at f. 526, and probably Somerton.
was lost.
THE SOMERSET DOMESDAY.
In the year 1086 the King gave orders for a general survey of
the whole Kingdom, appointing Commissioners to take the over-
sight of the several districts into which it was divided. The
western district included the Counties of Devon, Cornwall,.
Somerset, Dorset, and Wilts. In eight months the work was.
completed. The Commissioners were to make their inquisitions
by hundreds, taking in rotation the several manors in each
hundred. A jury was summoned consisting of the Sheriff of the
County and others, adding the Lord of the Manor, the reeve, the
priest (if any), and some of the principal tenants. No doubt the
smaller manors had to content themselves with juries chiefly
made up from their neighbours. The manor itself was the unit
of taxation, consisting of a house with a varying quantity of land
attached, separately rated ; and the tax was demanded at the
manor house. If the manor had under-tenants, it was the duty
of its bailiff to collect from them, and pay the King’s officer,
called the hundredman, at the Court House. No evidence seems
forthcoming to show whether the Commissioners met at the
County town and summoned juries before them from hundreds
and manors; or whether they visited each hundred in order.
42
The following questions, among others, were submitted to the
jury :—
1.—What is the name of this manor? Who was its tenant
T.R.E.? Who is the present tenant ?
2.— What geld did this manor pay, T.R.E. ?
3.—How much land is there in this manor ?
4.—How many geld hides in demesne? How many have the
villani ?
5.—How many carruce in demesne? How many in the villa?
6.—What lands have been added since T.R.E.? What lands
taken away ?
Other questions of detail are omitted, as not pertinent to the
general principle.
It may, perhaps, be convenient to anticipate somewhat after
results, and notice in the first place,
1.—The phrase “‘T.R.E.” used in the Exchequer copy meant
“in the time of King Edward the Confessor ;” its equivalent
in the Exon Book is “ea die qua Eduuardus rex fuit vivus et
mortuus””—on the day of King Edward’s death—and we think
Domesday hence derives its name: the Saxon word dém is
equivalent to the modern doom. The sum paid for geld dates
back to the Confessor’s time, and ignores the assessment of 1084.
2.—The meaning of the word land (terra) in question (3)
cannot be too carefully noted. The Exon and Exchequer books
in every case give us the headings of the tenants in capite—Terra
—land (of the Bishop of Coutances, &c.). Even in case of the
King’s lands it is “terra” in all cases but one, and there it is
?
““Dominicatus Regis;” and in this one the Exchequer writes
“Terra Regis.” When portions are taken from, or added to a
manor, universally these are “terra.” ‘“‘ Terre occupate ” is the
general heading. Beyond all question, then, zevra here denotes
the whole of the measurable land held by each Baron, or thegn
though not, as we think, the waste. Coming to details, the lands
held directly of them by their tenants in the several manors, what
,
f
{
4
b
|
‘
'
i
43
can “terra” possibly mean but the whole measurable land of the
Manor? What can “terra addita” or “terra ablata” mean but
the whole measurable land thus added or taken away ?
Taking this meaning of /erva for granted, it seems to follow
from internal evidence that the waste is not included. Otherwise
whatever area may be assigned to “terra quam potest arare una
carruca,” or “terra ad unam carrucam,” or its Saxon equivalent
sulung, it becomes impossible to reconcile discrepancies. This is
in a measure confirmed by the entry 491. ‘‘ 2v. belonged to the
King’s farm of Curi, it was waste.” Now this is not entered as an
“ablata terra” from Churi (f. 89), because it was waste, but so
soon as it ceased to be waste and was added to Capilanda, it
became “terra” and geldable.
Mr. Bates, indeed (p. 92, Vol. 45, ‘“‘Somt. Assn.”), writes,
“this I venture to think was only the result of trying to make
every hide contain so many acres of land, a belief from which
Eyton could never shake himself free ;
”
so again at p. 104. But
Eyton knew too much of his subject to doubt for an instant that
“terra ad unam carrucam” represented a fixed area, however
difficult it may be to decide what that fixed area is. Imagine
the Commissioners recording ¢his manor contains terra ad unam
carrucam, this it must be noted is not a definite quantity, and we see
the reductio ad absurdum.
“Hidata, bovata, carrucata, virgata, villata, are simply participles
of—hidare, bovare, carrucare, virgare, villare ; from the nouns—
hida, bos, carruca, virga, villa ; z.e., terra reduced to hides, boves,
ploughs, fourthings, villas.
A peculiar expression occurring seldom should be noted, of
which take Derstona (441) as an instance—Richard has in demesne
tA. 14v., and the villani the rest of the land i.e, th. 14v. In these
cases, instead of taking the remaining hidation, the land itself is
noted.
The investigations of Professor Maitland and others scarcely
leave it longer doubtful that Eyton is right in accepting 120 statute
44
acres as the extent of the terra ad unam carrucam, though we
must bear in mind terra is not terra arabilis, but a general term
for all kinds of land except waste. We must try to ascertain what
acre was in use in the western district at the time of Domesday.
There are reasons for thinking that it was what is technically
known as the small acre, 12-16ths of the statute acre, 7.¢., 160 of
these acres = 120 statute acres.
The Exon Book admits, though the Exchequer fails to interpret
it, an unit of width for land measure, viz., the furlong, 40 perches.
The square furlong 40 x 40 perches is called the quarantena or
quadrigenaria, 10 acres. (‘‘Eyton’s Dorset,” p. 30.) Taking
this to be the ferding or ferling of Domesday, these equations follow.
1 hide = 4 virgates = 16 ferlings = 160 acres. Why Eyton
(Vol I., p. 25) takes the fiscal ferling as 3 acres it is difficult to
see. Regarded as tax the hide in 1084 represented 6 shillings,
but as a question of area 160 small acres. In later times the
Glastonbury Cartulary proves beyond doubt these measurements
to have been used. (Vol. V. “Somt. Records,” p. 25). It would
be easy enough to explain a change from the small acre to the
statute one; we can hardly imagine the small acre taking the
place of the statute one. But further difficulties must be faced—
What was the carruca of demesne, and of the villani? Was ita
team of oxen? Or was it some area of arable land? In the first
place there isa general correspondence between the number of
plough lands and the number of ploughs in a manor, and if
a plough land represents land of all kinds, and a plough 120
statute acres of arable land, what becomes of the wood, pasture,
&c.? On the other hand there are many notable exceptions.
Cantetona, Willetona and Carentona (89) have together 106
plough lands, but only 52 ploughs: Betministra (gob) has 26
and 13: Briuuetona (91), 50 and 21: King’s Brompton (103),
60 and 23: Dulverton, 21 and 10: Cleeve (103b), 33 and 21:
Winsford (104b), 60 and 15: Chruca (105), 40 and 27: Chewton
(114b), 44 and 3c}, and soon. Surely these ploughs are utterly
45
inadequate for the plough lands, if all were arable. In fact, how-
ever, King’s Brompton never had 7,200 acres of arable land, nor
Winsford a like quantity.
Since writing the above it has seemed desirable to enter in each
hundred a complete list, not only of plough lands, but also of
ploughs both in demesne and in the villa. Asa result, plough
lands and ploughs are often very different in number. If they
nearly correspond we infer that the manor was mostly arable.
On the other hand instances of no plough in a manor indicate
absence of arable land, often a park. Moreover we can compare
the amount of arable in demesne and villa. The comparative
value of land in different hundreds will also appear by comparing
the number of geld hides with the number of plough lands.
The difficulty would be in a great measure dissipated by
assuming that the statement in the “ Liber niger ”—7zhe
hide consisted at first of 100 acres—referred to the carruca of
demesne and villani. Carruca and hida are certainly convertible
terms. We should thus have a convenient margin for wood,
pasture, &c., and also for the part of the King’s forest lands not
excluded as waste.
The Boldon Book makes the bovate, and therefore the plough,
a somewhat varying quantity.
However, Domesday items of area are after all only roughly
approximate ; the great purpose of the survey was fiscal, other
items incidental. Not a tittle of evidence exists of a survey of
area. The whole work was completed in less than a year. When
the jury were asked—how much land in this manor? and they
answered in multiples of plough lands, very rarely taking notice of
a half, we may safely conclude that fractions of a plough land
were disregarded ; in other words the question was answered
without previous thought and with limited knowledge.
As regards the status of the undertenant in a manor, clearly the
manor was divided into demesne and villa ; and the undertenants
were the villani, as Zn ipsa villa (169) Monchetona proves, so
46
Roda (148b) is called a villa because the whole is underlet. And
seemingly if the demesne land came to have undertenants it was
said to be villata. The villanus was not of necessity below the
rank of thegn. In the Geld Roll for Chiu (Eyton I. 139) the
King’s villani of Stocha claimed exemption for 64. 1v. Assuming
these to be Roger under Wm. de Moione, Estochet (363b): Serlo
de Burceio (452b), Cilela and Stocca: Aluuard and his brothers
(491) Estoca: inferentially they claimed as undertenants of the
King in the Manor of Chewstoke to be free of tax; but the
Commissioners must have adjudged them to hold of the King in
capite, and yet they had not lost their rank when holding as
villani. In short the King’s Manor of Stocha was being dis-
membered.
When the survey was completed, as would seem in 58 parch-
ment rolls of hundreds, with an index (folio 64), it was placed in
custody of the Bishop and Canons of Exeter.
THE DOMESDAY BOOK.
No doubt the survey was made in the 2oth year of the reign
of William 1st, but how is it proved that the transcription from
the rolls now constituting Domesday do0k was completed at
once? That there was not an interval of four years before the
Exon Book had been sent to the Exchequer, and the Exchequer
Book transcribed from it ?
That the survey was made with a view only to future assess-
ments of Danegeld we cannot think. Danegeld was becoming
moribund, and died outright after 8 Hen. 2: no roll for this date,
nor any indeed after 1084 exists—only the sum totals paid into
the Exchequer, with a list of exemptions ever increasing, and
including the King’s civil servants.
We think, in short, that Domesday Book marks the first step in
the direction of military tenure, of the feudal system, and that its
arrangement in fiefs (as we may say by anticipation) points to
this.
ie Ae ae
ji
i
47
The 58 parchment rolls of hundreds with index are supposed
to be in the hands of the transcribers. Internal evidence, f. 82
and elsewhere, shows that Reginald (probably de valle torta) took
the oversight, and himself copied. He was assisted by a Norman
clerk, and by at least two Saxon clerks. The Saxon clerks are
easily known, as Sir William Ellis has shown, by their symbol for
“et.” In the Analysis of the Somerset part of the Book, the
Norman scribes are noted by 4, the Saxon by 2.
Reginald provided himself with 47 books of parchment of
uniform size, corresponding to those of the Geld Roll, but varying
in number of sheets. Each of these is to be filled with the
holding in the successive hundreds of the King, a baron, ora
thegn respectively, following a definite order, that of the index,
with the readjustment of making Sutpetret No. g follow Nortpetret
No. 1, and making Chori Mallet follow Chori Rivell. A Saxon
scribe takes the first roll, Nortpetret, and enters the King’s manor,
and two others (see No. 28 Geld Roll), and then passes it on to a
Norman scribe. He next takes Sutpetret (No. 31 Geld Roll)
and copies throughout by himself, except one entry (490b).
Seuenametona. Very likely he was then entering No. 2 Vice-
comitis Brunetona (15 Geld Roll) containing only 2 manors.
Next comes No. 3 Chori Rivell (38 Geld Roll), all entries except
three in Saxon writing. Afterwards, we think, was entered Chori
Mallet No. 22 (32 Geld Roll), From this stage the index was
followed without interruption. Thus three or four scribes were
entering simultaneously from as many hundred rolls, and their
work crossed, and so ina measure interrupted the index order
in each fief.
To test the above theory, take the analysis of the Domesday
Exon Book, examine the order of hundreds in each fief, do the
same in terrae occupate, and no doubt will remain that entries
are made in the order of the rectified index.
One objection made against the Exon Book is the number of
corrections and marginal entries, which indeed shows that the
48
scribes did their work somewhat carelessly. Sometimes omissions
were detected and entered later on in false order ; for instance—
Lituna (160), Aissa, Miluertona are inserted at the end of the
Bishop’s land, either as omissions, or as involving questions of
title. Aissa—terr. occ. f. 520 is also out of order. But at intervals
‘comes a general review, and “ consummatum est” announces
this fact. Another objection against the Exon Book as compared
with the Exchequer is the succession of fiefs. The answer is
simple and recorded in the Book itself. In the year 1816 Mr.
Ralph Barnes, Chapter Clerk, copied it for the Government, and
afterwards revised the proof sheets. The parchment sheets, or
books, or fiefs, had hitherto been only stitched to one another.
Mr. Barnes himself numbered the folios as in the printed copy,
discarding previous numberings, and apparently not consulting
the true order of fiefs as revealed in the Exchequer fac simile, had
the book bound up in false order. To show how carelessly the
book was kept in the 17th century, one of the fiefs was lost, and
afterwards found in the roth century among the papers of a
Devon magnate ; one is missing still.
Take, then, the following rules as guides to identification.
(1) Hundreds in a fief should be in index order of hundreds,
allowing for cross order caused by simultaneous entries, and for
omissions entered ate.
(2) An identification, introducing a hundred roll defore it came
into the hands of the clerks, must be false.
EXPLANATIONS OF THE DOMESDAY BOOK.
Folios 88 to 117 contain manors in the hand of the King.
Every manor was either the caput of and gave name toa hundred,
or was already included in a hundred. Notice how regularly
“nescitur” comes in the King’s demesne. These manors, that is,
were always in the King’s hand as pertaining to the Crown, and
therefore never liable to danegeld. As is commonly said, they
were extra hundredal, because of this exemption. But they were
49
the very centre of hundredal organization, and gave first life and
name to the hundred. No doubt, at no long time anterior to
Domesday, every hundred was in the hand of the King. The
hundred court was the centre of civil and criminal jurisdiction,
and a source of considerable revenue to the King.
What hundreds were in the King’s hand in 1086 may be
doubtful. Certainly Ilchester, Milborne Port, Bruton, Langport,
Axbridge, Frome, were ; for (107b) the Sheriff rented the King’s
share of them for £8 rss. a year. In the days of Hen. II.
the Sheriff farmed the King’s county revenue for £360; deducting
_ various payments, and allowances for lands the King had sold or
given, including Meleburn, Bedminster, Witham, Baggworthy,
Langport and Curi with hundred, and parts of Northcuri, Cun-
gresberi, Cedresford, Norton, reducing the net income to £155
in the 4th year.
The Church Barons were rapidly getting the control of the
hundred courts of their own lands, and exemptions from the
King’s courts are largely referred to in the Hundred Rolls of
2nd Ed. I. Manors thus acquiring courts of their own with full
criminal jurisdiction were called liberties, free manors, and even
hundreds ; the Episcopal hundred, and the hundred of Whitley
are newly constituted records of full liberty to the Bishop of
Wells, and the Abbot of Glastonbury. Apparently the Sheriff had
the control of the hundreds of Cutcombe, Minehead, and Sheriff’s
Brompton.
After the King’s demesne the Comital lands follow which had
escheated to the King; these are all hidated, because they had
been in the hands of subjects. Wher: the King’s part of the
hundred of Miluertona (103) was afterwards paid is not recorded,
his part in some other hundreds (1o3b) was added to the Manor
of Cliua. Besides these, two distinct kinds of additions were
made to manors. (1) Thegn lands which T.R.E. had been held
pariter, #.¢., the thegn owners had held directly of the King
according to their peerage or rank. Some of these had either
D
50
sold their lands, or after the battle of Hastings had forfeited their
rank and held their land in villeinage incorporated in the manor.
Others held still in paragio or libere, but they elected no longer
to “ defendere se” and hold of the King in capite ; retaining their
right to go to any lord with their land they enjoyed the rights and
privileges of the manor which they joined. This again seems to
indicate the coming feudal system, the share they had to take in
the military service of the manor.
(2) Integral portions of a manor sold and detached from it,
and so bought and added to some other manor. Clearly, then,
ablata terra should be registered by Domesday elsewhere as
addita terra. A great difficulty is here. For example Chenolla
(465b) containing 1%. 2v. From this manor has been taken 1
hide of land which belonged to the manor T.R.E., and this was
added to Witeham (382b). Was this hide a part of the 1%. 2v.,
or in addition to it? But Melecoma gelded only for rv. 2f, and
yet 2 virgates which belonged to it T.R.E. had been taken from
it, so these 2 virgates must have been additional, and the inference
seems fair that it is additional in all cases, unless there is a notifi-
cation to the contrary. Note carefully in the Analysis the marginal
references in these cases, in order to trace the transaction. If the
ablatum be from the demesne of a King’s manor it becomes
geldable and adds to hidation in either the ablatum or addita-
mentum, not in both; so likewise waste of a manor taken from it
and no longer waste becomes geldable.
Sometimes a member of a King’s manor is detached from it
and held of the King in capite as a separate manor, and becomes
geldable ; thus (90) Wedmore. An example of a very perplexing
set of cases is (106b) Camel, iz tt are 15 hides, and the items of
demesne and villa amount to 15, but it gelded T.R.E. for 83 hides.
How did the Geld Roll enter this, for 15 hides, or for 85? We
infer concealment, but not conclusively ; if, however, Domesday
and the Geld Roll are to correspond, we are driven with uncertain
data sometimes to think that the mistake was corrected in the
51
1084 assessment, and sometimes not. In the case of Ciuuetona
(114b) the Geld Roll certainly entered 29 hides, not 14.
The Church Barons, according to their rank, follow the King,
and it will be well to mark the order in the Exchequer Book fac-
simile (p. IV.). Kelston does not appear among the lands of the
Abbess of St. Edward (193b) ; inferentially it was not yet formally
separated from the 20 hides of the Borough of Bath. Lands
given to the Holy men or Clergy of the King should be carefully
_ noted ; the spiritual needs of his manors were well regarded, each
had its church and chapelries. No doubt from notices of clerics
and presbyters in the Bishop’s land, the same care may be inferred.
We doubt very much whether many of the larger lay manors had
their churches. That parishes did not yet exist is forced upon us
by Domesday. We read, indeed, of parochiant presbyteri, but
parochus was the diocese, and parochiani presbyteri were the
Bishop’s Chaplains. (See Geld Roll of Episcopal hundred, Eyton,
p- 142.) The Lord of a Manor by the law of the Church must
pay tithes, to whom they were paid was left to his discretion,
sometimes to a monastery, sometimes to a baptismal church, and
in return, perhaps, itinerant priests ministered in the manor. We
note as a remarkable fact that between the years 1259 and
1286, 88 churches were dedicated (‘“‘ Randolph’s Bronescombe,”
p. XII.) in the diocese of Exeter—were they not previously the
private property of the manors ?
The King had in hand both in 1084 and 1086 the Glastonbury
estates, and alienated to a great extent the thegnlands belonging
to the Abbey. The concluding entries from 172b—Limigtona
and onwards—are not surveyed in detail (as Eyton observes II. 33),
but the reason is obvious, they are alienations, and the details are
given under the holdings of the new owners, as the marginal
references plainly show.
Next in order come the lands of the lay barons according to
their rank, commencing with the King’s relatives. In Suttona
(435b), at the end of Roger de Courcelle’s land is an omission,
entered on revision, observe in a different handwriting.
52
We have collated the Record Office copy with the original at
Exeter and corrected a few copyist mistakes, thus (448b) Hesdinc
should be Hesding.
After these, the lands of the Norman thegns, or, as they are
called at f. 456, Norman Knights, are entered; the Exon and
Exchequer books follow a notably different order. The Exon
takes strictly its usual index order of hundreds, the Exchequer
enters the whole fief of each thegn consecutively.
Then come the lands of the King’s household servants with
like arrangements respectively ; and lastly in like manner lands of
the English thegns, who we take for granted had fought on the
Norman side, concluding with a revisional entry (493) Otram-
metona.
For convenience A fitz B is written throughout instead of 4
filius B. Inthe identif. 2303 refers to the important Tax Roll
of A.D. 1303.
EXCHEQUER FAC-SIMILE.
This, we unhesitatingly think, is a transcript from the Exon
Book. Critical examination finds a few copyist’s errors in which
the Exon Book is more correct. Mistakes and false entries are
much fewer, simply because the Exon Book had already done the
more difficult part of the work. It is written throughout by Saxon
scribes or scribe. There are some important differences of detail
tonote. The latinized termination to names of manors is rejected..
Terra regis is arranged in different order beginning with Summer-
tone. The Bishop of Winton is put at the head of the Prelates.
The primary entry of the land of a Baron or Thegn forms the
caput of his honour, and generally his principal residence, this
should be specially noted; the demesne lands mostly follow.
One omission Mundiforde (p. XV., f. 356) is entered at the foot
of the page, and another Bredene (p. XIII.), another .Gatelma
(p. XIV.), another Middeltone (p. XIX.). That Stochelande
—
53
)2
Winterhead. Cliuedona is Cliff-down.
This hundred is 24. 1v. 2f/ short.
nearly compensate ;
Folio.
iy ese
Tr4b .:.
144b
144b
144b
144b
185
185b
185b
185b
186
186
186
186
186b
448b
448b
42 Bada
Name.
Estona
Bada (burgum) |
Firforda
Lancheris
Wica
Wilega ...
Wica
Bada (manor) .
Westona
Forda
Cuma
Cerlacuma
Lincuma
Estona ...
Hamtona
Vudeuuica
Westona
In Bath
Eyton I., ro2; II., 13.
Geld List 7.
LS ian!
DW po xn QHANW KO OD
Plough Lands.
—_—
Ploughs.
Demesne.
Palla see: wNNHNN NW
No. 11, Porberiet or Harecliua is 24. ov. over, so that they
some transference should be made, perhaps Alduica 452.
Bada.
95h.
Vol. III. Somerset. Records, 49, 70, 79.
Hidage.
eevee he Scribe.
2
Bye2 B
2 e2 B
Be) B
T 10) B
Io B
B
15 B
10 B
9 B
4 B
10 B
coe B
5 B
242 B
5 B
B
mG Bin
NOD ON CP HOO O
Plough Lands.
Io
Ploughs.
Demesne.
I
| NWO N
w | wrens
Downhead ; Wintret =
Villa.
_
Mm OW NUSTW
iS)
plua
Villa.
5
| evealeeinsees
ws | wee PU Aa
Ploughs.
Hidage.
Folio. Name. holt wy if Scribe Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
464b ... Tateuiuca Peeps Je, BeOS! etree I tae TGR Soc,
465 ... Tata Wica =. 2 phil 5 rec Te et ey ot isso Se
465... Heorleia Beate peck ed By ides Ce ee Th I
465 ... Estona ... ees Bi ao By © Sve 5 sx: 2
465 «..- Claferttona ... 5 See) ass Gir tah AE ss 4
—4g2b ... Wica... aie <2 Bis geen 3) 5 ene. ise I
88
Oddly enough Bada (f. 185) is surveyed as a anor which is called Bade, which is the caput of the
Abbey, in it are 24 burgenses, and a mill, and 12 acres of meadow. The Exchequer writes :—The
Church of S. Peter of Bada has in the Burg itself. The Burg belonged to the King (f. 114b).
ossessions of St. Peter
The monks’ devolutions of title are not trustworthy, though they show the p
i We think that the 20
of Bath some two centuries later. The geld list is obscure but suggestive.
ts, and being in the King’s hand formed a record
hides of the Borough were before the Law Cour
separate from Domesday, but now lost. Estona (r14) has 1 hide in demesne, and x hide in dispute.
The Abbess of St. Edward has 3 hides in demesne, but none in dispute. Clearly this is Kelston.
Rob. Greno’s holding is in dispute, this appears to be the same as in Vol. VIL, p- 49, Grenta de N.
Stoke. These we take to be parts of the 20 hides; the 15 hides of Weston certainly were not. See
a careless mistake about this in the Transactions for 1899, P- 147.) Now7 hides must be found to
on and N. Stoke may
_ make up the g5 of the geld list, and the 2 of Estona are already included, Kelst
very well represent these. There are still rx hides to identify, and among these should be found
elonged to the honor
S. Stoke and St. Catherine’s. Later on the Hundred and Manor of Wellow bi
The Bath records (Vol. VII., p. 31) show
of Gloucester, probably now given to the Earl of Moriton.
that 34 hides in Welewstoca, adjoining Woodborough in Wellow, were given to the Abbey. These
together seem fairly to account for the 20 hides now being dismembered.
27 Axebruga. Geld List 8. Cetdre.
h. v.
Titans
Eyton I., 1325 IL, 19.
(in Winterstok) Vol. III. Somerset Records 46, 50, 65, 269.
Ploughs
Hidage. :
Name. Rv. f. Scribe. Plough Lands, Demesne. Villa.
... Cedra pa ocacirkiiee Reon 3S inccra AR eco Sh aurea ht l7/
... Stocca ae betes. AB ys Canfas! yea 4%
Pay Gener Ser eNON csc.) CBN Res Qt vine 2
... Draecotta ac MHEOU! vee AS 4... 2 boues... =
jane
_ Contitone (283) is a difficulty (Eyton I., 214); but it seems very doubtful whether Compton Bishop
was part of Banwe 1; for Loxton on the other side of the stream belonged to Earl Eustace; and 1
the tenant of Contitone Mathildis was the Queen it would have been free of tax—and we may suppose
that it was in the hundred of Axebruga, and afterwards acquired by the Bishop.
Rob. de Otburguilla’s ablatum from Cedra has no corresponding additamentum that I can detect,
perhaps made after 1084. Stocca (138) gelded T.R.E. for 4 hides; i zé were sh. 1v., yet the
demesne and villaitems only amount to 4 hides; the villa items are obscure, the Exchequer never
enters them ; the additional th. rv. were in dispute, and therefore unpaid in the Geld Roll; but an
increment of hidation in the hundred of 1084 ; the Commissioners required payment in 1086.
60
4 Cudecoma. Geld List 9. Codecoma and
6 Manehefua. 10. Manehefua.
ne ve
Io I
Eyton I., 129; II., 19.
(in Carintona) Vol. III.: 38, Somerset Records, 38, 76, 245, 275.
Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. Has) Wan pie Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
357b_ ... Wdecoma im 8 gen tAbet i, COMING: Mahe Orme 6
358 .... Maneheua anes AD ie issue eee re!
SOL i. Lorra |" <2: nee OK Ne we > Lk bel ee I — ww. =
359 ~«... ~>Auena setae ete SEAS ures Pan! Goh coe 4
BOOM eras WleHat is. Feet | Oa A : 2. whecend eA CMe Stars
360~=C..._-—« Bratona rele OMS pao A A 4 o ees 2
Io: I
Vdecoma more easily becomes Woodcombe than Cutcombe, there isa Woodcombe near Mynehead.
Maneheua and Mena seem to have a common derivation, the stream at Minehead It is not very easy
or important to decide on the modern Cathampton manors which formerly constituted the hundreds
of Codecoma and Manehefua. Torra has no ploughs, because it was the lord’s park.
43 Porberiet Geld List 11. Harecliua.
h. v.
Portbury, 80 I
Harecliua and Eyton I., 146; II., 23.
Betministre. Vol. III. Somerset Records, 29, 42, 62, 93.
Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. hiliv: > if. Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
142b.... Attigetta sca) REE? Oe Waiesh. PP Riess I), 9 eee
143), %.. Bacoila... ve) SO Soc espta | Ghd: eee:
143 +... Budicoma ate AL 5 I I
... Chetenora sone Lea 0 A 2 Norte k —_—
... Widicomba .. 3 0 0 A a 10) OR 2 8
.»» in Church of p
Carentona I 2 0 A — 4 1k
... in Honecota O22 nO ae 2 I —_—
me eOLlOc: ..i. 5a ee SP ROMLO A 12 —— Freee
w. Ar eae we?) BO a yea ape Os, Seon 3 4
... Aucoma eae) hd Ae: 3 I 2
... Bruna ... Se et BAR 6 ee 4
ss. Langeham ... I 53 ee ‘ 6 Bi ke 3e
.» Coarma aa) Ole 280 A Ah ats Io I
.. Bichecomba ... O I O A 2 I 4
+. Bradeuda a ZeOr A 14 I I
... Estantona TOUR SREON, tcc) SAL Ssas 2 we I
+thegnland .. O01 O ee Dip os _
... Aisseforda aan OO LI . A... 2boves... — —
.. Aisseforda .. 0 0 If Aes ee cess _—
... Estauueit GbE Oly i..6 | AN I Pe) ieney, _
.. Wochetreu ... O 0 2 A eee 5 eae 4
.. Alueronecota .. 0 0 2 A Qieiness ae 4
... Hernola PR EROReOl sien) (AS ..5 3 1% -. I
« Lolochesberia... © 00 .. A 4 : Tea as 3.
-» Lolochesberia... I 0 O ANS: 6 ete ME | I
62
Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. i Soe EB Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
4 ani=
362b ... Comba can ality opmate) Boggs. Ts dads svg ed maliain
( Carr.
369.~=Ci«.. +“ Otttona ... Pee eS 0 Oy .2 Oe oe Pes Gtr 3
373 ... Radehewis .. O © 0 « Bow | eres i oe
380 ... Locumba Eyton tOMpn: TAT GRU secede 2k
426 ... Widieta was4 gO ES: JOT) ie. Cae Toe. a I
426b ... Wortha ee tt be) O Bey ces 3 Shee 2}
430... EdmundesWorthao 1 0 .. Aw 6 AAD RES 3
430... Donescumba .. O O I PATE face Pig nce eee
MgO... "Aisseforda, 5 0 0 2 a) oh fae ect ,
430 ... Aisseforda gO Oneal A 3 I me ne
430b_ ... Esthoca ot) O's RO cee te mite CAM ses 4 .. $
430b ... Bagaleia ne ATO MOE AY Os a ce age 4
430b .... Comba ... aaa oh as OY Moen eT abe Late ies _
AOD ere p ee Alta) sane. Ac Oe 2G A eee Lan, cis, oes 4
Aste... Gildenecota, =... (0 §210 9. 7A eee, 4 . 4
Ast... unnecota] .. i032) 2) 4: ey ape 2k acces 2
Ast)... Doventee a MO UAB as, Ayre | erro
inter se
43t ... Holma... pe ROME CAO Ms fase eee E Wirace 2% } a Can.
43tb ... Aiseforda O01 tetas. I } eed Chey!
431b ... Estana ... ry. TO), SP ee UBS A 2 a ee
442 ... Timbracumba... I 2 0 Bae se 8 Te sha I
Ae ie ase Honspil eee Pere ecr EB say) C2 ewer EE
Names like Honspil, Hunnecota, &c., are derived from hon or holn a hollow between hills.
35 Iatona hundred. Geld List 18. Ciuuetona.
ee) Ve
127 2
Eyton I., 136; II., 21.
Vol. III. Somerst Records, 38, 69, 108.
Hidage. Ploughs.
hi ¥¥: Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
3
17
Folio. Name.
i
141... Claueham ca aO. ©
... Chent ; 2
... Chingestona ... I
Chingestona
Megela ... cet ga
Tatuna ... #5, 20
Brocheleia oe WA.
55 Ciuuetona Hundred.
... Ciuuetona ah 20
Church of
Ciuuetona
... Ferentona ...
Estona ...
Herpetreu
... Amelberga
... Cameleia
Helgetreu
... Liteltona ae
... Contona an
... Contuna
+ Contuna
... Harpetreu
... Hantona
Tumbeli
.. Estona ...
... Comtona
... Morthona
Estona ...
-
iS)
nlewnman
Se
PHWWO POW p>rrPrPrrprprs Ww bib>r>duld
noe
Kean One RUMBOWNAMN
Nun rel Aes RWW HONOR ANW
lwsr lows YH bAUY 5
spn PPH O
NO Hem DH
I
134 :3
Phe two Chingestonas, the King’s towns, gelded T.R.E. for only 1 hide, but the items of 1086
it to 5} hides. If we could suppose that the hidage was increased after T.R.E., because the
reclaimed before 1086, a great point would be gained. The modern spelling of Yatton is
ng as regards etymology, the true spelling is Ya-ton, the town on the Ya or Yeo, meaning
So Ciuuetona is on the Chew. Chent (143) is called terra not mansio, separately hidated but
t a house, only a serf lived there without a plough. It was achapelry of Yaton. In the geld
or this hundred no allowance in demesne is made for the Church of Ciuuetona, the King may
ve granted it after 1086.
66 .
Ferentona (149b) is derived in Bosworth’s Dictionary from fearn = fern. Harpetreu is from
ye and reu, Cameleia from the river Camel, and eia water. Helgetreu, the hill gate of
the reu.
King Henry granted to Hugh de Vivonia for x fee (Vol. III., p. 38) Chewton, Midsomer Norton,
Welton, Widecombe, and West Kingston in the County of Wilts, which was a member of Chewton,
i.e, held of the manor of Chewton. Roger Tyrel holds } of Childe Cumtona of the Bishop of
Salisbury (154b): (Vol. III., p. 40): Adam de Bicton holds the other } of the Barony of Hugh Lovel
of the fee of Kary. Lovel inherited the Lands of Walter de Duaco, so this is 354b.
32 Congresberiet. Geld List 19. i i
19 h.
Eyton I., 124; II., 17. :
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 65, 264.
Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. sneak Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne, Villa.
106 =... Cungresberia ... 20 anBandA’:.. SO) tic eOMee | O7es
159b_ ... less Weimorham 1
19
The undertenants, 3 thegns, Aluuard, Ordric and Ordulf, also held T.R.E., no doubt of the King
in capite, and were free for their demesne. Gislebert and Serlo, who had recently become under-
tenants, paid in full. The King’s villani were returned in arrear, as were also the villani of Bishop
Moricius for-the glebe, though he held in alms.
Geld Roll, de 1 parte
of the land of Bishop Giso. 20.
: 218 h.
Eyton I., 142; II., 23.
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 45, 63, 66, 132, 195, 222.
oe Ploughs.
> ave .
Folio. .. Name. Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
15 Cumba Hundred
156 =... Cumba ... Ba eo) Esau pioMee ers. ALOumNre aes 12
19 Cingeberia Hundred
156 ... Chingesberia ... 20 Sec eran woe 24 2 ¢ II
MEGe -..) | Cerdre ... on eo en es 20 7° ars See,
156b ... Littelaneia ... 2 ccs BE pe 8 it, See 2
158 ... Winesham ee tO Bee lig Eee 16.22 eee 9
20 Wyluescom Hundred
156b ... Wiuelescoma ... 15 we 0B op cle ‘ A oes 7
23 Walintona Hundred
156b_ .... Walintona vine eT 20h Bia 30 4. \ eee ees
= Se eee = : Bac. 3) a as =
24 Lidiart Hundred
157 ~-«....- Lidegar hea ese, 3 oe es bs Gee PE lees 9
TOOM 55) AISSA, 5.3 soo. aha ve Bo owe fe se ee
143b_ ...- 39 oe ave “ae Ap 28h) HORE 2
we nor ne tae a 3 ccc) eee 24
29 Wella Hundred
Tho ae Wella... we 50) bee LD, @ Geet aOO «20 eae ne
2 hides which never gelded 2 B oo = a
158b ... Euercriz xe $20) ese Bi iene 5 2O0L) ieee game 4
I58b_ ... Westberia a soo. pallet | ere Sree 2+ ees 5
159) :.. Chit ~... set ZO Bon ia Jamey 50 Le fame te!
159 ~~... Lituna ... em Lo) 2 eee bres tos 7 | cease gee are 4
67
Cumba had ceased to be in the hundred of Abedicche, and was now included in Bishop Giso’s
Pages ie Teta hela C ba, (156), T.R.E. The Bishop bought it A.D., (E ).
tsor Fitz Torod he ‘um a 156 R. he Bishop bought it 1072 (Eyton p. 50
Marcd held Banuella' TE, rt :
Ailsi held Winesham T.R.E.
gon Danus held Iatuna T.R.E.
ittelaneia. We find also Micheleneia, and Mideleneia (189): i.e. the little, great and middle
waters. Eyton rightly identifies this as Huish Episcopi. Litelande of the Exchequer, is taken to
be an error of the copyist, nor is it to be found in Chard.
Aissa (59b) Roger Arundel had held under the Bishop in his manor of Lidiart, but now illegally
he holds it of the King in capite. In the Geld Roll (Eyton p. 142) Alvered, Roger Arundel’s under
tenant, hold of him 144. (in Aisxa) fully surveyed at 443b. Two Knights hold in Lidiart 3 hides of the
land of the villa.
The Canons held Lituna (159) of the Bishop.
The 2 hides of 157 which did not geld T.R. E. must be looked for among the unpaid items.
Haia (157, 480) is surely part of the 50 hides of Wella.
Haia, Heghe, Heghen is an enclosure ; this was in the King’s custody during the widowhood of
Gath, wife of Manasses ; it contained no plough or arable land, and may represent either Haydon
Farms in the parish of Wells, or Henton in the parish of Wookey.
Geld List 22. Giuela,
ne. “Wa
yp
Eyton I., 164; II., 27.
13 TZintenella Hundred Vol. III. Somerset Records, 22, 67, 223.
4 Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. neawaeete Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
266 ... Tintehella ...f 5 ° ° fete ae eo Se
266b ... Chingestana ... 8 0 O A 8 2 5
267 ~~... +Estochet Si Nye A : Saws 2 _ =
267 ~~... ~Draecota 200 A 3 14 I;
267b ... Estocha 280 A 8 2 ie 3
ar eae : I
Estochet re ea 2 A 2 — ae
Bisobestona © :-84°9) 10.0). 15.. 4 Ao os V like HWY | 2
36 Aundesbera Vol. III. Somerset Records, 24, 66, 183.
Hundred
Cinioc ... 7 B 7 3 4
Peredt ... 10 B : 8 a met 3
Odecoma 5 B 5 Dynes =
Ceoselbergon ... 5 B 5 Se 4
Cinioc ... 3 5 B 3 ie ec I
Cinioc ... 4 1 igherene Ae lorccsnat 2 2
Nortona 5 Brie ses 5 I 3
Halberga 10 B 8 I 5
Eyton I., 209; II., 37.
37. Lieget Hundred (Coker) Vol. III. Somerset Records, 24, 66, 192.
Cochra held by the .. A LOMAS. Sh ioe 12
Hardintona_... King A EO? were - 2 oa 8
ee Ferns”... ore 5 B 5 Se wee 4
Clouesuurda 7 B OF s58 3 oat 3
Sutona .. Toe 5 B 5 eo
45 Ascleia Hundred (Stane) Vol. III. "Somerset Renee 4, 57:
2
} Accheleia oe
58 Stana Hundred Vol. III. Somerset Records, 3, 57, 210.
.. Modiforda ay ee EOP: Gees CRP ee eee 3
Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. eeiwat fe Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa
BV GDiues > LORNA. «20 ae | A 2: 3 ht i
279b.... Torna ... ae ae" O Ane 3 iereter I
279b_... Cilterna eS A oe Be us eS ; 2
279b_ ... Cilterna ean ot, A a 2 Fe 2
289 .,.. Mundiforda .. 4 2 AY 4 x, ox Wate I
280b_ ... Hundestona I A Seem ae doa 835 4
280) ... Inuocutona “... A I ur io a
265 .--, 10) Giuela hee sah (Aes 26 ee oe I
435 } Limintona 7 B SF. FS : I
172
435... Essentona wie 3 USE oe cte Sr yes I Pe I
ABB cnc 1 SOCA Pee a2, B ae Sy di. yA —
435... Brunetona acai B 4 2 3 2
439) .:- jJula Kae 0 B 6G: nas Io vas 6
+ 22 Mansuree terre
439) 4... Citerna’..: eee ce B I — a.
AAS) 2. Eslida..« oe cee, BL! Res 2 a) 2.
454 ... Mudiford 3 : B 5 3h if. 2
+ Stana 2 Bas 14 Pe _
467 ~... +Prestetona 2 B Ts L>, 4, <—
493b ... Eattebera I we 6 Rh. Lig ee g
157 :2
Ceoselbergon = the berg of the ceosel (gravel or sand).
Chingestana and Alloweneshay are locally near Dowlish Wake, outlying parts of this hundred.
Tintehella and Chingestana were held by the Church of Glastonbury T.R.E.: probably, then,
Chingestana—the King’s stone—represents 172b, Stana; the value is the same (49), and the King
taking it from Glastonbury gave it to Hubert St. Clare.
The monks of Grestein lost Nortona (275) (tax Pope Nic).
In Sutona the lord held in demesne 4%. 2v. 17, the villa the other land, no survey is made of area,
In like manner Asceleia (113, 374b) is not surveyed.
Essentona and Soca (435) were very likely, at first parts of Limintona, for (Vol. III., p. 5) they
were held by Matt. de Furneaux of the heirs of Vinon of the Abbey of Glastonbury.
Citerna (439) is, most likely, the missing Chilton Cantelo.
Vol. III., p. 57, the tenant Warner is exchanged for Venour.
Newton Sermonville, south east of Yeovil (Vol. III.. p. 5), is difficult to locate in Domesday.
Eslida (445) is one of many instances in which the rst (or 1st and 2nd) letter is suppressed. The
E in these cases seem to represent 7he; e.g. Estona, Estanuella, Estapla, Esturt, Estragella. We
find Es in Es-toca, Es-tochet, Es-lida, Es-lapforda, &c. The river Ivel gives names to many manors,
eudy cody enough the owner of Soca (435) was S. Tochi, the Exchequer names being Socha and
‘ochi.
The geld list for Givele (Eyton, p. 164) should be carefully noted. The surcharges which add to
the hidage of the hundred are for—(493) Eattebere; (275) Nortona; (280b) the undertenants of
Montacute ; (274) Peredt ; (467) Prestetona : (113) Accheleia ; 266b Tintehella 2. 1v.; 267b Estocha.
21 Crucha, Geld List 23. Crucha.
39 h.
Eyton I., 134; II,, 21.
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 52, 73, 155.
Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. De van 16 Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
7o5. =... ~Chruca ... pony ESCLUUL aes ses AO mot Se eee
272 .. Esteham
69
Hidage. Ploughs. q
Folio. Name. : Hey) fe Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. ‘Villa.
154 ... Seueberga oe ede Oe B IZ I So
» ‘12. + Seueberga sort ONE esa) Bt FN ARE I’
197... Churchof Chruca 10 ee tk ie ae AAT ee 10°
27Ib ... Meriet . So, 98D OO sre JA PE Sate 4
105
272 } ae nation Bret Ae ness ye hoy 2 —
438 ~-.. Hantona nt TS OO A ' 12 4 10°
491b ... Meriet ... het gs A- 6 2 t Ze
40:0:0
Possibly Godwin—the King’s bailiff and hundreds did not include his eharge for survey.
The items in Domesday for the Church of Chruca only amount to 9% hides, though ¢heze are there
zo hides. The Abbott’s demesne in 1084 (Eyton, p. 134) was 7 hides, for which he was free ; and
presumably the 3 hides of his undertenant at Domesday were liable to geld.
8 Willetona. Geld List 24. Willetona.
Beevs
92 2
Eyton I., 198; II., 35. -
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 5, 75, 165.
Hidage. Pic oughs,
Folio. Name. awe" of: Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
89b_ ... Willetona .. escitur... nee (see Carentona)
428... +2 manors 46 2 eae ee Bi coder AS =— 3
... + Waistou ae 2 - aac I —_— he pS
104 ... Netelcomba ... “iden yess 12 renee 7
104 ... Capintona oa phives pA 5 ‘tng ie I
139~=Ct... ~+~«Essatuna ee eae A heme aed eS I
Be. Wacet ¢.. ae I ay eB Asi es Ie =
pee churuestona, Sor eee Os 4... B SF Meech ; 2
... Hulofort is KOr'o ee DieW ween phy me e I
... Haretreu RPSL MEO “ ©B 5 4 I we I
... Cibeuurda ae gta OL.O). | B 3 Lo es 4
4 ani-
... Comba... sapere VE B 3 os wl | malia in
carr ~
70
Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. he ev. oe Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. ” Villa.
362b ... Sordemanneford I ss GB Pa ine £ eS
373. ~«--~«=SSelura PRET G2) Ovens, ular aise OQ iecla tame 7
373. —~«««.«»—~S« Esstaluueia Se eS) CO) OF asred SRE Re aes Ree 2.
Ryans estaluicla |... 82) 0 'O ... Bip ws. 4), an, ees I
373b ... Alfagestona
andLedich.. 200 .. B .. 3° Gara ate Bee. 2
B73) a.) Lega, ae. ae 2 pe 8) mee Teo te
374 ... erestetona .. 2 3 Foe 4/3 tar Oe ee on ee I
374b ... Can Toca oe I sr ee ees 1} —= 1%
383. +... Sindercoma .. I 00 .. B .. Bo4 een, sv uret 3
BOWE Nese CWA ree on 2 so) 2B aes 1%... 2boves... 1
AD met MOCIIAs fs. mae 2 soo BR: THe pee I
427 ~«... ~Halsuueia oe 3 ge te ee 3: Laer® Ess 1%
427. ~«...._~Colforda AD O32) Zea css nan, Sal eee
427b. ... Heuuis ... Bp 3 ced aS. eae 2 var ples Wigs I
427b ... Fescheforda ... 2 Pion, Las tee TR ie F se I
427b.... Fescheforda ... 2 Pia: “athe CES Te ee I
oe } Imela ... ae 2 peel ewe ce 2 ers oe
28) +. - Clivaa..: se SOL ees 4G. ase Sees 2
+Hilla ... sepa xO) <1 PB 2. ves, Coe $
+ Perlestona eae 2 rs, Wp fx T isso plgweers 4
428b ... Waiecoma isey pal SOMO) Neca MUS Gas Th! ass, Jee
428 =... + Westou ook Sp LesOMNOm. 5 see en es 2 | cic 4 Geen 4
428b_ ... Ascuuei tes Zee = eck ES 6 it ee ae 2
429.~=ti...._:~=s@BBroffort.... pth ib ioe ene al te are 2. SE Pees I
429 ~«..._:~Brofort... ate OMA cisennet S okes 4 = ies
429. ~=C««.j» ~+~Potesdona re TAO acs. FD 2 — we
442 ~~... Schiligata Tal MeL IEOS eenk iy vac Qa ee I
442 ... Mildetuna oes SS cameo 3 ae I
442... Radingetuna ... 200 .. B «. 8 BX) Ras 4
442b.... Hiuuys... a 240) i BR. “12. ee eee 6
463b ... Cantocheheua... 7 00 .. B 20 2 rE vi
464 ... Heuuis... ee AL ZENO Oe B G23" “2a 3
464 ... Wiahalla rea I aoe ess 2 —- eee =
478b ... Lulestoc ee ren any) ._ a)
nie \ Inuuidepolla... oO 20 .. A .. “ae he eee _
491... Stauue ... ns Of aca EB cas UD iri TV 4 (==
491°... Hauekeuuella ... HRC pepe LE ard 3 ri P2h ears I
90:3: 14
If we take the 5 acres of 424 as } ferd, the addition very nearly corresponds with the geld list.
The Geld Roll (Eyton, p. 198) has an unpaid item x virg. which Rannulf holds of Strengestona..
Surely this is le dich (373b). It has also 1 hide of Imela and Oda and Waiestou making up the:
1 hide (8gb) of 2 manors and Waistou. Imela is written in the Exon Book I. mela, i.e. one mill.
The demesne and villa of Netelcomba only amount to 2 hides, the corrections in the Exch. mean that
the 2 hides weve there, but no virgates ; the 3 virg. are accounted for in 139—Essatuna— 3 wirg. of
Wetecoba belonged to Essatuna, which must not be reckoned twice over. ;
Waistou—the stow on the wai. i.e. the residence on the great road—Eyton (p. 35) identifies with
Watchett, which is found at 361b, however both Williton and Watchet were held by Ralph le fitz
Uris (Vol. III., p. 75), but perhaps Yeow Farm, Stogumber. Dodington (Vol. V., p. 31) got its name
from the family of Dodington, very likely its old name was Niuetune (361)—for which Mr. Bates.
suggests Newton, Bicknoller, containing nothing like 840 acres. Eluurda (351) contained 4 virg.—
71
1 in demesne, 2 in villa; and x virg. the King held in the manor of Willetuna; viz., Ledforda
(f. sogb), which therefore was not geldable.
For Comba (362) we suggest Combe Sydenham, Stogumber. ? ‘
John de Mohun—Combe, Hartreve and Codford are in succession 5 Hartrow and
n to Cleeve Abbey (spelt Stortmanford) with Slaworth by Mohun
hun after the death of his wife, Avis, confirms the gift (see Vol. XV.,
f the Wash towards the stort or promontory. Prestetona (374)
is doubtful, but see Vol. III., p. 167, and Eyton, p. 28. in i
Can (Bosworth’s Saxon Dictionary) is a
f take (see wid toc). So Can Toca, now Quantoc, represents the
i f forest land, called in Dartmoor in-take ; and elsewhere in
Devon Limet or Nimet. The assart of the Pipe rolls. The root of Stoke or Es-toca will then be
Toca, and its meaning an enclosure of forest land by metes or bounds.
Very likely Prestetona (103) (272), should be included in this hundred.
Fescheforda is clearly Vexford (pace Mr. Bates (p. 70, Vol. XLV.), who has carelessly said that I
identify Freshford with Vexford). There is no x here to produce Freshford ; F becomes V by a very
usual country process, and cs is +. The sequence test must “be insisted on,” it is almost beyond
question here.
© In uuidepolla” (479) was 2 member of Winsford, but the law courts adjudged it to be thegnland,
ice. to be held of the King in capite, and not of the manor of Winsford.
Sanforda and Alra (286b) Eyton puts in hundred of Tantona. So Cibeuurda, Comba, Hulofort,
Sordemanneford; Holecumba, Pudesham, Imela, Hauekuuella, Eyton places elsewhere.
Estaweia (344) indicates the vicinity of a Roman road.
Perlestona (428) is named from Perlo its owner T.R.E. So Wluuardestona (424) from Ulf,
or perhaps the town of the guard of the wol—suggested, Walford’s gibbet, Dodington. Wacet (36tb)
is most likely the head or mouth of the Wash. Prestetona (374) the priest’s town.
Ascuuei (428b) = the road by the asc or Ashwood.
Eyton II., 39.
Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. Beis.) f Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
9 Regis Brunetona
Hundred
103 ... Brunetona Se LO BBs “GON the Aen eee
— Prestetona eae OL nae xa Bhgwe dsachagrt Ut ieee I
11 Duluertona Hundred Vol. III. Somerset Records, 76.
fozb ... Duluertona .. 2 2 O = RG et ee eo ae 2 ee 3h
... +13 thegn lands Ase ae ics BS i SO sa ae 45
478b_ ... + to Duluertona ... le)
Eyton I., 211; Il., 39.
14 Cliua Hundred Vol. III. Somerset Records, 75.
yo3b ... Cliua ... UMAR GE Ge cosy GAL rican agente ao) freee 18
28 Mertocha. not in Geld Roll.
Eyton I., 212; II., 39.
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 17, 67, 129.
Ploughs.
Hidage.
_ Folio. Name. h v. f. Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
113... Maertoch 38 ss EE MGS PADI ced) pte cakes Oe
' +thegnland ... 2
King’s Brompton Dulverton, Cleeve, and Mertocha Hundreds were altogether in the King’s
hand, and so not assessed in the Geld Roll. Prestetona (103b)—undertenant Hugh de Valletorta, (272)
Rob. fitz Ivo; this requires explanation. The priest’s towns are a difficulty ; Eyton (p. 39) identifies
‘this with Preston Torrel’s Milverton. 1 suppose the Preston Uttiel of Vol III., p. 75, but in this
same page is the Prior of Geldive’s Preston, a free manor which the Taxation of Pope Nicholas
_ seems to fix on as Preston Bowyer. The priest of Brunetona holds of the 10 hides 1 hide de rege—
is it the Prestetona just below which was demesne ?
72
16 Winesforda. Geld List 25. Winesfort.
he
2 7
Eyton I., 199; II., 35.
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 76, 180.
(Carampton free).
Hidage. ; Ploughs.
Folio. Name. hee E Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
Moab: jaz Winesforda, .« | 3 2) . ERD 2
279 ~=««.«jw~«3In Etesberia_ ... 3 A are $ —
27 On aes) ebrenta Pret; / A 5 ee 4
279 ~=Cé««..»._~=« Ponditona pe i ey ; 3 ae! 2
28h. occa aes Tae cae, CAs ees 5 en : 2
286b ... Hengesterich ... 4 Asche lS ea ers B we ee : Ia
355b_ ... Ateberia on B a I mete! Nee
364b ... Ciretona aes «. 5B é 3 . «A 3 boves.
384b_ ... Ciretuna aoe cee sa GSB see Pee ee ie
386 ... Horstenetona ... II <<) OB 10 2h sxc 7k
386 ... Cherintona ... 6 B : 6 Tee : 3
ASGD: 5. ss. one = 10 B oe LO PPE eh nince 5
466b ... Sanforda era (2) B 5 6 iB 3
— Giuelcestre
197 Church Glebe “3 cm ae 3
522
ial Ch}
The 50 plough lands of Mileborna prove that Holwell was included. Weregraua (152) is taken as
Wydergrave in Hardington (Eyton II., 26); the entry precedes Howell in Hareturna, Vol. III., p. 2.
John le Sor held Herdington for 1 fee, together with the tenement of Werdergrave, Simon de
Tornay held x fee in Hardington, hundred of Chinesmordone ; and John Peytevyn held of Simon de
Tornay 4 fee Wedegraua, hundred of Hareturna (Tax Roll of 1303)—Hundred Rolls, Ed. I., p. 133
Hundred Horethurne—the tithings of Wedergrove and Saundford withdrawn by Earl of Gloucester”
after the battle of Lewys. Surely all this points to Watergrove South of Shepton Beauchamp as an
outlying part of the Hnndred of Hareturna.
John de Bures, Vol. III., p. 60, holder of Estanwella, and John de Bures of Norton Ferris (p. 67)
should be John de Ferrers. :
Come (467) is not duplicated in the Exchequer.
“in Etesberia” 279, or Over Adber was called Hummer from its holder Hamo. |
Hengesterich is the ridge of the hengen, i.e., the enclosure or park, it was of the fee of Doneyt —
(Tax Roll 1303). See 20 Ric. II., p. 203—Wm. de Monteacuto appears to have held Goathill, —
Henstrigge, Charlton Canvyll and Donyat in demesne. Only this Charlton Canvyllis there. Rob. —
Earl of March 22 Ric. II., p. 232, held 5 Charltons. a
Sanforda (466b)—All Hunfrid’s manors were added to the honor of Bristrie, i.e., Gloucester, but 7
they did not belong to it, they were free to leave. Coma (467) did not pay on demesne in the geld —
list (5 h. for Coma, 3 v.rg. for Turnietta), if the Chaplain held as «#der-tenant he was not exempt, he ©
was so since 1084.
4.
75
1 Nort petret. Geld List 28. Bort petret.
ve ff.
38 3 Ob
” Eyton I, 1845 II, 31-
Vol. 1II. Somerset Records, 10, 74, 244.
Hidage. Ploughs.
Name. hv. £ Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
Peret .= ... nescitur w B 30. aa 3. ee 23
Haumet I Ao MBS: Aedmneic og Tes Nese I
Churchof St. Mary
of Peretuna 3 0 A I et est ibi —
Neuuentona ... I I O «. A 4 I nH
Estragella at 2 bat ae & ‘ele 4
Estragella 2 cern eas I CAPES 1%
Wallepilla 3 A I Danie. 4
Doneham (part of Hateuuera) . B margin — —
Cruca ... ft I A I I _—
} buR ... “ae 2 A 3 I 2
Brugia ... pot yO. | O B 10 z! 8
Wadmenduna... 2 B 6 2 4
Bagatrepa 2 B Sites. I 5
... Bredeneia ee ee B zk. I }
.. Hursi ... ay P83 ot ihe 2 5
... Paulet ... °ob MLOs Soe? 1B I I _—
Tetesberga ... 2 A 4 I 3%
Ulmerestona ... 2 0 B
3 I I
.. Bur. eee 20 . B 5 eC
fe oh te Tigao Pees I gr al PP fo
Hignteuorda .. £0 Q . 8B . 2 FM —
Niuuetona BiG. se) BE aes I ag —
... Hateuuara .. I B 2 14 I 4
Peri . ave — ore B 2 I I
Ulueronetona ... I O I B 2 I I
+Peri ..... I oo B 2 I I
... Claihella I oo B 3 I 2
... Siredestona 2 B I I I
Rima ... 2 B 2 boves _— —
Cildetona 2 0 A 2 I 2
... Cildetona 2.0 A 2 4 2
m.. Pilloc ... : 4 A 4 I —
... Derstona ie Dee A 4 I 3
... Santfort T0733 A 3 I I
me Peri... ae 250 A I I —
in Neuuentona... Io A 4 — —
in Sideham in 0 LASSIE I — —_
Grenedona : 20 B all 1 demesne
Peghenes Re aS ge Ke A 2 The A fvede eee
Presbiter there ... I
... Neuuventuna Zz .0 A I I —
76
Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. ky ee Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
Miya sea Wer =) .2 eee 2 24
Ay te 1 Tes asia 4
477. _—-«....-~S B 2 I —_—
490b ... Dunintona ... 3 whe 3 I 2
66:2:0
Barintona (435) was a member of the royal manor of S. Petherton, Roger, probably, held it in
1084, and so it was geldable ; the survey is incomplete.
Seuenametona most likely got its name from Seuuard the tenant T.R.E., who had charge of the
see—the town of the inner mete of the see’ Estrat, via strata, the fosse road.
be Sve
Geld List 32. Abedicche. 137
38. Bolestana. Isso) 2
Eyton I., 94; If., 11; I., 97; IL, 11.
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 1, 71, 187, 30, 71, 173.
15 Cumbe 20h. now removed from this Hundred of Abedicche and placed in
Bishop Giso’s, so Abedicche should be 117 hides, and these hundreds 135h. ov. 2f.
Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. hv. f Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
3 Chori (Rivell) Hund Bolestana
89 .... Churi eo eMeSCLLUT: ase, (Big ns-pelS i 3a eee O
I virgt. taken from it (and added to Seuella f. 263) (518) included in
the 3 hides.
188b ... Draitunna wae 20) 10.0 ..< B 2... Uh err 9
197b_... In Church of :
Chori A — |
266... Isla 6 B 5 6 ie zy
268 ... Seuuella 3 B 4 I ; 2
79
Hidage. Ploughs.
Name. hoo we if, Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
.. Bretda pat wed B I oe
.»» Hachia ern B 6 2 3
... Bradeuuei I Bu Ge I — 4
... Bredene sccm pe B 2 eee —
.. Bretda PAG) eC wales I I —
Cruchet aie A Be oak 4
Ila ce B ma Deeecen ¢Le) eure I
... Pokintuna rt eee BY lisse 4%... te ees
+ Pokintuna AZ, Boiss zh. 4 =. 2 boves
B
... La More ... (part of the 20h. of Drayton) 1 wey, Lad ase Gs
... Fihida pe ge cou Pa eats ce: oh nese pe —
... Erneshelt tae z ge ER Teen ce _—
... Eppsa fs 2 B I SS ae
... Enrnesel ee) ah B I a _—
Brada cee eat A 2h ewer b —_—
.. Bochelanda ... -1I Bis yes Al. _
22 Chori (Mallet) Hund Abedicche
... West Dowlish... 3 Be oun ear A He 3
... Tlemonstre ... 20 B 20 3 20
vom la 5 B a ghd 2 2
lla arity Beemer Ee tase ho... — =
Cathangre tnaeted i Bes B : Fp akan 9 1 =
Atiltona : 8 B Ta" 2. 7 4
Aissella 5 Bilas 5 z, 2
... Doniet 5 B 5 ctu ieaee 2
... Estapla 10 B 9 Ae 6
... Bichehalda 5 B 5 2 3
... Bera 5 By 4 ya 3
a Cur Bg Brie tee 4 I 34
+Curi EArt ee B 4 I 34
... Wyslagentona... 10 B 10 Ei aries 7
Capilanda a ea B ae 2 Teens _
cis - —
139: 2
we deduct from this 3h. 3v. paid in another hundred and r4 fer. which the fegadri could not
nt for, there is left 135 : 2: oe .
und. Rolls, p. 139.) Cury Rivel and burg of Langport were of the King’s demesne pertaining
nerton, for Bek J. gave it to Urtico. Chori Nos. 3, 32 in the index ; Chori Rivell was the
put of the first part, Ilminster of the other, perhaps lately granted by the King.
_ The Church of Chori is not in geld roll demesne.
Hachia (271) is locally in Chori Mallet hundred, but it paid rent to Chori Rivell.
yy EE potite Pokintona (429b) is the mark of a cross in the Exchequer, and a like one opposite the
Church of Muceleneia, showing that St. Peter here is St. Peter of Muceleneia.
_ Brada (49tb) is Gose Bradon, for (tax roll, 1303) it was of the fee of Meriet, Hardinc was the
Ider of Brada, Capilanda, Meriet, Bochelanda The Exchequer puts Curi (429) as the caput of
Courcelle’s barony ; perhaps the added Curi was East Curi in Stoke St. Gregory, hundred of
orthcuri, but the present parish of Curry Mallett is large enough for both. The 2 virg. added to
pilanda were waste of Curi Rivell (89) not surveyed there, seemingly because the waste was
either taxed nor included in the terra of a manor.
aS says—the Abbot of Micelineia paid geld belonging to hundr. of Abediccha 3h. 3v. in
her hnnd.
_ Stocklinch Ottersey and Magdalen (Vol. III., 2, 71, 189) are not in Domesday, (Eyton, Pp: 75).
14 Ed. 1, 90, hon. of Dunster : 10 Ed. 3, 42, John de Bellocampo.
80
52 Briuuetona. Geld List 33. Briuuetona
53 Wincainietona. ; 232h,
hv;
addition shows 232 3
Hyton I., 111; II., 15,
Bryweton. Vol. III. Somerset Records, 32, 58, 101.
Cattesashe. Vol. III. Somerset Records, 44, 56, 206.
Norton. Vol. III. Somerset Records,.23, 67, 97.
Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. bin Woo us Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
Oe s.s, briuietona —.-. —neseitur B 50 3 18
I5tb ... Opetona ues ty (ol) 2, A 3 I 3
160 ~~... Wandestreu 4 B 4 2 3
275b_ ... Gerlincgetuna... 7 B 7 I 2
275b_ ... Ufetuna ess 2 3) elas B 2k I I
270. IReliz Mi B 6 I I
364b ... Briuueham 12 A 15 4 13,
cree aio aes 3 0 A 3 — _—
(434b) —- 2 hides ... A 3 I 2
382b ... Pidecoma 5 B 5 2 3
382b_ ... + Estropa... reer ne Bb I I —
434b ... Bruuetona |... » i 10 B 2 I —
450 ... Mideltuna ot BO B 6 2 3
465b ... Chenolla 1 290 B 3 2 I
493 ~~... Digenescoua ... I B 2) ae 2 4
493 +... Shepbuuurda ... iz B ae
AGG ares) Un Estropauwaes. I B 4 4 boves a=
Cattesashe Hundred
10o6b ... Camel ... Secu, OMeO A 15 2 AX II
4 Exch
a7ae 3... Esturt 2 B 3 - eee I
27 Oy Maes SLUM eer 5 B 5 2 2
276b.... Chintuna 5 B 5 3 14
277 ~-«...~ ~+=XBerrouuena 5 B 5 I 4
277b ... Aldedeford 5 B 5 I 2
277b_—.... ~Babakari 2/210 B 3 2 I
278 ~«... +Fodintona To 1) 32 B 2 I I
278 ~~... +Westona Si i eae B I I _—
283 +... Kinuardestuna... 5 B 8 2 5
Sh2D ees, a@arly fs: 15 B 20 6 17
B52b 4... sparkeforda %...') 5/9 1 0 B 5 23 4
352b ... Almondesford... 5 B 6 2 5
Soot) oc (pemia, « scsi B 5 2 3
383 ~«.... ~Cadebiria 12 B 12 Tas) 8
+ Westona Phin GRA 393 B — a neler I *
383. +... Westona ae 2 B 4 ...ibiest 1 _ 7
28ab) =.. cut Cadebina... ©) 3 0 B 3 _= —
+E Hef : 21 0 B — _ —_
+ Ulftona... I B I — —
+ Clopptona 2 B Su st. 2
383b =... Cumtona 6 B 6... 4 boves... 5
Aw
81
Hidage. Ploughs,
Folio. Name. hy viz, Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
384 ~~... Malperettona ... 5 Sof a aE Ss (Ce cele RE) ahs 3
434 =... Bertona... EC Gres BY si Dear 2 Ly aks I
434b ... Chintona (lay in Bertona T.R.E.)
453 ~~... Louintona 36) Biot cs Oop dec 2a oes 64
453 ~«...:«&<7\Watehella Bey Ps! oh nk Oh ee AT es
466 ... Fodindona 2 #1. “OMncae BD 3 A oy oe I
466... Babecari Pea ee) bo RBCS 3 Shine a 3
moobr) .. Fodindona : 1... 1 1 2 B es 2 Man ee
480 ... Bertuna Pam en Bete. GR ise =
493 ~~... + Lideford eo ee Bas [34 aonwieieiee wate 4
53 Wincatnetona
g63 ... Blacheforda ... 4 ees Pe Gay, mi Senlisens 4
276 ~=««... ~Sheptuna Oe KS oo eres 5 aie is 3
: +Stocca ... be eet 3 ceca ; Aas MOTO a5 2
Bytes toca”. ... Seah Ol ioe Os Toc, Mardin, are 2
277. ~S«.«..~=Ss Cocintona fc) 7 Bea Gr ee t 2
75... Cloppetona ... 3 Rites Ber be ol Listes «Soe
352 ~«...~=3‘Broctuna we A Beara 5; ie Sie: fae 4
352 ~~... Wincalletona ) 3 Sela NAMES 7 I ec 7
+2 virgt. j Zesitee (Ae Biace 5 Pe i cagieee 3
383b ... Blachafort aus oa: tes Ber ah sa ees
436b ... Cerletona eat 5 Sea meks 12 cht 32) ! 8
aa5 ..: Penna ... oer (ee: A B Fs. 3 et Teese 14
447 ~O««.. ~=Gernefella a Pair cae 3 eee I
wee 6... Chilmatona _... I B i [yore n 4
466 ~~... Haltona foes Bee st 2 or ge ° $
2B INO! 2
_ The ancient demesne of Bruuetona had 50 plough lands, 6000 acres, certainly not all arable; but
it must have included South Brewham and Stourton, thus with adjuncts and North Bruueham
Domesday accounts for 9540 acres: the modern acreage being 9584.
_ Wandestreu East (Vol. III., 59) isin this hundred ; Wandestreu West (Vol. III., 55) hundred of
Frome. The Geld Roll has the arrears of Isaac who was presumably Dean of Wells (Eyton II., 113);
and this suggests that Wandestreu was part of the 14 hides held by the Canons of St. Andrew (157).
Mideltuna (450) held by Alienora Lovel in the 1303 roll.
‘Hund. roll p. 133—Bruton—Reymund de Clivedon’s land of Milton. Eyton (p. 114) has gone
wrong over this.
_ Reliz has g acres f. 91, 20 acres f. 520—the former is probably right.
Shepbuuurda (493) (Sheep wurd = value) would seem to represent a sheep farm, having only 10
p at Domesday, and will well stand for Sheephouse Farm, Bruton.
___ Briuuetona and Briuueham take their names from the river Brue. Wandestreu marks the vicinity
the Roman road, Wan as a prefix means deficiency.
Camel (106b) contained 15 hides at Domesday. The deficiency should be found in the lower
columns of the geld roll as representing legal objections. If we take in the geld roll Wm. de Durvill’s
_ x44., and the 54. which. Malger pays elsewhere, the 15 hides are completed. Camel (Hund. Rolls
_p. 129) belonged to the manor of Somerton, till King Henry gave it to Hubert de Burg.
____ On this same principle the 4 hides deficient in Chilmatona (453) are those which Ralph held in the
ame list, the Abbess of St. Edward claiming exemption as demesne.
Again Wincalletona (352) has now 4 hides, it gelded T.R.E. for 3 hides, but the geld roll arrears
ave 1 hide to be accounted for by Rannewal.
_ But, further, do these deficiencies sometimes re-appear in Domesday under some other name?
_. Goscelin de Riuaria held of Rob. fitz Gerold (91) part of Briuuetona; he also held of the same
letona (436b), making its identification as Charlton Musgrove very probable.
83b. Clopptona—Ralph trencart is a copyist’s error for Ralph tenet (see Exchequer).
_ Sutcadeberia (383b), 7 have above noticed, tells us that Reginald himself is now copying.
_ Witeham (434b) was held T.R.E. of the manor of Briuueham and could not be separated from it
use the manor paid its tax, now it is held as a separate manor and pays its own tax, so it seems
follow that the two hides were part of the 12 hides.
Folio.
161b
162b
162b
163
Folio.
163b
164
164
165b
Folio.
PaphOSurk«
Folio.
169
Folio.
271b
272b
38 Locheslega.
82
Lochesleia,
47h.
Geld List 34.
Eyton I., 174; II., 29.
(Part of Wytele) Vol. III. Somerset Records, 27, 53, 115.
Hidage. Ploughs.
Name. bs pep ote Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
Sapzesuuica 30 A 60 16 264
Souui 12 A 20) Parsee - 14
Cosintona 3 A GS, seat ber eae 5
Estauuella Dust A 2X oe ctdo 1 | pL ORees I
47 +2
40 Ringandesuuel. Geld List 35. Ringoltdeswea.
59h.
Eyton I., 182; II., 29.
Hidage. Ploughs.
Name. hy weet Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
Waltona 30 A F Come ee 7 26
Dondeina 5 A 4. ioscan gt Zee atens 3
Lega ie A A iO) schol i eee 5
Boduccheleia ... 20 A 20 TOW | sss 9
59
41 Monechetona. Geld List 36. Hama.
: : 17h.
Eyton I., 141; II., 21.
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 55.
Alidage. Ploughs.
Name. ie) Avast Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
Hama 17 A 20M nace eS 10
41 Monechetona. Geld List 37. Monachetona.
15h.
Eyton I., 163; IT., 25.
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 55, 260.
Hidage. oughs.
Name. he, ere 28 Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
Monechetona ... 15 re ele) 20 Foss By, 93
54 Blachethorna. Geld List 39. Manerium Torna.
7h.
Eyton I., 172; II., 27.
(North Curry) Vol. III. Somerset Records, 51, 64.
Hidage. Ploughs.
Name. Hew Yeerks Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
Torna 6 ae a ZA a 60 aaa iD,
In Aissa I Sete 3 Ae Beye I ies I
7
83
17 Nortchori. Geld List 4o. Manerium Torleberga.
(part of) Eyton I., 172; II., 27. “
(North Curry) Vol. III. Somerset Records, 51, 64, 105.
Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. Rina ot este Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
a7Tp) ...| Loxvlaberia ....° 3 eh A eas Oe ais sataent epics 7
Eyton puts Cosintona in the Hundred of Bimastan.
Eyton (I., 6) says the Exon Book treats Aissecota (163) a.member of Walton as a distinct
manor. But not so, the words used are zzde hadet, showing that it belonged to Walton.
Lodreford (165b) 2h. cf the manor of Boduccheleia, Bowen’s map puts S.E. of Ashcott. Humfrid
held it de vege, itis not among Humfrid’s holdings in capite (466b, &c.), but here it isa marginal
entry, and forms part of the 20 hides of Boduccheleia.
Hama is not in the index, but Vol. IIT., p. 55, takes Moncketon and Hamme together.
Morchetona (169) is most likely a mistake for Monachetona.
Torna and Torleberga were assessed as detached from the King’s hund. of N. Curry.
Geld List 41. Froma,
298h.
Eyton I., 149; IL, 25.
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 12, 61, 84. Weluue.
2, 69, 158. Chinemersdona.
8, 55, 124. Froma.
49 Froma Hundred,
Hidage. Ploughs.
Name. Dene Vacy ts Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
.. Froma +» hescitur B 50 3, Vass | BAG
Loligtona 7h B 5 Zaees 4
... Hordcerleia 5 B 4 3 2
.. Roda 9 A 9 64 4k
... Caiuel Be any a eh A I Be, oa: oo
... Wateleia see ew aN 5 2h es 3
Crenemella 12 A TOR lens ee 3
Church of Frome B 8 2 6
... AbbotofSt. Mary 5 B re 3 wigs 2
... Claforda aeRO B 9 ae eee a,
Nonin 5 A 3 I I
.. Witham I B 2, SER ee a I
+ Wlftuna i B I ees —
... Wandestreu 5 se B ae Pe Du llie = I
... Kaiuert asp) NOMS B Ae Hans 4 —
Estalreuuicca ... I 2 B rf er CaN _—
Hecferdintona... 1 Bie 4 — 3
... Lauretona $f) 3.) ue eet Io Be oo 4
... Bechintona 10 B ours) aN Ar 6
Bercheleia ... 32 2 B eS, Does I
... Mersitona Zea B 5 I 5
mae Lelma Be aides Abe 54, 4 I 3
.. Reddena rio core lal eas 3 3 —
... In Roda I Bart kak cs & —_ —
84
Hidage. Ploughs.
i Tos age
Folio. Name. Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
50 Chinesmordona Hundred.
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 2, 69, 158.
145b ... Stratona 3 ay 18s) Seow 3 2 einas 13
+ Picota ae Ay MD oo eb I — i. 4
146b_ ... Estoca FOS A ot wets Cy 3 3 4
147... Hardingtona 4 5 5 4 Dae 3
147. .... Babbingtona ... 5 aco 8! x 4 Zee 3
147b
168 J... Millescota 5 2 Bsc. 5 : Bes 5
187... Escuuica re Oc ees : 3 —
168 ... Mulla =. 20) 0 eS scout 220 2 3 3
EOS!) eee un Church. of
Chinemersdona Z ee) ASS ee ee
a15 ... Wamintona ... 21 Ga sek a 20m 4 a ae
375... Lochintona ... 5 B 5 2 82 I
480 ... Picota ie ee Seay uess 4 22 2
480 ... Waltuna hi 3g sp 4 1? ss 1%
492b ... Bochelanda ... 12 Boch alt 7 vot) ee 4
493. ~~... +Writelinctuna... 6 0 ib By) weet | DG 3
51 Wellewua Hundred.
145b ... Fuscota ne B 4 2 a 2
146 ... Ingeliscama ... I0 es ols 10 xy PSs 6
146 ... Tuuertona a UP Oe 4 B 10 3 36 6
146 ... Tuuertona 252 a a ass 2h 2 Se
148 ... Tablesforda 2 AS Be 2 2 ik
+ ees 55 A 4 ipigel 3 2
149... Liteltona ww. «= 2 A 2 2 w. =
149 .-. Neuvetonag) 5... 3 A 4 2 2
+ Sef A 8 =. one 6
170), .J.. - Camelertona” <2) 10 A 10 3] 3
186b ... Corstuna =O. Ba aces 9 Dh ees 3
186b ... Euestia Sa serene SS I Tt tee _
276b «... Credelincota, i323 see ss 3 2 _ oo
276b ... Eccheuuica ... I Estates e} ; I _ = in Si
284b ..:. Duncretuna, ~-.. 93 a 8 ral Se 4
+ ao I cook 18! — 5 =<
434 ... Ferlega ae 2 fore I _ I
Abas) s-. Witochesmeda;..a) iga0 Pt eile: : 2 2 Frees
437. +~«-- Hantona set eaO me ee 10 ag : 6
437) .«. Norttna reve eH) Ar 18) TO dence (cere &
447 ~«... ~+$\Vdeberga fee OL Foes = 2 Sen _—
492b ... Cuma rece Fe no oD : Bel ese a 4
295
The Abbot of Glastonbury’s demesne in the geld list (Eyton, p. 149) 20h. 2v., we take to be Mulla
toh, Camerton 7h., Bishop of Contance’s part of Mulla 2h. 2v., and Godeva’s part th.
Froma (gob) 50 plough lands = 6,000 acres.
ee = (including 8 of the Church) 5,100 eee
small acres 6240
_ (sq. league = 1,440; add 30 and 50 = 1,52c = 1,140
186b. Escuuica containing only 60 acres, can hardly represent the parish of Ashwick, containing
spe ace beg was a hamlet of Chinesmordona. The bounds (Vol. VII., p. 66) suggest the N.E.
part by the Mull.
Again Euestia 186b must be on the banks of the Camel, and by Dipford, by the spring at the ford
by the Ramleagh way, by the hcerpath (Vol. VII., p. 26). probably Middle Twynhoe, N. of Wellow.
85
Froma (gob) in the tax roll of 1303 included Flintford and Feltham. Caiuel (149) and Kaiuert
(384) seem to have the same root. Cai changed into Key : uel has probably the same meaning as wella
-closely connected with villa. Vert means in Dartmoor underwood. So (446) Celle-uuert. This
must be distinguished from uuer a weir, in such cases as Dul-uer-tona, Mil-uer-tona, Tu-uer-tona,
‘Ul-uer-tona.
Abbot of St. Mary (198), identified by Eyton as part of Nunney. He puts Estropa (493) hundred
_of Briuuetona in this hundred, but see Vol. Ill., p. 59. (Hund. Rolls, p. 139.) Manor of Witeham,
hund. of Bruton, this refers to 434b.. Witeham = the water ham. a ha
Middeltona 16rb. Eyton puts inthis hund., but order and locality are both against it. The
Clerks had not at this stage begun to enter the Domesday roll of Frome ; and the geld roll evidence
sis inconclusive.
Loduntona (375) is Lochintona in the original.
Estoca (x46b) became Rad-stock, the Stoke on the Fosse Road. The Church of Chinemersdona
(198) adds to hidation of the hundred, see geld roll arrears, no doubt aclaim for exemption. |
Millescota (147b, 168) was held de rege by the Bishop of Coutances. Eyton is wrong in his note
(p. 157) on this manor. Domesday at f. 168 records 70 value, terr. ocupp. (520) puts the value at
25s. There may have been two parts equally hidated, but of different values. Observe the name
Millescota is not mentioned at 168; or there may have been a reduplication both in the Geld Roll
_and Domesday, and so a false hidage added to Froma hundred ; the surcharge of 5h. 3v. in the Geld
Eyton’s reason for placing in the hundred of Bath (434) Witochesmede = the water boundary
-meadow seems strange. a! ;
Eccheuuica (276b) not in the maps in Wellow. Is it Wick Lane, Camerton; or Week English-
-combe ?
33 Sumbretona. (lost)
Eyton I., 208; II., 37.
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 20, 58, 67, 201.
Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. hele yvar ob Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
... Sumertona ..._ nescitur Bn atta, SOs eo) Cao
+burg : Lanporda apa
+3thegnlands... 5 2 ee AB ie eas 4 aa) Lae rees 3
... Petenia aver Oi 2 Bt aks oeaieee 4 — a
... Petenia Peron 2: Re BS: Ghlecs ad core” BAL
... Middeltona ... 6 a a By f 6 at ee 4
... Lideforda ae 4: ASB 5 5 Behey es | ces 14
... Camella 43° TO ih Rp And #5 ag tL Op a dreca ety ‘ 7k
... Sutuna ... 10 re EN e 16 Pr ba 6
.. Ceorlatona .. 5 Cpe ws Geli Ss an 14
; 2 boves
... Liteltona eae ey AAS ess 2 ._ } <<) Oar:
+ RL 52 Be Sere Z Sy eek. ths 5
... Geueltona Lees me del | ore 8 Shamess 5
+5 thegns arte G2 Aa Bie Wess 2 _ a
co Gs ee wee MQ! Jeon yey mess rip Petit he e——
... Cerletona on ghs Jou ee Grg acest Ty lives 3
Pee AWra: | ox iis Pe ASP Lees 4 Bak es lr 2
... In Warna an PEED. 1 see Bre iss Bee set Py eae
eae ari,” ... an Momer 2. AL ef Wel scch OL eee oe
BeeGatl ) ae ity BA an AL ices Bh san Bie ves I
64:0:2
(116) Putten’ and Werne, hund. Sumerton—hundred rolls p. 139. Denesmodesuuella as taken
‘1 Sumertona and hidated ought to be found in Alured’s fief, it is written denemodes Wella in terr.
. (stsb): I suggest Welham Farm—possibly denemodes may be a mistake for demesne.
Alra (464b) held of the honor of Hoddyngsele, i.e. of Limeseio or Braynes (Feudal Aids. Vol. EL;
414).—Cerletona (443b)—f. 516 Warmund held 44. of Roger Arundel, but became a freeholder, then
er repudiated responsibility, and Warmund held directly of the King.
ws letona (273b) cannot bein the hundred of Hareturna, index of order forbids ; for certainly the
ibes at this stage had not commenced this hundred.
~ Suttona (435b) is South-town.
86
48 Suthbrent. not assessed.
Eyton I., 212; II., 39.
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 27, 54, 249.
4 Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. He Veneta Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
1og4b.... Langefortda ... 5 Ber IY eke ace meet 8
170b ... Brentamersa ... 20 eet By poco CGO iat ae oe Ly ene
7h | t.todena Worda.., !r2 x HIB idee, Bit cave Gee 4
Hund. of S. Brente is not in Kirkby quest; but in the tax roll of 1303. Hund. of Whitlegh—
heirs of Rob. de Brente hold one fee in Cusington and Suthbrente. Probably, considering that
Wn. ist had in hand the Glastonbury estates, S. Brent, Langford, and Edingworth were held
entirely by him in 1084, and so not surveyed.
not in the index. not assessed.
Eyton I., 213°; Il., 41.
Vol. III. Somerset Records, 34, , 204.
(pp. 289, 320 contain modern additions, )
: Hidage. Ploughs.
Folio. Name. hak wee ts Scribe. Plough Lands. Demesne. Villa.
171b_ ... Gleestingeberia 12 seo.” BB, , Naey 30) Seach te 5
which never gelded
Mera 60 acres ie oa whichis there —
Padenaberia 6 acres Ban oes ae Ske
Ederesiga 2 h. of land aoe Fok P| ee =
which never gelded
These 12 hides did not include West Pennard, nor West Bradley.
al
Two Demolished Houses. By Tuos. S. Bus.
The two houses here depicted have been cleared away within
the. last year or two. Cornwell House stood between Walcot
Street and the river, and was pulled down to clear the ground for
the new Walcot Schools. There does not appear to be any
history attached to the house, and it will be seen that, with the
exception of the hood over the doorway, there is no particular
architectural feature about it. The interest lies in the name.
One would, of course, expect to find a well or spring close by.
“Wood,” in his ‘Description of Bath,” Vol. II., says “the
Conduits that supply the Public with Cold Water, are all situated
eon-Major Adcock.
[Surg
Photo. by)
ELL HOUSE
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87
in open and exposed Places ; and Carnwell being the First, the
Water issues out of a Spout in the back Wall of an Alcove,
formerly placed on the west side of Waldcot Street, where a High
Cross or Tower antiently surmounted the Mouth of the Spring,
and stood a small matter within the North End of Saint Michael’s
Parish. The Sides and Covering of this Alcove were lately taken
down to widen the Road before it; and the Workmen, by
penetrating into the adjoining Banks to continue on the additional
Breadth of the Way, or Street, met with huge Blocks of Wrought
- Stones as the strongest Testimonies of a Publick Structure once
existing in the Situation.”
Amongst the Bath Abbey Chartularies (published by the
Somerset Record Society) Lincoln M.S., No. 171, is a Deed
dated A.D. 1268, one of the witnesses to it being Robert de
Cornwell. Whether this Robert took his name from the district
or had any connection with Bath there is nothing to show.
Another Deed, No. 384, ‘“‘Covenant made on the Feast of St.
Martin, 1290, between Thomas, Prior, &c., and Thomas Noy, and
Agnes his wife, by which the Prior grants to the said Thomas and
Agnes, a house with a curtilage in Walcote juxta Cornwell, the
site whereof pertains to the Kitchen of Bath. Witnesses : Stephen
Baker then Mayor of Bath, John Tailor, then reeve, and others.
Nassau House is said to have been built by Richard Boyle,
4th Earl of Cork, and at one time occupied by the Prince of
Orange, when he was here taking the Bath Waters. It formed
one of a block of buildings that stood on the east side of Orange
Grove, and was pulled down in 1go1 for the purpose of making a
road in front of the Empire Hotel.
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91
Summary of Proceedings and Excursions for the year roor-2. By
the Honorary Secretary.
Mr. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN,— F
The Field Club commenced its proceedings this year
by meeting at the Royal Literary and Scientific Institution on
February 18th, and re-elected Mr. H. D. Skrine as its President.
Mr. T. Frederic Inman and the Rev. C. W. Shickle were elected
Vice-Presidents, and the other officials were re-elected to their
several posts. The Treasurer, Surgeon-Major Mantell, produced
his balance sheet of the Club’s accounts, which showed that the
funds of the Club were very prosperous, the balance in favour of
the Club now standing at £88 6s. 4d., besides £4 5s. 1d. interest
accrued on the money deposited in the National Provincial Bank
of England. The thanks of the Members were tendered to Dr.
Mantell for his past services as Treasurer, with the expressed
hopes that he may long have such a pleasant account to produce
of the Club’s assets. The Field Club had the misfortune to lose
its President this year by the decease, on September 25th, 1go1,
of Mr. H. D. Skrine, of Claverton Manor. Many Members
attended his funeral out of respect for his character and valuable
services he had long rendered to the Club. He joined the Field
Club as long ago as 1865, and died at the good old age of 86.
He had been in failing health for many years, and for some
months past had been unable to actively participate in the
deliberations of the many bodies with which he was associated.
One of the last, if not the last, meetings which he attended in
Bath was the annual gathering of the subscribers to the Bath Eye
Infirmary, of which he was always a generous supporter ; we recall
that he spoke of the pleasure with which he attended, and told
the committee that if ever they badly needed funds they knew
where they might apply. Mr. Skrine’s most important public
office was that of County Councillor for the Weston Division, but
92
it must have been nearly two years since he had been able to visit
either Wells or Taunton. Mr. Skrine had been spending some
weeks at Seaton, on the South Devon Coast, and being taken
seriously ill there was hastily removed home. It was apparent
that at last Mr. Skrine’s great resources of vitality were waning,
and he became worse day by day, never leaving his bed after his
return home.
Mr. Skrine’s family history may be traced back many centuries.
There is a tradition that when Philip of Spain came over to marry
Mary in the middle of the 16th century, he was attended by one
Don Eskrine. When Philip returned Don Eskrine did not, and
was given a grant of land and the arms of Spain to wear. There
is still in the possession of the family a portrait said to be of Don
Eskrine, but there is not conclusive evidence of the story, and it is
more probably true that Mr. Skrine belonged to an ancient family
of County Durham. The manor of Warley was purchased in 1634
by one Henry Skrine, and the now deceased Mr. H. D. Skrine
himself acquired the Claverton estate, which once belonged to the
postal reformer, Ralph Allen. Healso had property near Maiden-
head. Mr. Skrine completed his education at Oxford, and left the
University a highly-cultured English gentleman, with an inherited
devotion for Church and State and a deeply-rooted love of nature.
He spent his long life amid his charming estate, dividing his time
and wealth between the educational and charitable institutions he
found so glad of his help in the city of Bath, and his library and the
many fascinating pursuits available about his charming house for the
lover of nature. It may be recalled that the late Mr. H. D. Skrine
was a painter of no ordinary ability, and some of his canvases
representing scenes at Claverton, were the wonder of the last loan
collection at the Art Gallery, when regarded as the quite recent works
ofan octogenarian. Mr Skrine married a Suffolk ladynamed Miles,
and had no less than eleven children. The eldest son (born in 1844)
is Colonel H. Mills Skrine, of Warley, Hon. Col. of the rst V.B.
Somerset L.I., and then in order of birth come Mr. Duncan W. H.
93
Skrine ; the Rev. J. Huntley Skrine, Warden of Trinity College,
Glenalmond, Perth ; Mr. Edward Harcourt Skrine (for many years
a Ceylon tea planter); Mr. Sholto Douglas Skrine and the Rev.
Vivian Eccles Skrine vicar of Leadenham, co. Lincoln (twins) : Mr.
Osmond Percie Skrine and Mr. Walter Claremont Skrine. There
were three daughters—one married to Mr. G. A. R. Fitzgerald,
barrister, and another to Mr. Douglas C. Richmond, barrister and
Charity Commissioner ; the third is Miss Mary Catherine Skrine.
Mrs. Skrine died in 1890.
Mr. Skrine was for a very long period a county magistrate, and
in his more active days, before the County Council deprived the
Quarter Sessions of their control of county affairs, he did not confine
himself merely to serving on the Bench at Weston (he was chairman
for many years, retiring in 1879), but was prominent at the quarterly
meetings of the justices at Wells and Taunton. When the County
Councils were established in 1889 it was no surprise to find him
willing to be the representative of the Weston division, and he was
elected without a contest. At successive triennial elections he was
never opposed, and it will not be easy to find anyone willing to take
his place, for the office requires the expenditure of much time and
no little expense. He was a Deputy Lieutenant of the county and
had served the office of Sheriff.
It is a difficult task to atterapt a recital of the many associations
Mr. Skrine had with the social, charitable and educational life of
the neighbourhood. Nearest his heart, perhaps, was the Selborne
Society, of which he was the founder in 1886 and then the
President, for a love of animal life and desire for their protection
was one of his ruling passions. A presentation was made to him
in November, 1897, by the Members of the Society. To the
Bath Literary and Philosophical Society he read many papers,
and of the Institution he was in his time the moving spirit. His
ancestors were among the founders of the Blue Coat Schoo], and
to this institution Mr. Skrine was extremely generous; he had
been a Trustee since 1858. Of the Mineral Water Hospital he
94
had been a Governor since 1856, and as a Trustee of Partis
College Mr. Skrine held the office of Chairman longer than any
of his predecessors. He was President of the Bath Eye Infirmary,
of the Bath Church Schools Managers and Teachers’ Association
(for something like 40 years), and was connected with many other
similar bodies, including the Bath Field Club. The deceased
gentleman was one of the warmest supporters of Bath College,
and at the financial crisis of three years ago was one of those who
generously came forward with assistance. The British Association
meetings in the locality naturally attracted Mr. Skrine’s interest,
and when the excursion took place from the Bristol Meeting in
1898 he entertained the visitors at Bushey Norwood, in the
vicinity of the British Camp there. He was a contributor to the
handbook to the Bath Meeting of the Association, which was
edited by the late Mr. J. W. Morris. Politically, too, many
organisations will deplore his loss. He was for many years the
Ruling Councillor of the Bath Habitation of the Primrose League,
and many of its gatherings, as well as of other associations, have
been held at Claverton Manor. The Monkton Combe Conser-
vative Association deplores the loss of its President. An appeal
for the assistance of Voluntary Schools was never addressed to
him in vain, and in January, 1898, in conjunction with his eldest
son, he presented new schools to the parish of Claverton as a free
gift to the parish. He did so, he explained at the opening, to
save the parishioners from the expense of a Board School and to
secure, if possible, that the School should be a Church of England
School in perpetuity. He felt he had only done what was his
duty. The expense of the restoration of Bathford Church,
commenced as far back as 1854, was principally borne by Mr.
Skrine, and then 20 years later, the tower being out of keeping
with the church in its restored form, Mr. Skrine very generously
offered to erect a new one, bearing the entire cost of £1,600.
The Field Club has also lost eight Members by resignation
during the year, and received two new Members among its ranks.
95
Mr. M. H. Scott, the Hon. Secretary for Excursions, informs me
‘the Excursions for the year were not well attended. Those in the
published Programme for April 23rd, 1901, to Chew Magna and
‘Stanton Drew, and for May a2tst, 1901, to Cadbury Camp and
Queen Camel took place with only nine Members attending each.
The third Excursion arranged for the year to Abingdon, Dorchester
and Wittenham, on June 18th, failed through paucity of replies
from Members desirous of taking part therein, only two expressing
their desire to see these interesting places. The fourth Excursion
_ to Montacute and Trent was altered by a vote of the Club toa
trip to Symond’s Yat and Goodrich Castle, and duly took place
on July 16th, r901, again only nine Members attending. Mr.
M. H. Scott sends me his notes on the three Excursions which
were successful, and I here give them.
Chew Magna and Stanton Drew, April 23rd, r901.—The Bath
Field Club were favoured with a splendid day for their first outing
of the season. Nine members started at nine o’clock in a brake
for Chelwood, which was reached about 11 o’clock. The
church, which is small but interesting, was visited. The tower is
Early English, the font Norman, and in the West window is some
Rouen glass, which had evidently at one time been removed and had
puzzled those who put it up again, for it presented a kaleidoscopic
medley. On the South wall is a tablet to the memory of the Rey.
Richard Warner, formerly rector of Chelwood, and author of the
“ History of Bath,” publishedin 1800. He was subsequently rector
-of Great Chalfield, where he died in 1857.
The party next drove to Chewstoke, where they were received
at the church by Mrs. Waldy, in the absence of the rector, the
Rev. R. V. S. Penfold. The church has been very much
“restored,” and is garish with painted texts round the arches and
everywhere else where they could be put. There are angel corbels
in stone in the nave, in wood in the south aisle. The arches of
the nave arcade have no capitals, but pseudo-capitals have been
made by surrounding them with a ring of angels with extended
96
wings where the spring of the arches would ordinarily be. The
font partakes of the general scheme of colour. The old Rectory
near the church is an interesting building with numerous coats-of-
arms. Mrs. Waldy conducted the members past the new Rectory,
and the party went on to Chew Magna, where there is a fine
church, the tower being especially remarkable. In the church is
an effigy of Sir John Hauteville. This Knight was engaged in
the Barons’ wars in the time of Henry III., and accompanied
Prince Edward to the Holy Land, on his return from which he
settled in the parish of Norton Hawkfield, or Hautefield, where he
built a castle. When the church there was pulled down his monu-
ment, made of a single block of Irish oak, was removed to Chew
Magna Church. The whole figure is in armour, with a loose red
coat without sleeves, and bound round the waist with a leather
girdle fastened by a gilt buckle. He has a helmet and gilt spurs.
On the opposite side of the church are the effigies in stone of Sir
John St. Loe and his wife. That of Sir John is 7ft. 4in. in length
and 2ft. 4in. across the chest. He is represented with his legs
crossed, but nothing seems to be known about him. One of his
descendants, another Sir John St. Loe, was one of the four
husbands of “Bess of Hardwicke,” with whom he resided at
Sutton Court. The steps and shaft of a cross are in the church-
yard. The font is Norman, and there are other interesting
features in the church. Some of the Members visited Chew
Court, a little beyond the church, where there is a fine old gate-
house. The sundial on the lawn bears the date 1665 and the
letters I A M. After lunch at the Pelican, the drive was continued
to Stanton Drew, where the party was met by the Rev. H. D.
Perfect, who guided them round the stone circles, pointing out
the avenue which joined two of them, and read a paper describing
and explaining the arrangement of the stones, their probable age
and object in considerable detail. He also read a paper in the
church. noting the various points of interest and drawing attention
to the base of the font which he believed to be Saxon, the bow!
97
being Norman. From the churchyard the “cove” can be seen,
three stones which may or may not have some direct connection
with the circles. Passing the old “ Bishop’s house” and the
_ quaint bridge over the Chew, the party proceeded to Pensford,
where, after inspecting the church, which dates from the 14th
century, the head of a churchyard cross was pointed out, inserted
in the wall of a modern cottage. One panel is a rood, with the
Saviour in the centre upon the cross, the Blessed Virgin Mary on
one side and St. John the Divine on the other. The other panel
is difficult to explain, even if it represents our first parents under
the tree of the forbidden fruit. It was now getting late, so after
tea at the Rising Sun, the party returned to Bath via Keynsham,
the cyclists of the party, five in number, preceding them; and
Pulteney Street was reached at 7.30 p.m., after a fine sunny day,
of which full advantage was taken by the photographers of the
party.
Cadbury Camp, Queen Camel, &¢., May 21st, roor.—This
Tuesday was an ideal day for an excursion, and though only nine
turned up, one of these being a non-member, the Field Club can
congratulate itself on a thoroughly successful day. Sparkford was
reached at one o’clock, the journey, itself short, being tedious
owing to the inconvenient arrangement of the trains. A well-
-horsed brake, provided and driven by Mr. Abbott, of Queen
Camel, met the party at the station, and a start was at once made
for North Cadbury. The Rector was absent at a Ruridecanal
Meeting, but Mrs. Boys, in her husband’s place, very kindly
conducted the Members over the church, which is dedicated to
St. Michael the Archangel. There are some altar tombs, and a
lengthy epitaph on a small brass to Lady M. Hastings, who, it
; appears, was so “churchy” in her tastes that she always had
three priests in her house. The bench ends are finely carved and
of great variety of design ; a good deal of the carving bears the
“linen pattern.” On the back of one of the seats is the date
1538 in Roman lettermg. The entrance to the rood screen is
G
98
very perfect, and in the chancel arch are still the hooks from
which the rood and the attendant figures of the B.V.M. and St.
John were supported. The church formerly belonged toa college
of priests, and there are two parvises, over the north and
south porches. The former can be entered from the porch; the
entrance to the latter is inside the church. In the north parvise
lived for many years an old parish pensioner, Granny Nanny,
whose supposed tomb was pointed out in the churchyard. It isa
weather-worn ledger tomb, with the effigy of a female or a priest
of very early date. In the vestry, which was formerly used by the
priests as a school, are two black letter alphabets on the wall.
There was a tradition, to which the height of the window sills lent
colour, that the chancel was furnished with choir stalls, containing
misereres, and it has recently been ascertained that these sereres
have been found in Exeter. The effigies on the altar tombs are
those of Lord and Lady Botreaux and Sir F. Hastings and his
wife. Lady Botreaux rebuilt the church in 1427.
Mrs. Boys very kindly procured for the party the entry to the
Manor House, now in the occupation of Colonel Kelly, but the
property of the Bennetts, once wealthy traders of Bristol. The
mansion is Elizabethan, and was probably built by one of the
Hastings family. The date, 1581, is over the door in the great
hall.
At Blackford, which was next visited, the church, dedicated to
St. Michael, has a Norman arch in the south porch, thrust out of
shape, with two dissimilar columns. There is a curious low
Norman font, and in the chancel a stone to a former rector,
Barnaby Dicke, dated 1620.
Passing the prettily situated church of Compton Pauncefoot, an
old Perpendicular church with a spire, which could not be visited
for want of time, and noting a crescent of cottages, an unusual
feature in a village, South Cadbury was reached. The tower of
the church is peculiar, the stair turret ending in a small square
tower with pinnacles. The church has been carefully restored,
99
the squint and the piscina of a chapel in the south aisle being
preserved. Near the latter, on the splay of a leper squint in the
wall, is the figure of St. Thomas 4 Becket, the patron saint, said
to have been drawn in blood by one of his murderers.
From this place two Members returned to Bath, the others
climbing the hill to view Cadbury Castle, or Camp, which stands
ona small detached hill about two miles from Sparkford. The
area of the camp is over 18 acres. The majority of ancient
British forts in Somerset were composed of three enclosures, the
first for cattle, second fortified for dwellings, and lastly the strong-
hold, answering to the keep of a Norman Castle.
At Cadbury there are four consecutive ramparts and trenches,
besides which there are detached outlooks on the N. and N.E.
sides. The scarped terraces, still traceable, were no doubt for
cultivation purposes only. Rough masonry work has been found
in the camp, which, from its character, must have been the work
of successive generations, and shows that the ramparts must have
been several times raised.
_ There were certainly two entrances, at the N.E. and S.W.
corners, the former being the main entrance; and there were
possibly more, but authorities differ.
_ That Cadbury was of Roman origin seems unlikely, as it lacks
all the characteristics of a Roman fortress ; but it is very possible
that the Romans used it as they did other British Camps, and
Roman coins and pottery have been found here. The highest
ground, near the western side, is called “‘ King Arthur’s palace,”
and was probably used as a look-out station.
In all likelihood, this hill was once an island, being fortified
when the waters receded. It has no authentic history as a fortress.
_ Leland describes Camalet as ‘‘a famose town or castelle, at the
very south ende of the chirche of South Cadbyri.”. Camden was
a opinion that the fortress may have been the cathbergion
_ mentioned by Nennius, where King Arthur overthrew the Saxons
ina memorable battle; but the MS. copies of Nennius do not
100
agree on this point. Camelet is not mentioned in the Norman
survey. The name is merely Cad = fight + burig or bury, a
fort or camp, and there is another Cadbury camp above Tickenham,
one of the fortresses on the Wansdyke.
There are two springs in the camp ; that on the north side is
called the “‘ Wishing Well,” the other, near the keeper’s cottage,
was probably dedicated to St. Anne.
Legends of King Arthur cluster about Cadbury Castle, or
Camelot, and traces may still be seen of an old-world track leading
from the $.W. entrance towards Glastonbury, and known by the
name of “King Arthur’s Hunting Causeway.” Though there is
considerable doubt as to the existence of the legendary Arthur,
who was very likely a combination of several heroes represented
as one individual, it would seem that the Somerset ‘‘ Arthur ” was
a popular warrior and leader of the V. century, who succeeded to
Ambrosius Aurelianus, and carried on his war of defence against
the Saxon invaders. Nennius, who relates almost all that is
known about Arthur dates from the VIII. century. Shakespeare
in ‘King Lear” says :—“If I had you upon Sarum Plain, I’d
drive ye cackling home to Camelot.” No doubt he (or Bacon)
had come across Leland’s report of his tour in Somerset. (1533-
1540.)
Tempore Edward III. North and South Cadbury belonged to
the Lords Moels, and descended by marriage to the Courtneys,
again by marriage to the Hungerfords, and afterwards came into
the possession of Sir Francis Hastings, who having no children,
sold both Cadburys to Richard Newman, High Steward of
Westminster, who was degraded by Cromwell for loyalty to
Charles I., but rewarded by Charles II., who granted him an
augmentation of arms, gules, a portcullis crowned, or. This
family still held Cadbury in 1813.
Looking from the highest point of the camp towards the north-
west, over the Fosse Way, on the left hand is the high ground
where Somerton lies and the eastern spur of the Polden Hills.
101
Beyond these Glastonbury Tor stands sentinel over Avalon,
backed in the distance by the Mendips.
A short distance from this is Sutton Montis, where there is an
old church, having a Greek portico! The tower is Norman, the
chancel decorated with a well-preserved Norman arch of finely-cut
dog-tooth design. The old-fashioned high pews remain, and there
is a “three-decker” pulpit, with a painted canopied top, a piscina
and aumbry.
The Church of Holy Cross, Weston Bamfield, is old, Gothic in
“style, but was completely restored in 1873. The approach to the
rood loft is in good preservation, and there is an ancient font.
The north door is blocked up. The peculiar feature of the
church is the tower which is octagonal above the first course.
There are only 12 other octagonal towers in Somerset. This
solid tower, and the absence of a west door or window, give a
_ peculiar appearance to the church. Two ledger tombs in the
churchyard are believed to cover some of the Bampfyldes, Lords
Poltimore.
_ The last place to be visited was Queen Camel. The church,
dedicated to St. Barnabas, is a fine one, in the Gothic style, with
_ a tall tower, containing five bells. The fine carved oak screen
which had for many years been under the gallery at the west end,
was at the Restoration in 1858 restored to its original position at
the chancel. There is a curious and finely carved old font,
and the canopies of the sedilia and piscina are beautifully carved
and in good preservation. The old part of the ceiling has some
fine bosses, with quaint devices, and small full length wooden
armoured figures. The large and handsome wooden eagle lectern
resembles those often met with in the continental churches.
Time pressing, the party had to hurry away to Sparkford, where,
after a frugal tea at the hotel, the 6.54 train was taken to Bath,
which was reached at 9.32, after a very pleasant day amid lovely
“scenery.
_ Symond’s Yat and Goodrich Castle, July 16th. 1901.—The
102
weather was all that could be desired when nine Members of the
Club and friends started on July 16th, at 9 a.m., for the Wye.
From a glance at the map, it would hardly be believed that it
would take nearly four hours to travel from Bath to Symond’s Yat,
but the railways give as much fun as possible, ordering a
change of train wherever possible, and sometimes making passen-
gers leave the train to enter it again half-an-hour later. But
the excursion fare is undeniably reasonable So one has to take
things as one finds them, and be thankful,
Symond’s Yat having been duly reached, and luncheon at the
Rocklea Hotel disposed of, the party left by boat for Huntsham
(or should it be Huntholme) bridge, whence the boatman said it
was only a quarter of an hour’s walk to Goodrich Castle. Three
of the party returned after having reached the church, the rest
went on to the castle, where Mr. Bennett, the custodian, explained,
so far as time allowed, what is known about the castle, which
has been a ruin since 1646, when it was demolished by the
Parliamentary army. The castle has been so often described
that there is no occasion to say more about it here. Some
amusement was caused by a yokel, who directed the party to the
“Horse Artillery.” The sign post, when reached, pointed the
way to “The Hostelry.” So discursive and eloquent was Mr.
Bennett that some anxiety was felt as to catching the train, but
the sinewy arms of the boatman, notwithstanding a forced dis-
embarkation on account of the low state of the river, brought the
party to the Rocklea Hotel in time for a cup of tea before the
train arrived. A pleasant and cool journey, not too rapid to
allow of a survey of the beauties of the Wye, brought the party
back to Bath at 10 minutes past nine.
The Afternoon Meetings in the winter for hearing Papers,
contributed by Members on subjects connected with the city and
neighbourhood were opened on November 27th, 1901, by the
Vice-President, Rey. C. W. Shickle, reading a very interesting
paper contributed by Dr. H. Woodward, Keeper of Geology in
103
the British Museum, Cromwell Road, on ‘“ William Smith, the
Father of British Geology.” It is published at the commence-
ment of these Proceedings, with a portrait of William Smith, the
first discoverer of Stratigraphical Geology. This meeting was
followed on December 18th by a second, whereat Mr. Wallace
Gill gave to the Club an account of an ancient Dovecot belonging
to the Carthusian Monks at Witham, which he had discovered
when making structural alterations in some cottages. At the
same meeting the Vic2-President, Rev. C. W. Shickle, exhibited
some Roman coins discovered on the site of the former brewery
‘in Bathwick Street. Both papers appear in these Proceedings.
Mr. T. Frederic Inman, Vice-President, contributed, on January
15th, 1902, a very interesting paper on “ The Elm, with a notice
of some remarkable varieties in Victoria Park, Bath,” and the
season was closed on February 12th, by a learned paper by Rev.
T. W. Whale, on “ The Principles of the Somerset Domesday.”
The Library of the Field Club has been materially increased
during the year, both by the published Proceedings of the Smith-
sonian Institution of the U.S.A., and of the various Societies
with which our Club is in exchange of Proceedings. Many gifts
_ have also been made to the Library during the year, and have
been thankfully accepted. The number of Members has been
considerably reduced, and it is to be hoped that renewed interest
will be taken in the Excursions and some new members added to
our ranks.
W. W. MARTIN,
Fon. Sec.
BATH NATURAL HISTORY & ANTIQUARIAN
FIELD CLUB,
INSTITUTED FEBRUARY 18th, 1855.
LIST OF MEMBERS FOR THE YEAR 1902.
PRESIDENT.
1889 *Rev. C. W. SHICKLE, M.A., F.S.A., 5, Cavendish Crescent.
VICE-PRESIDENTS.
1866 *J. McMURTRIHB, Esq., F.G.S., Radstock.
1895 *Rey. T. W. WHALE, M.A., Mountnessing, Weston, Bath.
SECRETARIES.
1872 *Rev. W. W. MARTIN, M.A., 49, Pulteney Street.
1893 *M. H. SCOTT, Esq., 5, Lansdown Place, W.
LIBRARIAN.
1892 *Thomas S. BUSH, Esq., 20, Camden Crescent.
TREASURER.
1883 *Surgeon-Major A. A. MANTELL, M.D., The Elms, Bathampton.
1865 GREEN Emanuel, Esq., F.S.A., Devonshire Club, St. James, London
1867 *INMAN, T. F., Esq., Kilkenny House, Sion Hill.
1870 HARPER C., Esq., L.R.C.P., M.R.C.S., Manor House, Batheaston.
» WATTS J. Onslow, Esq., Warleigh Lodge, Bathford,
1872 SHUM Fred., Esq., F.S.A., 17, Norfolk Crescent.
1874 TAGART W. H., Esq., F.R.G.S., Parkfield, Park Gardens.
1875 BLATHWAYT Rev. Wynter T., M.A., Dyrham Rectory, Chippenham.
» HVANS Major J. Ll., J.P., 12, Cavendish Place.
1876 LEWIS Harold, Esq., B.A., Brislington, Bristol.
» *“HENDERSON W. H., Esq., 9, Royal Crescent.
1878 MACKILLOP C. W., Esq., J.P., 14, Royal Crescent.
» SKRINE Col. H. Mills, J.P., Warleigh.
» FOXCROFT E. T.D., Esq., J.P., D.L., Hinton Charterhouse.
1880 GAINE Charles, Esq., M.R.C.S., Weston Lea, Weston Park.
» SHUM F. Ernest, Esa., 3, Union Street.
1881 PHILP Capt. Francis Lamb.
105
1882 *BARLOW W. H., Esq., Cleveland Villa, Bathwick,
» “NORMAN G., Esq., M.R.C.S., 12, Brock Street.
» TUCKER J. Allon, Esq., J.P., 9, Green Park.
» POWELLG. F., Esq., 25, Green Park.
1883 KITT Benjamin, Esq., C.E., Sydney Lodge, Bathwick.
» BLATHWAYT Lieut.-Col. L., F.L.S., F. Ent. S., Hagle House,
Batheaston.
1885 KING Austin J., Esq., F.S.A., J.P., 19, Portland Place.
» BYROM Edmond, Esq., 3, Edgar Buildings.
1886 GEORGE Rev. P. E., M.A., Winifred House, Sion Hill.
» LEWIS Egbert, Esq., 12, Bathwick Street.
', FULLER E.N., Esq., 6, Ainslie’s Belvedere.
1887 SCOTT R. J. H., Esq., F.R.C.S., 28, Circus.
» PALMER-HALLETT T. G., Esq., M.A., J.P., Claverton Lodge,
Bathwick Hill.
» HOLST Johan, Esq., 35, Pulteney Street.
1889 ALEXANDER P. Y., Esq., The Mount, Batheaston,
» NIMMO Major-Gen. T. R., C.B., 94, Sydney Place.
» THOMSON Col. H., The Elms, Weston Park.
1890 *FANSHAWE Col. T. B., 24, Park Street.
» WEST Rev. W. H., M.A., 25, Pulteney Street.
» ROSE H. F., Esq., 18, Grosvenor.
» DAVIS Col. T. Arnoll, R.A., J.P., 4, Marlborough Buildings.
1891 RICKETTS Col. Montague, Shelbourne Villa, Lansdown,
1892 PIGOTT W., Esq., 25, Circus.
» BRAIKENRIDGE W. J., Esq., J.P., 16, Royal Crescent.
» BUSH Robert C., Esq., 1, Winifred’s Dale.
» DAVIDSON Major-Gen, James, 23, Queen Square.
» PRYCE Ernest, Esq., 10, Cavendish Crescent.
1898 HANDYSIDE W., Esq., 3, Pulteney Road.
» CASTELLAIN Alfred, Esq., 59, Pulteney Street.
» SEHALY Lieut,-Col. H. H., Elmhurst, Batheaston.
1894 COPPINGER A. W. D., Esq., L.R.C.P., L.R.C.S., 24, Gay Street.
,» MASKELYNE E. Story, Esq., Hatt House, Box, Chippenham,
» KEMBLE W., Esq., J.P., Beechfield, Bathampton.
» WILSON John H., Esq., Woodville, Lansdown.
_ 1895 STONE Robert S., Esq., Bath and County Club,
1896 SMITH Lieut.-Gen. Clement J., 22, Marlborough Buildings.
» DAVIS C. Price, Esq., J.P., Manor House, Bathampton.
d » SCARTH Leveson E., Esq., M.A., Keverstone, Cleveland Walk.
_ 1897 PEARSON Rev. G. F., M.A., 2, Winifred’s Dale,
5, SCOTT Surgeon-Major R. R., 54, Pulteney Street.
» NASH Lieut.-Col. G. S., 7, Laura Place.
1900
106
RAWLINS Major Edw. B., St. Albans, Weston, Bath.
SPENCER Sydney, Esq., Mount Beacon House.
MARTYN Gilbert King, Esq., B.A., M.D., 12, Gay Street.
NEAL Alfred E., Esq., Lyde House, Sion Hill.
ADCOCK Surgeon Major J., 1, Queen’s Parade.
COTTERELL T. Sturge, Esq., 5, Bridge Street.
KELLY Rev. W. F., B.D., Rectory, Charlcombe.
BOODLE Charles E., Esq., B.A., Somerset House, Sion Hill.
COLEMAN Captain Maitland, Ivy Lodge, Newbridge Hill.
RICHARDSON Rey. A., Brislington Vicarage, Bristol.
GILL Wallace, Esq., 1, Fountain Buildings.
ROGERS Rev. Canon Percy, R.N., M.A., 17, Pulteney Street.
*JAMIESON Col. A. W., Fairstowe, Widcombe Hill.
HANDCOCK Rev. R G., M.A., 1, Somerset Place.
PEACOCK Henry G., Esq., M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P., Broadlands,
Highweek, Newton Abbot.
JENNINGS, W. E., Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., 13, Camden Crescent.
ARNOTT Arthur Philip, Esq., M.A., 2, Belmont.
SISSMORE Rev. T. L., M.A., 31, Green Park.
APPLEBY E. J., Esq., 8, Argyle Street.
WARD J. L., Esq., M.A., The Lawn, Lucklands Road, Upper Weston.
* Members of Committee of Management.
HON. MEMBERS.
DAWKINS Professor W. Boyd, F.R.S., F.G.S., &c., Owen’s College,
Manchester.
EARLE Rev. Prebendary, M.A., Swainswick Rectory, Bath.
HERIOT Major-Gen. Mackay.
TAYLOR Col, R. L., C.B., 22, Gay Street.
RULES
|
: oFr THE
: BATH NATURAL HISTORY AND
ANTIQUARIAN FIELD CLUB.
Pace pe Ns i ke at
1902.
SG oe. Ao ee
1,—The Club shall be called “THE BATH NATURAL HISTORY AND
ANTIQUARIAN FIELD CLUB,” and shall consist (for the present)
of not more than One Hundred Members.
2.—The object of the Club shall be to make Excursions around Bath, with the
view of investigating the Natural History, Geology, and Antiquities of
the neighbourhood.
3.—A President, one or two Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, Librarian, and
Treasurer, shall be chosen each year from among the Members at the
Anniversary Meeting on the i8th of February, and should a vacancy
occur in an office during the year the vacant post shall be filled up at
the next Quarterly Meeting.
4,—The Committee shall consist of the past and present officers, and three other
Members of the Club (the latter to be elected annually), whose business
it shall be to consider and determine all matters connected with finance,
and printing the Proceedings of the Club, or papers read at any of its
, meetings ; or any business requiring consideration.
5.—Quarterly Meetings for the election of Members, and for other business,
shall take place on the First Tuesday in April, July, October, and
January.
6.—'There shallbe Four Excursions during the year, to
sary Meeting, subject to alterations at any previous Quarterly Meeting,
if agreed to by all the Members present—six to form a quorum. A list
of such Excursions, with the respective places of Meeting shall be sus-
pended in the Vestibule of the Bath Literary and Scientific Institution.
Such Members as feel disposed shall also meet every Tuesday, at the
Institution, at 10.30 a.m.
7,—The hour of Meeting shall not be changed, except for the convenience of
taking particular trains, when it is arranged to go by rail to any place ;
in which case the altered time shall be posted at the Institution not later
than Twelve o’Clock on the Tuesday previous.
aid to Natural History
8.—In arranging the Excursions, due regard shall be p
Geology, and Antiquities, so as to secure an equal share of attention to
each subject ; with this view, when the same Excursion does not include
4 them all, they shall, as far as practicable, be taken in turn.
9.—Special Meetings shall be appointed for the Reading of Papers or Exhibition
of Specimens, notice being given to the Secretary at, or previous to, any
one of the Quarterly Meetings, by Members having such communications
to make to the Club.
be fixed at the Anniver-
108
10.—Gentlemen wishing to join the Club may be proposed and seconded by any
two Members and will be elected by ballot at any of the meetings of the
Club (three black balls to exclude), notice of their nomination being given
in writing to the secretary not less than fourteen days before any such
Meeting. The Committee shall have the privilege of electing Four New
Members during the year, provided there are vacancies.
11.—Any Member of the Club may invite a gentleman not resident in Bath to
accompany him on the proposed Excursions, but when an offer of hospi-
tality has been accepted by the Club, then only one visitor staying with a
Member will be allowed to accompany him.
12,—The Secretary shall take Notes of the Excursions and read a Summary of
the Year’s Proceedings at the Anniversary Meeting ; he shallalso see that
notices of all Excursions and Meetings are suspended at the Institution
and posted to every Member at least seven days previously ; such notices
shall include the names of any candidates to be balloted for, together
with those of their proposers and seconders.
13.—The Treasurer’s audited accounts shall be examined and passed at the
Anniversary Meeting.
14.—A subscription of Ten Shillings shall be paid yearly by each Member, with
an Entrance Fee of Five Shillings, to defray any expenses the Club may
incur otherwise than by journeys and refreshments. This Subscription
to be considered due on the Anniversary. Newly elected Members to pay
the Subscription for the current year and the Entrance Fee at the time
of their election.
15.—Members whose Subscriptions are in arrear for three months after Feb.
18th shall be considered as having withdrawn from the Club, if, after
application, the same be not paid up.
16.—There shall be a Supernumerary List for Members whose absence from
Bath does not exceed three years. Such Members, on their return, and
on payment of their Subscription for the then current year, may be
admitted to the Club at once, or as soon as a vacancy occurs.
17.—Members may borrow Books from the Club’s Library, entering their names
and title of the volume in a book kept by the Librarian for the purpose,
but shall not retain them longer than one fortnight. Members of the
Royal Institution can also read them on the premises, but not take them
away. Members may also purchase back numbers of the Club’s Proceed-
ings at half-price.
WALTER W. MARTIN,
Hon. Sec,
‘zo61 ‘yjof Arenuel
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110
SOCIETIES AND INSTITUTIONS TO WHICH THE
PROCEEDINGS OF THE CLUB ARE
ANNUALLY FORWARDED.
Augustana College, Rock Island, Ill, U.S.A.
Barrow Naturalists’ Field Club.
Bath Royal Literary and Scientific Institution.
Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club.
Berwickshire Naturalists’ Society.
Bradford Historical and Antiquarian Society.
Bristol Naturalists’ Society.
British Association for the Advancement of Science.
British Museum, Copyright Office, Bloomsbury.
a af Natural History Department, South Kensingtons
Cardiff Natural History Society,
Christiania Royal Norwegian University.
Clifton Antiquarian Club.
Cornwall Royal Institution.
Cornwall Royal Polytechnic Society.
Costa Rica National Museum. S. Jost.
‘Cotteswold Naturalists’ Field Club.
Geological Society.
Geologist Association.
‘Glasgow Natural History Society.
Glasgow Philosophical Society.
Hampshire Field Club.
Hertford Natural History Society.
Holmesdale Natural History Club.
Linnean Society.
Liverpool Literary and Philosophical Society.
Manchester Microscopical Society.
Norfolk and Norwich Naturalists’ Society.
Nottingham Naturalists’ Society.
Nova Scotia Institute of Science, Halifax.
Smithsonian Institute, Washington, U.S.A.
Somersetshire Archeological and Natural History Society.
Upsala Royal University Geological Institution.
Warwickshire Naturalists’ and Archeologists’ Field Club.
Washington U.S. Geological Survey of the Territories.
Wiltshire Archeological and Natural History Society.
Yorkshire Philosophical Society.
PR OT) arr
mady : if
30 AUG. 1902
CONTENTS OF VOL. X. PAR
SB, ae PRINCIPLES OF THE. Since noua BY.
Rev. T. W. Wuats, M. eat Vick; ‘PRESIDENT saz:
9. Lisp OF Wines Rues OF THE Cus, BaLance
_ SHEET, _AND SOCIETIES 1N Union wit THE = Pimp
Chu FOR EXCHANGE OF PROCEEDINGS -
boo Oa
cae Be AND
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NTIQUARIAN FIELD CLUB,
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VOL. X., No. 2.
: : wr.
“—<
imi, iy oe er ‘BATH : t ‘ ay
D (YOR THE CLUB) AT THE HERALD OFFICE, NORTH GATE, : ro ap
LINLEY.
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A a i
Thomas Linley. His connection with Bath.
By EMANUEL GREEN, F.S.A.
(Read December 3rd, 1902.)
Thomas Linley and his family were for a time so prominently
2 as yssociated with Bath as skilled musicians, and from other public
circumstances which will be alluded to they attracted also so
much notice, such a wide interest outside Bath, that some local
record of them should be available. Of what has been already
$2 id about them much is by no means exact. ‘There has been
too often a :—
Mis quoting, mis dating,
Mis placing, mis stating,
At war with truth, reason, and fact.
_ Thomas Linley, says the “ Dictionary of National Biography,”
vas born at Wells in 1732, the son of a carpenter. Being sent
© carpentering work at Badminton, the seat of the duke of.
ufort, he derived so much pleasure from listening to the
ing and a of Thomas Chilcot, the organist of Bath
T his account just varies from another auth tells that he was:
he son of a carpenter and was originally intended to follow his
er’s business. Being however one day at work at Badminton,
‘seat of the duke of Beaufort, he was overheard to sing by
. Chilcot, at that time organist at Bath, who was so much
ighted with his voice that he prevailed with his father to allow
to quit the trade and study music.*
* ‘Musical Biography,” Vol. 2, p. 210.
H WOOL. Ar NOs 2.
Ii2
A few thoughts must be given to these stories. First an estate
like Badminton would hardly require a carpenter from Wells, such
mechanics being usually regularly employed. Then a carpenter
to be sent out on day work would be at least twenty-one years old,
hardly a time to throw up an already acquired trade skill to begin
a new and difficult study. Further if he came from Wells, a
place where he cou'd every day hear
Godless boys God’s glory squall—
neither singing nor the organ could have been new to him. The
writer of the first notice evidently writing without considering his
words, from some tradition but without personal or local know-
ledge, seems to have had no idea of the relative positions of Bath,
Wells and Badminton. Yet had he known enough to have
avoided confusing the father, who was a carpenter, with the son
Thomas who never was so, there is, as will be seen, just a sub-
stratum of truth in the story. Another form of the story, modern,
but not new, says that Chilcot noticed a little boy of musical
taste and took him as a pupil. Te came from Wells, &c.* From
the omission of a few necessary words this reads as if little boys
easily wandered alone from Wells to Bath to be casually noticed
and picked up.
Whilst the above accounts make the birthplace Wells, another
makes it Gloucester,t and yet another, a very recent one, gives
the rather wide guess that he came from Yorkshire. He had at
least in the last county plenty of room for a start. This statement
should not have been written, it simply helps to confound con-
fusion. If the writer did not know he could not tell and should
have acknowledged that position or have said nothing. The last
account makes him born at Bath in 1725, but repeats that he
became a pupil of Chilcot, &c.t
* « Witzgerald’s Lives of the Sheridans,” 1886.
+ Zinsley’s Magazine, Vol. xxxix. p. 134, 1886.
+ © Biographical Dict. of Musicians.” By Thos. Baker, 1900.
113
Dismissing all former accounts and guesses, the origin of the
family may be given and all doubt settled. The carpenter then came
from Badminton and he brought with him three children, Thomas,
Isabella, and William. To clear the way somewhat, Isabella the
daughter of William and Maria Lingley, as the name is spelled in
the register, was baptized at Badminton 9th October, 1737.
She married in the Abbey church, Bath, one Richard Philpot,
17th October, 1764.
William, the youngest of the three, son of William and Maria
Linley, spelled now without the g, was baptized at Badminton
2gth July, 1744. Nothing more can be told of him. As this
youngest child was baptized at Badminton in 1744 it would have
been soon after that date that Linley the father, the carpenter,
moved to Bath, just when by reason of much building there
must have been a great demand for mechanics of all sorts.
He continued his business at Bath and was alive there in
1770 with a somewhat improved status. In 1772, 26th
November, an advertisement relating to St. Margaret’s chapel
announced that a plan of the pews in the new chapel being
- now settled and the prices thereof, those disposed to take
seats should apply to Mr. William Linley, Clerk of the Works at
the chapel, or at his house in the Market Place.“ He is found
as a ratepayer for some years after this. In 1773 he purchased
and was living in his own house in Belmont Row, rated at £70
per annum,t and in 1779 and until 1792 he paid poor rate for the
same house. He was buried at Walcot 26th October, 1792,
and was soon followed by Mrs. Maria Linley, who was buried in
_ the same grave 22nd December, 1792.
There now remains the eldest of the three children, Thomas
_ our musician, who was baptized at Badminton, the son of William
and Maria Lingley, with the g, 2oth January, 1733.
Thus he would be at the time his father probably came to Bath
* Bath Chronicle, p. 1, col. 3. + Water Rents.
114
between eleven and twelve years old. From all the notes and
and notices of Thomas printed during his life it is clear that he
was early acquainted with Chilcot and as his first start
was engaged to him in the humble station of errand boy.
He soon showed such a tendency to and fondness for
music that Chilcot was attracted to the boy and encouraged
and indulged him in his hobby. Eventually he took him as an
apprentice, behaved well to him and taught him thoroughly all
the rudiments and practice of the art.* No indentures are on
record, so the exact time served cannot be given. In
March, 1752, Thomas Chilcot paid six shillings for Freedom
fees.t An early, rapid, and extraordinary proficiency brought
Chilcot some profit for a time, but as soon as he could
the pupil left the master, got engaged in the public rooms
at Bath, and so “played into his own pocket.” He next
started as a teacher, and in this position became at once promptly
recognised as having great ability and skill for the work. He was
thus successful and established and well known by the time he
was twenty. He is reported to have gone abroad and completed
his musical education under one Paradies or Paradisi, but he
could have had neither the means nor the opportunity for doing so.
With this first knowledge of this extraordinary young man, his.
own family and after career may next be traced.
As showing his early prosperity he married very young, when
about nineteen, but as in such cases the man usually goes to the
bride’s home for that occasion, it is too often barely possible
without some guide to find notice of the event. Two sons
presently get the name of Thurston, thus suggesting a possibility ;
but at the moment the actual record has not been met with.
From this young couple the next great interest now arises. They
are said generally to have had seven children, three sons and four
* The Craftsman, voth October, 1772.
+ **Chamberlain’s Accts.,” Vol. 48.
115
daughters, but in fact they had twelve, seven sons and five
daughters. The production of evidence for the first time will
prevent all doubt.
1753. 12 March was baptized in the Abbey church, Bath, George
Frederick, son of Thomas and Mary Linley.
1754. 25 Sept. was baptized at St. Michael’s, Bath, Elizabeth Anne
(presently to be the heroine of this story).
1756. 11 June, Thomas was baptized in St. James’s church, Bath.
' 1758. 10 Feb., Mary was baptized in St. James's.
1759. 15 May, Thurston, a son, was baptized in St. James’s.
1760. 23 June, Samuel was baptized in St. James's.
1761. 8 Sept., William Cary was baptized privately and brought to
St. James’s to be received.
1763. 10 Oct., Maria was baptized in St. James’s.
1765. 22 Aug., Osias Thurston was baptized in the Abbey church,
the son of Thomas and Mary of St. James's.
1767. 17 Feb., Jane Nash and Charlotte, a twin, daughters of Thomas
and Mary Linley of St. James’s parish, were brought to
church, having been privately baptized.
1771. 27 Feb., William was baptized in St. James’s.
It must be noticed that the first two, George Frederick and
Elizabeth Anne, were baptized in different churches, and so
would be born in the respective parishes, thus suggesting that
with very modest means the young couple had then an unsettled
domicile. The others all show fixture in the parish of St. James’s,
_ where their residencewas No. 5, Pierpoint Street.* All these children,
even as children, became accomplished musicians. Endowed all of
them with great musical talents, to these talents the father compelled
_ the most assiduous and stringent attention. On one occasion the
_ whole family, “down to the seven year olds,” appeared togethe-
at the New Rooms. The household, now notorious, was dubbed
anest of linnets. The latest mention of this little story changes
the birds to nightingales, thus destroying the point, the pretty
play upon the name.
ee Se
* Peach. ‘* Historic Houses.”
116
The careers of these children, and then of the parents of this
second generation, may now be traced.
GEORGE FREDERICK, so named after Handel, died an infant.
ELIZABETH ANNE early showed a specially marked genius for
music, which her father strongly fostered. Under his skilled and
qualified and interested guidance her voice was most carefully
cultivated, and so successfully, that when only twelve years of
age, about 1766, the poor child was put forward as a public
singer in the Rooms at Bath, and, too, with an immediate
success. She married Richard Brinsley Sheridan, and the
remainder of her story may be told with his. She died at the
Bristol Hot Wells 28th June, 1792, and was buried in the
cathedral at Wells. There is a portrait of her as St. Cecilia at
Bowood by Sir Joshua Reynolds ; there is another portrait by
Gainsborough at Delapré Abbey, and another with her sister
Mary, by Gainsborough, in the Dulwich Gallery.
Tuomas, the next son, became early a very skilled violinist,
and performed in public when only eight years old. In 1773,
when only seventeen, he became solo violinist at Bath, and
promised to become great in his profession. He then went to
Italy according to the fashion of the day to study under Tartini,
or as one account says, under Nardini, who had himself been a
pupil of Tartini. On his return he took up the leadership of the
orchestra at Bath, his father being then in London. He was thus
his father’s pride and hope, but alas, he was drowned when away
on a visit by the upsetting of a boat, 5th August, 1778. There
was published in 1778 :—
A Monody (after the manner of Milton’s Lycidas) on the
death of Mr. Linley who was drowned August the 5th, 1778,
in a canal at Grimsthorpe in Lincolnshire the seat of his
grace the duke of Lancaster.
This tells us from Milton :—
He must not flote upon his watery bier
Unwept, and welter in the parching wind,
Without the meed of some melodious tear.
|
|
4
|
|
.
a
117
From the Monody the following few lines are extracted :—
You knew Linlceus ! ah who knew him not?
Once, once the pride and treasure of these plains,
The blithest, sweetest of arcadian swains.
Eolus, that blustering god had oft with envy heard
The praises justly given to young Linlceus,
He oft had heard the soft melodious sounds
Which from his lyre his dextrous fingers swept.
He felt their magic power, and wept.
And much his hated rival’s lyre he fear’d,
No sooner therefore did he see the boat
Then—a rude wind—upon his skiff he laid
And thus avenged his blasted fame.
Or how disturb the peace of such a pair,
He best of men, she fairest of the fair,*
More for their virtues than their rank rever’d,
By nobles, vassals, artists, all belov’d,
And e’en to royalty itself endear’d.
Each son of genius on Britannia’s plains
Laments the loss of young Linlceus’ strains.
There is a portrait of him, with his sister Mary, by
_ Gainsborough, at Knole in Kent, and another also by Gainsborough
~ in the Dulwich Gallery.
Mary married Richard Tickell, a political pamphleteer and a
dramatist, who is said to have been born at Bath about
1751.1 There is a portrait of him by Gainsborough. She
died at the Hot Wells 27th July, 1787, aged 29, and was
buried at Wells, “where she enjoyed happiness and poverty the
first year of her marriage.”} There is a portrait of her by
- Romney,§ and, as above, by Gainsborough at Knole, and another
with her sister Elizabeth in the Dulwich Gallery, also by Gains-
* His sister Elizabeth. t+ Murch, ‘‘ Bath Celebrities,” p. 317.
t Rae, Vol. 2, p. 26. § Romney. By Sir Herb. Maxwell.
118
borough : and a crayon by Sir Thos. Lawrence. She left a
daughter, who became the mother of John Arthur Roebuck.*
In error, from similarity of name, this Richard Tickell is
sometimes supposed to have been the proprietor of a once
advertised Ethereal Anodyne Spirit, but the owner of this was
William Tickell, a surgeon and chemist who lived in Queen
Square, Bath.
THuRSTON, the first of the name, died in 1763, and was buried
in St. James's church, 13th May.
SAMUEL by the time he was 19 displayed great musical genius
on the oboe, but having the offer, he abandoned music as a pro-
fession, entered the navy as a midshipman, and sailed on a short
cruise in the Thunderer, 74 guns, Capt. Walsingham. On his
return he obtained leave and visited his family in London, where
he was seized with malignant fever and died. It is curious that
had he survived and joined his ship death would have still come
to him as the Thunderer sailing again, never returned, was never
heard of more. There is a portrait of him by Gainsborough in
the Dulwich Gallery.
WiLttAM Cary died in 1762, and was buried in St. James’s
gth October.
Maria continued a musical career, and it seems strange that
she has received no separate biographical notice. She witnessed
a marriage in Bath Abbey church 31st October, 1782. She died
unmarried, aged only 21. The Bath Chronicle gth September,
1784, says:—tMonday, died after a few days’ illness Miss
Maria Linley, second daughter of Mr. Linley, one of the
patentees of the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane. But as the
Chronicle was published on thursday the 9th, monday would
be the 6th, which is not correct, as she died on the 5th.
The Gentleman’s Magazine, giving the date 5th September,
says :—Died at Bath of an inflammatory fever Miss Linley,
= “SMictes Nat. Biers” TPaegyncolemss
119
daughter of Mr. Linley, manager of Drury Lane Theatre.
Her death “is a loss almost irreparable to the musical world.
Those who remember her performance at the oratorios will join
in this opinion. The union of a sweet voice, correct judgment,
extensive compass, and above all beauty of mind and person,
distinguished the much lamented maid, and her character will
_ be dear while memory holds a seat in this distracted globe.”*
Another account says she died of a brain fever at her father’s
house at Bath, 15th September, 1784.¢ Again the date was the
5th, and further, as her father had at this time no residence at Bath,
her death must have been at the house of her grandfather in
Belmont. She was buried at Walcot 11th September. In the
same grave, in 1792, were buried the grandfather and grand-
mother, the three in one, Maria being there first in order of date.
The grave was No. 26, Row 15 north. Maria in 1784 was
No. 722, and in 1792 William was No. 2469, and his wife
No. 2493, showing presumably the burials in those eight years.
Not a trace or mark can now be found to show the spot, and this
has been the case for many years. There is a crayon portrait at
Dulwich said to be Maria, by Sir Thos. Lawrence. _
_ Some pretty poems on Maria help the story and confirm the
date of death. The first appeared in the Bath Chronicle of the
gth September, and corrects the above-noted date error in the
‘same issue. ‘The title runs : —
ON THE DeatH oF tHe LOVELY AND MucH LAMENTED
* * * SEPTEMBER 5, 1784.
If beauty, wit, and innocence could charm
And set aside the monarch’s stern decree
These dear Maria had unnerv’d his arm
Or turned averse his fatal shaft from thee.
* Voll 54 ye pavlrs + ** Dict. Nat. Biog.”
I20
No more thy strains shall charm our listening ear ;
But we for thee no longer ought repine
Since God commands thee from our converse here
To celebrate His praise in strains divine.
Dear blessed saint ! regard with pitying eye
The heartfelt sorrows of thy weeping friend
Teach him, like thee to live,—like thee to die
Then share with thee those joys which ne’er shall end.
A week later, 16th September, there appeared some more
lines :—*
ON THE DEATH OF THE LATE MIss M. LINLEY.
Arcadian nymphs and college swains
Your rustic mirth give o’er
And in soft plaintive dying strains
Maria's loss deplore.
Oh! she was gentle as the dove,
Mild as the opening spring,
Replete with innocence and love
But fate hath clipt her wing.
The nightingale will drop a tear
His mistress to bewail
And cease to charm the ravish’d ear
At news of the sad tale.
Oh, no! he envied her sweet note
And feels a conscious pride
He yet will swell his little throat
And grieve not that she died.
Soft hallelujahs will inspire
Her true seraphic lays
She’s mingled with the heavenly choir
To chant her Maker's praise.
There is one other poem of similar intention which may be
* Bath Chronicle, p. 3, col. 2.
121
noticed, as it is with fair certainty unknown. It was written by
Charles Leftley, a friend of her brother William, and is entitled —
A DIRGE
ON THE MUCH LAMENTED DEATH OF THE
BEAUTIFUL MARIA LINLEY.*
Larded all with sweet flowers
She bewept to the grave did go
With true—love showers.
—Shakespeare.
Underneath this ebon shade
Mark’d by a rudely sculptured stone
The lov’d Maria low is laid ;
Soft be the turf she rests upon.
These flowers that grow around her tomb
All bear a paler hue
And die almost before they bloom ;
Their sympathy so true.
The pensive powers who haunt the grove
Shall here their vigils keep
Chaunt their wild requiems o’er my love
And soothe her lasting sleep.
7 Pity for her shall touch the string
1 And breath her softest sigh
And here her holy strains shall sing
Of heaven taught melody.
For she was sweet as opening buds
Mild as the hours of May
Bright as the sunbeam on the floods
And constant as the day.
* «The Cabinet,” Vol. 1, p. 65.
I22
Friend of my youth ! for thee my tears
Spontaneously shall flow
And memory through a length of years
Shall nurse the sighs of woe.
For thee when autumn flows around
An offering sad I’ll pay
Deck with fresh wreaths thy hallow’d ground
And mourn the fatal day.
On thee amid life’s varied part
My tenderest thoughts shall rest
Bemoan’d while love can warm my heart
Or friendship cheer my breast.
Ostas THurRSTON, called in the “ Dictionary of Nationai
Biography” the eldest son, matriculated at Christ Church college
Oxford 19th March, 1785, became B.A. in 1789, took orders and
was beneficed in Norfolk.* In 1816 he resigned his preferments and
became Organist Fellow, then so called, of Dulwich College, where
he died in 1831, aged 65 it is there said, but he was born in 1765.
He was the second son who had the name of Thurston, and this
with his unusual first name attracts attention. Among the out rate-
payers of Bath for 1779 appears in Lansdown Road, Horasha
Thurston, and so again in 1780. In 1785 heis gone, but in the Bath
Journaél 5th July, 1790, is an advertisement that Mr. H. Thurston,
of 3, Burton Street, will sell by auction, &c. The use of two
such unusual forenames seems to suggest there must have been
a family connection, and possibly through the mother. By his
will proved 29 March, 1831,t he left all his estate real and
personal to his brother William absolutely. There is a portrait
of him at Dulwich College, and a crayon by Sir Thos. Lawrence
in the Dulwich Gallery.
* Foster, ‘* Alumni Oxonienses.” + Tebbs, 162.
123
JANE married Charles Ward, the secretary at Drury Lane
Theatre. There is a crayon portrait of her at Dulwich, by Sir
Thos. Lawrence.
CHARLOTTE died young.
WituraM, the youngest, entered St. Paul’s School, London, in
1785, his age being there recorded as fourteen, He afterwards
joined the Civil Service of the East India Company, retiring in
1796. He was a musical composer and from time to time visited
Bath, being a joint proprietor of St. Margaret’s chapel, where his
anthems were performed: He wrote the rhymned epitaph on the
Linley tablet now in the cloisters of Wells cathedral, and he
printed, in 1819, a small volume which bears an unusually
_ descriptive title :—
_ “Sonnets and Odes, by William Linley esq. late in the Civil
- Service of the East India Company, and the late Charles Leftley
parliamentary reporter to the Zimes newspaper, both educated at
St. Paul’s School.”
This is the same Charles Leftley who wrote the Dirge on
Maria. He died in 1797, aged 27. William died in London
6th May, 1835, aged 64, and is buried in St. Paul’s, Covent
Garden, where a tablet on the north wall within, towards the east
and above that of his mother records the fact. There is a portrait
of him in the Dulwich Gallery as a pretty youth by Sir Thos.
‘Lawrence. There is another somewhere, in later life, by Lonsdale.
This has been engraved.
_ And now comes the last eventful history, that of the parents.
‘From the time of his daughter Elizabeth’s successful débit, until
1772, Linley’s income was thus suddenly very largely increased,
and his career generally marvellously assisted by this especially
gifted child. He with the harpsichord, his sons with violin and
cello, and the daughters with their voices made up this attractive
‘and celebrated family. So, then, with conducting oratorios, a
‘style of music wherein his family especially excelled, and com-
posing and playing his own compositions in Bath and elsewhere
124
on demand, he was a busy man. He became widely acknow-
ledged a master in his profession, equally well versed in the
theory as in the practice of music,* and especially proficient
on the harpsichord. So prosperous were his affairs and so
altered was his social status that he moved residentially to the
Crescent. This move has never been credited, but by good
fortune the diary of John Wilkes, Alderman Wilkes, settles the
point. Being at Bath, Wilkes enters under 3rd January, 1772
—Breakfasted with Mr., the two Miss Linleys, Rollestone, and
Miles Andrews, at Mr. Linley’s house in the Crescent. So, for
the first time this doubt is cleared. Wilkes was much struck
with Elizabeth, who he thought the most modest, pleasing, and
delicate flower he had f seen for a long time, superior to all the
handsome things he had heard of her. But, alas, as the damsel
developed into womanhood all this prosperity was spoiled by the
bobbing around of that often nuisance, the amorous male, and
eventually Elizabeth eloped with young Richard Brinsley Sheridan.
This sad act broke up the prosperous Bath home, and largely
tended through disappointment and a constant lasting regret to
break up the life if not the heart of the father, who was thus, for
a second time, deprived of his dearest solace just “in the pride of
genius and the meridian of celebrity.” A few months after this
event, in 1772, Linley left Bath for London. Some connection
with Bath, however, was necessarily kept up for a time as the
concerts and other work required attention and his house in the
Crescent would be on hand. In London he and his family
were soon engaged in the oratorios at Drury Lane, and in
1774 he took over their management. In 1776 he bought a
share in the Drury Lane patent and so in the business of
the theatre and musical composition he spent his life. To
his family grief and regrets he here added financial troubles,
caused chiefly by the carelessness and erratic conduct of his
* “Rees Encyclopedia.” + Almon. ‘‘ Memoir of Wilkes.”
Jaa § Se
: 125
partner Sheridan. In the end he sank into imbecility. He died, says
one account,* on the 18th November, 1795; whilst another
accountt puts the event on the 19th November, suddenly, in
Southampton Street, Covent Garden. The obituary notice gives
us the contemporary opinion that as a musician his works were
‘not distinguished by any striking marks of original genius, but
they showed uniformly, taste, feeling, and a full knowledge of the
musical art. He did not astonish by sublime effects, but his
compositions always soothed and charmed by delicacy, simplicity and
tenderness. Two pieces of his music (1) ‘‘ The Royal Merchant,”
a comic opera; the other “Elegies for Three Voices,” with
accompaniment for a harpsichord and violoncello, have been
dated respectively 1768 and 1770. If these supposed dates be
correct these pieces would have been published during his life at
Bath, but the dates being only approximate, and there being
‘no notice of local publishing, this must remain a doubt. His
publishing seems to have begun in London. His remains, says
0 e account,f were interred, November zgth, in the vault in Wells
requiring special notice. The interment, according to the
cathedral register, was on the 28th, and then again it was not in
the cloisters but in the cathedral. Strangely enough the
the east wall of the cloisters, helps actually to confirm this
It reads :—
Near this place are deposited the remains of Thomas
Linley esq. who departed this life November 19 1795 aged
63, together with those of two of his daughters and his
granddaughter: Elizabeth Ann wife of R. B. Sheridan,
esq. Mary ,wife of Richard Tickell esq.: Mary infant
daughter of the former.
* European Magazine. + Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. 65, p. 973+
t Gentlman’s Magazine, p. 1052.
126
The lines following or beneath this inscription were, as aforesaid,
written by his son William and were first printed in the Auvopean
Magazine for October, 1796.*
The latest writer who has touched on this subject, who
should have been more exact, writes of—the tablet and graves
in the cathedral—thus continuing confusion, as both statements
are wrong. The interments were not in graves and the tablet is
not in the cathedral. But as a fact, to make all clear, the tablet
was originally on the north wall of the north aisle, just westward
of the north door. It was removed, with others, during the
“restoration” in 1850, and was then placed where it now is—
where, as aforesaid, it tells an untruth, as its “place” is not near
the Linley vault. An addition should be made to it notifying
that it had been removed from the north aisle. Whether there
was originally an incised stone on the floor over the vault,
“restoration” does not record ; if there were, it was “restored”
away, and the wall being bared by the removal of the tablet,
no place evidence could be seen or detected. The
site was lost, after only fifty-five years, but some little
search soon brings it back. Phelps, in his “History of
Somerset,”t 1839, writing of the cathedral, says :—‘‘ Near the
north door is a handsome monument bearing the following
inscription, &c., ze, to Thomas Linley, &c. As the north door
has two sides this notice is of only partial service. Another
account, 1825,t is clearer, as it tells that :—‘‘On the west side
of the north entrance into the nave”’ is a handsome marble
monument to the memory of Thomas Linley, &c. With one
more record comes the one piece of information wanted, and all
is clear. Britton, in his “‘ History of the Cathedral,” 1847, says :—
On the north wall of the north aisle near the northern entrance
is a marble slab commemorating Thomas Linley,. &c. The
= WVole 305)p: 275. +. Vol. 2, p. 86.
+ Davis J., ‘‘Concise Hist.: of Cathedral.”
127
family vault is immediately beneath.* Had he written
like Davis as above, on the west side of instead of
“near” the northern entrance, his note would have con-
tained full and exact information. On the late visit of the
late lord Dufferin, a descendant from the Elizabeth commem-
‘orated, the vault site was looked up, and with the assistance of the
above guides and of at least one old inhabitant who could recall
‘seeing the tablet in its original place, the spot was determined.
~ By direction of lord Dufferin an incised stone has been placed on
‘the floor over the vault, and on removing the pavement for this
? purpose, the crown of the vault was clearly seen. The newly
incised slab bears :—
Here lie the remains of
THOMAS LINLEY Esq.
who died November 19th 1795
aged 63
together with those of his two daughters
and granddaughter
ELIZABETH ANN SHERIDAN
wife of Richard Brinsley Sheridan
who died July 7th 1792
aged 38
Mary TICKELL,
wife of Richard Tickell
who died August 2nd 1787
aged 29
and
Mary infant daughter of the former
who died November 26th 1793.
*
Se
Tt must be noted unfortunately that the dates of death given
on this slab, excepting that of Thomas, are really the dates of
murial extracted from the cathedral register, thus adding one
more error curiosity to this story. There is also one more as the
* Britton J., p. 127-
128
register records that Elizabeth daughter of Richard Brinsley
Sheridan and Mary his wife was buried November 26th, 1793,
whereas it was Mary who was the daughter buried and Elizabeth
who was the wife.
No statement can be found, no reason has been given why
Wells became the place of sepulture. The children from Bath
during their earliest childhood seem to have spent some time now
and again with an aunt at Wells, but whose name is not otherwise
given. This must have been Isabella, the only aunt, but no trace
of her or her husband has been found at Wells. When Elizabeth
died, herself very famous at the time, and also as wife of Richard
Sheridan some influence may have been used; and it may be
imagined further, between the lines, that Linley had a strong
personal wish towards Wells. The fact that he had secured a
family vault there and that he was himself brought so far to be
placed in it seems to show a strong predetermination on his part. It
is to be regretted that Bath was not chosen, being the native place
of the children, the starting point of his own career, and where so
much prosperous time had been spent, and besides he would
have been within a fane equally worthy and with surroundings
and associations much more suitable. Although by reading the
obituary notices and generally, the impression is conveyed that
Thomas Linley died rather in financial difficulties, this was not so.
During his residence at Bath he had _ purchased house
property there and he had also an interest in St. Margaret’s
chapel. These properties it would seem were probably
sold to meet the purchase cost for the theatre. He also
bought estate at Didmarton a village adjoining Badminton.
By his will dated August, 1788, and proved 1st April, 1796,*
in which he describes himself as of Norfolk Street, formerly of St.
Clement Danes, late of St. Paul’s Covent Garden, he gave his
harpsichord and all his printed and manuscript musical books to
* Harris, 195.
129
Elizabeth, and his other music interests to Osias and William. Some
of these manuscripts are now in the British Museum. To
Osias he left his property at Didmarton, and failing issue after him to
William. The picture of Mrs. Sheridan and Mrs. Tickell he left to
R. B. Sheridan. This is now in the Dulwich Gallery. One hundred
pounds each went to his other daughters, and the residue with his
interest in Drury Lane Theatre to be equally divided after his
wife’s death, but the theatre interest to be kept in or sold only to
one of the family as long as possible. To his wife he left an
annuity of £300a year. There is a portrait of him by Gains-
borough in the Dulwich Gallery. The wife, of whom there are
two portraits at Dulwich College, whose life business in London
had been the care of the theatre wardrobe, survived him, and
died in the forenoon of the 18th January, 1820, aged about 92
_ ‘Says one account,* but another account tells more clearly that :—
“Mrs. Linley, relict of the celebrated Mr. Linley, died yesterday
morning (18th January) at her house in Southampton Street, in
- the g3rd year of her age. She was the mother of the first Mrs.
Sheridan.”t These immediate accounts are clear enough, the
second of them appearing especially exact. But here comes again
a very curious but not the final descrepancy. A tablet, erected
may be some time after her death, but erected by her own
_ children, and yet still on the north wall within St. Paul’s, Covent
Garden, tells that she was aged 91. _ It records that :—
Near this place are deposited the remains of Mary Linley
widow of Thomas Linley esq. late of this parish who
departed this life on the 18th January 1820 aged g1. This
tablet erected by her sons Osias Thurston and William.
This is on the west side of the wall space between the second
and third windows counting from the west. The floor is boarded
over so that any slab if there cannot be seen.
* Times, 19th January, col. I.
+ Morning Post, 19th January, p. 3., col. 3.
130
Recording this tablet, the latest Sheridan biography * says it is
in St. Paul’s, Bloomsbury, a place no one could find, Bloomsbury
for such a purpose having as much to do with Covent Garden as
it has with Bath.
Osias, Jane, and William survived, and of these William the
last died in 1835. By his willt dated 1832 William left his
property to be divided equally between his nieces Elizabeth Ann
Tickell and Mary Esther Ward, but as Mary Esther predeceased
him, by a codicil he left all to Elizabeth. Besides his farm and
lands called Oldbury in Didmarton and his share in Drury Lane
theatre he bequeathed to her his leasehold house in Fountain
Buildings, Bath (it was No. ro)t and his share in St. Margaret’s
chapel, Bath. He bequeathed also to her the portrait of himself,
seen now in full manhood, by Lonsdale. An engraving of this
forms the frontispiece to his “ Eight Glees,” published about 1830.
Other family portraits, including his father “in a white coat,” by
Gainsborough, he bequeathed to Dulwich College, where, as above
noted, they now are. His tablet in St. Paul’s, Covent Garden,
records him as the last of this family of genius.
* Rae, Vol. 2, p. 8. + Gloster 369. } ‘‘ British Directory.”
131
Richard Brinsley Sheridan. His connection with Bath.
By EMANUEL GREEN, F.S.A.
(Read January 7th, 7903.)
Just when Thomas Linley had become prosperous and
prominent, there came upon the scene another family, destined
greatly to influence his after life. Mr. Thomas Sheridan, an
Irishman, himself an actor, but “respectable” only as such,
having come to grief and loss over a theatrical speculation in
Dublin, adopted the teaching of oratory and elocution as another
means of livelihood, claiming that a knowledge of such accom-
plishments should form part of a gentleman’s education.
Following out this plan, in 1758 he, with his family, moved from
Dublin to the wider field of London,* determined to give lectures
so to attract notice and pupils. Previous to this he had designed
the production of an English dictionary, and in connection with
this work he published a pamphlet entiled :—
A dissertation on the causes of the difficulties which occur
in learning the English tongue ; with a scheme for publish-
ing an English grammar and dictionary upon a plan entirely
new, the object of which shall be to facilitate the attainment
of the English tongue and establish a perpetual! standard of
pronunciation. Addressed to a noble lord,
This now scarce pamphlet has some local interest as it was
reprinted at Bath in 1856, at the Pitman Phonetic Presst As
Mr. Sheridan’s means were nil, by the influence of Mr. Wedder-
burn, afterwards Lord Loughborough,f who had been a pupil,
and through Lord Bute§$ the noble lord to whom the above
} pamphlet was dedicated, he was granted a pension, in 1762, of
_ 4200 a year under the pretence of monetary assistance for the
*< Qe) "** yoog ss¥g SieoX 4se] Wo dOURTeg :
ps ¥ yak eee
ap UR
‘2061 ‘1818 daquiaseg
junodoy uJ Jsasnseady AuesouoH caer —
pujpua sea, ayy sof qnig play 4ieg
— = a 4
—T
2 5 P F -
SOCIETIES AND INSTITUTIONS TO WHICH THE
PROCEEDINGS OF THE CLUB ARE
ANNUALLY FORWARDED.
Augustana College, Rock Island, Ill., U.S.A.
Barrow Naturalists’ Field Club.
Bath Royal Literary and Scientific Institution.
Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club.
Berwickshire Naturalists’ Society.
Bradford Historical and Antiquarian Society.
Bristol Naturalists’ Society.
British Association for the Advancement of Science.
British Museum, Copyright Office, Bloomsbury.
- 3 Natural History Department, South Kensington.
Cambridge University Library.
Cardiff Natural History Society.
Christiania Royal Norwegian University.
Cincinnati, Ohio, Lloyd Library.
Clifton Antiquarian Club.
Cornwall Royal Institution.
Cornwall Royal Polytechnic Society.
Costa Rica National Museum. S. Jose.
Cotteswold Naturalists’ Field Club.
Dublin Trinity College Library.
Edinburgh Advocates’ iibrary.
Geological Society.
Geologist Association.
Glasgow Natural History Society.
Glasgow Philosophical Society.
Hampshire Field Club.
Hertford Natural History Society.
Holmesdale Natural History Club.
Linnean Society.
Liverpool Literary and Philosophical Society.
Manchester Microscopical Society.
Norfolk and Norwich Naturalists’ Society.
Nottingham Naturalists’ Society.
Nova Scotia Institute of Science, Halifax.
Oxford Bodleian Library.
Smithsonian Institute, Washington, U.S.A.
Somersetshire Archeological and Natural History Society.
Upsala Royal University Geological Institution.
Warwickshire Naturalists’ and Archeologists’ Field Club.
Washington U.S. Geological Survey of the Territories.
Wiltshire Archwological and Natural History Society.
Yorkshire Philosophical Society.
WITT NEN ‘
hn hi BY EX Ai es a.”
CONTENTS. OF VOL. X.,. PART 2.
1.—THomas LINLEY AND HIS CONNECTION WITH Batu,
BY EMANUEL GREEN, F.S.A. a eel wetease
2.—RICHARD BRINSLEY SHERIDAN AND HIS ‘CONNECTION.
WITH BATH, BY EMANUEL GREEN, F.S.A. ae
3.—THOMAS MATHEWS AND HIS CONNECTION WITH BATH,
BY EMANUEL GREEN, F.S.A. BY is se
4.Some Notes ON STONE CROSSES OF SOMERSET,
THEIR HIsTORY AND CONDITION IN 1902, By E. J.
APPLEBY “es aoe eee nis vee sev
5.—On C. S. CALVERLEY AND A TOMBSTONE AT SOUTH
Stoker, sy M. H. Scott... ot oe sak
6.—On Tokens or BATH TRADESMEN, BY S. SYDENHAM —
7.—Tue Brrps anp FLOWERS oF Batu, 1902, By A.
CASTELLAIN .., ei is Rae ANC ey"
8.—SUMMARY OF EXCURSIONS AND PROCEEDINGS OF THE
BatH FIELD CLUB FOR THE YEAR 1902-1903; BY Bs
W. W. Martin, Hon. Src. ee tas new
9.—List or MemBeErs, BALANCE SHEET, AND SOCIETIES ©
IN EXCHANGE OF PROCEEDINGS WITH THE Fievp
CLUB 43: tee See ane ae Acris eae
PROCEEDINGS _
OF THE BELG «
- fs
"PRICE, HALF-A-CROWN. . :
Br see oe a a
_ PRINTED (FOR THE CLUB) AT THE HERALD OFFICE, NORTH GATE.
x ; 1%: ;
op Se ee
Mrs. R. B. SHERIDAN,
(Miss Linley).
ta 267
Richard Brinsley Sheridan and Thomas Linley: their
residences at Bath. By EMANUEL GREEN, F.S.A.
(Read December 2nd, 1903.)
By reason of a prospective visit to Bath of the late, the first,
marquess of Dufferin, a descendant of Richard Sheridan, and the
further intention of an official civic reception, some interest in
_ the Bath life of the Sheridan family was revived. The prominent
"reason given for this visit was that the marquess should uncover a
; tablet to be placed on the house in which Sheridan resided, and
a
‘so consequently a local desire arose to determine the first im-
_ perative point, the whereabouts of the house required. Hence
these now purely local notes as an appendix to my former
Sheridan papers which have a more than local interest. Besides
the question of the house, a second, perhaps an equally interesting
one, will be considered, namely the site of the grotto in which
‘Sheridan secretly met his lady love, made further memorable by
the well known verses then produced.
On the 4th August 1898 the Bath Chronicle announced that
lord Dufferin had fixed his visit for monday the 5th September,
but the paragraph was obliged to conclude,—it is to be regretted
that research has failed to discover the Sheridan residence.
Then continuing, it is added,—of the first visit of the elder
Sheridan there is no record, he came probably in 1768-9... This
entirely recitations by himself. He further announced his plan
of an academy for teaching the english language. With Mrs.
Sheridan he was in Bath again in January 1764. It may just be
“off the stage.”t
The marquess duly arrived, was as duly entertained at luncheon
i * Chronicle 5 May, p. 4, col. 2.
| “+ Creevy Papers,” Vol. 1, p. 53-
; a z Von. X%, No. 3.
268
in the Guildhall, and afterwards driven round the city, concluding
with a little comedy on Claverton Down. How keen an interest
the “duke” is taking in his visit, says one journal—a Bristol
paper,— may be seen from the following letter. Then follows the
letter accepting the official invitation. Here the poor man not
Jong made a marquess must be dubbed a duke which he was not :
an example of the lowest and worst form of attempted flattery.
As already noted some activity ensued on the residence question
which became the more acute as it neared the certainty of
disappointment. One contributor to it announced that in over-
hauling his “extensive collection” he had discovered the much
needed fact ; but proof being asked for and not forthcoming, the
asserted discovery ‘being persistently left unsupported by any
authority,” it was well remarked that it had ‘yet to run the
‘gauntlet of others whose knowledge of such matters is extensive.”*
Apparently judging that an extensive knowledge was better than
an extensive collection of books. After these remarks on this
unnecessary mystery it was presently elicited that the authority
was from some letters which had belonged to the late Mr. C. P.
Russell once librarian at the Institution which placed it beyond a
doubt that the house in question was No. 7 Terrace Walk. To
whom such letters may have once belonged does not concern
any one, but from whom they came or originated and where they
are does so, yet they were not produced, their origin was not
stated, so that the question, instead of being placed “ beyond a
doubt” remained still altogether in doubt and unproved. The
same writer, apparently, in the then current number of a local
political periodical called ‘‘The Beacon” further states that at the end
of 1770 Richard Sheridan was living with his father in Kingsmead
street and that subsequently he resided at 7 Terrace Walk.
Hitherto, it is added—we have only the late Mr. James Titley’s
unsupported statement as to this in his ‘‘ Memorable Houses of
* Bath Herald, 7 Sept.
he tia > ae
ehds suena diesen Aah ae
etlh ede Been
269
“‘Bath,” but the writer “now claims to have documentary evidence
“in confirmation of it.” First here Mr. Thomas Sheridan came to
Bath in 1770 but Richard was not with him. Richard did not
come until he left his tutor in 1771. Then the little pamphlet
entitled—Memorable Houses in Bath—is by—Citizen—and can
only be known or recognised by that name. Also Citizen as a
pseudonym was William Titley not James. To this constant
error it was again well but too mildly replied that—in view of the
fact that the evidence is not produced the “discovery” loses all
its interest* ; and it might have been added that Citizen’s state-
ment remained still unsupported. Notwithstanding _ this
criticism the story has been repeated in a book bearing a some-
what similar title,t with the addition,—it is clear that for
- some portion of his stay in Bath he (Sheridan) was in occupation
of a house in the Lower Walks in more recent years known as
No. 7. Besides that Sheridan, at this time a youthful idleton,
_ never was in occupation of any house in Bath, here the Terrace
Walk of the former statement becomes the Lower Walks thus
4 adding to the muddle, and still withal, it must be distinctly
repeated, that in the absence of evidence the story remains
certainly not clear It is only clear that one unsupported
_ statement can be of no more worth than another. The little
brochure noticed—Memorable Houses &c. by Citizen—is
_ perhaps as full of errors as such a small thing can be. It had
_ but a short life; but few copies got abroad, yet enough alas to
be quoted without troubling to verify or test the authority. Thus
_ to the Terrace Walk story Citizen adds,—it is said—(is said ! !)
_ that he (Sheridan) wrote several of his plays there. Remembering
g ‘the short time that Richard really lived at Bath, that he was then
_ a youth in his teens, and besides that the dates of his plays are
_ known such a statement becomes very hard reading. The “Walks,”
_ originally a raised ground to give a view over the wall eastward,
“an
* Bath Herald. + ‘Famous Houses” &c. by J. F, Meehan:
=
270
was the promenade of early days. The name as a general term
for the parades survived for long time and has left its special
name for us to day. But this “‘ Walk ” with the houses alongside
it very much narrowed a sometimes busy roadway and complaint
was made of—‘“‘the narrowness of the passage leading from the
Grove to Simpson’s Rooms and the Parades, a place incon-
venient and troublesome and when company are assembled even
dangerous as the chairmen are careless.” In fact complainant got
a dig from a chair pole which laid him up for some days.* Here
too, on the Parades, in Pierpoint St., and Galloway’s Buildings
were the silk and lace shops to tempt the Jadies and their
gallants. In time then the houses were pulled down and the
road widened and the present Terrace built say about 1800.T
Thus there can be no house here in any way associated with the
Sheridans. In the perambulation to which lord Dufferin was
treated, notwithstanding the total absence of fact, he was shown
this house, as one that was occupied by the Sheridans, but the
story stopped there; no tablet fortunately has been put on it.
It may be further noticed as a curious instance how soon a
statement if not promptly contradicted may be treated as fact as
when announcing the death of a Sheridan at the Cape in Sept
1go1 it is recorded that he was a descendant of R. B. Sheridan
who lived at Bath at 7 Terrace Walk from 1771-3.1 Sheridan
did not live at 7 Terrace Walk and he was not at Bath in 1773.
Mr. Peach, who in his Historic Houses § and generally had made
this subject his own and should not according to rule have been
interfered with, ‘‘ could not assign to Sheridan any definite place
“of abode.” But, he continues,—‘ there is little doubt that in his
many visits to Bath he resided on or near the Parades and not
unlikely at the house of his wife’s father.” Mr. Peach should
have completed such simple suggestions by simply adding,—or
* Bath Chronicle, 4 April 1771.
+ ‘‘ Peach, Street Lore of Bath,” p. 145.
t Bath Chronicle, 26 Sept 1901. § Vol. agipes55-
ie Tae
© MO ar Sse
271
* somewhere else. Now this again is very curious writing and very
curious reading. Had a stop been made at—abode—all would
have been well ; he had told all he knew. There is not even a
little doubt but a certainty that the rest is entirely worse than
worthless. Richard did not make many visits to Bath, he did
not return after leaving it, but his wife did so, and his father may
have occasionally been there. But the question is not of such
visits or where such visitors may have lodged for the usual three
weeks or month. The times and dates for the present interest
are fixed and determined. Had these searchers hunted a little
_ wider they would have long ago turned to Moore’s—Life of
- Sheridan—and would there have found the story told as fully and
as much as it is so far known to-day. Moore says—the Sheridans
first took up their residence in Kingsmead St., and he adds in
a foot note on the same page as if it were a late information—and
for a short time in New King St. In Mr. Sheridan’s advertise-
ments of his lectures on his coming to Bath he gives his address
as Kingsmead St., and there are many Sheridan letters extant all
_ dated from Kingsmead St. There is thus no occasion to doubt
or hunt further. The only point is to determine which or
whereabouts was the actual house.
Mr. Sheridan on coming to Bath would attract no especial
notice as merely a public entertainer struggling for existence.
_ Sam Foote is recorded to have said*—throw a naked Irishman
_ into the Thames at low water and he will come up with the tide
at Westminster with a laced coat on and a sword. Having gone
under in London Mr. Sheridan came almost naked to Bath
_ hoping the tide would turn him up well laced and comfortable.
_ Although this did not happen exactly, yet from the general tenor
of his life there and from letters extant, it may be judged that
_ after his kind and race he managed ‘to live fairly well, the morrow
being left to take care of itself. He hardly became a householder
* «Bon Mots,” p. 81.
272
or rate payer but occupied only a furnished house or as much of —
it as suited him. Letting lodgings or furnished houses was a.
leading business at this time and to meet the demand what are
now known as paying guests were taken by private people as.
boarders, the power of choice in this case being reserved. It was
perhaps with these thoughts that at some time during my
wanderings through the streets of Bath, the impression got fixed.
in my mind that the Sheridan residence in Kingsmead St. must
have been the very ornate house at the east end corner of the
south side of the street known once as Rosewell ‘and since by
different names from time to time, as it was imagined that at the
Sheridan time the street was only partially built, and no other
house seemed suitable. It was remembered too that the south
side looked over Kingsmead Fields since and now always closely
associated with his name. From want of observation this house:
is always wrongly described. It is often or always stated that it is.
in Kingsmead Square, but it is in Kingsmead Street. The length
east and west is in alignment with that street and the main
entrance also is in that street. By removing the woodwork now
outside the shop fronts, the original front doorway, now divided,
would appear, the exact position would be seen. There may
have been a side entrance originally from the now Kingsmead
Square but the present doorway there is an insertion, its style
different and later than the house wall around it and the date
above it. On being asked, when the present occasion revived the
subject, to name Sheridan’s house I gave my above impression.
but with the direct qualification that there was no authority for it.
The thought however got into circulation, was even “ discovered ”
locally, and lord Dufferin was driven by this house also,
Bath was not early with a newspaper but curiously the far away
Kentish Post of the 3rd Dec, 1740%* tells us under date from Bath
26th Nov, that on that morning—‘“‘a dreadful fire happened in the
* P 2; :co0l.2:
273
house of Mr. Frankpit at the Collyflower in Kingsmead St.
which consumed that and three adjoining houses. Mr. Frankpit
had a boy in his arms who he was bringing through the house
into the street but the flames were too excessive so that he was
obliged to drop him, though he was his own son, to save himself,
and the child was burned to death. The father was also so much
burned that his life was despaired of and none of his goods were
saved. The generous Mr. Nash took upon himself to make a
charitable collection among the nobility and gentry &c for the
distressed.” Thus it may be seen that Kingsmead St. was
commenced earlier than is sometimes thought, and from the
following advertisements it may be learned there was early ample
accommodation. In 1757” lodgings were advertised such as —
six rooms on a floor by the week or by the year; or again—a
complete house three rooms on a floor with light closets and a
stable for four or five horses. In February 1767 there was to be
“lett” a house or any part thereof in Kingsmead St genteely
furnished. N.B. Not a new built house nor uninhabited.t In
1770 there was to be “lett” furnished or unfurnished a house in
Kingsmead St late in the occupation of lady Monoux deceased.f
Again in 1771, to be lett or sold cheap several houses in the
“new part” of Kingsmead St.§ We may perhaps see from this
pressure from without the cause of the removal of the west
gate in 1775. The subject being entirely Mr. Peach’s was
next referred to him, hoping for assistance. At first not
understanding for whom the application was made
he was clearly reticent not wishing to part with knowledge
which he considered was his alone. He had declined to give
this to his neighbours fearing it would be appropriated as a
“ discovery,” but eventually, as willing to oblige lord Dufferin,
* Bath Journal, 25 Apl, p 4, col 4.
+ Chronicle, p 4, col 3.
+ Journal, 31 Dec. § Chronicle, 28 Feb, p 4, col 4.
274
he gave it to me, and named the house as No. 55 New King St,
and guided at the last moment by this information which should
have been stated as coming from Mr. Peach, to this house also
lord Dufferin was driven. The record does not report exactly
what may have passed but Mr. Peach’s name was not mentioned.
He thus considered his anticipations realised and that he had
been given away, a position which very rightly annoyed him
exceedingly. For his authority for his statement he mentioned
some manuscripts once entrusted to him for publication but as
they were never published and never produced proof remains still
dormant, the reference of none effect. As Mr. Peach was
preparing a continuation of his house or street history, these
various points are just mentioned here as his notes now, with
fair certainty, would require very close correction.
One more little episode must be noticed. Previous to leaving
the marquess paid a visit to 5 Pierpoint St where—says the
recording paragraph*—‘“ his great grandmother was born and
from which she made the runaway marriage with Richard Brinsley
Sheridan. His lordship was profoundly interested in inspecting
the various rooms, and pictured his beautiful ancestress in her
childhood and youth within those, to him, memorable walls.”
In so few words no paragraph could be more topsy turvy.
The damsel was baptized in St Michael’s and would conse-
quently be born in that parish, her father at the time being only
twenty just beginning his work, humbly enough. Then _ her
“runaway ” was from the Crescent and she was not then married ;
and finally it may be said that neither her father nor herself ever
lived in Pierpoint St. There is however fair and sufficient excuse
for the last statement as it has been publicly made, but as yet
authority is altogether wanting in proof, and other evidences are
against it. We are told that on the occasion of the elopement,
Sheridan papa being away in Ireland, the landlord of the house
* Bladud, 7 Sept 1898.
275
in which he resided went off to inform Charles Sheridan the elder
son who was living a few miles out of Bath. The allusion here
would be fairly to the house landlord as a ground landlord or
frecholder is not so familiar with, would not so interest himself
in, his tenants. Unfortunately neither the name of the landlord
nor of the house or street is given. Just the two words are
omitted which would have saved much trouble and doubt.
Further search then must be made; every small lead must be
followed.
Richard Sheridan left Bath in August 1772 and from his new
home in Essex he wrote to his sister in reply to some demand
_ that—Mrs. Bowers seemed alarmed—about a certain debt, then
after promising to send the money he characteristically and
_ comfortably adds—you may pay, ’tis all for flowers and likewise for
_ doing ruffles. The Bowers’ were evidently closely acquainted as in
1775 Maria Linley writing about the play of the Rivals just
_ performed with great applause at Bath—says ~-a new scene on the
_ North Parade Mr. Bowers considers better than the one in town.
Yet the first production of this piece in London was a failure, a
result Sheridan attributed to revenge on the part of some for his
_ quarrel with Mathews.* This idea well shows and from himself,
his own consciousness and knowledge of the strong feeling
against him for his part in that discreditable affair. Thus
he hated Bath and never came to it again. Mr. Bowers
seems to have been accepted as a theatrical critic and to
have been somewhat a showman himself and had cther
_ things in hand. An advertisement of Sept 1770 tells that
_ the healthy and cheerful situation of the Bagatelle at Widcombe
jn the road of Prior Park+ has induced Mr. Bowers to have
_ public breakfasts. At the same spot visitors may amuse them-
_ selves by seeing seals cut by the Wicksteed water machine.
* “Wilkes, Sheridan & Fox,” by W. F. Rae, p. 156.
+ Journal, p 4, col 1.
276
Coffee, tea, dinners, the best wines.* Another advertisement
tells that there, in,—
The air serene, tabours play,
We breakfast, dance, and dine,
And, with innocence, crown the day,
Midst flasks of noble wine.t
But success does not seem to have come as on 6th May 1773 was
offered for sale in the parish of Widcombe and Lyncombe a
valuable spring of mineral water and the Wicksteed machine and
Bagatelle &c as let to Messrs. Wicksteed and Bowers.t It may
be just further noted that Mr. Bowers box keeper at Drury Lane
theatre took his benefit 11 May 1767.§ As there are no existing
parochial records for the time that Sheridan resided at Bath
those of the nearest date available may be examined for any
further possible clue. Looking up the earliest rate books, in
1775 Mr. William Bowers paid poor rate for his house in
Kingsmead St eight shillings and nine pence ; and for his garden
in Kingsmead St six pence, and for his garden in James St one
shilling and six pence ; and in the same year he paid a water rent
in New King St. Houses were not usually numbered at this time.
Thus there was advertised for sale|| a house described as,—
situated in the parish of Lyncomb and Widcomb next the centre
house in the row called Claverton street on the left hand beyond
Gibbs’s mill leading to Claverton Down. Some others may be
noted, as—To be lett a house in the Circus elegantly furnished
being the seventh door on the right hand going up from Gay St.@
Another was at the south east corner of the south east division
of the Circus next Gay St,1% and again another in the lower part
of Gay St the fifth door from the square.™1 A tradesman'’s
* Journal, 6 Apl 1772, p 4, col 2. + Journal, 20 Apl 1772, p 4, col 1.
+ Chronicle, p 2, col 3. § Public Advertiser, p 1, col 2.
Bath Chronicle, 23 Aug 1770, p 3, col 4. % Journal, 31 Dec 1770.
qY Chronicle, 24 Oct 1771, p 2, col 4.
"5 Chronicle, 12 March 1772, p 3, col 2.
277
advertisement tells us of possible bargains—at his china shop the
Golden Canister in Pierpoint St near the South Parade.” The
books show that the rate collector commenced his work on one
side of Kingsmead St and returned by the other recording the
names but not otherwise marking the whereabouts, so the first
question which arises is, on which side must the names be
placed; at which end did he begin. Then confusion soon
appears as he gives 108 houses all under Kingsmead St
whereas to day there are only 38. Presently it becomes clear that
this difference is caused by our New King St being included ;
a plan persisted in after the streets were well established as
distinct. The next thought prompts a close examination to find
some fixed point or points from which a start may be made.
The first to the front is the Casualty Hospital which appears
about eighth on the list, and as this is marked on the old maps
as on the north side and towards the east end of Kingsmead
St it is clear that the list starts from that end. Following on
then on this north side the thirtieth or thirty first on the list is
the Wesley Chapel and tenements which are still there and so
become another good fixed point. Continuing the counting
onwards the seventy first on the list is Mr. Wm Bowers. But the
collector must have now crossed over at the west end and is
returning by the south side, and by still following the list there
comes presently the name of John Keene marking the site of the
Journal printing office which stood where and as it stands to day,
and thus forms another good fixed point and fairly proves the
route taken by the collector. Beyond Keene there are five
~ houses eastward and to day there are the same, the printing house
being now marked as No. 6. But the list contains a name
greater than either yet noticed, namely William Herschel.
Herschel up to this time was principally engaged as a musician
and teacher of music, and as organist at the Octagon chapel he
ee eS ee
* Chronicle, 1 May 1766, 21 Nov 1771.
278
worked the musical portion of the service there, as Linley and
his family did at St Margaret’s chapel. As remarks are often
made about this chapel being called St Margaret’s, accom-
panied usually by some errors as to its origin, a few notes
here may be excused. On the 12th Sept 1768 subscriptions were
invited, and by advertisement made public in the Bath Chronicle
6 Oct 1768*, for fifty subscribers of £100 each, for building a
chapel in St. Margaret’s Court in Brock St. Following this, on
the 26 Nov 1772 the Chroniclet announced that for seats in St
Margaret’s chapel now ready, application should be made to Mr
Wm Linley, clerk of the works at the chapel or at his house in
the market place. Cruttwell’s Guide, undated but ? 1774, for the
first time adds to its pages that, St Margaret’s chapel situated
in the court which bears its name in Brock St near the Crescent
was built at the expence of the rev. Mr Martyn, the late Cornelius
Norton esq, and Mr. Linley organist, under the direction of Mr.
William Linley builder. ‘The dated issue of the Guide for 1777
repeats this. The account is right enough save that it may be
read to imply that the court bore the name of the chapel instead
of the chapel that of the court. In 181g was printed,—a selection
of psalms and anthems sung at St Margaret’s chapel, Bath. As
this was,—published and sold by W Barrett clerk of the chapel,—
it may be presumed that he knew the prevailing name of that
time. Sermons too have sometimes the St, and Wm Linley the
last of the family bequeathed in 1835 his share or interest in St
Margaret’s chapel. So with some that name continued and was used
to the last. But there is another side. In 1782 a dated issue
of Cruttwell’s Guide shows a difference. Now the account reads,
—Margaret chapel is situated in Margaret buildings in Brock St
near the Crescent, &c. The issue of 1784 repeats this, both
issues showing a change of name, the court gone, and the saint
and the possessive comma and final s. The name is now
Pes wcol. 4: {ork? Deolease
279
Margaret chapel in Margaret buildings. Whatever reasons there
may have been for this change it certainly brought to the fore
the lady owner of the property whose name was Margaret and who
being thus more clearly and prominently and personally associated
was not obscured or eclipsed by any saintly prefix. As there was no
dedication or ecclesiastical interference of any sort with what was
entirely a proprietary concern the place could be called by any
name, but probably now, consensus of opinion would decide with
the modern contention, for the second name and against the
saint. In this venture the Linleys being thus financially
interested here their musical compositions were often per-
formed and often produced. There was consequently consider-
able jealousy as Linley did not like the opposition from
Herschel’s different style of music.
In 1767, 1st January Mr Herschel announced a concert at Mr
Simpson’s Rooms, to consist by particular desire of pieces
entirely composed by himself. Tickets 5/- to be had &c, and of
_ Mr Herschel at his lodgings in Bell Lane.* On the sth January
Mr Herschel thanked those who attended, adding a note that he
would continue to teach the guitar, the harpsichord, singing and
the violin, to those who would honour him. with commands, and
giving his address at Mr. Harper’s in Bell Lane.t On the 4th
_ Oct 1767, the Octagon chapel was opened applications for seats
- to be made to Mr Bulman, the clerk, in Beaufort Square. On
wednesday 28th and thursday 29th Oct Mr Herschel gave an
organ concerto at the chapel, and in the evening of the first day
he gave a concert at Wiltshire’s Rooms.f In December 1767 he
_ gave the first gentlemen’s subscription concert at Gyde’s Rooms
“Mr Herschel one of his majesty’s band of music from Hanover ”
assisting on the hautboy. §
The advertisement of the Octagon chapel, 20 Dec 1770, tells
ee ee ee ee
* Chronicle, p 4, col 2. _t Journal, p 4, col 1.
ft Chronicle, 8 Oct, p 4, col 1. § Chronicle, 3 Dec, p 4, col 4.
280
that six fires are kept for the sake of invalids and that strangers
can be accommodated with seats by applying at Mr Herschel’s, the
“bottom of Kingsmead St.”* The next week, 27 Dec, and so on
weekly until 27 March 1771 the notice says—apply at Mr.
Herschel’s in New King St, but the next week on the 4th April
1771 and so on to the 9th May it again becomes Kingsmead St.
The advertisement now stops during the summer but on 5th
Sept 1771 on the approach of the season it begins again and
again reverts to New King St. On the 24th Feb 17727 Herschel
advertised a concert for friday the zoth March at Mr. Gyde’s
Great Room, the vocal parts by Signora Farinelli. Tickets to be
had of Mr Herschel in Kingsmead St. To this there is a
postcript or NB—“ As Mr. Herschel has been prevented by Mr.
Linley from having his concert at the Assembly Rooms, he hopes
by this early notice of the day at Mr. Gyde’s he will be justified if
any other musical performance should be opposed to him on that
day, as he has great reason to believe it will not be consistent
with Mr Linley’s interest that Mr Herschel should have a concert
and that so great a singer as Signora Farinelli should be heard at
all, or to that advantage she deserves.” Three days later the
Bath Chronicle of the 27 Feb 1772 again announces | the same
concert,—tickets to be had of Mr Herschel in Kingsmead St ;
yet the same Chronicle of the same day and date,§ in the
advertisement of the Octagon chapel says, apply at Mr Herschel’s
in New King St, but the Bath Journal 2 March, || only three days
later, announcing this concert says—tickets to be had of Mr
Herschel in Kingsmead St.
The rise of New King St seems to have been a sort of struggle.
In the earliest mention met with it is King Street without the
West gate. An advertisement 11 Dec 17664 announces lodging
and boarding at—the first new built house in “King St,
* Chronicle, p 3, col 1. + Journal, p 1, col 2. Tee 2ncolay
SUPP col re || P 1, col 1. "I Chronicle, p 4, col I.
281
Kingsmead St,” begun to be built near three years since. In
September 1770 are advertised—two good new houses to be let
in King St,* and again—to be sold by auction at the Greyhound
and Shakespeare in the Market Place, Bath, on the 16th April, a
neat well built stone house situate in King St being the seventh
house on the south side from Charles St ; an outlet of ground or
garden behind the same. It is seen here that the position of this
house—the seventh from Charles St marks it as No. 7 of to-day.
Again the Chronicle 16 May 1771t announces to be sold—a new
built dwelling house in King St and five other new built dwelling
houses in St Anne’s Court in the same street. St Anne’s Court
is still there and so proves the whereabouts of these houses.
Requiring presently some distinction, after appearing once as
Great King St, this King St finally became New King St. In
1771 there were to be sold by auction—at the eleventh house on
the north side of New King Stf that and the adjoining house with
' two tenements on the back ground near the Bristol Road ; and in
__ 1772—there was to be lett in New King St a genteel house with
plenty of pump water. §
Returning somewhat, Mr. Sheridan on his arrival at Bath in
1770, issued a prospectus of his species of entertainment called
an Attic Entertainment—well known to the ancients but introduced
_ first by him amongst the moderns &c; and giving his address in
_ Kingsmead St. On the roth Dec 1770,—Mr Sheridan gave noticell
_ that an academy would shortly be opened for the regular instruction
of young gentlemen in the art of reading and reciting and in the
_ grammatical knowledge of the english language. To be conducted
_ by persons properly trained and qualified to teach according to
his method and under his own inspection. The terms are two
guineas a month sixteen lessons to the month and two
guineas entrance. Young ladies may also have an oppor-
»
* Journal. Tf P’2; colizz t Chronicle, 10 Oct, p 3, col 2.
§ Journal, 21 Dec, p 4, col 3. || Journal, p 4, col I.
282
tunity of receiving instruction in both these articles from
one of their own sex in a separate place and upon the
same terms. Mr. Sheridan will be ready to receive the
commands of any ladies or gentlemen upon this subject at
— Bowers’s in Kingsmead St. Here is a clear and plain
intimation not only that he lived in Kingsmead St but at
“‘ Bowers’s in Kingsmead Street.” This would account for the
intimacy between the families.
In the rate book already mentioned William Herschel appears
as sixty first on the list, and the last fixed point before him is the
Wesley Chapel. If this point be taken as thirtieth on the list,
there is a difference of thirty one houses between the two. The
counting today is somewhat awkward but there now seem to be
say sixteen (there may be seventeen) houses beyond the chapel
westward on the north side, and then crossing the street to return
by the south side, fifteen houses must be added from this side to
make the thirty one, and this brings us exactly to the sixty first
on the list, to William Herschel’s house, to the house which is to
day No. 19. This is not mentioned as acceptable proof of any
argument here but as showing how surprisingly and curiously the
plan worked out considering the long time which has elapsed.
Caroline Herschel in her Memoirs says she lived with her brother
at No 19 New King St. Herschel had several house moves in
his effort to get a required space for his workshops but Caroline
does not give these quite fully. In 1775 and 1776 his name
appears as twenty ninth on the rate list in Kingsmead St which
would be on the north side near the Wesley Chapel, but the
house is marked void. In 1777 he is still in the list twenty ninth,
but the house is not void. In 1778 he appears in the list with
two houses in Kingsmead St, the twenty ninth and the sixty first.
The twenty ninth would be about our No 55 and this he vacated
in 1779, settling then in the other on the south side, the No 19
of to day, having a garden behind and an open space extending
to the river, and here he remained until he left Bath. This No
‘zll1 “GavVUVd HINON GUNV OLLOUD FHL
283
19 New King St being thus found and accepted as it must be and
is as Herschel’s house, brings up another very important fixed
point.
Although there may be errors, or differences by lapse of time in
counting the long list of rated houses, there can be no such
difficulty with only a few. As Herschel’s house is sixty
first on the list and Bowers’ house in the same list is seventy first,
there should be, and there are, ten others in the list between
them. It follows then as Herschel’s house was our No 1g that
Bowers’ house must be our No 9.
Neither Bowers, nor Sheridan, nor Herschel ever lived in
Kingsmead St as we know it. They did not then move from
Kingsmead St, but Kingsmead St moved from them. At first
the whole road here from end to end was included in
Kingsmead St, then — “the bottom part of Kingsmead
St,’ — the “new part of Kingsmead St,” — “King St,
‘Kingsmead St,”—after a struggle as King St, after a dual
existence and being known by either name or by both, was cut off
_ by Charles St and so by 1772 “‘a short time” before the Sheridans
left had become established as New King St.
Thus Sheridan’s residence,—Bowers’s house—originally a part
4
of Kingsmead St,—would be the house now known to us as No
_ 9, New King Street.
THE GROTTO.
The other interesting point may now be considered. It
happened that during this time young Richard Sheridan, although
ithout means or prospects, had attached himself to Miss Linley
then about seventeen, in the zenith of her popularity and with a
potentiality for wealth as a public singer. The attachment was
strongly objected to by the parents on both sides, so the lovers as
a in Baenc cases nee is meet in secret. At one such meeting
284
being thus generally only partially known are here reproduced to
complete the story.
I.
Uncouth is this moss cover’d grotto of stone,
And damp is the shade of this dew dripping tree ;
Yet I this rude grotto with rapture will own ;
And willow, thy damps are refreshing to me.
7
-
For this is the grotto where Delia reclin’d
As late I in secret her confidence sought ;
And this is the tree kept her safe from the wind,
As blushing she heard the grave lesson I taught.
3:
Then tell me, thou grotto of moss cover’d stone,
And tell me, thou willow, with leaves dripping dew,
Did Delia seem vex’d when Horatio was gone?
And did she confess her resentment to you?
4.
Methinks now each bough as you’re waving it, tries
To whisper a cause for the sorrow I feel ;
To hint how she frown’d when I dared to advise,
And sigh’d when she saw that I did it with zeal.
5.
True, true, silly leaves, so she did, I allow ;
She frown’d ; but no rage in her looks did I see ;
She frown’d ; but reflection had clouded her brow ;
She sigh’d ; but, perhaps, ’twas in pity for me.
6.
Then wave thy leaves brisker, thou willow of woe ;
I tell thee no rage in her looks could I see ;
I cannot, I will not, believe it was so ;
She was not, she could not be angry with me.
7:
For well did she know that my heart meant no wrong ;
It sunk at the thought but of giving her pain ;
But trusted its task toa faltering tongue,
Which err’d from the feelings it could not explain.
8.
Yet, oh! if indeed, I’ve offended the maid ;
If Delia my humble monition refuse ;
Sweet willow, the next time she visits thy shade,
Fan gently her bosom, and plead my excuse.
285
9.
And thou stony grot, in thy arch may’st preserve
Two lingering drops of the night fallen dew ;
And just let them fall at her feet and they'll serve
As tears of my sorrow intrusted to you.
Io,
Or, lest they unheeded should fall at her feet,
Let them fall on her bosom of snow ; and I swear
The next time I visit thy moss cover’d seat,
I’ll pay thee each drop with a genuine tear.
Il.
So may’st thou, green willow, for ages thus toss
Thy branches so lank o’er the slow winding stream ;
And thou, stony grotto, retain all thy moss,
While yet there’s a poet to make thee his theme.
12.
Nay, more—may my Delia still give you her charms
Each ev’ning, and sometimes the whole ev’ning long ;
Then, grotto, be proud to support her white arms,
Then, willow wave all thy green tops to her song.
Moore remarks* that these verses were “supposed” to have
been written in a grotto in Spring Gardens “then a fashionable
_ place of resort.” Here be it noted it is again only “supposed,”
and yet as usual what was only a supposition soon becomes
copied and quoted as a fact. Thus the last biography of
_ Sheridant quoting Moore as the only authority but dropping the
supposition, says boldly as a fact,—a grotto in Spring Gardens
_ was the scene &c. Moore marked his words plainly as a sup-
_ position and plain words should be so read, without attempted
improvement or elaboration. The only fact in Moore’s statement
is that Spring Gardens at the time was a place of fashionable
_ resort. In the comedy by Mrs. Thomas Sheridan entitled,—
_ A Journey to Bath,—lord Stewkley, one of the characters,
_ makes a breakfast in Spring Gardens and invites such a mixed
company that—lady Bell says to him—Why my lord Stewkly you
* ** Life of Sheridan,” p. 52. t+ Rae, p 187.
286
have certainly invited the whole corporation of Bath with their
wives and children, the place won’t contain them; it’s quite a
mob.
Again Anstey in the “New Bath Guide” tells that lord
Ragamuffen,—
To day with extreme complaisance and respect ask’d
All the people of Bath to a general breakfast.
Then further we are told,—
He carried us all to a place cross the river,
And vow’d that the Rooms were too hot for his liver,
He said it would greatly our pleasure promote,
If we all to Spring Gardens set out in a boat.
In Spring Gardens there might have been grottos or retreats
suitable enough but the place would be entirely unsuited for a
stolen interview, would hardly be chosen for a secret meeting, as
besides being such a very public resort, to reach it the river must
be crossed in a not invisible boat or by a public ferry. The little
inexact pamphlet already noticed, printed in 1878 but care-
lessly undated, entitled—‘‘ Memorable Houses in Bath,” by
Citizen—tells that this Ode is said (is said) to have been written ina
grotto in the adjacent Spring Gardens. He is writing of the
Terrace Walk, so it is difficult to see what was adjacent. In time
Spring Gardens disappeared, the name got lost, the place hardly
identified, and consequently writers have gone wrong over this
grotto story. Thus one says the youag couple met—in the
Walks or in Sidney Gardens. This mention of the Walks may
be remembered as it may seem that in the mind of the writer
the Grotto and the Walks were somehow associated. Another
writing much later,* copying somewhat, says it was in a grotto in
Sidney Gardens where he wrote &c; and anothert copying
again but using a y for the i in Sidney for a difference, says—
a grotto in Sydney Gardens is reported (“reported”) to have
been the place of meeting. Sydney Gardens has alcoves and
* Octogenarian. + Oliphant.
287
after rain dampness enough to satisfy any inquisitive traveller,
but the place was not opened until 1795. In one more, the most
recent issue, the writer tells us plainly as if he had seen it all, that
“the grotto in some well kept gardens was reached by well
“kept footpaths. The old grotto—(nothing has been said of
“fa new one)—had the shade of a willow tree and those who
“like to go down the opening from the centre of Pulteney
“St leading to the Recreation Ground of to-day will find the
“spot where once stood the grotto at the extremity of the garden
“of No 65 Pulteney, St. Here is to be found the old weather
“beaten willow possibly the tree that Sheridan sung of. Close to
“the roots of the old willow are fragments which might have been
“portions of the original uncouth grotto of stones.”"* Examining
this extraordinary story, if ‘the old willow” is only “possibly”
the right one, and the “fragments” only “might have been,”
the most determined imagination will hardly find the “spot”
where “stood the grotto.” Sometimes Mrs. Sheridan visited her
relations at Bath. On one of those occasions Sheridan in a
poetical letter alludes to the evidently to them well remembered
grotto episode. He wrote,—
. To Laura.
Near Avon’s ridgy bank there grows
A willow of no vulgar size
That tree first heard poor Sylvio’s woes
And heard how bright were Laura’s eyes.
To this she responded,—
To SYLVvIOo.
S Soft flowed the lay by Avon’s sedgy side
cr While o’er its stream the drooping willow hung
Beneath whose shadow Sylvio fondly tried
To check the opening roses as they sprung.
The poor willow then at 65 Pulteney St must have drooped
adly two hundred and fifty yards or more from the damp and
* «Famous Houses,” Meehan.
288
sedgy side of Avon’s soft flowing stream. As a clear fact also
this spot was beyond and outside, and was not within the
bounds of Spring Gardens as the slight trouble of a glance at
some of the early maps would show.
Then the same work tells that theferry stairs to Spring Gardens at
the bottom of the South Parade are still there. These stairs at
the South Parade did not connect with Spring Gardens, the ferry
here crossed towards Lyncombe and was known as Whitehall
Ferry. Basnett’s plan of the city and suburbs published in 1771
shows this ferry and names the place Whitehall stairs. This map
shows also Spring Gardens and Spring Gardens stairs and the
ferry there. Spring Gardens stairs were at the back, or through
the garden, of the house but lately known as the Athenzeum at
the end of Orange Grove. The place is now gone, the stairs
were cleared away with the house without leaving a mark, by the
clearage for the Empire Hotel frontage.
An advertisement of 28 January 1770* announces that—at
Spring Gardens tomorrow and on every friday evening till
further notice, will be a public tea drinking when the company
will be entertained with French horns, &c, also violins for those
who are disposed to dance, at one shilling each person. But in
case the company should chuse to continue dancing by candle
light a further reasonable compensation will be expected. Such of
the company as prefer tea drinking in separate parties will be
properly accommodated. Tickets to be had at Miss Purdie’s.
perfume shop next door to Mr. Gyde’s Rooms and at Mr
Roubel’s jeweller in the Grove. The public breakfast on every
monday morning with music and dancing &c will be continued
at the usual price. NB. In case friday evening should prove
wet the public tea drinking will be on saturday and if monday
should also be a wet morning the public breakfast will be on
tuesday.
* Bath Chronicle, p. 1, col. 4.
289
Another advertisement 27 June 1771* announces that—in
Spring Gardens the public breakfasts will be continued every
monday with French horns and music for cotillons, country
dances &c, as usual, breakfast to be ready from half past nine to
eleven. And by particular desire on every thursday evening will
be a public tea drinking &c attended with French horns and
other music. Tickets one shilling each which entitles the bearer
to tea or coffee. NB. Constant attendance at the passage boat
leading from Orange Grove to the Gardens.
A poetical invitation to Spring Gardens, says,—
The boat stands all ready
The rope is quite steady
Your passage a penny apiece
Without wind or tide, on the opposite side
Safe you’re landed and housed in a trice
Coffee, chocolate, tea, spread before you you'll see
With provisions well chosen and nice.t
For walking in the Garden the subscription was 2/6 for the
season ; public days excepted. Mrs. Sheridan improved, contem-
_ porary notices say, after marriage, in her womanhood, and like
many hundreds of other people at this date she had her portrait
more than once painted. We can therefore now compare and
reflect. The great praise and flattery bestowed on her as a
_ young girl has been recorded and constantly repeated as if she
_ would be alone in the crowd to receive such. But there were
_ hundreds of others receiving the same thing. Weekly the Journals
_ have verses from the poetasters of the time all fulsomely addressed
in the wildest bombast to Chloe, Celia, Delia, Cynthia, Myra,
Belinda, and many another, who are all divine, beauteous, and
_ angelic, heavenly charmers. One poet apostrophising the Parade,
P writes, [—
To fix where paradise was plac’d why all this talk,
Here, here’s the place, where these bright angels walk.
* Chronicle. t+ Chronicle, 7 May 1767, p 1, col 4.
t Chronicle, 30 Oct 1766, p 4, col 4.
290
We may surely now be allowed to drop this sexual nonsense
and bring the portraits and the story to the judgment of common
sense.
One place for this grotto has been overlooked, a place which
not only exactly suits the poetical description, but whereon a
grotto actually and suitably stands to day ; a place which would
exactly suit the lovers and would be well known to them as being
so little distant from the damsel’s original parental home.
Common tradition too tells us that this was the spot.
At the end of the North Parade in the little “‘ garden” or piece
of ground now attached to the last house eastward and close to
the river bank stands a grotto which until lately had a suitable
drooping willow at its side. The house belonging to this garden
piece after being vacant for some time and neglected was let as a
lodging house and was in process of being painted and made
ready for occupation early in 1900. The willow was there then
and the grotto clear for examination one day, but by reason of a
sudden flood was found the next day half under water. Visiting
the place again later, in the spring time of the year 1900, the little
piece of river bank or ‘‘ garden” was now in decent order but
the willow was gone, cut down to give light and clear the view from
the windows eastward. It was certainly a ragged, “lank,” unpictur-
esque tree, having been trimmed before in its lower branches, but
alas being now gone one principal argument or evidence here
would be gone also if these personal facts were not recorded. As
already mentioned tradition has made this grotto the historic
spot and nearly fifty years belief in this tradition has helped now
as a spur to many searches in likely and unlikely places and
manuscripts hoping to find some contemporary or nearly
contemporary mention or record to aid in confirmation. It just
happened first that a letter of my own came to light, a letter from
Mr Thomas Benet to Mr Ezra Hunt in which he says—* You
may see as you cross the North Parade bridge in the garden of
the house where captain Lye lives a stone summer house or
291
% grotto where Sheridan wrote his famous poem for the celebrated
Miss Linley who he married.” ‘The letter unfortunately is
undated but as the North Parade bridge is mentioned it must
have been about or after 1836, the year the bridge was opened.
The Directory for 1819 gives at 13 North Parade G. Lye
. esq, and this in 1826 is again Mr Lye and in 1829
Captain Lye. In 1833 this is captain Jones Lye. The
house at this time numbered 13 and the last, would seem on
_ the opening of the bridge to have been divided and the necessary
_ work for this may have disturbed the tenancy of captain Lye as in
1837 there appears a No. 14, number 13 being omitted as
possibly not in order, presumably vacant. The plates or drawings
_ of the North Parade up to this time show only one doorway, one
house here. A little later at No. 14 appears captain L. Lye who
_ was lord Manvers’ agent.
The letter quoted then shows the tradition existing at this time
leaving only about fifty or sixty years back to the actual event.
Could a similar mention have been found dated say 1800, thirty
) ears earlier and only about thirty years after the event it would
have made the search very satisfactory. Yet this tradition must
have existed from an earlier time, a time before captain Lye, it
could not arise and be accepted without some effluxion of time,
and the chance building of such a place say about 1800
could not have been so soon forgotten. By good fortune,
persevering, a long search was rewarded by a find which will
well settle all doubt. In the topographical collections in the
Bodleian library at Oxford there came up a drawing entitled—
a north west view of Bath—dated 1773, and here reproduced.*
Made actually at the Sheridan time it shows the elevated
North Parade, ‘‘one of the noblest walks in Europe,”
with its abrupt ending and the river passing beneath,
nd shows also exactly for the present purpose, the grotto,
* Gough Maps 28. No q1 b.
292
standing exactly where and as it stands to-day, exactly stone
for stone, looking damp enough on Avon’s sedgy bank,
surrounded and almost covered by foliage, and secluded enough
to suit any pair of clandestine lovers. In other drawings from
a different point of view trees large and small are shown here
on the river bank which appears as a public spot, not as
attached to any house. The arboreal surroundings and the
possible seclusion have now disappeared, but,—the bridge being
removed from the mind’s eye,—the early scene can be at once
plainly realised and the conclusion stands out clear, that our
tradition is confirmed, and that we have still here with us the
veritable original Sheridan grotto.
THOMAS LINLEY.
The former searches into the Linley history were abandoned
before completed, the time required being more than could
be spared, and so much more than had been anticipated The
rather tedious work has since been resumed to determine if
possible where Linley lived in his earlier time before he moved to
the Crescent. Having no exact or clear alternative at the
moment, the statement that he lived in Pierpoint St. was.
necessarily accepted but this must now be cancelled. There
is no warrantable authority for the assertion.
Bath was so small, so concentrated round a few points at this
time that advertisement was not much used, local events were
known or could be learned at the libraries and the Rooms,
and full particulars were published in the bills of the day. The
‘infernal arts of scandal, cards, and dice” and the quarrels
ensuing could be carried on without journalistic publicity. Just
sufficient notice of Linley however occurs. The first mention
found is an announcement* 1o Feb 1755 that at a vocal and
instrumental concert at Mr Wiltshire’s Great Room, — by
* Bath Journal, p. 4, col 2.
293
particular desire Mr. Sullivan and Mr. Linley will sing the
celebrated canzonet,—When Ribo thought fit from the world to
retreat ;—and the so much admired two part song of Handel,
—On the death of the stag. Another advertisement* tells that on
the 19th March 1755 for the benefit of Mr. Linley there would
be a vocal and instrumental concert at Wiltshire’s Rooms, the
vocal parts by Mr. Sullivan and Mr. Linley, and a new harpsi-
_ chord concerto. On the r4th April 1755+ another announcement
tells that at Wiltshire’s Rooms there would be duets and cantatas
by Mr. Sullivan and Mr. Linley. To these notices so far no
address is given but they show Linley early as a good and
- prominent vocalist. In April 1755 he sang again, and then
no notice comes until Nov 1758 when at Simpson’s Rooms, Acis
and Galatea was performed, the vocal parts by Signor Passarini
and Mr. Linley, Mr. Chilcot being at the organ. The next
notice is now a better one for the present purpose when at
Wiltshire’s Rooms Linley took a vocal part in,—Solomon, a
serenata. Tickets were to be had at the libraries &c, and at Mr
Linley’s in the Abbey Green.t On the 28th April 1759 at
_ Simpson’s Rooms was again performed Acis and Galatea after
_ the manner of an oratorio; Polypheme by Mr Linley. Tickets
4 &c; and at Mr Linley’s in the Abbey Green. § Thus we have the
_ Abbey Green as the first found and early whereabouts.
On the 28th May 1759 Linley took a vocal part, in the masque
_ of Comus, after the manner of an oratorio,|| and again on the
roth January 1760, when he conducted and accompanied on the
_harpsichord.1 One influence in these early concerts was Signor
_Passarini already mentioned. He seems to have been opposed
_and frustrated in every way and eventually had to contend with
* Journal, 17 March, p. 4, col 3. + Journal, p. 4, col 3.
a + Journal. § Journal, 23 April, p 4, col I.
|| Journal, p 4, col 1. Journal, 7 Jany, p 4, col 1.
294
instead of the usual half a guinea, although this latter was the
actual London price except for a leader or first violin.* In Nov
1761 Passarini came and tried again, but seems to have managed
only one concert at Wiltshire’s Rooms “by command of the
Duke of York.”t Perhaps the lull in concert giving which
followed this trouble gave Herschel and Linley their
chance; the lead eventually falling to Linley. In Nov 1762
Linley sang at a concert at Wiltshire’s Rooms, { and in May 1763
he played on the harpsichord at Mr. Derrick’s concert. § In March
1765 he played a concerto on the harpsichord and sang in the
duet,—Lovely peace &c from Judas Machabeus, || and in May
1765 heagain took a vocal part. 1
These notices so far refer to engagements for a wage in a
subordinate position, for other people’s concerts. There comes
next the event which made him master, which made the great
change in his life. Of his large family of now ten children the
elder were growing up, and under constant and severe pressure—
poor little things — had shown or developed great musical
capabilities. No advertisement appeared, so presumably by
private effort and patronage Linley got up his own first
concert with his young children as the attraction or
novelty. The first notice of this concert comes from
his own announcement of 14th May 176794 when he
returned his “most grateful acknowledgments to the company
for the great honour and encouragement his children had received
at their concert. ‘To merit their future favour it shall be his
constant study by every effort in his power to promote their
improvement.” No address is given with this, neither was there
any notice or remark on these infant wonders in either of the
local papers. The date of the thanks here, the Chronicle of
* Journal, 18 Dec 1758, p 4, col 1. + Journal, 2 Nov 1761, p 4, col 2.
+ Chronicle, 11 Nov, p 4, col 2. § Chronicle, 19 May, p 4, col I.
|| Chronicle, 2 May, p 4, col I. 9 Chronicle, 2 May, p 4, colt.
Q§ Chronicle, p 4, col 3.
295
thursday 14th May 1767, would be the first issue of the paper
after the concert and as Linley’s day for his concerts was thursday,
_ —as Herschel’s was on wednesday,—it may be taken that
thursday 7th May 1767 was the date of this first appearance.
It is always stated that the girl child appeared first at twelve years
old, and this although not quite exact is seen as fairly true as born
in Sept 1754 she was rather past twelve and a half. The boy
however was younger being only eleven and yet he had actually
appeared in public before this in more than one role. The
Journal notes, quoting Lloyd’s Evening Post, 19 Feb 1767,
reporting a concert—By command of their majesties “a solo on
the violin was played by Master Linley. This is the little
gentleman that played the part of Puck in the Fairy Favour whose
_ abilities as a child are beyond description.” A reference to the
Lioyd of the given date does not show such a_ paragraph.
Linley’s second concert took place, now after advertisement, at
Gyde’s Great Room on thursday 26 Nov 1767 when the
-Lycidas of Milton, and Wharton’s Ode to Fancy were performed,
; vocal parts being taken by Miss Linley and Mr. Linley.
Between the acts was performed a solo on the violin by Master
Linley. The concert began at half past six. Tickets were to be
had at the Rooms 5s each, and at Mr. Linley’s in Orchard St.
Books of the performance 6d each.* There followed a short
‘notice “that the whole audience expressed their delight and
approbation by loud and unusual applause.” t Still there was no
‘personal praise or special remark about the children. t
i following this success and the great prosperity ensuing Linley
next moved his quarters to the Crescent and from this move
‘comes the information long sought, the exact whereabouts of his
house. Already his advertisement has told that his concert
tickets could be had at his house in Orchard St, thus showing
* Chronicle, 19 Nov, p 4, col 1. Journal, 23 Nov, p 4, col 2.
+ Journal, 30 Nov. Chronicle, 3 Dec.
q Public Advertiser, 5 Dec, p 2, col 3. London Chronicle, 5 Dec, p 2, col 3.
296
a move from the Abbey Green but yet leaving the exact position
rather wide. The next notice brings us nearer to the point. On
11th July 14771 was offered—to be lett at Michaelmas a neat
convenient house in Orchard St. next the portico in the possession
of Mr. Linley.* This is the first authenticated notice of an exact
reference to the place, and it shows fairly well that it was at
Michaelmas 1771 when he moved to the Crescent ; alas soon, in
only six months, to have his pride and plans ruthlessly broken,
and in another six months his Bath home gone.
Finally it must be noticed that there are two houses in Orchard
St. next the portico. Had the advertisement given one word
more and said on the north or south side of the street no doubtful
thought could have arisen. Before the present new Relieving
office was built its site, — known as Pierpoint Place, — was
occupied by two cottages having the usual sloping roofs,
known as cottages and well remembered, but not perhaps
quite so high as the new buildings, and alongside these on this
north side there was, as there is the comparatively modern small
house next the portico its front squared to the top but otherwise
of the same height as would have been an original third cottage.
Further a glance at the back wall of the Pierpoint St. house here,
will show that it has never been built against higher up than now
seen, and further there is in this house a back window on the
second floor which necessarily has never been covered or inter-
fered with ; and still further a visit within this house and the next,
will show that other or more building behind than now seen
would be impossible. No larger place could have ever stood
here on this north side and a small house, even if like that now
there, could not have given the required accommodation. The
Linley house in Orchard St. next the portico must then have been
the original one still there on the south side, a suitable house, the
No 1 as known to us to-day.
* Chronicle, p 3, col 2.
297
Accounts of the City Train Bands. By the Rev. C. W. SHICKLE,
. FSA,
(Read January 13th, 1904.)
Under King Alfred all owners of five hides of land were bound
_ to appear as heavy armed men at their own charge, and to serve
_ for the entire campaign. Harold’s army only fought on foot
because the Knights descended from their horses and surrounded
_ themselves with a ring of staves, as was afterwards the custom of
_ the hoblers, or mounted archers.
_ Holingshead, in his “ History of England,” tells us that in the
_ reign of Henry II. “every man that held a Knight’s fee was bound
‘to have a paire of curasses, a helmet, with shield and spear, and
every Knight, or man of arms, to have as many curasses, helmets,
shield, and spears, as he held Knight fees in demaine, and every
man of the laitie having goods or revenue to the value of 16
‘marks, to have one paire of curasses, an helmet, and spear, and
_a shield.”
__ Every free man of the laity having goods in value worth 10
marks was obliged to have “a Habergeon, a steele cap and a
; spear, and all burgesses and the whole community of free men to
have a wambais, a cap of steele, and a spear.”
It was also required that ‘“‘ every man be sworne to have the
same before the feast of St. Hilary, no man to sell or pledge such
armour, nor was it to be liable to be forfeitied, and if the heir
were not of lawful age then his guardian was to have care of the
armour and paid a man to wear it till he came of age.”
a In very early days the practice of accepting money in lieu of
personal service crept in, and enabled the Norman Kings to fight
298
For this reason England has been called the cradle of the
soldier. The soldier being the man who fights for pay, Solde—
soliders, or as we may say by literal translation of the Lati, then
man who fights for a shilling. And before a battle an inventory
was taken of every horse, the colour and worth being noted, that
its owner might be repaid in event of loss. And it often happens
that at the end of the roll we find only the name of the man
and the amount. The fight having been hurried on and no
more time remaining for the other particulars.
During the Wars of the Roses the Feudal system almost came
to an end, and it was the policy of Henry VII. to prevent any
revival of the power of the barons ; but an army was soon found
to be indispensable to the safety of the Kingdom.
When the Pope, at the instigation of Card. Pole, endeavoured
to stir up an invasion of England, Henry VIII. proclaimed a
general muster. In London the Lord Mayor certified the names
of all able-bodied men in the city, and all who could be provided
with cotes of white armour, or bore morish pikes and wore sculles
were reviewed by the King.
The review took place at Mile End, and must have been a
magnificent spectacle, as the numbers were estimated at 15,000.
Holingshead thus describes it :—
“ Sir William Forman, Knight, at that present maior of London
was commanded to certifie the names of all able men within the
citie and liberties thereof between the ages of three score and
sixteen with the number of armors and weapons of all kinds of
sorts. Whereupon the said maior and his brethren one in his
ward by the oath of the common council and his constable tooke
the number of men, armors & weapons, and after well considering
of the matter by view of their books, they thought it was not
expedient to admit the whole number certified for apt and able
men, and therefore assembling themselves again they chose forth
the most able persons and put by the residue speciallie such
as had no armor nor for whom anie could be provided.
ee |
. 299
“But when they were credible advertised by Thos. Cromwell
Ld. privie seal (to whom the city was greatly beholden) that the
King himself would see the people of the citie muster in a
convenient number and not to set forth all their power, but to
‘eave some at home to keep the city, then every alderman
repared to his ward and there put aside all such as had jacks
_ cotes of plate of maile and brigandines and appointed none but
such as had white armor except such as should beare morish
pikes, which wore no armor but sculles and there was no.
stranger (although he were a denisan) permitted to be in this
_ muster.”
« Every man being of any ability provided himself a cote of
_ white silke and garnished their basenets with turves like caps of
silk set with owches furnished with chains of gold & feathers, or
caused their armor to be gilt and likewise their ‘halberd and
-pollares.”
“Some and especialle certaine goldsmiths had their armor of
silver bullion. The Ld. Mayor, the recorder, the aldermen and
every other officer beside were gorgeously trimmed as for their
degrees was thought seemly. The Mayor had fifteen tall fellows
on foot attending on him with gilt halberds apparelled in white
‘silk doublets and their hose and shoes were likewise white cut
after the Almaine guise pointed and pulled out with red sarsenet,
heir jerkins were of white leather cut and chained about their
necks with feathers and brooches in their caps. The Recorder
and every alderman had about him four halbediers trimmed also
in warlike sort. The Chamberlaine of the City, the councillors,
and deputies were appointed to be wiflers on horsebacke which
7
}
300
shoes, every man with a javelin or slaugh sword in his hands to
keep the people in array. They had chains about their necks
and feathers in their caps. The minstrels were in white with the
armes of the citie and so was every person in this muster without
any diversity. The Lord Mayor, recorder and aldermen only
excepted who had crones of velvet or satin pirled with gold.”
“The standard bearers were the tallest men of every ward, for
whom were made thirty new standards of the devise of the city,
besides baners. Every alderman mustered his own ward in the
fields to see that every man was in furniture provided as was
requisite.”
“The eight of May being the day appointed for to shew
themselves before the king, every alderman in order of battell
with those of his ward came into the fields at Mile end and there
all the gunners severed themselved into one place, the pikes into
another, and the archers into another, and likewise the bill men
and there cast themselves in rings and other formes of battell
which was a beautiful sight to behold, for all the fields from
White Chapel to Mile end, and from Bednall green to Radcliffe
and Stepnie were all covered with armour men and weapons and
especially the battle of pikes seemed to be as it had beene a great
forest. There was every part divided into three battels, a for
ward, a middleward and a rear ward.”
“ About seven of the clock marched forward the light pieces of
ordinance with stone and powder. After them followed the
drums and fifes and immediately after them a gurdon of the
armes of the citie. ‘Then followed Master Sadler, captaine of the
gunners, on horseback armed and in a coat of velvet with a chain
of gold and four halberders about apparalled as before is recited.
Then followed the gunners four in a rank every one going five
foot in sunder which shot altogether in diverce places very lively
and in specially before the King’s Majesty which at that time sat
in his new gatehouse at his palace at Westminster where he
viewed the whole company.”
301
“Tn like manner passed the other company of all the three
battells in good and seemly order. The formost captain at nine
of the clock in the morning by the little conduit came and
entered into Paules churchyard and from thence directly to
Westminster and so thro’ the sanctuary and round about the park
of St. James and up into the field coming home thro’ Holborn,
and as the first captaine entered again to the little conduit the
last of the muster entered Paules churchyard, which was then
about four of the Clock in the afternoon. The number besides
the wiflers and of other waiters was fifteen thousand.”
In Henry VIII.’s reign Coat money and conduct money were
_ given, the first, perhaps, to exclude private liveries, which had
been already condemned, afd to substitute a national uniform,
white with a red cross of St. George.
A similar review was held at Greenwich by Edward VI.
Both of these payments were made in advance, and deducted
from any further pay, hence the origin of stoppages.
, - The Scottish border, on account of the intimate relations
_ between the French and Scots, was always obliged to be guarded
_ through fear of invasion, but after the death of Mary there was
- little reason for its continuance, and the English army became
- Jamentably deficient.
The office of Master of Ordnance for the custody of stores
existed from the time of Edward II., and the appointment of
Master General, in 1483, raised it to a position of importance.
Both Marlborough and Wellington were Masters General of
Ordnance.
_ The slighting remark of some Spanish Nobles on the deficiency
_ of proper armour in England directed public attention once more
‘to the question of defence, and just as the petition of the French
Colonels to Napoleon III., resulted in 1859 in the creation of
the Volunteer forces, so it then produced a levy throughout the
Kingdom, and the country was soon furn'shed with armour and
Ammunition of war, which in every town was kept in a suitable
302
place appointed by the Parish, and was always ready to be worn
at a hour’s warning. The Magistrates were required to see that
the several weapons were maintained in an efficient state, at the
charge of the townsmen, and Holinshed says :—‘“‘ There is
almost no village so poor in England be it never so small that
hath not sufficient furniture in a readiness to set forth three or
four soldiers as one archer, one gunner, one pike, and a bilman at
the least. No there is not so much wanting as their very liveries
and caps, so that if this good order may continue it shall be
impossible for the sudden invasion to find us unprovided.
“As for able men for service thanked be God we are not
without good store, for by the musters taken 1574 & 1575,
our number amounted to 117,674, and yet were they not so
narrowly taken but that a third part of this like multitude was left
unbilled and uncalled.
“What store of munition and armour the queen’s majesty hath
in her store houses, it lieth not in me to yield account.
“As for the armories of some of the nobility they are so well
furnished that within one baron’s custody I have seen 3 score
or 100 corslets, at once, besides calivers, hand guns, bowes,
sheffes of arrows, pikes, bils, polaxes, flaskes, touchbores, and
targets, the very sight whereof appalled my courage, and there-
fore both high and low in England.
“ Cymbala pro galeis pro scutis tympana pulsant.”
Ben Johnson confirms this account of the historian.
“ He was so hung with pikes, halberts, petronels, calivers and
muskets, that he lcoks like a justice of the peace’s hall.”
Nevertheless the years which preceded the defeat of the Spanish
Armada were times of great anxiety, and the forces throughout
the Kingdom were exercised every alternate week to the disloca-
tion of trade and great expense to the counties and towns.
Surveys were made in all the shires of weapons and stores, and
those liable to maintain great horses and Demilances were warned
to have them in readiness. Particular attention was paid to large
393
horses suitable for heavy cavalry, and in Bath a proclamation
for breeding them was read t2th June, 1580, the pursuivant
being paid 3s. 4d. 4
In 1573, 15 Eliz., letters patent were directed to the Mayor of
the City of Bath for the time being, Sir Hugh Pawlett, Sir
Maurice Barkeley, Sir George Norton, George Rogers, John
Younge, Arthur Hopton, Esq., George Pereman, William Cavell,
John Wyott, Thomas Turner, and John Davies, Aldermen,
appointing them Commissioners to array, inspect, and arm men-
at-arms, as well horse as foot, and arches and musketeers above
the age of 16 and under 60, and ordering them to certify in
_ writing, under their hands and seals, as quickly as possible, what
they shall have done in the premises, and to follow the instruc-
_ tions annexed, and such other instructions as should be issued by
_ the Privy Council.
Annexed to the Commission is “ A general direction for the
_ Commissioners for the Musters in the Citie of Bathe, howe theie
shall procede in the execution of the saide Commission.” This
“Direction” recites that with the Commission for the general
_ muster of the County of Somerset are sent instructions by the
Privy Council, which contain many Articles “ verye mete and
mnecessarie for the musteringe and trayninge up of Soldiers in
Cities,” and instructs them that as the Queen has been pleased to
direct a Special Commission to the City of ‘Bath, they are to
‘require from the Commissioners in the “ Sheiers” next to them
a sight of such instructions and a copy of such parts thereof as
shall seem meet.
_ Special attention was paid to the shooting of these citizen
soldiers in Bath.
_ In 1579, 44 was paid towards making the Butts on land,
‘now called Butty Piece, adjoining the Common, close to the
Town, and with the slope of the hill in their favour.
304
musters and charges therein in 1580 cost #4. And in 1581
money was paid to Mr. Sherstone, Mr. Chapman and Mr. Peter
Chapman for their expenses beyond the amount already received
by them.
The Musters were generally held at Wells, but sometimes in
Kings Mead, where a tent was erected and the officers entertained.
The armour was kept in a special room in the Council House
under the care of an Armourer. Dolton was for many years
Armourer, at a salary of £2 a year.
The room was lined to keep off the damp, and in 1581 three
pieces of Matting to hang the Armor on cost 4s.
Sir Maurice Berkley and Sir John Horner were the leaders of
the Bath Men, and sometimes the Muster was held at Mells, thus
the Chamberlain, in 1578, charges 18d. for his charges and haules
at Mells Muster, and 13s. 6d. for rydyng with Mr. Mathews to
Sir John Horner about the Muster, the preparations for which
are stated to have been, mending the Kalvers 16d., the cutler
for a sword and dagger gs. 4d., mending 4 murryons 6d., for a
sword and gurdell 8d., and the next year 16d. was paid for a
sword gurdell for Mr. John Perman, bought of Robt. Stephens.
Mr. Perman was Mayor in 1583—and the next year, Pepwell was
paid 1s. 1d. for a paine of glass, and Yerland 3d. for settynge of
hym in the Armory windows, while Butler received gs. rod. for
cleaning 16 swords and 14 daggers, and 15s. for cleaning nine
pairs of arlettes, and 6s. for 6 pair of Almond Ryvett.
“The Armourers accomplishing the Knights
With busy hammers closing rivets up,
' Give dreadful note of preparation.”—Shakespeare.
Mr. Perman had been paid 5s. 1d. for his charges at Wells.
Muster, in 1578, and at the same time Mr. Robinson received
23s. 11d. for the expenses of himself and two sowdgers, and
2s. 6d. for going to Sir John Horner’s about the muster, and
5s. tod. had been paid to the Constables for carrying up the
Bookes to Sir Morysse Berkeley. The Powder cost 4s. and the
matches 4d.
3°5
The defeat of the Armada and the release from fear of any
invasion did not remove all expenses for the care of arms, for
the western counties and towns were expected to loan the contents
of their armoury for the use of the 7,000 men sent under Essex
against Cadiz, and the 6,000 men sent into Ireland in the
following year. ‘Two letters relating to the return of these arms.
are in the British Museum,
“After our hasty comendations, whereas at the return of me the
Erle of essex this last somer from the seas, there was left with you
suche armor as was aboard the shipps apptarninge to those countys.
and out of the which there was men leavied. Amongst the which
the pporcon contayned in the inclosed scedul dothe belonge to the
county of Somersett ffor as much as the Deputy Leiutenants and
_. justices of the peace of that county have signified unto us their desire
that the prest armor and furniture may be restored. This shal be to:
require you to deliver the prest Armour and weapons unto suche
psons as shal be authorised by the deputy leiutenants to receive the
same taking acquitance of them for the receipt thereof. So wee bid
_ you hartely farewell ffrom the Court at Whitall the 16th of Marche
1597.”
_ “After our verie hastie comendacions wee have received warrant
from the lordes of yr Mag. most honorable privy councill unto you
for redeliverie of such armors as weare left wh you upon the return of
_ the Earle of Essex the last year from the seas appertayninge to this
_ countie of Somerset. And do now send you this bearer thighe
_ Parker for the receipt of the said Armors from you whom we do
_ herbie authorize to receive them unto.
** Hoping that as well in respect you, as owr counties men borne,
as also that our good neighbour your brother Mr. Edward Gorge
hath engaged his credit us from whom we hope you have before this
_ time heard to this effect, that as our men weare as well armed as any
_ that went in that expedition for wh we should receive as good and
serviceable arms as any as all in your custody. And thus we leave
you to ptecon of the Almighty this VIII. day of April 1598.
* Your very loving friende,
“FRANCIS HASTINGS,
“JOHN COLLES,
“ HUGHE PORTMAN,
“EDWARD PHELIPPS,
“John E. Gorge.” SELK, HEXT.
306
On the same sheet,
“uppon a lre wrytten us to or Cl of the Councell we receaved this
lettre directed unto you and to understand their pleasures we psumed
to breake the lre and accordingly have sent this bearer.”
In 1599, tos. 4d. was paid for making 5 coats, and the
uniforms seem to have received some embellishments, as 3s. 6d.
was charged for lace, and in 1601 23s. for 2 gross of the same.
Henry Stephens received 5s. 6d. for one doz. of Hangers, etc.
In the next year the Waynscott of the Councell House on
which the armour was hung was repaired. The Chamber hung
round with suits of armour must have greatly added to the dignity
of the City Fathers in their Civic Robes. The armours and
pikes were carted to the Muster at Welles, as 8d. was charged for
the rope to bind it on the horses, though the authorities com-
plained that by this means it was often bruised and damaged.
In addition to the Muster at Welles, another was held at Hayden
Downe, Hanging Down, on Lansdown (?) to which the city sent
27 men, and this in addition to those who went from Bath to
Ireland, for whom the Constables was paid £3 6s. 10d.
The armour was carried to one of these Musters on four horses
gs., under the charge of a constable paid 1s. 4d. for his horse and
horse meate.
The repair of the armour in t610 cost £4 6s. 4d.
Although the men had long been armed with muskets, the old
weapons hung on the walls of the Council House, until in 1615
the flecher paid 1s. for the old arrows, nothing is said of the bows.
This year Mr. Mayor received qos. for 4olbs. of powder.
In 1617 the setting straight the pikes and the supply of the
things missing out of order through the carriage to and from
Wells cost £6 13s. 3d. And the butts were repaired for 4s.
In 1618 the total cost of the Muster, including the officers’
dinner and wine, with a gratuity to the Lieutenant, amounted to
22 2s. 70,
397
And Dolton was paid for 3 stakes and touche boxes, one capp,
3 flaske leathers and four scourers, 15s. 6d.
Next year the Captain, Sir Nicholas Haswell, brought his wife,
_ who was also entertained, while the Muster Master received a
present of 18s. beyond his proper pay.
Six new musketts with rests and bandeliers were bought 1619,
and the Town drum was new headed.
Every year new rests were required, resulting from the hard
handling they received on their journies. 3d. for paper to pack
the powder in seems strange, but the charge appears more than
once. The lieutenants and their Company were entertained at
the Hart at a cost of 45 4s. 4d., and not only were the corslets
cleaned, but a charge was made for varnishing them.
In 1622 the Muster was in Kings Mead, where a Tent was
set up and the entertainment of the officiers at the Hart cost
49 7s. 0d. Two men were loath to attend and Mr. Chapman
pressed them with rs. each.
The following are a few of the entries and charges in various
years :—
_ Paid unto Henrie Stephens for two Grosse of Lace to
Lace the Souldiers Coates sae ie 24 0
Paid more unto Henrie Stephens for one Cree if
hangers and ygirdells hs ae 5 6
Paid unto the Carryer for Carryinge of thes same Ace 6
_ Paid unto William Dowlton for a newe reste for a
Muskett ... ce ee ace 8
Paid for a newe payre of trokldes for George Kingston
_ Paid for a new scubridge and di tor Roger Lovells
; sword vals aa 3 we I2
_ Paid for three sworde Scabberds more one for George
Gibbes, Willm Morford, and George Kingston 216
_ Paid for a newe lockett shape, A newe handell and a
newe Scabberd for Rendell Bennet’s dagger ... II
A new pomell for Willm Morfordes sword ... ae Z
Paid for a newe handell for Roger ffeildes sword pr 3
; Paid for eight newe pickes oe = anc Ay aout’
308
For the hier of a horse to carry the pickes ... 12:
Paid Wm. Dowlton his chardges for his paynes to
fetche the Pickes Staves as ea 12
Paid for two newe Cappes to putt in hedd peeces_... 2
Paid for mending of three punches ie 6.
Paid unto Richard Storie for newe laceings of IX
souldiers coates.... 50: ae 8 6
Paid for makeinge of XVI souidiers Castes HEWes eee 26 8
Paid for makeing of John Hancocks Dublett and Hose 4.
Paid for makeing of Willm Barnardes Coate ie 2 AS
Paid for dressing of a coate for Willm Baker 6
Paid for Armeninge of the pickes ... a aes 12
Paid unto Henrye Norroway for three nates anda
halfe of Cotton to Arme the pickes _... 3 6
Paid unto John Broad for three yeards and a halfe of
frenge to arme the Pickes ... Ee 2) G
Paid unto Roberte Lapworth for seaven fee eee 4,0
Paid unto the constables att Wells for their Chardges
and the souldiers there ae ove we) Got 7,
Paid for two musketts scowerers Bis 6
Paid for a reste for a Muskett Be de oop 5
Paid for a newe hede for a musket reste cas 4
Paid for dressinge of three Musketts 5k oe 18
Paid for a duzzen of sword handells ive 3.0
Paid for the hier of Willm Dowltons horse to Wells a at
the Muster 3.0
Paid for 21 yeardes of paws tircaits Cloath for the :
Souldiers Coates... sts HOOS6. io
Paid for a coate cloath for Willm Bar MAnC ers uss II oO
Paid for two peeces of Silke seames foe Souldiers
Coates... neg te Bee ie 2 6
Paid for the hier of ve and man to carry Sir
Anthony Cookes truncks when he carryed upp
the rebells “de der ee Tes 8 o
The bow was the popular weapon and died hard. Every |
Englishman in Edward IV.’s time, except the clergy, was required
to have a bow of his own height and to practise every Sunday
$99
and feast day, and Latimer, in one of his sermons, tells of the
care his Father took in instructing him, and praised it as a goodly
art, a wholesome kind of exercise and much commended as
_ Physic. The bows were rubbed with wax, resin and tallow and
_ kept in waxed cloth covers, and each bow had three good hempen
_ strings.
Every archer carried 16 heavy and 8 light arrows, made of
, hazel, Turkeywood, fustic, alder, beech, black thorn, elder,
sallow. The best of birch, oak, ash, service or hornbeam. The
heavy arrows effective at 240 yards, the lighter ones at a longer
_ distance.
On November toth, 1 595, Sir John Brockett writes to Lord
Burghley—
_ “T have come to London to receive directions touching the
supple of the trained bands.
_ “Some of our best armour has been employed in foreign
‘service and some with scouring and evil keeping grown un-
serviceable, many who found armour are dead and others removed
and such as occupy their places being farmers and paying high
rents are not able to find any, thereupon suit was made for
abatement of ro in every 100, when we would supply all their
wants, make the lands better and stronger than ever, change the
bows into musketts and calivers and of the 4o bills in every band
urn half into pikes.”
_ This suggestion seems to have been adopted, but all persons
having charge of horse bands were required to see “they are
cept in stables.”
_ At the commencement of the 16th century, the armour of the
foot soldiers was bows, bills, halberds, partizans, swordes, pikes,
cross bows, and arquebuses. The bows for a soldier were
required to be of yew, and for every yew bow the Bowyer had to.
make four bows of Ash or Elm. The ancient English Bill
consisted of a broad hook shaped blade having a short pike at
the back, and another at the summit attached to a long handle
310
and was used by the English infantry, especially against cavalry.
They were required to be of good stuff, made of good material,
and with pikes at least r2in. long, and armoured with iron to the
middle of the staff, like the halberds, which varied in shape at the
different reigns, and were intended for both cutting and thrusting.
They were formally carried by Sergeants of foot, and were
principally used for signalling orders. The cost of a bill was about
1s. 6d., but the halberd cost 6s. 8d. The partizan was more like
a Boar spear, having a long short broad or narrow blade, accord-
ing to the fashion of the times, with or without wings.
During the first half of the century the Archer was the most
important soldier, wearing a steel sallett (coelata Cassis, because
generally engraved or inlaid) they were distinguished by a pro-
jection behind to protect the neck and were made with or
without Vizors. They were afterwards termed Sculls, and many
of them are still to be found in Churches, and are pointed out to
visitors as part of the armour of some village hero whose monument
they generally adorn.
The boots formed part of the dress of the horse soldiers, they
generally found their way to the Manor House or Hall, and are
now generally called Oliver Cromwell’s boots. Statutes for the
encouragement of archery were enacted by Henry VIII. and
Philip and Mary, in which last reign all lay persons with estates
worth £1,000 were required to furnish 30 long bows, 30 sheaves
and arrows, and 30 steel caps.
The Arquebus was an ancient musket with a very long barrel
and short stock, which carried a ball weighing nearly 2 ozs. It
was fired through a steel fork mounted on a staff about 4 feet
long, which the soldier carried with a match in his other hand,
and was sometimes cocked by a wheel.
At first a match was applied to the touch-hole, but afterwards a
trigger was introduced, a pan with a sliding cover, which was
pushed through it, when not in use, prevented the ashes of the
match from exploding the piece.
iethidl drdchit kde ela
arr)
af PS;
ae OO »
311
The Cuirass was a piece of defensive armour made of iron
_ plate well hammered, covering the body from neck to the girdel
_ Habegeon, which was a short coat of mail of armour consisting of
_afront and back without sleeves, and was formed of iron rings
united and descending from the neck to the middle of the body.
The Cuirass seems to have been more generally used in the
reign of Charles the First, when the light cavalry were armed with
buff coates, having the breast and back covered with steel plates,
~ subsequently this piece of armour fell into disuse and was only
_ reassumed after Waterloo.
__ The original of these two pieces of armour was the Wambais or
7 Gambeson, a quilted tunic stuffed with wool fitting the body and
worn under the Habergeon, it was afterwards made strong enough
to resist ordinary cuts and used without other armour.
_ The interesting paper of Messrs. King and Watts on Cavaliers
and Roundheads has already told us much about the Citizen
Army during the Commonwealth.
_ New muskets, pikes and swords were bought upon the return
are
‘“* Ancient Interments at Newton St. Loe, near Bath.”
By J. P. E. Fatconer.
(Read February roth, 1904.)
In September, 1869, some men were quarrying road metal in
a field known as the “ Quarry Field,” the property of Earl
‘Temple, in the parish of Newton St. Loe, and while cutting
into the top earth they came upon two or three skeletons
lying in what was evidently the site of an ancient burial
ground.
The discovery was brought to the notice of Mr. Charles
‘Glover, schoolmaster at Newton, and on examining the place
he found a quantity of broken pottery and Roman coins
-associated with the burials.
For a period of several years after this (1870—1883) he
visited the place continually, and, by disturbing the top soil
round the edge of the quarry with his stick, he obtained some
interesting antiquities, including bronze articles, among which
was a fine socketed knife.
“Quarry Field” is situated on high ground to the east of
the village, above the Bristol Road, and not far from the site
of a Roman villa which was brought to light when the Great
Western Railway was made.
In 1876 Mr. Glover exhibited the antiquities he had collected
up to that time before the Somerset Archzological and Natural
History Society on the occasion of their visit to Bath.
Mr. Glover’s collection is briefly referred to in the Pro-
ceedings of this Society (vol. xxii, p. 64), but the writer of
the notice appears to have been under the impression that the
objects were found on the site of the Roman villa. Finding
that this was not the case, the present writer wrote to Mr.
Glover, jun., for full particulars of his late father’s discoveries.
Mr. Glover replied as follows :—
“The quarry, as you know, has a surface of soil of about
SILVER RING KEY
found 1903 (actual size).
BRONZE SOCKETED KNIFE
(actual size).
313
18in. to 2ft. deep, and I should think the continual ploughing
for ages past must have more or less disturbed the buried
- ‘remains, as numbers of bones, together with small pieces and
broken ones, are constantly met with in poking away the
soi. . . . . my father never used a spade there but only
disturbed the soil with his walking-stick. . . . . Here and
there in the rock would be places where the soil ran a little
deeper and had evidently been disturbed at some time or
other, and to these places he always paid more attention.
You know the kind of things he discovered—
4 Bsnze pins, some with rudely worked heads; pieces that I
should think were armlets; Ring with stones set—this was on
_affinger-bone. . . . . There was no end of pottery, some
dark, some red, and some light, and of all shapes—rims,
bottoms, &c., some with designs. There is the dagger
{socketed knife] which you saw, and the beam of a scale.
There was a perfect urn, with a large flat stone on the top ;
this was taken out whole and it contained burnt remains.
Unfortunately this urn fell to pieces on exposure. From a
memo. I have found the coins were of :—Galba, Augustus,
Pertinax, Constantine, Probus, &c.”
Some years ago the collection was handed over to the
‘Corporation of Bath, who placed it at the Technical Schools,
where it has since lain forgotten. The writer is indebted
to Mr. Day for having been allowed to examine it. Mr.
Mockler has very kindly photographed the principal objects.
In the early part of 1903 the writer visited the quarry, and
m disturbing the top earth with a stick, he found the base
of an urn, as well as fragments of black coarse pottery a few
inches under the soil on the edge of the quarry.
Later in the year he made a further examination of the site,
though by no means a satisfactory one, as it was impossible, for
yarious reasons, to make the necessary trenches.
314
A trench several yards long, with an average depth of 5 feet,
was dug along the South side of the quarry, in a place where the
rubble underlying the top of the earth had at one time been
disturbed probably for the purpose of interments.
The products were :—
(1) Much broken pottery, apparently fragments of urns of
various sizes and colours, ¢.g., grey, black, dark red
and imitation so-called “Samian” ware.
(2) Human bones very broken and scattered, also burnt
bone and wood ashes.
(3) A silver ring-key, one small brass of Victorinus and
sandal nails.
(4) The portion of the head of a stone axe and some flint
flakes.
I have been informed by one who saw a skeleton unearthed
here a few years ago (since Mr. Glover’s time), that it was
surrounded by large iron nails which he considered coffin nails,
and which would be the position into which they would have
naturally fallen as the coffin decayed.
Mr. Thomas Wright, in his ‘ Roman, Celt and Saxon,” p. 310,
says :—‘‘ Wooden coffins appear to have been extensively used
in Roman cemeteries in this country—they are traced by the
marks of decayed wood and more especially by the presence of
large long nails which had been used to attach the planks of the
coffin together.”
The two modes of burial at Newton appear to have been by
cremation and interment, and the various articles found give
proof of the custom which existed among the Romans of
supplying the dead with all they should want in a future state.
It is quite possible that this place of burial had some
connection with the Roman villa already mentioned. The
annexed survey will point out their relative positions.
‘TO'T-"LS-NOLMAN WOT
315
“ Some Recent Discoveries in Bath.”
By J. P. E. FaLconer.
(Read February roth, 1904.)
I. During October and November, 1900, while gas pipes were
being laid in* Julian Road, Guinea Lane and London Road,
some interesting discoveries were made.
On October 25th, 1900, several bones were found in a clay bed
_ about 7ft. below street level in the part of the Roman road
immediately opposite Morford Street. These consisted of a skull
(No. 1) and an upper jaw, with ulna (right), fibula and two ribs,
_ together with bones of several animals. Two days later another
jaw bone (No. 2) was found close by and about 6 inches lower.
After this nothing further was disclosed until November 11th,
when a stone coffin of rude construction was found at a depth of
8ft. at the bottom of Guinea Lane, almost opposite Walcot church.
It lay East and West, and was full of clayey earth which was
afterwards carefully sifted. It contained nothing but some bones
_and part of a very thick skull (No. 3). The coffin was not removed,
and still lies buried in its original position, the top was not visible
earth thrown outin making the trench close to where the coffin lay.
One fragment of this pottery (the base of a vase), bears some letters
seen on the base of another.
Iam obliged to Mr. Joyce of the British Museum for help in
describing the bones.
_* These Streets are said to lie on the track of the Roman road known as
the Via Julia, and it may be remembered that in Russell Street close by some
in cient sepulchral remains were discovered in September, 1852. See Pro-'
seedings of the Som. Arch. & N.H. Society, 1854.
-
316
(No. 1). Sku//. Probably of a female. Only the frontal bone and a
small portion of two parietal bones remain. Frontal bone
broad and low; super orbital ridges and glabellabarely marked ;
sutures unossified.
(No. 2). Lower Jaw with teeth—probably of a child about 14.
(No. 3). S&u//, with numerous bones much perished belong to a
male about 28 years, of medium height, and muscular, the
bones being thick and heavy.
Norma verticalis.—Ovoid in outline ; ossification of sutures
incomplete, frontal bone long.
Norma facialis.—Super orbital ridges and glabella very
strongly developed and frontal region depressed, giving the
skull a ‘‘neanderthaloid” appearance.
List of Bones found in Coffin :—
Dorsal.
Femur (right and left).
Humerus ditto.
Osinnominatum ditto.
Scapula ditto.
Ulna ditto.
II. While excavations were in progress during December, rgo2,
for the erection of a bakehouse belonging to Mr. Alfred Taylor,
in Walcot Street, the remains of an ancient building were
brought to light. At a distance of 33ft. East of the footway
which fronts on Cornwell Buildings—between Southey Place
and Old Orchard—the bases of five piers were found nearly raft.
beneath the street level. The interval between the piers was
5ft. 4in, The two Northern piers consisted of two stones, of
which the upper was t1oin. high, and eft. 3in. wide. The length
was rather greater than the width, and the edge was finished
with a rough ovolo moulding. The bottom stone was slightly
larger and had no moulding. Of the three others only the
lower stone remained. The middle stone of the five was
removed by the workmen. Fragments of ‘‘ Samian” ware, flue
tiles and several coins of Constantine were unearthed. The
Roman road was about 7ft. 6in. below level of present road and
317
about ‘7ft. East of footway. Oak beams were found bedded
carefully in blue clay puddle under foundations of the houses
next the footway and had been used apparently to make a
sound foundation when the water from the Carn* well passed
under on its way to the river. Stone sets were found near by
forming a road running East and West (towards the river.)
* One of the ancient conduits, highly esteemed for its mineral properties.
It was situate opposite the Bladud’s Head Inn and destroyed 1740. Gives
its name to Cornwell Buildings. A fountain has since been erected on or
‘near its site.
318
Note on a Dolmen at Stoke Bishop. By M. ¥. Scort.
(Read February roth, 2904.)
This monument stands to the left of the entrance gate of
Druids’ Stoke, and just inside the grounds. I quote Seyer’s
description,* not only as being accurate, but as contained in
a work not often met with. Mr. Seyer says :—
“Tt consists of one large stone, and three small. The large
“stone is 104 (feet) in length, 24 thick, and 54 at the broadest.
“Tt has been thrown down, and having fallen on one of the
‘smaller stones, which stood beneath, it partly rests upon it, and
“is prevented from lying flat on the ground, so that at first sight
“it appears a cromlech (¢.e. dolmen) or altar stone. Of the three
“smaller stones, the first has already been mentioned, as sup-
“ porting the great stone ; it is about three feet above the ground.
‘* Another lies close to it westward, and the third a few feet
“ distant north-westward : the two last are broken off close to the
“sround, they may be fragments separated when the great stone
“fell down. That which was its northern or north-eastern face
“when it stood upright, which now lies nearest to the ground, is
“tolerably smooth, and of the natural colour of the stone ; all
“other parts are eaten into deep holes by the action of the
“weather, and are slightly covered with moss, and the colour is
“dark and dirty. The stone is a millstone grit, or breccia, and
“was probably brought from the foot of Kingsweston Hill, about
**q mile distant, where numbers of the same sort, although not of
“equal size, still lie scattered on the ground, and many more
“were formerly to be seen, until Mr. F. collected them for the
“foundation of his house.”
Mr. Seyer, though he seems inclined to doubt that this
erection was a dolmen, does not suggest any other theory, and
* Memoirs Historical and Topographical of Bristol and its Neighbourhood,”
by Rev. Samuel Seyer, M.A., 1821. Vol. I., p, 103.
DoLMEN—DRUID’s STOKE.
319
his remark that the under side of the large stone is not weather-
worn is in favour of this stone having been the covering stone of
adolmen. The presence of three smaller stones is also in
accordance with this. They are not so large as one would expect
the supports of a dolmen to be, but it is possible that some
fragments may have been carried’ away.
Miss Munro, whose father, William Munro, Esq., formerly
owned Druids’ Stoke, says:—‘‘In my recollection, once a year
“a body of men calling themselves Druids, with a Priest (?) dressed
“in wonderful garments, used to hold a service at the Druids’
“Stone.” On my asking at what time of the year this occurred,
she says :—‘‘I am almost sure that the Druids’ ceremony took
“‘place in the spring before the grass was put up for mowing.
“T have a dim recollection that the Druids wished to have the
“ceremony later, but were told that they could not be allowed to
“tread down the growing grass, as they came in considerable
“numbers.”
So long as Mr. Munro had the property, as also his successor,
_ Mr. Wedmore, this monument was safe enough. But since the
death of the latter, the property having failed to find a purchaser,
has been put up in separate lots, and it is quite possible, as the
stones are so near the road, that at no distant date the land
may be sold for building, and the stones removed. I therefore
place this note on record.
,
320
Bath Tokens of the roth Century and their Issuers.
By S. SYDENHAM.
(Read March 2nd, 1904.)
The present paper is a continuation of that read before the
Club in February, 1903. I then dealt with the Local Tokens
issued in the 18th Century, the period covered closing at the
date 1797, with the virtual extinction of such private issues,
by the Copper coinage in that year issued under Royal Warrant
from the famous Soho works of Messrs. Boulton and Watt,
Birmingham.
Dealing now with the Token Coinage issued by Bath Trades-
men during the 19th Century period, I have to point out that
only a small number of Local Traders then issued Tokens, and
that their issues were in marked contrast to those of the 18th
Century period, when the Bath Tokens were of small value, being
solely of Copper or Brass, issued by Tradesmen acting indepen-
dently ; but the 19th Century Bath Tokens were of higher value,
the bulk of those issued being of Silver, and put into circulation
by Tradesmen acting in partnership. The edge readings, so
common on the Tokens of the preceding period disappear, the
edges of the later pieces being milled or plain, and the Tokens
bear the promise that in redemption a One Pound Note will
be given for a specified number, this being done to comply with
an Act passed in 1809, requiring that Tokens, when presented
to their original issuers, should be met with Bank of England
Notes.
As to the Silver Tokens, their circulation was limited from
early in 1811 to the 19th of December, 1814, after which date,
under the Act prohibiting their circulation, they could only be
tendered to and redeemed by the original issuers. The Copper
Tokens had a longer life, and apparently issued before the
Silver Tokens they remained in circulation until 1818.
The conditions existing during the closing years of the 18th
a
.
|
;
!
i
}
321
_ and the opening years of the 19th Century, and which induced
the revival in 181 1, of the Traders Coinage, are of great interest.
After an interval of nearly a century, with at present no lack
of currency, it is now difficult, if not actually impossible, to
realise the then position of the country as regards the ‘‘ medium
of exchange ” so necessary to its business life ; one may imagine
the amazement that would be caused if such a notice as the
following, frequent then, were now issued by one of the Officials
of the City :—
Bath Chronicle, January, 1809.
““ GUILD-HALL, BATH.
In consequence of the extreme SCARCITY OF SILVER and SMALL
GOLD it is earnestly requested, that all Persons will endeavour, as
far as it is within their power, to Pay their Rents, wiTHouT
REQUIRING ANY CHANGE.
oe. H. Watters, Chamberlain.”
The Gold Coinage for many years was scarce throughout the
country, for although the issues from the Mint were frequent,
large quantities of the Gold Coin issued was exported to the
Continent. The Chronicle notes in 1797 that “An English
Guinea now sells at Hamburg for 23 to 24 shillings, and the
Jews have found secret means to export our Coin thither by
‘thousands weekly,” and despite the passing of stringent Acts by
Parliament, making it penal to export or even to sell such Coin,
for more than its face value, the traffic continued. The Chronicle
of December 21st, 1809, states, ‘ £16,000 in Gold were last
week seized in the River (Thames) intended for exportation, and
arried to the Bank,” and in 1811 the Guinea of full weight,
passing by law as Coin for #1 1s. od. was as Bullion worth more
between the years 1760 and 1817 less than £60,000 of such coin
1 yas minted, and at the period I deal with, no Silver had been
issued since 1787, and the Regal coin in circulation was mostly
322
that struck during the reigns of Charles II., William III. and
Anne, the bulk of it in bad condition, smooth and light in
weight from continual wear.
Early in 1797 the Bath Bankers, by advertisement, asked their
customers not to “take more specie, gold, silver or copper, than
is absolutely necessary,” and by the end of February in that year
the position was still more serious. At a meeting held on
March 1st, 1797, the Mayor presiding, it was resolved “ that we
entirely approve of the Conduct of the Banks in this City, z
suspending PAYMENT IN SPECIE until the sense of Parliament be
Publicly known,” and those present declared their intention of
accepting Bank of England, and the Notes of “any of the Bath
Banks in payment, and would use the same for payment,” and a
notice to this effect, signed by the Mayor, Magistrates and 116
Tradesmen of the City was published. Such action was not
confined to Bath, as soon after the Chronicle names 34 towns as
holding similar meetings.
A short advertisement at this date, of a Token issuer (Bath
No. 4) mentioned in my previous paper is interesting,
“BANK and BANKERS NOTES
TAKING aS USUAL
AT GLOVERS WAREROOMS
NO. 39, MILSOM-STREET.”
At this crisis, the Bank of England was empowered to put
into circulation Spanish specie, principally Dollars, which had
been captured by the Navy in time of war, after counter-marking
the coins with the bust of George III. upon that of the Spanish
King. These re-issued pieces were at once extensively counter-
feited. In August, 1797, an imposing Official notice was issued
by the Bath Magistrates, as a ‘“ Caution to the Publick against
taking Counterfeit Coin” brought into the City by persons
“attending Lansdown Fair.”
The complaint was then general throughout the Country, and
for years afterwards, that the counterfeit pieces were exceptionally
———————————
323
_ well executed and most difficult to detect, and although the
credit, or discredit, for the production of much of the counterfeit
coin complained of must be given to misdirected English
ingenuity, in the light of information now available, it is certain
that much of the Spanish Coin, whether obtained by capture, or
peacefully imported into this Country, then officially stamped and
_ re-issued as Silver, was itself counterfeit, being good imitations
‘in Brass thickly plated, of the genuine Dollars ; the plating of the
base coin rivalling, if not excelling, anything that could then be
‘produced at the Soho Works, and being also proof against an
acid test, it is not surprising that the Bank Officials were often
_ deceived, and so passed into circulation large quantities of coin,
the baseness of which was only detected after the actual wear
of use.
_ In 1804, the Bank of England commenced the issue of their
‘own Dollars, chiefly foreign Silver coins re-struck. The Chrovtcle
of October 12th, 1809, mentions “The Bank had £100,000
worth of Spanish Dollars new struck at Boulton & Co.’s manu-
a £800,000 in re-stamped Dollars will shortly be added to our
Si ver currency, they were sent a few days ago from the Bank to
value of 3s. and 1s. 6d., and intended to issue Tokens of the
value of gd., but apparently this intention was not carried out.
Surteen years’ imprisonment.”
; ‘The issue late in 1797 of the coinage from the Soho Mints
nade a great improvement in the copper currency, but large
324
quantities of base coin still circulated, and some curious adver-
tisements of Traders who were not too scrupulous appeared.
I give one of these from the /ourna/ of January 21st, 1799.
“For Sale by Public Auction
4000 Lots in Muslins of every description, Printed Calicoes &c.,
At the Great Auction Room
No. 22 Westgate Street, Bath,
Where any article purchased in Time of Sale by Candle, if
disapproved will be exchanged.
J. OWEN acquaints his Friends, and those who have on
hand BAD HALFPENCE that he has received a Quantity of Woollen
Cloths, Kerseymeres &c., which will be Sold by Private Sale, half
payment in BAD HALFPENCE, no PROMISSORY will be Taken,
those who have Quantities will find it worth their while.” From
1807, when Boulton and Watt ceased coining, no further issue
of Regal Copper coin took place until 1821, and amongst the
effects produced by the almost continuous warfare the Nation was
then engaged in, Copper so increased in value that it became
profitable to smelt the Boulton, and some of the earlier Token
issues for the value of the metal. Ruding states that in 1805
“the Boulton pieces were worth when melted down, nearly one
third more than their value as coin.” Taking this fact into con-
sideration the scarcity of copper coin of good value at the date
of the Token issues is not surprising.
Under date July 11th, 1811, the following notice appeared in
the Chronicle, and soon afterwards in the era/d and the
Journal :—
‘“CHAMBERLAINS OFFICE—GUILDHALL—BATH.
To Corporation Tenants.
Notice is hereby given that the Chamberlain will attend every
day this week (except Saturday) from Eleven till Two-o-Clock, to
receive the Water, Quit and House Rents due at Midsummer
when it is particularly requested that all Arrears may be Paid up.
325
_ N.B. The scarcity OF SMALL CHANGE renders it indispensably
mecessary to desire that the Tenants will bring their Rents as
nearly as possible.”
_ Notices similar to this are repeated at intervals to as late as
1823.
To an unknown correspondent of the Journal of October 7th,
1811, thanks are due for an article from which I quote the
following :—“ The curious phenomenon, occasioned by the state
of British coinage, deserves to be recorded, and may be of use to
the future historian, who shall consult our pages.
A Guinea made of standard Gold, weight 5 dwts 9
grains, passes by law, for only as ase ely ees
A ditto, 3 grains lighter, is worth as Bullion oe ne ore
A Crown piece, made of Sterling Silver, weight 19
___ dwts 8 grs, passes by law, for only ... ~e en ng
A Bank Dollar, weighing 2 dwts less, and the Silver
_ 24d an ounce worse, is current for ... CS ea
A Half-Crown piece of Sterling Silver, weight 9 ave
+6 grs, passes by law, for only <3 ep Owe ve
. Bank Token, weighing 5 grs less, and the
Silver 2}d an ounce worse, is current for... G:/35Ne
The lesser Bank Token of 18 pence, weighs 1 dwt
2 grs less than a Shilling and a Sixpence, and
the Silver is also worth 24d an ounce less.”
The need for small change at last became so acute that
Traders throughout the Kingdom, recognizing their interests
suffered from the prevailing scarcity, met the difficulty by again
ssuing Tokens so as “TO FACILITATE TRADE,” and this, the
h Century issue, was participated in by Bankers and Poor
w Authorities, and some Gold and large quantities of Silver
| Copper Tokens were put into circulation, the issues
tacitly sanctioned, if not officially recognised, by the
326
In the ‘Gentleman’s Magazine” of November, 1811, it is
mentioned, ‘ Provincial Silver Tokens are now becoming
prevalent. At Birmingham, Bristol, Southampton, &c., a great
number have been issued.” ‘2/6 and 1/- pieces are preparing
for Sheffeld.” ‘‘ Bath copper tokens have been issued to a
considerable extent.”
The Chronicle of July 25th, 1811, observes, ‘‘We feel much
pleasure in stating that a very considerable supply of the new
Silver coin, has been received by the Bankers of the City, which
will obviate the inconvenience so generally experienced from the
Scarcity of Change.” This notice evidently referred to the Tokens
issued to various centres in 1811 by the Bank of England, but
the supply was by no means equal to the demand, and the intrinsic
value of these Tokens approaching closely to their face value, in
general they rapidly disappeared, and probably this was in great
part due to their conversion into the lighter Coinage of the
Traders ; although large quantities of foreign Silver coin was at
this time imported, to meet the requirements of the private
issuers.
Of the Local issues during this period, I deal first with those
known as the Margaret’s Buildings Tokens, from having been
issued by a combination of substantial Tradesmen, who carried
on business in that thoroughfare.
Charles Culverhouse, Baker, &c. . . . No. 5, Margaret’s Bdgs
Isaac Orchard, Auctioner and Upholsterer. . No. 6,
James Phipps, Ladies’ Shoemaker . . . No. 2,
22 bb)
39 99
Margaret’s Buildmgs (one of the few paved streets still
remaining, which were once so common in Bath), from its
proximity to the Royal Crescent and from the principal :
entrance of the then fashionable Margaret’s Chapel opening off
it, in 181rr was a promenade of considerable importance, —
although some distance away from the general business part of
the City.
327
The first mention I find of Culverhouse is in July, 1795
when he subscribed to a fund then raised by the Master
Bakers of Bath, for supplying the poor with cheap provisions,
the weather at that date “being very cold, fires needed
everywhere, and drown bread 11} the quartern” (a study of the
materials that down bread was composed of does not conduce
to appetite). In March, 1810, he subscribed to the Union Blue
Coat School, then established at No. 24, Kingsmead Street “ to
educate and clothe 30 boys from 7 to 14, in the first principles
of the Christian religion, without regard to Sect or Party.”
Samuel Whitchurch and William Dore contributed to the School
at the same time.
The Bath Token issuers availed themselves of every opportunity
of showing their loyalty by decorating their premises, and these
‘displays are frequently mentioned by the press; at the Peace
‘Commemoration on April 15th, 1814, Culverhouse is noticed as
having a specially attractive display of Transparencies with
the Motto—
| ‘*May Peace on all the Earth descend
And Liberty her course attend.”
‘The business carried on by Culverhouse is still continued at the
‘same premises, but a Commission of Bankruptcy was in February,
1823 issued against ‘Charles Culverhouse, flour factor, dealer
and chapman of Walcot Parish.” His property in various parts
f the City being soon after sold at Auction by I. Orchard
Seid Son.
The business of I. Orchard, at the ‘Auctioneers and
Upholstery Warehouse ” was a considerable one, and from 1797
lis advertisements of properties and goods for sale are frequent ;
hese continue till 1817, after which the business was carried on
is I. Orchard & Son, until 1829. The business of J. Phipps was
n old established one ; and prior to 1797 was carried on by Messrs.
[elin and Easty ; at a later date than the issue of the Tokens it
328
was transferred to No. g in the same buildings as J. and
W. Phipps, and from there in 1826 removed to No. 32, Gay
Street.
All the local Token issuers it is evident, were intimate friends
of S. Whitchurch, and their attitude as to Religious and other
Societies is of interest. In March, 1812, Culverhouse and
Whitchurch subscribed to the Bath Auxiliary Bible Society, and
at the same time, strangely enough, the most determined opponent
of the circulation of the Bath Tokens (Francis Ellis) gave Ten
guineas. In 1813 Orchard and Phipps were on the Committee
of the Bath Sunday School Union, (That Culverhouse in 1799,
and later a daughter of Phipps, were married at St. Mary’s
Chapel, Atkins, Somt., 66, may interest some collectors.)
The Margaret’s Buildings series are all of Silver and comprise
Four, Two, and One Shilling pieces, and those of the highest
denomination were apparently issued first, as the Chronicle of
February 12th, 1812, contains the following advertisement :—
“Base and SPURIOUS TWELVEPENNY TOKENS having for some
time incommoded the Public, and it being now discovered that
the only Bristol Tokens, which freely circulated in this City, have
been basely imitated to a great extent, we have at length been
induced to accede to the pressing solicitations of our Friends, and
thus announce to the Public, that they may now be supplied with
SILVER SHILLING BATH TOKENS of weight and purity equal, if
not superior to any yet issued. As our aim has hitherto been, so
it will continue to be, to satisfy the public mind, and supply them
with necessary change, of intrinsic worth, as near the nominal
value, as can possibly be done, without suffering loss by the issue,
and the TOKENS thus issued will be readily exchanged for Bank
Notes in any quantity, at either of our Houses. Ll
CHARLES CULVERHOUSE
Isaac ORCHARD
James PHIPPS.”
329
As showing the local repute of the Tokens, I quote from an
advertisement in the Journal of June 1st, 1812.
‘““SYDNEY GARDENS, VAUXHALL, BATH
In honour of
HIS MAJESTY’S BIRTHDAY
on Thursday, June 4th, 1812,
will be
A GRAND GALA.”
“ Tickets, Two Shillings and Sixpence each to be had at the
Gate of the Gardens, of Mrs. Gye, Stationer; Mr. Kemp and
Mr. Hobbs, Grocers, Market Place.
_ 2 To prevent the great inconvenience and delay to the
Company at the Gate, and more particularly from the present
Scarcity of Change, parties are requested to cts themselves
with Tickets.
_N.B. No TOKENS taken but those of Messrs. Garratt & Co.,
Bristol ; Messrs. Whitchurch and Dore, and Messrs. Culverhouse,
Orchard and Phipps, Bath.”
(This reference to Tokens in connection with the Sydney
Gardens appeared at frequent intervals till August r2th, 1813.)
The Chronicle of December 15th, £814, contains the following :
“The Act of Parliament passed on the 26th November, 1813,
enacts “That from and after six weeks from the commencement
of the next (now the present) Session of Parliament, no Gold or
s silver Token shall pass or circulate for money, and every person
who shall, after six weeks from the commencement of the next
(now the present) Session of Parliament, circulate or pass any
such Token, shall forfeit any Sum not less than £5 or more than
410, at the discretion of such Justice or Justices, as shall hear
and determine such offence ; but nothing in this Act shall extend
© prevent any person eon presenting any such Token for
ayment to the original issuer thereof ; or to discharge or excuse
y such original issuer, from his liability to pay the same.”
‘After the 19th inst., therefore, no (Silver) Local Token can be
33°
legally paid or received” “and it is stated from authority that it
is not the intention of Government to propose any extension of
the Le-al Tokens Act.”
In the Chronicle of December 29th following, this advertisement
appears :-—
“BATH TOKENS.
MESSRS CULVERHOUSE, ORCHARD & PHIPPS
Respectfully inform the Holders of their Tokens, that they
continue to exchange them for Notes, in quantities of Not less
than One Pound, agreeably to their original engagement with the
Public ; at No. 6 Margaret’s Buildings, every day in the present
Week, between the hours of Eleven and Four, and afterwards on
Saturdays only between the same hours.
Bath, December 25th.”
The stipulation that Tokens should be presented for redemption,
in quantities of not less than One Pound, was in common use by
Traders, and caused such inconvenience, especially to the poorer
classes, that the question of the legality of this restriction was
contested locally, and the Journa/ of January 2nd, 1815, mentions
as to “LOCAL TOKENS. We announce to the holders of the Local
Tokens that they can compel the payment of them, although it
should happen that they have not the value of ONE POUND of
them in their possession. A case of this kind was decided in the
Court of Requests, in this City on Wednesday. The defendants,
Messrs. Culverhouse and Co., contended that they could not be
compelled, on the ground of their Tokens expressing that payment
should be made in a ONE POUND NOTE for 20 shillings value, but —
this was overruled by the Court, who decided that every single
Token must be paid on presentation, Copper only excepted, at
the same time remarking that if it were otherwise, it would be
the greatest injustice—the law ow prohibiting the holder from —
passing his Token to any but the original issuer.” ;
331
‘ FOUR SHILLINGS. (Silver)
DAVIS
SOM? BATH
“a 1. Obv: Arms, in chief two lions passant, on the base
argent a Lion rampant holding an oak tree.
Motto on ribband below To FACILITATE
TRADE Supporters, dexter, Commerce
seated upon masonry, holding shield with
left hand, and pointing to shield with fore-
finger of right hand ; sinister, Justice standing
with sword erect in left hand and right arm
extended and holding a Balance as Crest.
Legend, BATH TOKEN FOUR SHILLINGS
The right foot of Justice points between the
T and R of TRADE her left foot is over the
A in the same word. The right foot of
Commerce extends to I of FACILITATE
Rev: A POUND NOTE GIVEN FOR FIVE OF THESE
OUR TOKENS C. CULVERHOUSE -
ORCHARD AND J. PHIPPS in nine lines
within an inner circle. Legend, MARGARETS
BUILDINGS BATH The name CULVERHOUSE
is in line with the S of BurLDINGS R.R.
2 Also in Copper.
Boyne, 12. R.R.R.
g.Obv: As last.
Rev: Similar to last, but oRcH4RD is in line with
the S of BUILDINGS RRR.
4. Obv: As to design, similar to No. 1, but the right
foot of Justice is on the R and her left foot
spans the Aand D of Trabe the right arm
is not continuous at the balance. The
right foot of Commerce is over the IL of
FACILITATE
337
= 4. Rev: A POUND NOTE GIVEN FOR FIVE TOKENS
BY C. CULVERHOUSE I. ORCHARD AND
1. PH1PpPS No inner circle.
By Halliday. R.R.R.
0s ES Similar to last, but J. instead of 1. PHIPPS
Boyne, 132. R.R.R.
The alteration of the die from I. to J. on this
is apparent, and it may also be fairly assumed
that this type was the first issue, and that to
clearly indicate the place of issue, the
Legend was added to the later Tokens.
6. 60) sObyvs As last
Rev: The Golden Fleece, suspended from a ribbon.
SHIPS COLONIES & COMMERCE I8II
by Halliday and P. Wyon. RRB
as id Also in Copper. R.R.R.
The reverse of this piece ; occurs on a Three
Shilling Token of this date of which the
locality of issue is unknown, and possibly I
should be justified in claiming this piece,
and its companions of the value of 1s. 6d.
and 6d. for the Margaret’s Buildings issuers.
TWO SHILLINGS.
ES. 8 Obv: Arms, and Supporters, Commerce and Justice
the latter holding Balance as Crest, position
of feet &c. identical with Obv of No. 6;
Legend, BATH TOKEN TWO SHILLINGS
Rev: A POUND NOTE GIVEN FOR TEN TOKENS ‘BY
C. CULVERHOUSE I. ORCHARD AND J.
PHIPPS ;
_ by Halliday. R
There can be little doubt that these were earl
issues and no varieties are known. ]
333
SHILLINGS
9. Obv: Similar design. Legend, BaTH TOKEN ONE
SHILLING 1812
Rev: A POUND NOTE GIVEN FOR 20 OF THESE OUR
TOKENS C CULVERHOUSE I ORCHARD AND
J PHIPPs all within a circle (no periods after
initials) Legend MARGARETS BUILDINGS
BATH
by Halliday. Mate
to. Obv & Rev: Similar to last, but periods are added
at Cr aad ay.
Boyne 15. R.
The edges of all the foregoing Tokens are
milled, obliquely.
_ The Silver and Copper Tokens issued by Messrs. S. Whitchurch
and Wm. Dore in combination, are of the value of Four Shillings,
and One Penny respectively.
_ At the date of issue, 1811, Samuel Whitchurch was carrying on
the business of an Ironmonger, &c., at No. 26; and William Dore
the business of a Hosier, Hatter, &c., at No: 24, Market Place,
Tokens into wide circulation. Before their premises on the
main highway to London, the Stage Coaches then at their zenith,
passed in rapid succession to and fro. Between them stood the
areyhound and Shakespeare Inn (No. 2 5) from which some twenty
oaches started daily ; lower down on the same side of the Market
‘lace, from the Christopher Inn and the adjacent offices of
omont and Co., numerous Coaches and the great waggons then
1 use for conveying goods started their journeys ; across the
sad and facing their premises, stood the White Lion
its extensive posting establishment busy with the bustle
334
of His Majesty’s Mails, almost opposite them were the City
Markets and the Guildhall, and but a short distance away
loomed up the Abbey with its Gothic tower dominating the
picturesque and busy area below.
S. Whitchurch, as a youth, came from Frome to reside in Bath,
and as a seaman had in early manhood an adventurous career.
After voyaging round the world he entered the Navy and served
in the Monmouth off the American coast during the War of
Revolt. In the action off the Island of Grenada, July 6th, 1779,
between the English and French fleets, on the Grafton, Captain
Collingwood, he was in charge of the signals ; on August 5th,
1781, in the Alert, he was present at the action on the Dogger
Bank between the English and Dutch fleets ; and on April 12th,
1782, he was in the West Indies with Rodney in the action which
drove the French fleet from those seas, and in one action was so
severely wounded that the scars always remained visible. In
1788, as an Ironmonger and Brazier, he was in business at No. 3,
Bridge Street ; and in the Bath Herald and Register of March 3rd,
1792, he appears as Secretary to “The Royal Universal Tontine,
commenced December 26th, 1791, for 7 years for the benefit of
survivors.” In 1797 this Society was known as the “ Bristol
Universal Tontine.” Always conspicuously loyal, in December,
1792, he signed the book of the “Bath Loyal Association for
preserving Liberty, Property, and the Constitution of Great
Britain against Republicans and Levellers.”
On September 23rd, 1796,
“SAMUEL WHITCHURCH
IRONMONGER, BRAZIER, SMITH, TINMAN & CUTLER
Respectfully informs his Friends and the Public, that he is
removed from his old situation, to, The New House and Shop,
next the Greyhound, in the Market Place, and directly facing
Bridge Street.”
lor many years Whitchurch worked with such energy in
335
connection with local philanthropic work that it is a reproach that
no public memorial of him exists. As a member of Argyle
Chapel he took a most prominent part in the numerous religious
and charitable societies in connection with it. For many years
he was Secretary and Accountant of the Bath Penitentiary, and
was publicly thanked “for his important and gratuitous services”
to that institution. He served on the Committee of the “ British
and Foreign Bible Society, and was Joint Secretary of the Bath
Sunday School Union,” and taking keen interest in educational
matters, was connected with the Union Blue Coat School,
previously referred to. As an intimate friend and earnest
supporter of Joseph Lancaster, “Inventor of the Royal British
System of Education” in 1812, Whitchurch received subscriptions
towards a work Lancaster then published dealing with Education.
He was also on the Committee of the Bath and Bathforum
Free School, and for some years acted as Secretary and Sub-
‘Treasurer.
Despite his exceptionally numerous public engagements, and
attention to his large and prosperous business, Whitchurch
indulged in Poetic effusions; his somewhat lengthy pieces are
frequent in the local press, and several books were published by
him, the first, “The Folly and Madness of War, and other
Poetical pieces,” undated, but probably in 1795. In 1804 he
issued “Hispaniola, a Poem with Notes, and other Poetical
pieces,” and in October, 1809, a long “Epistle to Mr. Joseph
_ Lancaster.” In September, 1812, he commenced the issue, in
parts, of “ David Dreadnought, the Reformed English Sailor, or
- Nautic Tales and Adventures in Verse,” the complete work
4 appearing in September, 1813.
The close connection of both Whitchurch and Dore with
several local Banking firms is curious and interesting. In the »
_ Chronicle of September 12th, 1810, appeared an advertisement :—
“The Notes of Messrs. Sturges, Goold and Tucker (Bankers,
22, Union Street) will be continued to be taken at the Shop of
336
S. Whitchurch, Ironmonger, Market Place, either in payment of
Debts or in exchange for Goods.”
This Bank for a time suspended payment, but soon after this
advertisement, resumed business. As indicative of the status of
some Bankers at this date, of this firm two of its partners were
Coal Merchants, and one of these, Joseph Tucker, was Clerk of
St. Mary’s Chapel, Queen Square, as well.
At the Peace Celebration in April, 1814, Whitchurch’s display
of decorations was one of the most noticeable in the City,
the following somewhat premature lines, evidently his own
writing, being prominent :—
“*Commerce unchained—her fleets with streamers gay
Ride unmolested on the Sea’s wide way !
And bear the pleasing tidings round the world
Of War’s proad banners by Britannia furled.”
(Possibly Whitchurch wrote the Motto displayed on the same
occasion by Culverhouse).
On the 25th of December, 1817, at the age of 62, Whitchurch
passed away. His funeral was practically a public one with every
manifestation of regret. A long obituary notice in the Chronicle
concludes, “‘ His name in Bath will ever be honourably connected
with Charity, Liberality and Public Good.” In a laudatory
epitaph at the time, a local poet apropos of the devotion of
Whitchurch to philanthropic work, comments that it
** Sheds a fresh lustre on his honoured name
And gilds it with imperishable fame.”
Unfortunately time has proved the conclusions both of editor and
poet wrong, the memory of Whitchurch survives now almost
solely through his connection with the Token issues. (Since this
paper was given a bust of S. W. has fortunately been found.)
After his death the business was carried on fora short time by
his widow and sons, and then continued solely by his son Thomas
Whitchurch.
William Dore in 1798, carried on the business of Hosier and
337
Hatter, at No. 2, Bridge Street, removing in May, 1799, to No. 7,
Northgate Street. By 1809 he was residing in the Market Place,
and at this date was one of the Overseers for the Parish of St.
Peter and St. Paul. In January, 1811, at a dissolution of
partnership between Messrs. Euclid Shaw (Canal Coal Merchant)
and J. Giddings Hitchcock, Bankers (Holloway House and
Westgate Street), Mr. Dore, Woollen Draper, Market Place, was
by advertisement fully empowered to pay all their Cash Notes
presented at his place of business. Subscribing freely enough to
_ yarious Societies, Dore did not take any prominent public position
and on September 6th, 1813, he retired from the business,
advertising
“Wm. Dore respectfully informs his Friends, the Public
and Visitants of Bath, that he has declined his Mercery and
Haberdashery Business in favour of Messrs. Bourne and Austen,”
and to his late patrons “for favours so liberally bestowed on
him, impressed with gratitude, begs their acceptance of his most
sincere thanks.”
Retiring to Weston, near Bath, Dore interested himself in educa-
tional matters, and in 1817 was prominent as a large subscriber
and as collecting large sums from others towards the erection of
a new School at Weston, on Dr. Bell’s plan. To this fund
Whitchurch subscribed and was also employed on the building.
In 181g William Dore, Esq., of Weston, was one of the two
High Constables for Bath. It is probable (but full proof is not
obtainable) that early in 1818 Dore was one of the promoters of,
and a partner in the Bath City Bank, No. 7, Union Street,
established as ‘“ Messrs. Dore, Smith, Moger & Evans,” the Bank
being carried on under the same names till 1823, when the use of
“Dore” ceases.
- The Tokens issued by Whitchurch and Dore met generally
with approval, the Chronicle of September 16th, 18r1,
stating “We always feel a pleasure in recording instances
of public spirit, and such we consider the conduct of Messrs.
338
Whitchurch and Dore, of this City. These respectable
individuals feeling in common with their fellow citizens
the great inconvenience arising from the present scarcity of
change, have most laudably come forward and issued a Four
Shilling Token. This measure has already afforded a considerable
relief ; and we are happy to hear that a further supply of this
seasonable circulating medium is expected in a few days.” Some
Bath citizens however, took exception to the Tokens, and a
vigorous, somewhat acrimonious and lengthy correspondence was
carried on concerning them in the local press, and as illustrating
my subject, I quote partially but still extensively from this.
From the Journal of November 4th, 1811, ‘‘ there are however
some individuals, who, by issuing of Tokens have endeavoured in
some degree, to relieve trade from those embarrasments which
the scarcity of small gold has occasioned; and where these
individuals have honourably avowed their design on the face of
their Tokens, to take them back again ‘at full value’ I think
it ‘very fair ; after all, the Public may choose whether such
Tokens shall pass current or not’ ‘a Shopkeeper who should
refuse to aid the circulation of such kind of change, could not be
celebrated for wisdom of thought or liberality of sentiments’ and
would ‘be deservedly entitled to the honourable distinction of
F.R.S. (fellow remarkably stupid).’ ‘I understand, Mr. Printer,
that it is no new thing for shopkeepers to issue Tokens, although
an ancient shopkeeper would have jumped over his counter, in a
fit of astonishment that any of his fraternity had circulated Tokens
of ‘four shillings apiece.’
I remain, yours, &c.,
A CITIZEN OF BaTH.”
In the Journal of November 25th, appears
“To the Editor. On the Bath Tokens.
Sits
In consequence of the great scarcity of Silver, a considerable
interruption to our commercial concerns has been occasioned.
339
As a temporary relief the Bank issued a number of Tokens ;
which did not prove equal to the exigencies ; and this has induced
a number of persons in different towns, to form a species of
provincial Coinage, by which means the difficulty of change has
been materially removed. It is supposed by some that the
remedy may ultimately prove worse than the evil; upon this
principle many Tradesmen object to the circulation and assert
that the proportion of Silver is much inferior to that in the current
Coin of the Kingdom. To ascertain whether such a report is
well founded Dr. Chichester and myself have subjected to analysis
a portion of one of the Four Shilling Tokens issued in this City.”
_ After describing in detail the process, he continues, ‘“ From this
proportion the alloy is 11 per cent. of copper,” ‘‘and from this
analysis it appears that the Bath Tokens are equal in purity to
- Portuguese Dollars, from which they are probably made (British
Dollars having 74, Spanish Dollars 10} per cent. of alloy).
, Sterling Silver is worth 6s. 4d. per ounce, and one of the Bath
Tokens weighs ro dwts. and would sell for old silver for more
than 3s.” “The small profit the issuers may have they amply
_ deserve for the advantages society continues to receive from
change being thus facilitated.
; I am, Sir, &c.,
C. WILKINSON.”
The writer of this letter was Dr. Wilkinson, then proprietor of the
Kingston Pump Room and Baths and a well-known Lecturer
on Chemistry and Mineralogy, and the letter led to his being
employed to similarly test a number of the Bristol, and some of
he London Tokens ; the results he published at length in the
j Journal of February 3rd, 1812.
The Chronicle of November 28th, 1811, again refers in terms of
“appreciation to “The Four Shilling Tokens issued by two public-
spirited Tradesmen of the City,” and then gives a summary of
5 . Wilkinson’s letter. One correspondent was an exceptionally
seen opponent of the Token issues ; his letters are frequent and
340
lengthy, and for want of space I can only give short extracts from
them. In contravention of Wilkinson’s statements, he writes in
the Chronicie of December 5th :—‘‘ I must however be allowed
to confess that these (Wilkinson’s) observations do not appear to
be legitimately derived from the analysis, the result of which
seems little likely to satisfy the many Tradesmen who assert
‘that the proportion of Silver in the Bath Tokens is much
inferior to that in the current Coin of the Kingdom. To decide
on the truth or falsehood of the objection, Dr. Wilkinson should
have measured the Tokens by the legal Coin of the realm, not by
the paper value of Silver, which these intelligent tradesmen might
with truth remark was measuring the yard by the cloth, instead of
the cloth by the yard,’ and after proving to his own satisfaction
that if cash payments were resumed at the Bank of England, and
the Tokens suppressed, there would be a loss to the holders of
the Bath Tokens of £38 in every nominal £100 worth, proceeds,
‘the proportion of Silver in the Bath Tokens is not only much
inferior to that in the legal Coin of the realm, but even to that in
the Bank of England Tokens. So great, indeed, is the inferiority
that a Bath four shilling contains scarcely a single pennyweight
more silver than a three shilling Bank token!’ and as this
inferiority ‘offers a direct premium for the conversion of Bank
into Bath Tokens, and one still higher for the melting down of
good half-crowns for the same purpose, an inundation of
counterfeit Bath Tokens may naturally be apprehended,’ and
concludes, ‘The perplexity and loss that may ultimately flow
from the Tokens, it is easy to foresee, though not to calculate the
extent of ! and while it is yet time, may perhaps be no less
worthy the consideration of the avowed issuers, than of the
receivers of the Bath Tokens.
iam Ger cccs
Francis ELLIs,
(No. 12, Lansdown Crescent.”)
341
The /ournal of December 16th contains a vigorous reply to
this letter, over the signature A.B.C., in which “Francis Ellis,
Esq.,” is pointedly but not politely requested, as he disapproves of
the Bath Tokens, to suggest, if he can, a better way of meeting
the scarcity of change, and mentions “ that if the liberality of the
Bank had supplied the Country with a sufficiency of their Tokens
as change, all such Provincial Tokens would never have been
_ thought of,” and in the same issue a letter signed ‘‘A Tradesman”
_ refers to the melting down of Silver Coin for sale as Bullion, and
states that “to this circumstance may be attributed the incon-
"venience so sorely felt by Tradesmen in general, who having often
_ sustained great losses through the want of change, so far from
manifesting the dissatisfaction mentioned in Mr. Ellis’s letter,
gladly take Bath tokens and justly consider the issuers worthy of
public thanks! And, let it be remembered, that these Tokens
_ bear the issuer’s promise to pay the nominal value for them, and
‘no one acquainted with this City, will doubt of their ability of
making good their engagements.”
_ On the same date Dr. Wilkinson writes “that the Bank tokens
are not of the purity of standard silver,” and that he has tested
“the Bank Tokens and find(s) the alloy 9 per cent.,” and
continues that ‘‘it has been erroneously stated that as many Bank
Tokens have been sent to Bath and Bristol, as to enable each
person to have 20s. change, and that the provincial Tokens have
prevented the influx of the Bank Tokens” “to Bath only two
parcels of £2500 each have been sent,” “ how inadequate such a
sum must be to relieve the distress commercial men sustained,”
nd suggests to those opposing the Tokens that they should
“enquire of any Tradesman in the City, and presumes there is
342
security,” and as giving the views of a cultured Citizen of that
time, I quote further :—‘‘The circumstances under which we
are placed, render it politically necessary that these Tokens
should not contain a greater value of Silver than at present, they
have sufficient for security to the holder, and not enough to tempt
people to export them. In political circles it is well known that
France is acting on the finance of this Country, through the
medium of Portugal, it is by this channel she is attempting the
absorption of all our specie, and this has depreciated on the
Continent the value of all British Bills. Formerly a Bank of
England Note on any part of the Continent was taken at a
premium of 4 or 5 per cent., whilst at the present period (1811)
it is at a discount of between 30 and 4o per cent.”
The Journal of December 23rd contains a strong attack on the
Token issues, over the signature Is Is; and in the Chrouicle of
January znd, 1812, appears a long letter from Francis Ellis, who
to strengthen his attack on the Bath Tokens as to their legality,
and as to the loss to holders of them from their liability to forgery,
in the event of the repudiation of such forgeries by their reputed
issuers, had taken the opinion of the “eminent Mr. Sergeant
Lens, in a regular way, who in his answer says,” “ there will be a
considerable difficulty in framing any action, as it must be founded
on a special undertaking, and none such could be sustained, in
proof, unless it could be shewn that Whitchurch and Dore, have
personally or by public advertisement, rendered themselves
responsible at the time of issuing these Tokens, and some mode
of identifying some at least, which they did so issue, shall be
capable of being shewn in evidence. If the issuing of certain
pieces, similar to the present, could be proved, I think it not
impossible to prove, by the similarity of the manufacture of the
others, sufficient to throw on the Defendants, the proof of their
being forged,” and concludes, ‘‘On this opinion, I leave the
public to make its own comments.” And the public, or rather
343
“the intelligent tradesmen” did so promptly, as the Chronicle of
January 30th contains the following :—
“To Messrs. Whitchurch and Dore.
Bath, 24th January, 1812.
Gentlemen,
We beg leave to return you our sincere thanks, for the
very seasonable relief which your SILVER TOKENS have afforded
us, at a time when we (in common with our Fellow Citizens) were
labouring under the greatest inconvenience for want of small
change. While your respectability at once dissipated every
apprehension of loss, your public spirit has impressed us with
_ gratitude, we therefore earnestly hope, that you will not with-hold
_ such further supplies as the necessity of the case may require.
We are Gentlemen, yours etc.,
W. Kemp, Grocer, No. 27, Market Place.
_ James Evill & Son, Jewellers & Silversmiths, No. 21, Market Place.
Edward Gibbons, Grocer, No. 18, Market Place.
Wm. May, Greyhound Inn, No. 25, Market Place.
_ Evill and Newall, Taylors & Woollen Drapers, No. 22, Northgate St.
John Daniel, Wine Merchant, No. 45, Milsom St.
-Evill and Godwin.
_§. and W. Slack, Linen Drapers, No. 40, Milsom St.
Sheppard & Trinder, Woollen Drapers, No. 7, Milsom St.
H. Godwin, Librarian & Bookseller, No. 24, Milsom St.
Stephen Leedham, Grocer, No. 1, New Bond St.
John Barnard, Woollen Draper & Tailor, No. 6, Bridge St.
George Barnard, Woollen Draper & Tailor, No. 7, Bridge St.
James Taylor, Hatter, Hosier & Glover, No. 3, Bridge St.
R. M. Payne, Goldsmith & Jeweller to His Majesty, No. 10, Union St.
y oger & Nicholson, Linen Drapers, No. 15, Union St.
_B. Shaw & Son, Linen Drapers, No. 18, Cheap St.
Sam Hallett, Ironmonger, No. 5, Cheap St.
lenry Griffith, Union Passage.”
the original, only the names of those who signed are
en, occupations and addresses I have traced and added.)
344
On May 14th, 1812, the following advertisement appeared in
the Chronicle :—
“PROVINCIAL TOKENS.
WuitcuurcH and Dorg, beg to inform their Friends, and the
Public, that they purpose to continue to take, in exchange for
goods at their respective Shops, so long as the wisdom of
Parliament may permit such LocaL coIN to be circulated, the
following Tokens, viz., those issued by the MARLBOROUGH BANK,
the BRISTOL ANDOVER and GLOUCESTER tokens; the FROME
tokens of one and two shillings each, also the Tokens which have
been issued. by their neighbours in Bath.—With respect to their
OWN TOKENS as their promise is exhibited in very legible
characters on the face of every one of them : WuitcHuRcH and
Dore have only to say that they hold themselves in readiness
to perform THAT PROMISE whenever it shall be required of them.
Market Place, Bath, 9th May, 1812.”
It is curious that in the long correspondence anent the Tokens,
the Margaret’s Buildings pieces are not once directly alluded to,
and the omission apparently indicates that the number issued was
limited and that consequently they had but a small circulation
as compared with those issued by Whitchurch and Dore.
Evidently the various Tokens as partially meeting a recognized
public requirement, circulated freely and without opposition for a
considerable time, no public notice being taken of them; the
Chronicle of July 8th, 1813, notices however, ‘ The circulation of
Local Tokens is allowed till six weeks after the next meeting of
Parliament,” but that they did not completely meet the necessity
of the time, the following references illustrative of my subject will
shew, in an advertisement appearing in the Chronicle of January
2oth, 1814 :—
“Mr NIBLOCK (Davis, Somt., 43.)
Feels exceedingly happy to have it in his power to give the
inhabitants of Bath and its vicinity an opportunity of passing
their REFUSED COPPER as he will accept ONE HALF in payment
|
i
.
345
_of any part of that valuable and extensive stock, now selling in
CHEAP STREET, consisting of at least £2000 worth of useful and
well assorted articles in Linen and Woollen Drapery, Hosiery,
Haberdashery and Millinery Goods. He begs to observe that he
cannot positively give the Public a longer indulgence than
Saturday next, the 22nd instant.”
Various tradesmen of the time issued paper tickets for sums as
low as One Shilling, and some Poor Law Authorities, in addition
to issuing Tokens, put into circulation Notes of varying amounts,
notably at Birmingham, where Notes of the value of 45, £1,
5/- and 2/6 were issued, and a somewhat similar issue took place
in Bath, as the Authorities of the Parish of Walcot advertised :—
“Walcot, January 2oth, 1814.
In consequence of the great Scarcity of Silver, the Committee
_ for Distributing Relief to the Poor of the Parish, Issue Tickets,
of the value of 2/-, 4/-, 8/- and 10/- each, which the Committee
_ request Tradesmen and others to take, and to bring to Mr.
_ Percival, Overseer (of Walcot Parish) in Sums of not less than
_ ONE POUND for payment.
, J. C. TuFNex1i, Chairman.”’
, (Of these Tickets I have never seen specimens, and confess I
_ should like to add a series of them to my collection). On the
_ 1st of September, 1814, the foundation stone of Bathwick New
Church was laid, “the stone being laid in its bed, a Collection of
_ Coins, Medals and Tokens were placed therein, the inscription
plate soldered down, and the ceremony concluded.” (If a
| complete series of Local Medals and Tokens of the time is in
- existence there, disinterment of that stone would be an operation
of interest for a collector.) I have previously referred to the
Act suppressing the Tokens, and the Chronicle of December
22nd, 1814, contains the following :—
‘“ WHITCHURCH and DORE TOKENS.
2 reas the Act of Parliament, restricts the payment of and for
Local Silver Tokens, to the original issuers of such TOKENS, after
346
the 19th inst., MESSRS. WHITCHURCH and DORE hereby give
Notice, that their Tokens will be Received and Paid by themselves
only, on this day, and in future, at the Shop of the said Mr.
Whitchurch in the Market Place.
DAVIS
SOM? BATH
8. vr (Ov:
Rev:
9. 12
IO. i
Il. 14.
Bath, 20th December, 1814.”
FOUR SHILLINGS. (Silver)
Arms, argent in chief, two bars wavy, azure ;
in base a battlemented wall loopnoled, over
all a sword erect ; Supporters, dexter, a
Lion rampant ; sinister, a Bear contourne,
all on a base of rough stonework. Crest,
Hands in grip.
BATH TOKEN + FOUR SHILLINGS +
Under the Arms, The head of the
Lion ‘ouches the Bin BATH The cuff on
the left lines to the frst lind of H The
tops of the One’s in date are fat.
A POUND NOTE FOR 5 TOKENS GIVEN BY
S. WHITCHURCH AND WM. DORE.
I8Il
A Staffordshire knot under, early touching the
legend, commencing at W and terminating at
O in DORE
Similar, but the Staffordshire knot on Rev:
commences at M and ¢erminates at the R and
is farther from the legend.
Similar, but the head of the Lion is gutte free
of the B in spatH The cuff on the left
lines between T and H_ The tops of the
One’s in date s/ofe, and the last numeral
touches the base line. R.
Similar, but the left cuff lines to the first limb
of H
347
15. Also in Copper R.R.R.
16. Obv: Similar, but the ef cuff lines detween the limbs
of H_ The tops of the one’s in date are frat,
and the figures dzstant from the base line.
Rev: Similar, but the knot commences at the dast
limb of M and #rminates at the first limb
of the R in DORE
BOYNE, 16. R.
The edges of the preceding are milled obliquely.
17. Obv: Within a wreath of oak. BATH TOKEN 1811
Legend, FoUR SHILLINGS The tops of the
one’s in date s/ofe.
Rev: Similar to last.
E: Plain. R.R.R.
All by P. Wyon.
PENCE.
18. Obv: Arms, Supporters and Crest as Obv. of Bath rr.
BATH PENNY + + + TOKEN + + + 1811
within toothed border.
Rev: A POUND NOTE FOR 240 TOKENS GIVEN BY
S. — WHITCHURCH AND W. DORE within
toothed border.
E: Milled obliquely.
SHARP, 196, 2.
19. Obv: A fleece suspended from a ribbon; sBatH
TOKEN 1811 The &/ foreleg is over the
first one in date, the one’s are in a straight
line, and siightly pointed at the tops, the tail
Sails below the hock.
Rev: A POUND NOTE FOR 240 TOKENS GIVEN BY
S. T. WHITCHURCH AND W. DORE
The T of TOKENS is over the N in GIVEN
E: Partially milled. R.
348
SHARP, 196, I.
69. 20 Similar, but the T of TOKENs is over the space
between GIVEN and By
70. 27 Similar, but the eft foot of the fleece, nearly
touches the first one in date, the one’s are
flat. R.
HE: “Piam.
fe 22. Similar, but the date is in a curved line and
farther from the legs of the fleece, the ones
are pointed,
E: Partially milled.
72. aa Similar, but the frs¢ one in date is detween the
fore legs, the one’s in the date are more
pointed than in the last.
rich 24. Obv: Similar, but the vst one in the date is uamder
the right fore leg ; the tail does not fall below
the hock ; the one’s in the date sdope.
Rev: Similar, but the T of ToKENS 7s above the Zast
limb of N in GIVEN
Hie. Play.
At the head of the list of Copper Tokens I have placed No. 74,
Davis, Somt., as I conclude it must have been the first of the
pence issued, and for which S. Whitchurch only, in conjunction
with Dore, was responsible. As to the remainder, from the use
of the S. T. on the reverse, it is highly probable that for their
issue his son, Thomas Whitchurch, who in 1820 succeeded to the
business, was more directly responsible with Dore. With the
exception of Nos. 8, 9, 10 and 11 Bath, the devices of the Obv
and Rev’s of the Tokens are protected by a dotted circle within
a raised rim. No information is available as to the number or
the value of the Bath Tokens put into circulation at this period,
but it is known that they were manufactured by Thomas Halliday,
349
Medallist, Token engraver, &c., whose works were situated in
Newhall Street, Birmingham, and that the dies from which they
were struck were the work of an employé of Halliday, Peter Wyon,
the father of the more celebrated William Wyon, R.A. (of the
Royal Mint), who at Halliday’s works learnt the art of die-
engraving under his father. For most of the information available,
collectors are indebted to Thomas Sharp of Coventry (1770-1841),
who, as Librarian to Sir G. Chetwynd, compiled a valuable
Catalogue of Provincial Tokens, &c. This was published in
__ 1834, but only 60 copies were issued.
Although not strictly a local item, mention of the following
Shilling Token is perhaps permissible :—
Davis. GLOUCESTERSHIRE. Obv: PAYABLE BY MESSRS. J. & S.
No. 3 GRIFFITH CHELTENHAM OR AT
NO 2 RIVER ST BATH in a circle.
PAYABLE BY A ONE POUND NOTE
FOR 20 OF THESE TOKENS
Rev: The Arms and Crest of Bristol
within a Garter ; inscribed DOLLAR
SILVER
Legend: SILVER TOKEN FOR XII
PENCE, R.R.
The Chronicle of December 20th, 1814, mentions that the
Local Token Act of t814 “does not apply to Copper Tokens,
which may therefore be circulated as usual,” and curiously enough
in view of the action of Parliament, an announcement of a
Concert to be held at the Assembly Rooms appearing in the
Same issue, has an appeal to Subscribers in connection with the
“Scarcity of Change,” a clear enough indication, that although
the Silver portion of the Traders Coinage might be suppressed
by the Act, the necessity for such a circulating medium was still
acute.
As to the Copper the bulk of the later Tokens, owing to the
go?
greed of their issuers were generally inferior both as to quality
and weight ; some tradesmen refused to redeem their own issues,
others became bankrupt, and for commercial purposes the Tokens
became insecure as vouchers, and the public becoming alarmed
clamoured for their suppression. An influential petition praying
for the suppression of the Copper Tokens, on the ground that in
general they were not of half their nominal value, was presented
to the House of Commons on the 25th of April, 1817, and on
the 27th of July following, an Act was passed prohibiting the
making of such Tokens, under a penalty of not less than #1 or
more than #5. ‘And it was further enacted that from and
after January 1st, 1818, Tokens should no longer pass or circulate
on pain of forfeiting for each piece not less than 2s. or more than
tos.” ‘ But, nothing in the Act was to prevent any Person from
presenting such Token for payment to the original issuer, or to
discharge such original issuer from his liability to pay the same.”
The attempts of the City Authorities Bankers and Tradesmen
to cope with the difficulties caused by the scarcity of change,
after the suppression of the Tokens, the rioting that took place in
Bath in this connection, and the supply to the City of the much
needed new Silver coin in 1817, do not come within the scope
of the present paper, but in conclusion, I may point out that
although the Local Silver Tokens were suppressed in 1814, those
issued by the Bank of England remained in circulation till an Act
passed on July 11th, 1817, enacted that after March 25th, 1818,
they should no longer circulate, but that they would be accepted
at the issuing Bank until March 25th, 1820; a short Act of
March roth, 1818, however, extended their circulation until
April, 1819. The Herald of March 28th, 1818, contains the
following interesting communication :—
“BANK TOKENS. The following circular addressed to all
Postmasters has been received at the Post Office in this City :—
“General Post Office, 21st March, 1818.
I am commanded to inform you, that by the provisions of an
351
Act just passed, Dollars and Bank Tokens are authorized to pass
and circulate until the 5th of July next, and from that period till
the 5th of April next year (viz, 1819) to be tendered and
received in Payment of any Taxes, Rates or Duties under the
management of the Commissioners of the Customs, Excise or
Stamps,—or of any Postage or in the purchase of any Stamped
_ Paper, or in Payment of Rent, Parochial or Public Rate, or for
the purpose of being transmitted to the Bank. You will therefore
_ accordingly receive such Dollars or Bank Tokens as may be
offered to you, and transmit them to this Office, in the manner
7 pointed out in my letter of the 12th February last.
I am, your assured friend,
FRANCIS FEELING,
Secretary.”
I have endeavoured as far as possible, to obtain my references
from local sources, and the papers so often referred to are local,
unless specially mentioned, and I tender my thanks to the
Editors of the local press, through whose courtesy I have been
enabled to obtain access to their columns.
In preparing this paper for publication, with pleasure I acknow-
ledge my indebtedness to Mr. W. J. Davis, of Birmingham, whose
recently issued work (March 25th, 1904) on the “ Nineteenth
Century Token Coinage,” embodying the results of a long period
of careful research, is the standard authority on‘my subject.
i YoTE.—The references to DAVIS. SOM? are taken from ‘ Nine-
teenth Century Token Coinage,” by W. J. Davis.
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e i - ba ne
356
Summary of Proceedings and Excursions for the year 1903-1904.
By the Honorary Secretaries.
Mr. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN,
The Bath Natural History and Antiquarian Field Club
held its Annual Meeting on the Anniversary, February 18th, 1903,
at the Royal Literary and Scientific Institution. The statement
presented by the Treasurer, Surgeon-Major Mantell, showed that
the funds of the Club were, as usual, in a flourishing condition,
there being a balance at the National Provincial Bank of England
of £99 14s. 4d. in the Club’s favour, with interest on the £40
deposit to be added. The largeness of the amount was caused in
part by the bill for printing not having been sent in before the
end of the year, but even when that was paid there would be
a balance of £74. The President and Vice-Presidents were
re-elected, and to fill the place of the Rev. W. W. Martin, as
- Secretary, Mr. Langfield Ward was appointed, Mr. M. H. Scott
again undertaking the work of Excursion Secretary. A hearty
vote of thanks was accorded to Mr. Martin for his 12 years’
services, and deep regret was expressed that through ill-health he
had been compelled to give up the work he had so long, so
laboriously and so efficiently carried out. Mr. Bush having
become Secretary of the Local Branch of the Somerset Archzo-
logical Society, desired to withdraw from the office of Librarian,
and as it appeared that of old the offices of Secretary and
Librarian were combined, the duties of the post were transferred
to the newly-appointed Secretary. Mr. Bush was heartily thanked
for his services, and a similar compliment was paid to the
Treasurer on his reappointment. Mr. W. H Henderson and
Colonel Fanshawe were re-elected on the Committee, and Mr.
Trice Martin took the place of Colonel Jamieson. On the
resignation of the Treasurership by Surgeon-Major Mantell, in
357
April, on a question about a member’s subscription and the
interpretation of Rule 15, Lieut.-Colonel Nash accepted the office.
The departure from the Committee of one who had so ably
and zealously performed the functions of so important an office
was keenly felt by the Members. The past year has thus seen
important changes, and the Club has had a most unfortunate
experience in losing its leading officials, whose work and
enthusiasm have contributed so much to its success during
the last 10 or 12 years. In November the Club sustained
another loss in the resignation of Mr. McMurtrie, F.G.S., who
had been a Vice-President for two years, and a Member since
1866. On many occasions the Club has been indebted to
him for valuable papers on various subjects, embodying the
results of careful work and research, and it is needless to say
the resignation was received with much regret. Two members
have died during the year, Mr. J. Onslow Watts, whose name
has appeared on the list since 1870, and the Rev. W. F.
_ Kelly. One who had been a Member since 1889, Major-General
Nimmo, died shortly after sending in his resignation. His name
appears frequently in our records as being present at meetings
and excursions.
The Club, in its endeavours to stimulate interest in antiquarian
research, has twice voted £5 towards objects which were conceived
_ to be within the scope of its investigations. The first was given
_ to the work with which Mr. Trice Martin, the newly-elected Vice-
_ President, was so closely identified, the excavations at Caerwent,
and may be considered as in some degree a recognition of his
lecture, in November, 1902, at the College, to which the Members
“were invited, and of his guidance of the Club in the Excursion
referred to later on. The second £5 was for the work of
3 ascertaining the real character of the so-called Via Julia.
The papers given in this volume are sufficiently varied. The
q Club is glad to be able to give a continuation of Mr. Sydenham’s
account of Bath Tokens, which will be read with much interest :
358
historical investigations have received attention : Roman antiquities
and prehistoric remains are treated of : Mr. Castellain continues
his valuable summary of the first appearances of birds and flowers
in the year. It is, perhaps, a subject of regret that with the
exception of this last-named paper there is no contribution to
Natural History, and as in the Club’s title ‘“ Natural History ”
comes before “ Antiquarian,” it is to be hoped that some effort
will be made to rectify this omission by Members who are qualified
to render assistance. No doubt there is much to be done in this
direction by a Society such as ours, and what is done in the
district ought to be published so as to be available for future
reference.
Forest of Dean, May 26th, 1903.—Considering the very fine
weather the small number of Members which turned up for this
Excursion was somewhat disappointing, only nine forming the
party. Leaving the Midland Station at 10 a.m., with only trifling
waits at Mangotsfield and Berkeley Road Stations, Speech House
Road was reached at 12.11, anda carriage being provided for
those who preferred not to walk, the party soon arrived at “ Ye
Speche House Hotel,” as the proprietor styles his house. There
was not much time for admiring the scenery in detail, for luncheon
was soon announced and duly appreciated. The party were
afterwards conducted by the courteous hostess over the house, its
notable features being pointed out, amongst others, a whipping
post, which now forms a support to the roof of one of the servants’
bedrooms. ‘There is nothing to denote its former use, but it was
said that formerly the servants would not sleep in the room,
alleging that they heard the screams of former victims. The old
carved mahogany bedsteads are very fine, and some interest was
excited by a basketful of parts of old shoes, which with other
rubbish, were found under the floor when the Court Room was
repaired some years ago. Some of these shoes, by their size and
shape, had evidently been worn by fair maidens in days gone by,
and reminded one of Sir Edwin Arnold’s pretty verses on a pair
359
of “Tiny slippers of gold and green, tied with a mouldering
golden cord ” found in an Egyptian sarcophagus.
The date of the completion of the Speech House was 1680, as
appears from an inscription over the entrance to the Court Room.
Another inscription on the lintel of the stable door bears the date
1676. The holly trees in the wood adjoining the Speech House
are said to have been mostly planted in the time of Charles II.
The beeches are numerous and very fine. When was this tree
introduced into Britain ? Cesar, in his commentaries, remarks.
on the absence of the beech and fir in England.
Leaving the Speech House, the party drove to Stanton, which
probably takes its name from the Buckstone, which is not far off.
_ There is also a long-stone, or maen-hir not far from the village.
The Church is a quaint little building of late Norman character,
with Early English and Decorated additions. Some round-headed
arches remain. The old font, not now used, is apparently a
- Roman altar, which has been hollowed out to receive the water.
_ The pulpit is curious, it is attached to the wall, and must be
_ passed through by anyone wishing to ascend the belfry stairs.
On the road outside the churchyard are the steps and part of
the stem of a fine old village cross. There is a local tradition
_ referring to the long-stone mentioned above, that if the stone be
-pricked with a pin exactly at midnight it bleeds. Some of these
isolated stones, at least, appear to have been used as mustering
places for fighting men in olden times. The face carved on this
maen-hir was the production of some rustic artist about 50 years
ago.
_ Just before reaching Newland, the celebrated oak is to be seen
on the right, but there was not time to examine it closely. It is
one of the oldest and largest trees in the kingdom, measuring
_ 41 feet in girth at five feet from the ground. Newland Church is
“most interesting, the nave and aisles being of great width, and the
clerestory very fine. Two recumbent figures of priests have no
in ription, but the effigies of Sir John Joce and his wife, in the
360
south aisle are in good preservation, and near them is a curious
brass. There are numerous noteworthy tombstones in the Church.
The style of the Church is mainly Transition Decorated to
Perpendicular, and there is evidence that the present are not the
original roofs. The south aisle has a double set of corbel tables,
and the masonry over the tower arch shows traces of an earlier
nave. In the churchyard, which is a large one, the monument of
Jenkyn Wyrall is conspicuous. It is an altar tomb supporting full
length figures of a forester and his wife, unfortunately a good deal
mutilated. The inscription runs :—“ Here: lythe : Ion: Wyrale :
Forster: of Fee: the whych: dysesyd: on: the: viij: day: of
September : in: y®: yeare: of oure: Lorde: MCCCCLVII: on:
hys: Soule God: have mercy: Amen.” This Wyrale, or Wyrrall,
was, it is said, bow-bearer to King Henry VI. It is believed that
the family is extinct. In another part of the churchyard is an
incised slab representing a forester armed with his bow, &c.
Newland is the Church of the Forest. The parish was formed
in the reign of Edward I., who gave the advowson to the Bishop
of Llandaff. But there was evidently a Church somewhere in
this locality at an earlier date, for in 1219 Henry III. gave the
parson of Welinton, in the Forest of Dean, some land near the
Church, and deeds of 1220 and 1222-3 show that this Church
was a new one. But the Church, the Manse and even the name
of Welintun have utterly disappeared.
From Newland the drive was continued through Clearwell,
where a halt was made that the Cross, a restoration in part of an
old one, might be photographed. Clearwell Park, once the
property of the Wyndhams, now in possession of the Earls of
Dunraven, was passed, and Parkend Station was duly reached.
Some surprise has been expressed at the smallness of the
greater number of the trees in the forest. But Sir John Wyntour,
or Winter, seems to have felled upwards of 30,000 trees in the
time of the Civil War, which accounts for the greater part of the
forest.
361
With regard to the name “ Forest of Dean.” The word dean
is believed to be the same as the Celtic dm, a fortified mound or
fort, and is found also in Rockingham and the New Forest.
Ardennes, and Arden in Warwickshire are traceable to the same
root. The Rev. C. Price, in his History of Wales, gives his
opinion that the Forest of Dean was the original Feryllwg, or land
between Wye and Severn, which at one time formed one of the
five divisions of Wales. Feryllwg, corrupted into Ferleg and
Ferreg, is probably from the iron works with which the district
abounded, Feryll signifying a worker in metals.
The Spanish Armada was specially charged to destroy the oaks
in the Forest of Dean, with the object of putting an end to the
naval pre-eminence of England.
The Field Club party took train at Parkend, and reached Bath
at 7.5, after a pleasant and not too tiring day. The forest was
looking its best, and with such facilities for travelling, and so much
to be seen, it is surprising that more people do not visit the forest
by the Sharpness route.
Wardour Castle, June r6th, 1903.—Owing probably to the
very wet weather, only a few of those who had sent in their names
_ turned up at the Midland Station atg a.m. Changing trains at
_ Templecombe, Tisbury was reached at 11.24, and the church was
at once visited. This is very large, with an imposing central
. tower, which, however, lacks height, and its effect is marred by a
flue of large drain tiles. The XVI. Century work is good, and
there are some curious monuments, on one of which, to a former
vicar, was an inscription, somewhat puzzling, till it was discovered
‘that the letters after the worthy vicar’s name spelled Jacet hic, cut
over Hic jacet. The epitaph is in four hexameters, and the
_ inscription as originally cut would not scan, and was therefore
_ changed.
Sir John Davies, Attorney-General of Ireland for James I., was
born at Tisbury. His eccentric wife has been handed down to
posterity by Heylin as the author of a foolish anagram on her
i
362
maiden name, Eleanor Audley—‘“ Reveal O Danyel.”” Everybody
is familiar with the anagram in which the Dean of Arches set
her down—‘“‘ Dame Eleanor Davies : never so mad a ladie.”
About half a mile from Tisbury is Place House, now a farm.
The proprietor was unfortunately absent, but a civil farming man
showed the party over the premises. Formerly a manor house, it
is of the XV. Century, with an outer and an inner gate house, the
former having some XIV. Century scroll moulding, probably
preserved from an earlier building. The second gate house is
connected with the house, but without internal communication.
The kitchen has a remarkably fine chimney. There isa very fine
XV. Century barn, 188 feet 3 inches in length by 32 feet
3 inches in width, a little larger than the barn at Bradford-on-
Avon. The stables are also XV. Century.
After luncheon at the “ Benett Arms,” the party drove from
Tisbury through the grounds of Fonthill House, the residence of
Mrs. Morrison, by the side of a lovely lake, and past Fonthill
Abbey and the present dwelling house. The agent being from
home, permission to visit the Abbey could not be obtained, but a
distant view of it in the midst of its woods was had shortly after
passing it. On the way the house of Mr. Rudyard Kipling’s
father was passed, and subsequently Fonthill Giffard and Pyt
House, the property of Mr. Benett Stanford, who now resides at
Hatch House, a little way off.
Proceeding through lovely scenery, with pheasants feeding all
around, and driving past the modern mansion, Wardour Castle
was reached. The remains of the castle are considerable though
not large, and are valuable illustrations of Early Perpendicular.
The inner court is small and hexagonal, the buildings surrounding
it unusually lofty and fine. The state staircase from the courtyard
remains with its groined vaulted roof. Under the hall, crossing
just in the middle, was a vaulted passage connected with the
postern gate, with a portcullis in the doorway at each end.
Surrounded by magnificent cedars, and overgrown with ivy, the
peat? yank
363
old Castle makes a striking picture. The so-called “iron-wood ”
tree at one corner is curious, with its numerous stems and peculiar
foliage. There is a specimen of this tree, which is rare, near the
Marlborough Buildings entrance to Victoria Park. It will be
found on the South side of the road, and is labelled Planera
| Richardt.
The Castle has had an eventful history. It seems to have
been a baronial residence in the time of Edward II. In 1392
the then owner, Lord Lovel, obtained a license from Richard II.
to crenellate his residence. It was purchased about 1547 from
_ Sir Fulke Greville, to whom it then belonged, by the Arundells,
of Lanherne. The first of the family who settled at Wardour was
Sir Thomas, younger son of Sir John Arundell, of Lanherne.
He had been steward to the neighbouring Abbey of Shaftesbury,
and on its suppression was rewarded by Henry VIII. with a large
share of its possessions. He married Lady Margaret Howard,
daughter of the Duke of Norfolk, and sister of Henry VIII.’s
fifth Queen, Catherine. He was tried on a charge of conspiring to
murder Dudley, Earl of Northumberland, and beheaded in 1552.
Queen Mary, however, restored to Sir Matthew Arundell, elder
son of Sir Thomas, the greater part of his forfeited property, and
he was able to regain from the Earl of Pembroke, to whom
Edward VI. had granted it, Wardour, in exchange for the manor
of Fovant. On recovering Wardour Castle, Sir Matthew placed
Sprung from the Arundell Lanhernian race,—
Thomas, a worthy branch, possessed this place ;
Possessing fell ! Him guiltless, Heaven removed,
And by his son’s success, him guiltless proved ;
By royal grace restored to these domains,
Matthew, his heir, increased them and retains ;
Through ages, may they yet enlarged descend,
And God the gift resumed, renewed, defend.
Z
364
Above this, in a niche, is a carving representing the head of
Our Saviour, with a Latin inscription, translated, ‘‘ Under Thy
protection may our house and race be upheld.” Both inscriptions
are quite legible.
Lanherne, above referred to, is in Cornwall, not far from
Bedruthan Steps. The village of Mawgan is in the Vale of
Lanherne. The Arundells became possessed of the property in
1231, but on the failure of the direct line of the Cornish
Arundells, it passed into the hands of the Lords Arundell of
Wardour, by one of whom it was assigned in 1794 for the use of
a convent of English Theresian nuns, who had been driven from
Antwerp by the French invasion of Belgium.
Sir Matthew Arundell’s son, Sir Thomas, was for his services
in the Hungarian campaign against the Turks, created by the
Emperor Rodolph II. a Count of the Holy Roman Empire.
Queen Elizabeth. declined to recognise this dignity, but James I.
created Sir Thomas Baron Arundell of Wardour. His son
entertained Charles I. at Wardour, and in the following year
accompanied him to Oxford. During his absence, the Parliamen-
tary forces under Sir Edward Hungerford and Colonel Strode
attacked Wardour. Lady Blanche, on her husband’s behalf,
bravely defended the castle with her little garrison of 35 men,
against 1,300 of the enemy, but at last, worn out, had to surrender
which she did on honourable terms, which, however, were not
observed by the enemy, on the 8th May, 1643. Eleven days
later Lord Arundell died at Oxford of wounds received at the
battle of Lansdown.
Within a fortnight the heir, Henry, third Lord Arundell, whose
wife and two sons were still prisoners, besieged Wardour and
eventually retook it‘in March, 1644. He determined on de-
molishing the castle to prevent its falling again into the hands of
the Parliamentarians, and by battery and mining reduced it to
the state in which it now appears. The hill on which his guns
CAERWENT—-WALL OF AMPHITHEATRE.
365
were stationed was duly pointed out to the Members of the Field
Club.
The mansion at Wardour was then visited, and a very courteous
housekeeper conducted the party through the rooms in which
many treasures are stored, a fine collection of china and many
good pictures, among which is one of Lady Blanche, who so
bravely held the castle, and a portrait of Viscount Falkland, who
fell at Naséby. Among the curiosities is a beautifully carved
wooden peg tankard which formerly belonged to Glastonbury
Abbey. In the same wing with the Chapel is the State Bed-
chamber, which contains the bed used by Charles I. and IT. and
_- James II. during royal visits to Wardour. This bed and the
tankard are almost the only relics preserved from the old castle.
Returning to Tisbury through the park, in which are some
magnificent trees, chiefly beeches, oaks, and limes—one seldom
sees a lime standing alone, as these do—there was time for a cup
of tea at the ‘‘ Benett Arms,” and the party left by the 5.24 train,
reaching Bath at 7.20. The morning was wet, but the afternoon
was fine and dry with some sunshine. The thunder and hail
which visited Bath avoided the Field Club Excursionists, the only
_ thing which marred a most enjoyable day being that the light was
not good enough for photographing the many exquisite bits of
_ scenery. One can now easily comprehend Mr. Hardy’s enthusiasm
_ for this part of Wessex. It will be remembered that the country
of “Tess of the D’Urbervilles” is in the neighbourhood of
- Shaftesbury and Tisbury.
{ Caerwent, July r4th, 1903.—Leaving Bath by the 1o.3r train,
19 Members of the Club proceeded to Severn Tunnel Junction,
whence they drove to Caerwent, passing the Church of Itton an
old building dedicated to S. Deiniol, now much restored and
| “modernised, and Caldicot Castle. After a frugal luncheon at the
: “Coach and Horses,” a clean and comfortable little hostelry, Mr.
_ A. Trice Martin conducted the party round the outer walls of
Caerwent, which are mostly in very good preservation, being
366
solidly built of stone and some nine feet in thickness. The city
occupied an oblong area one side, running roughly east and west,
measuring about 650 yards, and the other about 400 yards. A
road now runs through the town. On the south side are three
bastions, added after the wall was built. The origin of the town
is unknown, but it existed before the advent of the Romans.
The name may be a corruption of Caer Gwent, or the fortress of
Gwent, which was the name of this part of the country. Leland
says “it was some time a faire and large cytie. The place where
the IIII gates were yet appeares, and the most part of the walle
yet standeth, but all too minischyde and torn. Within and about
the waull be a XVI or XVII small houses for hosbandmen, of a
new making, and a paroche Church of St. Sephyn.” The North
Gate, though now blocked up, is almost entire, and the iron pipe
heads found here show that the Romans had an elaborate system
of bringing water into the city.
Coming to the Church of S. Stephen, the masonry of the
arches on the south side was pointed out as noteworthy. Among
the stones collected for rebuilding the south aisle were some
bearing Roman mouldings. The chancel of the church is Early
English, the nave is Perpendicular. The pulpit is Jacobean,
bearing the date 1632, the initials of some churchwardens, and
the arms or Sir Charles Williams, of Llangibby, whose family for
many years owned the manor. Round the pulpit is carved
“Woe is unto me if I preach not the Gospel. 1 Cor. ix. 16.”
Unfortunately the rector was absent, or other features of interest
might have been noted.
Outside the churchyard is the village green, which by the
consent of the Parish Council has recently been explored. And
here was made the most important discovery since the work began.
On a massive stone base was found a large stone more than three
feet in height, with panelled sides. On one side is a large and
well-cut inscription as follows :—(Name wanting) “ Legato
CAERWENT—CITY WALL (Outside).
367
legionis secundze Auguste proconsuli provincia Narbonensis
legato Augusti propretore provincia Lugudunensis ex decreto
ordinis respublica civitatis Silurum,” signifying that the stone
was erected by the city of Caerwent, in accordance with a decree
of the Town Council, in honour of an official (name wanting) who
was commanding officer of the Second Legion, Governor of the
Senatorial Province of Gallia Narbonensis, and legate of the
imperial province of Gallia Lugudunensis. This is apparently
the first epigraphical authority for the name of the city, and there
are other points in which the inscription is interesting. The
Legio Secunda Britannica, or Second British Legion, was located
at Caerleon, near Newport, and Camden derives the name
Caer Leon from this fact ; large numbers of Roman bricks with
“LEG. Il. AUG.” have been found there.
In a field adjoining the School at Caerwent excavations are
proceeding. The foundations of several houses have been
uncovered, and the outer wall of a large amphitheatre exposed.
Mr. Trice Martin and the resident engineer, Mr. Ashby, having
_ explained the work recently done, as well as much which has had
to be covered again, and the mode of working, the party was
conducted to the new temporary museum provided by Lord
Tredegar, where the “finds” have been neatly arranged and
labelled. Here is to be seen the memorial stone referred to
above, which is perfectly legible, the upper part only being
mutilated. A hypocaust built up of original materials shews how
the Romans warmed some of their rooms. And there are
‘specimens of tesselated pavements, and drawings of others. The
coins are of several Emperors, and there are numerous objects
of interest, including a good deal of broken glass, much of it
iridescent. Samian and other pottery are represented, and also
“metal work. Just outside the museum is a large hypocaust
in situ which was examined with much interest.
Many years ago, a very fine Mosaic pavement was found here.
Mr. Wyndham, who examined it in 1768, and again in 1777,
368
considered it to be one of the finest that had ever been discovered.
It was 214 feet in length by 18 broad ; “it had a border edged
with a Greek scroll and fret, and scarcely a stone was missing.”
A building was erected by the St. Pierre family to secure “this
curiosity” from the weather. ‘ But the resident occupier of the
land wanting a roof to his brewhouse removed this covering,
and the consequence was that not a vestige now remains.”
As time was getting on, a start was made for Caldicot Castle,
which, by kind permission of the owner, R. Cobb, Esq., the
Club were allowed to visit. The Castle is oblong in general
design, with a round keep at the North-west corner, horse shoe
towers at the South-west and South-east angles, and a grand
gate-house in the centre of the South face. The original Castle
was attributed to Harold, but the oldest part, now remaining, of
the keep, is supposed to have been erected in the XII. Century
by William Fitzwalter, High Constable to King Stephen ; the
South front is of Edward II.’s reign, the gate-house and postern
tower opposite were built in the reign of Richard II. by Thomas,
Duke of Gloucester, son of Edward III. After his murder in
1397, the Castle ceased to be a military fortress, and at the
commencement of the XVII. Century was described as having
been long in ruins. It seems, however, to have been regarded as
of value, for it was annexed by Henry VIII. to the Duchy of
Lancaster, which sold it in 1857. The present owner has roofed
the gate-house, and uses it as a dwelling. The Castle is moated,
and had two portcullises and a drawbridge. It was said that
“traces of the species of masonry called Herring-bone” were to
be found in one of the chimneys, but entrance to the house was
not obtainable.
The church, dedicated to S. Mary the Virgin, was visited, but
did not appear to contain anything of particular interest.
Continuing their way to the Station, the party left Severn Tunnel
Junction at 5.20, arriving at Bath at 6.48,
CAERWENT— NORTH GATE.
369
The excursions to Athelney and Langport, and to Taunton,
.
Tue Lrprary.—The principal additions to the Library have
been the publications of the various societies with which we effect
exchanges, and the valuable volumes from the Smithsonian
Institute at Washington and the Geological Survey of the United
- States. These volumes embody the results of much patient
research, and must prove deeply interesting to all who take
pleasure in scientific studies.
BATH NATURAL HISTORY & ANTIQUARIAN
FIELD CLUB.
INSTITUTED FEBRUARY 18th, 1855.
LIST OF MEMBERS FOR THE YEAR 1904.
PRESIDENT.
1889 *Rev. C. W. SHICKLE, M.A., F.S.A., 9, Cavendish Crescent.
VICE-PRESIDENTS.
1895 *Rev. T. W. WHALE, M.A., Mountnessing, Weston, Bath.
1903 *A. TRICE MARTIN, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., Bath College.
SECRETARIES.
1902 *J. LANGFIELD WARD, Esq., M.A., Weston Lawn, Weston, Bath.
1893 *M. H. SCOTT, Esq., 5, Lansdown Place, W.
LIBRARIAN.
1902 *H. J. APPLEBY, Esq., 8, Argyle Street.
TREASURER.
1897 *Lieut.-Col. G. S. NASH, 7, Laura Place.
1865 GREEN Emanuel, Esq., F.S.A., Devonshire Club, St. James, London,
1867 *INMAN T. F., Esq., Kilkenny House, Sion Hill.
1870 HARPER C., Esq., L.R.C.P., M.R.C.S., Manor House, Batheaston.
1872 SHUM Fred., Esq., F.S.A., 17, Norfolk Crescent.
» *MARTIN Rev. W. W., M.A., 49, Pulteney Street.
1874 TAGART W. H., Esq., F.R.G.S., Parkfield, Park Gardens.
1875 BLATHWAYT Rev. Wynter T., M.A., Dyrham Rectory, Chippenham.
» EVANS Major J. Ll., J.P., 12, Cavendish Place.
1876 *HENDERSON W. H., Esq., 9, Royal Crescent.
1878 MACKILLOP C. W., Esq., J.P., 14, Royal Crescent.
”
9
1880
”
1882
SKRINE Col. H. Mills, J.P., Warleigh.
FOXCROFT E. T. D., Esq., J.P., D.L., Hinton Charterhouse.
GAINE Charles, Esq., M.R.C.S., Weston Lea, Weston Park.
SHUM F. Ernest, Esq., 3, Union Street.
*BARLOW W. H., Esq., Cleveland Villa, Bathwick.
*NORMAN G., Esq., M.R.C.S., 12, Brock Street.
MANTELL Surgeon-Major, A. A., M.D., The Elms, Bathampton.
TUCKER J. Allon, Esq., J.P., 9, Green Park.
POWELL G. F., Esq., 25, Green Park.
KITT Benjamin, Esq., C.E., Sydney Lodge, Bathwick.
BLATHWAYT Lieut.-Col. L., F.L.S., F. Ent. S., Hagle House,
Batheaston.
KING Austin J., Esq., F.S.A., J.P., 19, Portiand Place.
BYROM Edmond, Esq., 3, Edgar Buildings.
371
1886 GEORGE Rev. P. E., M.A., Winifred House, Sion Hill.
» LEWIS Egbert, Esq., 12, Bathwick Street.
» &ULLER £.N., Esq., 6, Ainslie’s Belvedere.
1887 SCOTT R. J. H., Esq., F.R.C.S., 28, Circus.
» PALMER-HALLETT T. G., Esq., M.A., J.P., Claverton Lodge,
Bathwick Hill.
» HOLST Johan, Esq., 35, Pulteney Street.
1889 ALEXANDER P. Y., Esq., The Mount, Batheaston.
» LHOMSON Col. H., The Elms, Weston Park.
1890 *FANSHAWE Col. T. B., 24, Park Street.
» WEST Rev. W. H., M.A., 25, Pulteney Street.
» ROSE H. F., Esq., 18, Grosvenor.
» DAVIS Col. T. Arnoll, R.A., J.P., Weston Park House,
1891 RICKETTS Col. Montague, Shelbourne, Lansdown.
1892 PIGOTT W., Esq., Winton House, Ealing, W.
» BRAIKENRIDGEH W. J., Esq., J.P., 16, Royal Crescent.
» BUSH Robert C., Esq., 1, Winifred’s Dale.
» “BUSH Thomas §S., Esq., 20, Camden Crescent.
» PRYCE Ernest, Esq., 10, Cavendish Crescent.
1893 CASTELLAIN Alfred, Esq., 59, Pulteney Street.
» SHALY Lieut.-Col. H. H., Elmhurst, Batheaston.
1894 MASKELYNE E. Story, Esq., Hatt House, Box, Chippenham.
» *KEMBLE W., Esq., J.P., Beechfield, Bathampton.
» WILSON John H., Esq., Woodville, Lansdown.
1895 STONE Robert S., Esq., Bath and County Club.
1896 SMITH Lient.-Gen. Clement J., 22, Marlborough Buildings.
» DAVISC. Price, Esq., J.P., Manor House, Bathampton.
» SCARTH Leveson E., Esq., M.A., Keverstone, Cleveland Walk.
1897 SCOTT Surgeon-Major R. R., 54, Pulteney Street.
», RAWLINS Major Edw. B., St. Albans, Weston, Bath,
» SPENCER Sydney, Esq., Mount Beacon House.
1898 MARTYN Gilbert King, Esq., B.A., M.D., 12, Gay Street.
» NEAL Alfred E., Esq., Lyde House, Sion Hill.
1899 ADCOCK Surgeon-Major J., 1, Queen’s Parade.
» COTTERELL T. Sturge, Esq., J.P., Abbey Lodge, Lyncombe Hill.
» BOODLE Charles E., Esq., B.A., Somerset House, Sion Hill.
» RICHARDSON Rev. A., The Vicarage, Combe Down.
1900 GILL Wallace, Esq., 1, Fountain Buildings.
» ROGERS Rey. Canon Percy, R.N., M.A., 17, Pulteney Street.
1901 JENNINGS, W. E., Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., 18, Camden Crescent.
1902 SISSMORE Rev. T. L., M.A., 31, Green Park.
1903 BENSON J. R., Esq., F.R.C.S., L.R.C.P., 1, Oxford Row.
» CONINGHAM Major-Gen. H. E., 98, Sydney Place.
» HUNT Col. H. V., St. George’s Hill, Bathampton.
1904 BAYLISS R. A., Esq., M.R.C S,, L.R.C.P., 5, Gay Street.
» LITTLE Lieut.-Col. J. A., Bath and County Club.
* Members of Committee of Management.
HON. MEMBERS.
1864 DAWKINS Professor W. Boyd, F.R.S., F.G.S., &c., Owens College,
Manchester.
1873 HERIOT Major-Gen. Mackay.
1868 TAYLOR Col. R. L., C.B. 22, Gay Street.
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373
SOCIETIES AND INSTITUTIONS TO WHICH THE
PROCEEDINGS OF THE CLUB ARE
ANNUALLY FORWARDED.
Augustana College, Rock Island, Ill., U.S.A.
Barrow Naturalists’ Field Club.
Bath Royal Literary and Scientific Institution.
Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club.
Berwickshire Naturalists’ Society.
Bradford Historical and Antiquarian Society.
Bristol Naturalists’ Society.
British Association for the Advancement of Science.
British Museum, Copyright Office, Bloomsbury.
4 . Natural History Department, South Kensington,
Cambridge University Library.
Cardiff Naturalists, Society.
Christiania Royal Norwegian University.
Cincinnati, Ohio, Lloyd Library.
Clifton Antiquarian Club.
Cornwall Royal Institution.
ny Royal Polytechnic Society.
Costa Rica National Museum. S. Jose.
Cotteswold Naturalists’ Field Club.
Dublin Trinity College Library.
Edinburgh Advocates’ Library,
Geological Society.
Geologist Association.
Glasgow Natural History Society.
Pei Philosophical Society.
Hampshire Field Club.
Hertford Natural History Society.
Holmesdale Natural History Club.
Linnean Society.
Liverpool Literary and Philosophical Society.
Manchester Microscopical Society.
Norfolk and Norwich Naturalists’ Society.
Nottingham Naturalists’ Society.
Nova Scotia Institute of Science, Halifax.
Oxford Bodleian Library.
Peterborough Natural History Society.
Smithsonian Institute, Washington, U.S.A.
Somersetshire Archeological and Natural History Society.
Upsala Royal University Geological Institution.
Warwickshire Naturalists’ and Archxologists’ Field Club.
Washington U.S. Geological Survey of the Territories.
Wiltshire Archzological and Natural History Society.
Yorkshire Philosophical Society.
RESENTED
3 NOV1904
i> UCONTENTS’ OF ,WOL: X, PARI ae
si Fa re ae FEE RET
Pac
; _ 1—RIcHARD BRINSLEY SHERIDAN AND THOMAS LINLEY : ~
iN THEIR RESIDENCES AT BaTH, BY EMANUEL GREEN,
2.—THE ACCOUNTS OF THE City Train BAwps, - BY
THE Rev. C. W. SuHickie, M.A. F.S.A. ey
iy 3.—ANCIENT INTERMENTS AT NEWTON St. Lok, NEAR
a BATH, AND SOME. RECENT DISCOVERIES IN BATH, Hi
By J. P. E. FALCONER Tr %) » 812, 315
~
4.—NoTE ON A DOLMEN AT STOKE BisHop, py M, H.-
ScoTT ba bale tes aay vee pea dic: |
5.—BatH Token Issues or THE 19TH CENTURY, BY
S. SYDENHAM | “a aa ee iss rca
6.—THE Birps AND FLOWERS oF Batu, 1903, sy A,
» CASTELLAIN ... 7 Udy beat ca
7.—SUMMARY OF EXCURSIONS AND PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Batu Fietp CLup ror THE YEAR 1903-1904, By —
J. Lancrretp Warp anp M. H. Scorr, Hon. i
ey 8.—List oF MEMBERS, BALANCE SHEET, AND SOCIETIES
IN EXCHANGE OF PROCEEDINGS WITH THE FIELD
hg CLUB: G3 rs oy Ne ee eg
AND
NPIQUARIAN FIELD CLUB,
PRICE, HALF-A-
CROWN.
(FOR THE CLUB) AT THE HERALD OFFICE,
¥ ‘
aia it}
tah oP
375
John Wilkes and his visits to Bath.
By EMANUEL GREEN, F.S.A.
(Read Decemhr 7th, 1904.)
To the majority of people perhaps, the name of John Wilkes
implies all that is worst in the political demagogue, socialist,
and agitator. This view is however wrong. That he took an
advanced position in the politics of his day is true, but to under-
stand that position the politics of his day must be considered and
understood. By the influence of the Crown he was illegally
imprisoned both in the King’s Bench and in the Tower and it
‘was against such proceedings that he raised his protest, yet he
“wrote that no heart beat more in unison with—God save the
2: ing—than his own, with the proviso presumably that the position
of King was used constitutionally. He became the idol of the
added in the litany—to show pity upon all prisoners and captives,
particularly the patriotic John Wilkes, esq. But this political side
o his character is not that which now comes under notice.
_ The son of a wealthy father, he was well educated. When
barely out of his teens he married a Miss Mead, a lady about
Buckinghamshire. Separation unfortunately followed when
Wilkes retained the estate and the custody of the child, a
daughter, Mary, to be mentioned hereafter. Thus well provided
and weli qualified he became sheriff of Bucks, M.P. for
\ Eebury, and colonel of the Bucks militia. He became also
ff of Middlesex, an alderman of the city and was Lord
Mayor in 1774. In this year too he was elected M.P. for
f Well versed in french and italian literature and art,
2 was elected F.R.S. and a member of the sublime society of
eefsteaks. Later he himself published some good books. But
th all this he was very much a man of fashion. Having a great
A Vou. X., No. 4.
376
fund of wit and humour he was always a welcome guest, it “ was
impossible to be dull in his company.” His wit, wrote one—gave
a charm to every subject he spoke upon and his humour displayed
the foibles of mankind in such colours as to put even folly out of
countenance. Besides this he had fine manners, the tone of a
scholar, the bearing and presence of a perfect gentleman. His
qualifications for the Bath society of his day will thus be apparent
and the short visits to be noted will bring before us clearly,—with
a little imagination to fill up occasionally,—the class and company
met with, the bustle and life, enjoyment and gaiety, which such a
visit then implied.
For a time he kept a diary, it is in skeleton form unfortunately,
but being until now unknown and still in manuscript in the
British Museum, the entries relating to his visits to Bath are here
extracted and used for our delectation anc perhaps instruction.
Being out of health somewhat, after so much buffeting, he
records a visit to Bath—the first recorded but not the first made.
Under date—
1771. Dec 24th, he tells that he left Prince’s Court at 11, came
to the George, Hounslow, about 1, to the Castle, Salt
Hill (Slough) at 3. Dined and lay there.
25th. Left Salt Hill at 9, arrived at the King’s Arms,
Reading, by 11, at Speen Hill, the Castle, by 2, at the
Castle, Marlborough, at 5. Lay there.
26th. Left Marlborough at 10, came to the Devizes, the
Bear, at 12, reached Bath at 2. Dined at the Bear,
Phillot’s. Lodged at Mrs. Harford’s in the last house
on the South Parade towards the river.
The first lesson learned here is that the journey down occupied
three days on the road, the two nights being spent in hotels. The
return journey was expected to be hurried and his daughter
wrote to him she was sorry he would have but two days for it as
this would occasion the very disagreeable necessity of travelling in
the dark. As soon as he was gone too she made plans for
377
communication and for sending packets. She found that the
Bath machine set out on monday, wednesday, and friday, from
Fleet Market, and the Post Coach the same days from Charing
Cross. The letter was duly franked and is stamped “ free.”
Prince’s Court the starting point was, and it may be said is
marked still, near Storey’s Gate, Great George St., Westminster.
The entrance to the Court, although perhaps somewhat widened,
remains, the consequence of adjacent “antient lights,” thus
helping to a good idea of what it was like. Further the original
carved or floriated stone replaced in the new south wall shows the
name just as it did in Wilkes’s time. But the Court is gone, all
save this entrance end has disappeared and the site is covered
and occupied, in one part by a building marked as the Institute
_ of Mechanical Engineers, and the remainder by a portion of the
_ Crown Office of Works, and by further encroachments by
. additions to the back part of Old Queen St. It was a rather
curious place, as while the front or inner face of the north side
was in the Court, the back looked out over St. Jaines’s park ; a
_ very pleasant out-look.
Continuing, the diary records the daily routine at Bath. Thus
on the
27th Dec 1771 he Dined at the South Parade at Mrs.
Harford’s with Messrs. Clutterbuck, Sharpe, and Foot
the surgeon.
28th. Dined at York House with Watkin Lewes, Miles
Andrews, Rolston, Pigot, Foot, &c.
29th. Went to dine with Messrs. Walton and Hudson at
Mr. Ducket’s at Hartham near Corsham the direct road
to Chippenham and the first coach turning is the left
beyond the 98 milestone.
3eth Dec. Dined at the South Parade at Mrs. Harford’s
with Mr. and’ Mrs. Bull, Miss Webster their niece,
Miss Barnes, Captain Wade and Mr. Nixon. Supped
378
at Major Brereton’s in Garrard St. with the family, the.
two Misses Linley, Mr. Rolleston, and Mr. Miles
Andrews.
Garrard Street is now Somerset Street. In a letter reporting
this day, he tells that he passed the evening with Mr. Brereton’s
family and the two Misses Linley, the elder Linley (Elizabeth) he
considered much superior to the scene in which she moved. The
younger (Mary) “is a mere coquette, a man’s jou jou, no
sentiment, virtue’s just ideal.” By jou jou he presumably means
sprightly and gay, somewhat a flirt perhaps. There must have been
something very attractive in the elder sister, yet notwithstanding
the praise so lavishly bestowed on her, judging to day from their
portraits, there would be some who would consider the younger
the better face to live with. Fortunately in such matters there
can be no agreement.
Miles Peter Andrews was the owner of powder magazines, his
London residence being 25 Goodge St., afterwards in Gower St.
He gave great entertainments, was considered a wit, and wrote
plays and farce and some poetry. With other things he wrote,
under the pseudonym of Richard Fitzpatrick, a local ballad skit
called—The Bath Picture.
The diary continues—
31 Dec. Went with Mr. Bull to Mr. Francis Yerbury’s at
Bradford and to Mr. Wm. Temple’s at Trowbridge ;
visited old Mr. Reynolds and Mr. Watts there.
Returned to Bath and dined at Mr. Sharpe’s in the
Circus.
1772. Jany 1. Passed a very agreeable day with Mr. and Mrs.
Walton about ten miles out. Charmed with the old
english hospitality. In a letter to his daughter he
acknowledged he was passing a happy time with many
old friends. The new Rooms surpassed his expecta-
tions. All the late city improvements are in a noble
379
stile, especially Mr. Pulteney’s new bridge building
over the river. Writing thus he adds— You are superior
to scandal and Bath now affords nothing else.
2nd Jany. Went at noon to Bristol with Mr. Bull and
Mr. Watkin Lewes. Dined at Merchant Taylor’s Hall.
Lay at Mr. Peach’s in Trinity Street.
The occasion of this visit was a meeting of and a public dinner
by the “Friends of Freedom.” Mr. Watkin Lewes next year
became sheriff of London.
3rd Jany. Breakfasted with a great deal of company at
Mr. Peach’s. Went to see Mr. Southwell at King’s
Weston, returned at noon to Bath with Mr. Bull, Mr.
Lewes, and Mr. Mullet of Bristol. Dined at the South
Parade at Mrs. Harford’s with them, Mr. Dusin, Captain
Watson and Captain Rice.
4th. Breakfasted with Mr, the two Misses Linley,
Rollestone and Miles Andrews at Mr. Linley’s house
in the Crescent. Left Bath at one, reached Mr.
Clutterbuck’s at Luckham House, 9 miles from Bath,
at three. Dined and lay there.
sth. Left Luckham House at ten, reached Chippenham
at noon, and Marlborough at three, came to the Castle
at Speen Hill at six. Lay there.
6th. Left Speen Hill at ten, reached Reading at two,
Salt Hill at four, Hounslow at half an hour after five,
Prince’s Court at seven. Dined and lay there.
He was thus practically again three days on the road. Finally
_ for this trip there is an entry of a Bath bill omitted of 1771,
_ which reads—
7 Dec 28. Coach maker Edward Morton for mending post
chaise, £—9—
_ The fuller account from which this was omitted is itself omitted ;
but he adds the form of a Bath bank bill.
380
No H 555 ;
I promise to pay George Crump esq or bearer
on demand Ten Pounds.
Bath the 26th of Dec 1772.
For Cam, Clutterbuck, Whitehead & Self.
Ent? E. Jones. Dan! Danvers.
In London he attended the routine of the Sessions, and records
often dining with Miles Andrews in Goodge St. and with Mr.
Rollestone. Then as the season came round, on
24 Dec 1772, Miss Wilkes being with him, he left Prince’s
Court at 11, came to Cranford Bridge about 1, to the
Castle at Salt Hill at 3. Lay there.
25th Dec. Left Salt Hill between 9 and ro, reached
Reading, the King’s Arms, at 12, proceeded to the
Pelican at Newbury, arrived there at 3, reached
Marlborough at 6. Lay at the Castle.
26th Lelt Marlborough at 10, came to the Bear at
Devizes at 12, proceeded to Bath, reached that place
at 3. Dined at Phillot’s the Bear.
27th, 28th, 29th, 30th. Dined at the lodgings on the
South Parade, Mr. Harford’s watchmaker, last house
next the river.
31st. Dined at the Bear with Messrs. Rice, Colman,
Oliver, Leake, &c.
1773. Jany 1. Dined at Mr. Cotes’s in the Circus with Mr. and
Mrs. Cotes, Miss Wilkes and Mr. Digby.
znd Jany. Dined and supped at Capt. Mathews, with
Capt. and Mrs. Mathews, Miss Wilkes, Mr. and Mrs.
Brown, Col, Mrs, and Miss Gould, Capts Rice and
Nugent, &c,
3rd. Dined at Mr. Mason’s with Mr. and Miss Mason,
Mr. and Mrs. Woolley and Miss Wilkes.
4th. Dined at Mr. Drax’s on the Queen’s Parade with
Mr. and Mrs, Drax, Miss Churchill, Miss Wilkes, Capt.
Levison Gower, Mr. Adams, Mr. Rogers, &c.
381
sth. Dined at Mr. Deane’s M.P., for County Dublin with
Mr. and Mrs. Deane, Miss Deane, Mr. Le Hunte,
Major Brereton and son.
6th. Dined on South Parade alone with Miss Wilkes.
7th. Dined at Mr. Sharp’s in the Circus with Mr. and
three Misses Sharp, Miss Wilkes, Mr. Baines, and Mr.
Clutterbuck.
8th. Dined at the lodgings in the South Parade.
oth. Gave a supper to Capt Wade, Mr. and Mrs. Cotes,
Lewis, Mullet, Rice, Day, and Miss Wilkes.
roth. Dined at Major Brereton’s with Mr. and Mrs.
Brereton, Miss Juliet Brereton, Mr. Le Hunt, Miss
Wilkes, Mr. Deane, Col. Colvil, Mrs. Moore.
11th. Dined at the mess of Capt Rice in Orange Court
with Captains Rice and Mathews, Messrs. Oliver,
Fonnereau and Day.
r2th. Dined at the lodgings with Miss Wilkes and Mr.
Clutterbuck.
13th. Dined at Dr. Delacour’s in Prince’s Buildings with
Mr. and Mrs. Delacour, Mrs. Gideon, Miss Wilkes,
Capts Howard and Mathews. In the evening visited
Mr. Melmoth in Bladud’s Buildings.
14th. Dined and supped at Capt. Mathew’s with Mr. and
Mrs. Mathews, Miss Wilkes, Mr. Day, Capts. Rice and
3 Howard.
The usual three weeks being expired, on the
; 15th, he left Bath at noon, reached the Devizes at 3, and
Marlborough a little after 5. Lay at the Castle.
16th. Left Marlborough at 9, came to the Castle at
Speenhill at 12, the King’s Arms at Reading at 2,
Maidenhead bridge at 4, to Salt Hill at 5. _ Lay there.
17th. Sunday. Left at 10, at Hounslow at 12, to Prince’s
Court at 1.30. Dined and lay there.
382
On this occasion there is given a list of bills marking some
portion of the expenditure.
Washerwoman—Margaret Cotes Roe oa a:
Mending Ruffles—Ann Payn is eee 10
Coalman—John Cox ee we LT I2—
Butcher— Ann Russell ae Spot oie P ads
Servants—bill Bae aes scm Be eT
Poulterer—Arthur Gifford... w+. — 10, 9
Grocer—Henry Jennings... we 7 4
Ribbons—Ann Payn aise - — 8 4
Baker—Nic Beaker ie ww == 46 6
Confectioner —Charles Gill ... a BZ tO
Cook—Richd. Hemming _... ie 2k
Lodging—Wm. Harford 7 ts Sey —
Dressing—ditto... ap - = ie =e
Herb woman—Sarah Fisher .. sion ee NS
Henry Phillot at the Bear... BAL) his on
Gave the servants at the lodgings aa Se BS
Mr. Gill is also noted as of Wade's Passage—late cook now
confectioner, a promotion presumably.
Of all the cooks the world can boast,
However great their skill,
To bake, to fry, to boil, or roast,
There’s none like Master Gill.
Then the vales to the servants may be noted.
Other matters now engrossed attention and he did not come to
Bath again until 1776. In 1774—-for 1774-5—he was elected
Lord Mayor and so could not leave the Mansion House. His
mayoralty was considered one of the best, the most brilliant since
Beckford. The Lady Mayoress was Miss Wilkes who played her
part to perfection. Besides her fine manner and breeding which
383
she had equally with her father, she was considered one of the
- most accomplished young ladies in Europe. She understood six
_ languages—english, latin, german, french, spanish, and italian.
She died unmarried. It was in this year 1774, May 15, as the
diary records that he dined at Mr. Dilly’s in the Poultry with
Messrs. Edward and Charles Dilly, Dr. Johnson, Mr. Boswell,
Arthur Lee, Miller of Batheaston, Dr. Lettsom, &c. Boswell has
told us how he thus brought together these two men, saw them
seated side by side, and saw Wilkes finally triumph over Johnson’s
- *“surly virtue” and heard him declare he was much pleased with
_ Wilkes’ company. ‘The well known story has just a local interest
as we now know that Miller of Batheaston was present. Again,
4th Dec occurs the entry,—Dined at Mr. Dilly’s in the
Poultry with Mr. Miller of Bath, &c.
In 1776, saturday Dec 7, he again left Prince’s Court at ro.
Travelling in two post chaises, himself and Miss Wilkes,
and two servants Henri and Berton, the party reached
Cranford bridge at 114 and the Castle at Salt Hill at
13. At Craaford bridge gave the postillion 4/-,
horseler 1s, expenses there 2s. Horses to the Castle
at Salt Hill 10 miles, 15s, horseler 1s, drivers 3s. Lay
at Salt Hill.
8th Dec Alea
From the Abbey Registers :—
1651. Sep. 29. Anne daughter of John Clarke _ Burial
1656. Sep. 4. John Clarke “A
The issuer was not a member of the Council and possibly was
not one of the freemen:of the City.
On the 26th of June, 1699, the M. B. records “ Mr. John
Clarke” (perhaps son of the issuer) and others “bids 204 to
exchange the life of Richard Chapman of Weston Zoaland in the
County of Somstt” “in a messuage or tenem‘ and Garden lying
in Broade Street.”
WILL® . BATH.
17. «14. O: Archard | Collins | C | R-E
R: 4 | Clothier | in. Bathe | 1669.
The issuer of this token possibly carried on business in Broad
Street as a Cloth manufacturer.
In 1681 the Chamberlain notes :—
“ Receaved of Richard Collins for his
fine and seal 04 — 06 — 08”
On the 26th of March, 1683, ‘Hannah Collins bids 54 ”
‘“‘in a tenem’ in Broade Streete nowe in her possession and to have
a new Lease for 99 yeares if y°sd Richard Collins her sonne
in lawe Eliz his wife and Richard Collins their Sonn shall soo
long live.”
In 1694 the Chamberlain notes :—
“Recd of Richard Collins in Broad
street 2 yeares rent o0o—10—o0”
On the 26th of June, 1699, “Richard Collins bids 404 to
exchange the life of Dorothy Bishop widdow for the life of Henry
Gibbs sonn of Mr Walter Gibbs the younger and to add the life
487
of Mary Collins his daughter and to take a new Lease for 99
years if the sd Richard Collins Henry Gibbs and the sd Mary
Collins or either of them shall soo long live of and in the moiety
of a messuage or tenem‘* lying in Staules Street—Agreed for ( )
and under the usual rents” &c.
On the rst of January, 1700, appears ‘‘ What shall Rich
Collins give for a coppy of Licence to sell a moiety of a tenem*
lying in Staull Street.”
WILLY . BATH :
1 . 15.0: 10HN * FISHER *** == Three fishes in pale.
Reeerone BATH 2s i 1 * F*
The device on the field of the obverse, three fishes, is probably
not an adaptation of arms, but a play upon the name of the
issuer. The heralds seem occasionally to have interfered with
such punning devices on tokens, Sir Wm. Dugdale entered in his
diary, “ Nov. 3rd 1668. John Salmon of Chester maketh brass
pence with armes upon them (three salmons) : to disclayme him.”
I have previously mentioned that the Abbey Register records
that on the 7th of October, 1655, “John ffisher Mercer” was a
witness at the marriage of John Bush. The same Register
contains his own marriage and some results.
1656. Augt. Married: John ffisher of this par & Jane Avery of
ffrome Zellwood. Contract of marriage published
3 times, viz. ; 10, 17 & 24 August.
1657. Dec. 7. John son of Mr. John ffisher & Joane _Christened
1661. June 16. Joanedauof Mr. John ffisher & Joane =.
The surname Fisher was a common one in Bath at the time of
the token issues, many of the families being closely related, and
the fact that but a limited number of Christian names were used
by them, the Puritan John being especially frequent, renders any
attempt to clearly trace them futile.
It is not improbable that John Fisher was a near relative of
Robert Fisher (No. 16) and the son of the Robert Fisher who
H
488
displaced from the Council in 1647, under license from the
Chamber carried on for many years the ‘‘ Coleworkes ” owned by
the City. The item frequently recurs in the Ch. Acs.
“Item of Mr. Robert ffisher for the
Coleworke oo — 06 — 08”
till 1662. when the entry runs,
“Item of Mr. Robert ffishers Wid for
a Coleworke 00 — 06 — 08”
In 1657 the Chamberlain notes :—
“Item of John ffisher for his ffreedome oo —0o6 — oo”
On the 28th of September, 1657, on the retirement of Robert
Fisher (token issuer) from the Council the question was asked,
“Who shall be elected one of y* Comon Counsell of this Citty.
Agreede Mr. John ffisher shall be sworne one of y® Comon
Counsell of the Citty.”
In 1659 John Fisher was one of the City Bailiffs and the
Chamberlain enters on his account then,
“Ttem of Mr. Thomas Skrine & Mr.
ffisher for the Rent of the Baylywicke 13 —06— 08”
In September, 1661, he was chosen as one of the Constables,
in that year the Ch. Ac. contains the entries :—
“Item pd Mr. John ffisher for powder
att the Coronation & Birthday
(Charles 2nd) per Bill 02 — 00 — 00
Item paid Mris Jane ffisher for Cakes 02 —06— 08”
1662. “Item paid Mr. John ffisher for 24
sackes of Lime used att the Dry
Pump (built 1662 at the King’s Bath)
per Bill oI —04— 00
Do. for 27 belts and 16 sets of Bandiliers
per Bill 05 — 0g — 00”
After the 2nd of November, 1662, John Fisher disappears from
the Council roll, and the M. B. August zoth, 1663, records :—
‘“Who shall be elected one other of this Corporaton in y® place
489
of John Fisher who hath deserted this Citty—Agreed Mr.
Thomas Atwood.”
Entries in the Ch. Ac. shew that the issuer, in 1663, was in
conflict with the authorities for some reason, possibly religious.
“Item to Henry Howell for arresting
John ffisher William Godwin &
Robert Allen per Order 00 — 12 — 00
do for arresting Mr John Boyse or1—o4—oo
Itm to Robert Cornick towards the
hyer of his horses wch were to carry
Witnesses against Boyce 00 — 05 — 09”
Whatever the reason for J. Fisher’s absence from the City, he
returned and resumed business, possibly in Cheap street, but as
he was no longer a member of the Council, the Chamberlain in
mentioning him in 1666, omits the prefix “ Mr.”
“Tt paid John ffisher for monies dis-
bursed about ye Armes per Order or — or —o03”
A contemporary John Fisher, wife’s name Rebecca, kept an
Inn known as the White Horse. The M. B. March 26th, 1649,
records that a “Grant is made to John ffisher for 3 lifes in
Tenem* called y® White Horse near y® Cross Bath—ffine 15 Li
—and is to promise not to annoy his wife or grant will be void.”
The last clause savors of comedy, but it was evidently complied
with, for on December 31st a “ Lease is granted to John ffisher of
the White Horse for 3 lives—ffine 15li ros” and in June, 1669,
“Jo Fisher bids 40s to &c’’ “in y® house called ye white horse
nowe in his posson—granted.” The Register of St. James’s
Church records the burial of in ‘1672 July 9th John ffisher.”
WILL” . BATH
19 . 16. Oc: ROBERT + FisHrR = R+- E+ Fs
R : MERCER « IN « BATH ¢ = 1652 *
The issuer of this Token carried on business on the east side
of the then Broad Street (present Northgate Street) opposite
490
St. Michael’s Conduit. ‘The Register book of all y° Weddings
within ye Parish Church of St. Michaels in Bath without ye Gate”
contains :—
1648. Sep.10. Robert Fisher—Edith Parker Married
The Abbey Register notes :—
1652 Sept. 8. Edith wife of Robert ffisher Buried
Dec. 14. William son of Robert ffisher, Mercer
The Ch. Ac. for 1646 contains :—
“‘Ttem of Robert ffisher for his ffreedome oo—o4—0o”
”
On the 31st of March, 1651, “ Robto ffisher” appears on the
Council roll.
The M. B. Dec. 27th, 1652, notes a * Grant (is) made
to Mr. John Parker (cloth manufacturer, Mayor 1653-4 & 1661-2,
daughter married to R.F.) to put Mr. Robert ffisher's life and
John ffisher son of the said Robert and one Life more to be named
by next Quarter day of Tenem* Mr ffisher lives in—ffine 6 li”
On March 26th, 1654, the M. B. notes : “‘ Who shall bee one
of y® Overseers of y° Comon for y° next yere—Agreede Mr Robert
ffisher mercer be one” Mr John Reed the other. On Sept.
25th of the same year Robert Fisher was elected as one of the
Constables.
The M. B. Sept. 28th, 1657, records: ‘“ Whether Mr Robert
ffisher now living out of this Citty and desiring to be excused of
his office of one of y° Comon Counsell off this Citty shall be
excused of his said office or not—Agreede that Mr Robert ffisher
shall be excused his saide office.” I have referred to the election
of John Fisher as his successor on the Council. Robert Fisher,
(whose son John must have been very young at the time of
his retirement from the Council) seems to have afterwards resided
at Bathampton. Ona lease dated 1660, Robert Fisher of that
place signed as a witness.
The M. B. Dec., 1678, records : “‘ Mr. Robert ffisher- bids five
pounds to ad one life in his tenem* now in the possession of the
491
widdow Salmon the life is Wm. ffisher his Sonne to—from and
after the deceases of him the Sd Robert ffisher and John ffisher
his Sonne—Agreed that Rob! ffisher shall ad the Life of Wm.
ffisher his sonne for 204 fine under the usual rents & covenants.”
On the 2oth of March, 1679: ‘What shall Mr Robert ffisher
give to add one life in revertion of his Life and the life of Wm.
ffisher his son of and in one Messuage or Tenem! lying in
Northgate Street he bids three pounds.” This entry is crossed out
as not entertained, but the proposal must shortly after have been
agreed to as the Ch. Ac. for 1679 contains :—
“Ttem of Mr Robert ffisher for his fine
& Seal 03 — 06 — 08.”
In 1694 an entry appears :—“ in reversion of William ffisher
of Bathampton Yeoman of one messuage ‘or tenem* lying in
Cheape Street.”
WILLS . BATH
20 - 17. O: IOHN « FOORDE = The Cordwainers’
Arms.
R: IN + BATHEs =I + O-+- F-
1627. June 25. St Michael’s Regr. Phillip Fforde—Elinor
Vernam Married
Sept. 7. ce John fforde son of Phillip Christened
1661. Feb. 16. St James.° Sarah fford dau of John
and Olive 3
1664. May 18, Abbey. John son of John fford and Olive ,,
1666. July 29. za Oliffe dau of John fforde [3
1701. Nov. 16, St Michael’s. John Foorde Senior Buried
m705. Dec 28: 4 Olive Foord Widdow 7
The issuer of this Token resided in St. Michael’s parish. He
was probably a near relative of the John Ford, who entering the
Council in September, 1647, was Mayor in 1660-61. I have
referred to him as one of the chief opponents of Henry Chapman.
John Ford (Mayor) resided in Stall Street, a drawing of the
house (then occupied by his son) is given on Gilmore’s Map,
492
1694, as “Mr. Fords Lodgings in Stauls Street.” In December
1661, ‘‘Jane wife of Mr. John fford” was buried in the Abbey
and in 1687, September 26th, is an entry of the burial of ‘ Mr.
John fford in ye Church.”
In September, 1651, John Ford the issuer, was a candidate for
a seat on the Council, but only received one vote. The Ch. Ac.
for that year notes :-—
“Ttm of George Parker and John fford
for their freedomes 00 — 12 — 00”
Alderman Ford (ex-Mayor) left the Council in September, 1662,
on finding Chapman’s popularity assured. On the 3rd of October,
1664, Henry Chapman then Mayor may have endeavoured to.
appease Ford and his relatives, for the M. B. then records
“Who shall be one of ye Comon Counsell of this Citty in
y® roome of Mr. Robert Chapman (made Alderman) Agreede
Mr. John fford be one of ye Comon Counsell of this Citty.”
This entry can only refer to the issuer of the Token, for Alderman
Ford’s son John was then a minor ; but whatever motive prompted
the election, it was treated with contempt, for on September 4,
1665, is a further entry, “ Whereas Mr. John fford was heretofore
elected one of ye Comon Counsell of this Citty but hath refused
to be sworne in ye said office—Who shall be elected one of ye
Comon Counsell of this Citty in y® place of ye said Mr. fford—
Agreed Mr John Alambrigg.”
In 1675 the issuer was elected “one of the Supervisors of
the boundes.” The M. B. April 1677, contains, ‘‘ What shall
Mr. John fford (ex-Mayor) give for a new Lease of 28 years in
his tenem* in Staulls Streete now in his possession Agreed that
he shall pay forty pounds for a new lease for 28 years —-Memo—
this Lease is granted upon a speciall favour that Mr. John fford
was formerly an Alderman of this Citty.” The premises in
question (present No. 35) were later occupied by Mary Lambe &
Son, issuers of many tokens in the 18th Century. .
493
WILLY . BATH
21 068. /O.: PRISCILLA +; HECKES @) sa ee
Three Swans.
R: 3 * SWANS « IN + BATH + 1665=
Pig
The Three Swans Inn was situated in Cheap Street, it is
mentioned in the Council Minutes in 1645.
The following items are taken from the Abbey Registers :—
1621. June 1g. John Hickes—Precilla Pooke Married
1658. Walter Hickes—Editin Pontem, each of
this parish 5
1680. Dec. 28. Precilla Hicks widdow Buried
Walter Hickes a son of the issuer was Mayor of Bath in
1683-4, 1694-5, and 1705-6.
The Chamberlain’s accounts note in :—
1656. “Itm of Walter Hickes for his freedome oo — 06 —oa
1669. Itm pd Mris Hickes for a dinner att a
quarter sessions held ye 2nd of
November 1668 co — 04 — 06
It pd Mris Heckes att a sessions held
on January per Bill 02 — 00 —0o
It to Mris Hicks for entertaymt the
12th of Aprill 1669 per Bill 02 — 00 — 00
1670 It paid Mris Hickes for a Dinner att
Quarter Sessions held 17 January 02 — og — 00
It pd Mr. Hickes ye 22d Aprill being
Quarter Sessions for a Dinner 03 — 00 — oo
1671. Mris Heckes for the Law daies ffeast
& Sessions ffeast 08 — 05 — 00”
The “Law daies” were held twice yearly by the Freemen
before the Common Clerk, to take cognizance of encroachments
—disturbance of bounds—interference with ways—water supplies
—petty larcenies—clippers and forgers of coin—breaking of the
assize of bread and ale—false measures, &c. After the Law Day
494
a dinner was held, the whole body of Freemen did not partake of
this, but only the then Jury.
1676. “To Mris Hickes man for wines ex-
pended ye 5th of November 1676 00 — 10 —o0”
In March 1677, the M. B. records that “Wm. Burford”
(who had long been the Town drummer) “ bids twenty
shillings for a tenem’ called the three swanns.” At the same
meeting Mr. Walter Hickes ‘‘ bids ten shillings for a Lease in a
Messuage or Inn called the Katherine Wheel and one little
tenem‘ on the north side.” Possibly in 1677 the issuer and her
son removed from Cheap Street to Northgate Street.
On the 2oth of December 1678, Walter Hickes was elected an
Alderman. In October 1679, John Masters then Mayor, the
entry appears in the M. B., “Whether Mr Alderman Hickes
shall be displased of his Aldermanship and likewise out of the
Councill for speaking scandalous words ag* his royall Highness
the Duke of Yorke (afterwards James 2nd) Agreed by Generall
consent that Mr. Hickes shall be displased from being an
Alderman and likewise displased out the Councill.” He was
reinstated on the 28th of June, 1680, the M. B. then noting,
“Mr. Walter Hickes being formerly displaced from being an
Alderman whether he shall be restored to his place again
Agreed he shall be an Alderman again if the Charter will bear it
out.” The next meeting of the Council he duly attended as an
Alderman.
In 1694 Walter Hickes took a new “ Lease of the Katherine
Wheel in Northgate Street.
WILL* BATH
22. Ig . OQ: RICHARD + HORLER=The Tallowchandlers
Arms
Rise SNe barn + 1664 =
1696. 5 Aug. 9. George Horler *
1718. St Michaels. Apr. 16, William Horler son of
Richard Buried
1719. % Oct. 28. Ann dau of Richard Horler ,,
1722. St James. Noy. 8. Sarah Horler Buried in ye
Church
1726. Abbey. Jan. 29. Richard Horler 3
1739. StJames. . May 16 Thomas Horler 3
wacuY 8. BATH
23 «4. «20. O: William | Landiche|L | W- A
R: IN + BATH + 1669 + = Three tuns
(one and two).
Probably derived from the arms of the Brewers’ Company.
The Three Tuns carried on by the issuer was a famous ‘Tavern
in Stall Street, the extensive premises were not entirely removed
till early in the roth century. The frontage to Stall Street
496
occupied the position of the present York Street, in the rear the
premises ran further south, and extended eastwards along the south
of the Queen’s Bath. To the middle of the 18th century there
was direct access from the building to the Queen’s and King’s
Baths. In1619 the then tenant Philip Sherwood (in 1647 removed
from the Council as a malignant) obtained a license for its use as.
a Tavern, and placed a pole before its front in Stall Street on
which flaunted “a new fair sign of Three Tunnes.” Over this.
sign a long and fierce controversy raged and it was forcibly
removed in 1622, by order of the then Mayor, but after an
interval Sherwood “set up the sign again in an insolent manner.”
The house is shewn on Gilmore’s Map, 1694, as ‘‘ The three
Tunns Lodgings by the Kings Bath.”
1664. Abbey Reg™ Aug. 4. Elizabeth dau of William
Landicke & Anne Christened.
1667. ra July 20. William son of William
Landicke & Anne 5
1669. StJames,, Sep. 5. Joane Landick dau of
William a}
1685. i » Jan. 25. William Landicke Buried
1724. Abbey ,, Jan. 18. Mris Landicke ty
The Chamberlain’s accounts note,
1668. “Ttm to Mr. Landick for wynne spent
on his Ma . . tis Birthday 00 — 17 — 06”
1676. “To Mris Landick for wines expended
in Mr. Reeds mayralltie 00 — 10 — 00”
In 1679 the Three Tuns was held by William Sherstone, and.
it is possible that by that date Landicke had removed to an Inn
in Cheap Street. In 1681 and later the Chamberlain notes :—
“ Mris Landicke for a ffeather of water oo—10— 00”
1701. *Receaved of Mris Landicke for an
encroachment in Cheap Street oo—oI—oo ”
The Three Tuns later became famous from its connection with.
the Mail Coaches instituted by John Palmer in 1784, ‘the mail
to and from London to Bristol in sixteen hours, starting from the
497
Swan with Two Necks, Lad Lane, London, at 8 o’clock each
night, arriving at the Three Tuns, Bath, before 10 o'clock the
next morning, and at the Rummer Tavern, Bristol, by 12 o'clock.”
Strangely enough the front of the house was again brought
prominently to public notice, this time however peaceably, in
connection with the Mail Coaches. On June 9th, 1785, “ Mr.
Williams, the public spirited master of the Three Tuns Inn, and
the chief contractor for conveying the mails, in the morning
of this day, placed in the front of his house His Majesty's Arms,
neatly carved and gilt. In the evening his house was illuminated
in a very elegant manner with variegated lamps, the principal
figure in which was the letters ‘G.R.’ immediately over the coat-
ofarms. A band of music with horns played several tunes
adapted to the day, and a recruiting party drawn up before the
doors, with drums and fifes playing at intervals, had a very
pleasing effect ”
WILL” BATH
Paes, 92t . OS) WILLIAM + MARDEN = The Weavers Arms.
R: OF + BATH « SILK * WEAVER=W +-A+ Me
The issuer of this Token carried on business in Walcot Street,
but owing to strong and continued opposition was never admitted
as a Freeman of the City.
1647. StJamesRegr. July 25. Elizabeth Marden dau
of William Christened
1654. StMichaels,, Aug. 7. John Mardon son of
William Burial
1655. a » Feb.21. Richard Marden son
of William -
1659. -: » Oct.13. Thomas Marden son
of William -s
1682. “h » Dec. 23. Alice Mardine Widdow ae
In the M. B. Dec. 26th, 1653, (John Atwood, Mayor) is the
entry :—‘ Whether Willm Marden now of this Citty Button mould
maker shall be Mr Mayors ffreeman or not—Agreede ye saide
498
Willm Marden shall not be Mr. Mayors ffreeman as abovesyd for
that hee may bee prejudicial to generall Shopkeepers of this
Citty.” This entry is crossed out, the usual cancellation. Marden,
in 1653, was probably living within the City in St. James’
Parish, and the objection by the Council to his being made
a freeman was undoubtedly with the intent of preventing him
trading in the City ; without the walls the Chamber had not so
much power, and Marden moved to Walcot Street.
On the 25th of June, 1655, the M. B. records that it was
“* Agreede that Benedict Beacon shall have a Coppie of Licence
to assign the tenem* in Walcott Streete late in possession of Mr.
Henry Chapman to Willm Marden for the fine of ros.” At the
same meeting “ Willm Marden bids 20s. to exchange three lives
in a Tenem* lyinge in Walcott Streete late in ye possession of
Mr, Henry Chapman ye grant to be for 9g yeares if 3 lives—
Agreede a graunt be made to Willm Marden as abovesayd for
ye fine of 5 £ old rent and usuall covenants.”
It is possible that Marden was connected in some way with
Freshford, as in the Abbey Register, under date Feb. 6, 1656, is
the entry :—
“Robert Moore and Mary Twinning both of ffreshford, married
by Mr. John Bigges, J.P. Witnesses—Robt Moore of Freshford,
William Marden of this Citty.”
On the 6th of October, 1662, (John Parker, Clothier then
Mayor) the question as to the admittance of Marden as a freeman
recurs : “‘ Whether Willm Marden of this City shall be Mr Mayors
ffreeman or not—This proposition being not liked It is agreede
by Generall consent that Mr Mayor shall choose any other
pson to be his ffreeman in Twelve monthes now next follow-
ing or upward.”
The opposition to Marden was most marked, and there must
have been some special reason for its permanence, it apparently
later had the effect desired of causing him to leave the. City.
The M. B. August 1st, 1666, contains : “What Willm Marden
499
shall pay for a License to lett or graunt his tenem’ in Walcott
Streete—Agreede a Coppie of Lycence be granted to Willm
Marden.” On the 31st of March, 1668, is an entry : “Mr John
Reed bids 20s. to exchange &c” “in ye tenem* now in his
posson and late in y* posson of Willim Marden.” This entry is
crossed out, but in the following December “Mr. John Reede
bids 4£ to renewe his Estate of twoe lives for 99 years if 3 lives
soe long live in his tenem* in Walcott Streete late in y* posson
of Willim Marden—Agreede a graunt be made to Mr Jo: Reede
as abovsyd for ye fine of Twelve pounds old rent and usuall
~covn*.”
The premises occupied by Marden in Walcot Street were close
to St. Michael’s Church, and the entry in its Register, December
1682. certainly refers to the widow of William Marden.
Wikis ¢ BATH
25 . 22, OO: IOHN * MASTERS « AT + WHIT =
A Hart standing.
R: IN + THE + CITTY « OF «+ BATH =
I-E+ Ms
This token was issued from the White Hart Inn, Stall Street.
The issuer John Masters was Mayor of Bath in 1657-8, 1671-2,
1679-80, and 1690-91.
1607. St. James Regr. July 13. John Masters—Ann
Rogers Married
_ 1614. re - Sep. 3. John Masters son of
John Christened
1638. Abbey 4 Dec. 16. Chapman son of John
Masters & Elizabeth
”
ROSO) | 5 4 Aug. 5. Elizabeth dau of Mr.
John Masters & Elizabeth ,,
1668. " =e Dec. 15. Elizabeth wife of John
; Masters Alderman
of this Cittie Burial
1692. a cr) Apr. 18. Mr. John Masters
Alderman
500
Elizabeth, the wife of the issuer, was a daughter of Walter
‘Chapman (see No. 12 Bath).
The M. B. December 3oth, 1650, records :—‘‘ Whether Mr.
Jobn Masters bee fit to bee Mr. Maiors (John Pearce) ffreeman
or noe—Agreede that Mr. John Masters shall bee Mr. Maiors
ffreeman,” the Chamberlain in 1651, notes :—
“Itm of Mr. John Masters for his
ffreedome 00 — 02 — oo” .
On the rst of September, 1651, Masters was elected a member
of the Council, and in his case accession to office was exceptionally
rapid, as he was chosen one of the Bailiffs in the following
October. In the Ch. Ac. for 1652 is the entry,
“TItm of Mr. John Masters & Mr. Edward
White ffor their Bayliwicke ffor ye
yeare last past 13 — 06 — 08
Itm paid Mr. Masters & Mr. White
for business done for ye Corporaton or — 10 — 00”
In the M. B., under date March 29th, 1652, appears :—
‘“‘ Whether Mr. John Masters shall holde y* Ground called Bathe
Comons for this yeare beginning y® 25th of March 1652 at y® rent
of 120% per annum quarterly to be paid and y® feeding of ffower
Oxen there till St Luke’s day next & finding good securitie for
y° rent by munday next at y® Guildhall of y°® said Cittie to be
approved of by y® Maior & Justices or not—Agreede by Genall
consent that Mr. John Masters shall have y* Comons abovesayd
under y® Conditions abovesayd.” On the minutes of the next
meeting, May sth, 1652, is a recital that Masters had failed to
furnish approved securities for the rent, and on the same day he
seemingly gave up possession of the land, and by “generall
consent ” Mr. Henry Chapman was granted the Common at the
reduced rent of £110 until March 25th, 1653, he agreeing to
“the pasturinge of the ffower Oxen there,” and to give “free
liberty for the plough to carry out stones and bring in soyle,”
“sivinge his bonds and paying y® rent as before provided.”
Bos Se ee
501
The word “ plough ” was then locally used to denote a waggon
‘or cart, the waggon with its team of four oxen was kept for
City purposes (use abandoned in 1708), its mention for carrying
stone from the Common indicates that quarries were then worked
there, and apparently the general refuse of the City was then
hauled to and deposited on the Common land. The matter
thus disposed of Masters attended the next Council ; on April 16th
1654, he was elected one of the Aldermen.
The Ch. Acs. note :—
1653. ** Paid to Mr. Masters for ffive quartes
of Canarie bestowed on Mr. Recorder oo — 10 — oo”
1654. “Ttm paid Mr. Masters for a pottle of
whitwine and a pottle of Canarie
bestowed upon Colonell Popham 00 — 06 — 04”
1655. “Itm paid Mr. Masters for wine
bestowed on Colonnell Popham 16
April 1655 oI — 00 — 02
Paid him for Bottles then broken
and lost 00 — 05 — 00”
(The last item shews clearly enough that the convivial meeting
on the 16th of April was a somewhat riotous one.)
The M. B. March 31st, 1656, notes :—‘‘ Mr. John Masters
bidds(—)to drowne 30 yeares in his tenem* called y® harte Lodgings
and to renew his Estate for 42 yeares absolute—Agreede a graunt
bee made to Mr. John Masters for y° Tenem* abovesayd for 42
yeares absolute for y® fine of Tenne pounds old rent usuall
covnants” (the clause “42 yeares absolute” is proof the grant
was made to Alderman J. Masters), the Chamberlain for 1656
motes :-—
“Ttm of Mr. John Masters for his
fine & seale 10 — 06 — 08”
andin 1657 ‘“Itm of Mr. John Masters for his
Coppie Licence 00 — 10 — 00”
502
“Ye Harte Lodgings” mentioned as in the possession of
Masters, were two houses on the east side of Stall Street, occupying
the whole of the west side of the Queen’s Bath, they are shewn
on Johnson’s drawing, 1675; the parapet of the largest house
bore the inscription, ANNE * REGINA + SACRYM + 1618 +,
commemorating the fact that Anne of Denmark, Queen of
James 1st, used the Bath it overlooked, during her visit to the
City.
The picturesque frontage to Stall Street is shewn on Gilmore’s
map, 1694, as “The Hart Lodgings in Stauls Street.” The Inn
known as the White Hart from early in the 16th century, was on
the west side of the street, almost opposite the Lodgings, and
Gilmore enumerating the “Inns of Rath” mentions “the White
Hart in Staule Street.” The Inn, then a comparatively small
building (enlarged in after years and famous from its associations ;
removed in 1867), appears on his map next the “way to the
Cross Bath” (later known as White Hart Lane), Alderman John
Bush’s lodgings being next to it, and the ‘“ Beare Inne” com-
pleting the corner into Westgate Street.
It may be that John Masters in 1657 obtained the “Coppie
Licence” with the idea of disposing of the lease of the “ Harte
Lodgings,” but the premises remained in his possession to a
much later date. When Masters acquired the White Hart Inn
from which he issued the token, I cannot ascertain, but the Inn
was occupied by him prior to 1668, as the Chamberlain notes
amongst the rents due on the 24th of June, 1668,
“Mr. John Masters for y° White Hart 05 —oo—oo”
and for other premises then rented by Masters in
“ Stauls Streete 02 — 02 —oo.”
During excavations adjacent to the Queen’s Bath, some years
ago, a metal lamp was found representing a Stag or Hart standing
on a pedestal, with a place for the light between the antlers.
From the finding of this on the site of the Lodgings, it is not
|
593
improbable that a Hart was the badge of the house, the Inn
being more especially known as the WAz¢e Hart.
On the 27th of September, 1657, John Masters was elected
Mayor for the ensuing year, receiving as stipend for his then
term £55. From the City Exchequer something was allowed
the Mayor for charitable purposes, as the Chamberlain notes
that in 1658 he
“Paid Mr. Maior his Allowance for
givinge to poore people being the
some of OI —0o— 00”
As Mayor, Masters welcomed a distinguished visitor to the
City, apparently in September, 1658, the Chamberlain noting
that a substantial sum was expended on Civic festivities “at the
proclaymeinge of the Lord Richard Cromwell protector,” and
items occur
“For a Hogsheade of White Wine pre-
sented unto His Highnesse the Lord
Protector Richard Cromwell 0g —0o0— 00”
and for gifts to his ‘ Trumpter and other servants.” (The
“Hogsheade” possibly came from Mr. Mayor’s cellars.) In
anticipation of this visit the Baths were set in order by Masters,
the ways round them repaired, and the interior and exterior of
the Hot and Cross Baths then received a highly decorative (?)
coating of limewash.
The statue of Bladud then as now overlooking the King’s Bath,.
shone out in all the glory of scarlet and gold, for an entry runs
“Ttm paid Thomas Quilly for paintinge
King Bladehoods picture att the
King’s Bathe by Mr. Mayors order o1— 06 — 00.”
The monotony of official life in 1658 was varied by at least
one country trip, as an entry occurs
““Ttm paid at Paulton for Mans meate
& Horse meate when wee went to
see our Coale worke by Mr. Maiors
order ol — II — 02”
504
The sum of £42 gs. 3d. was due to Mayor Masters at the end
of his term, October 1658, from Chamberlain John Ford (Mayor
1660-61) and this sum was not paid until October 17th 1659. ©
On October 25th, 1660, it was “‘ Agreede that Mr. John Masters
keep y® Ordinary for y® Lecturer for y® next year,” and in 1662
the Ch. Ac. notes,
“Ttem (pd) Mr. John Masters for two
yeares Ordinary 30 — 00 — 00.”
Soon after the capture of the City by Fairfax in 1645 ‘‘ there
seems to have been an attempt at a religious revival. A course
of Wednesday sermons was established, and an ‘“ Ordinary ” was
to be provided, at which the preacher was to have a free dinner,
and other citizens were to pay a shilling a head. The entertain-
ment or the company was not appreciated, for it was found
necessary to make an ordinance that the Mayor, one of the
aldermen, and two of the common councilmen should be present
“according as they shall be warned.” If any one warned did not
care to come, he could settle by sending a shilling, but if he
failed to do this, he incurred a fine of three shillings and four-
pence.” Keeping the Ordinary survived the Puritan epoch and
must have been profitable to the holder, instanced by the always
keen competition for the post.
Masters was another of the Council generally behind when
payment of Rent was concerned, and entries of the arrears due
from him for various premises he held in Stall Street and other
parts of the City are frequent from 1665.
Masters was Mayor in 1671-2, and during this term the
Council in generous mood “ Agreede that 20 li a yeare more
shall be added to the Maiors Stipend for y® time being and so to
any Maior for y* future.”
Masters again filled the office of Mayor in 1679-80. Onthe 28th
of February 1681, he was one of the Justices and the Council
then ‘ Agreed that Mr. John Masters shall have the towne comon
for 1134 for y® yeare ensuing.”
5°95
The M. B. in February 1683, records: “Mr. John Masters
bids ros, and to drowne 31 yeares and to take a new lease
for forty two years of and in one Messuage or Inn called the
white hart—Agreed a new lease be granted fine 20s and under
the usuall rents and covenants.”
Well advanced in years, Masters was Mayor in 1690-91, as
ex-Mayor retaining position as a Justice afterwards. The M. B.
records on the 18th of April 1692, (the day of his interment
in the Abbey) that Mr. Benjamin Baber was appointed one of the
Justices “in the place of Mr. John Masters, deceased.”
' WILLY BATH
26. 23 . O: IOHN + PEARCE «+ MERCER * = The
Mercers Arms,
i tN BATE « 1652 * = Te ] ts R ie
a. 24 A variety reading MERCE for MERCER.
The issuer of this Token probably carried on business in Cheap
Street close to Cockes or Cocks Lane (now Union Passage). He
was Mayor in 1650-1, 1659-60, and 1666-7.
The following are extracts from the Abbey Registers :—
1640. Apr. 7. John Pearce—Joane Childe Married
1642. Sep. 11. William Son of John Pearce & Joane _—Christened
1649. Jan. 20. ffrancis son of Mr. John Pearce & Joane 3
1672. Jan. 27. Mr. John Pearce one of the Aldermen
of this Cittie Burial
Anthony-a-Wood in 1676, mentions as then in the “N. Isle”
of the Abbey, “On another flat free stone—William the son of
John Pearce, Aldsm: Obt 27 Dec 1671, aet 29. Ona blew
marble stone—John Pearce one of the Ald.men & three times
Mayor of this Citie. Ob. 17 Januar 1672, aet 58.
John Pearce was a member of the Council in 1641, and one of
¢ he Bailiffs in 1644, the Chamberlain then noting :—
“Ttem of Mr. Druce & Mr. Pearce for
the Rent of the Balywicke 10 — 00 —o0,”
506
After the capture of Bath by Fairfax in July 1645, the Citizens
rapidly had occasion to regret the change of masters. Early in
1646, the Army was at variance with the Parliament, and through-
out the country the Soldiers lived at “free quarters.” The
M. B. records February gth 1646, that ‘‘a peticon shall bee
pfferred to ye Houses of Parliam* for releefe of Free quarter.
Agreed that Mr. Burford and Mr. John Pearce shall goe to
London with the Peticon abovesayd.”
This Petition does not seem to have been presented, but letters
written by the then Mayor give graphic pictures of the state of
affairs. I quote from one of these, “our houses are emptied of
all useful furniture, and much broken and disfigured, our poor
suffer for want of victuals and rich we have none. Warrants are
come to raise horse but we have none left.” ‘We have now
400 (soldiers) in the town, and many more expected. God protect
us from pillage.”
Pearce was twice Chamberlain, and on September 25th 1648,
was elected an Alderman.
In 1651, Pearce being then Mayor the Chamberlain notes :—
“Ttm pd Mr. Mayor Mr. Biggs and
Mr. Parker expenses at Ivilchester 0o2— 17 — 10”
(Biggs and Parker made the same journey ten years later under
less pleasant conditions, see H. Cn.)
In 1652 “Item of Mr..John Pearce for a
Tenem* and garden neare Monckes
Mill (evidently his residence) co — ol — oo
Itm paid Christopher Brewer for
carreinge ye Charter to London by
Mr. Pearces order (when Mayor) co — 02 — 06
Do. do. for bringeinge ye Charter
from London by Mr. Pearces order oo — 05 — 06”
The M. B. records on October 25th 1652, ‘“‘ Who-shall be
employed on ye behalf of ye Corporason of this Citty to sollicit
597
ye Committye of Trade for ye obtayning cf an Acte for ye
makeing of ye River of Avon navygable from Bathe to Bristoll—
Agreede Mr. Matthew Clift and Mr. John Pearce.” The deputa-
tion went to London on this and other civic business, the Ch. Ac.
for 1652 notes :—
“Ttem to William Wood for carrying a
box and writeing toucheing ye Bayly-
wicke to Mr. Pearce to London 00 — oI —oo
Item paid more for carrying a Ire
(letter) to London to Mr. Clift and
Mr. Pearce in December 1652 00 — 00 — 06,”
In 1653 ‘Item to Mr. Clift and Mr. Pearce the
Remainder of their expenses to
London 02 — 16 — 08.”
On May ist 1654, it was agreed by the Council that “his
highness ye Lord Protector and his Counsell shall bee petitioned
by the Corporaton for his order for making ye River of Avon
navygable from the Cittie of Bathe to bristoll.” Pearce was
again a member of the deputation.
The M. B. March 31st 1656, records that the Tower of Stalls
Church was then ordered to be removed as far as the roof of the
Church, it having nearly fallen down from decay, and that the
profit resulting from the sale of the materials should be given to
the Abbey. Alderman Pearce was chosen to supervise this work.
This order for the removal of the Tower only, may have covered
the demolition of the whole edifice, as the following item almost
certainly refers to the Church of St. Mary de Stalles. On
October 6th 1656, “ Mr. John Pearce bids 44 for to exchange
2 lives for 42 yeares absolute in one Messuage or Tenem* &
Garden being heretofore a ruinous church called Little S* Maryes
—Agreede a graunte be made to Mr. John Pearce of y*° Tenem
& Garden abovesaid for 42 yeares for ye ffine of eight pounds old
rent & usuall coynants.”
508
The Chamberlain in 1656, notes :—
“Ttm of Mr. John Pearce for his fine 08 —- 00 — oo
more of him for his Seale 00 — 06 — 08”
In 1659 “It pd Mr. Mayor (John Pearce) &
Mr. Parker for timber wch was of
Stauls Church used for postes att
Ladymead gate in ye Highway 00 — 03 — 04.”
In 1656 “Itm paid Mr. John Pearce for rr ells
of Dowlis att 14d per ell ffor stories
Children and Three quarters an ell
of Canvass for Buttons Threed and
Tape for them alsoe for Three ells
and quarter of Narrowe Hollon and
one penney in Threed for a shroud
for Arthur Husday also Three ells
halfe of Cloth for a Shroud ffor
Goody Wills and one penneyin Threed
to goody Lockwood John Ball for
Draweinge an order to send to Mr.
Milner Concerninge ye arreares alsoe
ye Messenger that Came with the
Letter and carried ye order to Mr.
Milner as by his bill appeares Ol — 04 — 0’
In 1657 ‘Mr. Parker and Mr. Pearce the Over-
seers of The Comon for ye Carriadge
of Stones to mend ye wayes in ye
street (were paid) o1 — 06 —oo”
The M. B. January 1659, records :—‘“‘ Who shall be employed
together with the Recorder to wayte on His highness ye Lord
Protector for ye obtayning of ye next assizes for ye County of
Somersett to be holden at this Citty of Bathe and to begin their
journey on Monday next. Agreed that Mr. Mayor & Mr. John
Masters shall be ye two persons to wayte on ye Protector.” The
Chamberlain in 1659 notes the heavy costs of this deputation.
?
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|
599
“paid Mr. John Pearce Maior & Mr.
John Masters for theire Expenses to
London for to procure ye Assizes and
to obteyne the Passage of o . r Acte
for o . r Navigacon to Bristoll 15 —06 —00.”
Many attempts had previously been unavailingly made to obtain
the holding of the Assizes here, but this visit to London was
successful and the County Assizes were held in Bath in 1660,
and for some years later.
In 1660 occurs,
“Tmprimis pd Mr. John Pearce for
sugar loafes presented to ye Judges
att the Assizes Ap 1660 and sugar
presented to ye Bishopp per bill or — 08 — oo”
On the 29th of June 1660, Pearce and Masters were again
chosen to “goo to London to Sr Robert Hyde Mr Prynne and
Collonell Popham in obtayning the Summer Assizes to be held
in Bathe.”
When in London the deputation evidently dealt with the
vexed question of the river, as
“ Alderman Hen Chapman for postage
of a packett concerninge ye Navigacon
of ye River (was then paid) 00 — orl — 07.”
On June 20th 1663, John Pearce and Walter Gibbes were
elected to go to London regarding the Assizes, the Chamberlain
then notes ':—
“Ttm to Mr Pearce for 3 Journies to
London to procure the Assizes and
other charges in entertayning the
Judges I9 — 10 — 04”
In 1665 ‘Mr Walter Gibbes ye Mayor and
Mr Pearce for their journeys to
London (were paid) 10 — 00 —00”
510
In that year, among the arrears of rent due to the Chamber
appear :—
“In Cheap Street, Mr John Pearce for
a Stable in Cock Lane 00 — 07 —oo
Do., do., for another Tenem* oI —00— 00”
In 1668 ‘Mr John Pearce for his Journey
& expenses att London (was paid) 05 — 00 — 00”
In 1670 “Item paid Mr John Pearce for 2
ozs of Tobacho for ye Justices per
Bill 00 — 00 — 08
Do., do., for 4 li and halfe of powder
delivered to ye Trayned Souldiers 00 — 06 —oo”
From the absence of John Pearce’s name from the roll of
members, it is probable that he was incapacitated from taking his
place in the Chamber for some years previous to his death in 1672.
In 1675 the Chamberlain notes :—
“Itt Mris Joane Pearce for a Ten’ by
the River 00—OI—00”
WILL” BATH
28 .25 .O0: ROBERT + PENNY * = The Mercers Arms.
R: MERCER « IN « BATH * = RxeI- Ps
The following items are taken from the Abbey Registers :—
1642. June 12. Robert son of Robert Penny & Julian Christened
1643. Nov.17. Mary dau of R Penney & Julian és
1645. Jan. 14. Elizabeth dau of Robert Penny & Julian 7
1648. Mar.26. John son of Robert Penny & Julian F
1657. July 18. Julyan wife of Mr Robert Penny Burial
1663. Mar. 2. Mr Robert Penny “5
Anthony-a-Wood, July 1676, mentions as then in the Abbey,
‘In the body of the church are flat stones. “‘ Julian late wife of
Rob Penny one of the Comm.n Councell of this city. Ob 17
July 1657: also Robert Mary Eliz and John their children.”
511
The Chamberlain in 1640 notes :—
“Ttm of Robert Penny for his
ffreedome oo — 06 — 00”
Robert Penny was on the Council in 1641, and on the 27th of
September 1647 was elected one of the Bailiffs, having Henry
Chapman as a colleague. He was Chamberlain during 1653-4-5,
occupancy of the office three consecutive years by the same
person being almost unique. His account for 1655 was not closed
‘until 1659, the Chamberlain then noting :—
“ Rec? of Mr. Robert Penny resting
due on the ffoote of his Accompt o1 — 00 — 05”
Penny was sometimes engaged on civic business, in 1652 occurs,
“Ttem paid Mr. Penneys horseheir
when hee went to Wells for ye Towne oo — 04 — 00
Item paid Mr. Penny for his expenses
to Welles to remove Captaine Norcotts
Souldiers 00 — 04 — 00”
In 1656 “Itm paid to Mr. Penny fora shroud
for goody Storie another for goody
Hopkins another for Eleanor Dill
(perhaps late inmates of St. Catherines
Hospital) and for Sugar Tobacho
and pipes sent for to Mr. Bigges (a
little civic festivity at the Unicorn)
and allowed as by note appears oi — 00 —07”
In 1657 “Itm paid Mr. Penney for buttons
silke and other thinges for Comeinges
: (Town-crier) Coate 00 — 02 — OL”
In 1661 “Itm paid Mr. Robert Penny for
powder and other things (Coronation
day, April 23 166r) ot — 10— 10”
The M. B. on August 20th 1663, records “Who shall be
512
Elected into this Corporaton in ye place of Mr. Robert Penny—
Agreed Mr. Henry Dyer in ye place of Mr. Robert Penny
deceased.”
WILL* BATH
29 . 26.Q0: RICHARD + PITCHER « = A Hat with
feathers in it.
KY) IN: + BATH « 1667 + = Ro - A+ Ee
From the device on the obverse, the issuer possibly was a
vendor of hats, or as then known a “ haberdasher of hats.” The
hat shewn is probably a “ beaver,” which were very costly.
Dugdale in his diary, April 1661, mentions “‘ payed for a bever
hatt 41 ros.” Pepys, too, notes in his diary, June 27th 1661,
“this day Mr. Holden sent me a bever which cost me 4l 5s”
The ornament interlacing R. A. P. on the reverse renders this.
token the most elaborate of the Bath issues.
1627. St. Michaels Regr. June 8. Richard Pitcher son of Owen
Christened
1683. Abbey. Aug. 3. Richard Pitcher Alderman Burial
Warner in his History of Bath, page 264, mentions that in
1683 “Mr. Richard Pitcher Alderman of this City gave a field
in the parish of Widcombe the profits to the use of the church
(Abbey) for ever”
The Ch. Ac. for 1654 contains :—
“Ttm Receaved upon Richard Pitchers
being made ffree 00 — 06 — 00”
On September 4th 1665, “ Rico Pitcher” was a candidate for
the Council but only received one vote. In August 1668 the
M. B. records ‘‘ Who shall be elected one of ye Comon counsell
of this Citty in ye place of Mr. Burton —Agreede Richard Pitcher
be one of ye Comon Counsell of this City.” In the September
following he was chosen as one of the Constables for the ensuing
year. In September 1676 Pitcher was elected a Bailiff, and in
1678 was one of the Overseers of the Common-lands.
513
In September 1679, Pitcher was chosen as one of the
Aldermen. He occupied the office of Chamberlain in 1679 and
in 1680, and in 1681 the then Chamberlain notes that he
“Recd of Mr. Richard Pitcher on the
ffoot of his Acc’ 30 —13— 04
Received of Alderman Pitcher for
Arrears of Rent i 00 To ou
The Ch. Ac’s. contain in
1665 ‘‘Itm of Richard Pitcher for a Tene-
ment & Garden 00 — 10 — 00
1673 Itt of Mr Richard Pitcher for a tenement
and Garden called ye Pound 00 — 10—-00”
The M. B. Oct. 1st 1683, records ‘‘ Whether the former graunt
made to Mr. Pitcher for 42 yeares shall be confirmed on the
Executors in trust according as his will doth direct—Agreed that
it shall be confirmed on the Trustees.”
WILL* BATH
30 . 27.0: FRANCIS RANCE = A Mermaid.
R: OF + BATHE + 1659+ * = F+-E- Re
The issuer of this token lived in Walcot Street, evidently not
far from St. Michael’s Church. The name, Rance, occurs at an
early date in the Registers of the Church. A descendant bearing
the same name was rated for a house in Walcot Street as late
as 1730.
The following extracts are from St. Michael’s Registers :—
1588. Richard Raunce—Margery Howell Married
1597. Francis Raunce son of Richard Christened
1633. May 2. ffrauncis Raunce—Elizbth Rendall Married
1635. Feb. 12. Elizabeth Raunce dau of Francis &
Elizabeth Christened
1659. Mar. 16. Francis Raunce Burial
1663. Oct. 6. Francis Rance son of Francis & Elizbth 5
1680. May 31. Elizabeth Rance. Widdow ii
514
The M. B. October 6th 1634 records that “ ffrauncis Raunce
offered for his ffreedome 1o* and agreede to pay 30° but refused
and went out ye Courte in scorne and contempt.”
On the 26th of December 1636 it was ‘“‘ Agreede that ffrauncis
Raunce shall pay 13s 4d for his ffreedome.”
In 1655, December 31st, the M. B. contains “ ffrauncis
Raunce bidds 40% for 99 yeares if three lives live soo long in ye
tenem* now in his posson in Walcott Streete and late in ye posson
of Mr. Richard Abbott— Agreede a graunt bee made to ffrauncis
Raunce.”
The Chamberlain for 1656 notes,
“JTtm of ffrauncis Raunce for his ffine
& Seale 02 —06—08”
WILL™ BATH
31. 28.QO: IOHN « REED = A Mermaid.
Ke) (OF « BATE 2O5G = WT ~~) Biss Reg
The issuer of this Token carried on business as a Mercer, on
the east side of Northgate Street.
The following items are taken from the Abbey Registers :—
1654. Feb. 26. Nicholas son of John Reed & Bridgett Christened
1657. July 26. John son of Mr. John Reed & Bridgett as
1675?6. Feb. 14. Mr. John Reed Alderman Burial
1694. May 22. Mr. John Reed (son of issuer)
Anthony-a-Wood in 1676, mentions as then in the Abbey.
“On a flat free stone. Samuel son of Joh Reed Aldman of
this citie died 2 Dec. 1667. Also Nich eldest son of the said
Jo: Reed died 6 Jan 1671, aet 16. On another, Marjerie daug of
John Reed Chamb-laine of this Cittie, died 6 Nov 1667.”
The Chamberlain in 1649 notes :—
“Ttt of John Reed for his freedome 00 —06 — 00”
The M. B. September 20th 1653, records it was “ Agreede
John Reed mercer shall be chosen one of ye Comon Counsell of
515
this Citty in ye plase of Mr. Cole deceased.” In 1654 Reed was
one of the Overseers of the Common-lands, in 1655-6 he was one
of the Constables, and in September 1657 was elected a Bailiff of
the City, the Chamberlain in 1658 noting :—
“Tt of Mr. John Reede for his part of
Bailyweeke 06 - 13-04.”
The M. B. August 24th 1659; records ‘Whereas Mr. John
_ Reede hath begun to make an Incroachment on ye Northgate
Streete ye question is whether ye same Incroachment shall bee
taken downe or not—Agreede ye sde Incroachment shall bee
-taken downe and that ye Mayor and Justices bee desired to see
ye same done accordingly.”
Reed was one of the Councillors arrested on Mcnday, September
23rd 1661, and sent to Keynsham by Henry Chapman.
Reed was Chamberlain in 1668 and 1669, in the latter year
his account, modestly omitting the prefix Mr., notes :—
“Tt of John Reed for his fine and Seale 12-06-08.”
His account for 1669 was not closed until 1673, the then
Chamberlain noting,
“Ttem of Mr. John Reede due uppon
the ballance of his accompt 08 —o02 — 00.”
In March 1670, Reed was elected an Alderman, and in 1672
was again an Overseer of the Commons.
In September 1674, the question was asked in the Council,
“Who shall be Mayor of this Citty for ye yeare ensuing—Agreede
Mr. John Reede be Mayor of this Citty for ye yeare ensuing.”
(October 1674-5.)
WILL® BATH
32. 29.0% GEO * REVE ¢ GOLDSMITH=The Gold-
smiths Arms
R: IN + BATH « 1668 « = G+ M*“+gR «
The issuer of this Token carried on business in Stall Street,
near the Church of S. Mary de Stalles.
516
The following extracts are from the Abbey Registers :—
1644. Oct. 2. Spenser son of George Reeve & Mary Christened
1646. Jan. 10. Matthew son of George Reeve & Mary r
1664. July 4. Mary wife of George Reeves Burial
1676. Sep.27. George Reeve one of ye Comon Counsell Bs
Anthony-a-Wood in 1676, notes as then in the Abbey ‘Ona
pillar next below the pulpit the p-portion of a woman kneeling
with a hat on her head, between two children & under them on a
brass plate is written—Here lyeth Mary wife of George Reeve of
Bath, goldsmith, (and also of Spencer his father and of Kath® his
mother) and of Spencer his first son, and of George his 2nd & of
Henry his 3rd and Spencer his 4th. Shee the said Mary departed
this life 3 July 1664.—On a flat stone und-neath (of marble)
George Reeve, Goldsmith, one of ye Comon Counsell of ye citie,
ob 23 Septr 1677? aet 53. Armes are—Chev. betw 3 pair of
wings.”
A later description of the monuments in the Abbey, states that
the following lines were on the plate after 4th and preceding
“¢ Shee” :—
“So that you see gaynst deaths all conquering hand
Nor sex, nor age, agaynst his force can stand
But ther’s a tyme wherein our body's must
Revive agayne, though now turned into dust.”
The Chamberlain notes in 1657.
“Ttem of George Reeves for his ffreedome oo —-06—00”
In September 1658, George Reeves was a candidate for the
Council but was not then elected. The M. B. September 12th
1659, records, “ Who shall be one of ye Comon Counsell of this
Cittie in ye plase of Mr. Antony Elkington deceased—Agreed
that Mr. George Reeve of this Cittie be one of the Comon
Counsell of this Citty.” Reeve was very frequently absent from
the Council meetings, and on the 29th of June 1660, he and two
others were by vote removed from the Council, to make way for
Henry Chapman, Samuel Wintle and Robert Shepparde, old
.
:
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517
members then re-instated. On the 17th of August 1660, it was
“‘ Agreede by Generall Consent that Mr. George Reeve be
re-admitted a member of ye Comon Counsell of this Cittie
having been before displased,” on the 26th of September he
was elected one of the Constables for the ensuing year. Reeve
was one of the members of the Council arrested on September 19th
1661, by order of Henry Chapman, and despatched to Ilchester,
_ his signature and seal appears in the Hall-book, on the statement
drawn up directly upon their return by those arrested.
The M. B. December 30th 1661 records that ‘‘ Mr. George
- Reeve bidds ( ) yearely rent to renew his Estate in his Shopp
& Backsyde being Church Lands for 21 yeares—Agreede a graunt
be made to George Reeve of ye syde Shopp and Backside abovsayd
for 21 yeares at ye Rent of 30° usuall covent*.”
It is not improbable that George Reeve was for some reason
compulsorily retired from the Council soon after the events of
September 1661, for his name disappears from those given as
present at the meetings.
In 1661 the Chamberlain notes :—
“Ttm Rec* of Mr. George Reeves ffor
his ffreedome 00 — 06 —0o
(this item refers to one of the issuer’s sons, who died soon after)
1663 Itm to Mr. Reeve for a Bason and Eure
presented to the Queens Ma—tie
(Catherine of Braganza, Queen of
Charles 2nd, who in 1663 visited the
City for the use of the waters) as per
Acquittance 3I1—10—00
1666 It paid to Mr. George Reeve for altering
the Macies 13-12-00
It paid for the Cases of the Macies per
Bill oo—o4—06
1669 It of Mr. George Reeves for his Seale
(Being Church Lands) oo—ob6—o8”
518
In August 1671 Reeve was readmitted to the Council, as it
was then “ Agreede that Mr. George Reeve be one of ye Comon
Counsell” “in ye place of Mr. ffrauncis Skryne deceased.” In
1674-5 he was one of the Bailiffs of the Citty, the Chamberlain
noting in :—
1675 “Itt Mr.George Reeve and Mr. Thomas
Gibbs for ye Bayliweeke 13 — 06 — 08
Itt Mr. George Reeve and Mr. Thomas
Gibbs for ye Shambles I0 —00—o00
1676 It Mr. Mathew Reeve for his ffreedome
(son of issuer) 00 — 06 — 00
Itt paid Mr. Reeve for work to the Maces oo —o2— 06”
On the 23rd of September 1676, “in the place of Mr. George
Reeves deceased.” ‘“‘Mr. Walter Jones” was elected to the
Council.
In 1678 the M. B. notes that Mathew Reeve, son of George,
had a shop in the Churchyard of S* Staulls (Staulls crossed out
and Peter and Paul written over it).
In 1679 is the entry ‘‘ Whether Mr. Reeve shall have his lease
renewed for 21 yeares of and in one Shopp in the Churchyard of
St Peter & Paull.”
This lease was evidently granted as the Chamberlain in 1679
MOtes|;——
“‘Ttem of Mr. Reeves for his fyne & seale 05 — 13 — 04.”
On March 5th 1683, the M. B. records that “Mr. Mathew
Reeve one of the corporation of the City and bayliffe of this City
being accused of treason whether he shall be turned out of this
corporation & likewise from being bayliffe—Agreede he shall not
be turned out of this Corporation.”
On the 26th, the matter was re-opened and it was then ‘‘ Agreed
that Mr. Reeve bee turned out of ye Corporacon and from being
Bayliff.”
On the 3rd of September following, is noted, ‘‘ Mr. Matthew
ae
——?
519
Reeve formerly a member of this Corporason being then accused
of Treason whereof he was displased since w™ tyme he hath been
acquitted—Whether he shall be admitted as a Comon Counsell
man in his former place,” this entry is crossed out and it was
discussed “If any action shall be brought ag* any officer or other
member of this Corporason by Mr. Reeve concerning his being
voted out of this Corporason & likewise from being Bayliffe
whether he or they shall be defended at the cost of the Chamber.
—Agreede by generall consent that the officer or member of this
Corporason that shall be sued by Mr. Reeve on the ground of his
being displased shall be defended at the charge of the Chamber.”
On the 6th of November 1685, occurs “ Whether Mr. Reeve his
mandamus now produced in court shall be allowed—Agreed it
shall be allowed.” Soon after this Matthew Reeve appears on
the Council roll.
On January 27th 1692, “ Mr. Mathew Reeve bids 5* to drowne
ffower yeares and for to take a Lease for fforty two yeares of & in
one Shop & little roome lying in Stauls Streete—Agreed for four
pounds and under the usuall rents and covenants provided that
Mr. Mathew Reeve produces the probatt of the will of Mr.
Walter Chapman (issuer No. 12) grandfather of Mr. Wm. Chapman
and by the said will a good Estate is made of the S# shop &
roome without any encumbrance.” On the 30th of September
1695, occurs ‘‘ What increased Rent shall Mr. Matthew Reeve ”
—“of and ina tenem Shop and backside lyinge in ye Church-
yard of St. Peter & Paul.”
The M. B. March 28th 1698, records “ Whether Mr. Matthew
Reeve shall be displased from being one of the Comon Counsell
of this City he having settled himselfe in Barbadoos—Agreed he
shall and is displased.” It may be that consequent on some
political or religious trouble of that time, relatives or friends of
Reeve had been deported to the West Indies and that he left
Bath to join them.
K
520
WILL* BATH.
73. 30. O: THOMAS . SALMON; * = A clasped Book.
R: IN. BATH ¢ 16673 * 3 * = A clasped
Book between T S
The issuer of this Token carried on business as a Bookseller, &c.
He was admitted a freeman by purchase in December 1663.
The following extracts are from the Abbey Registers :—
1663. Jan. 27. Elizabeth dau of Thomas Salmon&Anne Christened
1667. Mayg. Ruth dau of Thomas Salmon & Anne At
1668. Feb.14. Noah son of Thomas Salmon & Anne mt
1673. Oct. 15. Solomon son of Thomas Salmon & Anne _,,
1677. July 23. Thomas Salmon Burial
The Ch. Ac. for 1662 notes :—
“Itm paid Mr Thomas Salmon for new
binding the Counsell book 00 — ol — 06
Itm Mr Tho Salmon for the Act for
Hearths and for paper penns Inke
and waxe used at Hall per bill 00 — 04 — 08”
(Without a particle of evidence, one of Henry Chapman’s
detractors accuses him of having destroyed the Minutes lost from
the Hall-book, 1638-1643, but the loss is more probably due to a
careless binder, the culprit may have been Mr. Thomas Salmon.)
The M. B. Dec. 28th, 1663, records : “‘What Thomas Salmon
shall pay for his being a ffreeman of this Citty—Agreede that
‘!homas Salmon shall pay 54 for his ffreedome of this Citty.”
Curiously enough although £5 is specified, the Chamberlain for
1663 notes :-—
“‘Ttem of Mr Thomas Salmon for his
freedome by Composicon 03 — 02 — 00”
Presumably Salmon considered five pounds too much. From
the prefix, Mr, used when mentioning him, evidently he was a
somewhat important personage.
Thef{Chamberlain notes in :—
1664. “Itm to Mr Salmon for penns Inke
paper and wax 00 — 03 — oI
521
1665. Itm of Mr Salmon due upon Bond 05 — 00 — 00
Itm to Mr Salmon for parchment
paper pennes and Inke 00 — 10 — 04
1666. It paid Mr Thomas Salmon for binding
4 books in one for paper inke and
pennes per Bill 00 — 15 —o9
1672. It paid Mr Salmon for two Lawbooks
per bill oI — 00 — oo
1673. It pd Thomas Salmon for a receipte
booke oo — or — 06
1676. to Mr Salmon for Bindinge ye Charters 00 — 07 —o00
1677. to Mris Salmon per Bill 00 — 04 — 06
1678. To Mris Sallmon wid per order 00 — 04 — OI”
WILLS BATH
34 - 31-0: WILLIAM + sMITH=A pair of Croppers shears
R: IN» BATHE - 1666=W-I-S-
The issuer of this token was a “Clothier” probably carrying
on business in Frog Lane (site of present New Bond Street)
which opened off Broad (Northgate) Street. In this lane stood
a large building, this Mr. Murch in his “ History of the
Presbyterian and General Baptist Church” states was a “shear
shop” in which “the Presbyterian congregation assembled” in
1688. ‘The croppers’ shears then employed in the preparation
of cloth, used as a device upon his token, may connect the
issuer with this “ shear shop.”
1661. St. Michaels Register. Nov. 1. Hanna Smith dau
of William Burial
1673 Abbey Pt Aug. 31. Hanna dau of
William Smith
& Jane Christened
1681. St. Michaels a Aug. 21. Christian Smith
dau of Willm
& Jane Fi
1689. ~ 4 Apr. to. William Smith Burial
522
The Chamberlain in 1655, notes
“ Ttm of William Smith for his freedome oo —0o6 — oo”
On the 21st of September 1658, ‘‘ Willm Smith” was a
candidate for the Council, receiving but one vote, he was
effectually discouraged, for I cannot find that he tried again.
On the 16th of June 1660, ‘William Prynne Esq” ” “ presented
to the Kings most excellent Majesty in his Bedchamber at
Whitehall” “The humble Address of the Maior, Aldermen and
Citizens of” “the City of Bath” This address was signed
amongst others by the following Token issuers :—Baber, Biggs,
Bush, John Fisher, Masters, Pearce, Penny, Reed, Reeve, Smith
and White.
The Ch. Ac. for 1662 contains :—
“Ttem paid William Smith Clothier for
a newe brasse Cocke for the Conduit
at Mr. Clifts door 00 — 12 — 00”
The M. B. January 25th 1688, records “ William Smith bids
10° to add the life of Joane Smith in revertion of Mary Smith and
to take a new Lease for 99 yeares if the said Mary Smith and
Joane Smith shall so long live of and in one tenem* and Garden
lying in Broad Street—Agreed for ros and under the usuall rents
and coyen*s,” “ ffor a coppy of Licence 10%.”
WILL“ BATH
35. 32.0: IOHN * SWALLOW + y» * = A Swallow.
R: IN * BATH # 1669+ *=I1+*S +*S *
The following items may relate to the father and to the son of
the issuer.
1613. Abbey Registers. Richard Swallowe—Christian
Fisher Married
1694. St. James’ ,, June 10. John Swallow _Christened
1730. Abbey aH Sep. 15. John Swallow Burial
In 1631 Richard Swallow was one of the City Ale-tasters.
The M. B. December 1634, notes a “ Graunt made to Richard
523
Swallowe of Tenem* and stable and one pcell of grounde some-
time belonginge to sd Richard 9 foot square for 99 yeares if
Willm John and Alice live, ffine 30° old rent usuall coven and
to tyle it.” At this date Richard Swallow was the Beadle and
Town Crier.
The Chamberlain in 1648, notes :-—
“Ttm of John Swallow for his ffreedome oo — 06 — 00”
On December 26th 1659, the M. B. records “ Whether ye 3o0li
being Mr. Edward Hortons money paid in by Mr. Dailimores
Executors shall bee lent out to John Swallowe of this Citty—
Agreede that ye syd 30 li be lent to ye syd John Swallowe.”
WILL* BATH.
36 . 33 . O: EDWARD * WHITE * = The Mercers Arms
R: MERCER * 1N * BATH * 1655 * = E*I*W>
The following extracts are from the Abbey Registers :—
1648. July 4. Elizabeth dau of Edward White & Joane Christened
1669. Oct.17. William son of Mr Edward White
Alderman of this Cittie and Joane Burial
1672. Apr. 28. Edward White Alderman -
The Chamberlain notes in 1646 :—
“Ttem of Edward White for his
ffreedome 00 — 04 — 00”
On the 21st of August, 1648, Edward White entered the
Council.
The Chamberlain in 1650 notes :—
“Ttem of Mr Edward White for an
encroachment 00 — OI — 00”
This entry recurs in the accounts for many years. The
encroachment was probably the opening of a shop or the placing
of a shop window, one shilling being a common annual rent for
this, as
“Ttem of William Ball for an incroach-
ment by settinge up of a Shopp upon
the Cittie wast 00 — OI —00”
524
“Item of Thomas Parker for settinge upp his Shopp
Windowe graunted him from our Lady Day 1637 for
the Terme of Seaven yeares as by the graunt appeareth
the Some of one shilling per annum.”
In 1652, Edward White was one of the Bailiffs, the Chamberlain
then noting,
“TItm of Mr. John Masters and Mr.
Edward White ffor their Bayliwicke
ffor ye yeare last past 13 — 06 — 08
Item paid Mr. Masters & Mr. White
ffor business done for ye Corporaton or —10—o0o
1664 It paid to Mr. Edward White for the
Intrest of ffifty poundes 00 —— 15 — 00”
In 1666 Edward White was Chamberlain, and in September
1668 was “elected one of ye Aldermen of this Citty.”
The Ch. Ac. for 1670 notes :—
“Tt pd Mr. Edward White for 1lb of
refined sugar for ye Mayor & Judg
of ye Sessions oo — or — 06”
In September 1670 it was “ Agreede Mr. Edward White shall
be Mayor of this Citty for ye yeare ensuing” (October 1670-71).
White was one of the Justices when he died in April 1672.
In presenting this paper with pleasure I acknowledge my
indebtedness to the Rev. C. W. Shickle, who kindly permitted
me full access to his copies of the rolls of account of the City
Chamberlains, the numerous extracts I have used from them are
by his courtesy. A typewritten copy of these interesting accounts
he recently presented to the City, for this receiving the thanks of
the Council. For the light these valuable transcripts throw upon
the history of Bath, they should be printed so as to be still more
accessible ; as to this I suggest to the Members of the Council
that they might well repeat the action of their predecessors
————-
525
towards the Rev. R. Warner in 1797, and make a grant for the
purpose.
The extracts from the Hall or Minute Books of the City, were
copied by permission of the late Town Clerk (B. H. Watts, Esq.),
some of the writing in these Books is almost illegible, and a few
of the pages have been misplaced in binding up, should errors
be found in the dates I have given, this must be my apology.
For access to the Abbey Registers I have to acknowledge the
kind permission of the Rev. Preb. S. Boyd.
As to the Registers of the Churches of St. Michael and of St.
James, I am indebted to the type-written copies of these, recently
made by the Rev. C. W. Shickle and by him most kindly presented
to the City (Reference Library),
The numbers under wILL* refer to the Somerset section of the
work on “Trade Tokens issued in the Seventeenth Century” by
Dr. G. C. Williamson.
Contractions used :—O for obverse ; R for reverse.
= signifies that what follows is in the central part.
| denotes that the inscription is in lines divided at that point.
P e
-I
but for the convenience of printing they are placed in line, thus,
R-I-P-
Three initials generally appear on the tokens, thus R
526
The Via Julia and Lansdown Tumuli.
By A. Trick Martin, M.A., F.S.A.
A detailed account of the excavations for which the Field
Club provided the necessary funds, will appear in a later volume
of the Report. It may, however, meanwhile be of interest to
state that the work on the grass lane south of Prospect stile
tended to confirm the theory that a part of this lane at any rate
was a Roman road, and there appears no doubt that this road
descended the steep face of the hill towards Weston, and that it
is still represented by the bank of part of the sunken path.
Excavations further to the east on the supposed continuation of
its line through the northern outskirts of Weston produced only
negative results.
On Lansdown itself, excavations in the so-called Roman camp
revealed no evidence of a Roman origin, but the road which
passes through the British Camp overlooking North Stoke was
cut in several places and has every appearance of being Roman.
One of the tumuli in this Camp was opened, but nothing of
interest was found. ‘lwo other tumuli were opened on the
Down to the east of this Camp, and in one, notwithstanding that
it had been previously opened, were found, besides fragments of
pottery, bones, many small pieces of copper, or bronze, many of
which still retained the original plating of gold. These on
examination appear to be part of a sun disc and therefore of
considerable interest. A photograph will be published with the
detailed report.
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534
Summary of Proceedings and Excursions for the year 1904-1905.
By the Honorary Secretaries.
Mr. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN,
The Annual Meeting of the Field Club was held at the
Royal Literary and Scientific Institution on February 18th, rg04.
The accounts for the year were presented by the Treasurer,
Colonel Nash, and showed a balance of £44 16s. 7d. in favour
of the Club. In the election of officials the changes made were
the substitution of Mr. Trice Martin for Mr. McMurtrie as Vice-
President, and of Mr. Kemble for Mr. Trice Martin on the
Committee. Mr. Appleby was asked to undertake the duties
of Librarian, and consented. The Club has lost only one
Member by death: Mr. Austin J. King, who had been a Member
since 1885, and who had contributed on two occasions to the
Transactions of the Club, died on August 28th. It would be
superfluous here to enter upon an account of Mr. King’s career:
it is fully recorded in the local papers, and the special memorials
of his work are to be found not in the annals of our Club but in
the Educational developments of the late School Board, of which
he was a prominent member. Still, it is fitting to mention here
his contributions to antiquarian knowledge, the chief of which
was his book on the Municipal Records of Bath, in the prepara-
tion of which he had the Town Clerk (Mr. B. H. Watts) as his
coadjutor. He wrote also a History of Bath from the Norman
Conquest to the r9th Century for the Handbook prepared for
the visit of the British Association in 1888. In alluding to the
loss the Club had sustained, the President laid special stress on
the services Mr. King had rendered in elucidating our interesting ~
Civic Records.
In August the British Archzeological Association visited Bath,
and as was fitting, such preparations as could be made. by the
Club to render their gathering successful were carried out. The
535
Club Committee were invited to join the General Committee
which dealt’ with the reception by the Mayor, and on the evening
of August 12th the President and Mrs. Shickle entertained the
visitors and other friends at the Guildhall. Addresses were
delivered by the President on the City Chamberlain’s Accounts
and by Mr. Sydenham on the Bath Waters and Radium.
Through the kindness of the Town Clerk (Mr. B. H. Watts) the
City Charters were exhibited in the Library, and described by
Dr. W. De Gray Birch, the Hon. Treasurer of the Association.
With almost uniformly fine weather for their excursions, and with
provision made for enjoyable evenings, the members of the British
Archzological Association could not fail to be gratified with their
visit to Bath in 1904.
During the year the work of opening the tumuli on Lansdown
was proceeded with, and £5 was voted in October for the
continuance of Mr. Trice Martin’s enquiries into the line followed
by the Via Julia. To carry on the work on Lansdown the co-
operation of landowners and tenants was obviously necessary, and
the Club sent cordial letters of thanks to those who had given the
required permission to dig on their property, and votes of thanks
were also passed to Messrs. Bush and Grey, who had assisted
‘Mr. Trice Martin in the exploration. A short account of the
work, so far as it has proceeded, has been forwarded by
Mr. Martin, and will be found on page 526. The Committee,
while desirous to help in a work so intimately connected with
‘the purposes for which the Club was formed, felt that they could
not, from the funds at their disposal, give as much pecuniary
assistance as they wished : it is, therefore, hoped that gentlemen
who take an interest in such explorations will be induced to join
the Club, and with an increased balance to the Club’s credit no
doubt some valuable finds might be expected.
The papers which are here given in full will be perused with
‘interest. Mr. Green contributes a paper on John Wilkes, in
which will be found the items of expenditure necessarily incurred
L
536
a hundred years ago by visitors to Bath on their way hither and
during their stay ; Mr. Davey gives us a geological paper, and
Mr. Sydenham the third paper in succession on Tokens, a subject
in which he is so thoroughly well-informed ; and once more
Mr. Castellain provides us with the valuable summary of his
notes on birds and flowers.
EXCURSIONS.
Corsham and Lacock, April 19th, 1904.—A party of six made
their first excursion of the season. Leaving Bath by the 11.32
train, Corsham was soon reached, and permission having been
duly obtained, Corsham Court was visited. For the benefit of
those wishing to see the interior of the Court, it may be mentioned
that permission should be obtained from the Steward, Mr. W. J.
Barton, Estate Office, Corsham. The Court may be viewed on
Tuesdays or Fridays, and a fee of 1s. for each visitor must
be paid. Not more than ten can be admitted in one party.
Corsham Court was built in 1583 by “‘ Customer Smythe,” one
of the farmers of the’ Customs to Elizabeth, and is still in part
Elizabethan. In 1602 it was bought by the Hungerfords of
Farleigh. The Methuens purchased it in 1746. The chief
interest of the house lies in its pictures. The obliging house-
keeper, Mrs. Davis, has a privately printed catalogue of these,
which visitors may inspect, and the pictures are numbered.
Among these are Vandyck’s “Betrayal of the Saviour,” Fiesole’s
“Death of the Virgin,” a fine Poussin, and numerous works of
the old masters.
The church, which adjoins the Court, is interesting. Originally
Norman, as the nave testifies, the tower is Early English, there
are some decorated windows and some fine tombs. The parvise
has a south window. A curious inscription over the door in the
porch was noted. There was formerly a gravestone to the
memory of Sarah Jarvis, who died at the age of 107, having
cut a new set of teeth in her old age. But the sexton was not
537
present, and the whereabouts of the grave could not be
ascertained. The old churchyard is on the north side of the
church, which is unusual. .
A pretty walk across the park leads to the almshouses, a
picturesque block of buildings, founded in 1672 by Margaret,
widow of Sir Edward Hungerford, and a few steps further on is
the “Methuen Arms,” where a welcome luncheon was provided
for the party.
A start was next made for Lacock Abbey, entrance fee 6d.
each, where an intelligent guide conducted the party round the
buildings and pointed out the features of interest. Lacock has
been so often described that it is unnecessary to say much about
t, but so many discoveries have been made of late by the owner,
Mr. Talbot, that something new is to be noticed whenever it is
visited. It is curious to observe how the designs of the new and
old work have clashed. But the general effect is good, and the
place is charmingly situated. The external appearance of part
of the house has been spoilt in picturesqueness by the removal
of the ivy, but it was found to be destroying the walls, and so had
to go. The old caldron of the Abbey is still to be seen near
the pond.
The church was unfortunately closed, and there was no time
to hunt for the key. For the benefit of more fortunate visitors
it may be noted that the tomb of Sherington is in the Lady
Chapel. He purchased Lacock at the Dissolution, pulled down
the Abbey Church, and built most of the residential portion
of the house. There is a brass of Robert Baynard, 1501.
It being late, the party returned to Corsham, where, after tea,
the 6.6 train was taken for Bath. The weather was perfect, and
the excursion altogether was most enjoyable.
Bridgwater, July 12th, r190¢.—An excursion was made to
Bridgwater by the train leaving Bath at 9.53. The parish church
was first visited, its notable features being pointed out by the
genial vicar, Dr. Powell, who, fortunately for the members, was
538
‘present. The church, which is dedicated to S. Mary Magdalene,
‘was restored in 1848-57, but the fine old carved oak screens
remain, dating, according to some authorities, from the end of the
“XIV. Century. This work has been very successfully imitated in
the new screen, just erected. The curious priest’s room, inside
the church, the corporation pew, Jacobean, and some puzzling
‘stone work on the outside of the church, were duly noted. The
Altar piece, a painting of the ‘‘ Descent from the Cross,” said to
have been taken from a privateer, was presented to the town by
the Hon. Anne Poulett, M.P., so named after his godmother,
Queen Anne. It is of the Italian school, and has been attributed
to Guido, or one of the Caracci. The Vicar is of opinion that
the picture is a genuine Murillo, for, among others, the following
reasons :—The style is Spanish rather than Italian’; the metal
pot in one corner is Spanish in design ; Mary Magdalene wears a
blue fillet in her hair, and her costume is not Italian ; and the
feet of the Virgin, Mary Magdalene, and another are ostentatiously
concealed, the composition being somewhat deranged to allow of
this being done, while the foot of S. John, who supports our
Lord’s head, is very prominent. This is due, the Vicar thinks, to
the fact that at the time Murillo was painting, a Papal ordinance
was in force prohibiting the exhibition in such pictures of the
feet of the Holy Women. The tomb said to be that of John
Oldmixon, the historian, in the churchyard, was visited, but
beyond the name of Oldmixon little could be made of the
inscription, which, as the antiquary died in 1742, is perbaps not
to be wondered at, nor, seeing the untrustworthiness of much that
he wrote, to be deplored.
There is an entry in the church records that when Whitfield
came to Bridgwater to preach “one of the fire-engines was got
‘out, and he was pumped upon, the Vicar assisting.”
Leland only notes that he saw “one large Paroch Church.”
“The Towne of Bridgwater,” he remarks, ‘‘is not wallid, nor
hath not beene by any lykelyhod that I saw. Yet there be 4
ey dn,
539
Gates in the Towne namid as be sette by Est, West, North and
South. The Waulles of the Stone Houses of the Toune be yn
steede of the Towne Waulles. I rode from the South Gate yn a
praty Streate a while, and then I turnid by Est and came to the
Market Place.” ‘The Castelle,” says Leland, “sumty me a
right fair and strong Peace of Worke, but now al goyng to mere
Ruine, standith harde bynethe the Bridge of the West side of the
Haven.” At the suggestion of the Vicar, Mr. Major was called
upon, at his office on the Quay, and he very kindly pointed out
portions of the old castle upon his premises ; strong-rooms had
been “dug out” of the walls, which were 11 feet in thickness,
and the entrance to a passage said to lead under the river Parrett;
was pointed out. The castle was built by Walter Briwere in the
reign of King John.
The two crosses formerly at Bridgwater have disappeared. At
the Market Cross the Mayor proclaimed the Duke of Monmouth
King of England. On one of the pillars of this cross was engraved
“Mind your own Business.” The other was called the Pig
Cross, probably a corruption of Pignes, an ancient manor of
Bridgwater, on the boundaries of which it is known that a cross
stood. :
After luncheon at the Royal Clarence Hotel, near which is the
statue of Admiral Blake, whose birth-place still stands in Blake
Street, the party left in a well-horsed break for Chedzoy, the
intelligent driver pointing out objects of interest by the way, the
Bussex “rhine” or ditch, which proved so fatal to Monmouth, the
place where many of the victims of the “last great battle on
English soil” were buried, &c. Chedzoy Church has a handsome
tower, and its porch is covered with roses. There are some good
bench-ends, and a brass of a mailed figure, name unknown. In
a carved chest is a fine old Bible of 1617, but all in pieces.
Could not the rector have it decently repaired and. cared for ?
Over the porch are the letters H.P. and a bird, the initials, and
probably the rebus of a former rector, and Abbot Beere’s
540
monogram. The date, 1579, probably refers to a restoration of
the church.
Weston Zoyland Church, which was next visited, has some
good bench-ends, and the canopied tomb of an ecclesiastic. It
was said that a fine view of the battlefield of Sedgmoor might
be had from the tower, but the vicar was unfortunately absent,
and the key was not to be had. The church was used as a prison
by Feversham. Middlezoy Church, which is on rising ground,
was a conspicuous object long before it was reached. The rector,
observing the party, kind'y guided them over the church, which
is mostly Early English, and possesses several features of interest.
The pulpit is Jacobean, and there is a good font with an oaken
cover. The bench-ends are good, some remarkably so, and on
one is a standing figure of the type of those met with on the old
Irish crosses. On the stones forming the floor of the chancel are
some curious inscriptions, and under the matting in the nave is a
brass plate recording the death of “ Louis Chevalier de Misitres,”
slain fighting ‘‘against ye King’s enemies commanded by ye
Rebel Duke of Monmouth.’”” On the outer sill of the North
door are a rudely incised cross and a key. The dedication of
the church is the “Invention of the Cross.” Probably these
symbols may refer to this dedication, and imply that “The cross
is the key to Heaven.” An old Altar tomb in the churchyard,
dated 1504, bears an inscription, almost illegible, but which
might, with patience and a good light, be deciphered. But it
would probably not repay the trouble. Not far off is the tower of
Othery Church, and on an adjacent hill that of Borough Bridge.
This latter seems not to have been used as a parish church ; it is
even doubtful if it has ever been used for service. It had two
bells, both of which have been stolen, Middlezoy being credited
with the theft of one.
The Rector of Middlezoy and his wife most kindly entertained
the party at tea, and gave them all the information available. It
being late, a start was made for Bridgwater, where the 6.3 train
541
was caught, and Bath was reached at 7.41. There had been a
thunderstorm at Bridgwater in the morning, which had cooled
the air and laid the dust. The drive, though not so picturesque
as in some other parts of the county, was pretty and interesting,
the Polden and Ham Hills being in sight all the way, while the
Quantocks were visible in the distance.
The excursions to Stourton, Ludlow, and Gloucester and
Deerhurst were not carried out, as very few names were sent in.
LIBRARY.
The additions to the Library during the year have been chiefly
the works contributed by the Smithsonian Institution of the
United States and similar publications from that country. There
are also the various issues of Local Field Clubs and similar
Societies with which we exchange publications.
BATH NATURAL HISTORY & ANTIQUARIAN
FIELD CLUB.
INSTITUTED FEBRUARY 18th, 1855.
LIST OF MEMBERS FOR THE YEAR 1908.
PRESIDENT.
1903 *A, TRICE MARTIN, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., Bath College.
VICE-PRESIDENTS.
1889 *Rev. C. W. SHICKLE, M.A., F.S.A., 9, Cavendish Crescent.
1895 *Rev. T. W. WHALE, M.A., Mountnessing, Weston, Bath.
SECRETARIES.
1902 *J. LANGFIELD WARD, Esq., M.A., Weston Lawn, Weston, Bath.
1893 *M. H. SCOTT, Esq., 5, Lansdown Place, W.
LIBRARIAN.
1902 *E. J. APPLEBY, Esq., 8, Argyle Street.
TREASURER.
1897 *Lieut.-Col. G. S. NASH, 7, Laura Place.
1865 GREEN Emanuel, Esq., F.S.A., Devonshire Club, St. James, London.
1867 *INMAN T.F., Esq., Kilkenny House, Sion Hill,
1870 HARPER C., Esq., L.R.C.P., M.R.C.S., Manor House, Batheaston.
1872 SHUM Fred., Esq., F.S.A., 17, Norfolk Crescent.
*MARTIN Rev. W. W., M.A., 49, Pulteney Street.
1874 TAGART W. H., Esq., F.R.G.S., Parkfield, Park Gardens.
1875 EVANS Major J. Ll., J.P., 12, Cavendish Place.
1876 *HENDERSON W. H., Esq., 9, Royal Crescent.
1878 MACKILLOP C. W., Esq., J.P., 14, Royal Crescent.
SKRINE Col. H. Mills, J.P., Warleigh.
FOXCROFT E. T.D., Esq., J.P., D.L., Hinton Charterhouse. —
1880 GAINE Charles, Esq., M.R.C.S., Weston Lea, Weston Park.
SHUM F. Ernest, Esq., 3, Union Street.
ae
543
1882 *BARLOW W. H., Esq., Cleveland Villa, Bathwick.
*NORMAN G., Esq., M.R.C.S., 12, Brock Street.
MANTELL Surgeon-Major, A. A., M.D., The Elms, Bathampton.
TUCKER J. Allon, Esq., J.P., 9, Green Park.
POWELL G. F., Esq., 25, Green Park.
1883 KITT Benjamin, Esq., C.H., Sydney Lodge, Bathwick.
BLATHWAYT Lieut.-Col. L., F.L.S., F. Ent. 8. Eagle House
Batheaston.
1885 BYROM Edmord, Esq., 3, Edgar Buildings.
1886 GEORGE Rev. P. E., M.A., Winifred House, Sion Hill.
LEWIS Egbert, Esq., 12, Bathwick Street.
, FULLER E. N., Esq, 6, Ainslie’s Belvedere.
1887 SCOTT R. J. H., Esq., F.R.C.S., 28, Circus.
PALMER-HALUETTE T. G., Esq., M.A., J.P., Claverton Lodge,
Bathwick Hill.
» HOLST Johan, Esq., 35, Pulteney Street.
1889 ALEXANDER P. Y., Esq., The Mount, Batheaston.
THOMSON Col. H., The Elms, Weston Park.
1890 *FANSHAWE Col. T. B., 24, Park Street.
» WEST Rey. W. H., M.A., 25, Pulteney Street.
» ROSE H. F., Esq., 18, Grosvenor.
» DAVIS Col. T. Arnoll, R.A., J.P., Weston Park House.
1891 RICKETTS Col. Montague, Shelbourne Villa, Lansdown.
1892 BRAIKENRIDGE W. J., Esq., J.P., 16, Royal Crescent.
» BUSH Robert C., Esq., 1, Winifred’s Dale.
*BUSH Thomas S., Esq., 20, Camden Crescent.
» PRYCE Ernest, Esq., 10, Cavendish Crescent. |
1893 CASTELLAIN Alfred, Esq., 59, Pulteney Street.
1894 *KEMBLE W., Esq., J.P., Beechfield, Bathampton.
1896 SMITH Lieut.-Gen. Clement J., 22, Marlborough Buildings.
» DAVIS C. Price, Esq., J.P., Manor House, Bathampton.
,, SCARTH Leveson E., Esq., M.A., Keverstone, Cleveland Walk.
1897 SCOTT Surgeon-Major R. R., 54, Pulteney Street.
» RAWLINS Major Edw. B., St. Albans, Weston, Bath.
SPENCER Sydney, Esq., Mount Beacon House.
1898 MARTYN Gilbert King, Esq., B.A., M.D., 12, Gay Street.
, NEAL Alfred E., Esq., Lyde House, Sion Hill.
1899 ADCOCK Surgeon-Major J., 1, Queen’s Parade.
COTTERELL T. Sturge, Esq., J.P., Abbey Lodge, Lyncombe Hill.
» RICHARDSON Rev. A., The Vicarage, Combe Down.
1900 ROGERS Rev. Canon Percy, R.N., M.A., 17, Pulteney Street.
1901 JENNINGS, W. E., Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., 13, Camden Crescent.
1902 SISSMORE Rev. T. L., M.A., 31, Green Park.
”
544
1903 BENSON J. R., Esq., F.R.C.S., L.R.C.P., 1, Oxford Row.
» CONINGHAM Major-Gen. H. E., 98, Sydney Place.
1904 BAYLISS R. A., Esq., M.R.C S,, L.R.U.P., 5, Gay Street.
1905 FALCONER J. P. E., Esq., 151, Adelaide Road, Hampstead, London.
» GREY G., Esq., Collina, Bathwick Hill.
» BULLEID G.L., Esq., A.R.W.S., 57, Combe Park.
5 BARNWELL Rey, C. E. B., 1, Lansdown Place, W.
» SOWELS F., Esq., M.A., Bath College.
» WARDLE F.D., Esgq., 15, Bathwick Hill.
» TODD S,, Esq., Beaumont, Lansdown.
* Members of Committee of Management.
HON. MEMBERS.
1864 DAWKINS Professor W. Boyd, F.R.S., F.G.S. d&c., Owens College,
Manchester.
1868 TAYLOR Col. R. L., C.B., 22, Gay Street.
1873 HERIOT Major-Gen. Mackay.
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LIST OF EXCURSIONS AND WALKS.
(Continued from Vol. VII., p. 96, and Vol. LX., p. 326.)
TQO!.
Chew Magna and Stanton Drew ...
Cadbury and Queen Camel
Symond’s Yat and Goodrich
1902.
Berkeley Castle
Iron Acton, Yate and Horton
Yeovil, Montacute and Stoke-sub-Hamdon...
Bristol
Box Roman Villa
1903.
Forest of Dean
Wardour Castle
Caerwent
1904.
Corsham and Lacock
Bridgwater and Sedgemoor
April 23
May 21
July 16
April 30
May 27
July 15
Sept. 23
Oct. 14
May 26
June 16
July 14
April 19
July 12.
547
SOCIETIES AND INSTITUTIONS TO WHICH THE
PROCEEDINGS OF THE CLUB ARE
ANNUALLY FORWARDED.
i EEE EE al
Augustana College, Rock Island, IIl., U.S.A.
Barrow Naturalists’ Field Club.
Bath Royal Literary and Scientific Institution.
Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club.
Berwickshire Naturalists’ Society.
Bradford Historical and Antiquarian Society.
Bristol Naturalists’ Society.
British Association for the Advancement of Science.
British Museum Copyright Office, Bloomsbury.
= 55 Natural History Department, South Kensington.
Cambridge University Library.
Cardiff Naturalists’ Society.
Christiania Royal Norwegian University.
Cincinnati, Ohio, Lloyd Library.
Clifton Antiquarian Club.
Cornwall Royal Institution.
43 Royal Polytechnic Society.
Costa Rica National Museum, S. José.
Cotteswold Naturalists’ Field Club.
Dublin Trinity College Library.
Edinburgh Advocates’ Library.
Geological Society.
Geologist Association.
Glasgow Natural History Society.
a Philosophical Society.
Hampshire Field Club.
Hertford Natural History Society.
Holmesdale Natural History Club.
Linnean Society.
Liverpool Literary and Philosophical Society.
Manchester Microscopical Society.
Norfolk and Norwich Naturalists’ Society.
Nottingham Naturalists’ Society.
Nova Scotia Institute of Science, Halifax.
Oxford Bodleian Library.
Peterborough Natural History Society.
Royal Irish Academy, Dublin.
Smithsonian Institute, Washington, U.S.A.
Somersetshire Archeological and Natural History Society.
Upsala Royal University Geological Institution.
Warwickshire Naturalists’ and Archzeologists’ Field Club.
Washington U.S. Geological Survey of the Territories.
Wiltshire Archeological and Natural History Society.
Yorkshire Philosophical Society.
PRESENTED
7 DEG. 1908
5h My.
CONTENTS OF ‘Vou x, PART
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‘or. Mempers, Baader SHEET, AND ‘SoctertEs
Be ance: OF PROCEEDINGS WITH THE ‘Frew |