ae Metter 12 on ANT up Ras SH THEM 1 nr: i i ue Hire PET en, Au Se + nia at a Pryde RCE ag MA re oie 4 rae AE CPCARE 12379 s'bbaes x ” TEE Hs “ns te A + sta Pak tre ufe th À A2 Pin Tis Cla hate Aoi ayers rh + Pa Sa a fs Cara du te. AE Ep Uy ATi anv pass PILE ine annees Dane r 8 Ansar met EnT Sat aS A bated NA , Me, oa MER mue sr rue Ee 8 5 CT PV A toate 141 4 adres beech, 50 ART au ny à SUD mn tu À ha € Sia? 08 te LAURENT FAUDRA A AO TNA E Para thee HI POLE soy RARE DAT tana) (0 MOMENT LATE légers ae Jde CHE MA rss TN A hist DEC TES a Res ++ frat Re are gaie * 0} 4 Le s. €». ® LUE ry » ARR tts ness on: faeces AE: Dex ete è POTAMLENCE EE: 4! MEN DEN fang pra ns LH ODA sn gg Ports RATE * ATEN AR 7 CHENE REDOUTE DLL, OST D7 JL fre COUALEE AE fu aes mu its ne tenses besoin : APN PHASE perte i bast Lente astern ey she seve Dm ENS Kb: el PAU ES FEU à REA arper gris SPAIPEUNER PASTEUR wid ee niet En oe Pe ee sere acor Dp wea pee ai gestae Roda pears RENTE ead PRE ETES ECS EEE eee AE tad bo GE ANY POTTER ENST ES ETES ETES Berg dora as DEN by Aire Se ET RARE EN Mb eas PACE TE ‘at woe RATE ou Was eta? ge was ty are regs ee oo COTON PLAINES PROS TES RER EEE CORDON UE RSC E ES oy “yn bree Ae te, Le Sige awe a ste weer EME Ut aera so 8 Ni RARE EE are rene " LA + 2 af ARC AO HE TAS + 5 À ra al 14 x pa b PEL i 1 | es [ i k > if NE. [18 i i F4 i Li Le th | j 1 ~ i } ( LA “ | - D NON uit f ; re, DES | ae ‘gh - \, ie b } ; 7 RE 1 Wy) ' os dl À À us ui val , 2) RENTE | HU TA à Tea | iy Rh eee IT RACE Ph i | | ER ; arf) | ; | : PSE ; à ya 7 p vid f ; ; MEMOIRES ET COMP TES usm Dor DE LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA \ 4 TROISIEME SERIE-TOME 1 SÉANCE DE MAT 1907 EN VENTE CHEZ JAS. HOPE ET FILS, OTTAWA; LA CIE COPP-CLARK (LIMITÉE), TORONTO BERNARD QUARITCH, LONDRES, ANGLETERRE 1907 PROCEEDINGS TRANSACTIONS OF THE RON AL Se Gre by OF CANADA THIRD, SERIES—-VOLUME I MEETING. OF MAY, 1907 tn AO"; =) OR JAMES HOPE & SON, OTTAWA ; THE COPP-CLARK CO. (Lim1tTED), TORONTO BERNARD QUARITCH, LONDON, ENGLAND 1907 emmené Key ‘PABLE OF CONTENTS List of Officers of the Society for 1907-08................ 1 List of Fellows and Corresponding Members............ 2-4 PPS Or ETS CAO secrete, Cae a ad oA RE AE RIRES RER 5 PROCEEDINGS. List of Fellows present at May meeting................ I ADE GO OLLEMD ido ne wa Nia Se esha de ee ee © I Newly Elected Fellows presented...........:.......... IT PORTO OUT Ga aro SN EN ER Re a le EL à a Pr trg OF Transachons ii SR LR «swe one IT PARLE CAD LD ANRT IC AE ER RER A EE clo lela « III Se IMEMLOCTSR UN as NAS iia & DAS LISE sn IV APEC TU ORES Me shot CRAN RER RASE ES A EEE RSS ER RE V 5. Amendments to Constitution or rules................ V CRAN 10) Aberdeen LM Par VI Te BETES: A SSO CHULA Mis. io die tara malle Wa ost 2) na dela à MAL Gr meersng oy Meteorologisis| 242230. 2 ere VII DAS OTiCal FRAVOTROTICS” AURA ANS Er Lehre Vil 10. International Congress of Americanists.............. VLE 11. Deceased Members—Dr. W. H. Drummond, Wm. Kirby. VIII RME EN eos Lise bie ers ie RS EURE X 13. Government Work, Literary and Scientific. ........... X 14. The British Association—Report by Chairman........ XI LOG TEE CN IS OCECLUER. aj e054 ss > 5: we al i LU an ere XII GENERAL BUSINESS. FRCSOLUTIONS COOPLC ee af thew 3. srarey ais oie oyahers) se ee es eieie'e= XII Committee for Nomination of Officers appointed.......... XII General Publication Committee appointed................ XII Special Committee appointed to consider the Rules of the SOCIOL rau eyes saya Wiel ane er nara SE AE RE ECTS XIII Reports of Associated Societies. ..... AS LE ARR AU EUX XIII Presidential Address 0... ee user session XIII Report of Section I.......,.....,%, sv. XIII Report of Section (Doi. 2.4. cece ie halk ee ua gale ee nee XV Report of Section IIT.................. .............. XVII Report of Publication Committee of Section IIT.......... XIX Report of Section IV................................. XX Amendments to Regulations—First Report.............. XXII Popular Lecture by Prof. T'utherford.................... XXII Vatedap TRAM. «io nj welds da de Us sun eee vues XXIII Amendments to Regulations, Second Report.............. XXIII Fellow placed on Retired List.......... .............. XXV Votes of Thanks...".................4..ssussrssencen XXV 31882 II ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Bleciion OF NG enendd sO icens RENE Minera Oana een XXV Anna} Darian’ HSE ie EC PA atl Ya ORL ee eo XXVI APPENDICES. A.—PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. Agricultural Progress. By. Dr, Wm. Saunders, C.M.G..., XXIX B.—THE CANADIAN ARCHIVES. Report on Current Work........ PR Ga tee A RUN XLVII C.—BIOLOGICAL .STATIONS. Marine@Brologecal Station: «2-2 Jc) see beget eee Re LI Georgian Bay Biological Stahon..................,.% LITT D.—METEOROLOGICAL SERVICE. The Meteorological Service of Canada. By R. F. Stupart.. LVI E.—THE DoMINION ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATORY. Report iby W. Fi, Kang. DEAD... SARNIA LXVIII F.—TuHeE Metric SYSTEM. report of Comimattoe sys NII NII ENS se cies seinen ae LXXVII Address by Sir Sandford Fleming..................... LXXVII A “ Metric” Compromise. By W. W. Smith..." LXXXIII G.—REPORTS oF ASSOCIATED SOCIETIES. I. The Nova Scotian Institute of Science.......... LXXXIX IT. The Ontario Historical Society. 22.05 ENS XC III. The Literary and Historical Society of Quebec... XCII IV. The Natural History Society of New Brunswick. . XCV V. The Niagara Historical Society..........:...... XCVIIL VI. The Ottawa Literary and Scientific Society...... XCIX VII. The Royal. Astronomical Society of Canada (To- | Onto Section) cole toate cae TRADER ELEREEUE CI VIII. The Royal Astronomical Society of Canada (Otta- WB Sec Hon). à) SED LEO ee teeta CII IX. The New Brunswick Historical Society.......... CVI X. The Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Mont- dt) RA A Ne OE i iar gh DUR Lae aN CVII XI. The Women’s Historical Society of the County of COLES SOMA OCR ETS QU Beet SN ECS A onl CVIII TABLE OF CONTENTS III XII. The Elgin Historical and Scientific Institute.... CIX XIII. L'Institut Canadien Français d'Ottawa.......... GT XIV. The Natural History Society of Montreal........ .CXIT XV. The Ottawa Field-Naturalists Club ............ CXV XVI. Le Cercle Lnttéraire et Musical de Montréal...... CXVIII XVII. The Entomological Society of Ontario.......... CXX XVIII. The Women’s Canadian Historical Society of SD OL UE A ARE GOREN ede ct aes Naa es RERUN Ei ST CXXII XIX. The Natural History Society of British Columbia. CXXIV XX. The Hamilton Scientific Association. .......1.:. CXXV RSR Le Champlain’ SOEUR INTIME OE CXXVI XXII. The Nova Scotia Historical Society:............ CXXVIII XXE The Canadian :Insiviute, Toronto! 0.33 UN os CX XIX XXIV. Summary Report, Botanical Club of Canada...... CRE TRANSACTIONS. SECTION I. I. Essai sur Charlevoix (première partie). Par J.- ES MONO A pee iON Se We IP pESe RE ENST AE SN ne 3 IT. Etienne Brulé. Par BENJAMIN SULTE.............. 97 Ill. L’Abbé Holmes et Instruction Publique. Par M. abbé ACIDE SEINE OS UNE ARR ARR sic RE gal Se ao AR ARR ae) 127 SECTION II. I. Inaugural introduction to Section II, Royal Society of Canada, 1907. By Rev. Dr. N. BURWASH...... 3 II. The Talbot Papers—Edited, with Preface, Introduction and some Annotations (Portrait). By James H. COAST eus MER a oy SLE NER gs rh vag 834) 15 III. General Hull’s Invasion of Canada in 1812. By Lr.-Cor. B'ACRDERSEANIER 0 Landa een RNA ah inn 211 IV. The Labrador Boundary Question (Map). By Most REV, ARCHBISHOP ELOW LEY Ne. ne se 291 . York Factory to the Blackfeet Country—The Journal of Anthony Hendry, 1754-55. (Maps and Photos.) Hdited by. uAWRENCH) Ji) BURPEES 1. 2 5/65 am ae 307 SECTION III. . Further Notes on the Difference of Temperature betweem Mount Royal and the McGull College Observatory— Local Temperature Forecasting (Diagrams). By Pror. C. H. McLxop and Dr. H. T: BARNES...... 3 IV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA II. On the Radio-activity of Lead and other Metals. By Pror. J. C. McLennan and V. E. PouND........ III. The Amount of Radium Present in Typical Rocks in the immediate Neighbourhood of Montreal (Diagram). By A. 8. Eve ard D. McInrosæ. Communicated by PROPS, ROOTED LEUR le ce» eta ire ni coheed TRE IV. On the Amount of Radium Emanation in the Atmosphere near the Earth's Surface (Diagram). By A. $. Eve. Communicated by Pror. RUTHERFORD............ V. Researches in Physical Chemistry carried out in the University of Toronto. Communicated by Pror. W. ASE MATTE aid wi «60 du EEE ARR VI. Equilibrium between Ice and Water (Diagram). By DES fC, 5 BARNES ue ILE Chore hme NU AE 2 VII. On the Purification of Peaty Waters by Freezing. VIII. The Fertilizing Value of Snow. By F. T. SHUTT...... IX. A certain Type of Isoperimetric Problem, in particular, the Solid of Maximum Attraction (Diagrams). By Norman R. Witson X. The Effect of Temperature and of Velocity of Gas Cur- rent on the Absorption of Radio-active Emanations by Charcoal (Diagrams). By R. W. Borie. Communi- cated by Pror. RuTHERFORD i SECTION IV. I. The Influence of Electrolysis on the Nerve Centres. By SIR JAMES GRANT, 1K COMEG Mii eee eee II. A New Genus and a New Species of Silurian Fish (Plate). |) By Dr.) G.\PSMiuereiay ee eee eee III. A Contribution to our Knowledge of the Origin and Development of Certain Marsh Lands on the Coast of New England (Illustrated). By D. P. PEN- PAR THOW Le 2 NN ee IV. Notes on the Preparatory Stages of some species of Canadian Lepidoptera. By Dr. JAMES FLETCHER and ARTHUR GIBSON......... V. Presidential Address. The Biological Investigation of Canadian Waters, with special reference to the Gov- ernment Biological Stations. By Pror. E. E. PRINCE VI. Notes on Fossil Woods from Texas (Plates). By DA PANPENEHALLOW. 1.1 MENT VII. Notes on the Geology of the Islands of Trinidad and Bar- bados, British West Indies. By R. W. Etts...... 13 19 25 29 31 35 39 85 13 57 TABLE OF CONTENTS ¥ VIII. Bibliography of Canadian Entomology for the year 1906. Contributed by Rev. Dr. C. J. S. BETHUNE........ 131 IX. Bibliography of Canadian Geology and Paleontology for trader I LOOGA | Mio, Uae) ANS rattan al Ne 143 X. Les Tremlbements de terre de la région de Québec (Map). Par Mgr. J. C. K. LAFLAMME......... 157 XI. On Some New Species of Silurian and Devonian Plants (illastrated 2) “By Dar CNE LUNETTES. ALL... 185 XII. On Some New Species of Geometride from Western Canada. By TRE Gy Wi - CAV GOR SR 199 XIII. A Plea for a Biological Station on the Pacific Coast. DRM ta gle’ Ena Was De a C0) ANDRE UMRAO a Siete 203 XIV. Biblography of Canadian Zooiogy for 1905, eaclusive of Entomology (Supplement). ayes at WEEE 6 0 75 PARAPENTE EEE A BRIE RE SRE 209 XV. Bibliography of Canadian Zoology for 1906, exclusive of Entomology. By J. F. WHITEAVES............. 211 XVI. On a new Crocodilian Genus and Species from the Judith River formation of Alberta (Plates). By LAWRENCE DIE DRE ey ee) ON EURE EDG wits, SHON a ES AR OS Ak 219 XVII. Illustrations of the Fossil Fishes of the Devonian Rocks of Canada. Part III. Supplementary Notes. CPlates MENT Sa. HWW TRAVERS RS SRE CL 245 XVIII. The Islets of Langerhans and the Zymogenous Tubules in the Vertebrate Pancreas, with special reference to the Pancreas of the Lower Vertebrates. (Plates.) By Swale VINCENT and FLORENCE D. THOMPSON. Communicated by Pror. A. B. MACALLUM........ 275 XIX. A Report on Fossil Plants from the International Bound- ary Survey for 1903-05, collected by Dr. R. A. Daly. (Figures and Plates.) By D. P. PEx- SU PL Bi tal cite /ay PE A eh AE REINE RATE EE 287 XX. On the Development and Function of certain Structures in the Stipe and Rhizome of Pteris Aquilina and other Pteridophites. (Figures and Plates.) By SIMON KIRsCH. Communicated by D. P. Prn- EPR EGAN WY) (2/2 452'y-.\'s (aep'a auetiovaleve papers Ret eR eke els tes. à 0 353 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PROCEEDINGS. Portrait of Dr. W. H. Drummond, deceased.................. VIII Two plates to accompany Appendix D.................... LIX, LX] VI ROYAL SOCIETY. OF CANADA SECTION II. Portrait of Hon. Thomas Talbot to accompany Mr. Coyne’s paper. 16 One map to illustrate Archbishop Howley’s Labrador Boundary CVATESEA OT AA RE si nice, ho ee See 303 Two maps and five photographs to accompany Mr. Burpees “Journal (of Anthony, Hendry.) 7:70 eee 355 et seq. SECTION III, Two large diagrams to illustrate Messrs. McLeod and Barnes’ paper, “ Notes on the Difference of Temperature”...... 8 One diagram to accompany Messrs. Eve and McIntosh’s paper, “Radium in Rocks near. Montreal (2001s mire eer 14 One diagram for Mr. Eve’s “ Radium-Emanation in Atmos- phere” is Dee ope peat eke ois ieee nr 20 One diagram for Dr. Barnes’ “ Equilibrium between Ice and Miaber 27 (sees aa salle i tea la c/s epee eine eet ee PE EN Nineteen diagrams to accompany Mr. Wilson’s “ Type of isoperi- metric (problem 24621622. aise me Re 40 et seq Fourteen diagrams to illustrate Mr. Boyle’s “ Temperature and Velocity / Of | Las Current 4 ANR eee ai et Et 86 et.seq SECTION IV, One place to accompany Dr. Matthews paper, “ New Genus and Species: of Silurian Fish)" oes Ye eee 11 Eight photographs to illustrate Prof. Penhallow’s “ Development of certain) Marsh’ Lands’? "MONA 9 ee eee 47 et seq Eight microphotographs for Prof. Penhallow’s “ Woods from Texas 0 risk een, DOS UE US, eae ER 107 et seq One map for Mgr. Laflamme’s “ Tremblements de terre”..... 165 Three line cuts and three half-tones to accompany Dr. Matthews “© Devonian) Plant Vi M LR RER RAI NN ee 185 et seq Five plates for Mr. Lambe’s “ New Crocodilian Genus ”..... 236 et seq Four plates to illustrate Dr.Whiteaves’ “ Devonian Fishes ”..268 et seq Two coloured plates to accompany Mr. Vincent’s “ Islets of Eangerhans?: 0eme LEE RENE 286 Five figures and 15 photographs for Prof. Penhallow’s “ Inter- national Boundary fossils 77.1. EEE ee 302 et seq Twenty-seven figures and twenty-one microphotographs to illus- trate’ Mr; ‘Kirseli’s; paper's isu. acs are See eee 367 et seq | i \ \w \ THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA~*—~ FOUNDER: HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF ARGYLL, K.T., &c., (WHEN GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF CANADA IN 1882.) OFFICERS FOR 1907-1908, HONORARY PRESIDENT: HIS EXCELLENCY THE RIGHT HON. EARL GREY, G.C.M.G., &c. PRESIDENT—DR. S. E. DAWSON, C.M.G. VicE-PRESIDENT—DR. J. EDMOND ROY. HONORARY SECRETARY, .. .. .. .. DR. JAMES FLETCHER HONORARY TREASURER, .. .. .. .. L. M. LAMBE OFFICERS OF SECTIONS: SEC. I—French Literature, History, and Allied Subjects. PRESIDENT, Pi Sis an ies HON. THOMAS CHAPAIS VICE-PRESIDENT, 4 de ae MGR BEGIN SECRETARY, .. Ss He Me ERROL BOUCHETTE SEC. II.—English Literature, History, and Allied Subjects. PRESIDENT, ste be oie its DR. A. G. DOUGHTY, C.M.G. VICE-PRESIDENT, ay 55 Se LT.COL. WOOD SECRETARY, “4.4 ds sé —American Express Co. MR ais ee oes KO a RR. Kang—enproseimes 22s) seis 3 25 : —Freight-delivery of European Exchanges 113 90 ve ——Dominion Express’ Cosh ek.) ston nue 19 97 a —Electrotype Co.—illustrations ......... 112 00 2 —S. E. Dawson, Exp. to Montreal. .$16 65 e — “ O. & N.Y.R. freight 67 17 32 os —-Grip’ Hmgraving C0... RNA SPL ERS 213 30 i —Printing Transactions—on account .... 750 00 1907. Mar. 1424. Mi "Lambert 2 00 i Dominion’ Express \Co.;4.Je.). 5. panne 13 08 is Grp Enoravine, Co," ACCRA TERRES 49 00 F — Ottawa, Paper, Box Co. Tree 75 4 —F. 8. Audet—correcting documents. .... 8 50 " —John Robertson—storage ............ 49 00 iy —Printing Transactions, on account...... 1,000 00 i —Mortimer & Co.—binding, on account.. 300 00 April 2.—Insurance on Vols. in manufacture.... 78 75 “ 18.—Witness Pntg. Co.—on account Supp. vol. 400 00 May 1.—Canada Paper Co.—paper for Supp. vol. 117 60 ss -—Grip, Eneraying Co, CREER 5 00 i — Printing Transactions, bal. vol. XII.... 400 44 as -—Domimon, Express Oo ER EEE 2 80 Balances. '. 20 2: Guia eee 1,330 14 $5,000 00 3.—MEMBERSHIP. The Council would again call attention to the necessity of keeping the activity of the membership of the Society up to the standard set by its founders. The objects of the Society are plainly set forth in the statute of organization (46 Vic., cap. 46), as well as in the first of PROCEEDINGS FOR 1907 À 0 its Regulations. It is a society for work in literature and science. The membership is limited, and no provision has been made in the statute of organization for merely Honorary Members. Looking to the welfare of the Society and its greatest efficiency in carrying out the objects with which it was founded, it is manifestly of high importance that the membership of each Section should be kept up to the full limit now allowed by the Regulations. This limit is thought by many to be very low, considering the large number of stu- dents in the various literary and scientific subjects which are intended to be stimulated and helped by the work of the Royal Society of Canada. There are many eminent men in Canada who ought to be now included in the membership of the Society and whom the Council would gladly welcome as Fellows, were this possible. The Council would further submit for discussion by the Sections and report during the present meeting, whether it may not now be advisable to increase the number of Fellows in each Section from 30 to 40, the new Fellows to be elected under the same conditions as were imposed in 1889 when the members were increased from 25 to 30 in each Section. (Proc. R.S.C., 2nd 8., vol. V, cxxx.) 4.— ELECTIONS. On the 16th March last, nomination papers were sent out as the Honorary Secretary thought in accordance with the Rules and established precedent. In Section I three nominations were received in due form, and in Section III two nominations were received. In Section III the highest number of votes polled for either of the two candidates was only 13, not a majority of the Section. Four members refrained from voting. The Council therefore refer the matter of this election to fill a vacancy in Section III to that Section to deal with it as is deemed most expedient. In Section I, under a misunderstanding, nominations were received and sent out by the Honorary Secretary, notwithstanding that it was stated in the last report of that Section that it was not desirable to elect additional members for the year 1906-07. Under the circum- stances, the Council recommend that the subject of elections in Section I be also referred back to that Section for such action as the members may deem advisable. 5.—AMENDMENTS TO CONSTITUTION oR RULES. At the last meeting of the Royal Society, Dr. E. Deville gave notice of his intention to move a change in the regulations by which it was proposed to repeal the last paragraph of Clause 7 reading as follows :— VI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA “Any member failing to attend three years in succession, without presenting a paper, or assigning reasons in writing satisfactory to the Society, shall be considered to have resigned,” and to substitute the fol- lowing paragraph :— “Any member who has failed to attend the three preceding annual meetings without presenting a paper shall be placed on the retired list, and an election to fill the vacancy thus created shall be held in the manner prescribed aby these regulations for filling vacancies; provide that the Society may, upon the recommendation of the Section to which such member belongs, suspend action under this rule until the next annual meeting.” The Regulations of the Society demand that a printed notice of proposed amendments should be submitted to the members on the first day of the general meeting, following the receipt in due form of any proposed amendment to the constitution; but, inasmuch as a misappre- hension has arisen as to the proper interpretation of some of the rules, the Council recommend that the whole subject of the rules, including Dr. Deville’s amendment, be referred to a special committee which is to report, if possible, during the present meeting of the Society. 6.—INVITATION TO ABERDEEN. An invitation from the University of Aberdeen was received by the Society last year requesting that a representative be sent to assist at the ceremonies in connection with the celebration of the four-hundredth anniversary of the foundation of King’s College; and Dr. Wilfred Campbell, Secretary of Section Ii, was chosen as the representative to convey the greetings of the Royal Society of Canada to the University of Aberdeen on this important occasion. The commemoration was held on September 15th, 1906, and our delegate took part in the cele- bration and was honoured as a Canadian writer by having the degree of Doctor of Laws conferred upon him. 7—TuHE BRITISH ASSOCIATION. At the meeting of the Royal Society of Canada held in May, 1905, negotiations were begun looking to the possibility of securing the meet- ing of the British Association in Winnipeg in the year 1909. The Rev. Dr. Bryce, Chairman of the Committee, has continued to work with this end in view, and will during the present meeting make a report on the progress which has been made. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1907 VII 8.—MEETING OF METEOROLOGISTS. At the last meeting, the important subject of a proposed meeting of Imperial and Colonial meteorologists in connection with the annual meeting of the Royal Society of Canada, was discussed, and Mr. Stu- part, of Section III, was requested to correspond with the leading officials of the various governments engaged in meteorological work, with a view of settling the most suitable place and time for meeting and the ques- tions to be discussed. A large amount of correspondence has been carried on by Mr. Stupart, and the project has received the hearty sanction and co-operation of the Right Honourable the Prime Minister and the Honourable the Minister of Marine and Fisheries. The Coun- cil now refers this matter to Section III for final recommendations as to the time and place of this important conference. 9.—HIsToRICAL LANDMARKS. A subject which has always been of keen interest to the members of the Royal Society, has been the preservation of such historical land- marks as are still to be found in different parts of the country. During the past year steps have been taken in an endeavour to preserve from destruction the Old Fort in Toronto, and in furtherance of the avowed policy of the Royal Society, the Historical Landmarks Associations of the country have been invited through Section II to send representatives to a meeting which is to be held on Wednesday next, May 15th, at such an hour as shall be found most convenient, for the purpose of forming in connection with and under the auspices of the Royal Society, an Historical Landmarks Association for the preservation of historical landmarks throughout the Dominion. 10.—INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF AMERICANISTS. This important historical society held its fifteenth biennial meeting in the Legislative Buildings at Quebec, beginning on the 10th September last, and closing on the 21st of the same month. It is said that the Quebec meeting was one of the most successful of the learned gatherings yet held under the auspices of this organization, which was founded in 1875 by the Societé Américaine de France, and was meant to be an enlargement of that body, and therefore was named the Congres Inter- national des Américanistes. The first meeting was held in Nancy iu 1875, and the Congress has met biennially ever since. The delegates from the Royal Society were Monsignor J. C. K. Laflamme and Messrs. the Honourable Pascal Poirier, the Abbé Roy, the Honourable Thomas Chapais and Ernest Gagnon. The social aspect of the mecting was VIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA all that could be desired, giving the delegates many opportunities of becoming acquainted with each other outside the official meetings, and the historical papers presented were of a most interesting and valuable character. s 11.—DeEcEsseD MEMBERS. Since the last annual meeting, the Royal Society of Canada has sustained a great loss in the death of Dr. William Henry Drummond, a highly esteemed member of Section II. Dr. Wilfred Campbell, the Secretary of that Section, and a close friend of the late Dr. Drummond’s, at request, has contributed the fol- lowing notice :— “The loss by death of Dr. William Henry Drummond is a serious blow to Section II, of which for several years he was an active Fellow. As is well known, Dr. Drummond was always desirous for the welfare of the Royal Society, a fact which was clearly stated in a letter received by the Secretary of his Section only two days before he died. Dr. Drummond was born in the county of Leitrim, Ireland, of Scottish ancestry, who had settled there a couple of centuries ago. He had a good deal of Irish blood in his veins, and the very last poem he read in public, was one on Ireland at the St. Patrick’s banquet at Montreal. He was a splendid example of the mixture of the Scottish and Irish Celt, having all of the wit and pathos of the one, together with the undercurrent of the Highland imagination. These factors affected to a large degree his character as a man and his genius as a writer. “Known on two continents as the ‘ Habitant Poet, he was not only an author but a physician of note and a strenuous lover of outdoor life. As a man of singularly kindly and generous personality, he made many friends on both continents, all of whom will regret deeply his early and sudden death. “As a writer, he was one of the most original and famous Canada has ever produced. No other Canadian Jittératewr was so widely appre- ciated in America and Britain, and only one other American, James Whitcomb Riley, has appealed in the same manner to the heart of our humanity. There is a higher art in his work than the mere formalist of over-wrought English and literary polish. Like Burns, in a lesser degree, he created a series of characters who represent at its best the people he depicts. Though all of his work is not poetry of the finest class, some of it reaches a very high standard. The poem, ‘ Leetle Lac Grenier,’ has a beauty and a high poetical quality not reached by many writers to-day, and is worthy of the school of Wordsworth. Dr. Drum- mond’s genius has enriched our literature with a combination of char- Dr. W. H. DRUMMOND. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1907 | IX acter-creation, human pathos and humour, which is unique. He stands by himself in Canadian literature, and his memory as a man and as a poet will be cherished with that of Lampman, both by the Society and by the Section to which he added lustre as a Fellow. “He has passed that last dread portage, This valiant voyageur, That place of the lonely mountains, That valley where all must fare; Not in the aged even With faltering steps and slow; But in the noontide high and bright, When life was all aglow: With his burden of hope on his shoulders, Wending where all must wend; : He came to that shoreway dim, where earth’s Longings and sorrowings end. And ‘ Leetle Lac Grenier’ all alone, Out on the mountain brow; You may call in vain to the heart so still: Oh, who will love you now? And the peasant folk in the evenings glad, Their simple loves may tell; And all in vain may ring again The bells of San Michel. For out on the shining water He has launched the shadow canoe; With Love and the soul of his little dead son, His paddlemen safe and true. But here on the shores behind him, Where the manly heart is still; He leaves a vacant place in our song, No other singer can fill, He who gave us, so Joyous, Amid all our doubtings and fears, Those heart-deep songs of a people, Brimming with laughter and tears.” AA AN CE x ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA The Society has also to regret the loss by death in June last of Mr. William Kirby, at one time an active member of Section IT. but who, some years ago, at his own request, was placed on the list of retired members. Mr. Kirby was a pioneer poet of the U. E. Loyalists, and the author of “ Le Chien d’or,” a work of fiction of great literary merit, dealing with the last days of the French occupation of Canada. The list of our corresponding members has also recently been reduced by the death of the eminent French chemist, Marcelin Berthelot, Perpetual Secretary of the Academy of Sciences, and Professor at the College of France. He was the author of many learned works on the early history of chemistry, which his great knowledge of the ancient languages enabled him to investigate very thoroughly from original sources. He was one of the founders of La Grande Encyclopédie, and published a vast number of scientific memoirs from 1850 until his death. Synthesis he made a special study, and he effected by chemical means the grouping of elements to form compounds previously thought to be solely the result of vital forces. He did valuable work in the elucidation of many problems connected with the theory of agriculture and bio- logical chemistry. A great theorist, he checked all his results by experi- ments and thus achieved much for the welfare of the country he served so loyally. The motto of his life was: “Let us work. Let us try to be useful. This is the true aim of both public and private life.” 12.—Nrw FELLOWS. Letters of acceptance and thanks have been received from the fol- lowing: Lt.-Col. Cruikshank, Lt.-Col. Wood, Rev. Dr. Raymond and Mr. J. H. Coyne, who were elected at the last meeting. 13.—GOVERNMENT WORK, LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC. In accordance with a time honoured custom an invitation was extended to the chief officers in charge of important Scientific and Lit- erary Departments of the Government Service to supply the Council, for printing with their report, an abstract of the leading features of the work carried on under their charge during the past year. Valuable abstracts of this nature have been received from Dr. Doughty, the Dominion Archivist (Appendiz B); Prof. E. E. Prince, the Commissioner of Fisheries for the Dominion (Appendix C); Mr. Stupart, Superintendent of the Meteorological Service of Canada (Ap- pendiz D) ; and Dr. W. F. King, Chief Astronomer and Superintendent of the Astronomical Observatory (Appendix E). PROCEEDINGS FOR 1907 XI 14.—THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION. The foliowing report of the Committee on the coming meeting of the British Association at Winnipeg has been received : The Committee begs to report that it has kept in view the impor- tance of the visit of the British Association to Winnipeg. Last year the Chairman of the Committee visited Britain and, although unable to remain till the time of meeting of the Association in August, saw the Secretaries of the Association, and laid the matter of invitation strongly before them. He also, as member of the General Committe? of the Association, wrote an earnest statement of the facts of the case for that Committee. Two Professors of the University of Manitoba Science Faculty, Messrs. Parker and Vincent, were present at the meet- ing and supported the application, which was successful. A meeting of the Royal Society Committee was held in Ottawa during the Christmas holidays, and it was agreed that it would be well to lay the matter before the citizens of Winnipeg. On April 11th, 1907, J. H. Ashdown, Esq., Mayor of the City, called a meeting of the Citizens of Winnipeg. The meeting was a large and influential one. Full explanations were made by your Chair- man of the steps thus far taken. A general local committee was formed and from this was chosen the following Executive Committee: Hon. President—Sir Daniel McMillan, Lieut.-Governor of Man- itoba. Hon. Vice-Presidents—The Hon. the Premier of Manitoba, His Honour Chief Justice Dubuc, His Honour Chief Justice Howell, Rev. Dr. George Bryce. Chairman—His Worship the Mayor of Winnipeg. Vice-Chair- man—Prof. D. W. Dermid. Hon. Secretaries—Mr. C. N. Bell, Mr. W. Sanford Evans, Prof. M. A. Parker, Prof. Swale Vincent. Hon. Treasurer—Mr. John Aird, Manager, Canadian Bank of Commerce. Together with the following: Alderman Cox, Alderman Pulford, James Fisher, K.C., George Galt, Prof. A. H. R. Buller, E. L. Drewry, isaac Pitblado, Lieut.-Col. Evans, Hon. T. Mayne Daly, Dr. Devine, CC Chipman, the Rev. Dr. Patrick, J. A. M. Akins, K.C, Professor Cochrane, Mrs. George Bryce, Mrs. W. H. Thompson, Mrs. M. A. Parker, with power to add to their number. A meeting of the Executive has been held, and financial arrange- ments have been made for necessary expenses. All of which is respectfully submitted. (Sgd.) GEORGE BRYCE. Chairman. XIF ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA 15.—ASSOCIATED SOCIETIES. The following Associated Societies have sent in reports: SOCIETY. PLACE. DELEGATE. I eee eee Nova Scotia Institute of Science......... lalifiax sc. epee Dr. R. W. Ells. Ontario Historical Society................ | Toronto. "EEE J. H. Coyne. The Literary and Historical Society of QUERCCANANE ARE A RE Ni MA te Quebec cite Hon. P. B. Casgrain. Natural History Society of New Bruns- NACRE MAR en CURE Le ANS EAdOnNE ARR W. J. Wilson. Niagara Historical Society............... Niagara tienne. Col. Cruikshank. Ottawa Literary and Scientific Society...) Ottawa........... Dr. T. B. Flint. Royal Astronomical Society of Canada, HOrONCO Branche NN ARE HOotOntO Rec eee Joseph Pope. Royal Astronomical Society of Canada, OitawarSections. ri Lee Ottaway. eons Dr. W. F. King. New Brunswick Historical Society...... StaJohnmyaes-eeeee S. D. Scott. Namismatic and Antiquarian Society of Montreal ee RENAN IN ea om a Montreal,......... G. Durnford. Women’s Historical Society of the County OPH TMA eee Ol ae nln staan Rares St. Thomas....... J. H. Coyne. Elgin Historical and Scientific Institute. . don Piste J. H. Coyne. Institut Canadien Français.... .......... | Ottawa ........... Rodolphe Girard. Natural History Society of Montreal..... Montreal.......... Prof. N. Norton Evans. Ottawa Fiela-Naturalists’ Club........... Ottawa rien mens W, J. Wilson. Cercle Littéraire et Musical de Montréal.| Montreal ......... Marc Sauvalle. Entomological Society of Ontario......... Guelph EME" Albert F. Winn. Women’s Canadian Historical Society....| Toronto .......... Col. Cruikshank. Natural History Society of British Columbia OR er ee Victoria ee cer W. F. Sylvester. Hamilton Scientific Association......... Hamiltontis- eri Dr. J. Fletcher. ChamplaingSocietyee ree eee Moronton eee B. E. Walker. Nova Scotia Historical Society.......... MSN sods soon W. L. Payzant. Canadian Institute........... LS relat asa Morontorces. eee ee R. F. Stupart. Botanical Club of Canada ............... OTTAWA PERS Dr. A. H. MacKay. _ JAMES FLETCHER, Hon. Sec RSC: Resolutions as follows were then passed :— 1. Moved by Rey. Dr. Burwash, seconded by Prof. W. Lash Miller: That the report of Council, as just read, be adopted. 2. Moved by Mr. R. F. Stupart, seconded by Dr. Wilfred Campbell: That the minutes of the last meeting as printed in the Volume of Transactions be confirmed. 3. Moved by Dr. F. D. Adams, seconded by Prof. Macoun: That the following be a committee for the nomination of officers for the Society for the following year :— Sir Sandford Fleming, Sir James Grant, Dr. S. E. Dawson, Dr. J. E. Roy, Rev. Chancellor Burwash, Abbé Camille Roy, Mr. B. Sulte. 4. Moved by Dr. Deville, seconded by Dr. Wilfred Campbell : That the following be the General Publication Committee of the Society: Dr. S. E. Dawson, Dr. Lesueur, Mr. Sulte. Dr. Deville stated that he was willing and would move that the motion (of which he had given notice at the last meeting), as to PROCEEDINGS FOR 1907 XIII changes in the Rules of the Society, should be referred to a special committee to be appointed at this session for the consideration of the whole question of the Rules of the Society. The following were nominated by the President as a Special Com- mittee to consider the Rules of the Society and report upon any amend- ments which may seem to be necessary. Sir Sandford Fleming, Dr. S. E. Dawson, Dr. Deville, Prof. Mac- allum, Dr. J. E. Roy, Mr. Lambe, Dr. Wilfred Campbell, and Mr. Sulte. Delegates of affiliated societies were then called upon for their Reports. These will be found printed in full in Appendix F. At noon the Society adjourned to enable the Sections to organize in their respective rooms. AFTERNOON SESSION. (Tuesday, May 14th.) The Society re-assembled in General Session at 2.30 p.m. The presentation of Reports from Delegates of Societies was pro- ceeded with and required the whole time of the session. (Appendix F.) The Society adjourned at 3.30 p.m. EVENING SESSION. (Tuesday, May 14th.) At 8 p.m. the President delivered his Presidential Address in the large hall of the Normal School. Subject: “Agricultural Pro- gress.” (Appendix A.) SESSION II. (Wednesday, May 15th.) The Society re-assembled in General Session at 11.30 a.m. Further Reports from Delegates of Societies were read. A motion by the Rey. Frederick Scott, seconded by Prof. W. Lash Miller, relating to proposed steps to be taken by the Society to urge upon the various Provincial Boards of Education, the need of cultivat- ing in schools the study of literature, was put to the Society and brought about a long discussion. It was finally moved by Prof. Cox, seconded by Dr. S. E. Dawson: That the question be not now put.—Carried. The Secretary of Section I then presented the following: RAPPORT DE LA SECTION I. La section a l’honneur de soumettre le procès-verbal de ses délibé- rations. Etaient présents: M. l’abbé Camille Roy, président; M. Errol Bouchette, secrétaire; MM. Benjamin Sulte, J.-Edmond Roy et Adolphe Poisson. XIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Des lettres d’excuse sont reçues de la part de Sa Grandeur Mgr Begin et de Sa Grandeur Mgr Bruchési, obligés d’assister aux séances du Conseil de l’Instruction publique, et sont déposées sur la table. Aux réunions qui ont lieu les 14, 15, et 16 Mai, les propositions suivantes sont adoptées après délibération: Proposé par M. J.-Edmond Roy, appuyé par M. Vabbé Roy :— 1. Qu'il soit déclaré qu’il existe une vacance pour compléter le nombre de vingt-cinq qui est le chiffre normal des membres de la section et que cette vacance devra être remplie pendant l’année 1907-1908. 2. La section estime qu’il n’est pas opportun d’augmenter le nombre des membres de la section et qu’il vaut mieux s’en tenir au chiffre de vingt-cinq, avec pouvoir d'augmenter jusqu’à trente. Cette proposition est mise aux voix et adoptée, M. Errol Bouchette votant dans la négative. Proposé par M. Benjamin Sulte, appuyé par M. J.-Edmond Roy, que le secrétaire soit chargé d’écrire aux membres de la première sec- tion et de leur demander s’il est opportun d’augmenter le nombre des membres de la section en élisant un ou deux membres supplémentaires pour l’année académique 1909-1910, a part la vacance qui existe déjà dans cette section, le tout conformément au troisième paragraphe de l’article six des règlements. Le proposition est mise aux voix et adoptée, M. Errol Bouchette votant dans la négative. Proposé par M. Benjamin Sulte, appuyé par M. Adolphe Poisson, Que la section recommande que M. A. Klecksowski, ministre plénipo- tentiaire de la République française auprès de la république de |’Uru- guay, soit élu membre correspondant de la Société Royale du Canada, pour remplacer M. Ferdinand Brunetiére, décédé. Proposé par M. Benjamin Sulte, appuyé par M. l’abbé Camille Roy: Qu'un diplôme d’honneur soit décerné à M. Pierre-Georges Roy, direc- teur du “ Bulletin des recherches historiques.” Des mesures sont prises pour la distribution dans l’année de la médaille et des diplômes déjà décernés par la Société sur la recommendation de la Section I. Proposé par M. J.-Edmond Roy, appuyé par M. Adolphe Poisson: Qu'un comité composé de M. l’abbé Camille Roy, l’honorable M. Thomas Chapais, M. N.-E. Dionne et M. Benjamin Sulte soit chargé de reviser la version française des règlements publiés dans les mémoires de l’année 1907 et de traduire en français les amendements faits pendant la pré- sente session, afin que la version française soit réimprimée dans les Mémoires de l’année 1908 et qu’on en puisse tirer quelques centaines d'exemplaires pour distribution. Proposé par M. J.-Edmond Roy, appuyé par M. Benjamin Sulte: Que la section continue d’année en année le travail de M. N.-E. Dionne | PROCEEDINGS FOR 1907 XV en rédigeant un catalogue des livres nouveaux publiés en langue fran- caise chaque année au Canada ou à l’étranger, lorsque ces livres traitent de questions se rapportant au Canada. Proposé par M. J.-Edmond Roy, appuyé par M. Benjamin Sulte: Que les travaux lus et acceptés par la section soient désormais placés sous la garde du secrétaire de la section, lequel les soumettra, lorsqu'il en sera requis, au comité de lecture, et les remettra, après leur révision finale, au secrétaire général, pour publication. L’honorable M. Pascal Poirier, M. l’abbé Camille Roy et M. Benja- min Sulte sont chargés de faire la révision des manuscrits suivants lus et acceptés sauf cette révision :— Discours du président de la section, par M. l’abbé Camille Roy. Etienne Brulé; par M. Benjamin Sulte. Inventaire chronologique des cartes, plans et atlas relatifs à la Province de Québec, de 1508 à 1908; par M. N.-E. Dionne. L’habitant de la rive sud du Saint-Laurent; par M. Léon Gérin. La réhabilitation d’une époque; par Mgr. L.-A. Paquet. Michel Bibaud, historien et journaliste; par M. l’abbé Camille Roy. L’instruction primaire et le progrès social; par M. Errol Bouchette. La baie d'Hudson; par l’honorable M. L.-A. Prud’homme. La race française en Amérique; par M. Adolphe Poisson. Le bureau suivant est élu pour l’année 1907-8 :— L’honorable M. Thomas Chapais, président. Sa Grandeur Mgr Bégin, vice-président. M. Errol Bouchette, secrétaire. ERROL BOUCHETTE, Secrétaire: At the conclusion of the Report of Section I the Secretary asked for instructions from the Society as to the interpretation of the Rule governing the election of fellows, and submitted that under his inter- pretation of the Rules and as guided by the records of the Society, cer- tain vacancies in Section I ought to be filled now. After much discussion it was agreed. to refer the matter to the Committee on Regulations. The Secretary of Section II then presented the following: REPORT oF SECTION II. The Second Section submits the following report :— This section has held five meetings, at which there was a good attendance. Fifteen papers were read, either in full or by titles, a list of which is appended to this report. ÿ XVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA This section passed a motion approving of an increase of the section to forty, by gradual increase of two a year. ‘ A very able and inspiring Presidential address, the subject being the Introduction of Canadian Literature into the public schools as a subject of study, was delivered by the President, Chancellor Burwash. A motion was passed asking the Society to suspend action during this session regarding those Fellows of Section II who come under the rule as to absence. The most important meeting of this section this year, and full of significance to the Society in connection with the work of Sections I and IT and their influence on the life of the Dominion, was the morning meeting of Wednesday, May 15th, which resolved itself into a provisional committee for the founding of an association under the auspices of the Roya] Society, and called “The Historic Landmarks Association.” Of this meeting Mr. W. D. Lighthall was convener, and Col. Wood was elected president. The object of this association is the preservation of historie sites and monuments, and it is intended to be a central com- mittee of the whole of all the historic and patriotic societies of the Dominion which have been invited to send delegates to its annual meet- ings which will be held at the same time as the meetings of the Royal Society. The retirement of Dr. Parkin last year was re-approved by the Section. The officers elected for the ensuing year were:—President, Dr. Doughty; Vice-president, Colonel Wood; Secretary, Dr. Wilfrid Camp- bell. The Publication Committee elected is as follows:—Mr. Lighthall, Dr. Lesueur, Mr. Coyne, Dr. Campbell. WILFRED CAMPBELL, Secretary. Inst of Papers presented to Section II. 1.—Presidential Address, Rev. Dr. Burwash. 2.— “Our Canadian Literature—has it reached such a position that it can be introduced into our schools as a subject of study.” By Rey. Dr. Burwash. 3.—“The Talbot Papers,” edited and annotated. By James H. Coyne. 4.— First Expedition from York Factory to the Saskatchewan Country; Journal of Anthony Hendry.” Edited by Lawrence J. Bur- pee. Presented by Dr. Wilfred Campbell. 5.—“ Conditions at Confederation.” By Dr. J. S. Willison. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1907 XVII 6.—“ The Establishment of Commercial Relations between Canada and the United States after the Revolutionary War.” By Prof. Adam Shortt. 8.—“McKellar’s Plan of Quebec.” By Dr. A. G. Doughty, C.M.G. 9.—“ General Hull’s Invasion of Upper Canada.” By Lt.-Col. Cruikshank. 10.—“ The First Canadian Saint, La Mère Marie de I’Incarnation.” By Lt.-Col. William Wood. 11.—“ The Labrador Boundary Question.” By the Most Reverend Archbishop Howley. 12.—“ A few Remarks on various Gallicisms and French Locutions in the Plays of Shakespeare.” By P. B. Casgrain, K.C. Presented by Lt.-Col. Wood. 13.—“ The Algonquins of Western Canada.” By Rev. Dr. Bryce. Report or Section III. The Third Section submits the following report for the Session of 1907 :— The section held four meetings, at which the attendance was very large, twenty members being present, as follows:—Prof. E. Rutherford, president; Prof. Alfred Baker, Dr. H. T. Barnes, Prof. John Cox, Dr. W. Bell Dawson, Dr. E. Deville, Prof. N. F. Dupuis, Sir Sandford Fleming, Dr. G. P. Girdwood, Dr. J. C. Glashan, Dr. G. C. F. Hoffmann, Dr. T. C. Keefer, Mr. T. Macfarlane, Mr. A. McGill, Prof. J. C. McLen- nan, Dr. W. Lash Miller, Prof. C. H. McLeod, Dr. R. F. Ruttan, Mr. F. T. Shutt, and Mr. R. F. Stupart. A letter was received from Professor Bovey expressing regret for his absence. Twenty papers were presented, eighteen being read in full and tws by title; a list of the papers is appended. The officers elected for the ensuing years are :— President—Dr. W. Lash Miller. Vice-President—Dr. H. T. Barnes. Secretary—Dr. E. Deville. A publication committee, consisting of the retiring president, the new officers and Dr. Glashan was appointed. With regard to the election for filling vacancies for the ensuing year, the section recommends that the number of members to be elected. be limited to four. The section also expresses the wish that such papers as are recom= mended by the publishing committee, be printed in bulletin form with Proe.) 1906.02. XVIII 5 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA the least possible delay, in the manner provided by sub-clause II of clause 10 of the regulations. E. DEVILLE, Secretary. List of Papers Read. 1.—Presidential Address. “The Origin and Life of Radium.” By Prof. E. Rutherford. 2.—“ Impurities of Ice and Snow.” By F. T. Shutt, M.A. 3.—‘ Further Notes on the Difference in Temperature between Mount Royal and McGill College Grounds; Local Temperature Fore- casting.” By Professors C. H. McLeod and H. T. Barnes. 4,—“ Temperature Equilibrium between Ice and Water.” By Prof. H. T. Barnes. 5.—* The Absorption of Radioactive Emanations by Charcoal.” By Prof. E. Rutherford. 6.—< Effect of Temperature and Velocity of Gas Current on the Absorption of Radioactive Emanations by Charcoal.” By R. W. Boyle, M.Sc. Communicated by Prof. E. Rutherford. 7.—“ Some Characteristics of the Waters of the Ottawa and the St. Lawrence Rivers.” By Prof. R. F. Ruttan. 8.—“ The Radioactivity of Lead.” By Prof. J. C. McLennan and V. E. Pound. 9.—“ On the Specific Resistances of Heusler’s Alloys.” By Prof. J. C. McLennan. 10.—“ Some Experiments on Condensation Nuclei.” By Prof. J. C. McLennan and D. B. Nugent. 11.—“‘ On the Quantity of Radium Present in Typical Rocks in the Immediate Neighbourhood of Montreal.” By A. S. Eve, M.A., and A. D. McIntosh, D.Se. Communicated by Prof. E. Rutherford. 12.— Note on the Determination of Specific Inductive Capaci- ties.” By Prof. J. C. McLennan. 13.—“ On the Electrical Conductivities of Mixtures of Electro- lytes.” By J. A. Gardiner, B.A. Communicated by Prof. J. C. McLennan. 14.—“ Barometric Pressure over Northern Canada.” By R. F. Stupart. 15.— On the Amount of Radium Emanation in the Atmosphere.” By A. 8. Eve, M.A. Communicated by Prof. E. Rutherford. 16.—“ The Ionization Properties of Helium.” By Prof. E. Ruther- ford, F.R.S., and A. D. McIntosh, D.Sc. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1907 XIX 17.—* The Glocol Fats.” ‘By Prof. R. F. Ruttan, and Dr. J. R. Roebuck. 18.—“ A Certain Type of Isoperimetric Problem.” By Prof. Nor- man R. Wilson, B.A., Ph.D., Wesley College, Winnipeg. Presented by Prof. Alfred Baker. (Read by title). 19.—Researches in Physical Chemistry carried out in the Univer- sity of Toronto, communicated by Prof. Lash Miller: “The Rate of Oxidation of Hydrogen Iodide by Bromic Acid ” ; by R. H. Clark. “A New Type of Catalysis”; by R. H. Clark. “'The Mechanism of Induced Reactions”; by W. Lash Miller. “The Sup- posed Induction of Arsenious Acid of the Reaction between Bromic and Hydrobromic Acids”; by Fred. C. Bowman. “The Condensation of Oxalic Ester with Acetons”; by R. H. Clark. “The Condensation of Acetic and Oxalic Esters”; by H. C. Cook. “ Analysis of the Reactions Leading to the Formation of Phthalonic Acid from Naphtha- lene by Alkaline Solutions of Permanganate”; by R. A. Daly. “The Mechanism of the Oxidation of Naphthalene by Chromic Acid, and the Detection and Estimation of the Naphthoquinones Phthalonic, and Phthalic Acids”; by M. C. Boswell. “The Oxidation of Ethyl Alcohol by, Chromic Acid”; by C. F. Marshall. “The Action of Iodine on Sodium Thiosulphate in Alkaline Solution”; by R. B. Stewart. “The Transport Numbers of Sodium and Potassium Chlorides in Solutions containing Acetone and Water”; by L. F. Lewis. “The Behaviour of Copper as Anode in Solutions of Chlorides”; by S. Dushman. “The Electrical Conditions under which Iron Remains Passive in Solu- tions of Various Oxidizing Agents”; by C. C. Forward. “The Tox- icity of Solutions containing Phenol and Sodium Chloride”; by Dr. W. S. Lemon. “The Reaction between Iodine and Starch”; by R. B. Stewart. 20.—“ The Loss of Head Due to Bends in Pipes.” By John Chap- lin, B.Sc. Communicated by Prof. Bovey. (Read by title). Dr. E. Deville read the following :— . Report of the Publication Committee of Section III. The committee recommends the publication of all the papers read at the meeting. The committee further recommends the immediate publication in bulletin form of Mr. Eve’s papers, “On the Amount of Radium Eman- ation in the Atmosphere,” and “ On the Quantity of Radium Present in Typical Rocks in the Immediate Neighbourhood of Montreal.” E. DEVILLE, Secretary. XX ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Moved by Dr. E. Deville, seconded by Dr. Ruttan: That the rules be suspended, and that such papers as are recom- mended for immediate publication by the Publication Committee of Section III be printed in bulletin form with the least possible delay, in the manner provided by sub-clause II of Clause 10 of the Regula- tions.—Carried. Moved by Dr. E. Deville, seconded by Dr. Ruttan: That the regulations be suspended, and that the number of members to be elected for Section III during the ensuing year be limited to four. This motion being put to the meeting was voted upon and lost. For, 7; against, 10. REPORT OF SECTION IV. Section IV begs to report that four well attended sessions have been held, the average number of members present being fourteen. Twenty-six papers in all were presented, of these a number were read in full, whilst the others were read in abstract or by title. The question of enlarged membership referred to Section IV, by the Council, for an expression of its views, has been discussed, and by a vote of ? to 4 the section declares in favour of increasing the membership of each section by ten, the increase to be distributed over a term of five years at the rate of two a year. It was considered desirable, however, to defer any definite action until the opinion of the other sections had been expressed in the general meeting. The following is a list of the titles of the papers as they appeared in the printed programme :— 1.—Presidential Address: “The Biological Investigation of Can- adian Waters, Marine and Fresh Water, with special reference to the Government Biological Stations.” By Prof. E. E. Prince. 2.—“ Catalogue des tremblements de terre de la région de Québec.” Par Mer J. C. K. Laflamme. 3.—* Notes on the Geology of the Islands of Trinidad and Bar- bados, British West Indies.” By Dr. Els. 4.—“ Notes on Fossil Plants from Texas.” By Dr. Penhallow. 5.—“ A contribution to our knowledge of the Origin and Develop- ment of certain Marsh Lands on the Coast of New England.” By Dr. Penhallow. 6.—< On the Development and Function of certain Structures in the Stipe and Rhizome of Pteris aquilina and other Pteridophyta.” By Simon Kirsch, B.A. Presented by Dr. Penhallow. 7.“ On a new Crocodilian Genus and Species from the Judith River Formation of Alberta.” By Lawrence M. Lambe. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1907 XXI 8.—“ Bibliography of Canadian Entomology for 1906.” By Rey. Prof. C. J. S. Bethune. 9.— Bibliography of Canadian Botany for 1906.” By Dr. A. H. MacKay. 10.—% Phenological Observations, Canada, 1905-6.” By Dr. A. H. MacKay. 11.—“ Bibliography of Canadian Zoology for 1906 (exclusive of Entomology).” By Dr. J. F. Whiteaves. 12.—< Bibliography of Geology and Paleontology.” By Dr. H. M. Ami. j 13.—% The Influence of Electrolysis on the Nerve Centres.” By Sir James Grant, K.C.M.G. 14.—“ On a New Genus and New Species of Silurian Fish.” By Dr. G. F. Matthew. 15.—“ On some New Species of Devonian Plants.” By Dr. G. F. Matthew. 16.—“ Illustrations of the Fossil Fishes of the Devonian Rocks of Canada, Part III, Supplementary Notes.” By Dr. J. F. Whiteaves. 17—“A Report on the Fossil Plants from the International Boundary Survey for 1903-1905, Collected by Dr. R. A. Daly.” By Dr. D. P. Penhallow. 18.—“ The Islets of Langerhans in the Lower Vertebrates, with special reference to the Islets in Elasmobranch Fishes.” By Dr. Swale Vincent, and Florence D. Thompson. Presented by Prof. Macallum. 19.—“ A New Feature in the Digestive Process in Medusæ or Jelly- Fishes.” By Prof. E. E. Prince. 20.—< Some New Examples of Pædophagy in Animals,” by Prof. E. E. Prince. 21.—“ On some New Species of Geometridæ from Western Canada.” By Rev. G. W. Taylor. 22.—"% A plea for a Biological Station on the Pacific Coast of Can- ada.” By Rev. G. W. Taylor. 23.—* Mining Legislation tn Nova Scotia.” By E. Gilpin, Inspec- tor of Mines. 24.—* Zoological Notes:—1. On certain points in the Anatomy of the Oyster; 2, on Urastoma cyprinæ; 3, on Iliopsyllus coriaceus ; 4, on Cranial Abnormalities of Incubated Chickens.” By Prof. R. Ram- say Wright. 25.—“ Notes on the Preparatory Stages of some Species of Can- adian Lepidoptera.” By James Fletcher and Arthur Gibson. 26.—“ Notes on Surface Geology in the Region around Hudson Bay.” By Dr. Robt. Bell. XXII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA The following officers were elected for the ensuing year :— President—Dr. Frank Adams. Vice-President—Professor Macallum. Secretary—Mr. W. H. Harrington. LAWRENCE M. LAMBE, Secretary. AMENDMENTS TO REGULATIONS. The following report was read :— Report of the Committee appointed to consider Amendments to the Regulations. The committee suggest that the amendment to the last paragraph of Clause 7, of which notice was given at the last annual meeting, be modified as follows: “Any member who has failed to attend the three immediately pre- “ceding annual meetings without presenting a paper, shall be considered “to have resigned as an active member of the Society. The name of “such member shall be placed on the retired list by the Honorary “Secretary, and an election to fill the vacancy thus created shall be “held in the manner prescribed by these regulations for filling vacan- “cies; provided that the Society may, upon the recommendation of “the section to which such member belongs, suspend action from year “to year under this rule.” The committee recommend that this amendment be adopted. E. DEVILLE, Secretary. Moved by Dr. E. Deville, seqonded by Dr. Roy: That the last paragraph of Clause 7 of the Regulations be repealed, and the paragraph recommended by the committee, as amended by the general meeting, substituted.—Carried nem. con. The Society adjourned at 1 p.m. AFTERNOON. (Wednesday, May 15th.) A garden party and reception was given at the Experimental Farm by the President and Mrs. Saunders, from 4 to 6.30 p.m. EVENING SESSION. (Wednesday, May 15th.) At 8 p.m. in the large hall of the Normal School, Prof. E. Ruther- ford, F.R.S., delivered the annual popular lecture on “ Radium and its Significance,” which was illustrated by many lantern views and *PROCEEDINGS FOR 1907 XXIL experiments. This lecture was largely attended, and was highly appre- ciated by the audience. A hearty vote of thanks was proposed by Prof. McLennan, and seconded by Prof. Macallum. SESSION III. (Thursday, May 16th.) The Society re-assembled in general session at 2.30 p.m. Moved by Rev. Dr. Burwash, seconded by Dr. S. E. Dawson: That the Fellows of the Royal Society of Canada, in Annual Session assembled, desire, collectively and individually, to express their profound sympathy with Their Excellencies the Earl and Countess Grey in the deep sorrow which has fallen upon them by the untimely death of the Lady Victoria Grenfell. During her visits to Canada she had endeared herself to all with whom she came in contact, and in the closer relations of life, her loss, as perfect daughter, wife and mother, is irreparable. Carried unanimously by standing vote. Dr. E. Deville read the following :— Second Report of the Committee appointed to consider Amendments ‘ to the Regulations. The committee submits drafts of three alternative amendments to Rule 6, and hereby gives the notice of motion to amend the regulations required by Rule 19. The committee further recommends that this and any other amend- ments that may be proposed be printed and communicated to the mem- bers of the Society for an expression of their views, in order that the Council may make a recommendation on the subject at the next annual meeting. E. DEVILLE, Convener. Proposed Amendment to the Regulations. It is proposed to repeal Rule 6, and to substitute the following :—- 6.—MEMBERS. 1. The Fellows shall be persons resident in the Dominion of Canada or in Newfoundland, who have published original works or XXIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA memoirs of merit, or have rendered eminent services to literature or to science. The number of members in each section shall be in general limited to thirty, but may be increased to forty if any section should so desire, in the manner hereinafter indicated. Nominations to fill vacancies in any section may be made at any time in writing by any three members of that section, and the nomination papers shall be lodged with the Honorary Secretary, who shall make a record of them; but no person shall be nominated without his consent has previously been obtained anid notified to the Secretary. When a vacancy occurs, the Honorary Secre- tary shall, on the fifteenth day of March preceding the annual or any general meeting of the Society, transmit to each member of the section in which the vacancy has taken place, a printed list of the candidates nominated after the last annual meeting and prior to the first of March. Each member may then place a mark (X) Opposite the name of the candidate for whom he votes, and return the voting paper to the Hon- orary Secretary, who shall report to the council at a meeting to be held before the annual meeting, the number of votes obtained by each candi- date. Should any of these have obtained the majority of the whole section, the Council shall so report to the Society. Should this result not be attained, then the Council may select one or more of the candi- dates obtaining the highest number of votes of the section, and cause the members of the Society to be advised of the names of the candidates so selected, at least one month previous to the date of the annual meet- ing, when the election may take place by a vote of the members present, or the matter be referred back to the section concerned, to select names from among the candidates nominated, and recommend them to the Society for election. This selection and recommendation by the sec- tion shall be made on the first day of the meeting at 2.30 p.m., unless otherwise ordered at that time by the section. If there be two or more vacancies, the selection shall be made by a separate vote for each vacancy. Each section shall have power to increase its number by electing one or two new members annually. The proposal to elect additional members shall be made by resolution of the section reported to the general meeting of the Society, otherwise no such member shall be elected for that year. This clause shall cease to operate as soon as the total number in any section shall have reached forty. II.—Any section may, by resolution reported to the general meet- ing, limit the number of members to be elected at the next election time or decide that no election shall be held. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1907 XXV Moved by Dr. S. E. Dawson, seconded by Chancellor Burwash, and carried :— That Dr. G. R. Parkin, C.M.G., be placed on the retired list. Moved by Mr. L. M. Lambe, seconded by Dr. 8. E. Dawson, and carried :— That the hearty thanks of the Society are tendered to Principal White for the kind and considerate manner in which he has opened the Normal School Building to the Society and has afforded every facility, not only for the general meetings, but for the meetings of sections. Moved by Dr. W. Wilfred Campbell, seconded by Dr. Burwash: That the hearty thanks of the Society are tendered to Dr. Sinclair, Vice-Principal of the Normal School, for valuable assistance on the occasion of Prof. Rutherford’s lecture and for many courtesies during the meeting of the Society. Moved by Mr. B. Sulte, seconded by Prof. Macallum, and carried :— That the Society desires to express its sincere thanks to Prof. Rutherford for his able and interesting lecture on “ Radium and its Significance,” and its appreciation of the labour and time he has ex- pended in its preparation. Moved by Sir Sandford Fleming, seconded by Dr. Glashan, and carried :— ' That the Society hereby tenders to Dr. and Mrs. Saunders its sincere thanks for the courtesy with which they entertained on Wednes- day afternoon at the Experimental Farm the Fellows and delegates attending the present meeting. The committee on nominations reported as follows :— For President, Dr. S. E. Dawson. For Vice-President, Dr. J. E. Roy. For Honorary Secretary, Dr. James Fletcher. For Honorary Treasurer, Lawrence M. Lambe. Whereupon the following resolutions were passed unanimously :— Moved by Dr. J. E. Roy, seconded by Dr. Burwash, and carried :—- That Dr. 8. E. Dawson be elected President for the ensuing year. Moved by Mr. B. Sulte, seconded by Dr. Bell, and carried :— That Dr. J. E. Roy be elected Vice-President for the ensuing year. Moved by Prof. Penhallow, seconded by Dr. Girdwood, and car- ried :— That Dr. James Fletcher be elected Honorary Secretary for the ensuing year. Moved by Prof. Penhallow, seconded by Dr. Adams, and carried :— That Mr. Lawrence Lambe be elected Honorary Treasurer for the ensuing year. XXVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA No further business being brought forward, the President thea declared the twenty-sixth annual session closed. : EVENING SESSION. (Thursday, May 16th.) At 8.15 p.m. the Fellows and delegates assembled at the Russell House at a dinner, at which the retiring president, Dr. Saunders, presided. APPENDIX A AGRICULTURAL PROGRESS By Wm. Saunpers, C.M.G., LL.D., Director of the Dominion Experimental Farms PRESIDENT’S ADDRESS AGRICULTURAL PROGRESS. By Wo. SAUNDERS, C.M.G., LL.D. Director of the Dominion Experimental Farm. The organization of the Royal Society of Canada in 1882, was the means of bringing together the scattered workers in science and litera- ture residing in different parts of the Dominion, and within its limited membership were included representatives of most branches of knowledge. In choosing the member to be raised for the time being to the dignity of presiding officer of this Society, care is taken that during the course of years the different branches of science and literature shall be thus honoured through their representatives. It has been the custom for the member elected to the Presidency to devote the main portion of his address to the presentation before the members, of some of the more important and interesting features of the work in which he is engaged. Permit me then to call your attention to some facts in connection with the development and progress of agriculture in general, also to the great agricultural progress which has taken place in Canada during the past twenty years and to the glorious outlook for the future. Every reader of the Old Testament is familiar with the references to Egypt as a land rich in corn, one that produced sufficient for its own population and a surplus also for export to neighbouring countries. The patriarch Jacob, during the time of great famine, sent his ten sons to buy corn in Egypt saying “ Behold I have heard that there is corn in Egypt, get you down thither and buy for us from thence, that we may live and not die.” Profane history bears testimony to the skill of the farmers of ancient Egypt, and this skill was exercised under favourable condi- tions. The soil was naturally fertile and was still further enriched by the annual overflow of the Nile. The nomads of the patriarchal ages while mainly depending for sustenance on their flocks and herds, also engaged, in some instances, extensively in the tilling of the soil. Isaac combined tillage with pas- toral occupations for we read that he sowed in the land of Gerar and reaped a hundred fold. Job also is represented as having, besides immense possessions in flocks and herds, 500 yoke of oxen which he em- ployed in ploughing and in a very great husbandry. The Israelites were one of the great agricultural nations of antiquity, much the larger proportion of them being occupied in that pursuit. Their principal crops were wheat, barley, spelt, millet, beans and lentils. They also had vineyards and groves of olive and fig trees. Theirs was a land of corn and wine, a land of bread and vineyards, of olive oil, milk and honey. XXX ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Amongst the ancient Romans agriculture was highly esteemed, and pursued with earnest love, and devoted attention. They were a thor- oughly agricultural people, and it was only at a later period that trade and arts were introduced among them and even then agriculture occupied by far the most prominent place. Their love of agricultural pursuits survived for a very long period, and when at length their boundless conquests brought unheard of luxury and with it the corruption of their morals, the noblest minds among them were strongly attracted towards the purer and simpler life of the ancient agricultural times. The words which Cicero puts into the mouth of Cato give a fine picture of the enthusiasm of the Romans in agriculture “I come now,” he says, “ to the pleasures of husbandry in which I vastly delight. They, are not interrupted by old age, and they seem to me to be pursuits in which a wise man’s life would be well spent. The earth does not rebel against authority, but gives back with usury what it receives. I am charmed with the nature and productive virtues of the soil. Can those old men be called unhappy who delight in the cultivation of the soil? In my opinion there can be no happier life, not only because the tillage of the earth is salutary to all, but from the pleasure it yields. Nothing can be more profitable, nothing can be more beautiful than a well cul- tivated farm.” In the later ages of the Empire, agriculture was neglected, and those engaged in it were regarded with disdain, the sup- plies of food for overgrown Rome being drawn mainly from Egypt, Sicily and other provinces. Under the Goths, Vandals and other barbarian conquerors, agricul- ture in Europe during the middle ages seems to have sunk into the lowest condition of neglect and contempt. During the greater part of this long period, the population of Europe was divided into two great classes. By far the larger one was composed of bondmen, without property or the means of acquiring it; the other class consisted chiefly of the great Barons who owned large areas of land, and who also owned their retainers who were the tillers of the soil. It was the ignorant bondmen on whom rested the burden of the cultivation of their master’s lend. The retainers, however, were more frequently empicyed in iaving waste the fields of their master’s rivals than in cultivating their own. Subse- quently the practice began to prevail of renting portions of the land to the peasant who paid his rent in grain or cattle. Under this arrange- ment the land began to be more carefully cultivated, and to yield greater profits to the owners. Wheat was the most valuable grain grown, but must have borne but a small proportion to other grain crops. The extravagant prices at APPENDIX A XXXI which wheat was sometimes sold, give evidence that its consumption was probably confined to the wealthy. Rye, barley and oats furnished the food of the great body of the people in Europe. There was not as much variety in the food of the people then, as there is now. The potato was introduced into Britain from America in 1586 and grown that year on the estate of Sir Walter Raleigh in Ireland, near Cork, but this valuable tuber came very slowly into use. In 1663, seventy years later, the more general growth of the potato as food for the people was strongly urged by the Royal Society of London, but even that important endorsement did not bring it rapidly into favour, and not much more than a century has elapsed since its cultiva- tion on a large scale has been general. It was not until the reign of Henry VIII that carrots and other edible roots and plants began to be cultivated in England. Prior to this the small quantities of vegetables used, were imported from Holland and Flanders. Hume in his History of England, speaking of this period, says that Queen Catharine when she wanted a salad was obliged to dispatch a messenger to Holland to secure the necessary material. Early in the 16th century, following the invention of printing and the revival of learning, agriculture partook of the general awakening and during the course of this century, several important treatises on the sub- ject appeared, written by men who engaged eagerly in this neglected and hitherto despised occupation. The information thus given did not, however, produce a rapid change. Up to the middle of the 17th century it is said to have been a common practice, to sow successive crops of grain on the same land until it was utterly exhausted, and then to leave it foul with weeds to recover some measure of its fertility by an indefinite period of rest. During the latter part of the same century the rotation of crops began to be practised under the name of alternate husbandry, and before the end of that century, great improvement had taken place, not only in the methods adopted for the growing of crops, but also in the quality and breeding of cattle and sheep. The value to subsequent crops of the ploughing under of clover to enrich the soil was also known and more or less practised at this early period. One of the great burdens which rested on agriculture in early times in Great Britain was the levying of Purveyance. What was called the larger Purveyance involved the obligation on the nearest farmers to furnish at the current prices, provisions, carriages, etc., in time of war to the King’s armies, houses and castles. The smaller Purveyance included the furnishing of the necessary provisions for the household of XXXII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA the King when travelling through his dominions. These the tenants on farms belonging to the Crown were obliged to furnish gratis, and this practice came to be adopted by the barons and great men of the King- dom, in every tour which they thought proper to make in the country. These exactions were so grievous and were levied in so high handed a manner, that the farmers when they heard of the approach of the Court, often deserted their houses and hid their supplies, just as if the country were being invaded by an enemy. ; Purveyance is said to have been for several centuries one of the chief obstacles to agricultural advancement in Great Britain, and the practice continued down to so late a period as the reign of James the First. The increase in the population cf Great Britain was an important factor in stimulating improvements in agriculture, for the more people there were to be fed, the greater the need of enlarging the area under cultivation and of adopting the best methods known in order to produce the largest crops. Prior to the taking of the first census in England and Scotland, which was in 1801, the method of computing the population was by the number of baptisms, which were carefully registered. The total number of baptisms was made up every ten years, and these were multiplied by 33, which was regarded as the average number of years in a human life. The number of deaths was also computed, and in so far as the baptisms exceeded the burials in number a corresponding increase in the popu- Jation was shown. Under this method of calculation the population of England and Scotland combined amounted in 1710 to 6,015,193. In 1740 it had risen to about 7 millions; in 1780 to 914 millions and in 1801, when the first. regular census was taken, it was found to be 10,785,840. From 1801 to 1811 the increase was still more rapid, the census of 1811 showing a population of over 1214 millions, which was more than double the number at which it was estimated in 1700. The popu- lation of Ireland is not included in these figures since there was no attempt to take a census of the people there until 1811 and then it was very unsuccessful. On taking a general review of the production of grain in Great Britain and of the growth of the population there for the period of 119 years from 1697 to 1815 inclusive, the account stands thus: In the first 70 years, from 1697 to 1767, the population increased one-third, growing from six millions to over eight millions, and during that period there were exported over and above the quantity imported 272 APPENDIX A XXXIII million bushels of grain. In the remaining 44 years, from 1767 to 1811, during which the population rose from 8 millions to over 12 millions, an increase more rapid than British agriculture could quite keep up with, the total excess of imports over exports of grain was about 132 million bushels in all, equal to about 2,800,000 bushels of grain annually. During the last five years of the period referred to, from 1811 to 1815, notwithstanding further increase in the population, and the waste and expense of wars, Great Britain, favoured with good harvests, was able to raise a sufficient food supply to sustain her own people. It is interesting to think of that fertile little island feeding all her own population and having a balance for export up to about 150 years ago. Notwithstanding the rapid increase in the number of food con- sumers during the next 49 years (up to 1815) she was able to occupy about the same independent position. How different things are now with a population of about 44 millions and an annual demand over and above all home production of over 200 million bushels of wheat. The growing of regular crops of cereals and other food products is rendered possible by the large stores of plant food laid up in the arable soils which cover a large part of the earth’s surface. Of the constituents which enter into the composition of these soils, quite a number are taken up by living plants, in varying proportions; but, of many of these, the quantities used are small and the store of such contained in the soil is usually ample. There are, however, three ingredients, nitrogen, potash and phosphoric acid, which plants take from the land on which they grow, in considerable proportion. The presence of these important con- stituents in sufficient quantity, and in available form, determines in large measure under reasonably favourable climatic conditions, the character and weight of the crop. It is estimated that an acre of soil, a foot deep weighs on an average about 3,500,000 Ib. and the results of many analyses of good ordinary loam in Europe, where the soil has been long under cultivation, show that it contains in most instances not less than 3,500 lb. of nitrogen per acre, and sometimes more. The quantity of potash varies from 5,000 to 8,000 Ib. and the phosphoric acid from 3,000 to 6,000 Ib. In all fertile soils we find these elements, in considerable proportions, associated with smaller quantities of others, such as lime, magnesia, silica, etc., together with large quantities of humus, the latter the result chiefly of the decomposition of vegetable matter. These are all necessary to the production of healthy plant growth. An average crop of wheat will take from the soil for the grain and straw about 41 Ib. of nitrogen, 20 Ib. of potash and 18 Ib. of phos- Proc., 1907. 3. XXXIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF phoric acid. A crop of oats will take a little more nitrogen, considerably more potash and less phosphoric acid. These may serve as examples but every successive crop tends to deplete the remaining store of these im- portant elements and although the yearly reduction in quantity may be small compared with the total content, yet unless some means of restora- tion be provided, the richest soil eventually becomes poor. In a series of seven analyses of soils from the Northwest Provinces, made by Mr. Frank T. Shutt, Chemist of the Dominion Experimental Farms, they were found to contain an average of 18,000 lb. of nitrogen, 15,580 lb. of potash and 6,700 lb. of phosphoric acid per acre, showing that the soils in the Canadian Northwest are much richer in these im- portant elements of plant food than good average soils in Europe. While nature at times seems lavish and, in some respects, almost prodigal, she is at the same time strictly economical. A substance may undergo a change in its character and thus elude our grasp, but nothing is ever lost. Decomposing masses of organic material undergo rapid changes in the laboratory of nature. Thus the nitrogenous matter they contain is converted largely into ammonia and nitric acid, which being volatile are disseminated through the atmosphere and brought down again to the earth to serve the purposes of plant growth by Ieee showers of rain. Experiments conducted at Rothamsted, England, and elsewhere, during the past few years, to determine the quantity of these nitro- genous compounds in the rainfall, have shown that about 3.84 lb. per acre are thus given annually to the soil during the growing season. During the past winter, Mr. Frank T. Shutt, Chemist of the Dominion Experimental Farms has determined the nitrogen compounds in snow. From his results he estimates that in 90 inches, the average snowfall at Ottawa for the past sixteen years, there would be approxi- mately 1 Ib. of nitrogen in the form of ammonia and nitrates and nitrites on each acre. The farmer who neglects his barn-yard manure and allows its valu- able constituents to be partly dissipated by excessive fermentation, loses thus so much of his capital, but the atmosphere holds what has been “wasted, and refreshing showers dissolve this gaseous material and bring it a earth again in the very best condition for assimilation by plants. ‘as the careless farmer unwittingly becomes more or less a publie benefactor, and while he loses a large part of the nitrogen taken from his oil, the material is partially restored to earth in the rainfall elsewhere. N: nn has also admirable provisions for restraining waste. In all arable S04). the quantity of plant food which is soluble and immediately APPENDIX A XXXV available is relatively small. Much the larger portion of the elements of fertility are stored in the soil in insoluble forms. Hence only a small proportion of the store laid up for the use of the husbandman can in any given period be wasted, no matter how ignorant the farmer may be or how unwise the treatment to which he subjects his land. ‘The process by which such insoluble plant food is changed to soluble forms, is a gradual one, in which bacteria are said to play an important part. This process is also accelerated by frequent and thorough cultivation of" the soil, so as to expose its particles to the action of the sun and air. ‘Thus industry and energy on the part of the farmer bring their reward in increased supplies of available plant food, when, under favourable cli- matic conditions, increased crops are realized. Recent investigators have found that when soils are exposed to the air and rain for considerable periods they show marked increases in the quantities of nitrogen they contain and that these additions of nitrogen have been brought about by minute living organisms in the soil, which have the power of taking nitrogen from the air and converting this into nitrogenous compounds which are retained in the land. These nitrogen-fixing bacteria consist of a number of different species, varying in the degree of their activity according to the conditions of light, temperature, moisture and the porosity of the soil in which they are working. Soil bacteria and other lower organisms are also said to produce acids in the soil, which aid in dissolving and rendering assimilable other important elements of plant food. Thus through the agency of soil bacteria some portion of the nitro- gen lost through cropping is brought back directly to the soil. This will partially explain why land which has been impoverished by over- cropping does recover some portion of its fertility if it is allowed to remain long unused. Nitrogen is all about us. It constitutes about fourt-fifths of the ocean of air in which we live. The supply is inex- haustible and if means could be devised for readily producing soluble compounds containing this element at a low cost, the possibility of sup- plying this important ingredient to the soil in quantities sufficient to induce luxuriant vegetation would be permanently assurec. Tt has long been known that many farm crops are greatly improved by the ploughing under of a previous crop of clover. Within recent years it has been shown that this result is largely due to the fact that clovers in common with other leguminous plants have the power of taking nitrogen from the air, and that this is done through the agency of colonies of bacteria which inhabit small nodules or swellings on the roots of these legumes. Experiments conducted for a series of years at the XXXVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Central Experimental Farm have shown that a single crop of clover ploughed under improves subsequent crops for several years. In the tests made with oats the average increase in crop has been about ten bushels per acre of grain with a considerable increase in the weight of straw. Barley which followed the oats without any further ploughing under of clover, has given an increase in grain almost equal to that of the oats, with a lesser increase in straw, while a third crop on the same land has shown a decided, although reduced, increase. Nitrogen is the most expensive constituent of artificial fertilisers, at the same time it is indispensable. It produces a strong and healthy growth of foliage, and helps to build up the so-called plant albuminoids, which are so nourishing to animal life. Nitrogen is now supplied to the soil artificially in the form of sulphate of ammonia and nitrate of soda, both soluble nitrogenous salts. The sulphate of ammonia is a by-product formed in connection with the manufacture of illuminating gas. Formerly this was wasted, but now almost every large gas works has its sulphate of ammonia plant, and the total annual production of this salt is estimated at nearly 500,000 tons, more than one-half of which is used in the manufacture of fertilisers. Nitrate of soda, however, is the principal source of the nitrogen provided in artificial fertilisers. This salt occurs in enormous deposits in the northern parts of Chili, principally in the Province of Tarapaca. It is found in layers varying in thickness from a few inches to ten or twelve feet, lying usually on a deposit of clay and gravel, near the sur- face and beneath a covering of sand and gypsum. The impure salt is dug out or blasted, and purified by dissolving in water and crystallising. The nitrate of soda industry has developed enormously in recent years. In 1884, the total output was 550,000 tons, in 1900 it was 1,490,000 tons. It is held by those who have carefully examined these deposits, that at the present rate of mining they will be exhausted within twenty- five years, in which case there will be a serious deficiency in nitrogen for fertilising unless a new source of supply should meanwhile be discovered. With a nitrogen famine in prospect many attempts have been made to utilize directly the nitrogen in the air and bring it into such a state of combination as will make it available for agricultural purposes. The advantages which would result from the obtaining of nitrogen compounds at a reasonable cost from this inexhaustible source can scarcely be over- estimated. Some three or four years ago a new nitrogenous fertiliser was pro- duced in Germany, known as calcium cyanamide, or lime nitrogen. APPENDIX A XXXVII This was produced by the action of electricity on the air in presence of lime and carbon. This compound, which can, it is said, be cheaply made, contains about 20 per cent of nitrogen, and field experiments on crops in Europe during the past three years have shown satisfactory results from its use. Priestly was the first to discover that when a mixture of nitrogen and oxygen is subjected to the action of electricity a combination is effected and a mixture of nitric and nitrous acids formed. In 1898. Sir William Crooks, in his annual address before the British Association, pointed out the great possibilities in atmospheric air as a source of nitrates for fertilizing the soil and showed that it was possible by the use of a powerful current of electricity to combine the nitrogen existing in the air with the ozygen also found in the air and thus to make nitric acid. In this way the means could be found to increase the productivity of the grain growing areas in the world, without which he maintained there was danger of a shortage in the supply of wheat in the future. Ie ventured to predict that electrical energy produced by water-falls would at no distant time, be utilised for the production of nitrogenous com- pounds suitable for plant food. Attempts to realize this prediction have recently been made in several countries. An American company was formed with this object, which had at its disposal, at Niagara Falls, several thousand horse power. After spending about a million dollars, considerable quantities of nitric acid were made but it was found that the cost of manufacture was too great to permit of the company competing successfully with the present sources of supply. Hence the project has been abandoned. A similar misfortune overtook a company which organised a plant with a similar object at Freiburg in Switzerland. Quite recently, however, information has been received to the effect that Norway has solved the problem. A large plant has been established by a syndicate having at its disposal from several large water-falls, about 400,000 horse power. The works have been established at Notodden, near the falls of the Tenelf, which furnishes the necessary electrical energy. At this factory more than 33,000 lb. of pure nitric acid is made per day, directly from the air. From 10,000 to 20,000 horse power is said to be necessary to carry this work on successfully. The nitric acid is saturated with lime and the resulting calcium nitrate is used as a fertiliser. The particulars of the process are not yet fully known, but it is said that nitric acid can only be made at present at a price to stand the competition of the nitrates from Chili, where the power from the water-fall can be had for about three dollars per horse power per year. X XXVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA In this way the ingenuity of man is providing in goon season, a way of escape from the dire results of a nitrogen famine. Potash, which as a plant food stands, perhaps, next in importance to nitrogen, is widely distributed in nature. Many clay soils contain this element in large proportion, in the form of silicate of potash. It is found in all fertile soils in considerable proportions, and when the quan- tity of this element in the soil has been depleted by over-cropping, it may be restored by the application of wood ashes or some other potash fertilizer. A good dressing of barn-yard manure, which also contains a considerable proportion of potash will help to restore a soil so impoverished. Most of the potash salts found in commerce or used as fertilisers come chiefly from Germany where they exist in practically inexhaustible beds, underlying a large section of country. These beds are about a thousand feet under the surface and vary in thickness from 50 to 150 feet. The crude products vary in the percentage of potash they contain. Kainit, which is sent into commerce just as it comes from the mine, contains from 12 to 20 per cent of potash. The purer potash salts, such as muriate and sulphate, are made from the crude products of the mine by dissolving, filtering and crystallising. Some idea of the enor- mous demand for these potash salts may be formed from the fact that the works afford employment for over 9,090 miners and labourers. The annual output is said to be about 1,500,000 tons. For the third important element, phosphoric acid, there are several sources of supply, and the quantities obtainable are large. The bones of animals which consist mainly of phosphate of lime was the first form in which a phosphatic fertiliser was used on crops. The bones were crushed or ground, and the finer they were made the more prompt and manifest was the good effect produced. Bone meal was first used about the beginning of the 19th century, when its value as a fertiliser for turnips was demonstrated. About 1840 superphosphate of lime, made by the treatment of bones with sulphuric acid was introduced. This compound was much more soluble and speedy in its action on crops. Shortly afterwards mineral phosphates were discovered. They were found chiefly in America. In Canada there are large deposits, especially in Quebec and Ontario, where they occur in crystalline form. The mineral phosphate, or apatite, found in Canada contains a larger per- centage of phosphoric acid than most of that found elsewhere and was mined quite extensively for many years, but more recently other deposits have been found where the material is more abundant and more cheaply worked and most of the Canadian mines have been closed. In South APPENDIX A XX XIX Carolina, mineral phosphates are found in large quantities, and, in Florida, this substance is still more abundant. In Tennessee, also extensive deposits exist. Another abundant source of phosphoric acid, is a by-product in the manufacture of steel. Much of the iron used for this purpose in England and Germany contains small quantities of phosphorus, which makes the metal brittle and unfit for many purposes. In the process of transforming the iron into steel, the metal is heated to a very high tem- perature when the phosphorus is volatilised and the vapour passed through lime, with which it combines, forming phosphate of lime. For many years the slag from the iron furnaces was thought to be of no value, but chemical analyses showed that it contained large quantities of phosphoric acid in available form. This slag is now ground to a fine powder and sold as a fertiliser under the name of “basic slag.” The German iron works make about 400,000 tons of this phosphatic fertiliser every year, and large quantities are also made in England, Belgium and other countries. From the-facts submitted it seems evident that, as far as the three essential elements of plant food are concerned, it is highly probable that there will always be a sufficiency for the needs of mankind, and that the waste arising from the cropping of the land may be so far restored as to assure permanent fertility. The idea sometimes advanced, that the rapid increase in population will after a time out-grow the possibilities of the earth’s production, seems to point to a very remote contingency. The facility with which large areas of the earth’s surface could be stimu- lated to increased productiveness, added to the enormous areas of fertile land still in its virgin condition, should be sufficient to quiet any fears ‘ on that score for a very long time. We know that in some parts of Great Britain lands have been cultivated more or less continuously for upwards of a thousand years and yet are now probably producing as large crops as they ever did. This has been mainly accomplished by the feed- ing of stock with the crops grown on the land and applying the manure obtained to the soil. In this way, if the return is complete, about 90 per cent of the important elements of plant food taken by crops from the soil can be restored to the land. By supplementing the farm manure with occasional applications of artificial fertilisers, good crops may be indefinitely maintained. The value of animal excreta as a fertilizer has been appreciated by the husbandman as far back as records go, but it was not until 1804 that much light was thrown on the value of the mineral constituents of plants, when De Saussure announced his discovery of the significance XL ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA of the ash of plants and pointed out that in the absence of these mineral constituents plant life was impossible. He was also the first to show that the ash of the plant contains all the solid materials taken by the plant from the soil except the nitrogenous compounds. Liebig, in his reports to the Britsh Association in 1840 and 1842, demonstrated the importance of having a sufficient supply of the essential elements of plant food in soluble condition in the soil so that plants may obtain from the land the ingredients necessary for their growth. By the middle of the 19th century, it was well understood that nitrogen, potash and phosphoric acid were the essential ingredients required. which, if not already existing in the soil in sufficient proportion, must be supplied or good crops could not be had. The chief distinction between the functions of farm manure and commercial fertilisers may in a general way be thus stated. Farm manure increases crop production by supplying the elements needed in about the right proportion for healthy plant growth, and at the same time by the addition of humus improves the general condition of the soil, while the commerciai fertilisers act directly as plant food, without materially affecting soil structure. It is evident, therefore, that com- mercial fertilisers are not an adequate substitute for farm manure for producing permanent improvement. On virgin soils they are generally superfluous, but, as loss of plant food goes on under cropping, if resti- tution be not adequately made with farm manure, artificial fertilisers may be required. The effective and economical use of barn-yard manure is without doubt one of the most important problems of modern agriculture for on this material the farmer’s hopes of maintaining the fertility of his land, and thus providing for a succession of good crops, are mainly based. Experiments continued for twelve years at the Central Experimental Farm have shown that a given weight of manure taken fresh from the barn yard is equal in crop producing power to the same weight of rotted manure. It has also been shown by repeated tests that fresh manure loses during the process of rotting from 50 to 60 per cent of its weight. It is estimated that the farm manure produced in Canada amounts pro- bably to about 100 million tons a year. The financial loss involved in the wasteful handling of such a vast amount of valuable plant food shows the great importance of this subject. When we consider that all the food taken from the soil by plants must be furnished to the roots in aqueous solution, the necessity of a sufficient supply of water is apparent. The quantity of water held in a soil at any given period is not wholly dependent on recent ranfall, and APPENDIX A XLI it is astonishing how much the proportion of moisture in a soil can be influenced by cultivation. Soil when allowed to remain for a time un- disturbed, gradually settles into what is known as a capillary condition, through which water in the soil below is brought readily to the surface, where it evaporates. If soil is allowed to remain long in this condition, it will bring water thus from considerable depths. The ploughing of a soil breaks up this capillary structure, and subsequent cultivation pul- verises it and reduces it to a good condition of tilth. After this the mere scratching of the soil to the depth of an inch or two leaves the surface in a porous conditior which acts like a mulch and prevents much of the moisture below from escaping. Thus, by judicious cultivation, the proportion of moisture in a soil can be regulated and loss controlled. In this way crops can often be produced on semi-arid land, too dry to give favourable results with ordinary treatment. A few moments must now be given to the latter part of my subject, referring to the great progress made in agriculture in Canada during the past few years. Twenty-three years ago farming in Canada was in a very depressed condition and in 1884 the House of Commons appointed a Select Com- mittee to enquire into this subject and to suggest. the best means of developing and encouraging the agricultural interests of this country. Careful investigation led to the conclusion that the general lack of suc- cess was not due to any fault of the soil or climate, nor to want of indus- try among the farmers, but to defective farming from want of skill and knowledge in all branches of this work, and up to this time, no provi- sion had been made by the Government to remedy this. There is pro- bably no industry engaging the attention of mankind that requires more skill and general information to conduct successfully than farming. Competition in food products is keen throughout the civilized world, and the farmer must turn to practical account every advantage within his reach to improve the quality of his products and to lessen the cost of their production if he is to improve his position. The Committee recommended that the Government should establish experimental farms, where experiments might be carried on in all branches of agriculture and horticulture and that the results of this work should be published from time to time and distributed freely among the farmers of the Dominion. The recommendations of the Committee were favourably received and early in 1886 an act was passed authorizing the Government to establish a central experimental farm and four branch farms. The central farm was to be located near Ottawa and the branch farms in different parts of the Dominion, one in the Maritime Provinces, one XLII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA in Manitoba, one in the Northwest Territories and one in British Columbia. In choosing these sites an effort was made to have them fairly repre- sentative in soil and climate of the larger settled areas in the provinces or territories in which they were placed. In the arrangement of the work such experiments as were most likely to be beneficial to the larger number of settlers were in each case among the first to engage the atten- tion of the officers in charge. Twenty years have passed since this work was begun and during that time agriculture in Canada has made unprecedented advancement. In- vestigations and experimental researches have been conducted in almost every line bearing on agriculture and horticulture and a multitude of important facts have been accumulated and given to farmers throughout the Dominion in reports and bulletins. The principles which underlie successful crop-growing have been frequently dealt with and demon- strated. The importance of maintaining the fertility of the land, adopt- ing a judicious rotation of crops, following the best methods of preparing the land, early sowing, choosing the best and most productive varieties and the selection of plump and well-matured seed, all these have been shown to be essential to success. Through the experimenal farms early ripening sorts of grain have been brought from many countries wherever they could be found. While none of those tried have been found equal in quality to the best sorts already cultivated here, the new importations have given early ripen- ing strains, which, by skilful crossing and selecting, have already pro- duced excellent results. Several of the newer varieties of wheat ripen from two to three weeks earlier than some of the well known sorts in cultivation, thus opening up a prospect of considerably extending the wheat area in the Canadian Northwest. Distinct gains have also been made by crossing and selection in other classes of cereals. Varieties of grasses, suited to the needs and conditions prevailing in the Northwest have been experimented with and distributed for test, whereby dairying and stock raising are now becoming easier to conduct and more re- munerative. New apples also have been produced by crossing very hardy forms of Siberian crab apples with varieties of apples grown in Eastern Canada. These cross-bred sorts have proved quite hardy at several hun- dred different points at varying altitudes, and are succeeding in those parts of the Northwest country where ordinary apples are too tender to be successfully grown. Other lines of original research, chemical, botanical and entomo- logical, have also been followed with great assiduity, while the other branches of agricultural and horticultural work have been carried on APPENDIX A XLIIT with similar enthusiasm, and special bulletins on many important sub- jects have been published and widely distributed. The backward condition of agriculture in Canada, which was s0 pro- nounced twenty years ago, has given place to one of constant progress and advancement, and, instead of a lack of skill and knowledge among the farmers of this country, I think it may now be safely said that Canadian farmers, on an average, are as well informed and more gener- ally progressive than those of any other country in the world. The Experimental Farms have been one of the important factors in the educative work of this country and the Government is now wisely adding to the opportunity of Canadian farmers to gain knowledge by increasing the number of these institutions. Two experimental stations have recently been established in Alberta, one in the southern part of the province at Lethbridge, to study the various problems connected with irrigation and dry farming, and one further north at Lacombe to carry on experiments in general farming suitable for that district. Experi- ments are also in progress under Government direction in the Peace River country and the Yukon. It is expected that other sub-stations will shortly be established on Prince Edward Island, Vancouver Island and in northern Saskatchewan. These will no doubt be followed by others so that eventually these experimental institutions will be suffi- ciently numerous to meet the needs of our various climates. The reputation of Canada as an advanced agricultural country stands high, and other nations are earnestly interesting themselves in the fine agricultural products for which Canada is now noted. When the National Miller’s Association of Great Britain began their efforts to improve the quality of the wheat grown in the Mother Country, appli- cation was made for the best wheats obtainable here and although varieties were obtained by them from many other countries, none have yet been found superior to the best of those sent from Canada. Many other lands have also sought for samples of the agricultural products of this country for trial. Among the British Colonies many different sorts have been sent to Australia, South Africa and Newfoundland. India has applied for some of the best products for test in that country especially in the higher altitudes in the mountain districts. Requests have recently come from Thibet for food materials likely to be grown with success in the high plains of that country at altitudes ranging from 12,000 to 16,000 feet. In response to requests from the Russian Depart- ment of Agriculture many varieties of wheat, barley and maize have heen supplied which are being tested in different parts of that Empire. Even from Egypt the great granary of early times requests for Canadian grain have been received and the varieties sent are now being tested at Khar- XLIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA toum and along the Nile. To Japan also many different sorts have been forwarded for trial, and quite recently a number of different varieties have been sent for test in that part of the Saghalien Islands which re- verted to Japan as a result of the late war. Similar requests have also been recently responded to from Italy and from Mexico. Canada has won an enviable reputation as a country of vast agricultural resources, and the published records of her progress have many interested readers in all countries where intelligent agriculture is practised. Immigrants are flocking to our shores in large and increasing numbers and millions of acres of virgin lands are being brought under crop. ‘lhe mass of sur- plus food products available for export, shows every year a marked increase while as yet the area of land under cultivation is relatively small. What these exports will amount to in the near future, when the country becomes well settled, and the acreage of crop much larger, no one can accurately foretell. Enough, however, is known to warrant the statement that Canada will shortly become one of the greatest food- exporting countries of the world. APPENDIX B THE CANADIAN ARCHIVES THE CANADIAN ARCHIVES In the first volume of the Report of the Archives for 1905, the Dominion Archivist has outlined an extensive plan for the collec- tion and preservation of historical records, which has met with the approval of many of our leading scholars. An investigation has been carried on in different parts of the Dominion with a view to ascertaining where papers of interest to students are to be found in this country; and research is also being carried on in England and in France. In the first part of the report a catalogue is given with a large number of docu- ments of national interest which were discovered in Chicago, and there is a summary of about five hundred pages, of new papers which have been examined in Paris. The third volume of the report, consisting of a collection of con- stitional documents, from the year 1759 to 1791, is now in the press and will soon be distributed. This volume also contains several excellent plans which have been reproduced in colour. Among the valuable additions to the Archives during the past year, are a collection of manuscript plans, made by the Royal Engineers, from the commencement of British rule to 1867. The Branch has been removed to the new Archives building on Sussex Street, in which ample space has been provided for the arrangement and proper classification of the documents, and provision is made for the accommodation of those who wish to study or consult the records. As an indication of the increase of historical material which has been col- lected, I have given a table which shows that from 3,157 volumes in 1904, the Archives now possess 12,660 volumes, an increase of 9,503 in two years. A part of the staff is now engaged in making a complete index of the series C and G, and in classifying a large mass of papers which are unbound. This very necessary work will occupy considerable time but there is a very bright outlook for historical students in the future. Number of Manuscript Books in the Archives. No. of Volumes. Series Contents 1904 1907 Increase. Eeaebouguet Collection :: |: 1% 01 aa 35 35 peeveiaidunand Collection: #2 22 664 247 247 RE ape Miliiany Collection... 0141... a2... 1064 1782 718 Eamerench Correspondence: 4.11 1...) 223 292 6S XLVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Number of Manuscript Books in the Archives.—(Continued). Series Contents 1904 1907 Increase. No. of Volumes. G. Despatches of the Colonial Office to the Governors. (This is a new series).. 251 251 M. Correspondence of the Colonial Office and sundry papers .. .. . 719 1053 334 Q. Correspondence between ae Coeur Office and the Governors of U. & I. C. 869 869 Manuscript books received from the Department of the Secretary of State .... 1039 1039 S. Papers received from the Department of the Secretary of State, about ce 600,000, not yet bound will make over .... 7000 7000 The Durham papers aie 1,000) will Form abouty. ~ 2). ery) 12 12 3,000 papers Foi fhe Office of iene Governor-General’s Secretary. Will TAGE RAOUL i) ch ake eal eae ea Rene ON even 50 50 IDOHAIS 0 Soc. aa ee pe OD alec eu 9,503 APPENDIX C MARINE BIOLOGICAL STATIONS OF CANADA By E. E. Prince, Dominion Commissioner of Fisheries. Proc., 1907. 4. AAA RATE CEE TT Aer MR fe agit ae À Wy TD hi ; { NS ean MARINE BIOLOGICAL STATIONS OF CANADA The Marine Biological Station has continued its work at Gaspé for a second season, in accordance with the course adopted by the Bio- logical Board, since the operations of the institution started nine years ago. At each site, to which this moveable scientific laboratory has been towed, the rule has been observed to devote at least two years to the thorough investigation of the locality, the first year being usually occu- pied with what may be called a preliminary survey of the faunistic peculiarities of the neighbouring waters, while the second year has been devoted to special detailed problems, and the carrying on of marine researches bearing directly on the more vital fishery questions charac- teristic of the locality. Dr. Stafford, the energetic curator of the Station, who had officially reported that he had had ‘a good year’ during the first season, especially in discovering the distribution of the vertebrate and invertebrate life in the waters of Gaspé Basin, and in the Gulf of St. Lawrence outside, followed up his faunistic investigations, and added substantially to the list of animals inhabiting the Atlantic waters of Canada, the first portion of which list has been for some time in the press, but has not yet been issued. The abundance of important food-fishes directly depends upon the plenitude or the paucity of the living organisms which constitute the characteristic fauna of each inshore or deep-sea area. Hence the great importance of a thorough faunistic survey in each locality along the coast. Professor A. P. Knight, of Queen’s University, Kingston, who has been most assiduous in his attendance at the station almost continuously since the founda- tion of the institution in 1898, and whose letter addressed to the Royal Society in 1895 may be said to have originally initiated the movement for a marine laboratory for fishery and allied scientific investigations, devised a series of, valuable and interesting experiments on the relative merits, or comparative attractiveness, of various kinds of bait. The effectiveness, in carrying on fishing operations, of fresh and of frozen bait has been under discussion by practical men for many years, and the carrying out by the Dominion Government of a fishermen’s bait-freezer scheme, during the past few seasons along the Atlantic shores, has inten- sified the interest of the controversy ; hence the necessity of an exact and unbiassed investigation such as that carried out by Dr. Knight, at the Biological Station at Gaspé, last season. The results of the research have not yet been published, but the report in preparation will be of unique interest, and certainly of exceptional practical value, when it is \ LII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA issued, in a forthcoming part of the “Contributions to Canadian Biology,” under which title the researches of the station staff are published. Professor MacBride had hoped to return from England in time to have taken part in the work at Gaspé last year, but this proved impossible, and the director, Professor Prince, and the assistant director, Professor R. Ramsay Wright, were detained by pressing duties, so that neither of them could take part*in the investigations carried on. Amongst the staff of workers, in addition to Dr. Stafford, Lecturer upon Zoology in McGill University, Montreal, were several senior and junior students, with distinguished records in science in McGill University. At the meeting of the Biological Board in Ottawa last May, the important recommendation of the British Columbia Fisheries’ Commis- sion, of which Professor Prince, as Dominion Commissioner of Fisheries, is chairman, was brought up, urging that a biological station be established on the Pacific coast. The fishery problems in British Colum- bia waters, are many and pressing, and the board decided to take steps in the direction desired by the commission. The board had the advan- tage of a conference with one of the British Columbia Commissioners and a distinguished Fellow of the Royal Society, the Rev. George W. Taylor, of Wellington, Nanaimo, B.C., who aided the board materially in considering the question. Inasmuch as United States’ biologists have for many years resorted to the rich waters of British Columbia for biological research and have carried off great stores of most valuable scientific material, and as one United States’ marine station has been equipped and has carried on work, on the west coast of Vancouver Island, for a number of years past, the urgency of an adequately equipped station, under the auspices of the Dominion Government, requires no supporting argument. Nowhere else on the North American continent is there a field so prolific and so inviting as these unparalleled waters of the great Pacific province of Canada. It is satisfactory to know that the project has the hearty sympathy and support of the Honourable Mr. Brodeur, Minister of Marine and Fisheries, and there is every cer- tainty that provision will be made by the Dominion Government for the building of a station and its appropriate equipment. It may be added that, during the summer of 1907, the Atlantic station will most probably be moved to the north shore of the St. Lawrence, near Seven Islands, where the whaling operations, carried | on, will afford valuable material for study, and the work of the whaling depot can be studied with a view to estimating the effects upon the whale supply, and the best measures for preserving and developing an industry so valuable and important. APPENDIX C LIII Georgian Bay Biological Station. This station, which is now conducted under the Biological Board, did some interesting work last summer, under the able curatorship of Dr. B. Arthur Bensley. The fishery researches commenced on the 2nd of July, and the following naturalists took advantage of the station for investigations viz :— Mr. J. W. Firth, B.A., Mr. W. A. McCubbin, and Mr. P. I. Bryce, the latter two students of the University of Toronto. The special work was conducted according to the suggestions made by the Director, Professor Prince, at the beginning of the season and, with the exception of certain questions on pound-and-drift-nets in con- nection with which the staff were unable to obtain material, good results were secured. A small sum of money was paid to a regular fisherman for the privilege of examining all of the fish taken from his nets and of taking samples when necessary. In this way measurements of the whitefish and lake trout taken in gill nets of the regular mesh were made, also the condition of the fish observed when brought to the surface; and the effect. of injuring or scaling of live fish in the nets. In order to facili- tate this work a special net was procured made up of small lengths of different mesh. It was found, however, that parts of the net were not properly hung for fishing these waters and there was not sufficient time to remodel the net and continue operations. It was arranged fon Mr. Firth to obtain samples of whitefish for experiments on their keeping qualities when taken from shallow or deep water. Several trials were made for deep-water fish; but it was not possible to obtain shore whitefish on account of the lateness of the season, for comparison with deep-water whitefish. Mr. Bryce undertook two visits to the southern end of Georgian Bay for the collection of carp for food examination. About-forty fish were taken for this purpose. It was not possible to obtain access during the summer to localities where pound nets are operated; but experiments were made to show the behaviour of different kinds of shore fishes when entrapped and ‘the sizes of mesh necessary to allow of their escape, and reports are being prepared. During the summer there were completed some repairs and improve- ments to the buildings. The station house which had been damaged by wind storms was straightened and a verandah added to each end. ‘The whole structure was firmly guyed to the rock in order to prevent further possible damage from the same source. A permanent dock 1220 feet was constructed at the boathouse to replace the former float. The LIV "ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA small building formerly used as a storeroom was sheeted inside and made water tight to serve as a library. A new building 1020 feet was con- structed on a scow belonging to the station to serve as a floating labora- tory for work in other parts of the bay. The building contains a small laboratory room 1010, a small kitchen 610 and two closets. Several minor improvements were made in the main laboratory and all five build- ings of the station were painted. A gasoline engine of 114 horse power was added to the equipment and installed in the larger of the two rowboats belonging to the station. On the whole a successful and profitable season was completed at the institution. APPENDIX D THE METEOROLOGICAL SERVICE OF CANADA By R. F. Sruparr. Director of the Meteorological Service of Canada. THE METEOROLOGICAL SERVICE OF CANADA The ordinary climatic and forecast work of the meteorological service has been carried on systematically throughout the year and in addition investigation of the connection existing between the meteorological phenomena in Canada and in other parts of the globe has been ener- getically pursued with the object of discovering causes which lead to changes in the general atmospheric circulation. International co-operation in meteorological research is now regarded as essential to the solution of some of the many vexed problems which confront the meteorologist. A committee elected at the Meteorological Congress in Innsbruck in 1905 arranged that the various countries represented by its members should send meteorological reports to the Solar Physics Obeservatory, South Kensington, there to be printed and correlated together with measurements of the solar radiation; the pyrheliometer by Prof. Angstrom being the instrument chosen as a standard for the latter determinations. The meteorological service has been supplying the data asked for from Canada, namely abstracts of observations made at Dawson, Port Simpson, Victoria, Calgary, Qu Appelle, Winnipeg, Port Arthur, Parry Sound, Toronto, Kingston, Montreal, Father Point, Fredericton, Halifax, St. Johns, Nfid., and Bermuda. Another international work to which Canada lends its assistance is the compilation of a daily chart of the Northern Hemisphere between Scandinavia and Northern Canada; the chart in question being printed by the Deutsche Seewarte in Hamburg. An important problem awaiting solution is, whence come the high areas which appearing in Northwestern America move southeast and east accompanied by cold waves? It appears quite probable that the recent opening of new Canadian observing stations in the far north may shew that the general distri- bution of atmospheric pressure over America is not as was supposed and that the average path of the centres of both high and low areas lies much more to the northward than has heretofore been indicated. During the past winter the pressure over Yukon and Mackenzie River Territory has been very abnormal, as it has also been over the North Atlantic and Western Europe and it would appear almost probable that the wide departures from average which have been recorded may afford most valuable data for the determination of causes leading to the abnor- malities. Continued study of the climatic conditions of Northern Canada further tends to confirm the belief that, in the basin of the Mackenzie River the summer conditions are suitable for some agriculture nearly to the Arctic Circle. For the three summer months a vast area which includes western and Northern Alberta, northern Saskatchewan and the basin of the LVIII ROY AL SOCIETY OF CANADA Mackenzie almost to the Arctic Circle lies between the isothermal lines of 55° and 60°. Throughout this whole region the percentage of the possible amount of sunshine seems to approximate 55, and as the hours of possible sunshine at midsummer range from 17 hours in the latitude of Edmonton to 19 hours 30 mins. at Fort Simpson, it may be surmised that growth of plants and cereals where the soil is good may be even more rapid in the northern than in the southern districts. The summer mean temperature of Manitoba and southern and eastern Alberta and the greater part of Saskatchewan approximates very closely to that of the south of England, Belgium and the North of France while in the territory lying to the northward between the iso- therms of 55° and 60° the summer temperature may well be compared with that of the south of Scotland and southern Scandinavia. Taking the month of July alone in this latter region which includes the district between Lake Manitoba and Hudson Bay, the mean temperature is very fairly comparable with that of the south of England. For some years past a table giving the average dates in each province of phenological phenomena recorded by observers has been published in the annual report of the service and a strong endeavour is now being made to extend the range of observation. The chief use of the tables from a climatological point of view is the information they convey to those not familiar with meteorological data, who, by comparing dates given with those of similar phenomena in their own district and know- ing the conditions required, are enabled to arrive at a fair estimate of conditions prevailing in the several provinces. The number of observers in each province, however, is far from sufficient, excepting in Nova Scotia where the Botanical Club of Canada, to whom we are indebted for much of the data contained in the tables, has many. In this pro- vince the school children report to their teachers and they in turn report to the local secretary of the club. In this way much valuable data is collected and it is to be hoped that similar work may be undertaken in other provinces. In many portions of Europe much interest is taken in phenological phenomena and the Weather Bureau of France devotes a large portion of its annual report to tables containing these data. As some provinces in Canada shew considerable diversity of climate the various portions should be reported separately and this might be done if the assistance of a larger number of observers could be obtained. The Milne seismometers at Toronto and Victoria have been kept in operation throughout the year, 84 small movements, 8 moderate and 8 large quakes being recorded at the former place and 81 small, 10 moderate and 6 large at the latter. The most important of the recent quakes occurred in Chili, August 16th; Jamaica, January 14th, and in Mexico, April 15th, and the seismograms of these are here reproduced. IHN NYOIXIp/ LO6/ = 51 7#df/ LW'D , LIX TI) LE LNOGH “ANY LOGI SI's avan z / WALI UIAO IWE ‘IW3a—S 0:98 PONT sy yn dgHLuez OS1YUHATHA - 9067,,11 TY 0.6% .O ‘xvW A mcm ne aaa RS M, 7 apap 1:92°0 “MM LWS) £ £-O> 0 sn 906/ -9/ Bry os “ouoy ue à fi # (44 APPENDIX D 906/ WW Ol ‘any INAS 276 GEL. ‘ONTZ “SIHUNOHLYY 7 OSILH Ed TEA EPS 9.1540 'XHH meer rm x nie M7. 5 "3° JHOLOS aw 9-2) “O ‘La 9067, 9/ MAUR ES A oz iz 4 \ ‘OE WIHOLOIA A4 di # € ay wi » 9 - "+ A : » > ee « Le eat on 1e ran f a a a oars Ft Aids h ; - PY en i 1 Obs oo ae “Ue u >" ne sn + a. Vai = A. P _ ets Er \ à : as FA Pi i !, | + LE] ae a ae 7" es “il dl \ | “ay ” CI = ou * “3 d 0 4 ù i ~ + ny} er ot 4 = Li L ) 7 L ~~ 1 à " 7 OL 1z up PAIE + SS , go 2werbyzera v2IDUop (#ojobuy) 2 MOS T:0'/ =40k 7 "5 ‘Lu »/ “DF P/VOL9/A €, LO6/ -S/ udp 1229 ‘XHW # 6£z-9 206s 4LWD çcoz.9 }m7 à 1 22464 ro Aug” \ N RAS TEE LE LATE EE P4NOYOL ; APPENDIX D LXIII In order that the seismological records obtained at our stations may be used to the best advantage, it is altogether necessary that they be discussed and compared with records obtained in other parts of the world, hence prints showing all the more important disturbances are sent to the Central Bureau of the Seismological Committee in England; to the International Seismological Commission in Strassburg and to Johns Hopkins Univesity at each of which places records from all parts of the world are tabulated and discussed by persons who devote their whole time to seismological investigation. à Magnetic Observatory. Absolute determirations of magnetic declination, dip and horizontal force to check the zero of the differential instruments are made at frequent intervals. Continuous records of the declination and the horizontal component have also been obtained end several important magnetic storms have been recorded, notably of February 9th, occurring at a time of great solar disturbance. In September, Mr. P. H. Dike acting under instructions from Dr. L. A. Bauer, Director of the branch of Terrestrial Magnetism of the Carnegie Institution brought instruments from the United States and made comparison between the results obtained at Agincourt and those obtained at Cheltenham, Maryland. Dr. Bauer in his report says:— “These comparisons have proven that the standard instruments of the two countries agree sufficiently closely for all practical purposes. Hence, instruments used in field work in Canada as referred to either set of standards will give results as comparable as need be for practical requirements. f U.S.C. & G.S. magnetometer No. 20 gave west declination on the average, 0’.16, higher than the Agincourt Observatory instrument whereas at Cheltenham it gave results on the average 1’.10 higher, or the apparent difference, Agincourt—Cheltenham, would be -+0’.94. However, the conclusive proof of the existence of this difference would . require a much more careful comparison than was possible under the circumstances; in the case of each observatory an investigation as to possibility of differences due to different piers or observing stations having been used would be necessary. Magnetometer No. 20 revealed certain, hitherto unsuspected irregularities, the cause of which has ‘not yet been disclosed. No correction for declination has thus far been applied to this instrument. The large Wild-Edelmann declinometer at the Cheltenham Magnetic Obesrvatory also occasionally reveals irregu- larities not yet satisfactorily accounted for. It is believed, therefore, LXIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA that the above difference between the two observatories of 0’.94 cannot at present be regarded as real. The horizontal intensities obtained with magnetometer No. 20, were on the average too low at Agincourt by 0.000248 c.g.s. unit or 0.00151 H and at Cheltenham too low by 0.000456 c.g.s unit or 0.00228 H. The correction hitherto assumed by the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey for magnetometer No. 20, as the result of various comparisons, has been +0.002 H. Whether the difference in the correction to mag- netometer No. 20 as disclosed by the comparisons at the two observatories is to be attributed to an actual difference between the two sets of standards or is due to the possibility that the correction required for magnetometer No. 20 may vary with change of magnetic field, cannot at present be settled. The dip comparisons show that the two observatories agree as well as can be expected when it is not possible to make the comparisons with and between earth inductors and instead dip circles must be used. Corrections obtained for dip needles, depending in most instances upon slight irregularities of figure of pivots of the needles, cannot be regarded as constant for even comparatively small differences in dip or magnetic latitude. From a letter received by Dr. Bauer from Mr. O. H. Tittmann, Superintendent United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, dated March 7, 1907, the following extract is made: “ On account of this unsatisfac- tory condition of Declinometer No. 26, the results for declination furnished you in my letters of November 23rd, and January 31st, will need to be increased, probably by nearly one minute. This will cut down the difference between Magnetometer No. 20 and the Cheltenham standard to a very small quantity, and will bring the standard instru- ments of the Agincourt and Cheltenham Observatories into agreement, within the error of observation.” APPENDIX E THE DOMINION ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATORY By W. F. Kine, LL.D., Chief Astronomer and Boundary Commissioner 14 aa ny al THE DOMINION ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATORY The work of the observatory may be described under the following heads :-— Astronomy. Astrophysics. Time Service. Geophysics. Miscellaneous. With the observatory are associated certain surveys, namely the Trigonometrical Survey, and the International Boundary Surveys. The principal work done under the different heads is as follows: 1. Astronomy, The present equipment in this department consists of three portable transit instruments with chronometers, chronographs, etc., which have been used for the determination of time at the observatory, and for determination of geographic positions of distant points. Tt is proposed to add « meridian circie of six inches aperture and ? feet focal length, with a circle 36 inches in diameter. ‘This is in course of construction at the works of Messrs. Troughton & Simms, and it is hoped will be installed in a few months. A wing to the present building has been constructed to accommodate this instrument as well as two of the portable transits above referred té: This wing is built of stone, like the main building, but has an inner wall and roof of sheet iron. Free circulation of the outer air between the two walls is secured by louvre openings in the outer wall. In the design, provision is made for two four-inch telescopes as collimators for the meridian circle. Collimators are also provided for one of the transit instruments which are to be housed in the same wing. The portable transit instruments spoken of were made by Messrs. Cooke & Sons. They are of about three inches aperture and thirty-four inches focal length. The telescopes rest upon solid iron stands, with reversing apparatus. Two of them are provided with registering or “ Repsold ” micrometers, for automatic record of transits. The third is now being fitted with a micrometer in the observatory workshop. These micrometers may be revolved ninety degrees, and used for measuring zenith distances. Latitude levels are attached so that the instruments may be used as zenith telescopes. Thus one instrument serves for the determination of the two co-ordinates of a place. LXVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA The determination of geographic positions has been an important branch of the work, both before and since the building of the new observatory. Latitude observations according to a systematic scheme were made under the Department of the Interior, in connection with the surveys of Dominion Lands in 1875 and following years. In 1885 tele- graphic longitude determinations were added to afford reference points for the survey of lands in the Railway Belt of British Columbia. Since then a demand has gradually grown up for the determination of geographical co-ordinates for the betterment of maps, the fixing of refer- ence points for surveys of various kinds, ete. Among the more im- portant longitude determinations undertaken have been that between Montreal and Ottawa, in 1896, and that between Ottawa and Vancouver in 1900, with recent cross connections with the United States system of longitudes, from Ottawa to Harvard, and from Vancouver to Seattle. In 1903 and 1904, the chain of longitudes was extended by Messrs. Klotz and Werry across the Pacific following the line of the Cable via Fanning Island, Suva, and Norfolk Island to Australia, and New Zealand, com- pleting ‘thereby the first (in point of date of actual observation), longitude circuit of the globe. In 1906 a determination of the 141st meridian for the purposes of the convention of that year relating to the International Boundary Line in that quarter was made by Messrs. Klotz and McDiarmid of the © observatory staff in conjunction with Mr. Smith of the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, these three observers being placed respec- tively at Vancouver, Boundary and Fort Egbert, Alaska. The point or. the 141st meridian (on the Yukon River) was thus determined both ways, direct from Vancouver, and also from the chain of longitudes previously determined by the Coast and Geodetic Survey, from Seattle, via Sitka, Valdes, and Egbert. From 1885 to the present time, the geographical positions of 53 points have been determined, of which 17 were determined in 1905, and 5, including the Yukon longitude above mentioned, in 1906. Arrange- ments have been made for observation during the present season at five points in Yukon Territory and at a large number of stations in Ontario, Quebec and the Maritime Provinces. _ 2. Astrophysics. The work so far accomplished on the physical side of astronomy has chiefly been along the line of stellar spectroscopy. One particular branch of this, the determination of stellar radial velocities, seems to offer larger opportunity for useful work than any other branch of astronomical science. It is not only new, having been brought into effective operation by Campbell, of Lick Observatory, less than ten years APPENDIX E LXIX ago, but the field is also, comparatively speaking, unoccupied, as the number of observatories engaged in it can almost be counted on the fingers of one hand. A satisfactory beginning has been made in this work at the Dominion Astronomical Observatory by Mr. Plaskett, who adapted the Brashear universal spectroscope for accurate velocity deter- minations and has designed a new and in some respects original instru- ment which has been satisfactorily constructed in our own workshop and is now ready for practical work. With this instrument it is hoped to obtain results of great accuracy as all known sources of error have been either avoided or compensated for. The work so far accomplished with the original spectroscope has been the determination of the velocities of certain stars, the so-called “ standard velocity stars ” chosen by agreement among astronomers engaged in this class of work for periodical observation, and the determination of the velocity curves and the elements of the orbits of some spectroscopic binaries. Each of these binaries, which can be only recognized as being a double system from its variable velocity in the line of sight, requires some thirty or more obser- vations to satisfactorily determine an orbit and it is evident that half a dozen orbits will keep an instrument occupied for some considerable time. It is proposed further to observe the velocities of stars of a certain type of spectra which, not admitting from the character of the lines of very high accuracy of measurement, have been neglected by other observa- tories, but from which by using one form of the new instrument good results can be obtained. Not only is it proposed, when more assistance is obtained, to extend the spectroscopic work as above indicated, but micrometric and photo- metric observations with the equatorial telescope will also be undertaken ; the former, including measurements of the position angle and distance of selected double stars and other general micrometric work, and the latter, determinations of the light curves of variable stars. A start has also been made at solar research, a work which is most important in its practical bearing on terrestrial climatic action. On lit sous la date du 7 août 1720, dans le 3ème vol. du Journal des Jésuites : (1710-1759) publié dans l’Abeille (t. XI, no. II): ‘“ Le P. Charlevoix est arrivé de France par ordre de la cour, afin de prendre des informations pour la dé- couverte de la mer d'Occident. Il doit retourner par Mobile.” 2 Lettre au ministre de Morville. 20 janvier 1723. Il faisait la même dili- gence dans les côtes, parcourant la campagne sur les neiges. ROY] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 35 au duc d’Orléans un nouveau mémoire sur les limites de PAcadie qui nous a été heureusement conservé.! Charlevoix était content de se retrouver dans la petite capitale de Québec, au milieu de ses anciens amis, et il ne peut s’empêcher de le faire savoir : “ Si on ne considère que ses maisons, ses places, ses rues, ses églises et ses édifices publics, écrit-il, on pourrait la réduire au rang des plus petites villes de France, mais la qualité de ceux qui l’habitent, lui assure le titre de capitale, et c’est son bel endroit. “On y trouve un petit monde choisi, où il ne manque rien de ce qui peut former une société agréable. Un gouverneur général, avec un état major, de la noblesse, des officiers et des troupes. Un intendant avec un conseil supérieur et les juridictions subalternes; un commissaire de marine, un grand prévôt, un grand voyer et un grand maître des eaux et forêts dont la juridiction est assurément la plus étendue de l’univers ; des marchands à l’aise ou qui vivent comme s’ils Vétaient; un évêque et un séminaire nombreux; des récollets et des. jésuites ; trois communautés de filles bien composées ; des cercles aussi brillants, qu’il y en ait ailleurs, chez la gouvernante et chez l’intendante. Voilà, ce me semble, pour toutes sortes de personnes de quoi passer le temps agréablement. Aïnsi fait-on, et chacun y contribue de son mieux. Un jour, on fait des pro- menades : l’été en calèche, ou en canot; l’hiver, en traîne, sur la neige, ou en patins, sur la glace. On chasse beaucoup; quantité de gentilhommes n’ont que cette ressource pour vivre à leur aise. Les nouvelles courantes se réduisent à bien peu de choses, parce que le pays n’en fournit presque point, et que celles d'Europe arrivent tout à la fois, mais elles occupent une bonne partie de l’année; on politique sur le passé, on conjecture sur Pavenir ; les sciences et les beaux arts ont leur tour, et la conversation ne tombe point. Les Canadiens, c’est-à-dire les créoles du Canada, respi- rent en naissant un air de liberté, qui les rend fort agréables dans le commerce de la vie, et nulle part ailleurs, on ne parle plus purement notre langue. On ne remarque même ici aucun accent. “On ne voit pas en ce pays de personnes riches, et c’est bien domma- ge, car on aime à se faire honneur de son bien, et personne presque ne s’a- muse à thésauriser. On fait bonne chère, si avec cela on peut avoir de quoi se bien mettre, sinon on se retranche sur la table, pour être bien vêtu. Aussi faut-il avouer que les ajustements font bien à nos créoles. Tout ici est de belle taille, et le plus beau sang du monde dans les deux 2 Archives de la marine. Amérique du Nord. Nelle. France (1712-1739). Règement des limites, vol. 2, c. 11, fol. 638. Voir ce mémoire: Piéce A de VYappendice. 36 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA sexes ; l’esprit enjoué, les manières douces et polies sont communes à tous ; et la rusticité, soit dans la langue, soit dans les façons, n’est pas même connue dans les campagnes les plus écartées.” Et, plus loin, ce parallèle qu’il fait entre les colonies de la Nouvelle Angleterre et celle du Canada, n’est pas à dédaigner non plus. “Tl règne, dit-il, dans la Nouvelle Angleterre et dans les autres provinces du continent de l’Amérique soumises à l’Empire britannique, une opulence, dont il semble qu’on ne sait pas profiter; et dans la Nou- velle-France une pauvreté cachée par un air d’aisance, qui ne parait point étudié. Le commerce et la culture des plantations fortifient la première, Vindustrie des habitants soutient la seconde et le goût de la nation y répand un agrément infini. Le colon anglais amasse du bien, et ne fait aucune dépense superflue; le Français jouit de ce qu’il a, et souvent fait parade de ce qu’il n’a point. Celui-là travaille pour ses héritiers ; celui- ci laisse les siens dans la nécessité, où il s’est trouvé lui-même de se tirer d’affaire comme il pourra.” Je pourrais pousser plus loin ces citations, mais le texte entier vaut la peine d’être lu. Au commencement de mars 1721, le fleuve Saint-Laurent ne fut pas plutôt libéré de ses glaces, que Charlevoix partit pour Montréal.’ “ J’a- vais pris, écrit-il, la voie d’une cambiatura que la neige et la glace rendent très facile en ce pays pendant Vhiver, et qui ne coûte pas plus que les voitures ordinaires. On se sert pour cela d’une traine, ou, comme on parle ici, d’une cariole, qui coule si doucement, qu’un seul Sheva suffit pour la traîner, et va toujours le galop. On change de temps en temps, et à bon marché. Dans un besoin pressant, on ferait ainsi en vingt quatre heures, soixante lieues, beaucoup plus commodément, que dans la meilleure chaise de poste.” I] s’arréta en chemin à la Pointe-aux-Trembles, à Becancour, à Trois- Rivières, à Saint-François du lac, et, le 14 mars, il arrivait à Montréal. Il avait déjà visité autrefois cette ville pendant son premier séjour au Canada, mais quelle différence entre le voyage qu’il vient de faire et celui qu’il avait accompli quelque dix ans auparavant. “Je n’ai pas eu, écrit-il à la duchesse de Lesdiguiéres, dans ce trajet, le plaisir que j’avais autrefois en faisant la même route en canot par le plus beau temps du monde, de voir s’ouvrir devant moi, à mesure que j’avançais, des canaux 1 Dans sa lettre du 20 janvier 1723 au comte de Toulouse, il dit que c'était à la fin d'avril 1721 qu’il partit de Québec; mais dans celle du ler avril 1723 adressée au comte de Morville, il dit: “ Au commencement du mois de mars, la navigation étant libre, je me mis en chemin.” C'est cette dernière date qu’il faut prendre. Hn effet dans son Journal historique, p. 108, dans sa lettre datée de Trois-Rivières, le 6 mars 1721, il dit qu’il se rendit de Québec en cette ville après deux jours de marche. [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 37 à perte de vue, entre ce prodigieux nombre d’îles, qui de loin ne sem- blaient faire qu’une méme terre avec le continent, et arréter le fleuve dans sa course: ces agréables points de vue, qui changeaient à chaque instant, comme des décorations de théâtre et qu’on croirait avoir été aménagés exprès pour recréer les passants: mais je ne laissai pas d’en être un peu dédommagé d’abord par la singularité du spectacle d’un archipel devenu en quelque sorte un continent, et par la commodité de se promener en carriole sur des canaux entre des îles, qui paraissent avoir été plantées à la ligne, comme des orangers. “Pour le coup d’œil, écrit-il encore, il n’est pas beau dans cette saison. Rien n’est plus triste que ce blanc répandu partout, et qui prend la place de cette belle variété de couleurs, le plus grand agrément des cam- pagnes; que ces arbres qui paraissent plantées dans la neige, et ne pré- sentent aux yeux que des têtes chenues et des branches chargées de glaçons.” J’aime à noter en passant ce paysage d’hiver brossé par Charlevoix, car, d'ordinaire, dans ses écrits, il ne nous habituera pas à des scènes de nature vues si nettement. La description qu’il fait de l’aspect des envi- rons de Montréal n’est pas mal touchée non plus. “ Du côté de Québec, dit-il, les terres sont bonnes, mais on y voit ordinairement rien qui puisse recréer la vue; d’ailleurs, le climat y est fort rude; car plus on descend le fleuve, et plus on avance vers le nord, plus par conséquent le froid est piquant..... Il semble, lorsqu'on a passé les îles de Richelieu, qu’on soit transporté tout à coup sous un autre climat. L?air est plus doux, le terrain plus uni, le fleuve est plus beau: ses bords ont je ne sais quoi de plus riant.. On y rencontre de temps en temps des îles dont quelques-unes sont habitées ; les autres, dans leur état naturel, offrent aux yeux les plus beaux paysages du monde; en un mot, c’est la Touraine et la Limargue d'Auvergne comparées avec le Maine et la Normandie.” C’est ainsi que le bon père jésuite se venge du vent de nord-est qui pendant cinq longs mois lui a cinglé la figure et donné l’onglée sur le rocher de Québec. Uharlevoix passa près d’un mois et demi à Montréal (14 mars—ler mai 1721). Ilen profita pour visiter Chambly et faire un court séjour au saut Saint-Louis pendant la quinzaine de Pâques, cherchant partout des voyageurs pour l’instruire de ce dont il devait rendre compte? Mais toutes ses recherches n’eurent pas grand résultat. “Les Canadiens, écrit-il plus tard au comte de Toulouse? voyagent sans s’em- * Journal historique, pp. 136-137. ? Lettre du ler avril 1723 au comte de Morville. 8 Lettre du 20 janvier 1723. 38 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA barasser beaucoup de s’instruire sur les pays qu’ils parcourent. Il faut même être un peu en garde contre eux, car comme ils ont quelquefois honte de ne pouvoir rendre aucun compte de ce qu’ils ont vu, ils ne font point difficulté de substituer des romans qu’ils digèrent assez bien, à la place de la vérité qu’ils ne connaissent pas.” Enfin, le premier mai 1721, Charlevoix partait de Montréal pour V’Ouest alors connu à la recherche de celui qui s’obstinait à garder son secret. Jusque là, le missionnaire avait eu l'illusion d’un prolongement de la France de l’autre côté de l’eau. Ces villages qu’il venait de tra- verser, c’étaient encore les fermes de la Normandie, un coin de son pays picard. Mais, à partir de Lachine, il franchit la frontière de la civilisa- tion. Il ne trouvera plus que des postes disséminés de loin en loin, des trappeurs, des coureurs de bois, des canotiers, des pionniers hardis, des groupes de colons aventureux, des indiens, seuls maitres vrais de ces ré- gions. Quelle société pour ce lettré accoutumé à la vie d’un collège parisien! Quelle impression va-t-il recevoir de ces paysages d’une sauva- gerie grandiose? Va-t-il y puiser inspiration qui animera plus tard ses descriptions? La poésie des lacs mystérieux, la forêt vierge, le silence des bois, la prairie immense, chanteront-ils dans son cœur? Va-t-il enfin déteindre quelque chose sur lui de cette vie d’aventures et de périls ? Le conseil de la marine a pris soin, dès le 7 juin 1720, d’écrire a Vaudreuil et à Bégon que le Père de Charlevoix a été chargé par le roi de la découverte de la mer de Ouest. Ils ont reçu ordre de le laisser monter dans les pays d’en haut avec deux canots, huit voyageurs et les marchandises qu’ils pourraient apporter.* C’est donc en bel équipage que le missionnaire s’est embarqué, sans compter qu’on lui a donné pour l’accompagner, un fort aimable cavalier, le sieur de Cournoyer, dont le sang ne s’est jamais démenti et qui l’a versé plus d’une fois pour le service du roi.* La flotille remonte les Cascades, franchit les rapides du Buisson, des Cèdres, du Côteau du Lac. Le 14 mai, elle est à Cataracoui; le 26, à Niagara. Le lac Erié est traversé. Le 8 juin, on fait escale à Détroit pendant dix jours. Charlevoix est enchanté de la beauté et de la variété des paysages qu’il vient de voir. “ Si l’on voyageait toujours, écrit-il, avec un ciel serein et un climat charmant, sur une eau claire, comme la plus belle fontaine; qu’on ren- contrât partout des campements sûrs et agréables, où l’on put avoir à peu 1 Ordres du roi, série B., vol. 42, p. 448. Lettre de Charlevoix au ministre, 27 juillet 1721. [roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 39 de frais le plaisir de la chasse, respirer à son aise un air pur, et jouir de la vue des plus belles campagnes, on pourrait être tenté de voyager toute sa-vie. Je me rappelais ces anciens patriarches, qui n’avaient point de demeure fixe, habitaient sous des tentes, étaient en quelque sorte les maîtres de tous les pays qu’ils parcouraient et profitaient paisiblement de toutes leurs productions, sans avoir les embarras inévitables dans la possession d’un véritable domaine. Combien de chênes me représen- taient celui de Mambré? Combien de fontaines me faisaient souvenir de celle de Jacob? Chaque jour, nouvelle situation à mon choix: une maison propre et commode, dressée et meublée du nécessaire en moins d’un quart d'heure, jonchée de fleurs toujours fraîches sur un beau tap's vert: de toutes parts des beautés simples et naturelles, que l’art n’a point altérées, et qu’il ne saurait imiter. Si ces agréments souffrent quel- quwinterruption, ou par le mauvais temps, ou par quelqu’accident im- prévu, ils n’en ont que plus de vivacité, quand ils reparaissent.””* Le morceau est à lire en entier. Mais la mer est belle, le vent est bon, et les canotiers nous attendent. Charlevoix poursuit sa route, re- monte le lac Huron et atteint Michillimakinac, le 30 juin, soit deux mois aprés son départ de Montréal. C’est à Michillimakinac qu’il a compté recueillir la meilleure mois- son de renseignements, mais là doivent commencer la aesillusion et le désenchantement. Les commandants de poste, les coureurs de bois sont réticents. Ils ne tiennent pas à dire ce qu’ils savent. Pourquoi iraient-ils livrer les secrets de leurs territoires de chasse? Pour que d’autres viennent tuer le lièvre dans le buisson qu’ils ont battu? Les raisons d’état, l'intérêt d> la science géographique ne leur disent rien. Les connaissances qu'ils ont acquises c’est toute leur fortune; ils les donneront pour de beaux deniers sonnants, et si la cour les veut posséder ils communiqueront di- rectement avec elle afin d’en avoir le mérite. Pourtant, Charlevoix ne se donne pas de paix. Il arrête au pas- sage: missionnaires, chasseurs, officiers qui reviennent de leur poste en congé, et les presse de questions.” Apprend-t-il que des Sioux sont campés à la Baie des Noquets, à une soixantaine de lieues au sud de Michillimakinac, il suit M. de Montigny, qui s’y en va commander, et leur dresse un interrogatoire en forme. Leurs réponses sont vagues contradictoires. Comment démêler la vérité au milieu de tant de fables ? Les Anglo-américains ont donné le nom de Charlevoix à une ville et à 1 Journal historique, p. 254. 2 Lettre au comte de Toulouse, 23 janvier 1723. 5 Journal historique, t. III, p. 301. 40 SOCIETÉ ROYALE DU CANADA un comté de l’état de Michigan, sur la péninsule qui sépare les eaux du lac de ce nom de celles du lac Huron. Certes, jamais honneur ne fut mieux mérité, car jamais homme n’a sillonné les eaux du lac Michigan sur sa barque aventureuse avec un plus ardent désir de mener a bien la mission qui lui avait été confiée. Charlevoix revint de la baie des Noquets, convaincu que, pour ap- prendre quelque chose, il lui faudrait pousser jusqu’à l’extremité du lac Supérieur. Mais ses ordres étaient de s’arrêter à Michillimakinae. Il hésita un moment sur ce qu’il devait faire. Enfin, sachant combien les voyageurs de passage avaient peu de chance de rien retirer des sauvages, à moins de s’installer avec eux et de vivre de leur vie, il résolut de prendre le chemin de la Louisiane, bien décidé de revenir Pannée suivante et d’hiverner au lac Supérieur. En attendant, il donna instruction à tous les commandants de poste de sonder les Sioux afin de savoir d’eux s'ils seraient disposés à écouter un missionnaire au cas ou on jugerait à propos de leur en envoyer un. A Vaudreuil et à Bégon, il fit demander un canot bien équipé pour faire le tour du lac Supérieur avec le sieur Pachot pour le commander, car cet officier était un de ceux qui connaissaient le mieux les pays d’en haut, et Charlevoix avait déjà tiré de lui de bons mémoires sur les Sioux.! Au moment de quitter Michillimakinac, le 27 juillet 1721, il écrivit au comte de Toulouse une longue lettre qui nous a été conservée dans laquelle il lui dit son voyage et ce qui lui est arrivé jusque là? II sy *Ce mémoire est en appendice. Voir Piéces B. C. D. E. = Cette lettre est au vol. 16, c. 11, p. 96, des Archives de la marine. Nouv. France. Poste des pays de l'Ouest. Il y a au dos de la lettre une note de la main d'Antoine Raudot: Conseil. Porter à Mgr. le régent. Vu par Son A, S. Il faudra lui écrire ainsi qu'il le propose et lui faire part des mémoires qui pourront être reçus. La Chapelle, délibéré le 23 déc. 1721. Cette lettre a été imprimée dans les Mémoires de Margry, vol. 6, p. 58 Nous la reprodui- sons en appendice. Pièce F. Aux Archives coloniales, vol. 43. p. 428. Conseil de Marine, ec. 11, on trouve aussi le projet de délibération qui suit : “Le Père Charlevoix jésuite qui a été envoyé pour faire la découverte de la mer de l’oüest marque qu’il a visité tous les postes d’en hault excepté ceux du Lac Supérieur où il espere trouver des connaissances plus certaines au’ail- leurs. “Tl compte y retourner le printemps prochain, il ne doute point qu'il ue revienne au Conseil beaucoup de Mémoires sur la découverte dont il est chargé parcequ’il a remarqué dans le voyage qu’il a fait que quelques personnes qui vouloient paroitre fort instruites lui disoient peu de choses et que d’autres fai- soient des recherches dont ils ne lui faisoient aucune part. “Ce défaut de concert peut beaucoup nuire à la cause publique, parce qu’une connaissance detachée est souvent peu considérable en elle-méme et de- [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 41 plaint du peu de lumiéres qu’il a pu tirer de tous ceux qu’il a rencontrés. “Il a remarqué, écrit-il, que des personnes qui voulaient paraitre fort instruites lui disaient peu de choses et que d’autres poursuivaient des recherches dont ils ne lui faisaient aucune part. Ce défaut de concert nuit beaucoup a la cause publique. Le moindre renseignement, tout détaché qu’il soit, et quelque stérile qu’il puisse paraitre, pourrait, grou- pé avec d’autres, amener des résultats considérables. Je me suis aperçu souvent que je ne faisais que battre le buisson. Ce sera toujours une consolation pour moi d’avoir contribué pour quelque chose à ces enquêtes particulières. Et je supplie que l’on m’envoie, par les deux routes que je pourrai tenir, les mémoires que l’on ne manquera pas sûrement d’a- dresser à Paris, dans les lettres du Canada ou de la Louisiane.” Cette lettre, partie le 27 juillet 1721, fut soumise au conseil de marine le 23 décembre de la même année. Une semblable expédition fait véritablement honneur à la poste des coureurs de bois. Il était ce- pendant trop tard pour faire tenir de nouvelles instructions à Charlevoix. Ce dernier s’avançait déjà depuis longtemps sur la route de la Louisiane. Parti de Michillimakinac, à la fin de juillet, Charlevoix avait tourné ja pince de son canot vers la péninsule qui sépare le lac Michigan du lac Huron, longé sa rive occidentale, puis remonté vingt lieues dans les terres, la rivière Saint-Joseph, jusqu’au fort qui portait alors ce nom. Brisé par la fatigue et les tourments qu’il s’est donné la maladie l’y a retenu pendant six semaines. Le 16 septembre, il s’embarque de nouveau, atteint la rivière Kankakee, et en cescend le cours jusqu’à ce qu’elle se rencontre avec celle des Illinois, à un endroit qu’on appelle encore La Fourche. C’est la route qu’a suivi autrefois La Salle, route semée de souffrances et d’angoisses, mais Charlevoix, qui le sait et qui note tout, semble Pavoir oublié. Cette route n’est pas sûre encore. Les sauvages illinois qui sont sur les sentiers de la guerre y font des razzias et le missionnaire a dû se faire accompagner de dix soldats sous les ordres de M. de Saint-Ange. Le 5 octobre il est au lac Pimiteouy, élargissement de la rivière des Illinois, à 70 lieues du. Mississipi. Enfin il aperçoit le grand fleuve, le père des eaux qui dort couché dans la savane. Ses flots sont rapides, il s’y laisse glisser, signale en passant le Missouri, s'arrête une nuit à la mission de Cahoquia où il sert la main aux deux meure stérile faute d’estre communiquée dans des occasions où elle pourrait servir à en faire acquérir d’autres plus importantes. “Tl demande qu’on lui adresse par les deux routes qu’il pourra tenir un extrait des Mémoires qui seront envoyés au Conseil sur cette matière dans les Lettres du Canada et de la Louisiane. “Le Conseil est d’avis de lui écrire ainsi qu’il le propose et lui faire part des Mémoires qui pourront estre reçus.” 42 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA prêtres du séminaire de Québec qui la desservent, Thaumur de la Source et le Mercier, deux de ses anciens élèves. Le 20 octobre, il arrive sain et sauf à l’entrée de la Louisiane, à Kaskakia, où les jésuites ont deux missions florissantes, et il va s’y reposer pendant un mois. Le voilà encore une fois rentré dans la civilisation. Et il s’en réjouit, car la vie sauvage ne lui va pas.! Maintenant, jusqu’au golfe du Mexique, notre voyageur rencontrera, de ei et de là, et s’en allant déjà en ruines, les établissements commencés par les grands et les nobles de France, attirés qu’ils avaient été par les © plans gigantesques de Law et de sa merveilleuse compagnie. Charlevoix a assisté, en 1716, à Paris, à la fondation de la fameuse banque. Il a vu la fièvre des chercheurs d’or, quand ils s’arrachaient, dans la petite rue de Quincampoix, les actions de Mississipi. Il est alors sorti du royaume, en moins de trois ans, plus d’hommes et d’argent qu’il en était parti, depuis Francois ler, pour aucune colonie du nouveau monde. Quel Eldorado on se promettait! Et, voici que le jésuite, après avoir assisté à l’agiotage et au triomphe, va voir de ses yeux le désastre, le duché imaginaire des Arkansas, les baronnies et les marquisats de la solitude, les trous encore béants des mines abandonnées. C’est donc là ce fleuve qui faisait tant de bruit en France, et qu’il trouve aujourd’hui sauvage et déserté. Charlevoix note soigneusement les noms de tous ces actionnaires déchus et trompés. Et ce n’est pas là la partie la moins intéressante de son journal de route. Je conseille de la lire, chaque fois qu’une compagnie lance un projet nouveau sur le marché, car l’hameçon qui prit jadis tant de poissons naifs est fait d’un fer tenace, et jette encore tous les jours de nouvelles victimes dans la poéle a frire. On avait assuré Charlevoix, lors de son départ de Paris, qu’il trou- verait aux Illinois des ordres pour lui faire faire le reste du voyage jusqu’à la mer. Il fut bien désappointé de ne rien recevoir à Kaskakia, et de se voir sans le sou et sans provisions? IL dut donc tirer sur ses confrères jésuites pour se refaire un peu. Dans l’entre-temps, il fait causer les Canadiens qui commencent à s’établir aux alentours du fort ? A lire la description de la vie sauvage, tel que Charlevoix l’a vue, au tome III de son Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, pp. 337 et seq. Sur la découverte de la mer de l’Ouest et Charlevoix, voir aussi Rochemonteix, Les Jésuites et la Nouvelle-France au XVIIIème siècle, t. 1, pp. 172, 178, 199, 206. ? Pourtant, dès le 6 juillet 1721, le conseil de la marine avait écrit aux commissaires de la régie de la Compagnie de la Louisiane de vouloir bien donner des ordres pour le retour en France du Père Charlevoix an cas où, après avoir travaillé à la découverte de la mer de l'Ouest, il descendrait à la Louisiane par le Mississipi. Cf. Archives coloniales, vol. 44, série B, fol. 62. [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 48 de Chartres, à une demi-lieue au sud de Kaskakia, mais il ne peut tirer rien de nouveau sur ce qu’il cherche. Il descend alors à petites journées, recueille en passant, chez les Indiens qu’il rencontre, les légendes qui permettront plus tard à Cha- teaubriand d’écrire son poème des Natchez, et arrive enfin à la Nouvelle- Orléans, fondée il y a cing ans par Bienville. On est au 5 janvier 1722. Après quelques jours de repos, le missionnaire se rend au Biloxi, qui était encore le comptoir principal de la Louisiane, au bord de la mer. La jaunisse le prend et le couche au lit pendant six semaines. Aussitôt rétabli, il veut remonter le Mississipi et rallier Michillimakinac, mais la rumeur vient de se répandre que les Indiens ont levé la hache de guerre, et personne ne veut l’accompagner dans un voyage devenu dangereux. I] décide de s’embarquer sur une flûte de la compagnie qui partait pour Vile Saint-Domingue, dans l’espoir d’y trouver un bateau qui le ramènera à Québec, d’où il sera encore en temps pour gagner le lac Supérieur. Le jour de Pâques, premier avril 1722, le navire sort du Mississipi et quatorze jours après, il va se jeter sur un récif, au large de Vile des Martyrs, à la pointe extrême de la Floride. Heureusement, la mer est calme, la terre est proche, les canots sont bons. Tout le monde se sauve. Charlevoix, monté sur une mauvaise barque, longe péniblement les côtes de la Floride et des Apalaches, et revient au Biloxi après cinquante jours de voyage. Ce n’est que le 30 juin qu’il peut trouver un navire pour le mener enfin à Saint-Domingue. Les vents contraires l’assaillent et il est obligé de relâcher à la Havane. Charlevoix pense pouvoir y ren- contrer le fameux voyageur Mathieu Sagean qui a laissé une si curieuse relation sur la Louisiane. Le gouverneur ne veut pas le laisser descen- dre à terre. Après deux mois de navigation, on arrive à Saint-Domin- gue. Il n’y avait pas huit jours qu’un navire venait d’en partir pour le Canada. Décidément tout se ligue contre l'explorateur. Il n’a plus qu’un parti à prendre, c’est de rentrer en France, et c’est ce qu’il fait. Le 20 janvier 1723, après deux ans et demi d’absence, il est de retour à Paris, et adresse le même jour un rapport de son voyage au comte de Toulouse.* Il n’a rien trouvé de ce qu’on l’envoyait chercher, mais quand on revient de si loin et qu’on a vu tant de choses, il est bien permis de faire des suggestions. Ce serait dépasser le cadre de cette étude que de dire ici les hypo- thèses dont Charlevoix accompagne son rapport, hypothèses plus faciles ? Cette lettre est imprimée au vol. 6 de Margry, p. 521. Nous la don- nons en appendice. Pièce G. Voir Rochemonteix, op. cit. ce qu'il dit du voyage de Charlevoix à la Louisiane, p. 246, vol. 1. 44 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA à mettre sur le papier qu’à démontrer sur le terrain. Finalement, sur l’ordre qu'il lui en est donné, il représente qu’il n’y avait que deux moyens praticables de découvrir la mer de l’Ouest. Le premier est de remonter le Missouri, dont la source n’est certainement pas loin de la mer: tous les sauvages qu’il avait vus ’ayant unanimement assuré. Le deuxième est d’établir une mission chez les Sioux. Le duc d'Orléans s'arrête à ce dernier plan, et fait avertir les jésuites d’avoir à préparer deux de leurs sujets à cette fin. Sur ces entrefaites, le comte de Morville fut appelé à la secrétairerie d'état. Il fallut recommencer auprès de lui les démarches entamées auprès du comte de Toulouse. Charlevoix, sans se décourager, reprend la plume, lui donne un résumé de son voyage, lui dit où en sont les négociations. Au cas où son Ordre n’aurait pas de sujets prêts, il s'offre à aller établir lui-même la nouvelle mission chez les Sioux. Le comte de Morville, que ces projets en terre lointaine ennuient sans doute, ren- voie Charlevoix à Raudot, lui demande d’écrire un nouveau mémoire, puis lui propose d’aller se fixer pour tout de bon chez les Sioux pour y diriger le poste d’observation qu’il y croit nécessaire. Charlevoix, pris au dépourvu, s’en défend. “Je n’ai pas donné à M. Raudot, écrit-il au ministre,” le mémoire que votre Grandeur m’a commandé de lui lais- ser, touchant le voyage qu’elle m’a fait l’honneur de me proposer, parce qu’il n’était pas de retour à Versailles lorsque j’en suis parti, mais je lui avais parlé à Paris, et je le crois suffisamment au fait. Je ne sou- haïte rien tant, Monseigneur, que de vous persuader que rien ne me re- tiendra lorsqu'il s’agira du service de Dieu et de mon Prince. Heureux si ma vie se consume dans des exercices si dignes de mon état. Mais n'ayant plus l’âge, ni la santé requise pour commencer la vie de mis- sionnaire, dont le début serait d'apprendre une langue de laquelle je n’ai nulle notion, je ne puis que m’offrir, comme je le fait de grand cœur, à aller établir la nouvelle mission, et à mettre les missionnaires en pos- session, ce qui me donnera occasion de continuer les enquêtes que j’ai déjà commencées pour la mer de lOuest. . .” Sur le dos de cette lettre, on voit une note écrite de la main de Raudot, et qui se lit comme suit: “ Répondu que, sur le compte qu’il a rendu de son voyage, le roi s’est déterminé à l’établissement de deux missionnaires aux Sioux, et à ne pas faire continuer la découverte de la mer, espérant que l’on aurait par ces missionnaires des connaissances, qui. Lettre à Morville, ler avril 1723, imprimée dans Marery, vol 6, p. 331. Appendice, pièce H. * Lettre du 11 mai 1723, Archives de la marine, vol. 16, c. 11, p. 108; im- primée dans Margry. t. 6. p. 335. Appendice, pièce I. [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 48 pourraient donner lieu de suivre ces découvertes ou d’en abandonner le projet, que c’est la situation où est cette affaire.” Charlevoix ne se rebute pas. Il se rend toutes les semaines pendant un mois à l’hôtel du ministre aux jours marqués pour ses audiences, mais il ne peut le rencontrer. Il lui adresse alors une dernière lettre le 26 juin 1723," dans laquelle il essaye de le détourner, cette fois, de l'établissement des Sioux et de le persuader qu’il vaut mieux s’arrêter à exploration du Missouri. Cette lettre ne reçut pas de réponse. L/af- faire était désormais classée. Voila autant de choses dont Charlevoix n’a jamais parlé dans ses livres, et que des documents nouveaux nous permettent maintenant de mettre au jour. Voila le vrai voyage, son but, ses péripéties diverses, son dénouement. Charlevoix resta à Paris. Et ce fut aussi bien pour lui. Il navait pas le dégourdi du voyageur. Suivez-le à travers s0a _ journal. D'abord, il souffre du mal de mer, d’une façon atroce. Il ne peut pas supporter non plus les fatigues inséparables des courses en forêts, à travers les lacs, les rivières, les portages. Son âme est plus forte que son corps frêle. Il s’épuise ou se laisse terrasser par la fièvre. Son estomac ne va pas à la nourriture spéciale de ces expéditions loin- taines. Ensuite, il a ce que les voyageurs appellent le mauvais ceil, le jettalura des Italiens. Son canot se créve sur les roches, se découd ou se dégomme. Il manque toujours ceux qu’il veut rencontrer, et ce sont alors des allers et retours à n’en plus finir. Il perd infailliblement le bateau sur lequel il doit s’embarquer. Et une fois embarqué, les vents ne soufflent plus, ou bien ils soufflent en sens contraire; l’eau fraîche fait défaut et on lui refuse de se ravitailler dans les ports d’escale. Son naufrage, même, manque de classique. Pas de tempête, rien qui siffle dans les cordages. Pas de morts d’hommes, pas même de tirage au sort pour savoir qui sera mangé le premier. Il remplit une mission officielle, voyage aux frais du gouvernement, et loin d’en profiter pour se créer des rentes, il contracte des dettes et paye de sa propre bourse. Voila qui est digne de son honnêteté, mais c’est d’une maladresse 1mpardonnable. On ne peut nier que Charlevoix ait de la science et qu’il soit bon observateur, mais il n’a pas le flair du découvreur, cette sagacité qui supplée souvent au manque de connaissances et qui sait éclairer d’une lumière qui lui est propre. 1 Loc. cit. Archives, p. 109; Margry, vol. 6, p. 537. Appendice, pièce d: 46 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA On sait, comment, dans les dix années qui suivirent le voyage de Charlevoix, Boucher de la Perriére, Linctot, Le Gardeur de Saint-Pierre, les deux Marin, commencèrent à dérouler la chaîne qui devait conduire au plateau vague d’où sortent les eaux qui coulent vers le nord. Ces noms s’effacent bientôt devant la vaillance de Pierre Gautier de la Vé- randrye et de ses illustres fils. Le lac de la Pluie, le lac des Bois, le lac Winnipeg, la riviére Rouge, la riviére des Assiniboines sortent tour à tour de l’inconnu. Leur barque aventureuse s’élance sur la Saskat- chewan. Mais, à quel prix tous ces résultats sont obtenus? Ils vont chercher au bout du monde une renommée qu’on leur marchande encore. Enfin, le premier janvier 1743, un peu à l’est du Yellow Stone Park, soixante et deux ans avant que les Anglo-américains, Lewis et Clarke, aient descendu la Columbia, le fils aîné de la Vérendrye plante le drapeau triomphant de la France au flanc des Monts Rocheux. Le problème du passage à la Chine par l’intérieur des terres est presque résolu. Cette recherche a duré vingt-cinq ans. Pendant ce temps là, Charlevoix, penché sur ses livres, croit tou- jours que les terres des Espagnols s’étendent bien plus loin vers le nord qu’on le pense, et en 1744 il écrit encore que la Nouvelle-France est bornée à l’ouest par cette nation. Mais qu'importe l’erreur géographique! Notre pensée, et la pos- térité généreuse et bienveillante unissent dans un même souvenir glo- rieux tous ces vaillants hommes, parcequ’ils poursuivirent la même grande œuvre au milieu des mêmes fatigues, des mêmes misères et des mêmes dangers. La célébrité de Charlevoix ne devait pas venir de ce côté. L’entrat- nement de son esprit le portait vers d’autres sommets. Non! non! sa main n’était pas faite pour l’aviron du voyageur, mais pour manier la plume, une plume vaillante, inlassable, qui pendant trente années encore courrera alerte, et dira au loin les hautes prouesses des héros de la Nouvelle-France. Son voyage n’eut aucun résuitat pratique immédiat si l’on veut, il n’ajouta rien à la géographie, car il fut fait à travers des pays et des rivières déjà connus et fréquentés depuis longtemps. La cartographie primitive profita cependant des observations de Charlevoix, de ses relevés, de ses sondages, et Bellin lui rend le témoignage qu’il put grâce à lui cor- riger le gisement des grands lacs du Canada. Mais, c’est surtout l’histoire de la Nouvelle-France qui devait bénéficier de ces études sur place. Char- levoix avait vu la nature canadienne, parcouru les grands bois, les lacs, les rivières. I] connaissait le théâtre où se déroulérent tant d’événe- ments, et il pouvait maintenant y faire mouvoir ses personnages. [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 47 y Charlevoix, de retour en France, publie la Vie de la Mère Marie de l’In- carnation (1724). Analyse et appréciation de cet ouvrage. Aussitôt après son retour, en 1723, Charlevoix fit savoir qu’il pu- blierait un journal du voyage qu’il venait de faire par ordre du roi, avec une histoire générale des découvertes et des établissements des Français dans Amérique septentrionale! Mais il devait se passer bien des an- nées encore avant que ce projet put se réaliser. En recueillant des matériaux, l’infatigable chercheur rencontrait sur son chemin des sujets nouveaux qui lui donnaient l’occasion de faire l’école buissonnière. En 1724, il publia d’abord la vie de la Mère de l’Incarnation, insti- tutrice et première supérieure des Ursulines de la Nouvelle-France.! Charlevoix n’avait pas connu la vénérable Marie de l’Incarnation. Elle était morte depuis au delà de trente deux ans lorsqu'il vint pour la première fois à Québec en 1705.1. Mais il avait habité à deux pas du *Cf. Avertissement de l'Histoire de Saint-Domingue. ? La Vie / de la / Mère Marie / de / l’Incarnation, / institutrice et première supérieure des ursu- / lines de la Nouvelle-France. / A Paris, ch°z Ant. Claude Briasson, rue Saint-Jacques, près la fontaine S. Severin, a la Science. 1724. In-4-pp. 452. Permis d’imprimer le ler juin 1724. Le livre ne porte pas de nom d’auteur, mais la préface dédiée 4 la reine Elizabeth d'Espagne, qui venait de renoncer à son trône, est signée Pierre- Fran- çois-Xavier de Charlevoix. Louise-Elizabeth d'Orléans, reine d’Espagne, fille du régent, née à Versailles en 1709, morte à Paris en 1742. Elle était désignée sous le nom de Melle de Montpensier, lorsqu'elle épousa, en 1722, don Louis, prince des Asturies. Après l’abdication de Philippe V, Elizabeth fut reine d'Espagne (15 janvier 1722) : mais dès le mois d'août suivant, elle devint veuve de Louis ler. Peu après, elle revint en France, abandonna la pension de 600,000 livres qu'elle recevait comme reine douairière, se jeta dans une extrême dévotion et mourut ayant à peine trente-deux ans. Charlevoix (Liste des auteurs, p. 403) dit que cette nouvelle vie fut imprimée à Paris chez Briasson, in-octavo. . Nous en avons yu un exemplaire portant l'inscription : A Paris, chez Louis-Antoine Thomelin, libraire juré de l’Université. Place de Sorbonne, à Notre Dame de la Victoire. Il en parut aussi une édition, petit in-8, en 1724, que Dufossé offrait en vente au prix de 60 francs (Cat. nelle. série, no. 15, XXVème année). Karl M. Hierseman, libraire à Leipzig (Katalog 281, no. 279), demandait en 1902, 65 marcs pour une édition de 1724, brochée et non rognée avec portrait. On demandait, la méme année, cing louis pour une édition semblable en Angleterre, avec un beau portrait de la vénérable mère, à l’âge de 40 ans, gravé par Poilly. Michaud (Dict. biog.) parle d’une édition de 1725. Les Mémoires de Trévoux, du mois de septembre 1725, p. 1667, article LXXXVI 6 donnent un compte rendu de cet ouvrage de Charlevoix. 1 Elle mourut en 1672. 48 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA monastére fondé par elle. Et il ne manquait pas dans ce cloître, qui respirait encore la bonne odeur de ses vertus, de compagnes qui avaient vécu à son contact et qui en gardaient Vineffagable souvenir. Dès lors, le jeune novice s’était senti pris d’une grande dévotion pour cette sainte religieuse. Dans son long et pénible voyage à travers les solitudes américaines, alors que battu par la maladie et loin de tout secours humain, il désespérait par moment de jamais revoir son pays, i] Vavait souvent invoquée. Et, quand sur le point de périr en face des côtes de la Floride, il put s'échapper du navire qui sombrait, c'est à son intercession encore qu’il eut recours, et c’est à elle qu'il attribuait la conservation de sa vie. “ Redevable comme j’ai lieu de le croire, dit-il dans la préface du livre qu’il consacre à sa mémoire, aux mérites de la Fondatrice des Ursulines du Canada, de ce que je n’ai pas fini mes jours dans une terre étrangère à la fleur de mon âge, j'ai cherché à honorer ma bien- faitrice.” La vie de la Mère Marie de l’Incarnation, écrite par Charlevoix et publiée par lui un an après son retour d'Amérique, nous apparait tout d’abord comme l’ex-voto d’un voyageur reconnaissant. Tl ne faut done y chercher ni une étude approfondie, ni une critique sérieuse. C’est plutôt un chant d’actions de grâces, une hymne laudatrice, où l’histoire n’intervient que comme une comparse, juste assez pour soutenir les ver- sets alternants. Tout le monde sait que Marie de l’Incarnation avait été obligée par ses confesseurs de leur rendre compte des communications secrètes qu’elle avait avec Dieu et des grâces qu’elle en recevait.” C’est sur leur ordre qu’elle composa, avec la candeur et la simplicité d’une humble pénitente, des relations qui furent pieusement conservées. On sait aussi que pendant les trente-deux années qu’elle vécut au Canada, elle adressa en France, soit à son fils, soit à des communautés de son Ordre, des lettres rombreuses, fort bien écrites, dignes de sa grande réputation de sainteté et @habilité dans toutes sortes d’affaires et surtout dans la vie spirituelle. (1640-1672). Cinq ans après la mort de cette femme admirable (1677), son fils, dom Claude Martin, religieux bénédictin de la congrégation de Saint- Maur, publia une vie tirée de ces écrits, et depuis (1681), ily ajouta un recueil de lettres, des méditations, des retraites, avec quelques autres 1 Elle fit elle-même une relation de sa vie, d’abord jusqu’en 1633, sur l’ordre du Père George de la Haye, puis jusqu’en 1654 par ordre du Père Jérôme Lallemant. [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 49 ceuvres spirituelles, entre autres une exposition succincte du Cantique des Cantiques.! Ces deux livres avaient fait connaître la Mère de l’Incarnation dans toute la France, où elle passait pour une religieuse d’une vertu et d’une spiritualité éminente. Ses œuvres, dont on admirait le goût exquis, la raison saine et la douce onction, étaient lues et commentées. De très grands hommes en faisaient l’éloge. Fenélon et Bossuet louaient sa méthode d’oraison et la regardaient comme une des plus vives lumières de son siècle. Ils allaient jusqu’à l’appeler la sainte Thérèse de la Nouvelle-France. Dom Martin, comme il est tout naturel pour un fils écrivant la vie _de sa mère, en avait recueilli les moindres circonstances. Rien ne lui était échappé. Son ouvrage avait donc le défaut de contenir bien des choses étrangères au sujet. C’était le sentiment de Charlevoix? et d’autres pensaient de même. M. Dudouyt, du séminaire des Missions étrangères, écrivant de Paris à Mgr. de Laval, l’année même de lPapparition de ce livre, en 1677, lui disait déjà: ‘ Nous avons lu à table la vie de la mère de l’Incarnation. Si son fils ne l’eut pas fait si longue elle serait beau- coup mieux...cependant...on fera état de cette vie melee sa longueur. Sa lecture fera concevoir de l’estime pour ic Canada.” Enrichi des connaissances qu’il avait acquises pendant son séjour à Québec, pouvant y ajouter ce qu’il avait vu de lui-même ou ce qu'il avait appris par des personnes ayant vécu dans son intimité, Charlevoix pensa que la vie de dom Martin ne devait pas l’empêcher de travailler à une nouvelle. Ce n’était ni l’esprit de concurrence, ni limitation qui le portait à cela. La reconnaissance, comme je l’ai dit déjà, lui faisait interrompre un ouvrage de plus longue haleine pour honorer sa bien- faitrice, en la faisant connaître mieux et en lui procurant des imitateurs. Pour écrire son livre, dom Martin s’était servi des relations de sa mère, puis des lettres publiées ou reçues d’elle pendant trente-deux ans. Il les donne au public telles qu’elles sont sorties de sa main. C’est presque toujours la vénérable religieuse qui raconte tout ce qui s’est passé entre Dieu et elle, et qui rapporte les différents événements de son 1Ces deux livres parurent à Paris chez Louis Billaine. Tl y eut une deuxième édition de la vie, en 1696, chez Ant. Warin, avec un beau portrait gravé par Edelinck. Un exemplaire de cette édition était récemment offert en vente au prix de 160 francs. Warin publia aussi une deuxième édition des Méditations et retraites, en 1686. * Liste des auteurs, p. 402. 5 Lettre publiée dans le ee sur les archives du Canada pour 1885, p. CVII. Sec. I., 1907. 4. 50 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA existence, à peu près comme a fait sainte Thérèse, mais avec moins de suite que cette derniére parce qu’elle écrivit a diverses reprises et pour diverses personnes. Il la laisse parler le plus possible, et supplée a ce qu’elle ne dit point par un abrégé de ses principales actions à la fin de chaque chapitre et qu’il intitule addition. Charlevoix crut que c’était encore le parti le plus sage, et il ne voulut point suivre d’autre voie. Lui aussi, il procède par des citations abondantes. Quand il y met du sien, c’est tout au plus pour rétablir l'ordre naturel de l’histoire, arranger la matière, faire les liaisons abso- lument nécessaires. En vérité, son livre, c’est l'ouvrage de dom Martin qu'il fait réim- primer, dégagé de ses redites, de ses longueurs, des choses trop intimes. Comme on sent qu’il possède ce goût du refaire dont j'ai parlé à propos de son histoire du catholicisme au Japon. On peut même lui reprocher d’avoir suivi de trop près le religieux bénédictin et de n'avoir pas assez profité des faits nouveaux qu’il a dû recueillir au Canada. Cependant, tout en remaniant le travail de dom Martin, Charlevoix se garde bien de toucher à la prose de Marie de l’Incarnation. Pour lui, c’est “une des plus spirituelles femmes de son temps.” La première lecture de ses lettres l’a enthousiasmé, et plus il étudie ses écrits, plus il y trouve tout solide. Ce n’est pas tant encore, cependant, la fonda- trice de couvent, Vinstitutrice patiente et éclairée, qu’il admire et qu’il veut faire connaître. Car, toutes pleines et chargées de mérites qu’aient été les trente-deux années qu’elle a données dans la Nouvelle-France, ce qu’il importe avant tout d'étudier chez elle, ce sont les hautes pratiques de vie intérieure qui l’ont si particulièrement distinguée. Aux yeux de Charlevoix, la femme disparait, et il ne voit plus que la sainte, auréolée, agrandie, dépouillée de toutes les scories de la terre. Les mystiques affirment que, pour les purs et les saints, les règles morales nécessaires à la vie des autres hommes n’ont point de valeur. C’est ce que Charlevoix pense de la Mère de l’Incarnation. Cependant, il trouve que chez cette servante de Dieu, tout est si sensé, si raisonnable, si éloigné de termes particuliers dans lPexplication qu’elle fait de son intérieur, que tout le monde peut y trouver quelque chose à sa portée. “ Fasse le ciel, s’écrie-t-il, que les ministres de l’évangile s’y confondent à la vue d’une femme qui a exécuté ce qu’ils n’ont pas le courage d’en- treprendre; que les faibles comprennent qu’il n’y a rien dont on ne puisse, venir à bout avec du courage; que les personnes religieuses sachent jus- qu’ou elles peuvent espérer de s’élever.” ; Tl va sans dire que ce livre, aussi touchant qu’édifiant, ne s’adresse guères pourtant aux gens du monde. Ceux-ei ne pourraient s’intéresser A ——————————— [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 81 longtemps aux opérations mystiques, aux voies intérieures, aux effusions divines d’une âme innocente. Et Charlevoix n’a peut-être pas encore assez dépouillé son œuvre de cet appareil ascétique spécial à la vie mo- nastique. Les rédacteurs des Mémoires de Trévoux, en en faisant l’apprécia- tion bienveillante, n’étaient pas loin de penser comme nous. “Il faut avouer, écrivent-ils, que si la mère de l’Incarnation use rarement d'expressions mystiques qui frappent ou qui arrêtent: elle en a quelquefois d’extrémement naïves, de familières, de peu relevées qui pourraient offenser dans un autre genre de composition, mais qui de- viennent respectables par l’usage qu’elle en a fait qui d’ailleurs se ré- duisent à un si petit nombre, qu’elles sont comme absorbées dans le corps de ses écrits. Lvauteur lui-même, quelque circonspect qu’il ait été à resserrer son sujet, a encore laissé plusieurs choses que tout le monde n’a pas également approuvées. Il est homme à en avoir senti le défaut et il n’y a guère à douter, que toutes raisons balancées, le désir de se rendre utile à plus de personnes, ou quelqu’autre mouvement d’une inclination pieuse, ne l’ait emporté sur son propre goût.” Charlevoix s'attendait qu’on ne souscrirait pas généralement au témoignage qu’il portait de la Mère Marie de l’Incarnation. Il y avait, alors comme aujourd’hui, des esprits que le seul nom de mysticité effa- rouche. Il sentit le besoin de prévenir leur délicatesse pour frayer le chemin à son ouvrage. C’est ce qu’il fit dans une préface assez étendue. 11 y examine s’il y a quelque fondement de craindre que la source des grâces purement gratuites, des prophéties, des songes mystérieux, des visions, des voix intérieures, des diffusions divines, soit absolument tarie, et si les avertissements donnés là dessus par saint Paul aux premiers chrétiens ne sont pas pour tous les siècles ; il y montre que les Saints- Pères ont tenu pour assurée la possession constante de ce précieux trésor - dans l’église, qu’ils ont laissé des règles de discernement pour marquer la différence d’une opération où Dieu parle, d’avec une opération illusoire, qu’ils ont même allegué des exemples, témoin saint Augustin, dans ce qu'il rapporte de sa pieuse mère Monique; il produit des souverains pontifes et des conciles entiers qui ont autorisé de leurs suffrages les révélations de plusieurs saintes âmes ; il écarte les accusations vagues de présomption, d’oisiveté, de petitesse de génie, d’imagination viciée dont Yon charge témérairement et sans examen toute personne qui prend quel- que essort au-dessus des voies ordinaires de la contemplation; il décrit les grandeurs et les avantages de cet état en termes si énergiques que les rédacteurs des Mémoires de Trévoux trouvent qu’ils pourraient passer pour l'effet d’une connaissance expérimentale; enfin, il résout ce qu’on BO SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA avance de plus fort sur l’inutilité et les inconvénients d’une lecture où il est traité d’un genre de spiritualité peu commune. Cette préface forme, en vérité, tout un traité sur la matière. Et il est absolument nécessaire de la lire avant que de vouloir entreprendre l'étude d’une vie toute mystique comme l’est celle de la Mère de lIn- carnation. Une autre objection se dressait encore devant Charlevoix. Les sources où il avait puisé étaient-elles bien dignes de foi? Quelle con- fiance pouvait-on donner à la vie d’une mère écrite par son fils? Sans doute que chez lui son amour filial lui faisait trouver tout intéressant, Il est si facile d’exagérer les mérites de ce qu’on aime. Et puis, ces communications célestes, ces entretiens mystérieux wétaient-ils pas écrits sous la dictée même de l’extasiée? N’y avait-il pas quelque chose qui blesse le sentiment de l’humilité chrétienne à la vue de cette femme qui se confesse ainsi tout haut et devant tout le monde ? Dom Martin, lui, pour toute justification, avait simplement placé en tête de son livre, cette belle sentence de l’Ecclésiaste: “ Sicut qui thezaurisat, ita qui honorificat matrem suam.” Dom Martin, en racontant les vertus de sa sainte mére, n’avait pas d’autre ambition que d’amasser des trésors pour l’autre monde. Char- levoix veut répondre à tout, et il reprend un à un les grands exemples puisés dans la vie des saints. Saint Paul, écrit-il, nous apprend ce qu’il y a de plus considérable dans son existence; c’est de lui que nous tenons le lieu de sa naissance, celui de son éducation, la tribu d’où il est descendu, ses graces, ses vertus, ses révélations, ses tentations, ses fatigues. Saint Jérôme, dans ses lettres, décrit ses pénitences, ses veilles, ses jeûnes, ses études, ses travaux, et ses tentations dans le désert. Sainte Perpétue, martyre de l’église d'Afrique, écrit ses visions. Saint Augustin nous donne ses admirables confessions, et nous fait con- naître la vie de sainte Monique, sa mère. Sainte Gertrude écrit ses fa- miliarités et les caresses de son époux envers elle, et aussi les tendresses et les dévotions de son âme envers son époux. Que dire des admirables extases de sainte Thérèse? Et dans l’ordre de saint Benoit, auquel dom Martin appartient, ne voyons-nous pas saint Pierre, abbé de Cluny, faire l’éloge de la bienheureuse Rainégarde, sa. mère ? C’est afin d’édifier, ajoute-t-il encore, que ces saints ont publié les grâces de leur intérieur. Et c’est ce qui a porté la mère de l’Incarna- tion à nous découvrir ce qu’il y a de plus secret dans son cœur. Elle [RoY; ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX | 53 n’écrit rien de son propre mouvement. C’est son supérieur qui lui commande et elle obéit. Je n’insisterais pas autant sur ces détails si, de nos jours comme du temps de Charlevoix, ils n’étaient pas encore nombreux ceux que ces révélations amusent comme autant de pièces charlatanesques. Quelques-uns mêmes, lorsqu'il s’agit de décerner l’éloge, sont d’une sévérité qui dépasse toutes les bornes. “ Je n'ai jamais compris, écrivait l’abbé de Broglie en 1861, comment les chrétiens se louent entre eux; malgré le précepte de l'humilité, on se donne de l’encens dans le nez avec un aplomb que les gens du monde n’ont pas, et qui est remarqué d’une manière défavorable; on donne aux asso- ciations de charité chrétienne le caractère d’associations d’admiration mutuelle. “ Voyez dans le dernier numéro du Correspondant un article bien fait d’ailleurs, de l’évêque d'Orléans, sur les Moines d'Occident de M. de Montalembert ; j’ai caché le numéro, aussitôt reçu, et je ne l’ai montré à personne; c’est d’une maladresse incroyable. Tout le monde sait qu’ils sont amis; que dans l’intérieur même de l’église, ils professent d’accord certaines opinions et travaillent à les faire prévaloir; quoi de plus ridi- cule que de les voir s’exalter l’un l’autre? “ D'ailleurs amitié elle-même devrait empêcher de louer; pour moi, quand j'ai un ami intime, loin de louer moi-même, c’est à peine si je supporte qu’on le loue devant moi, tant il semble que c’est une partie de moi-même qu’on loue. C’est de plus un défaut qu'ont particulièrement les catholiques.” D’autres, cependant, pensent qu’il ne faut pas être plus difficile pour les saints, les héros ou les grands hommes du catholicisme, qu’on ne l’est pour les autres: écrivains, guerriers illustres, hommes d’état ou femme- lettes. Aussi, il n’y a pas eu un temps plus fécond en mémoires intimes, en écrits personnels, en confessions sensationnelles que les trois derniers siècles. Si le rigorisme prôné par M. Vabbé de Broglie était appliqué à la lettre, il nous faudrait détruire la moitié des livres parus, depuis les Essais de Montaigne jusqu'aux Mémoires d’Outre-tombe, sans parler de bien d’autres confessions. Et quel immense bûcher on élèverait en place de grève, si quelqu'un s’avisait de vouer au feu les romans qui sont censés peindre l’état d’âme des inconsolables, la mentalité des incompris ou des désabusés, toutes les études psychologiques ou sentimentales dont notre litérature moderne est inondée. 1 Largent, l’abbé de Broglie, p. 37. 54 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA N’y aurait-il done que pour les névrosés ou les réveurs qu’il serait convenable de s’analyser en public, de s’étendre sur la table de dissection et de dire: voici ma chair, voyez comme je prends plaisir 4 y promener le scalpel ou le bistouri. N’y aurait-il qu’à eux qu’il serait permis de chercher curieusement leurs vices, de raconter complaisamment leurs fautes et d’étaler le tableau de leur âme? Pourtant, confessions pour confessions, celles de l’évêque d’ Hippone valent bien celles du philosophe de Genéve. Malgré sa portée mystique, la nouvelle vie de Charlevoix fut vive- ment enlevée, et l’on parla presqu’aussitôt de la faire traduire en italien.* Depuis une quarantaine d’années, il a été publié au moins quatre vies nouvelles de ia Mère de l’Incarnation. Les abbés Casgrain, Richaudeau, Chapot et une ursuline de Nantes ont essayé tour 4 tour de nous faire connaitre cette grande religieuse, et leurs livres, écrits dans le langage du siècle, ont relégué dans l’ombre l’œuvre du jésuite? Ce- pendant, les bibliophiles la recherchent toujours, et les rares exemplaires qui sont parfois mis en vente ne rapportent jamais moins que trente dollars. C’est véritablement un beau succès de librairie. VI Charlevoix publie l’histoire de l’île de Saint-Domingue (1730). Analyse et appréciation de cet ouvrage. C’est sans doute pour surveiller la traduction italienne de la vie de Marie de l’Incarnation que Charlevoix se rendit alors à Rome où il demeura pendant trois ans.ÿ De retour à Paris en 1728, il se proposait bien d’employer ses pre- miers moments de loisir à remplir l’engagement qu’il avait pris de faire publier un récit de son voyage en Amérique, mais il survint un autre contretemps. ? Mémoires de Trévourz. 21864, l'abbé Casgrain, 1873. l’abbé Richaudeau: 1892, l'abbé Chapot: 1895, Une ursuline de Nantes. 5 Avertissement dans l'Histoire de Saint-Domingue. Cette vie de la Mère Marie de J’incarnation en italien est de toute rareté. Le libraire Defossé en an- noncait un jour un exemplaire en vente pour le prix de 60 francs sous le titre suivant (Cat. No. 15, 25ème année): 24141. Charlevoix. Vita della Madre Suor Maria dell’Incarnazione, Ins- tustrice, e prima Superiora delle Orsoline della Nuova Francia, scritta nell’ idioma Franzese dell Padre Pier Francesco Saverio di Charlevoix. E trasportata n’ell Italiano...Lucca, 1737, petit in-8, velin, 9 fnc; 225 pp; 1 fne. cachets sur le titre. Bel exemplaire. [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 88 Pendant son noviciat à Paris, Charlevoix s’était lié d’une grande amitié avec un jésuite wallon, le Père Jean-Baptiste Le Pers, Depuis vingt-cinq ans, ce dernier était missionnaire à l’île de Saint-Domingue, lorsqu'un bon jour il s’imagina d'envoyer à son confrère de volumineux mémoires sur la région qu'il habitait avec prière de les co-ordonner et de les publier. Ces mémoires, pour une raison ou pour une autre, se trouvèrent incomplets, de nombreux feuillets s’étant égarés en route. Charlevoix n’y pensa plus et partit pour Rome. Mais lorsqu'il revint de son voyage, il trouva des lettres pressantes qui l’engageaient à ne plus différer la publication. Charlevoix hésitait. Il avait peur que ces mémoires manquassent d'intérêt, et puis cela le retardait encore dans Pœuvre canadienne qu’il projetait depuis si longtemps. Enfin, ne voulant pas déplaire à son ami, il reprit le manuscrit qui lui avait été confié, combla du mieux qu’il put les brèches, fit lui-même des recherches personnelles aux archives, redressa, ajouta, et fit si bien qu'après deux ans de travail les mémoires devinrent une œuvre toute nouvelle qui parut en 1730, sous le titre d’Histoire de l’isle Espagnole ou de Saint- Domingue. +J’ai vu cette édition de 1730 (2 vols, in. 4 Paris Didot, à la bibliothèque royale de Bruxelles, nos. 19351 et 19352. I] y eut une autre édition en 1731 avec le titre qui suit: Histoire de Visle Espagnole, ou de St. Domingue, écrite particulièrement sur des mémoires manuscrits du P. Jean-Bapt. le Pers, jésuite missionnaire à St- Domingue et sur les pièces originales qui se conservent au dépôt de la marine: par le P. Pierre F. Xavier de Charlevoix, D. L. C. D. f. 2 volumes in 4°. enrichis de cartes et de planches, ler vol. p. 484. sans l’épitre dédicatoire et avertissement, 2d. vol. p. 506, sans les sommaires et des tables très étendues à chaque volume. A Paris, chez Guérin, rue St. Jacques, Guérin Barrois & Didot, Quai des Augustins, 1731. Une autre édition de 1731, porte: à Paris, chez Pralard, Cloître St. Julien-le Pauvre, au bas de la rue St. Jacques à l’Occasion. Ces deux éditions identiques sont à la bibliothèque de l’Université Laval à Québec. Une troisième édition (4 vols. in-12) parut à Amsterdam en 1733. Les Mémoires de Trévoux, septembre 1731, pp. 1481, 1675, 1805, 1894, don- nent un compte-rendu de l'Histoire de Saint-Domingue de Charlevoix. Voir sur le même sujet l'Histoire générale des Antilles habitées par les Français (4 vols. in-4) du Père Dominicain du Tertre (1667-1677). Voir aussi un travail très curieux sur St. Domingue et les Boucaniers par Henri Lorin (Paris, 1895, in-8, 75 pp.) : De praedonibus Insulam Sancti Dominici, celebranti- bus saeculo septimo decimo. M. Philéas Gagnon, bibliophile québecquois, possède le manuscrit d’une lettre autographe de Charlevoix datée du 17 novembre 1731 et adressée à M. Barrois: “Je prie M. Barrois de donner au porteur de ce billet dix exemplaires de l'Histoire de St-Domingue, dont je lui tiendrai compte.” (Essai bibliog. no. 2877). 586 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA Saint-Domingue, ou plutôt Haïti, car cette île—la seconde des grandes Antilles pour l’étendue et sa population—a repris le nom que lui donnaient ses habitants indiens quand Christophe Colomb découvrit leurs rivages, est située sur le chemin de Cuba à Puerto Rico, et se partage, comme l’on sait, entre deux nations indépendantes. La république de Saint-Domingue ou Haïti, Pancienne partie française, occupe la pointe extrême qui regarde Cuba, et la république dominicaine, l’ancienne colonie espagnole qui fut le premier établissement des Castillans en Amérique, couvre le centre et l’est. L'histoire de Saint-Domingue commence avec la découverte de Vile par Christophe Colomb, le 6 décembre 1492. Il la dénomma Petite Espagne, Espagnola, ou sous la forme latinisée Hispaniola... L'île avait alors une population d’a peu près un million d’âmes partagée en cinq royaumes principaux ayant chacun son cacique. Colomb fut accueilli avec empressement par les naïfs Indiens aux mœurs douces et débon- naires. I] fonda, à l'embouchure du fleuve Ozoma, San-Domingo, la première ville bâtie par les Européens en Amérique. La colonie es- pagnole commença par toutes les splendeurs de la prospérité ; les hidalgos, les chercheurs d’or, s’y précipitèrent à milliers ; de belles villes y grandi- rent. Sous Charles-Quint, la grande affluence des aventuriers fit de la capitale San-Domingo, une cité vivante, pompeuse, pleine de solides monuments que les Espagnols, nouveaux Romains, plantaient dans le sol, au siècle le plus glorieux de leur épopée. Aujourd’hui le silence et la tristesse y séjournent. Les Espagnols venaient pour trouver de l’or, non pour fonder des familles ; ils s’unirent aux filles de Caraïbes ; la la race rouge a anéanti la blanche et a fait la nation dominicaine. Les Espagnols se souciaient peu de travailler, sous ces climats énervants. Afin de suppléer à la main d’ceuvre indienne, ils importèrent des nègres d'Afrique, qui, aujourd’hui, sont les maîtres des anciennes plantations où leurs ancêtres n’étaient que des esclaves. A partir du premier quart du XVIIème siècle, un élément nouveau vint donner une splendeur éphémère à cette colonie languissante. Tout près de la rive nord-ouest de Saint-Domingue, à portée du canal du Vent, s’élève la petite île de la Tortue. En 1630, ce rocher dé- sert servit d’asile à des Français, coureurs d'aventures, que les Espagnols avaient chassés de Saint-Christophe. Ces fugitifs, qui se nourrissaient de la chasse aux bœufs sauvages dont ils faisaient rôtir les viandes sur un gril appelé boucan, furent dès lors désignés sous le nom devenu si célèbre de boucaniers. Ils attirèrent à eux un grand nombre d’aventu- riers anglais et hollandais. Les Espagnols, qui n’aimaient point ce voisinage, voulurent les déloger. Un jour que les hommes étaient à la [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX B7 chasse, ils abordérent 4 la Tortue, égorgérent les femmes, les enfants, les vieillards, et détruisirent tous les établissements. Les boucaniers jurérent alors une haine implacable aux Espagnols et ne cessèrent de les poursuivre de leur vengeance. Ils s’allièrent aux corsaires et aux fameux Frères de la Côte, et sous les ordres de Willis, qu'ils avaient élu chef, ils firent métier d’attaquer et de dépouiller les gallions d’Espagne, quand ils revenaient chargés d’or et d’argent. Doués d’un courage indomptable, capables d'affronter les plus grands périls et de s’engager dans les entreprises les plus audacieuses, ils portaient au loin la terreur, pillaient sur terre et sur mer. Les ports de la Jamaïque et de la Tortue devinrent les arsenaux de leurs armements et l’entrepôt des richesses immenses que leur bri- gandage et leur rare intrépidité leur procuraient et qu’ils dissipaient au sein de la débauche la plus effrénée. Les chefs les plus fameux parmi ces flibustiers, dont les navires battaient sous un étendard noir, orné d’une tête de mort et d’un sablier, avaient nom: Monbars l’Exterminateur, Nau l’Olonais, Montaubard, Grandmont, Michel le Basque, Pierre Legrand, de Dieppe, Morgan, Mansfield, de Graaf.* Durant les guerres nombreuses que la France eut alors a soutenir contre Espagne, ces hommes de fortune, ces pirates ou chasseurs s’at- taquerent pour leur propre compte a la grande ile dominicaine qui ap- partenait encore toute entière à Castille et Léon. Puis, aidés par les commerçants français de Saint-Christophe, ils créèrent des établisse- ments sédentaires sur la côte septentrionale de Saint-Domingue, restée à peu près déserte. Ils se consolidérent au Petit Goave vers 1654, puis au Port-de-Paix. En 1661, ils obtinrent de Louis XIV lenvoi d’un gouverneur français, Dageron, et quatre ans après organisèrent une véritable colonie. C’est ainsi qu’en 1660 avaient procédé, du reste, les forbans et les pêcheurs basques de Terreneuve, et que Plaisance fut fondée. En 1697, le traité de Ryswick céda définitivement à la France le tiers occidental de Saint-Domingue, et la colonie fondée par les réfugiés de la Tortue prit un grand essort sous le gouvernement de Ducasse, an- cien flibustier lui-même. Cependant, les boucaniers continuèrent encore pendant quelques années leurs exploits qu’ils couronnèrent par la prise 1 Voir Oexmelin (Al. O.). Histoire des aventuriers flibustiers qui se sont signalez dans les Indes, contenant ce qu'ils y ont fait de remarquable, avec la vie, les mœurs et les coutumes des Boucaniers, et des habitants de Saint-Do- mingue et de la Tortuë, 1744, 4 vols. C’est le meilleur ouvrage sur les flibustiers æt boucaniers des Antilles, 88 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA et le pillage de Carthagéne, la ville la plus fortifiée qu'il y eut alors dans toute l’Amérique méridionale. C’est au retour de cette expédition que leurs navires chargés de butin tombérent au milieu d’une flotte de vaisseaux anglais et hollandais, alliés des Espagnols, qui les écrasérent. Disséminés alors dans tout le nouveau-monde, les chefs finirent par ac- cepter de l’emploi de la France. Ces hommes intrépides qui avaient échappé aux combats, aux surprises, aux meurtres, se rangèrent, devinrent de paisibles agriculteurs ou de riches planteurs. Leurs partisans sui- virent leur exemple et moururent dans leurs lits après avoir été, sans doute, marguilliers ou échevins. Au moment où Charlevoix publia son histoire, en 1730, nulle colonie à plantations n’était plus opulente que la colonie française de Saint- Domingue. Depuis 1722 surtout, alors que les règlements qui paraly- saient le commerce furent considérablement modifiés, elle était devenue le type des colonies, et de beaucoup la plus riche du Nouveau-Monde. Espagnols, Anglais, Portugais, Hollandais y reconnaissaient un établis- sement modèle. La culture de l’indigo et surtout celle de la canne a sucre lui procuraient d'énormes bénéfices. Saint-Domingue fournissait a l'Europe presque tout son coton et son sucre. Très puissants en cour, alliés par les mariages aux familles nobles de France, les riches planteurs firent encourager la traite des noirs par les exemptions de taxes et les faveurs royales. Ils purent ainsi se procurer un personnel vraiment exceptionnel pour sa vigueur et sa beauté. Sur les marchés des Antilles, les hommes d’élite étaient réservés pour les habitations de Saint-Domingue, tandis que les nègres de rebut étaient laissés aux acheteurs moins fortunés des petites Antilles. Par un pro- cédé de sélection analogue a celui qu’emploient les éleveurs d'animaux, les blancs d'Haïti obtinrent pour la culture de leurs terres et le service de leurs équipages sucriers une race de nègres sans égale dans les autres îles. Mais, singulier retour des choses, ce fut peut-être ce choix attentif de beaux et vaillants nègres qui fut la cause déterminante de la défaite et du massacre des propriétaires blancs. Les planteurs, enivrés par leur fortune, ne songeaient qu’à augmenter leurs domaines et les bandes de leurs esclaves. Les nègres, qui faisaient les frais de cette fortune, unique dans Vhistoire des Antilles, étaient soumis à l’oppression la plus dure; les iniquités et l’aveuglement des planteurs amenèrent leur ruine. Les solides noirs recrutés pour l’esclavage s’étaient peu à peu fondus en une race énergique, et l’on sait comment un jour elle se réveilla, mûre pour l’indépendance. Cette révolte fut pour la France un désastre immense, car presque toutes les familles nobles du Sud-ouest, dans le pays de la basse Dordogne, [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX BQ de la Garonne et de l’Adour, avaient des parents ou des amis à Saint- Domingue. De mois en mois, de semaine en semaine, l’île perdit tous ses blancs, car ceux qui échappèrent aux combats et aux surprises se dispersérent de tous côtés; les uns passèrent le canal du Vent et s’éta- blirent à Cuba; d’autres préférèrent les Antilles de langue française, la Dominique, Sainte-Lucie, la Guadeloupe, la Martinique; beaucoup alle- rent former le fonds de la population créole de la Trinité; quelques uns partirent pour la Louisiane; d’autres enfin regagnèrent la France. Nous ne pouvons retracer ici les mille épisodes de cette lutte poursuivie si longtemps. Quelques années après, une puissante armée partit de France pour Saint-Domingue. Faite en partie des vainqueurs de lPEurope, cette force organisée était vingt fois plus terrible que les nègres qu’elle devait dompter, mais les miasmes de l’île la tuèrent; diminuée par les coups de soleil, la fièvre, la dissenterie, elle fondit sous l’astre des Antilles. Depuis que les Noirs et les sang-mélé de cette île ont leur destinée dans leurs mains, ils s’usent dans la haine; il y a chez eux féroce anti- pathie de Noirs à Mulâtres, ceux-ci plus intelligents, plus beaux et plus fiers, ceux-là plus nombreux. Tour à tour empire et république, la nation n’augmente plus, peut-être diminue-t-elle, et les plantations d’au- trefois sont vaincues par la forêt. Personne ne plante, ne sème, ni ne moissonne. La nature y prodigue en vain ses magnificences, le soleil y perd ses rayons, les plantes croissent inutilement dans les vallées. L’étude que Charlevoix a consacré à Saint-Domingue n’est pas poussée jusqu’à ces catastrophes finales. Elle s'arrête à 1725, à l’heure des grandes prospérités. Le livre divisé en deux parties nous donne d’abord des notions préliminaires sur la géographie, le climat, les productions, les premiers habitants. Puis, Pauteur raconte la découverte du Nouveau-Monde et comment les Es- pagnols se sont formés en Amérique un aussi vaste empire. C’est Christophe Colomb, il va s’en dire, qui est ici le héros principal, et Vhis- torien ne nous épargne rien de ce qu’il sait. Mais sa science n’est pas de première main. Ce sont les auteurs espagnols Herrera, Oviedo et Gomera qu’il met à profit. I] nous en donne les meilleures pièces qu’il se contente de coudre ensemble. Quand on connait la langue castillane et qu’on peut la traduire en français, c’est un travail assez facile. Rien donc de fouillé ni de définitif dans cette première partie. Ce sont là balbutiements d’enfants à côté des grands ouvrages contemporains de Roselly de Lorgues, de Harrisse et de Washington Irving. La seconde partie a plus de valeur. Ici, c’est l’histoire même de Saint-Domingue qui nous est donnée avec les commencements des deux établissements, l’espagnol et le français. 60 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA L’auteur y fait un paralléle entre les deux nations qui n’est pas trop mal touché. Le caractère, les vertus et les défauts de l’une de l’autre sont dessinés avec un pinceau qui s’efforce d’être impartial. C’est autour de Ducasse, si longtemps gouverneur de Saint-Domin- gue et l’un des plus grands marins de France, que rayonne toute l’his- toire de la colonie française pendant trente ans. Il en fut à vrai dire, le fondateur, le soutien, le défenseur intrépide. C’est lui qui y amena pour la première fois une cargaison de noirs d'Afrique, qu’il attela à la glèbe et qu’il dompta. Charlevoix décrit l’existence des 100,000 nègres qui habitaient déjà Saint-Domingue en 1725, avec un calme imperturbable. Pas un seul mot ému ou de compassion pour ces bêtes de somme astreintes aux plus rudes labeurs. Ce n’était pas dans les mœurs du temps d’avoir de pareils sentiments humanitaires. Qui aurait songé alors que l’animal casserait un jour sa chaîne et qu’il ferait couler des flots de sang ? Cependant, Charlevoix, qui m'aime pas les nègres parce qu’ils sont toujours des étrangers tandis que les engagés augmentent les sujets naturels d’un pays, a un vague pressentiment de l’avenir. “Qui peut nous assurer, dit-il (p. 415 de son ouvrage), qu’à force de les mul- tiplier dans nos colonies, ils ne deviendront pas un jour des ennemis redoutables? Peut-on compter sur des esclaves qui ne nous sont atta- chés que par la crainte, et pour qui la terre même où ils naissent, n’a Jamais le doux nom de patrie ?” Charlevoix nous donne encore les plus minutieux détails sur les aventures prodigieuses des boucaniers et des flibustiers. Quels types singuliers que ces Grandmont, ces Legrand, ces de Graaf? Et quels épisodes émouvants dans ces vies si agitées. On voit cependant que le bon jésuite qui vient de‘nous décrire les extases de la religieuse cloitrée de Québec se sent un peu mal à l’aise au milieu de ces scènes de meurtres et de carnages. i son pinceau est fidèle, son coloris est froid. Il ne sait pas voir, il n’invente pas, il décrit sèchement. Pourtant, les aven- tures qu’il raconte sont si extraordinaires que le lecteur tourne les pages, avide de connaître ce qui va suivre. Ceux qui ont lu Le Corsaire rouge, l'Ecumeur de mer, les Deux amtrauc, et tant d’autres romans maritimes de Fenimore Cooper, ferme- raient sans doute avec dédain le livre de Charlevoix, tant le Walter Scott américain a su mettre un puissant intérét dramatique dans ses récits. Cooper parle en effet, de la mer, des tempêtes, des abordages, en homme du métier, car il fut mousse avant d’être romancier. Lesage, l’auteur de Gil Blas, dans son roman de Robert Chevalier, sieur de Beauchesne, a su tirer parti lui aussi des aventures racontées par Charlevoix. [roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 61 Cependant, c’est encore dans ce dernier auteur qu’il faut aller cher- cher l’histoire exacte et la véritable physionomie de ces étranges dis- parus. Si jamais une nouvelle édition de Histoire de Saint-Domingue se faisait—et cela arrivera nécessairement le jour où les Etats-Unis s’em- pareront de cette ile—il semble que lon devrait y ajouter un chapitre. Sous le régime français, il y a eu un mouvement considérable d’échange et de commerce entre cette ancienne colonie et le Canada. Qui s’en souvient maintenant? Les boucaniers de l’île à la Tortue et de Port- de-Paix ont couru les mers bien souvent de compagnie avec les corsaires du Saint-Laurent—car nous avons eu aussi les nôtres. Quels beaux récits il y aurait à faire sur Saint-Castin et ses flibots de contrebande du hâvre de Pentagouet, sur Pierre Morpain, le hardi capitaine de Port- Royal, sur Bertrand, l’audacieux forban de la Pointe du Chapeau Rouge, près de Plaisance, sur tous les caboteurs de Louisbourg? Et, puis, Saint-Domingue ! n’est-ce pas là que se réfugièrent, après la conquête du Canada, tant de nos vieilles familles, où allèrent aborder sur leurs navires désemparés les malheureux Acadiens chassés du bassin des Mines et de Grand-Pré par l’infâme Lawrence? Qui nous dira jamais POdyssée de ces disparus, ce qu’ils devinrent, où vit maintenant leur descendance ? Nos voisins anglo-américains, qui sont en train de s’emparer de nos services d’eau, de nos mines, de nos forêts et qui tentent d’en faire autant de nos chemins de fer de l’Ouest, nous ont pris depuis longtemps une bonne part de notre domaine littéraire ou historique. Parkman a tiré de la terre canadienne vingt volumes de l’un des plus beaux drames qui se soit joué en Amérique; Longfellow nous a ravi la délicieuse et si touchante églogue d’Evangéline; William Kirby nous a enlevé haut la main la légende du Chien d’or; Fenimore Cooper a bati sur nos coureurs de bois, nos trappeurs, nos aventuriers de mer, les romans les plus empoignants. Il ne faudrait pas qu'il fut dit pourtant que les hommes de langue saxonne seuls ont révélé à l’Europe la poésie et les charmes du nouveau- monde. Un écrivain français peut naître en Amérique, n’imiter per- sonne et avoir du génie. Ces grands écrivains, que je viens de nommer, n’ont pas découvert toute la Nouvelle-France. Que d’épis restent encore à glaner sur la route où ces vaillants moissonneurs ont passé. Un critique français, Paul de Saint-Victor, a écrit: “ Défions nous, dans les arts, de l’esprit provincial, il rouille l’originalité, et la fait végéter à ’ombre de son clocher. On commence par chanter, on finit par croasser comme les corbeaux des gréves.” Ce sont là mauvais 62 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA conseils. | Ecoutons plûtot Booz qui conseillait à Ruth, la Moabite, de ne pas glaner dans d’autres champs que les siens. Laissons.a d’autres le soin puéril d’enchaîner dans des strophes étincelantes des simulacres de pensées. Chantons simplement ce que nous voyons chez nous et ce que nous sentons. Gravons sur un marbre qui bravera le temps Phis- toire des mœurs et des coutumes de notre pays; décrivons les hommes, les sites et le ciel; prenons le Canadien à sa naissance et conduisons le jusqu’à sa mort en le faisant voir dans toutes ses conditions, depuis le missionnaire et le prrêtre jusqu’au soldat et au laboureur. Recueillons les vieilles légendes. O landes! O forêts! pierres sombres et hautes! Bois qui couvrez nos champs, mers qui battez nos côtes! Villages où les morts errent avec les vents! Que nos jeunes poètes vous chantent, comme Brizeux chantait sa chère Bretagne, la terre de granite. Comme ‘Brizeux, qu'ils n’aient qu'un rêve: celui d’embaumer leur cher pays tout entier dans un beau poeme. Peu importe que la flûte ne soit encore que le chalumeau des ber- gers de Virgile, ou que le verre soit petit comme celui de Musset. Jouons sur notre flûte, et buvons dans notre verre. Etre soi-même, c’est ce que Charlevoix voulut dans la deuxième partie de son histoire de Saint-Domingue. Jusque là, il avait condensé, retapé, façonné à sa manière les auteurs ou les imprimés qui lui étaient tombés sous la main dans le cours de ses lectures. Certes, les livres sont d'excellentes instruments de travail, des stimulants d'imagination. I] faut aimer les productions des autres, parcequ’elles nous aident à pro- duire. Mais quand on entre sur une terre vierge qui n’a pas encore été exploitée et où de nouvelles routes sont à frayer, il faut savoir la rendre sienne et puiser dans son propre fonds. Charlevoix, habitué qu’il était à peser les livres, se trouvait tout à coup en face de mémoires manus- crits sans avoir rien pour les contrôler que les dires du Père de Pers. Il voulut pousser plus loin ses investigations. Les renseignements lui — manquaient, il demanda à consulter les sources mêmes. Le comte de Maurepas lui donna accès aux documents déposés dans les ministères, et Parchiviste Clairambault reçut instruction de lui communiquer les pièces manuscrites, les plans et les cartes dont il pourrait avoir besoin pour éclairer sa religion.’ * Cf. Archives coloniales, série B., vol. 53. Lettre du 17 avril 1729, datée de Versailles. Président du conseil de marine à Charlevoix, p. 33. Il a vu par sa lettre qu’il était chargé d'écrire l’histoire de Saint-Domingue, sur des mémoires qui lui ont été remis. Il écrit à M. de Clairambault pour qu’accès lui soit [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 63 Mais ce n’était pas tout d’amasser des matériaux, de les posséder et de pouvoir en disposer dans toute leur étendue et leur richesse. Il fallait faire un triage judicieux au milieu de cette masse. Charlevoix possède déjà lintuition du document, et il va nous montrer comment il faut s’en servir. “Si, écrit-il, les mémoires qu’on tire de ceux qui ont été témoins, ou presque contemporains des événements, sont le corps d’une histoire, on peut dire que les pièces de ces dépôts en sont comme l’âme, puisque c’est par elles qu’on découvre les ressorts cachés des mouvements, que ceux même qui les ont vus de plus près ne comprenaient pas toujours... Cependant ce qui est au dépôt n’est pas également décisif. On y trouve bien des écrits qu’il faut lire avec une grande précaution, et ce n’est pas même une chose toujours aisée que d’y déméler la vérité des artifices, tant l’intérêt, la passion, la malignité, l’envie de supplanter un rival ou de se faire valoir et la nécessité de se disculper ont cherché à l’em- brouiller.” Et il conclut qu’il faut absolument rapprocher ces documents afin de les corriger les uns par les autres. Voilà comment il nous initie à sa méthode de travail. C’est la règle de critique qu’il se trace dès l’abord pour l'étude du manuscrit, et c’est celle qu’il suivra à l’avenir, on peut en être sûr. On voit par les lettres qu'il adressait dans ce temps au ministre et qui nous ont été conservées, que, tout en poursuivant son travail sur Saint-Domingue, Charlevoix pensait toujours au Canada. Les deux études sont menées de front, et l'autorisation de pénétrer aux archives s'applique à l’une aussi bien qu'à l’autre. On était alors en 1729. Une fois l’impression du livre sur la colonie dominicaine terminée (1730), l’ancien voyageur se tourne vers les solitudes qu’il a autrefois parcourues. Il ne veut pas perdre contact avec les hommes et les choses de ces régions. Il s'intéresse à la découverte de la mer de l'Ouest, et il fait des représentations au conseil de la marine sur les moyens de rendre utile l’entreprise de la Vérendrye. Ses renseignements sont com- muniqués au gouverneur de Beauharnois et à l’intendant Hocquart.? donné aux plans, cartes, ete., du dépôt de la marine, qui lui seront utiles pour cette histoire ainsi que celle du Canada. Il le mettra en état de travailler avec succès à l'histoire naturelle des colonies. Lettre du même à M. de Blandinière, 15 sept. 1729, p. 7542. Lettre du même à M. Clairambault et à Charlevoix, même sujet. C’est pour remercier M. de Maurepas que Charlevoix lui dédia cet ouvrage. 1 Avertissement de l'Histoire de Saint-Domingue, 2 Arch. col. série B., vol. 55, mai 1731, p. 26. 64 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA Le premier avril 1732, le comte de Maurepas écrit de nouveau à Parchiviste Clairambault de remettre au Père Charlevoix, sur son récé- pissé, les pièces dont il aura besoin pour son histoire du Canada, à Vexception des pièces ou actes originaux.’ L’année suivante (10 février 1733), le ministre écrit cette fois per- sonnellement à Charlevoix, à la suite sans doute d’une conversation qu’ils ent eue ensemble, et lui demande de lui envoyer la carte anglaise dont il lui a parlé ou de lui indiquer là où il pourrait se la procurer.? Pour Pindifférent, ces lettres n’ont Vair de rien, et, pourtant, elles sont de la plus grande importance à celui qui veut suivre les étapes diverses de l’ouvrage en préparation. Il y a dix ans déjà que Charlevoix a fait savoir qu’il l’écrirait. I] n’a cessé depuis d’en parler chaque fois que l’occasion s’en est présentée. Nous sommes en 1733, nous voyons qu'il y travaille toujours—et cependant ce n’est qu’en 1744 qu’il paraîtra en librairie. Voilà done vingt et un ans bien comptés de délais, de retards, d’atermoiements. Le travail procède avec lenteur, mais avec une persistance continue. Est-ce que ces points de repère ne nous servi- ront pas plus tard à mieux juger l’œuvre la plus considérable qui soit sortie de la plume de Charlevoix? Du reste, il ne nous répugne pas de le suivre année par année et de le garder pour ainsi dire à vue. (C’est ainsi que nous savons que depuis son retour de Rome, en 1727, il ne s’éloigne pas de Paris et que les auteurs, comme lÆncyclopedia Britannica, par exemple, font erreur lorsqu'ils disent qu’il voyagea alors dans différentes contrées dans l’intérêt de son ordre.? VII Charlevoix est attaché A la rédaction des Mémoires de Trévour (1733). Il fait connaître son intention de publier une histoire complète du Nouveau-Monde Co )E Exposé de ce vaste projet. Non, Charlevoix ne devait plus voyager, et une raison spéciale le retint, dès 1733, dans la capitale de la France, car en cette année même, il fut attaché à la rédaction régulière des Mémoires de Trévoux, où il devait travailler sans désemparer, pendant vingt deux ans, soit jusqu’en 1755. Les Mémoires de Trévour, comme lon sait, étaient une revue men- suelle qui avait été fondée en 1701 par les jésuites, alors que le duc de Maine, prince souverain de Dombes, transporta son parlement dans la | petite ville de Trévoux et y établit une imprimerie considérable. Loc. cit., vol. 56, série B., p.128. 2 Loc. cit., vol. 59, série B., p. 12. 3 Vol. 5, p. 429, verbo Charlevoix. [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 6B Cette revue donnait au public un état fidéle de ce qui paraissait chaque jour dans le monde en quelque science que ce fut. Elle conte- nait des comptes rendus de tous les livres qui s’imprimaient en Europe, publiait des études de critiques, de littérature et de sciences, et toutes les nouvelles des lettres. | Les membres de la Compagnie de Jésus, dont les missions et les colléges étaient alors répandus dans le monde entier, offraient 4 cette publication des éléments de collaboration et un concours d’études qu’aucune autre société laïque aurait été capable de réunir. Aussi ce recueil prit-il bientôt une importance considérable. 11 devint le meilleur journal de France, le plus instructif, le mieux fait, le mieux écrit et le plus utile; il se distinguait des autres par l’érudition, les recherches, la bonne critique, et même par les agréments répandus sur certaines matières. On ne trouvait dans aucun autre des nouvelles plus abondantes et plus généralement sûres. Les journalistes de Trévoux faisaient un constant appel aux tra- vailleurs qu’ils invitaient à concourir à leur œuvre. A cet effet, une boîte avait été placée à la porte de leur imprimerie pour recevoir les articles qu’on voulait leur faire parvenir. Il va sans dire cependant qu’ils ne se rendaient pas responsables de leur contenu. Les travaux des savants jésuites portaient sur presque toutes les branches du savoir humain. Ces travaux si divers émanant d’une vé- ritable Académie, la plus nombreuse et la plus puissante qui ait jamais existé, se classaient en deux parties: d’une part, les dissertations, les pièces originales, les mémoires insérés dans le journal; de l’autre, les extraits, analyses et comptes-rendus des ouvrages examinés et jugés. Pour les comptes-rendus des ouvrages, les Hatraits, comme on disait alors, les rédacteurs avaient d’abord invité les auteurs à les faire eux- mêmes. “ Personne, ordinairement parlant, disaient-ils en 1701, n’est capable de faire mieux l’extrait d’un livre que celui qui l’a composé; et d’ailleurs, un auteur pourrait craindre quelquefois qu’un autre, fai- sant l’extrait de son livre, ne le fit pas parler et penser aussi bien qu'il croirait avoir fait.” Mais au bout de quelques années ils changèrent davis; ils déclarent dans l’avertissement de 1712 ” que nulle considéra- tion ne leur fera insérer dans leurs Mémoires des extraits faits par l’au- teur même. “ C’est une fidélité, disent-ils, que nous devons au public, notre juge; un rapporteur manque à son devoir quand il se fie aux parties de l’extrait d’une cause.” En 1716, les rédacteurs commencèrent à proposer des questions propres à exercer les savants et à indiquer chaque mois trois ou quatre desseins d’ouvrages en tout genre de littérature. Ils voulaient de la Sec. I., 1907, 5. 668 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA sorte exciter au travail “des esprits excellents qui languissent dans Poisivité, car trouver un beau dessein est souvent ce qui coûte le plus quand on veut devenir auteur.” Cependant les Mémoires de Trévoux, qui avaient si bien mérité des sciences et des arts, et non moins de la société, après une trentaine d'années d’existence, faillirent être engloutis dans la disgrace du duc de Maine après la mort de Louis XIV (1731). En 1734, le siège du journal fut transporté à Paris et celui-ci re- parut avec une nouvelle vigueur. Une révolution radicale, ou peu s’en faut, fut opérée et ouvrit aux Mémoires une nouvelle ère de prospérité. Le comité de rédaction, l’imprimeur, le libraire, esprit même du journal, tout subit des modifications; le duc de Maine en reprit la protection; ses armes reparurent sur le frontispice; mais un privilége royal rem- placait le sien. Par ses histoires de l’Htablissement du Christianisme au Japon, de Vile de Saint-Domingue, de la mère Marie de l’Incarnation, Charlevoix s’était fait dans le monde lettré une réputation méritée d’écrivain plein de goût et de talent. Il était tout naturel que les directeurs de la Compagnie l’appelassent à collaborer aux Mémoires de Trévoux. Aussi, fut-il attaché à la rédaction de ce journal, comme je l’ai dit, à partir de 733.7 ? Cf. Sommervogel: Essai Historique sur les Mémoires de Trévour, p. UXXV et p. LXIV. Voir aussi: Bibliographie de la presse francaise, d'Eugène Hatin, Paris, 1866. Brumoy, né à Rouen en 1688, mort en 1741, savant jésuite, historien, phi- lologue, littérateur. Prit part à la rédaction des Mémoires de Trévoux, de l’histoire de l'église gallicane (t. XI et t. XII). Publia les Révolutions d’Hs- pagne. Son ouvrage capital est le Théâtre des Grecs (Paris 1730-3 vol. in-4) qui contribua tant à populariser en France la connaissance des chefs-d’œuvre de la scène athénienne, accessibles jusqu’alors aux seuls érudits. Admirateur pas- sionné des œuvres dramatiques des anciens. Poète estimé lui-même. Bougeant (1690-1743). Son nom se recommande surtout par l'Histoire des guerres et des négociations qui précédèrent le traité de Westphalie (1727-2 vol), et Histoire du traité de Westphalie (1744-3 vol.), ouvrages qui le placè- rent parmi les meilleurs historiens de France et dont on estime surtout la partie qui se rapporte aux événements militaires. Castel (1688-1757). Travailla pendant 30 ans aux Mémoires de Trévoux. Mathématicien et physicien. Traité de la pesanteur universelle (1728). Rouillé (1681-1740). Travaille au Journal de Trévoux (1733-1737). As- socié aux travaux du Père Catron qui publiait alors une immense histoire ro- maine et dont les vingt premiers volumes sont enrichis par Rouillé d’une foule de notes critiques d’une grande érudition. Ce savant aida aussi le P. Brumoy à continuer l'Histoire des révolutions d'Espagne. LR sr [roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 67 Le P. Brumoy, dans une lettre qu’il adressait alors au marquis de Gaumont, lui apprend que les nouveaux rédacteurs qui lui sont adjoints sont les PP. Bouillé, Bougeant, Castel, Charlevoix et Lacour. “ Nous amassons de concert, dit-il, autant de matériaux qu’il est possible pour nous mettre en avance.” Charlevoix fut chargé, pour sa part, de signaler au public lappari- tion des livres nouveaux, et il poursuivit sa tâche chaque mois avec une grande assiduité. Ses articles ne sont pas signés, mais il est facile, pour ceux qui ont lu quelque peu ses ouvrages, de reconnaître sa manière et son style. La critique littéraire n’était pas outillée alors comme aujourd’hui. Comme tout a changé! Les points de vue se sont déplacés. En avançant dans la marche, de nouvelles perspectives se sont ouvertes vers le passé, et y ont jeté des lumières parfois inattendues. Les moyens d'analyse sont devenus si puissants qu’ils pénètrent jusque dans les âmes pour en dévoiler les secrets. Il est rare que l’on ne voit pas aujour- d’hui dans une œuvre autre chose que ce qu'y a vu l’auteur. Nous nous servons de procédés qui relèvent presque de l’alchimie. Le comte Tolstoï causait un jour du grand dramaturge Ibsen avec un ami. “J’ai entendu plusieurs des pièces d’Ibsen, dit ce dernier, mais je n’y ai rien compris. Dites-moi donc ce que vous en pensez? ? Tolstoï reprit en souriant: “ Ibsen ne les comprend pas lui-même. Il compose, s’assied, puis attend. Les critiques viennent, fouillent l’œuvre, l’analysent, rendent leur verdict, ce n’est qu’alors qu’Ibsen commence à saisir ce qu’il a voulu dire.” Les critiques d’art n’ont pas toujours le même succès. Et j’en trouve la preuve dans cette autre anecdote. Un jour que, devant une toile de Raphaël, un peintre moderne, grand esthéticien encore plus que peintre, avait développé devant quel- ques élèves une grande théorie sur l’art chrétien et sur l’art de la Re- naissance, où le nom de Raphaël, sans cesse invoqué, servait de prétexte, il se retourna tout d’un coup et en s’éloignant, il s’écria: “ Et dire que sil nous avait entendus, il n’y aurait rien compris.” Eh! oui! combien d'auteurs, s’ils pouvaient revenir de ce côté après des siècles, et écouter ce que l’on dit d’eux, seraient étonnés de s’entendre expliquer et commenter comme nous le faisons. Il n’en était pas de même au temps de Charlevoix. C’est à peine si quelques rares écrivains s’essayaient à rendre compte des ouvrages dans Ja Bibliothèque des Savants et les Mémoires de Trévoux. Et, encore, ils ne procédaient guéres que par analyses ou par extraits, sans presqu’au- cuns jugements, ou tout au plus quelques remarques inoffensives. Nous 68 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA ne nous arréterons done pas a étudier la critique littéraire de Charlevoix, tout a fait démodée, quoiqu’elle dénote chez son auteur une grande variété de connaissances et une lecture considérable.’ Charlevoix était attaché depuis deux ans a la rédaction des Mémoires de Trévoux lorsqwil fit connaître le plan d’un grand ouvrage qu’il avait conçu. Il se proposait de publier un corps d'histoire du Nouveau-Monde. Et que l’on waille pas croire qu’il entendit par là la seule Amérique... Il voulait embrasser tous les pays qui étaient inconnus aux Européens avant le XIVème siècle. Cela comprenait l’histoire de la Chine, du Japon, de toutes les possessions françaises, anglaises, espagnoles et hol- landaises dans toutes les parties du monde. Ce projet gigantesque, Charlevoix le développa avec beaucoup de talent dans les Mémoires de Trévoux de 1735.” Voici un peu de mots quel était le plan de ce corps historique. Charlevoix commence par faire observer que la plupart des provinces de ce qu’il appelle le Nouveau-Monde, n’ont entre elles aucune liaison, et qu'il en est même peu, dont l’histoire puisse naturellement entrer dans celle d’une autre. Quel rapport, par exemple, y a-t-il entre la Nouvelle-Angleterre et la Nouvelle Espagne? On ne peut guère écrire l'histoire d’un seul royaume de l’Europe, qu’on ne touche à celle de tous les autres; on ne s’aviserait pourtant pas d’écrire une histoire générale de toute cette partie de l’Ancien Monde; combien, à plus forte raison, serait-il insensé de vouloir faire un ouvrage suivi de celle de l'Amérique ? Il en faut donc séparer les parties, qui n’ont aucune dépendance les unes des autres; réuuir celles dont on ne pourrait parler séparément, sans tomber dans des redites, ou sans les mutiler, telles que sont la Nouvelle- France et la Louisiane, et donner au public toutes les histoires l’une après autre. “Voici ce que j’ai imaginé, continue-t-il, pour leur donner une uniformité, qui en fasse un tout lié par la méthode qu’on y gardera. “ Je mettrai à la tête de chaque histoire un catalogue exact de tous les auteurs qui auront écrit sur le même sujet, ne l’eussent-il fait qu’en passant, pourvu que ce qu’ils en ont dit, mérite qu’on y fasse quelque mention. Je marquerai en même temps les secours que j’aurai tirés de chacun, et les raisons que j’aurai eues de les suivre, ou de m’en écarter, *Le dictionnaire de Michaud cite de Charlevoix une éloge du cardinal de Polignac qui parut dans les Mémoires de Trévour du mois d'octobre 1742. Nous n’avons pas pu trouver ici ce fascicule. 2 Volume de janvier 1735, p. 160. Cs projet est aussi réimprimé à la page 297 du tome 6 de l’Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, édition da 1744, a part les quatres derniers paragraphes et l’avis aux libraires. [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 69 en quoi je tâcherai de faire en sorte qu’aucune prévention, ni aucun autre intérêt, que celui de la vérité, ne conduise ma plume. “A ce premier préliminaire j’en ajouterai un second, qui sera une notice générale du pays. J’y ferai entrer tout ce qui regarde le carac- tère de la nation, son origine, son gouvernement, sa religion, ses bonnes et ses mauvaises qualités, le climat et la nature du pays, ses principales richesses, mais je rejetterai à la fin de l’ouvrage tous les articles de l’his- toire naturelle, qui demanderont d’être traités en détail, et toutes les pièces qui n’auront pu avoir lieu dans le corps de l’histoire, et qui pour- ront néanmoins apprendre quelque chose d’intéressant: comme ce qui regarde le commerce et les manufactures, les plantes et les animaux, la médecine, etc. “Pour ce qui est du corps même de l’histoire, j’y garderai le même ordre que j’ai suivi en écrivant l’histoire de Vile de Saint-Do- mingue, et dont il m’a paru que le public n’était pas mécontent. Je n’y omettrai rien d’essentiel, mais j’y éviterai les détails inutiles. Je sais que la nature de cet ouvrage en demande, que d’autres histoires ne souffriraient pas. Des choses assez peu intéressantes en elles-mêmes font plaisir, quand elles viennent d’un pays éloigné, mais je comprends qu’il faut choisir et se borner. “ De cette manière on pourra avoir une connaissance entière de chaque région du Nouveau-Monde, à l’état où elle était quand on Pa découverte, de ce qu’on a pu apprendre de l’histoire de ses premiers habitants, de ce qui s’y est passé de considérable depuis que les Euro- piens y sont entrés, de ce qu’elle renferme de plus curieux; et l’on saura ce que l’on doit penser de ceux qui en ont écrit jusqu’à présent. Ainsi Phistoire du Nouveau-Monde ne sera plus en danger de périr par sa propre abondance; les choses qui sont véritablement dignes de la cu- riosité des lecteurs n’y seront plus noyées dans les inutilités, pour ne rien dire de plus, ni embarrassées dans les contradictions; et il sera aisé de faire un discernement juste de ceux d’entre les auteurs des relations et des voyages, qui méritent seul le décri qu’ils ont attiré sur tous les autres, d’avec les écrivains qui, par leur sincérité, et leur application à s’instruire, se sont rendus dignes d’être regardés comme des guides sûrs et des témoins irréprochables. “Au reste, il était bien temps de rendre ce service au public, tandis que nous avons encore des régles certaines de critique pour distinguer les piéces légitimes et authentiques, de ce nombre prodigieux d’écrits hasardés, dont la plupart altérent la vérité jusqu’au point de la rendre méconnaissable, et qui en feraient enfin perdre absolument la trace, si on laissait aller le débordement plus loin. Jamais en effet la deman- 70 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA geaison d’écrire n’a été plus loin qu’en cette matière. Qui pourrait nombrer les relations, les mémoires, les voyages, les histoires particulières et générales, qu’ont enfantés la curiosité de voir et le besoin de raconter ce que l’on a vu, ou ce que l’on a voulu passer pour avoir vu? Mais il nous reste encore un rayon de lumière, à la faveur duquel nous pour- rons dégager la vérité de ce monstrueux amas de fables, qui Pont pres- qu’entièrement éclipsée; et dont la plupart, quoique soutenues des agréments du style, et du pernicieux assaisonnement de la satyre, du libertinage et de l’irréligion, ne demeurent en possession d’être entre les mains de toutes sortes de personnes, au grand préjudice des mœurs et de la piété, que parce qu'on ne leur a encore rien opposé de meilleur. “ Si dans les revues que je ferai de toutes les pièces, qui ont quelque rapport à mon ouvrage, il m’en échappe quelques unes, ce sera pour Vor- dinaire, parce qu’il n’aura pas été possible, ou que je n’aurai pas jugé qu’il convint de les tirer de l’obscurité où elles sont demeurées ensevelies ; et mon silence à leur égard sera la seule critique qui leur convienne. S'il m'arrive pourtant d’en omettre qui méritent de mêtre pas oubliées, je réparerai ce défaut dès qu’on m’en aura averti. De cette sorte, Si on peut reprocher avec fondement à ces derniers siècles une licence effrénée d'écrire, plus capable d'établir parmi le commun des hommes un véritable pyrrhonisme en fait d'histoire, que d’instruire ceux qui s’adonnent à cette lecture, et plus propre à dégrader les héros qui ont rempli le Nouveau-Monde de Péclat de leurs exploits et de leurs vertus, par le fabuleux qu’on y a mêlé, qu’à leur prouver Vimmortalité qui leur est dûe, on trouvera dans cet ouvrage un remède à ce désordre, et ceux qui viendront après nous seront plus en état qu'on l’a été jus- qu'ici de rendre justice à tout le monde.” Pour être exécuté, ce grand ouvrage que Charlevoix avait conçu, dépassait les forces d’un seul homme; il exigeait des vies entières de recherches et de voyages, vii l’énorme quantité et la dispersion singulière de documents en toute langue dont il impliquait le dépouillement et la mise en œuvre. Charlevoix ne se faisait pas d’illusion là-dessus. Il répondait d’a- vance à l’objection. “On me demandera peut-être si je me suis flatté de pouvoir exécuter un dessein si vaste, et pour lequel il semble que la plus longue vie serait encore trop courte. A cela je réponds que la nature de cet ouvrage ne, demande pas que toutes les parties qui la composeront soient de la même main; qu’il ne souffrira point de la diversité du style; que cette diversité y aura même son agrément, et qu’il ne sera question que de suivre toujours le même plan, ce qui est fort aisé. On peut dire de cette pe [roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 71 entreprise à peu près la même chose que de la découverte de l'Amérique. Le plus difficile était fait quand elle fut une fois commencée. Il y a donc tout lieu de croire qu’elle continuera après moi, et que si j’al Yavantage d’en avoir donné l’idée, ceux qui me succèderont auront la gloire de avoir perfectionnée.” Pour Vhistoire des colonies espagnoles et portugaises, Charlevoix se proposait de consulter les immenses collections amassées par ses confrères parlant ces langues. Quant aux idées, il mettrait à contribution son entourage de jésuites. Doué d’une facilité incontestable de travail, sans grand souci de critique rigoureuse, ni de composition, ni méme de style, il pourrait done publier, publier sans cesse, jusqu’a épuisement. L’exécution d’un tel projet devait entrainer une grande dépense d'argent. Charlevoix ne voulait épargner ni les cartes, ni les plans, et sur ce point personne ne pourrait trouver à redire. Rien n’est plus nécessaire dans l’histoire, dont la géographie et la chronologie sont les deux yeux, surtout lorsqu'il s’agit de pays qui ne sont pas assez connus. En second lieu, il fallait faire graver tout ce que l’histoire naturelle fournissait de plus ancien. Enfin, il y avait dans les différentes ma- rières de s’habiller et de s’amuser des peuples, dans les cérémonies de leur religion et dans leurs coutumes, bien des choses que le public serait aise de voir représenter au naturel. Charlevoix déclare que, tout en retranchant tout ce qui servirait à grossir inutilement les volumes, il n’épargnera rien, et il en prévient le public afin que le prix d’un si vaste ouvrage ne le révoltât point. Charlevoix avait alors 53 ans. Lui, qui se trouvait trop vieux déjà, à l’âge de 41 ans, pour aller fonder une mission chez les Sioux, ne l’était-il pas trop pour entreprendre cette œuvre de géant, alors que douze années de plus pesaient sur sa tête? L’avenir prouva le contraire. M. Ernest Legouvé, dans l’un des derniers ouvrages qu’il a pu- blié, assigne une limite d’âge aux écrivains. “ La force créatrice, dit-il, meurt en nous longtemps avant nous. Qu’est-ce qui peut remplacer l’imagination défaillante? Le poète doit donc se fixer à lui-même une date, un jour où il se met à la retraite, et ce jour venu, briser irrévocablement sa plume, éteindre sa lampe de travail. “ S’obstiner, ce serait profaner la muse. Pourquoi continuer une poursuite impuissante, donner à tous le spectacle de sa défaillance? Si vous ne vous retirez volontairement du temple, malheureux, vous en serez chassé.” Comme cela est vrai, mais comme cela est triste. I] n’en est pas de même de Vhistorien, ajoute Legouvé. 72 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA “ L’historien tient sa plume d’une main plus ferme à cinquante ans qu’à trente ans, les qualités que réclame l’histoire étant de l’âge mûr; là, surtout, savoir: c’est pouvoir. Il marche dans sa voie d’un pas plus sûr, car tout ce qu’il a acquis, l’aide à acquérir encore, tout ce qu’il sait est un capital qui lui profite et porte intérêt.” Charlevoix devait illustrer ce précepte d’une facon éclatante, car jamais il ne produisit des ceuvres plus fortes que dans cette deuxiéme partie de sa vie. C’est alors qu’il donna toute sa mesure en publiant son Histoire générale du Japon, celle de la Nouvelle-France, celle du Paraguay, soit dix-huit volumes en vingt ans. Il ne pouvait faire parler plus haut et mieux lécusson que l’on voit parfois sur la première page de ses livres: une ruche d’abeilles bourdonnantes avec la légende: In tenui labor. Fin de la première partie. APPENDICE. PIECE A Mémoire sur les limites de l'Acadie envoyé de Québec a Monseigneur le Duc d'Orléans, Régent, par le Père Charlevoir. Jésuite. 19 octobre 1720 0 Les terres angloises ne commencent qu’à Kaskebé où est le premier fort de cette nation du coté de la Nouvelle France. Il est vrai qu’en vertu du traité de Riswick on fixa les limites de la Nouvelle France et de la nouvelle York à la rivière St. Georges ou les armes de France et celles d'Angleterre furent élevées sur un Epinette ébranché, mais la guerre qui suivit bientôt après a changé ces limites; l’épinette a été abattu et les Abenakis joints aux Canadiens out rechassé les Anglois, non seulement de tout le pays jusqu’à Kaskebé, mais mesme de plusieurs endroits de la nouvelle York. D'ailleurs il est à remarquer que les Abenakis prétendent que toute cette côte et le cours des rivières qu’on y rencontre sont à eux et qu’il est de notre intérêt de soutenir ces sau- vages dans leur prétention ; effectivement c’est le seul moyen d’empêcher que les Anglois ne s’établissent tout le long de la côte jusqu’à la Baye frangoise et le long des rivières jusqu’à la hauteur des terres, c’est-à-dire fort près de Quebec et de Montréal. * Cette pièce est tirée des archives de la marine. Amérique du Nord, Nou- velle-France (1712-1739). Kèglement des limites, vol. 2, c. 11, p. 63. [roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 73 Il faut meme, si l’on veut conserver la nation abenaquise dans notre alliance faire entendre au Gouverneur de Boston que s’il veut user de voyes de fait pour s’établir sur les terres abenaquises on ne pourra se dispenser de secourir ouvertement ces sauvages nos alliés. Ht l’on sera aisément convaincu de la nécessité de prendre ce parti là pour peu qu’on fasse réflexion; 1° que cette nation est l’unique soutien de la colonie contre les Anglois et les Iroquois; 2° que si l’on ne convient ou du moins si l’on ne fait semblant de convenir de leur droit sur les pays qu’ils occupent, jamais on ne les engagera dans la guerre contre les Anglois pour la défense de ce meme pais qui couvre les habitations fran- coises. 3° que si l’on ne paroit pas s’intéresser de leur defense, ils se diviseront et se partageront entre les Francois et les Anglois, et parce- qu'ils trouvent bien mieux leur compte avec ceux-ci qu’avec ceux là pour le commerce, ils ne seront pas longtems sans être tous attachés à ces der- niers; il y en a déjà plus de la moitié qui peachent plus de ce coté la que du notre, et si ce n’étoit la religion qui les retient, nous les aurions bientôt pour ennemis; c’est ce dont personne ne doute en Canada et qu’il n’y a que les missionnaires qui ayent le pouvoir de les faire condes- cendre aux volontés du Gouverneur Général. 4° que pour peu qu’on laisse encore les choses aller le train qu’elles vont depuis quelque tems, la Nouvelle France n’aura plus de limites au Sud, que le fleuve St. Lau- rent, par consequent qu'il faudra abandonner tous les postes et les habitations que nous avons tout le long de cette côte et que rien n’em- pêchera les partis Anglois et Iroquois de faire irruption jusques dans le centre de cette colonie. Que si on nous objecte le traité d’Urecht, nous répondrons que ce traité ne parle point du Pays qui est entre la Baye françoise et Kaskebé, ce continent ayant jamais été censé être de l’Acadie comme nous l’avons démontré ailleurs. Mais n’y a t il pas à craindre qu’il en faille venir à une guerre contre les Anglois? non, les Anglois n’ont jamais pu résister aux abenakis soutenus des François; dès qu’ils seront surs de cette jonction, ils se tiendront en repos; c’est de quoi ceux qui ont quelque connoissance du Pays croyent pouvoir répondre. Les Missionnaires qui sont parmi les Abenakis et le Pere de Lachasse Supérieur Général des Missions et qui a été près de vingt ans parmi ces Sauvages sont même d’avis qu’il n’y a pas de tems à perdre pour regler avec le Gouvernement de Boston jusqu'où il peut s’étendre en vertu du traité d’Utrecht et que le moindre délay peut avoir des suites qu’on ne pourra jamais réparer. Pour donner encore plus de poids à ce qui vient d’être exposé, 1l est bon de rapporter ici ce qui s’est passé parmi les Abenakis depuis le traité d’Utrecht. Ce fut par les Anglois que ces Sauvages en eurent 74 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CaNADA connoissance ; on commença par leur dire d’un air insultant, qu’on avoit eu bien raison de les avertir que les François se moqueroient d’eux et les abandonneroient après avoir fait la guerre à leurs dépens: que le Roy de France venoit de faire avec leur Reyne une paix dont une des condi- tions étoit que tout leur pais appartiendroit aux Anglois. Les sauvages eurent de la peine à croire d’abord ce que l’on leur disoit et repondirent que leurs missionnaires les assuroient du contraire, Les Anglois répli- querent qu’ils n’avoient rien avancé qu’ils ne fussent en état de prouver et que quand les missionnaires voudroient, ils leur montreroient le traité par écrit; alors les Abenakis s’emportèrent et demanderent de quel droit les François donnoient un pais qui ne leur appartenoit pas? Leur empor- tement eut meme été plus loin si les Missionnaires ne les eussent apaisé en disant qu’on les trompoit par une équivoque et que leur Pays n’entroit point dans ce qui étoit cédé aux Anglois par le Roy de France. Sur ces entrefaites on eut par M. le Marquis de Vaudreuil qui étoit en France des nouvelles directes de la paix. Ce Général mandoit en meme tems que lintention de la Cour étoit qu’on fit passer tous les Abenakis dans l'Isle Royale qu’on voulait établir. Le Père de Lachasse à qui on s’addressa pour porter cette parole aux sauvages réprésenta qu’il ne falloit pas connoître ces peuples pour leur faire une semblable proposition, qu’ils n’obéiroient pas, qu’on les effaroucheroit inutilement, qu’on les perdroit sans doute et peut être que d’amis qu’ils avoient été iusques là, et qu’ils n’étoient plus qu’a cause de la religion, ils devien- droient ennemis d’autant plus irreconciliables qu’ils croiroient qu’on les avoit joués. Que.son sentiment étoit que bien loin de leur proposer cette transmigration à laquelle on ne les engageroit jamais, il faloit au plutôt faire un réglement avec les Anglois qui fixant les limites des deux nations, tirat les sauvages de peine, et les assurer meme que si pour conserver leur pays ils étoient contraints d’en venir à la guerre, on se joindroit à eux. Cet avis donné par un homme qui connoit mieux que personne les Abenakis, qui a été dans tous les postes qu’ils occupent, qui a un grand ascendant sur leur esprit et acquis dans les tems de la derniére tentative des Anglois et des Iroquois sur le Canada. M. le Marquis de Vaudreuil. et M. Raudot le père alors intendant à Québec reconnurent qu’on devoit principalement le zèle que firent paroistre les Abenaquis pour la con- servation de la Colonie, cet avis dis-je fut trouvé judicieux et on s’y tint. Les missionnaires furent chargés de remettre l’esprit à leurs sauvages, mais ils n’ont pu empecher que plusieurs de ces sauvages n’ayent fait et ne fassent tous les jours des liaisons avec les Anglois. Depuis ce tems là, M. Begon qui a succédé à M. Raudot ne cesse point de presser le reglement des limites dont il connoit l’importance parcequ’il ne juge pas des Abenakis d’aujourd’hui sur les Abenakis d’au- [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOJX 75 tres fois. En effet, il y a quelques années qu’un bon nombre de familles angloises ayant paru au bas de la Rivière de Kinnebeki, au haut de laquelle les Abenakis ont un village qu’on appelle Narantsoak, on ne leur dit mot, ou on ne leur dit pas grand chose, et elles s’y établirent; on y a méme déja bati deux forts. Le Pére Rasle missionnaire de Narantsoak se donna bien quelques mouvemens pour empécher cet établissement dont il prévoyait les suites, mais il ne crut pas pouvoir y employer toute son autorité parceque c’eut été exposer inutilement sa vie. Les Anglois ne se seroient pas moins établis et sçachant ce qu’auroit le jésuite : our les en empécher ils n’auroient pas manqué de mettre sa téte 4 prix comme celle du Père Aubry y fut au commencement de la guerre pour le même sujet, mais il étoit venu à bout d’éloigner les Anglois et il n’avoit rien à craindre d’aucun Abenakis, circonstances qui ne sont pas les memes. Cependant l’an passé les sauvages de Narantsoak commençant à prendre quelque ombrage de leurs nouveaux hôtes, voulurent sçavoir si au cas qu’il en fallut venir à la guerre pour les déloger, ils pouvoient compter sur le secours des François. Ils députèrent quelques-uns d’entre eux à Monsieur le Marquis de Vaudreuil pour lui exposer la situation où ils se trouvoient, et lui demander, si luy, qui se disoit leur père, et qu’ils avoient toujours regardé comme tel, étoit disposé à les secourir contre les Anglois en cas de rupture, comme ils lavoient secouru au péril de leurs vies en pareille occasion. M. le Général leur répondit qu’il ne leur manqueroit jamais au besoin. Et quel secours mon Père nous don- neras-tu répliqua ce chef de la députation; mes enfans, repartit M. de Vaudreuil, je vous envoyerai sous main des haches, de la poudre et du plomb. Est-ce donc ainsi qu'un Père secourt ses enfans, et t’avons nous secouru de la sorte? Un Père, ajouta-t-il, quand il voit son fils aux prises avec un ennemi plus fort que lui, s’avance, fait retirer son fils et déclare à l’ennemi, que c’est à lui qu’il a affaire; hé bien mes enfants dit M. le Gouverneur, j’engagerai les autres nations sauvages à vous secourir. A ces mots, les députés avec un ris moqueur. sache, répliquè- rent-ils, que quand nous voudrons tous tant que nous sommes des nations qui habitons ce vaste continent, nous nous unirons pour en chasser tous les étrangers quels qu’ils soyent. Cette déclaration surprit M. de Vau- dreuil, qui pour les appaiser leur protesta que plutôt que de les aban- donner à la merci des Anglois, il marcheroit lui même à leur secours. Il ne paroit pas qu’ils ayent été bien persuadés de la sincérité de cette promesse; ils ont répandu dans tous les villages ce qui s’est passé chez M. le général et les missionnaires assurent que toute la nation est mé- contente et qu’il ne leur faut rien pour leur faire prendre résolution facheuse. 76 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA M. le Marquis de Vaudreuil assure qu’il a parmi les Abenakis de Narantsoak un homme accredité qui lui est tout devoué et par le moyen duquel il fera faire aux autres tout ce qu’il voudra. Ceux qui connois- sent le mieux ces sauvages, sont convaincus qu’il ne faut pas s’y fier. M. Begon d’un autre coté est dans le sentiment qu’il faut que quelque étourdi de sauvage fasse sur les Anglois un coup qui engage la guerre, mais si on ne veut pas secourir d'hommes les sauvages, peut-on en hon- neur et en conscience les précipiter dans une guerre contre un ennemi de beaucoup supérieur à eux? Que deviendrions-nous nous mesmes, s’ils avoient du pire et que les Anglois fussent moîtres de leurs villages dont quelques uns sont à notre porte; un ou deux établissements au bas des rivières de St. Jean et de Pentagoet où la pesche est très bonne, per- suaderoit les sauvages qu’on est résolu a les défendre contre les Anglois qui de leur côté n’oseroient s’y opposer, s’ils nous voyoient agir de con- cert avec les sauvages. Et si on est dans les dispositions de les assister est-il pas bien plus naturel de faire dire au Gouverneur de la nouvelle Yorck, que si les Anglois ne se retirent d’un Pays qui appartient à nos alliés et qu’on n’a pu ni entendu leur céder par aucun autre traité, ils auront affaire aux François qui ne pourront refuser leur secours à ceux dont iis en ont reçu dans le besoin et qui ne les ont assistés qu’à condi- tion qu’ils rendroient le réciproque. Il paroit d’autant plus nécessaire de faire cette démarche et de la faire au plutôt, qu’on est bien instruit que les Iroquois sollicitent sous main les Abenakis par des colliers qu’ils leur envoyent, à s’unir avec eux contre nous et que depuis trois mois, les Anglois sont encore venus se porter vers Pemkuit, que les Abenakis de Panawské y ont consenti malgré le Père Lauverjat leur missionnaire qui a cru faire beaucoup que d’ob- tenir que cet Etablissement se réduiroit à une maison de retraite. On peut voir par là que ces deux nations, dont l’inimitié réciproque avoit jusqu’icy fait notre sécurité, commencent à se réunir, d’où il peut s’en suivre que la perte de la colonie. Fait à Québec ce 19. 8bre 1720. Signé: de Charlevoix Jésuite. PriEcE B Mémoire pour l'Etablissement de Tekamamiouen et Des Sioux. Ces deux etablissements paroissent d’une nécessité tres grande pour la Colonie du Canada, en ce que le castor qui en foit le com- merce commence a estre tout a fait détruit dans tous les autres postes ; et que ne attireroit aissément une bonne partie des pelteries qui vont 1 Pièce dires des archives de 1a marine. Postes ane pays de l’Ouest, vol. 16:7) i eppawiae OS: [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 27 à la Baye Dudson si l’on estoit une fois instalé à Tekamamiouen, et que mesme nous pourions avoir dans la suite les sauvages de la mer pour nous, si lon vouloit en cas que la guere revint faire quellesques entreprises sur les Anglois pour ravoir les postes qu’ils occupent de ce costé qui fournit le plus de castors gras et pelteries fines. Pour réussir dans l’Etablissement de Tekamamiouen, il seroit a propos que celuy des Sioux le fut en mesme tems; car ces deux nations estant en guerre, c’est se faire des ennemis en allant que chez une des deux. Et pour ne pas trop risquer dans ces entreprises, il faudrait aussi qu’il n’y alla les premières années que quatre congés dans chaque donnés aux Commandans des dits postes; moyennant quoy ils se char- geroit des depenses nécessaires pour bien les Entretenir à Exception de quelques présent qu’ils leur faudroit débourser, pour ménager la paix entre les différentes nations de ces lieux, qui pouroient se monter a trante ou quarante pistole dans chaque poste par chaque année en effets que le Roy feroit fournir a son magasin; ce qui faciliteroit le moyen d’avoir des Esprits à soy que l’on ne peut gagner que par la Dépence; qu'il Est impossible a un officier de soutenir s’il n’est un peu seconder. Ces huits canots supposés que sa majesté donneroit à deux officiers pour l’Etablissement de ces deux postes demanderoient a estre exploités dès la fonte des glaces afin de pouvoir se rendre facilement sur les lieux. Et comme la première année, il faudroit y porter quantitée de grains et qu’il est ordinairement cher a Michilimakinac, on ne pourroit faciliter la moyen de soutenir les gros frais qu’en permettant a chaque officier, d'envoyer un des huits canots dès l’automne avant leur départ hyverner dans le lac Erié pour dès le printems prendre les provisions nécessaires au Détroit avec la libertée de les acheter des sauvages mesmes, sans estre obligéz de les prendre de celuy qui en rempli les greniers pour les survendre et vexér tout le monde. De cette manière ceux que l’on voient le printems par la grande Rivière, trouveroit les autres tous prêt au sault Ste. Marie ou ils les viendroient attendre et leur épargneroit la peine d’aller a Michilimakinac; ce qui accourciroit le chemin de soixente lieues que l’on est souvent tres long tems a faire par rapport aux traverses qu’il y a dans cette Route, de sorte que cela metteroit en état de se rendre aux deux postes dont nous parlons dans un Esté. L’officier destiné pour Tekamamiouen se sépareroit de l’autre au Sault Ste. Marie et prendroit le nord du lac supérieur pour aller passer à Kamanistigoya ou il prendroit langue avec le commandant de ce poste pour travailler de concert au bien du service et de la colonie. Le plus beau chemin pour aller au prétendu Etablissement seroit par une petite 78 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA rivière nommée Nantokvagane qui est a environ sept lieues de Kamanis- tigoya. L’autre commandant destiné pour les Sioux passeroit par Chagva- mikgnonge pour l’aboucher aussi avec Voflicier de ce poste et iroit en- suite par Neëissakvete, l’etablissement du Sault St. Antoine. Ces deux officiers rendus dans chaqu’un leur poste travailleroient unanime- ment a faire faire la paix a toutes les nations qui les occupent; et ils leurs seroit aisé de faire sçavoir des nouvelles l’un a l’autre dans le cour de l’hyver et de fixer un lieu de rendez-vous pour terminer les affaires s’il estoit besoin. Ils s’attacheroient a faire cultiver la terre aux sauvages; a la eul- tiver eux mesme; le climat et le terrain y estant tout propre a produire beaucoup, pour éviter les trop grand frais du transport des vivres; et mesme en fournir dans la suite au lac supérieur pendant tout le tems qu’ils sont ainsi assemblés avant leur départ; ils n’ont aucun commerce avec le sexe et craignent baucoup d'approcher celle qui sont dans cer- taines scituations qui véritablement devroient les rendre désagréable a tout le monde du moins pendant ce tems; ils disent pour leur raison que l'habitude entre les deux sexe détruit le cœur de homme et que comme on a besoin de tout son courage pour la guerre il faut du moins le priver de toute accointance avec les fammes durant quelques mois pour estre purifiés et avoir l’âme détachée de cette vie et le corps disposé au combat ils partent ordinairement la nuit ou a la pointe du jour leur calumets déployés et chantant leurs chansons de mort; le chef a la téte commence la sienne portant la natte de guerre; tous les autres chefs après luy font la mesme chose; le soir quand ils campent ils observe de se mettre de front fesant face du costé la ou ils vont, ils nettoyent une place sur, la ils étendent tous leurs maints, la téste accosté sur des troncs posées sur des fourches plantées en terre Et tout cela regardant vers l'Ennemi, ils dressent aussi des poteaux en sacrifices, avec l’Efigie du Chef de guerre on Bés; Ht leurs armes, et leurs belles actions repré- sentées par des hiedogrip; ils ne mangent aucune langues n’y cceurs des bestes qu’ils tuent dans leurs voyages en allant ils les font toutes seicher et les portent avec eux jusqu’à ce qu’ils ayent fait coup, alors ils les jettent. Quand ils sont prest de chez leurs ennemis ils envoyent des décou- vreurs du costé ou il leur a paru y en avoir dans leur jonglerie et tout cela n’est autre chose que des préjugés de ces prétendus sorciers qui connoissent un peu mieux le terrain que d’autre; ce qui fait qu’ils ren- contre quelques fois juste; enfin ils disposent leurs attaques selon ce que rapportent les découvreurs; et s’ils réussissent ils s’en reviennent avec beaucoup de révération pour leurs manitos; qu’au contraire ils jet- [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 79 tent s’il ne leur a pas esté favorable et qu’ils voyent n'avoir pourtant manqué a rien de ce qui devoient faire a leurs égards tant pour lac- complissement des rêves que pour les sacrifices et autres sérémonies dues selon eux; en ce cas ils en prennent d’autres, selon ce que leurs prescri-. vent leurs songe dans la suite. Quand ils ont fait coup ils font tous les matins autant de certains cris ordinaires, pour marquer le nombre de mondes qu’ils ont tués; et a deux ou trois journées de marche de leur village ils envoye un homme ou deux devant avertir de leur retour afin d’arriver en triomphe; au contraire s’ils ont été battus ils arrivent la nuit sans faire que les cris, en entrant dans le village, qui marque le nombre (hommes qwils ont perduent. Ils donnent trés rarement la bastonade a leurs prisonniers en arrivant, non plus qu’arracher les ongles n’y autres mauvais traite- mens qu'ont accoutumé de faire les autres nations; et les brulent encore moins; les guerriers quand ils sont vainqueurs doivent en arri- vant cacher tout ce qu’ils ne veulent pas qui leur soit pris car on a la liberté de les dépouiller de tout; comme gens qui doivent estre satisfait de leur gloire et estre détaché de tout autre chose. Comme les hommes qui seroient avec ces officiers se trouveroient obligé de laisser tous les estés pour dessendre le premier de ces postes, il est d’une très grande importance qu’ils ayent avec eux chaqu’un un sergent et quatre soldats au moins pour garder leur fort pendant deux ou trois mois qu’ils seroient exposés a estre seul sans cela; car ceux qui partiroient le printems pour aller dans ces postes n’y arriveroient que le tems après le départ de ceux qui y auroient hyverner; les com- mandans seroient chargé moyennant la paye des soldats de les nourir en ces lieux. Dans peux d’années ces postes augmenteroient et fourniroit un advantage considérable à la colonie tenant mesme les nations qui se révoltent quellesque fois contre nous, en respect, par celles de ces lieux, qui sont belliqueuses et très nombreuses, et ne pouroient l’empescher ce- pendant de nous estre attachés surtout les Sioux parceqwils n’ont point de voisin desquels ils puissent tirer des secours que nous leurs fourni- rions; et les Christineaux et Attibvane qui peuvent aller aux Anglois n’y vont qu’en s’exposant à crever de faim ce qui leur arrive très souvent. Monsieur, souvenez-vous je vous prie de celuy qui a pris connois- sance de tous ces pays, en exposant bien des fois sa vie pour le service de Sa Majesté, et qui s’est donné toutes les peines imaginables; #1 a honneur d’estre avec beaucoup de Respect, Monsieur, votre très humble et trés obéissant Serviteur. Signé: Pachot. 80 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA PIECE C Manière de faire la guerre par les Sioux. Il est à remarquer que lorsque les Sioux laissent les lieux où ils s’assemblent ordinairement les automnes pour faire leurs recoltes de folles avoines, après avoire fait leurs caches pour leur printems, et puis une certaine provision pour leur hiver, ils ne se divisent pas comme les autres sauvages ; ils marchent ordinairement en corps avec toutes leurs familles; la raison est que ils appréhendent sans cesse leurs Ennemis et même en tems de paix ils se tienne toujours sur la deffensive ce qui n’est pas ordinaire aux autres nations; les fammes sont chargés des Bagages et de leurs enfants qui ne sont pas encor en Etat de marcher ils font aussi porter leurs chiens qui sont for puissants. Leurs soldats sont levés d’un certain nombre sur chaque famille et distingués, parce- qu’ils n’ont point de cadenette d’un costé, comme les autre; ces espèces de troupes sont divisées partie à l’avant garde, partie à l’arrière garde et les autres sur les aisles pendant que le corps de la nation marche dans le centre; ils observent d’avoir des découvreurs éloignés de tous costés a distance de pouvoir donner le tems a tout leur monde de se rassembler en venant advertir s'ils apperçoient des Ennemis ; ce sont les plus allertes qu’ils choissisent ordinairement pour les postes de précautions; par des cris différens ils font connoistre s'ils ont découvert ou s'ils l’ont esté eux- mêmes. Si le parti d'Ennemis qu’ils ont vue est considérable; ou si ce n’est qu’un petit nombres d’hommes; lorsqu'ils sont arrivés au lieu marqué pour camper ce qu’ils ont déterminé avant de partir de celuy d’ou ils viennent; l’avant garde marque le circuit dans lequelle village doit-étre convenue. Et si quelqu'un se campe au dehors, la cabane est coupée par morceaux, les armes brisées et les petits meubles; pendant que le camp se fait les soldats forment un cercle d’environ deux lieues ou d'avantage selon la quantité d’hommes qu’ils sont dans lequel les chasseurs vont chercher dequoy faire subsister leurs familles ; s’il y en a qui s’éloigne trop en sortant du dit cercle et qu’ils soient aperçus s’ils sont chargés de viande des bestes qu’ils ont tuées leur charge est sacrifiée aux manitos et leurs armes cassées, qui n’échappent point à ce sort quoyqu’ils n’est pas tués. Cecy expose leur monde a estre tués par des petits partis d’ennemis comme il y en a souvent qui se tiennent éloignés pour faire ces sortes de coup sur les chasseurs ayant découvert une marche; ce qui fait aussi que nonobstant le cercle qu’ils font ils ont 1 Pièce tirée des mêmes archives. [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 81 encor des découvreurs éloignés au dela pour se mettre en plus grande suretée. S'ils doivent séjourner quelques tems aux lieux ou ils sont campé ils ne manque jamais de faire un fort de pieux debout accosté sur des traverses soutenus par des fourches, pour les mettre à l’abris de l’insulte ou du moins en Etat de se mieux deffendre. C’est ordinairement dans le cour de Vhiver que les partis de guerre se forment pour le printems quoy que ce ne soit pas une règle générale car ils y vont en toute saison. Lorsqu'un chef de guerre a résolue de lever un nombre d'hommes, il commence à advertir ceux qui sont directement à luy etant tous divisés par famille comme nous avons dit cy devant, et leur présente le ca- lumet de guerre et du tabac pour les inviter a le servir: s’ils sont dis- posés a cela ils l’accepte en fumant chaqu’un une touche de la même pipe; au contraire s’il y en a que cela ne convient pas ils disent leurs sentimens et ne fument point dans ces calumets. Après avoir pris leur résolutions, s’ils veulent joindre a eux une autre compagnie ou famille ils uy font un présent accompagné toujours de quelques armes a quoy ceux cy reponde comme les autres soit en acceptant, soit en refusant. Advant pourtant que de faire leurs propositions à une autre famille ou a une autre nation qu'ils veulent joindre a eux, ils commencent par dresser une cabane de guerre sur laquelle est dépeinte les armes du chef et luy et tout son monde se logent dedans; il y a un feu dans le milieu qui brûle nuit et jour, et qu’ils regardent comme l’âme de la guerre c’est à dir qu’il représente l’ardeur de leurs sentimens: ils n’y font ab- solument rien cuire et ne s’enlévent que pour allumer leurs calumets de guerre; a l’entour de ce feu il y a un grand cercle d’herbe nattée qui tourne a trois ou quatre pieds de son étendue; ce circuit est rempli du sable le plus fin et ils observent avec une grande régularitée de ne pas marcher dessus quand ils entrent dans cette cabane. Tout ce qu'il y a de meilleur dans le village est apporté à ces guerriers et ils font sans cesse des festins de guerres dans lesquels ils jongle, ou chante la guerre ce qu'ils font différament des autres nations; ils sortent en corps, tout nud de leurs cabanes les armes à la main et un chichikdé chaqu’un ; un qui porte le tembour l’autre frappe dessus. Après avoir commencé dans leur cabane à chanter pendant un peu de tems et le chef avoir dit une de ses belles actions en arangue, ils font le tour du village tous en cadence et chaqu’un leur donne de quoy faire des provisions ou man- ger dans le tems qui sont ainsi assemblé avant leur départ. Ils ont même la liberté de prendre tout ce qu’il trouvent de cuit s’ils veulent entrer dans les cabanes en chantant, sans que personne leur disent mot. Ils Sec. I., 1907. 6. 82 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA jongle dans la furie comme les autres sauvages, mais ils font de petit tours pratiques pour estre du costé la ou ils vont par lesquels ils pré- tendent découvrir avec le secours de leurs manitos, leurs ennemis. Ils font aussi le tems des mascarades pour accomplir leurs rêves et qu’ils ne puissent pas leur portées malheur ; ils se mettent autant qu’ils peuvent la figure qui s’est représenté a leur esprits pendant le sommeil; il y a de quoy faire manger à ces monstres figurée tout ce qu’ils ont vue manger en songe aux phantosmes qu’ils représente et ils se force si fort pour en prendre la mesme quantitée qu'il y en a qui en meurent. A Québec, le 17 octobre 1722. Monsieur, Je nay receu la lettre que vous m'avez fait l’honneur de m’escrire a La Rochelle, dattée de Versailles le dix-neuf juin de la présente année que par le bastiment de M. Richart, qui a parti vint jours après nous; cela ne m’empesche point, Monsieur, de vous envoyer les mémoires que vous désirez; je souhaiterois mesme estre honorée de quelques commis- sions de vostre part qui mérita une plus grande application. Mais enfin Monsieur au sujet de l’Etablissement de la rivière Ste. Croix, chez les Sioux et de celuy de Tekamamiouen, je voy vous donner les plus juste idées pour un commencement; dans la suite, si on reussi a metre la paix parmis ces nations, on pourroit prendre des moyens plus solides et convenables ou considérables comme iceux que l’on feroit dans les postes, par la quantitée de castors qu’il y a et le grand nombre de nations que Yon attireroit a soy. Vous m’avez fait ’honneur de me dire Monsieur plusieurs fois que vous croyez que je pourrois compter sur la premiere lieutenance vacquante soit à Isle Royalle soit ycy. J’esper donc Mon- sieur que par vostre moyen, il me sera accordé une des deux qui seront à remplacer cette année, par l’avancement de ceux qui seronts faits capitaines a la place de Mrs. Le Comte Dagrain, et de Rouville. Vous connoissez tres Bien Monsieur le désinterressement avec lequel jay toujour servie, mon zèle ne peut que s’augmenter, mais nos actions ne nous faisant honneurs qu’autant que le Roy les récompensent par Ses Graces, qui les font paroistre, il est bien triste de beaucoup tra- vailler et de ne pas cueillir les fruits qui sont les seuls qui puissent flater les sentimens d’un honesthome. La Justice de Son Altesse Serenissime ayant parue se déclarer En ma faveur, je me flate beaucoup que pour peux que vous ayez la bonté [roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 83 d’appuyer mes Services, ce dont je ne doute point, puisque l’on m’avoit honorée de vostre parole 4 ce sujet, il me sera aisément accordé un employ que j’ose assurer de remplir avec toute application possible. Je joints aux mémoires que vous trouveray ycy compris les armes des hurons de l’ouest; celles des nepissingues et nigouliens. Pour celles des habenaquis, je n’ay pas pu encore les connoistre, les entendant pas bien et Lefêvre qui est leur interprète ycy ne les soit point. Monsieur Delagesse me dit l’autre jour que vous mandiez a mon- sieur son père que je luy avois donnez de la peau d’homme. J’ay eu Phonneur de vous dire Monsieur que les sauvages escorchait quelques fois des bras ou jambes pour faire des sacs à tabac, ou d’autres parties du corps humain pour faire des souliers, qui sont parmis eux des or- nemens qu’ils guardent bien précieusement, et que jen avois eu moy mesme dont j’avois fait des présents au tier et au quart; mais je ne sache pas Monsieur avoir cité Monsieur De Ramesoy, ou qui ce se soit pas, vous disant qu’il luy seroit peut estre facile d’en avoir; pour moy Monsieur je me fait fort de vous en envoyer l’année prochaine. Je n’ay pas pu avoir de folle advoine, car il faut faire venir cela de la Baye, je ne manqueray pas d’en avoir le printems prochain. Etant persuadez que cette nourriture seroit trés convenable a vostre santée, je vous donneray toujour Monsieur, le moyen d’en faire l’experiance. Je viens d’avoir ’honneur de parler a Monsieur Begon pour les mé- moires que vous luy avez renvoyez au sujet du remboursement que je demande, il m’a dit qu’il ne reponderoit a cela que par les derniers vais- seaux. J’auroy l’honneur de vous prier Monsieur d’y faire s’il vous plait attention ; j’ay plus besoin d’une petite somme qu’un autre puisqu'il me faut toujours estre a ma compagnie, sans avoir mesme la libertée de vacquer à mes affaires, ce dont je ne me plaint point, car je suis bien ravi destre toujour a mon devoir, que je comte qu’il sera soutenu Mon- sieur, l’ayant toujour fait avec zèle, par vostre Justice et Equitée, sans quoy je me tient malheureux. On dit que Monsieur de Montigny reste encore l’année prochaine à son poste. Il est trop bien rempli par luy pour que je n’aye pas beaucoup de plaisir de ly voir; mais je conte Monsieur que vous auray la Bontée de ne me pas oublier, surtout pour mon advancement. C’est ce que j’ay l’honneur de vous demander en grâce; Et celle de croire que j’ay celuy d’Estre avec beaucoup de Res- pect, votre très humble et très obéissant Serviteur. Signé: Pachot. 84 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA (Prèce E!) A Québec, Le 20 octobre 1722. J’ay reçû la lettre que le Conseil me fait l’honneur de m'écrire le 20 may dernier au sujet du commandant du fort de la Baye. Le Sr. Pachot a avancé mal à propos que le Sr. de Montigny capi- taine qui commande à ce poste demandoit d’être relevé puisque cet officier n’étoit parti de Montréal pour aller a la Baye que la même année que le Sr. Pachot a passé en France. Il est vray que ce dernier a servi au Detroit depuis sa jeunesse jusques en 1716, en qualité de Cadet que s’étant attaché a bien apprendre la langue des sauvages hurons de ce poste il servoit d’interprette pour cette nation auprès du commandant, et qu’ayant été détaché en 1717, pour aller 4 Camanistigouya sous le Sr. de La Noué Lieutenant dans les Troupes, il a été envoyé deux fois au Pais des Sioux pour la paix que l’on menageoit entre les Sioux et les Christineaux qui se faisaient la guerre, en quoi il ne pû reussir: mais je ne conviens pas qu’il ait servi dans tous les endroits de la Baye puis- aw’il n’y a jamais esté. Ce poste qui a dans ses dépendances plusieurs na- tions sauvages parmi lesquelles se trouvent celles des Renards, Mascoutins et Kikapous qui sont très-dificiles a gouverner a besoin d’un commandant qui ait de la capacité, de l’expérience, de la fermeté et résolution et qui se soit acquis de la réputation dans la guerre. Le Sr. de Montigny a toutes ces qualités et il n’est point d’officier en Canada qui convienne mieux que luy pour occuper cette place qu’il remplit dignement. Signé: de Vaudreuil. PrècE F Lettre du P. Charlevoix au comte de Toulouse. Le 27 juillet 1721. Monseigneur, Je me donne l’honneur d’écrire à votre Altesse Sérénissime par la voye du Canada, parceque je ne suis pas assuré d’en trouver à la Louy- siane, ni de si prompte, ni de si sûre. J’ai visité, Monseigneur, tous les postes d’en haut, excepté ceux du Lac Supérieur, qui demandent un été tout entier, et où j’espére par les mesures que j’ai prises trouver des con- noissances plus certaines qu’ailleurs. (C’est dans cette pensée, Mon- 4 seigneur, que je me suis déterminé à revenir ici le printems prochain 1 Postes des pays de l'Ouest, vol. 16 c. 11, p. 99. {Roy } ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 85 après avoir employé tout l’hyver à parcourir la Louysiane. Pour cela je supplie Monsieur le Marquis de Vaudreuil et Monsieur Bégon de m'envoyer dans ce poste le Sieur Pachot avec un canot équipé pour faire le tour du Lac Supérieur! Cet officier, tout jeune qu’il est, passe au jugement même de M. Notre Général, qui n’a fait l’honneur de me le dire, pour homme du Canada, qui connoisse mieux les pays d’en haut, et comme il a une facilité surprenante pour aprendre les langues, il n’est aucune des nations desquelles je puis tirer quelques lumiéres qu’il n’en- tende bien, et a qui il ne se fasse aisément entendre; j’ai méme déja tiré de bons mémoires de lui, qui se sont trouvés conformes 4 ce que M. de La Noué, que j’ai rencontré revenant du Nord, a bien voulu me communiquer. Au reste, Monseigneur, si les maladies qu’on gagne aisément dans la Louysiane, ou quelque autre empéchement, que je ne scaurois prévoir, m’empéchoient de revenir sur mes pas, j’y ai pourvû en priant un de nos Missionnaires de prendre ma place. Ce Père est au fait de tout, et s’acquittera de la commission beaucoup mieux que moy. | Je ne doute presque pas, Monseigneur, que Votre Altesse Sérénis- sime ne reçoive plusieurs mémoires sur la découverte dont j’ai l'honneur d’être chargée, car j'ai cru m’apercevoir qu’en quelque endroit je ne faisois que battre les buissons, que quelques personnes qui vouloient paroître for instruites, me disoient peu de choses, et que d’autres fai- soient des recherches, dont ils ne m’ont fait aucune part; mais pourvu que le service se fasse, peu importe par qui, et ce sera toujours pour moi une consolation d’y avoir contribué quoiqu’indirectement. Une seule chose me fait peine en cela, c’est que le défaut de concert ne laisse pas de nuire à la cause publique, par la raison qu’une connoissance détachée est souvent peu considérable en elle même, et demeure stérile faute d’être communiquée dans des occasions ou elle pourroit servir à en faire ac- querrir d’autres plus importantes. C’est, Monseigneur, ce qui me fait prendre la liberté de proposer à votre Altesse Sérénissime, d’ordonner qu'on m'adresse par les deux routes que je puis tenir, un extrait de ce qui pourroit s'être trouvé de mémoires sur cette matière dans les lettres du Canada et de la Louysiane. Si c’est trop oser, Monseigneur, je supplie Votre Altesse Sérénissime de le pardonner à mon zèle, et au désir ardent que j’ai de me montrer digne de son choix. Je suis dans les sentimens de la reconnoissance la plus respectueuse, et de la plus par- 1Pans une lettre d’avril 1723, il dit: ‘Je me donnai l’honneur d’écrire A M. le Marquis de Vaudreuil pour le prier de me mettre en état de faire cette course et d’hiverner même sl était nécessaire dans quelqu’un des postes de ce lac.” 86 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA faite soumission, Monseigneur, de Votre Altesse Sérénissime, le trés humble et trés obéissant serviteur. Signé: Charlevoix. Le Sr. de Cournoyer qui m’a accompagné jusqu'ici et le dessein que j'ai fait de ne point passer en France cette année, a fait prendre faute de moyen le parti de retourner à Montréal, est un fort aimable cavalier, et j'ai été heureux de l’avoir ; aussi est-il d’un sang qui ne s’est jamais démenti, et qui a été plus d’une fois versé pour le Service du Roy. PIECE G A son Altesse Sérénissime, Monseigneur Le Comte de Toulouse. A Paris, ce 20 janvier 1723. Monseigneur, Pour obéir à l’ordre dont j’avois été honoré, il y a bientôt trois ans, d'aller dans les principaux postes de l’Amérique Septentrionale faire des Enquêtes touchant la mer de L’ouest, je m’embarquai au commencement, de juillet 1720 sur la flutte du Roy le Chameau, qui alloit à Québec où j'arrivai à la fin de Septembre. La saison se trouvant trop avancée pour passer outre, il me fallut hyverner dans cette ville, où je n’omis rien pour tirer des voyageurs, que je pus joindre, des lumières sur ce que je cherchois; je fis les mêmes diligences dans les côtes, aux Trois rivières, et Montreal, où je me transportai sur les glaces au mois de mars; mais toutes mes recherches n’eurent pas grand succès. Les canadiens voyagent sans s’embarrasser beaucoup de s’instruire sur les pays qu’ils parcourrent. Il faut même être un peu en garde contre eux; car comme ils ont quelque fois honte de ne pouvoir rendre aucun compte de ce qu’ils ont vu, ils ne font point difficulté de substituer des romans qu’ils digèrent assez bien, à la place de la vérité qu’ils ne connoissent pas. Pour revenir à mon voyage, le fleuve St. Laurent ne fut pas plutôt libre que je partis pour le remonter. C’étoit à la fin d'avril 1721, je passai par le fort de Catarocoüy, je traversai le lac Ontario, je fis le passage du Niagara pour éviter cette fameuse chute, et je me rendis par le lac Erié au Detroit. De la, je remontai le lac Huron jusqu’à Michillimakinac, d’où j’accompagnai Monsieur de Montigny à la Baye des Puans où il alloit commander. J’y restai quelques jours, et je n’eus pas lieu de me repentir d’y être allé. C’est là où je compris Pimportance d'aller au Lac Supérieur, et ce fut pour prendre sur cela des mesures que je retournai à Michillimakinac. [roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 87 En y arrivant j’appris que Monsieur de La Noué qui avoit com- mandé plusieurs années à Kamanistigoya dans le nord du Lac Supérieur venoit de partir pour Montréal. Je pris le parti de courir après lui, et je le joignis le lendemain au point du jour; mais je ne tirai de lui que la confirmation de ce que m’avoit déja dit le Sieur Pachot, qu’au delà de la nation des Brochets il y en avoit une autre qui n’étoit pas loin de la mer, il avoit avec lui un sauvage de cette nation, mais qui ayant été pris fort jeune ne pouvoit rendre compte de rien. Il avait eu aussi un coquillage, qu’on lui avoit volé. Pour moi, Monseigneur, étant pour la troisième fois de retour à Michillimakinac et la saison se trouvant trop avancée pour entreprendre Waller au Lac Supérieur, je m’arrangeai, ainsi que j’eus ’honneur d’en informer votre altesse serenissime, pour le faire l’année suivante. Je donnai de bons mémoires 4 Monsieur de St. Pierre qui commande 4 Chegouamigon, ott les Sioux vont de temps en temps, et qui étoit venu faire ses Pacques à Michillimakinac. Je priai Monsieur Deschaillés qui alloit succéder à Mons. La Noué de Kamanistigoya, de suivre ce que son prédécesseur avoit commencé, j’engageai un Canadien qui sçait le Sioux, et qui alloit hyverner avec Monsieur de St. Pierre, d'aller jusqu'aux Sioux pour sçavoir s’ils étoient encore dans la disposition d'écouter un missionnaire, au cas qu'on jugeat à propos de leur en donner un. Je passai ensuite quelques jours à questionner le Père Marêt, ancien Missionnaire, qui a été quelque temps avec les Sioux, et quelques voyageurs qui me parurent plus instruits. Après quoi je m’embarquai pour la rivière St. Joseph qui est au bout du Lac Michigan. Je trouvai dans ce poste un Missionnaire et des sauvages, qui ne me furent pas inutiles, et apres y avoit été retenu six semaines par quelque incommodité, je pris la route de la Louysiane, par le Theakiki que j’ai descendu depuis sa source, jusqu'à ce que joint avec la rivière des Illinois il se decharge dans le Mississipi, aprés avoir fait environ quarante lieues sur ce grand fleuve, j’arrivai aux Cascaquias, où je passai un mois. Il y a là, Monseigneur, quantité de canadiens qui ont voyagé long- temps, la pluspart dans le Missouri, je les ai tous entretenus tout a loisir, mais j'ai trouvé tant de contradictions dans leurs rapports, que je n’ai pas jugé y devoir faire beaucoup de fonds, excepté sur ce que je trouvai conforme à ce qui m’avoit été dit d’ailleurs. On m’avoit assuré, lorsque je partis de Paris, que je trouverois aux Illinois des ordres pour me faire faire le reste du voyage jusqu’à la mer, ces ordres n’étoient point venus, et Monsieur de Boisbriant ne jugea pas à propos de prendre sur lui cette dépense, qui auroit été fort petite pour a 88 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA Jui, et qui n’a pas laissé d’étre considérable pour nos missionnaires qui ont bien voulu la faire. Avec le secours qu’ils me donnérent j’allai lentement mais heureusement 4 la Nouvelle-Orléans, sans aucune mau- vaise rencontre de la part des Chicachi qui prirent derriére moi deux canadiens beaucoup mieux armés et mieux escortés que moi. Je ne demeurai que quinze jours à la Nouvelle-Orléans, ensuite je continuai de descendre le Mississipi avec Monsieur de Pauger, Ingénieur du Roy, et nous sondâmes ensemble la barre et toute l'embouchure du fleuve. Nous nous rendimes ensuite par mer au Biloxi au commen- cement de février 1722; une maladie qui me dura six semaines me mit entièrement hors d’Etat de remonter le Mississipi pour retourner en Canada selon mon premier projet. Je cherchai donc une autre voye, et sur la fin de mars, je m’em- barquai sur une flutte de la compagnie, qui alloit 4 Visle de St. Domingue, ou je me flattois de trouver des batteaux pour Québec et d’y étre encore 4 temps pour aller au lac Supérieur, mais le naufrage que nous fimes au cap de la Floride, m/’6ta cette seconde ressource. Nous fûmes cinquante jours à nous rendre au Biloxi, où si Jeusse ren- contré un vaisseau prêt à faire voiles pour le cap François, j’aurai encore pu gagner Québec avant l’automne, jy aurois passer Phyver, et lété prochain j'aurai fait le voyage que je m’étois proposé. Mais je ne pus pas partir du Biloxi que les derniers jours de juin, nous fumes soixante et quatre jours à gagner St. Domingue, ainsi la saison pour aller en Canada étant passée, je n’eus plus d’autre parti à prendre, que de revenir en France; en allant à St. Domingue nous touchames à la Havane, je me proposois d’y voir Mathieu Sagean, ce fameux avanturier dont j’ai eu l’honneur de présenter la Relation à Votre Altesse Serenissime, mais le gouverneur Espagnol à qui j’étois allé demander la permission de faire entrer notre navire dans le port pour y faire de l’eau, et y acheter quelques provisions dont nous avions un extrême besoin, non seulement nous la refusa, mais ne me donna pas même le loisir de chercher mon voyageur. Voilà, Monseigneur, un vrai abrégé de mon voyage, et voici en peu de mots ce que j’en ai recueilli touchant la mer de L’ouest. J’aurai Vhonneur de présenter dans un autre mémoire à Votre Altesse Sere- nissime une description exacte des pays que j’ai parcouru et les re- marques que j’ai faites sur tout ce que j’ai vu, pourvu toutefois qu’elle . le trouve bon. 1° Il paroit certain, que depuis les 40 degrés de latitude Nord, et même encore plus bas, jusqu'aux 50 les terres de L’ouest se terminent à la Mer; tantôt plus proche de la Louysiane et tantôt plus loin. Deux [Roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 89 esclaves Panis interrogés séparément ont assuré y avoir été aprés trois mois de marche; tout le village fuyoit devant un parti ennemi, c’étoit vers l’Equinoxe, et le pays d’où ces sauvages partoient est environ par les 43 degrés et leur route fut toujours au soleil couchant. On trouvera encore la mer à l’ouest et au Sud-Ouest du Lac des Assiniboits, qui est autant qu’on en peut juger, par les 50 degrés, on ne peut presque point douter que les Sioux ne l’ayent à leur ouest. Il y a sur cela un senti- ment unanime d’un très grand nombre de sauvages. Tous ceux qui ont entendu parler du Pays des Assiniboits ont été surpris d'apprendre que lair y est beaucoup plus tempéré que dans le Canada, quoiqu’il soit beaucoup plus au Nord; cela ne dénote-t-il pas le voisinage de la mer. IT° Il n’y a guère lieu de douter qu’à l’ouest des Sioux il n’y ait des Sauvages, les uns disent Illinois, les autres disent Miamis; et cette variété de sentimens ne fait rien contre la vérité du fait. Ces deux nations ont vraisemblement la méme origine, et leurs langues ont beau- coup de rapport entr’elles. La tradition de l’Illinois du Canada est que ces Illinois ou Miamis occidentaux sont proches de la mer. III° La plus part de ceux qui ont eu connoissance de la mer de POuest, y ont vu des Européens, ou en ont trouvé des vestiges. On m’a qu’il avoit paru deux prêtres au Lac des Assiniboits; on parle de deux sortes de François (les Sauvages appellent François tous ceux qui ne sont pas de leur couleur) les uns blancs, bien faits, et en tout semblables à nous. Les autres noirs, velus, et portant de longues barbes, quelques- uns ajoutent que ces deux peuples différens se font la guerre. IV° Plusieurs Sauvages Miamis, Illinois, Sioux, Missouris, et autres, assurent qu'à la hauteur des terres du Mississipi, du Missouri, et de la rivière St. Pierre, on trouve des rivières qui courent à l’ouest. Les meilleurs guides, et ceux dont on aura des connoissances plus cer- taines, sont les Aiouck et les Sioux. Ces deux nations ont commercé entr’elles, et un missionnaire chez les Sioux, dés qu’il seroit en état de se faire entendre, pourroit en fort peu de temps étre instruit de tout ce qu’on souhaite scavoir. D’ailleurs nous ne manquons point d’in- terprettes Sioux et Miamis, et avec ces deux langues on ira partout. Mon dessein, Monseigneur, si tous les passages ne m’avoient pas été bouchés pour mon retour à Quebec, étoit de rester au Lac Supérieur tout le temps qui m’auroit été nécessaire pour avoir des nouvelles cer- taines par les Sioux; et si la chose m’avoit paru praticable, de m’aban- donner à quelques-uns, qui auroient voulu me mener à la mer. Pour découvrir qui sont les Européens que les sauvages ont vu du côté de la Mer de l’Ouest, il faudroit avoir des cartes espagnoles, on m’a assuré qu'il y en a une à L’Escurial de toutes les Indes Espagnoles, et 90 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA qu’elle est unique. Vous scavés mieux que personne, Monseigneur, ce guwon doit penser de ce qui se trouve rapporté dans un livre espagnol, dont la traduction faite en mauvais français par l’auteur même, est dédiée à Votre Altesse Sérénissime, à sçavoir qu’un vaisseau parti de la côte occidentale du Mexique ayant été forcé par un gros vent de Sud- ouest, de s’élever au dessus de la Californie jusques par les 48° degrés de latitude Nord, les courants le firent dériver, sans qu’il pit l’éviter dans un détroit, où il fut obligé de l’abandonner et qu'après avoir été toujours au Nord-Est, il s’étoit trouvé en peu de jours au nord de Terre- Neuve, d’où il passa en Ecosse, et delà à Lisbonne, et tout cela en si peu de temps que tout son voyage depuis le Mexique jusqu’en Portugal, ne fut que de trois mois. IL est certain, que feu Monsieur d’Iberville a toujours eu en tête de tenter la découverte de la mer de Ouest par la Baye d'Hudson. Un officier de la marine avec qui j'ai fait part de mes voyages de Canada, et qui a presque toujours été avec M. d’Iberville dans ses campagnes du Nord regardait cette voye comme la plus sûre et la plus courte; le Sieur Jérémie qui a commandé au port Nelson, m’a dit qu’il avait envoyé au Lac des Assiniboits d’où sort la rivière Bourbon, qu’on lui a aporté de l’argent, et qu’on l’a assuré que ce lac est dans un très beau pays. Si Votre Altesse Serenissime est toujours dans le dessein qu’on suive cette affaire, j’aurai l’honneur, quand elle le souhaitterait de lui dire ma pensée sur la route qu’il y a à prendre, et les autres moyens de réussir dans cette entreprise. | Signé: Charlevoix. I] faut rapprocher de cette lettre tirée des archives ce que Charlevoix dit dans son Journal historique (t. 3, p. 301, lettre da 21 juillet 1721) : “ J’ai rencontré à la baie des Noquets sur le lac Michigan quelques Sioux que j’ai fort questionné sur les pays qui sont à l’ouest et sud-ouest du Canada, et quoique je sache qu’il ne faut pas toujours prendre à la lettre tout ce que disent les sauvages, en comparant ce que ceux-ci en ont rapporté, avec ce que j’ai oùi dire à plusieurs autres, j’ai tout lien de croire qu’il y a dans ce continent des Espagnols, ou d’autres colonies européennes beaucoup plus au nord que ce que nous connaissons du Nouveau-Mexique et de la Californie et qu’en remontant le Missouri aussi loin qu’il est possible d’y naviguer, on trouve une grande rivière qui coule à l’Ouest et se décharge dans la mer du Sud. Indépendam- ment même de cette découverte, que je crois plus facile par là, que pat le nord; je ne puis douter, vu les indices que j’ai eus de plusieurs en- droits et qui sont assez uniformes, qu’en essayant de pénétrer jusqu’à la 1 [roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 91 source du Missouri, on trouvera de quoi se dédommager des frais et des fatigues, que demande une telle entreprise.” Et un peu plus loin, (pp. 396, 397 et 398), alors qu’il est sur le Mississipi, une femme lui confirme ce qu’il a appris des Sioux que le Missouri sort des Montagnes pelées, fort hautes, derrière lesquelles il y a un grand fleuve, qui en sort apparemment et qui coule à l'Ouest. “Ce témoignage, ajoute-t-il, est de quelque poids, parceque de tous les sauvages que nous connaissions, aucuns ne voyagent plus loin que les Missourites.” Voir aussi Margery: Découvertes et Etablissements de l'Ouest, vol 6, pp. 521 à 538. Thwaites, dans ses publications documentaires des écrits des Jé- suites, cite un Mémoire de Charlevoix pour la découverte de la mer de POuest, sous la date présumée de 1723, dont le manuscrit serait aux archives de l’école de Sainte-Geneviève et dont la bibliothèque de la Société historique de Wisconsin possède une copie. Pièce H Le Père Charlevoix à Monseigneur le Comte de Morville, Ministre et Secrétaire d'Etat. ler Avril 1723 Monseigneur, « Il y a environ trois ans et demi, que quelques personnes ayant pré- senté à Son Altesse Sérénissime Monseigneur le Comte de Toulouse quelques mémoires sur la mer de l’Ouest, un officier des trouppes du Canada fut destiné pour en faire la découverte à la tête de 50 hommes ; mais comme il faisoit ses préparatifs, Son Altesse Royale Monseigneur le Duc d'Orléans ayant fait réflexion que ce voyage ne se pouvoit faire sans une grande dépense, et qu’on n’avait encore rien de certain qui fit juger qu’elle seroit utile, changea de dessein, et résolut d'envoyer une personne dans les principaux postes du Canada et de ia Louysiane, qui s'informât des naturels du Pays et des françois habitant, voya- geurs ou missionnaires de quelle manière il falloit sy prendre pour faire la découverte qu’on méditoit, et s’il y avoit aparence d’y réussir. Et je fus honoré de cette commission. Je partis de Paris au mois de juin 1720, et j’arrivai à Québec à la fin de septembre, la saison A n'étant plus propre à entreprendre un voyage de long cours, Je passai Pièce tirée des archives de la Marine, c. 11. Postes. des pays de l'Ouest, vol. 16, p. 106. 92 : SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA l’hyver dans la colonie que je parcourus sur les neiges cherchant partout des voyageurs pour m’instruire de ce dont je devois rendre compte. Au commencement de mars la navigation étant libre, je me mis en chemin, j’allay à Catarocouy, à Niagara, au Détroit, à Michillima- kinac, à la Baye des Puants, d’où je revins à Michillimakinac. La je fus un peu en balance de ce que je devois faire; nous avons deux Postes dans le lac Supérieur. J’étois convaincu que je n’y acquerrerois pour lors aucune connaissance, parce que j’en avais vu le commandant; mais je n’étais pas moins persuadé qu’en y restant quelque temps, je ne laisserois pas d’en tirer quelques lumiéres par les Chrystineaux et les Sioux, qui y viennent en traitte, mais je n’en avois point l’ordre, c’étoit au moins une année de retardement, et je n’étois pas muni pour cela. Après avoir délibéré quelque temps, je pris le parti d’employer Vhyver qui approchoit, à parcourir la Louysiane, où l’on peut voyager en tout temps, et de me rendre au printems prochain à Michillimakinac pour delà faire le tour du Lac Supérieur. Je me donnai Vhonneur d'écrire à M. le Marquis de Vaudreuil pour le prier de me mettre en Etat de faire cette course, et d’hyverner même, s’il étoit nécessaire, dans quelqu'un des postes de ce Lac; je pris des mesures pour trouver à mon arrivée dans ces postes, les connoissances que je cherchois, et je partis ensuite pour me rendre à la rivière St. Joseph dans le fonds du Lac Michigan, où quelques incommodités m’arrêtèrent cinq semaines. Au bout de ce temps là je poursuivis ma route vers le Cascoquia, d’où je descendis à la mer. J’y arrivai au commencement de février 1722, après avoir vu tous les Etablissements de la Louysiane. Je voulus ensuite remonter le Mississipi pour regagner Michilli- makinac, mais je ne me trouvai point en état de faire ce voyage. Per- sonne n’osoit s’y exposer sans convoy, parcequ’on venoit d'apprendre que deux François qui descendoient après moy avoient été tués par les Chi- cagas. Attendre un convoy c’étoit perdre une année entière, ainsi je n’eus point d’autre ressource que de m’embarquer sur une flutte de la Compagnie qui alloit à St. Domingue, où j’esperois trouver un batteau qui me ramèneroit en Canada. Nous sortismes du fleuve le jour de Pacques, et le 14 d’avril nous fimes naufrage au cap de la Floride, nous nous sauvâmes dans un méchant esquif le long de la côte et au bout de 50 jours nous regagnâmes la Louysiane. J’y trouvai encore un bâtiment qui étoit sur le point, disait-on, de partir pour St. Domignue. Je my embarquai, mais le retardement du départ, une relâche qu’on fit à la Havane, et les vents contraires rompirent encore mes mesures, nous n’entrames dans le port du Cap François que le dernier jour de septembre, et il n’y avoit que huit jours qu’il en étoit parti un batteau pour le Canada. [roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 93 Ne pouvant donc plus espérer de revoir Québec cette année là, mon plus court étoit de repasser en France. Je me mis sur un vais- seau marchand du Havre de Grace où après 93 jours j’arrivai le 26 décembre, ayant été trois semaines de relâche à Plymouth. Dès que je fus arrivé à Paris, j’eus l’honneur de rendre compte à son Altesse Sérénissime Monseigneur le Comte de Toulouse des connoissances que javois prises sur la mer d’ouest, et sur l’ordre qu’il m’en donna je lui représentai que je ne voyais que deux moyens praticables de découvrir cette mer, que le premier étoit de remonter le Missouri, dont la source n’est certainement pas loin de la Mer; tous les Sauvages que jai vu me Payant unanimement assuré. Que le deuxième étoit d’établir une mis- sion aux Sioux qui étant en guerre avec les Assiniboits, dont il ne faut pas douter qu’ils ne fassent quelques uns prisonniers et ayant commercé avec les Sioux, qui sont proches du Missouri dont ils connoissent tout le haut, leurs Missionnaires auront par ces sauvages dont ils apprendront en peu de temps la langue, toutes les lumières qu’on souhaitte d’avoir. C’est à ce dernier parti que Son Altesse Royale, Monseigneur le Duc d'Orléans, s’en est tenu, et nous avons été avertis de destiner deux Jé- suites pour la nouvelle mission des Sioux. Voilà, Monseigneur, où en sont les choses, et ce dont j’ai cru être obligé de vous informer. Je profite de cette occasion pour vous assurer, ce que j’ay déjà eu l’honneur de faire connoitre à Monseigneur le Comte de Toulouse, que si, soit pour établir cette mission pour laquelle on n'aura peut être pas d’abord des sujets tout prêts, soit pour faire quelque tentative par le Missouri, ce que l’on peut sans beaucoup de dépense, ainsi que je le ferai voir quand on le jugera à propos, si on me veut faire Phonneur de se servir de mon ministère, je suis toujours disposé à partir, et de répondre à l’opinion avantageuse que son Altesse Royale paroit avoir concu de cette disposition à tout risquer pour le Service de l’Etat et de la Religion. Signé: de Charlevoix. (Prèce I) Lettre de Charlevoix au Comte de Morvilie.* A Paris, le 11 may 1723. Monseigneur, Je n’ai pu donner à M. Raudot le mémoire que Votre Grandeur m’avoit commandé de lui laisser touchant le voyage qu’elle m’a fait Phonneur de me proposer, parcequ’il n’étoit pas de retour à Versailles *Piéce tirée des archives de la marine, Pos’es des pays de l'Ouest vol. 16, p. 108. 94 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA lorsque j’en suis parti, mais je lui avois parlé à Paris, et je le crois suffisamment au fait. Je ne souhaitte rien tant, Monseigneur, que de vous persuader que rien ne me retiendra lorsqu'il s’agira du service de Dieu et de mon Prince. Heureux si ma vie se consume dans des exercices si dignes de mon Etat. Mais n’ayant plus lPâge ni la santé requise pour commencer la vie de missionnaire, dont le début seroit d’aprendre une langue de laquelle je n’ai nulle notion, je ne puis que m’offrir, comme je le fais de grand cœur à aller établir la nouvelle mission, et à mettre les missionnaires en possession, ce qui me donnera occasion de continuer les enquêtes que j'ai déjà commencées pour la Mer de l’ouest. Mais votre Grandeur est trop juste pour vouloir que ce voyage se fasse aux dépens d’une nouvelle mission qui ne peut manquer d’avoir bien des frais à faire, qu’on ne sçauroit prévoir, et où il n’est pas à propos qu'un missionnaire reste longtemps seul à cause de son éloignement. Les appointemens dont j'ai joui péhdant mon premier voyage ont été si modiques qu'on a jugé à propos à mon retour d’y suppléer par un remboursement. J’ai l’honneur d’être avec un très profond respect, Monseigneur, de Votre Grandeur, Le très humble et très obéissant Serviteur. Signé: de Charlevoix. PIECE J Charlevoix au ministre A Paris, ce 26 juin 1723. Monseigneur, Tandis que j’ai espéré qu’on trouveroit pour la mission des Sioux des ouvriers plus propres que moi à commencer et à soutenir cette en- treprise, je me suis persuadé que je devois me tenir tranquille, mais apprenant qu'il ne s’étoit présenté personne, je n’ai pu voir sans peine une si bonne œuvre en danger d’être différée et je me suis cru dans _Pobligation de témoigner à Votre Grandeur la disposition où je suis de partir dès cette année si elle le juge à propos. Pour cela il y a un mois que je me rends toutes les semaines à votre Hôtel aux jours mar- qués pour vos audiences; mais je n’ai pas eu le bonheur de vous y ren- contrer, et c’est ce qui m’a fait manquer le vaisseau du Canada. Il. reste encore celui de l’Tsle Royale, et j’attends vos ordres pour en profiter. Je ne sais si Votre Grandeur a sçu que les Sioux ont fait depuis peu des hostilités contre nous; ce n’est pas, Monseigneur, un divertisse- 7 21] avait alors 41 ans. jr rr — [roy] ESSAI SUR CHARLEVOIX 95 ment a l’établissement qu’on veut faire chez eux; d’autant plus qu’il est à propos de le leur faire regarder comme une grace; il faudra peut être du temps pour ménager cette affaire; peut être même que ce pre- mier moyen de parvenir à la découverte de la Mer d'ouest, se trouve trop reculé. . Votre Grandeur voudroit employer le second que j’avois aussi proposé, et qui n’est pas à beaucoup près d’une aussi grande dépense qu'on se l’est imaginé, comme je puis aisément le montrer. J’ai cru, Monseigneur, devoir faire part à Votre Grandeur de ces réflexions, afin qu'elle voye s’il ne seroit pas plus convenable d’attendre à prendre un dernier parti, que le Chameau soit de retour. Pour moi je ne tiendrai jamais à vivre quand il s’agira du plus grand bien et de témoigner le profond respect avec lequel je suis, Monseigneur, de Votre Grandeur, le très humble et très obéissant Serviteur. Signé: de Charlevoix. hi | A AA il 7 BT ST il + ph sng Mh Aue iy ey th sat UG Fu APR ra wi ie ane ne HAN ve a ie ‘eet Ai thet) i) ine } fy PR ACTUEL. PAU Hy MAS | à GAL site yi foxy >, aE Wf 1144 | ut yi) À f H i ; i ft al , i À. 4 ; VON Wa easy i BY aah \ \ ] C4 « | LA 4 à a ÿ PA ? | H [A i Ds * } À i i . 1 (MS er LR, 4 - e Secrion I., 1907. [97] Menorres &S. R. C, Il.—Ltienne Brule, Par BENJAMIN SULTE. (Lu le 16 mal 1907.) Nous allons examiner les voyages d’un homme peu connu dans Phistoire, mais célèbre en son temps parmi les Français du Canada, puisqu'il dépassait en connaissances géographiques tous les explorateurs du Haut-Canada et pays circonvoisins. Il lui a manqué, pour attirer attention de l’Europe, le concours des journaux et des sociétés savantes. En outre, il opérait seul, sans l’aide de personne, sans ambitionner la gloire, comme un humble coureur de bois qu’il était. Son goût pour la vie sauvage lui servait d'inspiration, il en tirait ses moyens d’existence ; son tempéramment, son origine européenne le disposaient à élargir d’année en année le cercle de ses courses. La vocation qui était en lui se manifesta dès qu’il aperçut les forêts du Nouveau-Monde. Un pen comme cet enfant qui s’écriait à la vue d’un tableau: “ Et moi aussi je suis peintre!” il dut se persuader qu’il possédait toutes les aptitudes de l’homme de la nature, aussi le voyons-nous se jeter à corps perdu dans les entreprises lointaines, rompant à jamais avec les coutumes de sa jeunesse, parce que ce n’était plus le milieu qui lui convenait. Par la suite, nombre de coureurs de bois ont fait comme lui, sauf que leurs découvertes ne sont rien à côté des siennes. Dès 1616, il avait traversé le Haut-Canada du nord au sud, visité la Pennsylvanie, la baie de Chesapeake jusqu’à la mer. En 1622, il parcourait le lac Supérieur. C’est à peine si l’on peut citer trois ménages à Québec entre ces deux dates. Il est regrettable que, sous le rapport moral, l’on ne puisse ad. mettre Etienne Brulé dans la catégorie de Jean Nicolet, Jacques Hertel. Jean et Thomas Godefroy, qui ont rempli dignement leurs carrières d’interprètes, puis sont devenus des colons sérieux. I] a fait comme d'autres que la vie sauvage a absorbés. Toutefois, ceux-là n’ont pas d'histoire tandis que notre héros a gravé son nom sur de vastes domaines et, tel qu’il est, nous devons l’accepter, sous peine de commettre une in- justice en gardant le silence à son sujet. 1Ë Au mois de juillet 1615, Champlain, avec Brulé, un domestique et dix sauvages,! descendait la rivière des Français, prolongeait la côte de 1 Societé Royale, 1904, sect. I, 84. Sec. I., 1907. 7. 98 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA la baie Georgienne, allant droit au sud, et débarquait, le 1er août, dans le village d’Atouacha, chez les Hurons Attignaoriantan ou tribu de POurs, dont le petit territoire se composait principalement de la pointe du comté de Simcoe qui s’avance au nord-ouest dans la baie Georgienne. Quelques jours auparavant, le Père Le Caron avait mis pied à terre, _ non loin de là, au village de Toanché ou Toanchain, dans le fond de la baie du Tonnerre; prenant ainsi possession du Haut-Canada, il plaga.¢ ce pays sous le vocable de saint Joseph, nommait le port de débarque- ment Saint-Joseph et la future mission de ce lieu Saint-Nicolas. En 1634, le Pére de Brébeuf transporta le nom de Saint-Joseph a la mis- sion qu'il établissait à Ihonataria, à l’entrée de la baie de Penetengui- shine, sur une pointe, un mille plus loin qu’Otouacha et ce fut le com- mencement des missions des Jésuites. Quatre ans plus tard, abandon- nant Jhonataria, la mission Saint-Joseph alla se fixer au village de Teanaostaiaé, tribu huronne des Attingueenonguahak ou de la Corde, à sept ou huit lieues plus au sud-est, ce qui fait que les localités de ces deux Saint-Joseph ont été confondues par Charlevoix. Le 2 août 1615, Champlain va à Carmaron, situé à une lieue sud- est d’Otouacha, peut-être Kaontia ou Kontarea, où était la mission de Sainte-Anne en 1640. Le 3, il se rend à Touagnainchain (plus tard mission de Sainte-Madeleine) environ quatre milles au sud d’Otouacha et deux milles à l’ouest de Carmaron; puis, on le conduit a Tequenon- quiaye que Sagard nomme Quieuindobian, La Rochelle, la ville de Saint-Gabriel. De là, il arrive à Ossossané, plus tard résidence de la Conception. Ce dernier endroit était à environ quatre lieues sud-sud- est d’Otouacha, ou deux lieues au sud de Carmoran. Continuant sa visite, il s’arrête, du 5 au 14 août, dans le village “ très bien fortifié ” de Carhagoula et y rencontre treize ou quatorze Français, qui l’avaient précédé d’à peu près une semaine chez les Hurons. Le 14, il repart, amenant dix de ces hommes, et se rend à Cahiagué, quatorze lieues plus loin, vers le centre d’une presqu’ile entourée par la rivière Matchidache, ou Severn, lieu du rendez-vous de l’armée.! (C’était le 17 août. Une campagne contre les Iroquois était décidée de longue main. Champlain et ses Français avaient promis leur assistance. Les Nipis- siriniens du voisinage en étaient. Le chef Iroquet avec ses Algonquins nattendaient que l’ordre de marcher. Ochatéguin conduisait les Hurons qu’il commandait d'ordinaire. On préchait la guerre sainte ou quelque chose approchant. | L'ancienne rivalité des Hurons et des Iroquois avait fait concevoir le plan d’une expédition qui porterait ses coups au centre même du pays ? Œuvres de Champlain, 905-7. [SULTE] ETIENNE BRULE 99 des Cing-Nations. Les Français s’apercevaient qu’ils ne pourraient continuer de faire la traite avec les Algonquins et les Hurons s’ils n’ar- rêtaient les courses des Iroquois. Cette situation avait amené le conflit de 1609, mais les choses restaient dans le même état, il fallait continuer de combattre. Les associés de la compagnie du Canada exigeaient des fourrures, uniquement cela, de sorte que, pour s’en procurer tous les moyens étaient bons. De là cette promesse faite par Champlain de prêter main-forte aux gens d’Ochatéguin contre leur ennemi héréditaire. Les cinq nations iroquoises étaient placées à peu près dans l’ordre suivant :—Agniers ou Mohawks au nord d’Albany et de Schenectady, Onneyouts ou Oneidas derriére Oswego, Onnontagués ou Onondagas vers Syracuse, Goyogouins ou Cayugas près Rochester, Tsonnontouans ou Senecas à l’est de Buffalo. Les Eriés venaient ensuite, le long d’une partie du lac Erié, près de Cleveland et de Sandusky. Les préparatifs militaires se poursuivaient lorsque des émissaires andastes parurent à Cahiagué annonçant que, dans le cas où les Hurons marcheraient contre les Onnontagués, ils promettaient de les rejoindre sur le terrain au nombre de cinq cents guerriers. Ces Sauvages habitaient sur le haut du fleuve Susquehanna. Champlain les nomme Carantoua- nais, ce qui semble être le nom de leur principal village situé à peu près ou se trouve Waverly, comté de Tioga, New-York. De ce lieu, jusque chez les Tsonnontouans, il y avait trois bonnes journées de marche. En 1614, les Andastes se battant contre les Iroquois, avaient capturé trois Flamands du fort Nassau (près d’Albany à présent) et les avaient relà- chés croyant que c’étaient des Français, c’est-à-dire des amis des Hurons. Maintenant, les Andastes demandaient à faire alliance avec les Français. D’Albany à Carantouan on comptait sept journées de voyage. A 80 ou 90 milles des Andastes, côtés nord-est, nord et nord-ouest, étaient les Iroquois. Champlain n’a pas tout à fait compris les rapports des en- voyés andastes, puisqu'il dit que ce peuple n’a que trois villages placés au milieu de 20 autres auxquels ils font la guerre—puis il ajoute, avec plus d’exactitude, que les Andastes ne peuvent recevoir du secours des Hurons parce que ceux-ci ont à traverser le pays des Tsonnontouans qui est fort peuplé, ou bien prendre “un très grand détour. “Le pays d’Andastoé, écrivait le Père Ragueneau, en 1647, est au delà de la nation Neutre ÿ il est éloigné des Hurons, en ligne droite, près de cent cinquante lieues, au sud-est quart sud des Hurons. Ce sont peuples de langue huronne et, de tout temps, alliés de nos Hurons. Ils sont très belliqueux et comptent, en un seul bourg, treize cents hommes portant armes.” 55 1 * Œuvres de Champlain, 909-911. * Les Neutres avaient quelques villages du côté est de la rivière Niagara. 100 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA A part un petit nombre de Nipissiriniens et d’Algonquins (même langue) qui demeuraient par occasion sur le territoire nord et est du lac Simcoe, toute la population du Haut-Canada parlait la langue huronne- iroquoise et formait trois groupes distincts : les Hurons au sud de la baie Georgienne, les Petuns, vers l’ouest, dans les comtés de Bruce et Grey, les Neutres sur la rive nord du lac Erié. Les Chats ou Eriés occupaient la rive sud-est du lac Erié; les Iroquois, la rive sud-est du lac Ontario. Enfin les Andastes étaient encore plus à l’est. Tous ces peuples par- laient le huron-iroquois. Cahiagué ou Kontarea, chef-lieu des Ahrendaronor, gens de la Roche et du Faucon, était près de la ville actuelle d’Orillia, aux confins des contrées huronnes, côté de Vest. Une Relation dit: “ La tribu de la Roche est celle qui, la première, a découvert les Français et à qui, en- suite, appartenait la traite, selon les lois du pays.” Alors, les Chario- quois, et leur chef Ochatéguin, qui trafiquaient avec Pontgravé et Cham- plain sur le Saint-Laurent, étaient de Cahiagué, La Relation de 1642, p. 86, ajoute qu’Atironta, chef d’Ahrendaronon (mission Saint-Jean- Baptiste), était celui qui, le premier, descendit à Québec et lia amitié avec les Français. Ce ne peut être encore qu’Ochatéguin. En 1641, le chef des Ahrendaronons ayant été tué à la guerre, son frère Aéoptahon lui succéda et prit le nom d’Atironta en mémoire de l’ancien capitaine ami de Champlain. C’est avec la bande d’Ochatéguin que Brulé fit le voyage du Haut- Canada en 1610. Il dut passer l'hiver à Cahiagué, ou du moins y r*- sider plusieurs semaines en cette occasion. En 1615 il devait s’y re- trouver comme chez lui, étant donné sa prédilection pour la vie sauvage. Le ler septembre 1615, Champlain partit de Cahiagué avec l’armée (probablement 250 hommes) et l’on s’arréta à trois lieues plus loin, au lac Couchichine, où douze sauvages vigoureux furent choisis pour porter réponse aux Andastes. Sur sa demande, Brulé les accompagna (8 sep- tembre). Champlain y consentit avec d’autant plus de plaisir qu’il chargea son interprète d'explorer les régions inconnues que celui-ci tra- verserait. L'idée du voyage était née dans l'esprit de Brulé.* Quant aux instructions militaires, elles ont dû être données aux douze délégués par les chefs hurons qui savaient à quelle date et où la jonction des troupes pouvaient s’exécuter. IT. Partant, après cela, avec tous les guerriers réunis, Champlain passa par les lacs Simcoe et de l’Eturgeon, atteignit la baie de Quinté, traversa l'Ontario, mit pied à terre à Stoney Point, puis, entrant dans le pays i Œuvres de Champlain, 909-911. [SULTE] ETIENNE BRULÉ 101 des Onnontagués, l’armée traversa la rivière Chouaguen et, le 9 octobre, s’empara de quelques Iroquois, 4 quatre lieues de leur village. Le len- demain, on était devant le fort, au fond du lac Canondaguen ou Canan- daiga, dans le comté d’Ontario, New-York aujourd’hui. Le siège de cette place, difficile à prendre, déconcerta vite les Hurons, car ils agis- saient suivant le caprice d’un chacun, n'avaient ni plan d’attaque ni la sens de la discipline et se décourageaient à propos de tout. Ochatéguin, un autre chef, Orani, et Champlain, étant blessés, on parla de retraite dès le 11 octobre. Ce ne fut que le 23 décembre que cette troupe er- rante rentra à Cahiagué.! N’oublions pas de mentionner le désappoin- tement des Hurons en voyant que les Andastes manquaient au rendez- vous, mais à vrai dire, la faute retombait sur leur impatience d’aban- donner la partie. La retraite était en plein mouvement le 16 octobre; le 18, Brulé et les Andastes se présentaient, puis, s’apercevant où en étaient les choses, ils rebroussaient chemin. La saison ne permettant pas de retourner à Québec, Champlain sut utiliser les mois de janvier-mars 1616 pour visiter les dix-huit lieues dn pays des Hurons, puis les Petuns à l’ouest, ainsi que leurs voisins les Cheveux-Relevés (Outaouacs). On le dissuada d’aller voir les Neutres, à cause du meurtre d’un de leurs hommes qui venait d’avoir lieu en pays huron. Il décrit les mœurs et coutumes da ces peuples. Géographique- ment, le Haut-Canada lui représente une grande île entourée de lacs— ce qui est assez juste. Sa principale préoccupation Pattirait vers le nord depuis qu’il était allé (1613) a l’île des Allumettes et qu'il avait, en- suite, vu la baie Georgienne, qui est, en somme, une partie du lac Huroa. Brulé connaissait ce désir: la semence tombait en bonne terre. [t s’agissait de savoir d’où venaient les eaux. Evidemment les Sauvages indiquaient le nord, mais il fallait se rendre assez loin pour en étudier Porigine. Dans ce but, Champlain consulta les Nipissiriniens qui 5° cabanaient chaque hiver aux environs du lac Muskoka et, par le moyen de son interprète (Thomas?) il apprit que ces gens allaient à quarante journées au nord, chez des peuples nomades où ia chasse abonde, comme aussi le poisson ; que c’est un pays âpre, montueux, tout en forêts, déserts, lacs et rivières. Là-dessus, il se persuada que la pente ouest de cette région élevée tombait dans l’océan Pacifique et il faisait ses préparatifs pour s’y rendre, lorsque des dissensions survenues entre les Algonquins du chef Iroquet et la tribu huronne de l’Ours le rappelèrent à Peneten- guishine. On lui avait décrit le bison, car il en parla dans son récit, et probablement nombre d’autres choses dont il ne dit rien. Brulé ne revenait pas. Avait-on reçu des nouvelles de lui après * Œuvres de Champlain, 911-915, 919, 929. 102 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA son départ? I] y a apparence que non. Est-ce que les douze Hurons n'étaient pas de retour dans leurs foyers? Il n’est plus question d’eux nulle part. Ce qui est visible, c’est que Champlain ne connut ni la marche des Andastes sur le fort des Onnontagués, ni ce qui se passait dans cette direction après la retraite de l’armée huronne. Les canots étant prêts pour descendre à la traite du saut Saint- Louis (Montréal), Champlain s’embarqua le 20 mai 1616 en recom- mandant aux Hurons de transmettre ses ordres à Brulé pour l’explora- tion du nord, si toutefois cet interprète reparaissait parmi eux. Après quarante jours de voyage, il se retrouva devant l’île de Montréal. La situation du Bas-Canada était précaire. La colonie française, ou plutôt le petit poste de Québec, n’était qu’un point sans valeur, perdu dans l’immensité du territoire. Les Iroquois restaient toujours mena- çants et redoutables Par surcroît, les Algonquins conspiraient contre les Français. Le commerce se confinait à la région du lac Saint-Pierre. La traite des Hurons, comme on nommait leur flottille, arrivait chaque été aux Trois-Rivières et s’en retournait emportant des marchandises européennes, mais, avant 1621, il fut impossible d’envoyer des hommes à Penetenguishine recueillir les pelleteries et organiser des caravanes annuelles. Les Hurons, grands voyageurs, et de plus trafiquants, obte- naient par le troc, les fourrures des Neutres, Pétuneux et Outaouacs, puis les échangeaient sur le Saint-Laurent, contre les objets qu’ils allaient ensuite répandre autour d’eux, dans le Haut-Canada, pour alimenter leur commerce. Encore fallait-il que les Iroquois et les Sauvages du Bas-Canada se tinsent tranquilles, sans quoi la traite manquait et la prétendue coionie française n’avait plus sa raison d’être. Voilà ce qui obsédait surtout l’esprit de Champlain. L’automne de 1617, il ne restail que cinquante-deux âmes à Québec. Les Sauvages se montraient inquié- tants; ils avaient tué deux Français, au cap Tourmente en 1616. Au. printemps de 1618 huit cents guerriers se réunirent aux Trois-Rivières dans le dessein de se défaire de tous les Français et de piller le peu qu'ils avaient. L'énergie du capitaine Beauchéne triompha de cette résistance, mais le péril pouvait revenir. Lorsque le fleuve devint navigable, Pon'- gravé arriva de France apportant des provisions de bouche dont le besoin .se faisait impérieusement sentir. “On ne savait plus que manger, dit # Sagard ; tout le magasin était dégarni; il n’y avait plus de champignons dans la campagne, ni de racines dans le jardin. On regardait du côté de la mer et on ne voyait rien arriver.... Le sieur de Pontgravé ayant consolé un chacun de ses victuailles, monta aux Trois-Rivières pour la traite.” Vers le 4 juillet, on envoya demander des marchandises à Qué- bee pour les Hurons qui étaient arrivés en bon nombre. Champlain se ~endit aux Trois-Rivière: et y trouva Brulé. [SULTE] ETIENNE BRULÉ 108 el Le revenant apportait des nouvelles à sensation, comme notre press? du XXe siècle les aime, mais, il y a trois cents ans, l’écho restait sourd et muet devant les révélations des voyageurs qui reculaient les bornes du monde. Voici comment Champlain s’exprime: “ Or, il y avait avec eux (les Hurons) un appelé Etienne Brulé, l’un de nos truchements, qui s’était adonné avec eux depuis huit ans, tant pour passer son temps que pour voir le pays et apprendre leur langue et façon de vivre, et est celui que j'avais envoyé et donné charge d’aller vers (plutôt au delà des) les En- touhoronons (T'sonnontouans) à Carantouan, afin d’amener avec lui 500 hommes de guerre qu’ils avaient promis nous envoyer pour nous assister en la guerre où nous étions engagés contre leurs ennemis.... Je Jui demandai pourquoi il n'avait pas amené le secours des 500 hommes et la raison de son retardement, et qu’il ne m’en avait donné avis. Alors, il m'en dit le sujet, duquel il ne sera trouvé hors de propos d’en faire le récit, étant plus à plaindre qu’à blâmer, pour les infortunes qu’il reçut en cette commission. I] commença par me dire que, depuis qu’il eut pris congé de moi pour aller faire son voyage et exécuter sa commission, il se mit en chemin avec les douze Sauvages que je lui avais baillés pour le conduire et lui faire escorte à cause des dangers qu’il avait a passer.” Le texte de 1615 montre que Brulé, sur sa propre demande, accompa- gnait les Hurons délégués auprès des Andastes et que Champlain lui avait donné, pour toute mission, la tâche d’explorer le pays. Quel fut son itinéraire? Nous ne pouvons en parler que par sup- position, en nous aidant de quelques termes de Champlain.—Sortant du lac Simcoe, la petite bande remonta une rivière qui tombe au sud de cette nappe d’eau. Par le moyen d’un portage, on passe à la rivière Humber dont la décharge est à Toronto—trajet de cinq ou six jours à travers le pays des Neutres. Brulé fut le premier homme blanc qui vit Ontario. Longeant la côte à sa droite, il passa devant la baie de Bur- lington et, revenant en suivant la rive sud-est du grand lac, il apereut Pentrée de la rivière Niagara. Selon sa coutume, il a dû s’enquérir le la source et de la direction de ce cours d’eau. On lui a dit que c’était la décharge d’un autre grand lac comparable à l'Ontario et la chûte ne pouvait manquer d’être mentionnée, comme aussi le fait que les Neutres avaient des villages sur les deux côtés de la rivière. Lorsque les Hurons n'étaient pas pressés, ils remontaient la rivière et, parvenus à peu près au lac Erié, piquaient dans les terres tout droit du côté de la Susque- hanna, n’ayant rien à craindre des Eriés, s’ils en rencontraient. C'était le “ grand détour,” le chemin sans péril dont parle Champlain. Sur «3 104 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA carte de 1632 il en indique le tracé, mais cela ne prouve aucunement que Brulé lait suivi. Au contraire, comme ce dernier et ses compagnons avaient hâte d’atteindre leur destination, ils s’avancèrent de la bouche de la rivière Niagara pour couper dans l’intérieur du pays voisin, entre les Neutres et les Iroquois de la tribu des Tsonnontouans, allant à l’est. En ce moment, Champlain devait être quelque part sur la rivière Otobani avec l’armée huronne. “ Et tant cheminèrent qu’ils parvinrent jusqu’au dit lieu de Caran- touan, qui ne fut pas sans courir fortune, d'autant qu’il leur fallait passer par les pays et terres des ennemis, et pour éviter quelque mauvais dessein, ils furent en cherchant leur chemin plus assurés de passer par des bois, forêts et halliers épais et difficiles, et par des palus marécageux, lieux et déserts fort affreux et non fréquentés, le tout pour éviter le danger et la rencontre des ennemis. Et, néanmoins ce grand soin, le dit Brule et ses compagnons sauvages, en traversant une campagne, ne lais- sèrent pas de faire rencontre de quelques Sauvages ennemis, retournant 2 leur village, lesquels furent surpris et défaits par nos dits Sauvages, dont quatre des ennemis furent tués sur le champ et deux pris prisonniers que le dit Brulé et ses compagnons amenèrent jusqu’au dit lieu de Ca- rantouan, où ils furent reçus des habitants du dit lieu de bonne affec- tion et avec toute allégresse et bonne chère, accompagnée de danses et festins dont ils ont accoutumé festoyer et honorer les étrangers. Quel- ques jours se passèrent en cette bonne réception et, après que le dit Brulé leur eut dit sa légation et fait entendre le sujet de son voyage, les Sauvages du dit lieu s’assemblèrent en conseil pour délibérer et résoudre sur lenvoi des 500 hommes de guerre demandés par le dit Brulé.” [L'offre de 500 hommes était venue des Andastes. Brulé n’avait pas mission de demander des secours. En 1615, Champlain profite de ce que Brulé part avec les délégués hurons pour lui dire de voir le plus de pays qu’il lui sera possible. En 1618, il en fait l’âme du mouvement militaire. “Le conseil tenu et la résolution prise de les envoyer, ils donnéren? charge de les assembler, préparer et armer pour partir et venir nous joindre et trouver, où nous étions campés devant le fort et village de nos ennemis, qui n’était qu'à trois petites journées de Carantouan, le dit village muni de plus de 800 hommes de guerre, bien fortifié à la façon de ceux ci-dessus spécifiés, qui ont de hautes et puissantes palis- sades, bien liées et jointes ensemble, et leur logement de pareille façon. Cette résolution ainsi prise par les habitants du dit Carantouan d’en- voyer les 500 hommes, lesquels furent fort longtemps à s’appréter, en- core qu’ils fussent pressés par le dit Brulé de s’avancer, leur représen- tant que, s'ils tardaient davantage, ils ne nous trouveraient plus au dit [suLTE] ETIENNE BRULE 108 lieu, comme de fait ils n’y purent arrswer que deux jours après notre partement du dit lieu, que nous fûmes contraints d'abandonner pour être trop faibles et fatigués par l’injure du temps.” Il paraît bien clair que, avant le 6 juillet 1618, Champlain ignorait ce qu'était devenu Brulé depuis le 8 septembre 1615; qu’il n’avait eu aucune connaissance de l’approche des Andastes vers le 16 octobre 1615; qu’il n’avait ni revu mi entendu parler des douze Hurons partis avec Brulé; que c’est en comparant ses dates avec celles de Brulé, le 6 juillet 1618, qu’il apprit à la fois l’arrivée des Andastes devant le fort d’Onnontagué et leur re- traite immédiate “deux jours après notre partement.” La lenteur des Andastes se trouvait aggravée par le découragement subit des Hurons qui battirent en retraite aussitôt après le début du siège. “ Ce qui donna sujet au dit Brulé, et le secours des dits 500 hommes qu’il nous amenait, de se retirer et retourner sur leurs pas vers leur village de Carantouan, où étant de retour, le dit Brulé fut contraint de demeurer et passer le reste de l'automne et tout Vhiver, en attendant compagnie et escorte pour s’en retourner; et, en attendant cette oppor- tunité, il semploya à découvrir le pays, visiter les nations voisines et terres du dit lieu, et se pourmenant le long d’une rivière qui se dé- charge du côté de la Floride, où il y a force nations qui sont puissantes et belliqueuses, qui ont des guerres les unes contre les autres. Le pays y est fort tempéré, où il y a grand nombre d’animaux et chasse de gibier, mais pour parvenir et courir ces contrées il faut bien avoir de la pa- tience pour les difficultés qu’il y a à passer par la plupart de ses déserte “Et continuant son chemin le long de la dite rivière jusqu’à la mer, par des îles et les terres proches dicelles, qui sont habitées da plusieurs nations et en grand nombre de peuples sauvages, qui sont néanmoins de bon naturel, aimant fort la nation française sur toutes les autres. Mais quant à ceux qui connaissent les Flamands ils se plai- gent fort d’eux parce qu’ils les traitent trop rudement. Entre autres choses qu’il a remarquées est que l’hiver y est assez tempéré et y neige fort rarement, même lorsqu'il y neige elle n’y est pas de la hauteur d’un pied, et incontinent fondue sur la terre.” La rivière qui se décharge du côté de la Floride est la Susquehanna Elle entre dans la baie de Chesapeake qui est semée d’iles, ce qui fait dire 4 Champlain que som interpréte, continuant 4 marcher le long de la rivière, alla jusqu’à la mer en passant devant les îles. Ces expres- sions ne laissent aucun doute: Brulé a parcouru la côte orientale de la baie qui est une presqu'île toute en longueur et s’est rendu au cap Charles en vue de l’Atlantique. Les Anglais n’étaient pas loin de la. Peut-étre que les plaintes des indigénes de la baie de Chesapeake s’ap- pliquaient autant 4 eux qu’aux Flamands. 106 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA John Smith, baptisé le 9 janvier 1580, a Willoughby, comté de Lincoln, près la ville d’Alford, Angleterre, s’engagea dans les guerres de France, Pays-Bas, Hongrie, Russie, et fit la course sur mer, au milieu daventures de toutes sortes. Retourné dans son pays natal il s’embar- qua, en 1607, comme associé d’une compagnie qu’ envoyait 200 hommes fonder un établissement en Amérique. Au cours de la traversée Smith exprima des idées qui déplurent à administration. On le mit aux fers. Entrés dans la rivière James, Virginie, le 13 mai, les colons bâtirent le fort James, et Smith fut libéré, faute de prison pour le garder. C’était le seul homme de toute la compagnie qui sut ce qu’il y avait a faire à propos—aussi le traitait-on de rebelle, I] occupa ses loisirs en explo- rant les sources de la rivière, pensant qu’elles n’étaient pas éloignées de l'océan Pacifique. La colonie, mal gouvernée, souffrait de maladie et famine; le découragement y régnait; la révolte s’en méla et Smith, le plus débrouillard de tous, mais non pas un agitateur, fut nommé prési- dent. Il remit les choses sur un meilleur pied, puis explora la contrée jusqu’au fond de la baie de Chesapeake où tombe la Susquehanna qui vient du pays des Andastes. I] s’arréta à deux milles de l’ambouchure où sont les chûtes, aussi désigna-t-il l’endroit sous le nom de Smith’s Falls. Dans ce voyage (été de 1608) il rencontra sept ou huit canots de Massawomeks (Agniers) revenant de la guerre contre les Tockwoghes du Maryland. Powhatan, chef de la rivière James et autres territoires circonvoisins, commerçait avec les Flamands d’Albany, ce qui génait le trafic des Anglais. I] y eut des difficultés avec les Sauvages. La fille de Powhatan sauva la vie de Smith. Le nom de Pocahontas est resté dans l’histoire. Au mois d’octobre 1609, Smith retournait en Angle- terre par ordre de la compagnie qui voulait tout diriger de son bureau de Londres et surtout s’offusquait de ce que Smith avait été élu par le vote des colons. Jamestown retomba dans la misère, l’inaction, l’anar- ~ chie.* Ni Champlain, ni Brulé ne connaissaient ces événements, mais ils étaient eux-mêmes sous la dictée d’une association plus chiche de ses deniers que cella de Londres, et aussi mal inspirée dans la direction de ses affaires. IV. “Et, après qu’il eut couru le pays et découvert ce qui était à re- marquer, il (Brulé) retourna au village de Carantouan, afin de trouver quelque compagnie pour sen retourner vers nous en notre habitation (Québec). Et, après quelque séjour au dit Carantouan, cinq ou six des Sauvages prirent résolution de faire le voyage avec le dit Brulé.” Puis- que les Andastes étaient seuls de la partie, c’est que les douze délégués *A. G. Bradley: Captain John Smith. [SULTE] ETIENNE BRULE 107 hurons avaient disparu, mais depuis quand? Pas durant la saison des neiges et des froids, croyons-nous. Si l’on s’arrête à la première quin- zaine d’octobre, avant la marche contre le fort des Onnontagués, ou en- core la fin de ce mois, ces hommes seraient rentrées à Cahiagué avant le 23 décembre 1615, date du retour de Champlain en ce lieu, et alors comment expliquer son silence à cet égard puisqwil dit, à plus d’une re- prise, n’avoir pas eu de nouvelles de Brulé depuis septembre 1615 à juillet 1618? Le jour du départ de Carantouan pour retourner au pays des Hurons, l’hiver étant fini, dut être dans la dernière moitié du mois de mars 1616. “ Et, sur leur chemin, firent rencontre d’un grand nombre de leurs ennemis ! qui chargèrent (attaquèrent) le dit Brulé et ses com- pagnons si vivement qu’ils les firent écarter et séparer les uns des autres, de talle façon qu’ils ne se purent rallier; même le dit Brulé, qui avait fait bande à part sur l'espérance de se sauver, s’écarta tellement des autres qu’il ne put plus se remettre, ni trouver chemin et adresse pour faire sa retraite en quelque part que ce fût, et ainsi demeura errant par les bois et forêts durant quelques jours, sans manger et presque déses- péré de sa vie, étant pressé de la faim. Enfin, rencontra fortuitement un petit sentier, qu’il se résolut suivre quelque part qu’il allât, fût-ce vers les ennemis ou non, s’exposant plutôt entre leurs mains, sur l’espé- rance qu’il avait en Dieu, que de mourir seul et ainsi misérable. D’ail- leurs, il savait parler leur langage, qui lui pourrait apporter quelque commodité. Or, n’eût-il pas cheminé longue espace qu’il découvrit trois Sauvages chargés de poisson qui se retiraient à leur village. I se hata de courir après eux pour les joindre et, les approchant, il commença les crier, comme est leur coutume, auquel cri ils se retournèrent et, sur quel- que appréhension et crainte, firent mine de s’enfuir et laisser leur charge, mais le dit Brulé parlant à eux les rassura, qui leur fit mettre bas leurs arcs et flèches, en signe de paix, comme aussi ledit Brulé de sa part ses armes, encore qu’il fut assez faible et débile de soi-même pour n’avoir mangé depuis trois ou quatre jours. Et, à leur abord, après leur avoir fait entendre sa fortune et l’état de sa misère en laquelle il était réduit, ils pétunèrent ensemble, comme ils ont accoutumé entre eux et ceux de leur fréquentation lorsqu’ils se visitent. Ils eurent comme une pitié et compassion de lui, lui offrant toute assistance, méme le menérent jus- qu’à leur village où ils le traitérent et donnèrent à manger, mais aussitôt les peuples du dit lieu en eurent avis, 4 savoir: un Adoresetoui était arrivé, car ainsi appellent-ils les Francais, lequel nom vaut autant dire ? Les Tsonnontouans. prulé suivait la même route que l’automne précé- dent, mais en sens inverse et non pas le ‘‘ grand détour ” par la rivière Niagara. 108 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA comme Gens de Fer, et vinrent 4 la foule en grand nombre voir le dit Brulé, lequel ils prirent et menèrent en la cabane de l’un des principaux chefs où il fut interrogé; et lui fut demandé qui était, d’où il venait, quelle occasion l’avait poussé et amené en ce dit lieu, et comme il s’était égaré, et outre s’il n’était pas de la nation des Français qui leur faisaient la guerre. Sur ce, il leur fit réponse qu’il était d’une autre nation meil- leure qui ne désiraient que d’avoir leur connaissance et amitié, ce qu’ils ne voulurent croire mais se jetèrent sur lui et lui arrachèrent les ongles avec les dents, le brulèrent avec des tisons ardents et lui arrachèrent la barbe poil à poil, néanmoins contre la volonté du chef. Et en cet acces- soire, l’un des Sauvages avisa un Agnus Dei qu’il avait pendu au cou, quoi voyant demanda ce qu’il avait ainsi pendu à son cou et le voulut prendre et arracher, mais le dit Brulé lui dit, d’une parole assurée, “ si tu le prends et me fais mourir, tu verras que, tout incontinent après, tu mour- ras subitement et tous ceux de ta maison,” dont il ne fit pas état mais, continuant sa mauvaise volonté, s’efforçait de prendre l’Agnus Dei et le lui arracher, et tous ensemble disposés à le faire mourir et auparavant lui faire souffrir plusieurs douleurs et tourments par eux ordinairement exercés sur leurs ennemis. Mais Dieu qui lui faisait grâce ne le voulut permettre, et par sa providence fit que le ciel, qui de serein et beau qu’il était, se changeât subitement en obscurité et chargées de grosses et épaisses nuées, se terminèrent en tonnerres et éclairs si violents et con- tinus que c’était chose étrange et épouvantable ; et donnèrent ces orages un tel épouvantement aux Sauvages, pour ne leur être commun, même n’en avoir jamais entendu de pareil, ce qui leur fit divertir et oublier leur mauvaise volonté qu’ils avaient à l'encontre du dit Brulé leur pri- sonnier ; et le laissant, l’abandonnèrent, sans toutefois le délier, n’osant Vapprocher—qui donna sujet au patient de leur user de douces paroles, les appelant et leur remontrant le mal qu'ils lui faisaient sans cause, leur faisant entendre combien notre Dieu était courroucé contre eux pour lavoir ainsi maltraité. Lors, le capitaine s’approcha du dit Brulé, le délia, le mena en sa maison où il lui cura et médicamenta ses plaies; cela fait, il ne se faisait plus de danses et festins ou réjouissances que le dit Brulé ne fût appelé. Et, après avoir été quelque temps avec ces Sauvages, il prit résolution de se retirer en nos quartiers vers notre habi- tation. Et, prenant congé d’eux, il leur promit de les mettre d'accord avec les Français et leurs ennemis et leur faire jurer amitié les uns en- vers les autres, et qu’à cette fin il retournerait vers eux le plus tôt qu'il pourrait. Et lui partant d’avec eux, ils le conduisirent jusqu’a quatre journées de leur village; et da là s’en vint en la contrée et villages des Atinouaentans où j’avais déjà été, et là demeura le dit Brulé quelque [SULTE] ETIENNE BRULE 109 temps, puis, reprenant le chemin vers nous, il passa par la mer Douce et navigua sur les côtes d’icelle quelques dix journées du côté du nord, où aussi j'avais passé allant à la guerre; et eut le dit Brulé passé plus outre, pour découvrir les lieux, comme je lui avais donné charge, n’eut été qu’un bruit de leur guerre qui se préparait entre eux—réservant ce dessein à une autre fois, ce qu’il me promit de continuer et effectuer dans peu de temps, avec la grâce de Dieu, et de m’y conduire pour en avoir plus ample et particulière connaissance. Et, après qu’il m’en eut fait le récit, je lui donnai espérance que l’on reconnaîtrait ses services, et l’encoura- gear de continuer cette bonne volonté jusqu’à notre retour.” Champlain s’embarquait pour la France. Brulé n’était pas de retour chez les Hurons lorsque Champlain et le Père Le Caron en repartirent le 20 mai 1616. Sa captivité chez les Tsonnontouans a pu se prolonger durant plusieurs mois ou “ quelque temps,” comme dit Champlain. En tous cas, exploration qu’il tenta le long des côtes de la baie Georgienne pour se rendre au nord du lac Huron, dut avoir lieu l’été de 1617; il fut arrêté dans cette course par la menace d’une guerre entre les Amikoués ou les Mississagués, croyons- nous, gens de la côte du nord, et d’autres tribus, peut-être les Puants de la baie Verta qui étaient les ennemis héréditaires de ces deux nations. Sans cela, il eut découvert le saut Sainte-Marie et le lac Supérieur cette même année, mais ce qui était différé ne fut pas perdu. Enfin, l’été de 1618, il s’embarqua avec les Sauvages qui allaient en traite aux Trois- Rivières et reparut aux yeux des Français qui le croyaient mort ou captif des tribus lointaines. Nous connaissons à présent l’homme qui fut le premier Européen à parcourir les vastes domaines concédés soixante ans plus tard à William Penn et qui devinrent la Pennsylvanie. Il a relié géographiquement la baie Georgienne à la baie de Chesapeake, un exploit semblable à celui de Livingston en Afrique, mais il n’existait pas en ce temps-là une presse active qui répandait la gloire sur les travaux des découvreurs et son humble personnalité resta dans l’ombre avec ses mérites. Champlain se montra content des renseignements de Brulé et, comme celui-ci exprimait le désir de continuer ses découvertes, il reçut la permission de repartir en compagnie des mêmes Sauvages qui avaient terminé leur traite. Il se rembarqua avec enthousiasme et recommenga Pexistence nomade qui était devenue pour lui une seconde nature, si tant est qu’il ait jamais pris goût à la vie civilisée. A cette date, son âge ne dépassait guère trente ans. De l’été de 1618 à l’été de 1623, il paraît avoir demeuré parmi les Hurons, tout en faisant, peut-être, un ou deux voyages de traite sur le Saint-Laurent. 110 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA V: À partir de 1621, avec la nouvelle compagnie des sieurs de Caen, on voit les Français se répandre quelque peu dans le Haut-Canada; ils étaient généralement de dix à douze en nombre faisant la récolte des pelleteries, soit en achetant celles-ci sur place, soit en induisant les Sau- vages à s'organiser en caravane pour descendre à la traite des Trois- Rivières. Ce groupe de coureurs de bois ne représentait pas, du moins jusqu’à 1628, ce que l’on peut appeler les interprètes de Champlain, lesquels étaient aussi trafiquants par état mais découvreurs, évangélisa- teurs même et hommes de bonnes mœurs. Les gens de Caen étaient plutôt du type des boucaniers dont l’histoire du Brésil nous raconte les curieuses et inutiles aventures. Agissant sous la direction des commer- çants leurs patrons, ils s’abouchaient avec les indigènes dans le seul in- térét de la traite, sans songer, ni de près ni de loin, à la géographie, à l'examen des ressources du pays ou à son avenir. Lorsque les mission- naires se rendirent au lac Nipissing et à la baie Georgienne, en 1623, ils rencontrèrent les individus de cette classe qui leur plurent médiocrement, cest pourquoi le Frère Sagard, parlant des vertus et de la conduite exemplaire de Champlain, dont les Sauvages gardaient le souvenir, il dit qu’on avait malheureusement sous les yeux de quoi faire perdre à jamais le prestige chrétien dans la personne des aventuriers nouvelle- ment introduits au milieu des bourgades païennes. La situation était celle-ci: à force de restreindre les pouvoirs et les ressources financières du fondateurs de Québec au seul trafic des four- rures, les compagnies étaient cause que l’avant-garde des Français dans les régions lointaines prenait un caractère de bas étage. Sur ce vaste champ qui va de Tadoussac au lac Huron deux courants d’idées se pour- suivaient: l’un tout au service des marchands; l’autre, inspirée par Champlain, tendait à l’évangélisation des naturels et à l’établissement d’une colonie française stable, comme base d’action., Les deux projets n’aboutirent à rien, par suite des événements de 1629, mais qu’on re- cherche ce que sont devenus les gens des de Caen après cette date: ils se sont évanouis comme de véritables aventuriers qu’ils étaient, soit qu’ils ajent repris le chemin da la France pour ne plus revenir, ou que les Sauvages les aient absorbés, à l’instar de leurs modèles du Brésil. Il est certain qu’ils n’ont point fondé de familles canadiennes, tandis que les interprètes de Champlain se sont presque tous mariés dans le Bas- Canada et ont à peu près doublé la petite population française des bords du Saint-Laurent au cours des années 1632-1640. Le Père Joseph Le Caron, pionnier des missionnaires du Haut- Canada, retourné à Québec en 1616, eut pour successeur, en 1622, le Père [SULTE] ETIENNE BRULE 111 Guillaume Poulin qui s’arréta au lac Nipissing et y demeura deux ou trois ans. L’été de 1623, les Pères Le Caron et Nicholas Viel, avec Je Frère Gabriel Sagard et onze Français se rendirent chez les Hurons où il y avait déja quatorze Francais occupés de la traite. A Québec et Tadoussac on en comptait en tout cinquante autres. La colonie ne dé- passait donc pas quatre-vingts âmes. Le Père Le Caron et le Frère Sagard retournèrent à Québec l’année suivante; ce dernier s’embarqua aussitôt pour la France. Le Père Viel descendait à Québec en 1625 lorsque son guide le noya dans le Saut-au-Récollet, près Montréal. Le Père de la Roche-Daillon demeura chez les Neutres de 1626 à 1627, puis une année à Penetenguishine, d’où il repartit pour Québec. Tous ces religieux étaient de l’Ordre des Franciscains, branche des Récollets. Les Iroquois méprisaient les peuplades algonquines; il ne leur plaisait pas de les voir s’allier aux Francais; de plus, ils comprenaient trés bien que les fourrures du Haut-Canada prenaient la route du Saint- Laurent, tandis que, depuis l’arrivée des Hollandais ou Flamands sur le fleuve Hudson, il était plus avantageux aux Cinq-Nations de faire dériver ce commerce de ieur côté, afin d’en avoir le monopole. Ce fut là que la politique iroquoise prit naissance: elle engendra la petite guerre depuis 1615 à 1636 pour gêner les rapports des Algonquins et des Hurons avec les postes français, puis, de 1637 à 1650 la guerre de conquête du Haut-Canada, du lac Nipissing, de la vallée de Ottawa et du territoire du Saint-Maurice, qui tombèrent entre les mains de ces terribles rava- geurs, au grand désavantage de la colonie française. L'été de 1622, trente canots de guerriers iroquois descendirent à Québec et tentèrent une attaque contre la résidence des Récollets, mais ils furent chaudement reçus et disparurent. La situation n’en devenait pas meilleure. VI. Parlons maintenant d’un fait qui a de l’importance dans l’histoire de cette époque et qui a passé inaperçu de la plupart des écrivains versés dans létude de ces temps reculés. Les Sauvages de Montréal (1535) avaient montré du cuivre à Cartier, lui faisant comprendre que ces échantillons venaient de l’ouest. En 1603 on en fit voir des morceaux à Champlain, de sorte que le désir de parvenir à cette mine lointaine préoccupait un certain nombre de gens intéressés dans le commerce du Canada. Sagard, à son tour, mentionne le sujet: “ Les Hurons, aupa- ravant nous, ne savaient ce que c’était de fer, et n’en avaient aucun usage, non plus que de tout autre métal ou minéral, sinon en quelque endroit ils avaient du cuivre rouge, duquel j’ai vu un petit lingot vers la Mer Douce, que le truchement Bruslé nous apporta d’une nation 112 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA éloignée 80 lieues des Hurons... Environ quatre-vingts ou cent lieues des Hurons, il y a une mine de cuivre rouge de laquelle le truchement me montra un lingot, au retour d’un voyage qu’il fit à la nation voisine avec un nommé Grenolle.” Sagard continue ses descriptions et dit que la côte nord du lac Huron est en partie couverte de bois, fougères, bluets, fraises et qu’il y a quantité de roches, puis il ajoute: “ Le truchement Bruslé, avec quel- ques Sauvages, nous ont assuré qu’au delà de la Mer Douce (lac Huron) il y a un autre grandissime lac qui se décharge dans icelle par une chute d’eau que l’on a surnommé le saut de Gaston, ayant près de deux lieues de large, lequel lac, avec la Mer Douce, contiennent environ trente jour- nées de canot, selon le rapport des Sauvages, et du truchement quatre cents lieues en longueur... L’un de nos Français ayant été à la traite en une nation du nord, tirant à la mine de cuivre, environ cent lieues de nous (pays des Hurons) il nous dit à son retour y avoir vu plusieurs filles auxquelles on avait coupé le bout du nez pour avoir fait brèche à leur honneur...” Ce passage est répété par l’auteur dans son Histoire du Canada: “ L’un de nos Français nommé Grenolle ayant été à la traite du côté du nord, en une nation éloignée environ cent lieues des Hurons, tirant à la mine de cuivre, nous a dit à son retour y avoir vu plusieurs filles auxquelles on avait coupé le bout du nez...” Cette fois nous apprenons que le voyageur se nomme Grenolle. Au mois d’avril- mai 1624, chez les Hurons, des pluies désastreuses gênant les Sauvages, ceux-ci envoyèrent Grenolle demander au Frère Sagard de se rendre au Conseil afin de dire des prières dans l’espoir de faire cesser ce déluge. En 1626, Grenolle et La Vallée conduisirent le Père de la Roche-Daillon qui allait commencer une mission chez les Neutres; au printemps de 1627 Grenolle alla chercher ce missionnaire et le ramena parmi les Hurons. Donc Grenolle existait aussi bien que Brulé. Il ressort de ce qui précède qu’un homme appelé Grenolle accompa- gnait Etienne Brulé lorsque celui-ci visita le lac Supérieur, ou encore que ces deux coureurs de boïs y allèrent séparément, mais il faut ad- mettre qu’ils y sont allés: 10 d’après l'affirmation de Sagard ; 20 à cause de la mine de cuivre dont l’existence est indéniable; 30 en raison des distances indiquées et de la description du saut de Gaston (nom du frère du roi de France) ; 40 la circonstance des nez coupés, une pratique que Von retrouve chez les Sioux quarante ans plus tard. Donc, en 1623, Brulé et Grenolle étaient'reconnus à titre de découvreurs du saut Sainte- Marie (il reçut ce nom en 1669) et du lac Supérieur. Nous pensons que cet événement eut lieu en 1622. Il est à observer que Champlain, répétant ses instructions à Brulé (1618) pour l’étude de la région située au nord du lac Huron, n’avait [suLTE] ETIENNE BRULE 13 encore rien écrit de défavorable au sujet de cet interprete et, en 1623, il dit avoir revu mais il ne manifeste aucun mécontentement. C’est alors que Brulé a dû faire son rapport de la découverte du lac Supérieur. Champlain n’en dit pas un mot. Par la suite, même silence. En 1624, tout à coup, Champlain dénonce la mauvaise conduite de Brulé, puis, en 1629, il s’emporte contre lui. Ces sentiments hostiles sont-ils la cause de la suppression du rapport de Brulé et du nom de cet interprète? Pourtant, sur sa carte de 1632, Champlain semble utiliser des renseigne- ments qu'il ne possédait pas de lui-même lorsqu'il trace la figure des contrées en question, et il faut qu’il ait mal compris ce qu’on lui expli- quait puisqu'il place la baie des Puants où est le lac Supérieur, tandis qu’il localise ce dernier dans le Wisconsin oriental. D’une baie du las Huron, vers l'entrée réelle du lac Michigan, on suit une grosse rivière venant du sud accompagnée de ces mots: “ Nation où il y a une quan- tité de buffles.”” C’est le pays des Illinois. La grosse rivière et sa baie signifient le lac Michigan. Champlain ne pouvait s’être renseigné sur ce point que par les Sauvages. Qui sait si Brulé n’avait pas été par la? Le lac qui tient la place du laç Supérieur sur cette carte porte: “ La nation des Puants;” or les Puants demeuraient à la baie Verte. Mais ce lac (imaginaire quant au nom) renferme une “ île où il y a une mine de cuivre.” (C’est l’île Royale du lac Supérieur. Tout ceci nous fait croire que Brulé a vu le lac Supérieur, la baie Verte et le lac Mi- chigan, soit en un seul ou plusieurs de ses voyages, et que Champlain à interverti par malentendu les positions de la baie Verte et du lac Su- périeur. Le lac qui prend la place de la baie Verte et de la rivière des Re- nards est très vaste et porte le nom de Grand Lac.” Sa sortie dans le lac Huron est marquée par des rochers, des eaux qui bouillonnent, le terme “ Sault,” et un renvoi a l’index de la carte. Voici comment est rédigé ce renvoi: “ Sault de Gaston, contenant près de deux lieues de large, qui se décharge dans la Mer Douce, venant d’un autre grandis- sime lac, lequel et la Mer Douce contiennent trente journées de canot selon le rapport des Sauvages.” Cette phrase est copiée de Histoire du Canada de Sagard, mais on Pa tronquée en la mettant dans l’index de Champlain. Pourquoi cela? Non pas pour cause d'insuffisance de renseignement, car la partie sup- primée en dit long sous huit mots. Voici: ...“contiennent trente jour- nées de canot, selon le rapport des Sauvages, et, d’après Brulé, quatre cent lieues de long.” Pourquoi a-t-on fait disparaître le nom du découvreur? Sagard, à plusieurs reprises, affirme clairement que l’honneur de cet exploit ap- SEC MOUTON: 114 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA partient à Brulé et à Grenolle. Il vivait avec eux et avec les Sauvages qui les avaient accompagnés dans l’exploration du nord. D’où vient que l’on a cherché à taire ces deux noms? Sil était juste d’accorder a Brule, en 1618, le mérite de sa découverte de la Pennsylvanie, il n’était pas moins raisonnable, en 1632, de lui attribuer celle du lac Supérieur et, peut-être du lac Michigan, y compris la baie Verte. L’itinéraire suivi plus tard par Jean Nicolet, depuis la baie Geor- gienne jusqu'au Wisconsin était donc connu avant lui? C’est à peine si l’on peut dire qu’il a dépassé les limites atteintes par son prédéces- seur. Les circonstances fâcheuses dans lesquelles se trouvait la colonie retardèrent jusqu’à 1634 l’envoi d’un autre émissaire dans ces régions mystérieuses. Nicolet fut alors chargé par Champlain de pénétrer le secret des terres situées au sud et au sud-ouest du saut de Gaston. Il entra dans la baie des Puants, remonta la rivière des Outagamis ou Re- nards jusqu’au portage situé près du coude de la rivière Wisconsin et crut comprendre des Sauvages que ce dernier cours d’eau tombait dans un bras de mer, peut-être le Pacifique, ne se doutant pas qu’on lui par- lait du Mississipi alors inconnu, ni des territoires de l’ouest qui se pro- longent à Vinfini au delà du grand fleuve. Vi Le 14 juin 1623 la disette régnait à Québec; on envoya des hommes vers Tadoussac pour s’assurer si les navires de Guillaume de Caen étaient en vue. Brulé devait étre de ce parti. Le 2 juillet, Etienne Brulé et Claude Desmarets, gendre de Pont- gravé, arrivent à Québec, venant de Tadoussac, pour annoncer que les vaisseaux des sieurs de Caen remontaient le fleuve. “ I] (Brulé) n’ar- réta à Québec qu’une nuit, passant plus outre pour avertir les Sauvages, et aller au devant d’eux pour les hâter de venir.” Un peu plus loin on lit: “Le 23 juillet nous fûmes devant la rivière des Iroquois (à Sorel aujourd’hui) où trouvâmes le dit Deschénes, qui dit avoir eu nouvelle qu'il devait arriver quelque trois cents Hurons, où Etienne Brulé les avait rencontrés, au saut de la Chaudière, 75 lieues de la dite rivière des Iroquois.” 1 Trois ou quatre bandes de Hurons, Nipissiriniens, ete., venus de la baie Georgienne par la rivière Ottawa, se plaignaient de l’impôt que les - gens de l’île des Allumettes leur faisaient payer sous forme de droit de passage, bien entendu dans le dessein de géner la traite de ces caravanes et de s’emparer du monopole. Nous verrons bientét que le génie du ‘Œuvres de Champlain, 1043, 1045. [suLTs] ETIENNE BRULE 115 commerce constituait le mobile des principales actions de tous les peuples des grands lacs. C’est d’ailleurs le plus sûr moyen de découvrir la vérité historique que d’étudier, en premier lieu, le sens du trafic chez les indi- gènes, comme parmi les nations civilisées. Tout part de cette base et tout y retourne. La politique ne s’en écarte jamais. L’été de 1623, retournant dans leurs divers pays, les Sauvages en question amenèrent les Pères LeCaron, Nicolas Viel et le Frère Gabriel Sagard ; avec ces derniers étaient Etienne Brulé et un gentilhomme du nom de Duvernay qui avait jadis voyagé au Brésil et retournait chez les Hurons qu’il avait visités l’année précédente. Parti du lac Saint-Pierre le 22 juillet, Sagard arrivait chez les Hurons le 20 août et s’arrêta dans le bourg de Quieuindohian * ou Téqueunonkiayé, que des Français ap- pelaient La Rochelle et que les Récollets nommaient Saint-Gabriel, “ ville principale et comme la gardienne et le rempart de toutes celles de la nation des Ours, et où se décident ordinairement les affaires de plus grande importance. Ce lieu est bien fortifié à leur mode.” Il y avait près de 300 ménages en 30 ou 40 cabanes. Le Père LeCaron s’établit à 4 ou 5 lieues de distance, à Quieunonascaran ou Saint-Joseph dont le grand capitaine Avoindaon, âgé de 75 ans, témoignait beaucoup d’affec- tion aux Récollets. Le Père Viel s’était d’abord arrêté à cinq lieues du Frère Sagard mais, un peu plus tard, tous deux se rendirent à Saint- Joseph et pour y passer l'hiver. Il y avait un village du nom de Toen- chain, où Sagard trouva un Malouin appelé Onraon en langue sauvage. Un nommé Mathieu était aussi avec Sagard ; de même un serviteur de Champlain appelé Criette “qui s’égara quelque temps a la chasse aux tourtes ”; Brulé et Duvernay étaient dans les mêmes endroits égale- ment. Durant l’hiver, raconte Sagard, un Huron qui était batailleur, “s'était gourmé à coups de poings avec un nommé Vallée, mais un peu désavantageusement pour lui, car encore qu’il tint ce Francais par les moustaches, l’autre ne perdait point de temps et lui approchait le poing si près du nez qu’il lui en fit sortir le sang.” Il ajoute, sur un autre sujet: “J’ai admiré les grands voyages que nos Montagnais (peuple du Saguenay) et les Canadiens (Algonquins) font quelques fois, tant par mer, par les rivières que par terre, pour traiter les marchandises qu’ils ont eues des Français. Ils vont jusque vers les Flamands du côté de la Virginie (Albany) et en la Virginie même où sont habitués les Anglais.” Des Nipissiriniens étant venus se cabaner à trois lieues des Pères LeCaron, Viel ‘et Sagard, à l’époque de la saison des neiges, on remarqua ? Dans un autre passage, Sagard nomme ce lieu Quieunontateronon ; ailleurs, il donne un nom tout à fait semblable aux gens de la Petite-Nation sur l’Ottawa, lesquelles parlaient l’algonquin. C’étaient les Hurons qui les appelaient ainsi. En algonquin on disait Waweekaïrini. ne! SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA qwils parlaient, au besoin, la langue huronne, sans doute pour faciliter leur commerce, tandis que les Hurons semblaient incapables de maitri- ser l’idiome algonquin. Ces Sauvages allaient annuellement en traite chez un peuple éloigné de cing ou six semaines de marche—ce qui sup- pose cing cents lieues—et cette lointaine nation commergait avec une autre qui venait par mer (un fleuve?) sur de grands canots ou bateaux de bois. A la description des coutumes, habillements et mœurs de ces étrangers, on ne peut s’empécher de songer aux Asiatiques. L’intrépide missionnaire forma le projet de se rendre par cette route jusqu’a la Chine, mais les événements qui survinrent firent abandonner ce plaa aussi bien que tout le pays des grands lacs. Les Hurons ramassaient ce qu’ils pouvaient trouver de pelleteries autour d'eux et allaient les vendre aux Français. Ils échangeaient aussi leurs citrouilles et leur mais avec les Sauvages du nord. Les Nipissi- riniens faisaient des courses prolongées pour obtenir des marchandises des peuples du sud et de l’ouest. Quant aux Outaouas, ils ne commen- cèrent qu’en 1653-4 à faire du commerce en grand. Les Hurons et les Nipissiriniens étaient alors écrasés, disparus, de sorte que la traite de l’ouest prit le nom des Outaouas. Citons La Potherie (II. 50, 51) qui nous parle de ces peuples: “Tes Népiciriniens furent les premiers qui eurent connaissance des Français par le moyen des Algonkins, peuples les plus nombreux du Canada, lorsque nous commençâmes à l’habiter. Les Népiciriniens habi- taient (ceci veut dire dans les Ages précédant la découverte de l’Améri- que) le fleuve Saint-Laurent, mais dans la suite ils se retirérent dans la rivière des Outaouaks. Pour aller sur les lacs et les rivières, et pour faire plus commodément les portages, ils inventérent les canots d’écorce de bouleau qui leur étaient d’une grande utilité pour le transport de leurs castors chez les Français et pour celui de nos marchandises.” La Potherie écrivait en 1700. Il ne dit pas comment il a su que, très an- ciennement, ce peuple de race algonquine avait occupé les bords du Saint- Laurent. Pour ce qui est d’avoir appris l’arrivée des Français par l’en- tremise des Algonquins de l’île des Allumettes, dès 1604 peut-être, cela est possible, bien que “les gens de l'Ile ” ne fussent pas disposés à leur livrer le passage de la rivière pour aller au devant des nouveaux venus. Comment croire que les Nipissiriniens inventèrent les canots d’écorce, alors que les Algonquins de Tadoussac, Québec et des Trois-Rivières, et aussi les Iroquois s’en servaient avant l’arrivée de Pontgravé à Ta- doussac et de Champlain à Montréal ? “Ts s’abouchérent avec les Algonkins pour profiter de cet avantage. Et, par une échange de leurs pelleteries pour du fer et autres choses qui leur paraissaient nécessaire, ils envoyèrent de nation en nation des haches, [SULTE] ETIENNE BRULÉ 117 couteaux, alénes, chaudiéres et autres marchandises qui les faisaient estimer et considérer, les priant méme de descendre avec eux chez les Français, pourvu qu’ils payassent le tribut du passage sur leurs terres.” Cette situation s’applique a la période de 1620-1650, c’est-à-dire tant que les Iroquois n’inquiétèrent pas les peuples de la baie Georgienne. “ Les Hurons, qui étaient voisins des Népiciriniens, hasardèrent les premiers à faire alliance avec nous.” Les Algonquins de l’Ottawa traitaient à Tadoussac avec Pontgravé dès 1603. Les Hurons demeu- raient entre la baie Georgienne et le lac Simcoe. Dès 1610 ils descen- dirent par la rivière Rideau jusqu’à Montréal, sur l’invitation des Al- gonquins. En 1613, les Algonquins de l’île des Allumettes suppliaient Champlain de ne pas se rendre jusque chez les Sorciers (Nipissiriniens) qu'ils disaient très méchants, afin de garder sur l’Ile le commerce fran- çais. La Potherie semble croire que les Hurons furent induits par les Nipissiriniens à rechercher le commerce des blancs, mais ce rôle appar- tient aux gens de la rivière Ottawa—où il n’y avait pas d’Outaouas et où ceux-ci n’ont jamais demeuré. Après 1615, les Français, passant par le lac Nipissing, connurent le peuple de cette région. Ouvrons de nouveau le livre de Sagard, p. 338, où il parle de la prononciation de quelques syllables des langues sauvages qui changent la signification d’un mot “ qui est une difficulté plus grande que lon ne pense car, manquer seulement en une (syllabe) vous manquez en. tout ou si vous vous faites entendre ce sera tout autrement que vous ne désirez, comme en ce mot: kidauskinne (en nipissirinien) lequel, avec une certaine façon de prononcer, veut dire: “tu n’as point d’esprit,” et, par un autre ton signifie : “tu as menti.” Ainsi en est-il de quan- tité d’autres mots, c’est pourquoi il faut aider à la lettre et apprendre la cadence, si l’on y veut profiter, car le truchement Bruslé s’y est quel- quefois lui-même trouvé bien empêché, et moi encore plus.” Les Nipissiriniennes parlaient tout bas, sans suspension, et du bout des lèvres. “ Je m’étonnais même comment elles se pouvaient entendre, remarque Sagard, et le truchement Richer comprendre ce qu’elles di- saient, car pour moi il faut que j’avoue qu’il m’eût été bien difficile de m’y rendre savant. J’en voulus faire l’expérience au pays des Hurons, où elles étaient venues hiverner avec leurs maris, et en reçus des leçons du truchement que j’étudiai quelque temps ensemble, avec le montagnais et le huron, mais je fus contraint de vaquer seulement à la dernière... Il arriva une histoire plaisante au truchement des Ebicerinys (Nipis- siriniens) nommé Jean Richer, lorsqu’ils lui voulurent faire croire qu’il commençait d’avoir de l’esprit. Il y avait deux ans et plus qu’il vivait avec eux assez doucement, en apprenant leur langue, pour d’icelle servir les Français à la traite. A la vérité, il y avait assez bien profité et s’en 118 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA servait fort à propos, et même d’un peu de la huronne qu’il savait pas- sablement. Or, ces Sauvages, après lui avoir fait quelques reproches d’avoir quitté le mauvais pays de la France pour venir habiter le leur, beaucoup plus beau et meilleur, lui dirent: “ Eh bien! jusqu’à présent, tu as presque vécu comme une bête, sans connaissance et sans esprit, mais maintenant que tu commences à bien parler notre langue, si tu n'avais point de barbe, tu aurais presque autant d’esprit qu’une telle nation, et ils lui en nommait une qu’ils estimaient avoir beaucoup moins d'esprit qu'eux, et les Français avoir encore moins d’esprit que cette nation-là ; tellement qu’il eut fallu, à leur compte, que ce truche- ment eut encore étudié pour le moins deux ou trois ans leur langue, et n'avoir point du tout de barbe, pour être estimé homme d’esprit et de jugement... Ces Sauvages font état de leur pays comme de l'Arabie Heureuse et disaient de fort bonne grâce à Jean Richer que c'était la seule beauté de leur pays qui l’avait attiré, dont ils inféraient que la France était peu de chose en comparaison, puisqu'il avait quittée et voulait vivre avec eux.” Jean Nicolet était alors chez les Algonquins de Vile des Allumettes et ne résida chez les Nipissiriniens qu'après 1625. Au cours de quelques mois qu'il passa chez les Hurons, Sagard dit que ceux-ci “prirent quantité de leurs ennemis.” Au printemps de 1624, un jeune homme, évidemment bien noté dans la tribu, donna un festin pour organiser un parti de guerre contre les Iroquois, puis la bande des enrôlés volontaires se mit en route pour son expédition. Elle fit “une soixantaine de prisonniers, la plupart desquels furent tués sur les lieux et les autres amenés pour faire mourir aux Hurons, par le feu, puis mangés en leur assemblée, sinon quelques membres qui furent dis- tribués à des particuliers pour leurs malades... Tous les ans, au re- nouveau et pendant tout le temps que les feuilles couvrent les arbres, cinq ou six cents jeunes hommes, ou plus, s’en vont s’épandre dans le pays des Hiroquois, se départent cinq ou six en un endroit, cinq ou six en un autre, et se couche le ventre contre terre par les champs et les forêts, et à côté des grands chemins et lieux passants et, la nuit venue, ils rodent partout, jusque dans les villes, bourgs et villages pour attraper quelqu'un de leurs ennemis, lesquels ils amènent en leur pays pour les faire passer par les tourments ordinaires, sinon, après les avoir tués à coups de flèche ou de masse, ils en apportent les têtes, ou la peau des têtes écorchées, avec la chevelure, qu’ils appellent onontaita, lesquelles les femmes passent, pour les conserver et en faire des trophées et ban- deroles en temps de guerre, ou les attachent au haut de leurs murailles ou palissades, au bout d’une longue perche.” Les Hurons faisaient aussi la guerre aux Neutres et y étaient encouragés par “ le secours que quel- [suLrs] ETIENNE BRULE 119 ’ ques Français mal avisés leur avaient fait espérer de Kebec.” Ils comp- taient de plus agir conjointement avec “la nation du Feu, ennemie jurée des Neutres.” Parlant des tortures que les Iroquois infligent à leurs prisonniers, 2 Sagard dit qu’ils commencent par leur arracher la barbe “ comme ils firent à Brulé (en 1616) le truchement, qu’ils pensaient faire mourir, et lequel fut miraculeusement délivré par la vertu de l Agnus Dei qu'il portait pendu à son col car, comme ils lui pensaient arracher, le ton- nerre commença à donner avec tant de furie, d’éclairs et de bruits qu'ils en crurent être à leur dernière journée et, tous épouvantés, le laissèrent aller, craignant eux-mêmes de périr pour avoir voulu faire mourir un chrétien et lui ôter son reliquaire.” Comparez ce récit avec le rapport de Champlain, ci-dessus. Sagard rapporte un autre trait: “ Ce pauvre Brulé... n’était guère dévot, témoin ce qu’il nous dit un jour que, s’étant trouvé en un autre grand péril de la mort, pour toute prière il dit son Benedtcite.” WET: Brulé partit avec des Hurons de Toenchain, au printemps de 1624 pour se rendre à Québec. Le Père Le Caron était du voyage. Le Frère Sagard, qui descendait avec un autre groupe, arriva en même teaps que lui au lac Saint-Pierre. Il y avait parmi eux un Français du nem de Lamontagne qui faillit se noyer dans les rapides des Chênes, entre Bri- tannia et Aylmer, un peu au dessus de la ville d'Ottawa. Bientôt après cet accident, ils rencontrèrent une chute que Sagard (il dit avoir lu Champlain) nomme la Chaudiére et dont il parle avec enthousiasme. En langue algonquine, dit-il, la chute s’appelle Asticaw et en huron Anoo, “qui veut dire chaudière en l’une et l’autre langue.” Un peu pins loin, il décrit la cataracte du Rideau, sans lui donner de nom, et il ajoute que les Iroquois font en ce lieu des embuscades pour surprendre les Hurons. Le nommé Mathieu et le sieur Duvernay descendirent aussi cette année, apportant la nouvelle que l’ancien domestique (Criette?) de Champlain était mort, après avoir été maltraité par les Sauvages qui s'étaient ainsi vengé de sa conduite envers eux. Les lignes suivantes, écrites par Champlain montrent quelle opinion il avait du caractère de Brulé: “ Le 16 juillet 1624, le Frère Gabriel Sagard arriva avec sept canots, qui nous réjouit grandement, nous con- tant tout ce qui s’était passé en son hivernement et la mauvaise vie que la plupart des Français avaient mené en ce pays des Hurons et, entre autres, le truchement Brulé à qui l’on donnait cent pistoles par an pour inciter les Sauvages à venir à la traite, ce qui était de très mauvais 120 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA exemple d’envoyer ainsi des personnes si malvivants, que lon eut dû châtier sévèrement, car l’on reconnaissait cet homme pour être fort vicieux et adonné aux femmes, mais que ne fait faire l’espérance du gain qui passe par dessus toutes considérations.” En 1624, il y avait à Québec un nommé Destouches, parisien; Mathieu qui avait hiverné avec Sagard chez les Hurons ; Jean Manet, interprète employé dans la tribu huronne de Tahontaenrat ou du Héron, mission de Saint-Michel plus tard; Pierre Magnan, natif de Touque, prés Lisieux, Normandie, arrivé en 1617, et qui alla, en 1627, chez les Iroquois ot il fut mangé par eux. Sur des invitations répandues partout dès l’année précédente, il y . eut aux Trois-Rivières, l’été de 1624, une assemblée solennelle des délé- gués iroquois et de toutes les nations qui avaient des rapports avec les Français. On y enterra la hache de guerre selon les formes usitées en pareilles occasions, mais ce fut pour l’apparence seulement, car les hosti- lités reprirent leurs cours peu après. Du Saguenay, du Saint-Maurice, de l’Ottawa. de l'Etat actuel de New-York, du Haut-Canada et de la baie Georgienne, les envoyés des nations jurèrent de ne plus se quereller et de ne voyager désormais que pour la traite et entretenir des relations amicales ou de bon voisinage. Depuis longtemps, les Iroquois tenaient en campagne des bandes de dix à vingt hommes armés pour surprendre les chasseurs algonquins. Ce n’était pas la guerre comme nous Penten- dons, mais une succession d’assassinats exécutés par surprise et où la lacheté jouait le réle principal. Avec cela, toujours prêts à proposer ou à accepter une entente pacifique, afin d’endormir leurs adversaires et de recommencer les massacres au premier moment favorable. Les Hurons, désireux de voir les chemins ouverts pour faciliter la traite avaient travaillé à cet accommodement et y avaient réussi, du moins pour le moment. Champlain dit, en 1624, que lon donnait à Brulé cent pistoles ($200) par an pour inciter les Sauvages à venir à la traite annuelle sur le Saint-Laurent. Depuis quand recevait-il ce salaire? Probablement depuis 1621 où l’on commença à tenir quelques hommes “ dans les pays den haut” pour les fins du commerce. En conséquence, Brulé devait voyager d’une tribu à l’autre pour remplir sa double mission d’agent de la compagnie de Caen et de découvreur d’après les instructions de Cham- plain. Son voyage au lac Supérieur, en 1622, avait dû le mettre en con- tact avec les Amikoués, les gens de la Loutre, les Mississagués, les Sau- teux qui pouvaient fournir d’abondantes pelleteries. Avec les Sauvages qui s’en retournaient à l’ouest (1624) Brulé reprit le chemin des Hurons. L’année suivante il explorait le pays des [SULTE} ETIENNE BRULE 121 Neutres dont il rapporta une description élogieuse, mais juste, qui dé- cida le Père de la Roche-Daillon, récollet, à visiter ces peuplades. Ce missionnaire était chez les Hurons en 1626. Il partit le 18 octobre de cette année, avec Grenolle et Lavallée, passa par la nation des Pétuneux et entra dans le pays des Neutres où il séjourna trois mois, allant de bourgade en bourgade, aux environs de la ville de Saint-Thomas aujour- @hui. Le grand chef Souharissen le traita avec égard. Comme le Père manifestait le désir de connaître la rivière Niagara (il ne fait aucune allusion à la chute) et d’attirer les Iroquois à trafiquer avec les Français, on fit la sourde oreille. Des chasseurs consentirent à lui faire voir le village d’Ouaroronons, situé à une journée de marche des Iroquois, mais le bruit s’étant répandu chez les Hurons que le Père invitait les Neutres a commercer avec les Francais, les Hurons envoyérent dire aux Neutres de se défier de lui, car, autrement, il leur infligeraient mille calamités. Toujours le monopole du trafic! Le Pére fut battu et maltraité au point qu'on le crut mort et le Père de Brébeuf renvoya Grenolle pour le ra- mener. Leur départ eut lieu le 8 mars 1627. (C’est la dernière fois que le nom de Grenolle est mentionné. Sagard dit que la contrée des Neutres commençait à quatre ou cinq journées sud du village huron de Quieunontateronons (ailleurs Quieuin- dohian) appelé aussi Téqueunonkiayé, La Rochelle et Saint-Gabriel—- lieu de sa résidence l’hiver de 1623-24. C’était un pays de quatre-vingts lieues. On y cultivait de très bon tabac qui se vendait aux nations en- vironnantes. “ Les Neutres assistent les Cheveux-Relevé contre la na- tion du Feu (les Mascoutins) desquels ils sont ennemis mortels, mais ils se tiennent en termes apparents d’amitié avec les Hurons et les Iroquois.” EXC Une guerre sérieuse faillit éclater sur le Saint-Laurent en 1627 par suite du meurtre de plusieurs Mohicans et de cing Hollandais qui trafi- quaient avec eux, et qui étaient amis des Algonquins des Trois-Rivières. Ceux-ci entreprirent de venger les victimes en allant attaquer les Iro- quois et aussitôt le pays se trouva en feu, mais Champlain et ses hommes réussirent à pacifier, du moins momentanément, les partis aux prises. Du côté de la France, les nouvelles -étaient lamentables. Il ne venait aucun secours. On parlait de la guerre comme chose toute pro- chaine entre les couronnes anglaise et française, le siège de La Rochelle ayant soulevé la question protestante. Des navires, commandés par les frères Louis, Thomas et David Kertk parurent devant Québec en 1628, mais la contenance ferme de Champlain leur en imposa; ils n’ôsèrent attaquer, croyant la place en état de se défendre. L’hiver qui suivit se 122 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA passa dans les horreurs de la famine, la crainte des Sauvages et la pres- que certitude qu’il n’arriverait plus de vaisseaux français parce que la flotte anglaise bloquait les entrées du fleuve. Les Pères Jean de Brébeuf et Anne de Noue, jésuites, revinrent du Haut-Canada, avec ce qui restait de Français en ce pays. En même temps, Champlain voyait reparaître le pavillon des Kertk qui Vobli- gèrent à capituler le 19 juillet 1629. Une moitié, à peu près, des gens de Québec furent embarqués pour l’Angleterre. Cependant personne ne pouvait dire que les hostilités étaient ouvertes entre les puissances “ Louis Quer, nous dit Champlain, ayant reçu les clefs de l’habita- tion, les donne à un Français appelé le Baillif, natif d'Amiens, qu’il avait pris pour commis, s'étant volontairement donné aux Anglais pour les servir et aider à nous ruiner, comme perfide à son roi et à sa patrie, avec trois autres que j'avais autrefois mené en nos voyages, il y avait plus de quinze à seize ans, entre autre l’un appelé Etienne Brulé, de Champigny, truchement des Hurons, le second Nicolas Marsolet, de Rouen, truchement des Montagnais, le troisième, de Paris, appelé Pierre Raye, charon de son métier, l’un des plus perfides traîtres et méchants qui fut en la bande.” A Tadoussac, le 1er août, Champlain note sa rencontre avec Brulé “qui s'était mis au service de l’Anglais, et Marsolet, auxquels je fis une remontrance touchant leur infidélité, tant envers le roi qu’à leur patrie; ils me dirent qu’ils avaient été pris par force, c’est ce qui n’est pas croyable car, en ces choses, prendre un homme par force ce serait plutôt espérer (moins) de service qu’une fidélité. Leur disant: Vous dites qu'ils vous ont donné à chacun cent pistoles et quelques pratiques, ct leur ayant ainsi promis toute fidélité, vous demeurez sans religion... si vous saviez que ce que vous faites est désagréable à Dieu et au monde, vous auriez horreur de vous-mêmes, encore vous qui avez été élevés petits garçons en ces lieux, vendant maintenant ceux qui vous ont mis le pain à la main...” Nous mavons pas entrepris cette étude pour faire, toujours et par- tout, l’éloge de Brulé, mais il nous semble que lindignation de Cham- plain dépasse la mesure. I] est absurde d'attribuer à Marsolet, Raye, le Baillif et Brulé la ruine du poste de Québec puisque la faute en est toute entière au compte de la France, à commencer par le roi. L’état désespérant des affaires de Québec, depuis la fondation, justifie les. “renégats, perfides, traîtres et méchants ” d’avoir cherché à se pourvoir ailleurs, du moment où Champlain et son monde s’en allaient prisonniers sur les vaisseaux anglais. Quelle fidélité à Louis XIII, à la patrie fran- çaise pouvait-on exiger de ces quatre hommes? Ils avaient été engagés $$ ————SS———=E [sure] ETIENNE BRULÉ 128 par une compagnie qui les abandonnait au fond de l'Amérique, après les avoir maîgrement payés, et toujours mal traités depuis longtemps. C’étaient à peine des serviteurs, mais plutôt des ouvriers volontaires. Champlain leur parle comme à des soldats qui changent de drapeau. A tous les titres de la justice et du droit ils étaient libres de gagner leur vie sous un autre maître, puisque le leur ne pouvait ni continuer son négoce ni les secourir en rien. Ils se donnaient beaucoup moins à l'étranger que les princes, car ceux-ci vendaient leur épée pour com- battre contre la France. Il ne s’agissait, en ce qui regarde Brulé et les autres, que de pouvoir gagner du pain dans une occupation qui leur convenait, sans se plier aux formes d’un patriotisme qui n’était pas de leur temps, ni des lieux où ils se trouvaient. Introduisons dans ce récit un nouveau personnage. Amantacha, fils de Sarantes, du bourg de Teanaustayae ou Teanosteae, chez les Hurons Attingueenonguahak, tribu de la Corde (plus tard mission de Saint- Joseph II), amené en France par Emery de Caen, avait été baptisé en grande pompe, à Rouen, l’année 1626, sous le nom de Louis de Sainte- Foi. En 1628, le navire qui le ramenait au Canada fut pris par les Anglais, mais en 1629 Louis Kerth le conduisit à Québec, où Champlain le recut, puis Etienne Brulé se chargea de le rendre à ses parents. “ Les Anglais, nous dit Champlain, le renvoyèrent en son pays, avec son père qui le vint voir, et ceux de sa nation, qui en furent fort réjouis, auxquels il fit de grands discours de ce qu’il avait vu tant en France qu’en An- gleterre ; Brulé, truchement, fut avec lui aux Hurons.” ix. La résidence habituelle de Brulé chez les Hurons paraît avoir été le village de Toanche, dans la baie de Matchedash, chef-lieu de la tribu de lOurs “ qui fait la moitié des Hurons,” d’après le Père de Brébeuf. : C’est là qu’il périt, en 1632, assommé d’abord puis mangé selon les rites sauvages. Son cas n'est pas le seul, mais Brulé n’était pas le premier venu parmi les Hurons et sa mort a fait du bruit. Il est probable que Paffaire eut lieu à la suite d’une querelle, et aussi parce que cet homme avait amassé sur sa tête des colères qui agirent en un moment critique. Le Frère Sagard était alors en France, mais recevait des lettres du Ca- nada. Il écrivait (1636) que Brulé fut “ condamné à mort, puis mangé par les Hurons auxquels il avait si longtemps servi de truchement, et le tout pour une haîne qu’ils conçurent contre lui pour je ne sais quelle faute qu’il commit à leur endroit. Il y avait beaucoup d’années qu'il demeurait avec eux, vivant quasi comme eux, et servant de truchement aux Français et, après tout cela, n’a remporté pour toute récompens? 124 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA qu’une mort douloureuse et une fin funeste et malheureuse. Je prie Dieu qu’il lui fasse miséricorde, s’il lui plaît, et aie pitié de son âme.” Cinquante canots hurons se montrèrent à la traite, sur le Saint- Laurent, l’été de 1632, peut-être avant la mort de Brulé; en tous cas, il ne fut pas question de lui quoique les sieurs de Caen eussent déjà repris possession de Québec. Durant le séjour des Anglais, les Hurons n’avaient pas voulu s’approcher d’eux. La nouvelle certaine que Champlain reviendrait en 1633 détermina les Hurons à faire une grande expédition cette année-là. Cent cinquante canots chargés de pelleteries et dirigés par sept cents hommes descen- dirent jusqu’à Montréal où ils rencontrèrent les Algonquins de l’île des Allumettes qui leur dirent de se bien garder à Pégard de Champlain qui voulait tirer vengeance de la mort de Brulé. Ils s’arréterent au saut Saint-Louis et Amantacha fut envoyé pour s’assurer des dispositions des Français. Vers le 4 juillet, ce délégué apporta donc à Québec l’annonce “ officielle ” de la tragédie de Toanché. Un autre Français avait été tué à la Petite-Nation, chez les Algonquins de l’Ottawa, et Von damandait réparation de ce meurtre, ce que Amantacha ne prétendait pas contester, mais pour ce qui était de la conduite des Hurons, il ne voyait pas en quoi les Français devaient intervenir puisque Brulé “avait quitté ra nation pour se mettre au service de l'Anglais’ Cette excuse ne veut pas dire que Brulé fut tué parce qu’il était aux gages des Kertk, mais c’est toujours une excuse. La prudence demandait que lon passat à la légère sur la mort d? l'interprète. Amantacha fut chargé de dissiper les alarmes de ses com- patriotes. Il retourna vers eux et les trouva en pourparlers avec les Al- gonquins pour vendre leurs pelleteries à ces derniers. Le 27 juillet, la flottille arrivait à Sainte-Croix, un peu au dessus de Québec. Le capitaine Aénons, qui parait avoir été le principal chef d’Ossos- sané, passait pour être l'assassin de Brulé, mais il s’en défendait avec chaleur. Durant la traite de Sainte-Croix, il se montra grand ami des missionnaires et, l’automne de 1634, lorsque ceux-ci eurent adopté Thonatiria pour résidence, il ne cessait de les prier d'établir une mission permanente dans les cinq villages qu’il commandait. Retournant de la traite des Trois-Rivières, en 1636, il eut un soin particulier du Ferg Chatelain qui se trouvait dans son canot. Ordinairement, les Sauvages n’aidaient guère les religieux sur la route, L’été de 1637, il descendit avec le Père Pierre Pijart; ce fut son dernier voyage. Voici quatre ex: traits du registre de la paroisse des Trois-Rivières :— “Te 3e jour d'août 1637 fut enterré un Huron nommé Kebec, le | quel avait été baptisé par le Pere Antoine Daniel de la Compagnie de | | [SULTE] ETIENNE BRULE 128 Jésus.” Ce missionnaire était dans le Haut-Canada depuis Pété de 1634, mais en ce moment il venait d’arriver aux Trois-Rivières. “ Le 6 août 1637 un Huron d’environ 45 ans nommé Aenons, fut baptisé par le Père Pierre Pijart, jésuite, et nommé Thierry par Thierry Desdames.” Le même jour, sépulture “ d’un capitaine huron nommé Aenons, baptisé par le Père Claude Pijart, et au baptême appelé Thierry.” La première édition date de 1832. I] était curé de la Pointe-aux-Trembles, près de Québec, et nous avions par conséquent l’avantage de l’avoir pour voisin à Sainte-Jeanne de Neuville. 144 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA monuments qu’ils visitaient, sur les endroits célèbres qu’ils parcou- raient ! On voit par la correspondance de M. Holmes qu'ils Paccompagnèrent partout, en Angleterre, en Ecosse, en Irlande, en France, dans les Pays- Bas, en Allemagne, en Suisse, en Italie. Leurs parents les lui avaient confiés: il ne les perdit pas de vue, et eut pour eux, durant tout le voyage, la plus touchante et la plus paternelle attention. Il mécrit pas une fois au Canada sans donner de leurs nouvelles: “Nos jeunes gens profitent de toute manière, dit-il.... Les en- fants se portent bien.... Les enfants se portent à merveille. Saluez leurs bons parents de ma part... .” I1 les chérit tous les trois; mais Taschereau, le mieux doué de tous, sémillant, alerte et sérieux à la fois, le plus jeune,—il n’a que seize ans— est évidemment l’objet de ses complaisances spéciales : '“Taschereau grandit, grossit, noircit à vue d’œil.... C’est un enfant bien précieux. Ah! qu’il a grandi depuis quelque temps sous tous les rapports....! Du reste, les trois jeunes gens ne lui donnérent que du contente- ment durant tout le voyage, à commencer par la traversée de locéan. Le paquebot sur lequel ils étaient montés renfermait, entre autres pas- sagers, un certain nombre de libres penseurs qui, malheureusement, tenaient souvent des propos injurieux contre la religion et les mœurs: “ Fortier et Taschereau, écrit M. Holmes, leur ont livré une bataille rangée, l’autre jour, et assez heureusement. Je m’efforce de saisir toutes les occasions propres à les affermir dans les bons sentiments qu’ils ont puisés tant au séminaire qu’au sein de leurs familles. Priez pour leur persévérance.” Le frère aîné du jeune Taschereau, Jean-Thomas, celui-là même qui devint plus tard juge à Québec, ne tarda pas d’aller le rejoindre à Paris. M. Holmes écrit à M. Demers le 15 septembre: “ M. Thomas Taschereau est venu se joindre à notre petite communauté. Il est comme nous logé aux Missions-Etrangères. Tous se portent à mer- veille et parlent souvent de leurs anciens directeurs et professeurs.” Au printemps de 1837, nos jeunes gens n’avaient pas encore quitté M. Holmes; mais il fallut alors se séparer pour la première fois. M. Holmes écrit à M. Demers: “M. Thomas Taschereau part pour tome. Mes jeunes compagnons me tourmentent pour que je les laisse aller aussi.... Ils s’impatientent de m’attendre, et ils n’ont pas tort. Il faut qu'ils partent pour Rome...” Ils partirent en effet pour Rome le 22 février. M. Holmes alla les y rejoindre quelques mois plus tard; et écrivant alors à M. Demers: “Nos jeunes gens se portent bien, lui dit-il, et vous présentent leurs [GOSSELIN] L’ INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 145 meilleurs souvenirs de respect et d’attachement. Tous ont été tonsurés, et très gracieusement accueillis du Souverain Pontife. Dites, s’il vous plaît, à M. Philippe Panet* que les parents de Taschereau ne se trou- blent pas du projet qu’il a conçu d'entrer dans un ordre régulier. Je le raménerai. Il fera ensuite ce que le Ciel lui inspirera. . . .? Le jeune Taschereau suivit en effet les conseils de celui qui lui avait servi de mentor durant son voyage: il remit à plus tard à se dé- cider définitivement sur le projet qu'il avait conçu de se faire Béné- dictin; il revint au Canada, renonça à son projet, devint l’un des directeurs les plus distingués du séminaire de Québec, puis archevêque, puis enfin le‘premier cardinal canadien. Mais revenons à New-York, pour le départ de M. Holmes et de ses compagnons. *# ST Es M. Holmes s’embarqua à New-York le 8 juin, et arriva à Liverpool le 25, à six heures du soir. Nous avons de lui une longue lettre au supérieur du séminaire, qu'il commença à écrire dans la matinée du 24 juin, sur “l'océan Atlantique, vis-à-vis Cape Clear,” et à laquelle il ajouta quelque chose de jour en jour jusqu'à son départ de Birming- ham, le 30 juin, en route pour Londres. Citons-en quelques extraits: ils nous donneront une idée de sa manière d'écrire, au fil de la plume; et les impressions d’un homme de la valeur de M. Holmes n’ont jamais rien de banal: “ Et déjà les côtes d’Iriande, dit-1l, commencent à sortir des flots ; et cette nuit une longue suite de forts majestueux vont guider notre course: et demain au soir nous serons à Liverpool. Benedictus Dominus Deus Israel! Que la divine Providence nous a été aimable, paternelle, sen- sible, durant la traversée! Priez Dieu pour nous, et demandez pour nous la continuation du méme bonheur. “Ce fut le 8 juin, à 10 heures du matin, que nous laissâmes en bateau a vapeur le port de New-York. Cinq ou six paquebots partirent en même temps, dont trois pour Liverpool. Le nôtre, le Sheffield, était au loin dans la rivière Hudson; nous y arrivames vers une heure p.m., et nous voilà aussitôt assis à une table garnie de viandes, de vins et de boissons de toute espèce. Le champagne coulait à grands flots, chacun buvait avec les amis qui étaient venus les conduire à bord. Puis on s'est dit adieu, et le bateau à vapeur nous ayant remorqué au delà de 1 Le juge Panet, oncle du jeune Taschereau, et frère de Mgr Bernard-Claude Panet, douzième évêque de Québec. Sec. I., 1907. 10. 148 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA Sandy Hook, nous abandonna au gré des vents. Nous entrâmes sur PAtlantique en même temps que le Columbus et le George Washington, qui faisaient voile pour le même port, et bientôt nous perdimes de vue cette terre d'Amérique, notre berceau, et, nous l’espérons, notre tombeau futur, séjour qu’habitent tout ce que nous aimons et tout ce qui pense à nous.... “ Nous eûmes pendant huit jours le temps le plus charmant qu’on puisse imaginer: vent favorable et paisible, ciel serein, bon courage, et surtout bon appétit. Alors survint un de ces spectacles qu’il faut avoir vus pour en avoir une juste idée: l’océan en fureur, les vagues s’élevant jusqu’au ciel et formant des abimes devant nous, les sombres nuages, la pluie à verse, la tempête, enfin. Plus d’un passager fut malade. Une fois, vers l’entrée de la nuit, la frayeur nous saisit tout de bon pour quelques instants. Pendant que les flots venaient se briser avec force sur les flancs du vaisseau, ou qu’ils inondaient le pont et tout ce qui le couvrait, nous entendîmes un craquement horrible, comme d’un arbre qui se fend en éclats au milieu d’un ouragan, suivi des cris prolongés des matelots. Nos mats sont-ils emportés? La mer a-t-elle enlevé une partie de ’équipage?.... Non; ce n’était que le déchirement des cor- dages d’un des haubans et le contre-coup d’une voile qui se retournait au vent. Le capitaine monte sur le pont, crie, jure, tempête; l’ordre se rétablit, et les passagers se tranquillisent ou se retirent dans leur chambre pour prier. Le vent s’apaisa, mais ce fut à ce moment que l’océan parut le plus admirable. T’agitation des vagues était d’abord plus grande que jamais. Le vaisseau se mit à rouler sur tous les sens; tout était “par les places ;” vaisselle, chaises, valises se précipitaient d’un côté du vais- seau à l’autre. C’était une affaire que de pouvoir se tenir même à plat ventre. “ Votre vaisseau est changé en berceau,” disait au capitaine un original de la Caroline. “Au moment du calme dont je viens de parler, nous étions très près du Columbus, qui nous tint compagnie pendant dix jours entiers. Tl n’y avait rien de plus beau que de voir ces deux gros paquebots pa- raître et disparaître, l’un au sommet d’une vague, l’autre au fond: un instant, de voir jusqu’à la quille de son rival, et instant d’après, ne lui voir que le haut du grand mât, ou le perdre de vue tout à fait. Après trois jours de temps paisible, nous fûmes assaillis d’une forte brise voisine de la tempête (a gale), qui nous poussa jusque dans le canal Saint-Georges. Nous n’allions que trop vite presque sans voile. Je vois arriver la fin de cette navigation avec un véritable regret: La mer m'est extrêmement favorable. Reste à savoir si les climats européens me seront aussi salutaires, surtout avec le travail accablant qui m’attend à Londres et ailleurs. ... {GossELIN] L'INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 147 “9 heures du soir.—Maintenant les phares brillent à nos yeux tout le long de la côte d’Irlande. Chacun a sa position, sa forme, sa couleur. Le plus beau est le Tuscan Light, à Ventrée du détroit qui mérite parti- culièrement le nom de canal Saint-George. Ce sont trois lumières tour- nantes, blanche, jaune, rouge, qui se montrent et s’éteignent de minute en minute. “95 juin, à 10 heures du matin.—L’Irlande s’est éloignée, et les montagnes du pays de Galles l’ont remplacée. Elles ont l’aspect, tantôt de la rive nord du fleuve Saint-Laurent vers la Rivière-du-Loup et Ca- couna, tantôt de la côte Beaupré, excepté qu’il n’y a point de bois, et que les champs, très soigneusement cultivés, sont séparés par des haies et des fossés. Les montagnes sont couvertes de bruyères et nourrissent le petit bétail noir des gallois. “Nous approchons de Holyhead, où nous prendrons un pilote. Notre signal est au sommet du grand mât. Dans dix minutes, on saura à Liverpool que nous arrivons. On a dû être fort inquiet sur notre compte, nous croyant partis depuis trente et un jours. Ce qui excite notre cu- riosité, à nous, c’est de savoir si le George Washington et le Columbus nous ont devancés.... Nous nous dépêchons de notre mieux. “ Si j'apprends à Liverpool que les vacances des universités de Du- blin, de Glasgow et d’Edimbourg ne sont pas encore ouvertes, je tacherai d’y aller immédiatement, dans l’intérêt des écoles normales. Dans le cas contraire, je me haterai d'arriver à Londres, et d’y arranger toutes mes affaires d’argent.... La présence du très saint Sacrement nous 2 merveilleusement soutenus et encouragés durant la traversée. Les dames! et le lieutenant Gordon font leur visite chaque jour. Ma petite chambre sert de chapelle.... 6 heures p.m.—Nous arrivons.... Le port et les quais de Liverpool se déploient à nos yeux. Tout est couvert de fumée et noirci de charbon.... Quel contraste avec le port de New- York! Des guenilleux qui n’ont presque pas la forme humaine.... De vilains ânes qui n’ont pas trois pieds de haut.... Des fourneaux de briques.... Des quais en méchante pierre a sablon.... “ Les terres de la campagne sont belles. Plus d’arbres, ici, que ceux qui ont été plantés. Les coteaux qui bordent la mer sont couverts de bruyères. Plus de clôtures en bois; des haies avec des fossés en tiennent la place. La végétation est moins avancée qu'à New-York. L'agriculture se montre ici dans toute sa perfection. Les arbres sont des espèces les plus intéressantes : chênes, hétres, ormes, plaines, noyers, pins (sales ou gris, pourtant), sapins, et le reste. Point de vergers, dans —— ? Une demoiselle Perreault, et quelques autres dont les noms ne sont pas donnés. 148 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA cette partie du pays. Le Worcestershire et le Somersetshire sont les pays aux pommes. “26 juin, dimanche.—Nous sommes logés en ville. Tous nos effets sont à bord, en attendant la visite des douanicrs.... Visite aux prêtres, qui sont fort aimables. Il y en a treize, dont six réguliers, et sept sécu- liers. Soixante mille catholiques dans Liverpool, qui compte cent soixante cinq mille âmes. Messe bien chantée, offices dévots. “27 juin.—Examen des écoles. On suit généralement dans celles yu sont élémentaires, le système de Bell. Départ pour Manchester par ie chemin à lisses. (trente-deux milles en quatre-vingt-dix minutes), une partie en tonnelle sous Liverpool même.... “28 juin.—Visite aux prêtres, et à une école de frères de la Doc- trine Chrétienne irlandaise. C’est admirable. 220 enfants, enseignés par deux frères. Système de Lancaster modifié.... Si monseigneur (de Québec) veut y pourvoir, il aura une colonie de Frères au Canada. J’achèterai un exemplaire de leurs livres.... Autres visites d’écoles, d’imprimeries, etc. Demain, nous irons à Birmingham... 29 juin.—Messe à 54 heures du matin.’ Départ à midi pour Bir- mingham. Qelle suite de manufactures dans ce Manchester que nous laissons! Nous en avons visité quelques-unes: ce sont surtout des fila- tures de coton. Et sortant de là, quelle suite de campagnes riches, fertiles, admirablement cultivées! Jamais je n’ai rien vu de si beau. “ Déjà nous avons passé Newcastle et ses mines de charbon, Wol- verhampton, Bilston, etc., tout couverts de fourneaux et de mines de char- bon. D’aussi loin que l'on peut atteindre dans toutes les directions, et bien au dela, ce sont des feux allumés, des machines 4 vapeur, qui font montter et descendre les boîtes chargées et vides tour à tour. Le tout, à l’entrée de la nuit, présente l’aspect d’une ville immense incen- diée, ou plutôt réduite en cendres, car on ne voit que des cheminées de brique d’une hauteur prodigieuse vomissant feu et flammes. “30 juin.—Nous voici à Birmingham.... Je pense rester ici une journée, et ensuite gagner l’université d'Oxford, d’où je me rendrai à Londres. “2 heures p.m.—Je viens de visiter le plus magnifique établisse- ment de son espèce qu’il y ait au monde: argenterie plaquée, métal britannique, ustensiles de table, boutons, ete., ete., etc. Nous avons. parcouru toutes les boutiques particulières, et l’on nous a donné les explications les plus complètes sur chaque espèce d’ouvrage. J’en écrirai probablement l’histoire. Je prendrai probablement sur moi d’acheter des collections de médailles en étain et en bronze, dont les unes trouve- * Fête de la Saint-Pierre, alors d’obligation. [GOSSELIN] L’INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 149 raient place dans notre cabinet,’ les autres feraient des prix extréme- ment intéressants.... “ Adieu. Je pars pour Oxford.” * * * Nous n’avons, malheureusement, rien trouvé, dans la correspon- dance de M. Holmes, sur sa visite à l’université d’Oxford, rien que la mention de la vieille abbaye, qu’il avait trouvée “ magnifique.” En arrivant à Londres, où il prit logement, 5. rue King William, il n’eut rien de plus pressé que de demander une audience à lord Glenelg, secrétaire d’Etat pour les colonies, et l’ayant obtenue, il lui remit la lettrerde recommandation qu’il avait reçue du gouverneur du Canada; puis au bout de quelques jours il lui écrivit pour lui rappeler l’objet principal de sa mission en Europe: “Notre législature provinciale, dans sa dernière session, disait-il, a pourvu à l’établissement de deux écoles normales, une à Québec, l’autre à Montréal, et l’on m'a confié l’organisation de ces écoles. On désire que je leur procure des professeurs, des livres, des appareils scienti- fiques, et que je m’enquière avec soin des meilleures méthodes pratiques de conduire ces institutions. “ Afin de faciliter ma tâche, je demande humblement à Votre Sei- gneurie de vouloir bien m’obtenir du principal secrétaire d'Etat de S. M. pour les Affaires Etrangères une lettre de recommandation pour le continent. “Comme la tâche qui m'est confiée par les comités de nos écoles normales m’oblige à visiter immédiatement Paris, Edimbourg, Dublin, et peut-être quelques-unes des écoles d'Allemagne, je désirerais obtenir le plus tôt possible cette lettre de recommandation.” ? Le ministre des Affaires Etrangères, lord Palmerston, s’empressa de donner satisfaction sur ce point à M. Holmes, comme on le voit par une lettre subséquente de celui-ci à lord Glenelg: “Les recommandations, dit-il, que Votre Seigneurie a bien voulu me procurer pour l’ambassade anglaise de Paris, de la part du prin- cipal secrétaire d'Etat de S. M. pour les Affaires Etrangères, m’ont été extrêmement utiles.... “ L’ambassadeur de S. M. me donna une lettre d'introduction au ministre de linstruction publique,” et celui-ci m ’accorda immédiate- are musée numismatique de l’université Laval compte aujourd’hui plus de sept mille monnaies et médailles, renfermées dans vingt-quatre vitrines. (An- nuaire pour 1907-8, p. 139). ? Lettre de M. Holmes à lord Glenelg, Londres, 5. King William, 16 juillet 1836. 5 Le ministre de l’instruction publique en France était alors M. Guizot. 180 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA ment l’honneur d’une audience personnelle. I] donna des ordres pour que l’on me procurât toute facilité de visiter les écoles normales pri- maires de France, et d'étudier les détails de leur organisation, aussi bien que leur régie extérieure. I] me donna aussi des lettres pour les directeurs de deux de ces écoles, celle de Melun et celle de Versailles. En méme temps, avis public fut donné dans la Gazette officielle de Paris, que j’étais envoyé par les autorités coloniales du Bas-Canada pour re- cueillir des informations sur les meilleurs systèmes d’instruction pri- maire, et pour engager, si possible, des professeurs en qui on pourrait reposer toute confiance pour leur habileté, pour la solidité de leurs prin- cipes moraux et religieux, et pour leur loyauté. “A la faveur de ces avis et de ces lettres, j’ai fait connaissance avec plusieurs chefs d'institutions qui me paraissent bien qualifiés et disposés à accepter les avantages que nos faibles ressources nous per- mettent de leur offrir. Mais avant de conclure, j’ai pensé qu’il était expédient de visiter l’Ecosse, pays où l'instruction primaire anglaise passe généralement pour être la plus avancée et la mieux conduite, afin que, dans le cas où je ferais quelque arrangement avec un ou deux ins- tituteurs, notre population anglaise ne soit pas et ne paraisse pas avoir été négligée. “A mon retour d’Edimbourg et de Glasgow, je prendrai la liberté d'informer Votre Seigneurie du résultat de mon voyage, que je regarde comme lié d’une manière très importante aux intérêts présents et futurs de notre colonie.” * C’est dans ce voyage en Ecosse, qu’il fit en novembre, et sur lequel, malheureusement, nous n’avons aucun détail, qu’il engagea pour l’école normale de Montréal M. Findlater, un écossais, muni d’excellentes re- commandations. I] engagea en France un autre professeur, M. Re- gnaud, qui était principal d’une école normale à Montbrison : ? “Ces messieurs, écrit M. Chauveau, établirent une école normale de garçons à Montréal, tandis que les filles étaient confiées aux reli- gieuses Ursulines de Québec et des Trois-Rivières. L’insurrection (de 1837) ayant éclaté peu après, ces écoles durent être abandonnées. M. Findlater retourna en Ecosse; mais M. Regnaud resta au pays et devint plus tard un des professeurs de l’école normale Jacques-Cartier, charge qu’il occupa depuis la date de la fondation de cette institution en 1857, jusqu’à sa mort arrivée en 1872.” ° * Lettre de M. Holmes à lord Glenelg, Londres, 6 Leicester P'ace, Leicester Square, 2 novembre 1836. *Chef-lieu d’arrondissement, dans le département de la Loire. ° L’Instruction publique au Canada, p. 71. [GOSSELIN ] L'INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 151 Chargé par les différents ;colléges de la province de leur acheter des livres et des instruments pour leurs bibliothéques et leurs cabinets scientifiques, M. Holmes avait à cœur de leur obtenir les meilleures conditions possibles. Sur ce sujet, il écrivait à lord Glenelg dans sa lettre du 16 juillet que nous venons de citer: “ Les collèges de Québec, de Nicolet, de Saint-Hyacinthe et de Sainte-Anne m'ont chargé de leur acheter, durant mon voyage, un choix de livres, des appareils de physique et de chimie, des spécimens de géologie et de minéralogie, toutes choses dont ils ont grand besoin, et pour lesquelles notre législature provinciale, ces institutions elles- mêmes et les amis de l’éducation au Canada ont épuisé leurs ressources pécuniaires sous forme de prêts ou de dons généreux. Comme les droits de douane, surtout sur les articles qu’il pourrait être nécessaire d’ache- ter en dehors du royaume, ainsi que les fortes primes à payer sur les lettres de change de Québec à Londres, réduiraient beaucoup la somme déjà si modique à ma disposition, une pétition a été présentée à Son Excellence le gouverneur général du Canada en avril dernier, pour ob- tenir la remise des droits provinciaux. On priait en même temps Son Excellence de tâcher d'obtenir des Très Honorables Commissaires du Trésor de S. M. la remise des droits impériaux sur les livres et appa- reils qui pourraient être achetés à l’étranger. Son Excellence a eu la bonté de répondre qu’Elle transmettrait avec grand plaisir une copie de cette pétition au principal secrétaire d'Etat pour les colonies et le prierait de la recommander a la considération favorable des lords commissaires du trésor de S. M. Quant aux droits provinciaux, Son Excellence ajoutait qu’Elle donnerait ies ordres nécessaires pour qu’on en fit remise, aussitôt que la liste des objets importés serait soumise à sa considéra- tion. “ Depuis mon arrivée à Londres, j’ai fait application aux Très Honorables Lords Commissaires du Trésor de S. M. pour la remise des droits impériaux, ci-dessus mentionnés, et le cas a été référé au dépar- tement des douanes, où l’on doit s’assurer si l’on peut légalement ac- quiescer à la demande en question. Comme il y a beaucoup de précé: dents pour de semblables remises en faveur d'institutions publiques, j'ai confiance que cêtte faveur nous sera facilement accordée. “Je suis heureux de dire qu’une faveur d’un caractère beaucoup plus inusité a été accordée à nos écoles et à nos collèges par les nobles lords de la trésorerie: avec beaucoup de bienveillance et de générosité, ils ont fait remise des primes sur toutes les lettres de change tirées sur le trésor de S. M. pour les achats que j’ai mentionnés. Nous ne man- querons pas de signaler cet acte d’extrême libéralité: il prouvera de la 1B2 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA manière la plus frappante aux amis de l’éducation en Canada combien les différents départements du gouvernement de S. M. s’intéressent à la prospérité et à l’avancement de cette province. “Tout ce que j’ai maintenant à demander à Votre Seigneurie, c’est qu’Elle veuille bien, dans le cas où le département des douanes hésiterait à accorder notre demande, plaider en notre faveur la cause sacrée de l’éducation. Nulle part cette cause ne mérite plus d’encoura- gement que dans le Bas-Canada.” La remise des droits impériaux fut accordée; et M. Holmes, quel- que temps après, écrivait avec honheur au supérieur du séminaire de Québec: “ ....Et cette pétition pour la remise du taux de change?... Cette faveur n’a point coutume de s’accorder à personne. Eh bien, les prières de tant de saints prêtres, religieuses, écoliers, et pensionnaires Ursulines ont valu la remise . Les lords de la trésorerie ont donné ordre qu’on me rendît une somme de plus de cent soixante louis sterling de premium. Je viens d’écrire aux comités des écoles normales ! que ce serait ingratitude de la part des intéressés que de laisser ignorer cet acte de libéralité, qui est un don véritable fait à la totalité de nos mai- sons d'éducation. Cette somme de £160 couvrira, à elle seule, tous les frais du voyage, ceux des écoles normales exceptés.... “La remise des droits impériaux sur les effets de manufacture étrangère a été aussi accordée, après quelques difficultés.... Et les boutiques d’instruments? Je les ai parcourues, comme vous pouvez le croire, avec tout le soin qui m’a été possible.... Je recevrai, pour la plupart des instruments de physique et de chimie, une remise de vingt pour cent (20%) sur les prix de catalogue. Joignez ensemble tous ces rabais de commission, de premium, de droits, et d’es- compte pour argent comptant, vous avouerez que nous avons un profit @au moins cinquante pour cent (50%), outre l’avantage de voir et de choisir, avantage que je reconnais étre inestimable, et qui est tellement senti que c’est devenu un usage aux Etats-Unis et en Europe d’envoyer un professeur toutes les fois qu’on a quelque achat considérable à faire. Que dinstruments qui ne valent rien, et que j’aurais demandés! Et 2209 que d’autres que je ne connaissais point, et qui sont admirables!.. ? Ce passage et quelques autres des lettres de M. Holmes prouvent—ce dont il était impossible d’ailleurs de douter—qu’il a écrit plusieurs fois, dans son voyage, aux comités de régie des écoles normales. On le sait d’ailleurs par le registre du comité de régie de Montréal, qui signale à plusieurs reprises les lettres reçues de M. Holmes. Malheureusement, cette correspondance, non plus que son rapport, n’a pu être retrouvée. ‘ * Lettre de M, Holmes au supérieure du séminaire de Québec, Londres, 24 juillet 1836. [GossELIN | L'INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 1583 Dans sa lettre du 16 juillet à lord Glenelg, M. Holmes lui parlait longuement de deux autres affaires importantes qu'il avait à traiter A la cour de Londres pour le séminaire: la question de certains empiète- ments qu’on avait faits sur les grèves de la seigneurie du Sault-au- Matelot, appartenant au séminaire;! puis celle des réclamations d’une indemnité pour la confiscation, par les révolutionnaires, de cer- taines propriétés que le séminaire avait en France. Ces deux questions occupérent beaucoup M. Holmes durant son voyage en Europe; il adressa mémoires sur mémoires à la cour. Citons le passage de sa lettre a lord Glenelg qui a rapport à l’indemnité: “ Le séminaire de Québec, dit-il, a envoyé à Sa Majesté, par l’en. tremise de S. E. le gouverneur du Canada et le département colonial, une pétition et un mémoire touchant une propriété que nous avions en France et qui nous a été confisquée durant les guerres de la Révolu- tion. .% : “ La justice de notre réclamation est évidente; et les Commissaires nommés en vertu de la convention de 1815 n’ont pu en différer le règle- ment que parce que l’agent du séminaire de Québec? n’a pas été ca- pable de produire en temps certains documents demandés. “Le point principal qu’il fallait prouver et sur lequel les Commis- saires demandaient plus de lumière, c'était que notre propriété nous avait été confisquée à cause de notre qualité de sujets anglais. Ce fait, notre mémoire et de nombreuses preuves que je ferai valoir, quand j’y serai invité, le démontrent amplement. “Une circonstance que le conseil de S. M. voudra bien, je l’espère, se rappeler, c’est que notre propriété en France a été confisquée et vendue par les révolutionnaires au moment même où le séminaire de Québec faisait tous ses efforts, et avec succès, pour entretenir au Canada des sentiments de loyauté envers le gouvernement de S. M., et pour refouler le torrent révolutionnaire qui, en 1793, avait envahi notre pro- vince comme la France Notre propriété a été confisquée quelques années seulement après cette autre période où professeurs et élèves du séminaire de Québec prirent les armes contre les Américains et les 1 Voir Henri de Bernières, p. 56. 2L’abbé Thavenet, du séminaire de Saint-Sulpice. 2 Allusion au mouvement annexioniste que l’on essaya de créer au Canada, A cette époque, et qui était encouragé par des émissaires francais. L’évéque de Québec et le séminaire aidèrent efficacement lord Dorchester à enrayer ce mou- vement. 1B4 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA Français pour la défense de la colonie.t Il n’y aurait peut-être pas d’exagération à dire que la conservation de Québec à l'Angleterre, au siège de 1775, fut due principalement aux efforts physiques et moraux du séminaire de Québec? Je ne mentionne ce fait que comme une preuve additionnelle que les directeurs du séminaire de Québec étaient bien connus des révolutionnaires français pour être, de nom et de cœur, sujets anglais. “J’ajouterai seulement que cet esprit d'affection et de loyal atta- chement au gouvernement de S. M. a toujours caractérisé le séminaire de Québec, la première, la plus fréquentée, et de beaucoup la plus in- fluente de nos institutions littéraires, et que, dans la situation si pré- caire et si dangereuse où se trouve présentement notre province, au- cune mesure de la part du gouvernement de S. M. ne serait plus propre a exciter dans cette institution et dans la colonie en général un grand dévouement et une ferme détermination de rester toujours attaché a la Grande-Bretagne comme à notre mère patrie, que celle par laquelle on accorderait au séminaire de Québec sa part des indemnités payées par la France pour la saisie injuste et la confiscation des propriétés appar- tenant aux sujets anglais... .” Comme nous l’avons dit, M. Holmes se donna un mal immense pour recueillir tous les documents en faveur de la réclamation du sé- minaire. I] n’épargna ni peines ni fatigues. Ecrivant un jour de *TIl y avait dans la milice de Québec une compagnie dite ‘‘ Compagnie des Ecoliers du Séminaire de Québec.” Cette compagnie eut l’honneur de posséder quelque temps dans ses rangs MM. Papineau, pére, et Lamothe, de Montréal. Or sait que ces deux messieurs, affrontant le risque de tomber entre les mains des Bostonnais, descendirent, au printemps de 1776, de Montréal à Québec, por- teurs d’un message très important du gouverneur Howe, de New-York, pour le gouverneur du Canada. “Comme il n’était pas nécessaire, écrit Jacques Viger, que nos deux messagers revinssent de suite à Montréal, et que leur acte de dé- vouement n'avait point épuisé leur ardeur à servir leur pays, ils prirent tous deux du service dans la ‘ Compagnie des Ecoliers du Séminaire de Québec,” que commandait le capitaine Marcoux, jusqu’au mois de mai suivant.” (Ma Sa- berdache, M., Petits Manuscrits, No. 38, vol. I.). 2 Voir une lettre de Mgr Briand citée dans la Revue Canadienne, t. VIII, p. 446. 5 De son côté, M. Roux, supérieur du séminaire de Montréal, dans une lettre au secrétaire du duc de Richmond, gouverneur du Canada, en date du 14 juillet 1813, appréciant le collège de Montréal, tenu par les Sulpiciens, disait: “ Un collège nombreux, regardé comme le premier établissement en ce genre dans le pays, et peut-être dans toute l'Amérique Septentrionale....” (Christie, History of Canada, t. VI, p. 381). Tant il est vrai que chacun regarde avant tout son clocher, et le trouve plus haut et plus beau que les autres! * Allusion aux mécontentements politiques qui devaient aboutir aux troubles de 1837. [GOSSELIN ] L’INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 155 Paris au supérieur du séminaire: “J'arrive, disait-il, d’un voyage de 250 lieues dans les départements, voyage qui m’a pris un mois de marche et de contre-marche, de nuit et de jour. Mon pauvre physique et ma tête en ont eu leur raide, et ce pour tacher de ramasser nos papiers épars, nos preuves, et celles des dames Ursulines... . “Nos prieurés, avec toutes leurs dépendances, nous ont été con- servés jusqu’aprés la guerre avec l’Angleterre en 1793; par conséquent nous nous trouvons compris positivement dans les termes de la conven- tion de 1815, laquelle garantissait à tous les sujets britanniques qui, de- puis le ler janvier 1793, avaient souffert la confiscation de leurs biens par la république française, une indemnité proportionnée à la valeur de ces mêmes biens. “Nos fermiers étaient tous sur les lieux, et par Vexhibition de leurs baux (dont j'ai fait lever des copies) ils ont fait une déclaration solennelle de nos droits comme sujets britanniques devant les autorités françaises d’alors. En un mot, j’ai tout ce qu’il faut, titres ou copies des titres primitifs, dates de toutes les confiscations, montant des ventes, noms des acquéreurs, etc... .”? Cette affaire d’indemnité et celle des grèves du Sault-au-Matelot occupèrent M. Holmes durant tout son voyage et lui causèrent une foule @ennuis, dont le moindre ne fut pas de retourner au Canada sans en avoir vu la solution. * * * M. Holmes était arrivé à Londres dans la première semaine de juillet (1836) ; il n’en partit que le 26 du même mois. Et cependant les affaires l’avaient tant absorbé que nous ne trouvons qu’un mot, dans sa correspondance, sur cette grande capitale. Il écrit à M. Cazeau le 29 juillet: “Je ne saurais vous dire, mon cher ami, quels sentiments d’admi- ration, de plaisir, de peine, d’indignation, de rage, nous saisissent tour a tour, en voyant les richesses du commerce, les monuments qui attestent les succés de cette maitresse du monde, la magnificence de ces antiques reste du catholicisme qui se présentent à l’œil du voyageur, Oxford eë Westminster Abbey, surtout.® Hâtons-nous. Trois semaines à Londres * Les Ursulines de Québec, elles aussi, réclamaient leur part d’indemnité pour quelques propriétés, confisquées par les révolutionnaires, qu'elles avaient en Normandie, et qui leur avaient été données par leur fondatrice, Mme de la Peltrie. * Lettre de M. Holmes au supérieure du séminaire de Québec, Paris, 6 février 1837. | >“ Rien n’a jamais pu, écrit Mme Craven, diminuer l’amère mélancolie que me cause toujours l’aspect de ces édifices splendides don+ l’Angleterre, revenue de 156 SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA se sont écoulées comme l'éclair. Vous pouvez l’imaginer, connaissant la besogne que j’ai sur les épaules.... Puis les affaires m'ont mis en route pour Brighton, ville superbe, résidence royale, d’où en neuf heures un bateau nous a portés à Dieppe. Je n’ai eu que le temps d’y courir voir l’église, vieille structure gothique, ot l’on célébrait un Requiem solennel pour le repos des victimes des glorieuses journées,! et le couvent de l'Hôtel-Dieu, pour y porter un cadeau des dames religieuses de lHôtel- Dieu de Québec? Dites-leur, s’il vous plaît, que j’ai fait ma commis- sion, et que j'espère être le porteur des réponses. Ces dames de Dieppe ne sont que dix-sept, et cinq converses: pas assez, de beaucoup. “De Dieppe, nous avons gagné Rouen, dont il est impossible de ne pas admirer la cathédrale. J’y ai trouvé une communaute de fréres de la Doctrine Chrétienne. Ils ont seize cents enfants, outre l’école normale, que le gouvernement paraît leur avoir confiée avec plaisir. Cette école a quarante élèves et quarante-deux maîtres d’écoles qui sont obligés d’y venir passer trois mois de l’année. J’en ai été extrêmement content. Plût à Dieu que nous en eussions en Canada! J’aurai beau- coup à dire d’eux dans mon prochain rapport normal... .* Et M. Holmes, ne se rassasiant jamais de nenlgnt des frères des Ecoles Chrétiennes, qu’il avait vus à l’œuvre, et dont il apprécrait l’habileté et le dévouement, ajoutait, dans une lettre au supérieur du séminaire : “Qwil serait 4 souhaiter que nous eussions ces bons Fréres en Canada! Tachez que nos vénérables seigneurs évêques s’en occupent. Je me suis assuré que nous pourrions en avoir une petite colonie.” 4 La lettre à M. Cazeau, dont nous venons de citer un passage, M. Holmes écrivait sur un petit bateau à vapeur qui faisait un service régulier sur la Seine entre Rouen et Paris. Cette manière de faire le trajet entre les deux villes était très agréable et très usitée à cette époque. s'est montrée ensuite si soigneuse et si froide gardienne..., gardienne, hélas! des pierres et des vitraux, mais non des “ autels,” c’est-à-dire de ce qui est la raison d’être d> tout e° qui les environne, et sans lesquels tout est inexplicable et sans but! ” (Broadlands, dans le Correspondant du 25 février 1876, p. 575). * Allusion à la révolution de 1830, qui chassa Charles X du trône de France pour y mettre Louis-Philinne, et eut lieu dans les trois derniers jours de juillet. ? Les fondatrices de l’H6tel-Dieu de Québec étaient des religieuses Augustines que la duchesse d’Aiguillon avait obtenues du couvent de Dieppe. *Qu’est devenu ce rapport de M. Holmes aux comités de régie des écoles normales ? Sa première fureur destructive, « Les quatre premiers frères des Ecoles Chrétiennes arrivèrent à Montréal le 10 octobre 1837, à la demande de M. Quiblier, supérieur de Saint-Sulpice, avec l'agrément de Mgr Lartigue, évêque de Montréal. Cinq ans plus tard (1842), une autre colonie de Frères vint s'établir A Québec. [GOSSELIN] L'INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 187 Notre distingué voyageur arrivait à Paris pour la première fois le 31 juillet 1836, et allait se loger avec ses compagnons aux Missions- Etrangères, rue du Bac. 11 y séjourna plus de deux mois, voyageant cependant un peu partout en France où l’appelaient les affaires qu'il avait à traiter, surtout pour les écoles normales: “ Je suis arrivé à Paris, écrit-il, à minuit de la dernière des trois glorieuses journées, justement à temps pour voir les feux de joie, les illuminations, et are de triomphe national ? que Louis-Philippe vient de faire finir....” Qu’on ne s’attende pas, du reste, de trouver dans la correspondance de M. Holmes de longues descriptions de Paris et de ses monuments, pas plus qu’il n’a fait pour Oxford et Londres. Il est trop occupé et absorbé par les affaires pour se livrer à la littérature de voyage: “ Le temps me manque partout, écrit-il à M. Cazeau. Je suis continuelle- ment aux prises avec cette multiplicité d’affaires de toutes sortes : affaires des écoles normales, affaires des collèges, affaires du séminaire de Qué- 22 Il en dit assez cependant pour nous convaincre qu’il voit et examine tout, que rien n'échappe à son attention et à ses recherches, qu’il assiste à toutes les solennités remarquables qui se présentent, et fait connais- sance avec les principaux personnages qui peuvent lui être utiles: “J'ai pourtant trouvé le tour, dit-il à M. Cazeau, de regarder un peu les merveilles de cette capitale. Ah! mon ami, que c’est beau ce Louvres, ces jardins de Versailles, ces palais, ces ponts, ce musée du roi, cette vieille Notre-Dame, ces Invalides, ce Panthéon!.... “ Lundi? nous avons assisté à la grand’messe pontificale à Notre- Dame. L’archevêque® officiait à côté du trône élevé pour le roi de Naples.* Il y avait beaucoup de rochets, qui avaient done l’air dévot, et un peuple immense, qui priait.... J’ai assisté, écrit-il encore, à une séance de l’Académie française, et j’ai eu le plaisir de faire connais- sance avec plusieurs des grands hommes du jour, entre autres, MM. Arago, Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, Magendie, Adrien de Jussieu, etc.... ? L’arc de triomphe de l'Etoile, commencé par Napoléon Ier en 1806, ne fut terminé qu’au bout de trente ans, en 1836, sous Louis-Philippe. 2 C'était le jour de l’Assomption, fête d'obligation en France à cette époque. Mgr de Quélen, qui mourut en 1839, et eut pour successeur Mgr Affre, l’intrépide martyr des barricades de 1848. “Ferdinand II, fils de Francois Ier, de la famille des Bourbons. Il était déjà venu à Paris, en 1830; et à cette occasion Charles X, qui venait de signer ses fameuses Ordonnances, donna à son cousin des fêtes splendides, suivies presque aussitôt de la révolution de juillet. On sait le mot que prononca M. de Salvandy, lors du grand bal donné au Palais Royal: ‘C’est une vraie fête napolitaine : nous dansons sur un volcan !” 188 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA \ “Je viens d’assister, ajoute-t-1l, à la distribution solennelle des prix à l’université de Trance. Point de dialogues, de drames, de plai- doyers: on en rirait par ici; mais un concours savant, un beau discours par un professeur, un autre par le ministre de l’instruction publique au nom du souverain, et une distribution de beaux livres, accompagnée de baisers et de couronnes de feuillage. Quand le goût de choses aussi belles, aussi nobles et aussi simples, fera-t-il justice de nos farces et de nos bouffonneries?.... Je viens de voir un des membres du conseil royal de l'instruction publique, M. Rendu, parfait chrétien, et parfait ami de la véritable éducation du peuple. Il promet d'employer ses meil- leurs efforts pour nous procurer quelques maîtres tels que nous en avons besoin. Au reste, c’est le propre caractère de tous les Français instruits d'aimer à rendre service pour contribuer à répandre linstruction.... Je suis occupé.... d’entretiens avec les savants professeurs de cette capitale, qui me donnent volontiers leurs conseils sur tous les points qui m’embarrassent.” M. Demers, supérieur du séminaire, venait de publier à Québec son manuel de philosophie,* et lui en avait confié quelques exemplaires pour qu’il fit connaître l'ouvrage en France. M. Holmes lui écrit: “Je vais faire connaître à l'Univers Religieux le cours de philo- sophie que vous venez de publier, en en faisant donner un aperçu et une analyse dans un journal qui porte ce nom. Je le ferai aussi connaître à l’Institut, avec plusieurs membres duquel j’ai le plaisir d’être en rap- port, et à la Bibliothèque du Roi,? où je déposerai un exemplaire en hommage.... “Je vous ai écrit qu'il se publiait actuellement à Paris un cours de physique (celle de Larose) qui a une haute réputation. Il sen ré- imprime une autre, celle de Pouillet, qui a une grande vogue. Mais tous ces cours paraissent et disparaissent d’année en année, à mesure que le progrès et les découvertes se font connaître. Les grands profes- seurs ont leurs écoliers. Quand ils cessent d'enseigner, ils publient, et quand ils ont publié, on ne veut plus de leurs cours, et les cahiers re- commencent. Par le fait, leur réputation est toujours plus haute pen- dant la durée des manuscrits, et pour la plupart elle tombe avec l’im- print. Je croïs que le parti le plus sage est d'avoir toujours un cahier, et toujours en même temps un auteur, qui soit à peu près au niveau des connaissances courantes... .” M. Holmes expose ensuite à M. Demers quel était à cette époque le programme général des études en France: “ L'enseignement univer- *Institutiones philosophie ad usum studiosæ juventutis, Quebeci, 1835. ? C’est la Bibliothèque Nationale d’aujourd’hui. ; [GOSSELIN] L'INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 139 sitaire par toute la France, dit-il, est basé sur cet axiome, que l’étude des langues anciennes forme essentiellement le principal, et que les sciences naturelles ne sont que des accessoires, pour les collèges. On n’est pas encore bien arrêté sur l’étendue qu’il convient de donner à ces accessoires. Par une force de choses irrésistible, les Petits Séminaires se rapprochent lentement des études collégialés, pour sauver une partie de la jeunesse, au moins de quoi remplir les rangs du sanctuaire. Avec plus de zèle à s’élancer vers les sciences nouvelles, ils rendraient, suivant moi, de plus grands services à l’Eglise, car, avant tous les axiomes, mettons celui-là: que c’est par l’instruction de la jeunesse, et par cela seul, qu’on peut ramener un peu aux vrais principes. “ Le dessin forme partout une partie des études. “La musique n’est admise dans les collèges que pendant les ré- créations. Les parents fournissent pour cela, à leurs frais, des maîtres aux élèves qui veulent cultiver cet art. Il n’est point question de mu- sique dans les distributions de prix.” M. Holmes demeura à Paris jusque vers la mi-octobre, puis il re- tourna à Londres, afin de presser la solution de l’affaire de l’indemnité: “ Nous ivoila de retour à Londres, écrit-il le 29 octobre à M. Demers, après avoir passé rapidement par les Pays-Bas. La route depuis Paris a été par Senlis, Péronne, Bapaume, etc., Lille, Tournay, Ath, Bruxelles, Malines et Anvers. De cette dernière ville nous avons gagné Londres en bateau à vapeur.” Rien de plus, dans la correspondance de M. Holmes, sur cet inté- ressant voyage, qu'il fit très à la hâte, il est vrai, mais où il dut re- cueillir tant de précieux renseignements, et faire, au profit de ses jeunes compagnons, tant d’utiles et pratiques observations, dans cette Belgi- que, surtout, qui venait de se constituer en royaume indépendant,! et donnait déjà à l’Europe tant de lecons de patriotisme sincère avec la pratique de la vraie liberté. Il était toujours absorbé par les affaires: “Dieu sait, écrivait-il à M. Demers, si j’aurai le bonheur de voir la Ville Eternelle!... Les affaires me pressent.... Et puis, l’état sanitaire de l’Italie me permettra-t-il d'y conduire nos jeunes compa- gnons de voyage ?...” Il fit en novembre le voyage d’Ecosse, dont nous avons déjà parlé Revenu à Paris vers la mi-janvier, il entreprit, dans l’intérêt des affaires du séminaire, cette autre course dont nous avons parlé également, et ? La Belgique déclara son indépendance et se constitua en monarchie consti- tutionnelle en 1830, avec Léopold Ier, prince de Saxe-Cobourg, oncle de la reine Victoria, pour souverain. 130 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA qu’il estimait à 250 lieues, à travers le Berry, la Touraine et la Nor- mandie, pour y visiter les anciens prieurés qui avaient appartenu au séminaire de Québec et aux Ursulines, et avaient été confisqués pendant la révolution. Au retour de ce voyage, il se sentait, disait-il, “ épuisé par le travail et la chaleur.” Outre le besoin de se reposer un peu de ses fatigues corporelles, ce saint prêtre en éprouvait un autre que seules les âmes pieuses, accoutumées à l’union avec Dieu, sont en état de com- prendre, celui de se recueillir, de rentrer en lui-même, de donner à son âme quelques jours de retraite. Ecrivant à M. Demers le 6 février 1837: “ Au milieu de tout ce tracas, disait-il, wrwum est necessarium.! Le chrétien, et bien plus le prétre, se le doit dire sans cesse. Et si quel- que chose est propre à le rappeler au souvenir “ du pauvre voyageur, ? c’est la vue de cette vieille Europe, de ce vaste foyer de “ lumieéres ” et de “ civilisation,” comme elle aime à le préner: on aurait beaucoup plus de raison de dire: de travers, de crimes, de systèmes ténébreux et funestes sur tout ce qui constitue la véritable religion et les bases premières de toute existence sociale. La Mennais a entièrement levé le masque; édi- teur du Monde, il fait aujourd’hui ouvertement la guerre à l’Eglise. M. Guizot, chef: de l'instruction publique en France, chef du ministère des cultes, vient de proclamer, dans son discours de réception à l’Aca- démie française? que Voltaire et Jean-Jacques et leurs semblables ont fait le bonheur et la gloire du dix-huitième siècle, et que, sans un “ petit accident,” la Révolution française, le bonheur et la gloire du dix-neu- vième siècle, qu’ils avaient préparés, seraient déjà à leur comble! ! ! “J'ai vu un instant les Jésuites de Paris, qui vivent cachés, et font tout le bien qu’ils peuvent à la jeunesse, et à la piété, par les retraites qu'ils donnent aux ecclésiastiques et aux laïques. Je voudrais m’arra- cher du tourbillon d’affaires qui m’accablent, pour passer huit à dix jours dans leur solitude. En viendrai-je à bout? Nous verrons.” Ce serait peut-être ici le lieu de faire remarquer, en passant, que M. Holmes n’était pas seulement un esprit très cultivé, orné de toute espéce de connaissances littéraires et scientifiques, mais aussi un homme d’une grande spiritualité, très versé dans la science des saintes Ecri- tures, qu’il interprétait souvent d’une manière merveilleuse. Nous avons sous les yeux un commentaire du psaume xxviii: Afferte Domino, filu Dei, afferte Domino filios arietum, qu’il adressait un jour à un de ses amis, jeune ecclésiastique qu’il avait formé au séminaire, pour l’en- courager dans sa nouvelle carrière par la vue du bien qu’il pourrait y *“ Une seule chose est nécessaire.” (S. Luc, X, 42.) ? M. Guizot avait été élu membre de l’Académie française le 28 avril 1836, en remplacement du philosophe Destutt de Tracy. [GOSSELIN] L'INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 161 faire par la prédication. Nous ne pouvons résister au plaisir d’en citer ici quelques lignes : “Afferte Domino. C’est vous, mon ami, qui serez un des filü Dei (Ego dixi: du estis et fil Excelsi omnes). C’est surtout par le minis- tère de la parole, que vous conduirez, que vous apporterez à Dieu filios arietum, les coupables victimes des erreurs et des passions qui remplis- sent le monde. Afferte Domino gloriam ; grande sera la gloire que vous rendrez a Dieu, grande la gloire qui rejaillira sur vous-même. “Adorate Dominum in atrio sanclo ejus. C’est vers le sanctuaire que vous attirerez les âmes, que vous leur apprendrez à croire, à aimer, à servir Dieu, à l’adorer en esprit et en vérité. “Vox Domini. (C’est la voix de Dieu, le tonnerre évangélique dont vous allez être un des organes.... Super aquas:-contemplez les flots du peuple, ces multitudes qui s'agitent, s’inclinent, se relèvent lorsque Deus majestatis intonuit, lorsqu'éclate cette voix majestueuse, la même qui fit trembler Israël au pied du Sinai..., même loi, mêmes exhorta- tions, mémes promesses, mémes menaces. “Dominus super aquas multas.... Si Vinterpréte de cette voix de Dieu s'acquitte dignement de sa tâche sublime, les flots se succède- ront de plus en plus pressés, la foule de plus en plus nombreuse, de plus en plus attentive. “ Vox Domini in virtute.... Quelle puissance repose sur les lévres du prêtre à la tribune sacrée! Et d’où vient-elle, croyez-vous? D’où viennent les effets miraculeux que cette puissance produit? De trois sources: l’autorité de Dieu qui parle, sa grâce qui agite, qui trouble les flots, et la sainteté du prédicateur. Hélas! si ce dernier titre vous manque, vos plus éloquentes instructions courent risque de n’être qu’un son vide, un grand bruit peut-être, mais du reste vox et preterea nihil.... “ Vox Domini confringentis cedros. Revétue de cette triple majesté, la voix de Dieu, la trompette évangélique ébranle et renverse les cédres, terrasse les pécheurs les plus endurcis, les plus audacieux, fussent-ils les scandales d’une famille, d’un voisinage, de toute une paroisse. Com- minuet eos; ils seront brisés, ils s’humilieront dans la poussière. “Vox Domini intercidentis flammam ignis, elle fera briller à leurs yeux les vérités éternelles. Vox Domini concutientis desertum; ces cœurs si longtemps stériles, si longtemps privés des secours de la grâce en seront inondés. Zevelabit condensa. Frappés à la vue de leur triste état, ils se hâteront d’en sortir. Ils révèleront à leur tour dans le tri- bunal de la pénitence leurs ténébreux désordres. ...?1 1 L'Abeille, 1852. No 7. LED ; Sec. I., 1907. 11. fr 162 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA Mais en voila assez pour nous donner une idée de la spiritualité de M. Holmes. Revenons à son voyage. # KP its Nous sommes en février 1837. M. Holmes se sent épuisé de fatigue. Ecrivant de Paris à M. Demers: “ Oui, dit-il, j’ai besoin de santé et de courage. Ce voyage m'aurait remis “aux oiseaux,” s’il avait pu se faire sans tant de besogne et d'inquiétude.” Puis il ajoutait: “ J’at- tends de jour en jour des nouvelles de Londres, où règne l’influenza, plus désastreuse que n’y a été le choléra. M. l’abbé de la Porte! y a été à la dernière extrémité. Il est mieux. A Paris, tout le monde est malade de cette influenza, que nous appellons Ja grippe, mais il en meurt peu de personnes....” Et il ajoutait quelques jours plus tard, 14 février: “La grippe continue de serrer la gorge aux gens de Paris.” Le 22 du même mois, il annonçait à M. Demers un envoi considé- rable de livres pour le séminaire: “Il y aura, disait-il, beaucoup de “ vieux livres.” C’est ce que tout le monde cherche à Paris. De “ nou- veau ” il n’y a presque rien que des romans, des pièces légères, des impiétés.... Les trois quarts des livres de science ne sont qu'un pitoyable charlatanisme. Les ouvrages de physique et de chimie sont presque les seuls qu’on préfère pour la “nouveauté... .” On voit que M. Holmes se tient au courant de tout. Il se met en rapport avec les sommités littéraires et scientifiques de Paris: “ J’ai eu des entretiens, dit-il, avec MM. Bouvard et Mathieu, de lObserva- toire.” I] consulte les savants, il voit et étudie les choses par lui-même, il ne décide rien qu’en homme parfaitement compétent. Le 16 avril 1837, il est de nouveau à Londres, seul, cette fois-ci: “ Mes compagnons sont sur le chemin de Rome.” Ecrivant à M. Cazeau: “Je suis malade, mourant, mort, enterré.... dans la besogne. Et malgré tout je/ me suis ressuscité hier soir, pour aller au parlement entendre débattre nos affaires du Canada.... Lisez les discours de ces messieurs. Je vous les envoie. Dites a Baillargé ? que Roebuck * parle comme un ange, qu'O’Connell est bien aimable. J’ai passé une heure avec lui, à Dublin, “ chez lui,” et je l’ai entendu parler. Et puis, j'ai aussi entendu parler le fameux prédicateur de Paris, le nouveau Frays- sinous, M. de Ravignan.... J’oubliais de vous dire que je m’en vais a Tome...) <7 *Un excellent prêtre qui s’occupait à Londres des affaires du séminaire de Québec. ? M. l'abbé F.-X. Baillargé, du séminaire. Ceux qui ont passé au séminaire du temps de ce vénérable prêtre, n’oublieront jamais son caractère essentiellement bienfaisant. * Un des membres du parlement anglais les plus sympathiques aux Canadiens. [GOSSELIN] L'INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 163 Et cependant i] est encore à Londres le 11 mai, tout occupé à expédier au Canada les livres et les nombreux et magnifiques instru- ments de physique, de chimie et d'astronomie qu’il a achetés pour nos différents collèges. Ecrivant encore à M. Cazeau: “ Il va vous arriver, c’est-à-dire aux séminaires, quantité de beaux fivres et de magnifiques et très fragiles outils de physique, de chimie, etc.; et, en qualité de bienfaiteur général de cette partie de Vhumanité,* vous êtes instamment prié de faire ce qui dépendra de vous pour que chaque chose aille exacte- ment à sa destination par mains sûres.... Maintenant, il n’y a pas à dire, il faut “filer dru,” courir à Paris et à Rome, et de la, en dé- doublant le plus vite possible, à Québec en Canada. Priez pour un pauvre voyageur, qui en a par-dessus la tête d’affaires de toutes les sortes et des plus difficiles. Adieu, au revoir....” Puis, lui écrivant de nouveau le 24 mai, cette fois-ci, de Paris: “ C’est demain la Fête-Dieu, qui n’est plus chômée en France....? Je pars le 27 au matin pour Dijon, d’où j'ai dessein Waller à la fine course à Rome, par Lyon, Avignon, Genes, Livourne et Civita Vecchia....” Et en effet il écrivait à M. Demers, supérieur du séminaire, le dimanche 28 mai, datant sa lettre de “ Sens (Yonne), sur la route de Dijon, Châlons-sur-Saône, Lyon, Avignon, Marseilles, Gènes, Livourne, Civita Vecchia, Rome ;” il lui parlait des envois qu’il avait faits au Canada, et spécialement d’un certain nombre de livres qu’il avait expédiés à plusieurs particuliers, entre autres à M. Gingras le saint;”* puis il ajoutait: “J’ai laissé Paris hier matin par le bateau à vapeur qui re- monte la Seine jusqu'à Montereau, distance de vingt-huit lieues par terre, et de trente-huit en suivant le cours de cette rivière. Quel con- traste entre les bords de la Seine, ses embarcations étroites et plates, et tout ce qu’on aperçoit du milieu du majestueux Saint-Laurent! Mais quelle ressemblance frappante entre les paysans d'ici et nos gens de campagne! même caractère, même gaieté, même genre de vie et de vêtements, même état de fortune, même contentement. Il ne leur; manque que le même esprit religieux, qui revient pourtant en France, mais plus, beaucoup plus, chez les hommes instruits que chez le peuple. 1M. Cazeau, avec sa grande bienveillance, se montrait toujours prêt à rendre service à ses confrères, mais surtout à nos collèges et aux institutions religieuses, en général. : ? Depuis quelques années, elle ne l’est plus, également, en Canada. M. Léon Gingras, directeur du grand séminaire, auteur d’un ouvrage en deux volumes, intitulé: L’Orient, ow voyage en Egypte, en Arabie, etc. Québec, ~ 1847.—Ses confrères l’appelaient le saint, à cause de son extérieux pieux. 164 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA “Je suis arrivé ici (à Sens)! à minuit. Je serais déjà en route, si ce n’eût été le dimanche, et encore le dimanche de la Procession. Il fallait au moins “ entendre ” une messe. La procession a défilé un peu après sept heures, ce matin. Les rues ont été tendues de nappes, de draps, de toiles blanches, sur une partie desquelles on a attaché quelques fleurs. Les reposoirs étaient simples, mais d’un bon goût. La proces- sion s’est faite sans trop de façons. M. l’archevêque portait le saint Sacrement.... Pauvre clergé de France! Il a fait sa procession sans être trop foulé. Force femmes: et filles, et enfants d’écoles; très peu d'hommes, et encore moins à la messe. Les petites filles portaient des roses sur la tête. Touze ecclésiastiques thuriféraires tenaient chacun d’une main l’encensoir, et de l’autre un petit garçon couronné de roses et muni d’une corbeille de fleurs. C’étaient des enfants de huit à dix ans au plus. Des rues étroites ne leur laissaient guère le moyen d’étaler les belles “ figures” de M. Baillargé. Le chant, assez monotone, mais “ d'accord,” est la seule chose peut-être que la cathédrale de Québec ait besoin d’envier à cette antique église de Sens, excepté pourtant ses croisées peintes sur verre. “J'ai souvent eu la tentation de demander au curé de Québec, a qui je désire présenter mes meilleurs respects, d’être autorisé à lui acheter deux ophicléides, espèce de serpents perfectionnés, qui contri- buent beaucoup à la majesté et surtout à l’harmonie du plain-chant. “J'aurais encore mille choses à dire, s’il ne fallait pas songer à continuer ma pénible course. Je m’accommode assez peu d’être une journée entière en diligence, moins encore d’y prendre gîte pour toute la nuit. Combien, hélas! il me faudra encore en passer de cette ma- mére lee 2 ee M. Holmes arrivait à Rome le 11 juin: il avait mis quinze jours à faire en diligence le voyage de Paris à Rome, arrétant probablement une journée ou deux aux principales villes qui se trouvaient sur sa route. Ecrivant à M. Demers le 17 juin: “ Me voici donc à Rome, où je kuis arrivé de Civita Vecchia dimanche matin, 11 juin, jour de l’anniver- saire du sacre de Mgr Turgeon.” J’y suis entré vers la pointe du jour par la porte Saint-Pierre, aprés une nuit passée dans d’assez vives in- quiétudes, à cause des voleurs qui se montrent quelquefois sur cette route pour saluer à leur manière les voyageurs. Dès le même jour, j’ai 1On sait que c’est le ‘“ Catéchisme de Sens” qui a été très longtemps en usage au Canada. 2Mgr Pierre-Flavien Turgeon, ancien confrère de M. Holmes au séminaire, coadjuteur de Mgr Signay, et plus tard archevêque de Québec, avait été consacré le 11 juin 1834. [GOSSELIN] L'INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 165 couru embrasser le cher Père Thavenet,' qui m’a fait une réception cordiale. Je lai trouvé vieux, bien vieux, fatigué de l’interminable embarras de ses comptes, rongé de chagrins.... Malgré les préventions favorables que je lui avais inspirées, il n’est pas aisé de traiter avec lui. Cependant nous nous sommes aussitôt mis en besogne, et nous travail- lons sans relâche.” Ainsi, même à Rome, les affaires le poursuivent et l’absorbent: ce qui nécessairement assombrit un peu son séjour de trois semaines dans la Ville Eternelle. Il eut du moins la consolation de s’entendre par- faitement avec l’abbé Thavenet, qui s’occupait depuis longtemps de la question des indemnités que le séminaire de Québec réclamait pour ses prieurés confisqués, et d’obtenir de lui un règlement de comptes. Du reste, il est si peu question de Rome et de ses monuments dans ce que nous avons de la correspondance de M. Holmes, que nous sommes con- vaincu qu'il y a plusieurs de ses lettres qui n’ont pas été conservées. Nous n’y trouvons même aucune allusion à l’audience qu’il obtint du pape Grégoire XVI, lequel avait fait un si bon accueil à nos jeunes Canadiens, Parent, Taschereau et Fortier. M. Holmes, écrivant à M. Demers le 17 juin, lui disait: “Je ne ferai pas un long séjour dans la Ville Eternelle.” En effet, il écrivait de nouveau le 3 juillet au séminaire de Québec: “Je pars pour Lorette, Bologne, Milan, la Suisse et Paris. Nos jeunes gens se portent bien et vous saluent affectueusement. Priez pour moi, chers confrères: ce voyage est trop long pour mes forces.” M. Holmes retournait à Paris, accompagné cette fois de ses trois jeunes compagnons de voyage. Le pape Grégoire XVI, de la famille Capellari, qui gouvernait alors l'Eglise de Dieu, était monté sur le trône pontifical en 1831. Voici le portrait que donnait de ce pontife un voyageur français qui le vit quelques années plus tard: “Grégoire XVI avait alors (1842) soixante-seize ans. Sa taille élevée annonçait encore une grande vi- gueur, sa physionomie respirait une simplicité enjouée, contrastant avec les rides profondes qui sillonnaient ses traits, traces de ses graves préoccupations. Son chapeau de velours pourpre, entouré d’une torsade terminée par de gros glands en or, placé sur le devant et un peu de côté sur sa vaste tête, le son de sa voix forte et un peu saccadée, don- naient, oserais-je dire, un aspect militaire au caractère sacré empreint sur toute sa personne.” ? C’est ce pape énergique qui venait de con- damner certaines doctrines professées par le fameux journal L’Avenir, et qui avait eu la douleur de voir le principal rédacteur de cette feuille, 1 L'agent du séminaire de Québec, dans l'affaire de l’indemnité. 2 Trente-deux ans à travers l'Islam, par Léon Roches, t. II, p. 217. 166 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA La Mennais, se séparer, à cette occasion, de l'Eglise, et commettre, suivant la parole de M. Nettement, “le suicide d’âme le plus éclatant peut-être qu'on rencontre dans l’histoire.” Que nous aurions été heu- reux de trouver, dans la correspondance de M. Holmes, ses impressions personnelles sur Grégoire XVI, et les paroles encourageantes que dut lui adresser le pieux pontife sur les différents objets de sa mission! M. Holmes, avec ses jeunes compagnons de voyage, rentrait à Paris dans la première semaine d’août, et écrivait le 12 de ce mois au supé- rieur du séminaire de Québec: “ Aussitôt de retour du long et pénible voyage d'Italie, j’ai couru chez M. l’aumônier des Gobelins, dépositaire de mes lettres, et j'ai eu le plaisir d’y trouver la vôtre datée du 23 mai dernier. Depuis lors, vous en avez reçu plusieurs de moi, écrites pendant le court séjour que j’ai fait à Rome.’ Celle-ci vous sera remise par mes chers compagnons de voyage, qui ont le bonheur de regagner leur patrie et leurs amis, aussi sages, aussi fervents qu’ils étaient partis, tous ecclésiastiques, bien décidés et bien prêts à se remettre à létude. “ Moi, je vais donc rester seul, à lutter avec mes infirmités, et avec des affaires qui semblent ne vouloir jamais finir. Pourtant, j'espère les terminer de façon ou d’autre.... Je ne sais ce qui aura été fait à Londres depuis que j’en suis parti. Je viens d’en écrire à M. Tulloch et M. de la Porte. “Dans l’intervalle, je me suis mis entre les mains du fameux mé- decin Civiale, qui m’assure que ma maladie n’aura pas de suites graves, et qu’elle est susceptible d’une prompte guérison. Dieu le veuille, ou mieux que la volonté de Dieu s’accomplisse! “ Malgré que j’eusse employé tous les fonds qui m’avaient été con- fiés pour achats de livres et d’instruments, je n’ai pu refuser à M. Ca- sault * quelques appareils qu’il m’a demandés à plusieurs reprises. Vous en aurez déjà reçu la plupart, les autres vont v ous arriver avec vos anciens et chers élèves, qui s’en chargent, ainsi que de quelques livres de classe que M. Aubry * dit être nécessaires... .? MM. Parent, Taschereau et Fortier ayant pris la soutane à Rome, avaient hate de retourner à Québec pour s’y reposer un peu des fatigues du voyage, avant de commencer leurs études théologiques; ils s’embar- quèrent vers la mi-août pour le Canada. M. Holmes resta donc seul à Paris, qu’il quitta définitivement lui-même le 7 septembre. * Ceci confirme ce que nous avons dit plus haut, que beaucoup de lettres de M. Holmes ont été perdues. = Louis-Jacques Casault, le futur premier recteur de l’Université Laval. Il était à cette époque professeur de physique et de chimie. * Joseph Aubry, l’un des directeurs du séminaire, à cette époque. [GOSSELIN] L’INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 167 Nous avons de lui une longue lettre à M. Demers, datée de ce jour “sur la Seine,” et qu’il termine à Londres le 14 septembre. Voici les lignes du commencement: “ En route! crie le maladroit conducteur du bateau à vapeur de la Compagnie royale. Nous laissons le quai d'Orsay, le Pont-Royal, les Tuileries et le Louvres, le Palais d'Orsay, édifice admirable..., Paris, enfin! Adieu, Paris, adieu pour longtemps!” Hélas! il ne prévoyait pas les péripéties du voyage accidenté qu’:] entreprenait. Le bateau touchait à tout instant au fond de la rivière. ... On se rendit à grand’peine à Saint-Denis, que M. Holmes salua en passant: “ Voila, dit-il, les beaux clochers de Saint-Denis.... Là- dessous dormaient paisiblement une belle suite de rois, saint Louis entre autres. Des révolutionnaires que les nôtres menacent d’imiter les ont troublés, secoués, chassés de leur dernier asile....” Le bateau continue péniblement sa marche, mais n'avance qu'à pas de tortue: “Il paraît que vous allez plus vite que ça au Canada, ajoute M. Holmes, si l’on en croit les gazettes. Vous marchez en avant, vous faites des assemblées, vous passez des résolutions, vous battez du tambour, vous criez à l’indépendance....?1 Mais bientôt quelque chose se brise dans la machine, et le bateau est obligé de reprendre le chemin de Paris, à grand’peine: “Et mes adieux ! s’écrie joyeusement M. Holmes. Bah! nous en ferons d’autres. Quoi de plus aisé que de faire des adieux, en Europe? ” Ce ne fut que le lendemain soir qu’il put quitter Paris pour la deuxième fois, et il mit “ vingt-quatre heures juste à se rendre à Bou- logne-sur-Mer.” ? Là un nouveau contretemps l’attendait. ŒEcrivant à M. Demers le 9 septembre: “ Point de bateau à vapeur pour Londres, dit-il, que le lundi 11, à sept heures du matin. Ainsi force sera de passer le samedi après dîner et le dimanche ici. J’aurai la sainte messe, un bon bain de mer, et du loisir pour vous écrire encore... .” Il le fit en effet, et ce ne fut qu'à Londres qu’il acheva sa lettre, le 14 septembre: “Je suis arrivé ici dit-il, le 11 au soir, et déjà je * Allusion aux troubles de 1837, que M. Holmes avait appris par les journaux. 2“ A Vembouchure de la Liane dans la Manche, au pied et sur la pente de coteaux pittoresques.” (Joanne.) Boulogne-sur-Mer était déjà à cette époque une place de bains très achalandée. 8 Depuis la dernière visite de M. Holmes à Londres, le roi Guillaume IV était mort, et sa nièce, la reine Victoria, était montée sur le trône, le 20 juin 1837. On ne peut lire sans une douce émotion les quelques lignes que notre gouverneur Gosford écrivait à cette occasion à lord Glenelg: “ Voilà la jeune reine lancée tout à coup sur un océan agité. Elle a été bien élevée, et sa mère qui, je crois, est une femme très intelligente, d’un esprit droit, d’un bon jugement, sera sans doute pour elle un grand soutien. Dans mon humble opinion, le succès 168 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA me suis bien remué pour l’affaire des réclamations. Je viens de passer la journée avec M. Tulloch, occupé à chercher les moyens de presser notre affaire.... Mon troisième mémoire est prêt. Je vais le pré- senter, puis je tâcherai d'obtenir l’appui de lord Glenelg, qui paraît bien disposé, et de quelques autres... .” Ce ne fut que le 29 septembre qu’il put annoncer au supérieur du séminaire son départ pour le Canada: “ Alea jacta est, écrit-il; je pars. Cette lettre se rendra à Liverpool par le paquebot du ler octobre, et moi, le méme jour, je m’embarquerai a Portsmouth. Nous courrons, a qui plus vite, la lettre et moi, pour vous annoncer que nos réclama- tions prennent une couleur beaucoup plus encourageante.” M. Holmes laissait une procuration à M. Tulloch, à Londres, pour continuer à faire valoir les droits du séminaire à l’indemnité qu’il solli- citait; et il écrivait: “M. Tulloch, qui ne s’amuse pas a flatter de vaines espérances, croit indubitablement que si le bureau colonial nous appuie sérieusement, nous gagnerons. Cette lueur de confiance me reposera de mes fatigues et me fera traverser gaiement le large Atlan- tiques... Il se faisait illusion. Une affaire mal commencée et compromise d’avance se répare difficilement. Sur de fausses données, les commis- saires anglais chargés de distribuer l’indemnité accordée par le gouver- nement français aux sujets britanniques dont les propriétés en France avaient été confisquées durant la Révolution, s'étaient prononcés quel- ques années auparavant contre les réclamations du séminaire de Québec. On n’aime jamais à se déjuger, les corps judiciaires ou autres peut-être encore moins que les individus. M. Holmes, avec un talent admirable et une rare persévérance, avait entrepris de prouver aux commissaires qu'ils s'étaient prononcés sur des données incorrectes: il avait écrit mémoires sur mémoires et n'avait épargné aucune démarche ; il se croyait sûr de gagner sa cause. M. Tulloch revint à la charge, en 1839, après son départ; le docteur Ralph, en 1840: mais tout fut inutile. Ce der- nier reçut un jour cette réponse du secrétaire de la commission: elle lui était donnée comme définitive: “Mes seigneurs ont pris connais- sance de vos représentations, et ils regrettent de ne trouver aucune raison pour changer leur premièra décision touchant les réclamations du séminaire et des Ursulines de Québec.” 1 *k * * de son régne dépendra beaucoup des premiers pas, et j’espére de tout mon cceur qu'ils seront dirigés de manière à lui assurer l’affection et la confiance de son peuple.” ; * Lettre de R.-J. Routh, C.G., 4 M. Parant, supérieur du séminaire de Qué- bec, Dublin Castle, 21 janvier 1848. [GossELIN] LINSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 169 Et l’affaire des écoles normales, l’objet principal du voyage de M. Holmes? Il n’en dit que quelques mots, çà et là, dans la corres- pondance que nous avons sous les yeux. Il en dit assez cependant pour faire voir qu’elle fut l’objet constant de sa sollicitude. C’est en vue d’obtenir tous les renseignements possibles sur le fonc- tionnement des écoles normales, qu’il se rendit à Edimbourg, à Glasgow, à Dublin, et nous avons vu qu’il engagea un professeur en Ecosse: il en engagea un autre en France, probablement à la recommandation de M. Rendu. Il acheta quantité de livres, de cartes, ainsi que des instruments de physique, de chimie, et autres, pour les écoles normales qu’il était chargé d’organiser au Canada. S’il n’y a que peu de chose sur les écoles normales dans les lettres de M. Holmes conservées au séminaire de Québec, c’est qu’il correspon | dait avec les comités de régie de Québec et de Montréal pour tout ce | qui regardait ces institutions? Nos recherches pour retrouver cette correspondanca et les rapports de M. Holmes ont été infructueuses ; celles de M. Doughty, l’archiviste distingué d'Ottawa, l’ont été égale- ment.* | Il est regrettable que nous n’ayons pas ces documents. Outre le compte-rendu que M. Holmes y donnait sans doute de ses visites aux principales institutions des différents pays d’Europe, on y trouverait Jes réflexibns de cet homme distingué en matière d’éducation, on y verrait ce qu'il se proposait de faire pour les écoles normales, sur quel pied il entendait les fonder, les diriger, les conduire. Espérons que ces documents n’ont pas été détruits et qu’ils se retrouveront un jour. Quoi qu’il en soit, on n’avait pas attendu le retour d'Europe de M. Holmes pour inaugurer les écoles normales créées par la loi de 183€. Sur ses indications, sans doute, une école normale pour les garcons s’ou- vrit à Montréal dans l’été de 1837,* et lorsqu'il arriva le 3 novembre, il la trouva en pleine opération, ainsi que les écoles normales de filles que nous avons mentionnées. 1 Voir plus haut, p. 158. ?Le registre du comité de régie de Montréal fait mention d’au moins sept lettres de M. Holmes, adressées soit 4 M. Papineau, soit 4 M. Viger, soit aux secrétaires des comités; elles étaient lues séance tenante. ® Lettre de M. Doughty à l’auteur, Ottawa, 17 août 1907. *Le 8 juillet, d’après un avis publié dans la Gazette de Québec, le Vindi- cator, la Minerve et ’Ami du peuple. MM. Regnaud et Andrew Findlater étaient arrivés le 15 juin dans la barque Morning Star de Londres, partie de Londres le 16 avril. Ils étaient munis de lettres de créance de M. Holmes en date du 15 avril. Seeml 19070012; 170 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA, Le lendemain, 4 novembre, il assistait à une séance du comité de régie de Montréal, convoquée spécialement pour lui, rendait compte des sommes qui lui avaient été confiées pour achat de livres, etc., et recevait des remerciements bien mérités pour les services qu’il avait rendus aux écoles normales durant son voyage. l’école normale de Montréal se tenait dans une maison située au coin des rues Saint-Antoine et Cimetière, dans le faubourg Saint- Antoine? Le principal, M. Regnaud, y avait son logement, avec les élèves de l’école. Son assistant, M. Findlater, logeait en ville. Tous deux recevaient un salaire convenable. Bien souvent, nous avons entendu faire le plus bel éloge de M. Re- gnaud par un de ses anciens élèves. C’était un habile professeur, un homme très distingué, surtout en mathématiques. C’était aussi un parfait chrétien. Il ne lui manquait qu’une chose, paraît-il, le talent de faire observer la discipline, dont il avait d’ailleurs établi lui-même les règles à l’école. M. Findlater, lui aussi, était un professeur très remarquable, et lorsqu’il retourna en Ecosse en 1842, il emporta avec lui des témoi- gnages très flatteurs de la manière dont ses services avaient été ap- préciés au Canada. On a dit que nos premières écoles normales avaient cessé d’exister à cause des troubles de 1838. Ce n’est vrai qu’indirectement. Les troubles de 1838 mirent fin à la législature qui avait voté les fonds des écoles normales, et ces fonds, qui n’avaient été votés que pour cing ans, n’ayant pas été renouvelés par le parlement-uni du Haut et du Bas- Canada, elles furent obligées de fermer leurs portes. Le seul souvenir des troubles de 1838 que nous trouvons attaché à l’école normale de Montréal, c’est qu’elle fut obligée, cette année-là, à la demande du gouvernement, de loger quelque temps un piquet de soldats.* A Québec, l’école normale des filles, comme nous l’avons vu, avait été confiée aux dames Ursulines: le comité de régie leur allouait la 1 C'était sa dix-septième séance. Il y en eut en tout 28, dont nous avons les procès-verbaux. La première eut lieu le 15 avril 1836; la dernière, le 2 juillet 1842. Dans cette séance de clôture, le trésorier, M. Jacques Viger, rendit ses comptes ; et comme, toutes dépenses payées, il avait en mains une somme assez ronde, on lui alloua £60 de gratification pour ses services. On accorda des diplômes à quatre éléves-maitres, puis on vota des remerciements au principal, M. Regnaud, qui se disposait 4 passer en France. *En 1840, il fallut changer de local, et l’école fut installée quelque part sur la rue Craig, où elle resta jusqu’en 1842. * Registre du comité de régie de l’école normale de Montréal. [GOSSELIN] L’INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE 171 somme votée par le gouvernement. Il n’y avait pas de professeurs laïques; c’étaient les religieuses elles-mêmes qui donnaient l’enseigne- ment. Citons ici un extrait de l’avis que le secrétaire du comité, M. Huot, publiait dans le Canadien à l’occasion de l’inauguration de cette école: il nous donnera une idée des conditions requises pour y être admis. “ Avis est par le présent donné que le comité de régie de l’école normale du district de Québec pourvoira à la pension e* à l’enscigne- ment dans le couvent des dames Ursulines de Québee, perdant l’espace de trois années, à commencer le ler septembre prochain, de cinq filles ou plus, résidant dans le district de Québec, qui voudront se destiner à l’enseignement et perfectionner leurs études, et qui n'ont pas le moyen de se maintenir pendant le dit temps; et que le dit comité recevra d’ici au premier août prochain, les applications de la part des parents, tuteurs ou gardiens des dites filles, résidant dans le district de Québec, pour les faire admettre dans le dit couvent et les y faire qualifier comme institutrices. “ Nulle fille ne pourra être admise, à moins qu’elle n’ait atteint Vage de quatorze ans, et qu’elle ne puisse justifier de ses bonnes mœurs par un certificat signé de son curé ou du ministre de sa religion, d’un magistrat et d’un officier de milice du lieu de sa résidence, et à moins qu’elle ne puisse faire preuve qu’elle connaît dans l’une ou l’autre langue la lecture, l'écriture et les éléments de l’arithmétique. Et il sera de plus requis que les dites élèves ou leurs gardiens donnent au dit comité de régie bonne et suffisante caution qu'après le terme de leur cours d’études elles donneront leurs services au public en qualité d’institutrices durant l’espace d’au moins cinq années, ou qu’elles rembourseront au dit comité de régie le montant des dépenses encourues pour le cours d’études des dites élèves... .”1 Voici, d’après les annales des Ursulines, les noms des cinq pre- mières élèves qui entrèrent au monastère, dans l’automne de 1836: Melles Joséphine Malherbe, âgée de 23 ans; Milburge Casault, âgée de 20 ans; Sophie Croteau, âgée de 18 ans; Adéline Piché, et Flavie Sénéchal, âgées de 16 ans. Une sixième élève, Agnès Colyer, entra à l’école normale; elle y fut reçue le 5 novembre 1838. Ces élèves de la première école normale de Québec terminèrent leur ‘cours d’études. Le comité de régie payait leur pension, de six mois en six mois.? 1Le Canadien du 25 mai 1836. 2 Notes de l’archiviste du monastère, à l’auteur. 172 SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA Ce nombre de cing ou six éléves, dans chacune des quatre écoles normales, ne fut jamais, croyons-nous, dépassé. Il était proportionné, naturellement, aux fonds votés par la législature. C’était encore peu de chose, sans doute; mais l’empressement avec lequel on sollicitait de toutes parts l’admission aux écoles normales permettait d’augurer favorablement pour l’avenir de ces institutions.* Lorsqu’elles cessèrent d’exister en 18427 M. Holmes dut en éprou- ver un sincère regret. Ce grand éducateur de la jeunesse portait un si vif intérêt à la cause de l'éducation! Il est de tradition, au monas- tère des Ursulines, qu’il se rendait souvent à leur parloir pour encou- rager dans leurs travaux les religieuses vouées à l’œuvre de l’enseigne. ment. Il leur donnait d’excellents conseils, il les éclairait, il les diri- geait, il leur disait un généreux sursüm corda, il était pour elles un véritable professeur d’école normale. Souvent, il déplorait la pénurie de nos maisons d'éducation, à cette époque, en fait d’appareils scienti- fiques; et l’on assure, au monastère des Ursulines, qu’il lui arriva de leur en fabriquer quelques-uns de sa propre main.? Que ne pouvait-on attendre d’un homme si distingué et si dévoué, pour l’organisation et la direction de nos écoles normales? M. Holmes n’eut pas le bonheur d’assister à leur résurrection en 1857 ; mais on peut être sûr qu’il n’y fut pas tout à fait étranger. N'est-ce pas lui qui avait formé au séminaire M. Chauveau, l’inspirateur principal de la loi de 1856? M. Chauveau était un de ses élèves de prédilection ;* il Pavait imbu de ses idées et de ses connaissances en matière d’éducation. Ne peut-on pas dire, par conséquent, que M. Holmes revit dans les écoles normales telles qu’elles existent aujourd’hui? Defunctus adhüs loquitur. * Nous voyons, par le procès-verbal de la séance du 12 août 1837 du comité de régie de Montréal, qu’à cette date sept personnes avaient fait application pour être admises à l’école: James Dawson et Michael Leahy, de Montréal, William Parker, des Tanneries, Joseph Mousseau dit Desormeaux et Joseph Charlebois, de Saint-Benoit, Thomas Gerard, maitre d’école de l’église Saint-Jacques, et Jacques-Edouard Hubert, maitre d’école de la campagne.—Nous voyons égale- ment, par le procès-verbal de la séance du 10 octobre de la même année, qu’il y avait à cette date six élèves à l’école normale de la Congrégation, que M. Phelan, de Saint-Sulpice, avait fait la visite de cette école et en avait été satisfait. ? Les livres, cartes géographiques et autres objets qui avaient servi aux écoles normales, retournèrent au gouvernement. Entretien de l’auteur avec la Révérende Mère Sainte-Croix, sœur de M. Holmes, aujourd’hui nonagénaire. “Outre M. Chauveau, on cite encore parmi les élèves de prédilection de M. Holmes, Son Eminence le cardinal Taschereau, Mgr Antoine Racine et Mgr Hamel, MM. Cauchon et Joseph-Charles Taché. mov al SOUCINTY OF CANAD A TRANSACTIONS SECTION II. ENGLISH HISTORY, LITERATURE, ARCH ZOLOGY, Erc. PAPERS FOR 1907 Secrion IL, 1907. [3] Trans. R. S. C. Î.—Inaugural Introduction to Section II, Royal Society of Canada, 1907. By Rev. Dr. N. Brrwasu. (Read May 14, 1907.) Gentlemen,— I must first of all thank you for the honour you have done me in electing me president of this important section of the Royal Society. As a younger member of the Society I could not pretend to any claim for such consideration, and when your kind remembrance came to me during my absence from the last annual meeting, it was ‘indeed a surprise which could not but be highly appreciated. The recurrence of our annual meeting seldom fails to call our attention to two things which mark the passing of the years. One is that there are faces whom we miss and shall not see again. The other is that new men of promise are entering the field of Canadian literature from whom our country may expect good things in the days to come. Two very distinguished names have this year passed from our lists, the one an honoured charter member, who for some years has been retired from active work, but whose pen even in ripe old age still con- veyed a welcome greeting to his fellow-countrymen. Mr. Wm. Kirby was not a Canadian by birth, but sprang from that northern race which has made the eastern counties of England so famous in history. Com- ing to Canada when a lad of fifteen, he entered into our life with all the zest of youthful enthusiasm and a poetic temperament. At that date the field for the literary artist lay in two directions, the old time French life in which the age of chivalry was projected almost into the nineteenth century and the U. HE. Loyalist movement in which the finest qualities of the highbred Englishman were put to the test of heroic suffering. The spirit of those themes took possession of Mr. Kirby’s soul and made him truly a Canadian in thought and sympathy. He, first of all our men of letters, won the attention of the outside world to Canadian themes and directed the feet of sentimental pilgrims to the holy places of our history. 4 Dr. Drummond, in a sense, completed the work which Kirby began, for both dealt with the French life which had survived from a bygone age. Mr. Kirby, like the majority of the older writers, found his characters and incidents among the highborn. Dr. Drummond, entering into the modern spirit, discovered the beautiful, the picturesque and even the heroic among the lowly children of toil. He, too, gained 4 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA the ear of the world-wide English speaking audience. Born, like Kirby, across the sea and transplanted in childhood to Canada, he entered heart and soul into our Canadian life and was again in thought and sympathy and literary work distinctly a Canadian. While we reverently bow the head as we stand beside the honoured tomb of the veteran of almost fourscore and ten, we feel a sharper pang, as if at the loss of a brother, when we remember the strong man from whom the world had learned to expect great things for many years and who has been taken away from us so suddenly in his very prime. While we thus pay our tribute to the memory of those who have passed away, and rejoice in the fresh laurels of our brethren, permit me to give a word of kindly greeting to some new faces who are just entering the field of Canadian literature. Marian Keith is proving her right to an honourable place as a writer possessed of fine native gifts and of no mean skill as a literary craftsman. Helena Coleman presents us with a volume which will appeal to the deeper heart of our people to the men and women who strive after a high moral ideal and out of suffering are made perfect, and yet she links with this some exquisite touches of the lighter fancy which plays around the everyday things of nature. Prof. Blewett has given us a volume which to rich and varied learning and profound philosophical insight has added a prose style which places him high among the masters of noble English. There are also others from whom I may mention one, Marjory Picthall, who, young in years, already shows gifts which are full of promise. May I quote one or two verses: A MOTHER IN EGYPT. “About midnight will I go out into the midst of Egypt: and all the firstborn in the land of Egypt shall die, from the firstborn of Pharoah that sitteth upon the throne, even unto the firstborn of the maidservant that is behind the mill.” Is the noise of grief in the palace over the river For this silent one at my side? There came a hush in the night, and he rose with his hands a-quiver Like lotus petals a-drift on the swing of the tide. O, small cold hands, the day groweth old for sleeping! O, small still feet, rise up, for the hour is late! Rise up, my son, for I hear them mourning and weeping In the temple down by the gate! [BURWASH] INAUGURAL INTRODUCTION TO SECTION II 3 Hushed is the face that was wont to brighten with laughter When I sang at the mill, And silence unbroken shall greet the sorrowful dawns hereafter, The house shall be still. Voice after voice takes up the burden of wailing,— Do you heed, do you hear?—in the high-priest’s house by the wall. But mine is grief, and their sorrow is all unavailing,— Will he wake at their call? Something I saw of the broad dim wings half-folding The passionless brow. Something I saw of the sword that the shadowy hands were holding,— What matters it now? I held you close, dear face, as I knelt and hearkened To the wind that cried last night like a soul in sin, When the broad, bright stars dropped down and the soft sky darkened, And the presence moved therein. T have heard men speak in the market place of the city, Low-voiced, in a breath, Of a god who is stronger than ours, and who knows not changing nor pity, Whose anger is death. Nothing I know of the Lords of the outland races, But Amon is gentle and Hathor the mother is mild, And who would descend from the light of the Peaceful Places, To war on a child? Yet here he lies, with a scarlet pomegranate petal Blown down on his cheek. The slow sun sinks to the sand like a shield of some burnished metal, But he does not speak. I have called, I have sung, but he neither will hear nor waken; So lightly, so whitely, he lies in the curve of my arm, Like a feather let fall from the bird that the arrow hath taken, Who could see him, and harm? The swallow flies home to her sleep in the eaves of the altar, And the crane to her nest !— So do we sing o’er the mill, and why, ah! why should I falter, 6 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Since he goeth to his rest? Does he play in their flowers as he played among these with his mother? Do the gods smile downwards and love him and give him their care? Guard him well, O ye gods, till I come; lest the wrath of that | Other Should reach to him there.” During the past year the eminent University of Aberdeen celebrated the four hundredth anniversary of its foundation, and when an invita- tion was received by our Society to be represented on the occasion, a member of our section was chosen to discharge that honourable duty. We now congratulate him, as Dr. Campbell, not that the title adds lustre to the name already cherished in the hearts of Canadians, but because we believe that he will honour the title in the discharge of that highest function granted to man by his Creator, that of the poet- prophet who at once delights, instructs and elevates his people. From this brief annual review, I may very readily turn your attention to a topic of a practical character, viz., the relation of our Canadian Literature to the work of Education in our Schools and Colleges. OUR CANADIAN LITERATURE. | Has it reached such a position that it can be introduced into our Schools and Colleges as a subject of study? With the dawn of the present century there has been awakened throughont the length and breadth of our country a strong sense of national life. We are beginning to think seriously of ourselves as a Canadian nation, “ Daughter in her mother’s house, but mistress in her own.” Several causes have contributed to this birth of national spirit. The union of the scattered British American provinces in the Dominion and the expansion of our territory to embrace the northern half of the continent laid the foundation. The adoption of protection in the United States and of the national policy in Canada favoured the growth of the national spirit and swept away the last vestige of a disposition towards annexation. The opening of a new century, the Diamond Jubilee, the death of Queen Victoria, and the accession of King Edward all exerted a powerful educative influence on national views and sentiment in all parts of the Empire, involving as they did a review of the past and an outlook to the future. The South African war introducing Canadian, Australian and New Zealand contingents into the field and making it a war of the empire rather than of the [BURWASH] INAUGURAL INTRODUCTION TO SECTION II 7 mother country alone gave another impulse to the rising movement. The birth of imperialism was not so much a cause as another phase, and finally industrial prosperity, influx of population, and discovery of new resources for the production of wealth, have all followed to give impetus and confidence to the new sentiment, until now we all feel the strong pulses of our young national life. One of the most imme- diate results of this new life has been a vision of the future, an optimism and a hopefulness which gives new energy to all our work. Our captains of industry and commerce have made large plans. All our sources of wealth are being exploited. Three transcontinental railways with interlacing branches in every direction are being built up. The great waterways are brought into requisition, new forces of nature are harnessed for our work, and the wealth of the country is multiplied beyond all previous anticipation. Nor is this material side the only line of advancement. On the spiritual side our churches are all rising with magnificent faith to meet their enlarged obligations. Our great educational institutions keep pace with the onward move- ment. The little colleges of fifty years ago have now become univers- ities with continental or even world-wide reputation, and with thousands of students gathered from all parts of the Dominion and from beyond the seas. And last, but not least, our literature has grown in quality and quantity until we are no longer ashamed to call it Canadian. Fourteen years ago one of the most honoured members of this Royal Society made the following guarded statement :—“ If Canada can point in recent years to some creditable achievement in history, poetry and essay writing...... there is one respect in which Canadians have never won any marked success, 1.e., in the novel or romance.” When these words were penned our literature was only beginning to feel the stir- tings of the new life of Canada. To-day even the critical judgment of Sir John G. Bourinot would bear a far more favourable testimony. Not only has our parliamentary oratory matured in dignity and grace until even England is charmed by the diction of a Laurier, but our history has added to industry and scientific accuracy, elegance of style and beauty of lofty sentiment, our poetry has passed from fine word painting of our unrivalled scenery to the deeper expression of human character and action, and it can no longer be said that no Canadian writer has achieved success in the field of fiction or story, especially in dealing with a Canadian subject, or that our best material for literary treatment is being exploited by foreign writers. It is proving true in Canadian history, as in all national history, that the birth of a national life brings literary as well as material achievement. 8 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA It was this new stage in the intellectual advance of our country which brought forward in the recent meeting of the Ontario Educational Association the following resolution :—‘“ Resolved that—Whereas the literature of Canada is sufficient both in quality and quantity for study in our schools, and whereas the study of the literature of one’s country is a most valuable feature in developing national life; therefore this Association place itself on record as favouring :— a. A course of Canadian literature in our training schools. b. Some recognition of Canadian literature in our courses of study leading to teachers’ certificates and matriculation. c. A request to the Ontario Library Association for co-operation in placing Canadian literature in our public and school libra- ries.” It is to this educational question that I invite your attention in this brief paper hoping, not to make any original contribution to our literature, but rather to secure your co-operation in a very important movement for its recognition. à The question before us is this: Does the present status of our literature justify us in placing it as a distinct subject on the curriculum for the education of our youth? This question is by no means as simple as might at first sight appear. In the choice of materials for his work the true educator has ever been cosmopolitan, and, therefore, for two thousand years Greece has ruled the thought and set the stan- dards of intellectual life for our western world. We can only justify the proposed advance if we can find something in ‘our Canadian literature of true educational value, something not less valuable than that which we have hitherto borrowed from the outside world. With the expansion of modern science our educational programme is not merely filled up, it is crowded to excess, and a new subject can scarcely be inserted except by a process of displacement; and this can only- be justified on the ground that we have something as good or better to offer. Again, the question before us is not one of critical review of Canadian literature in our universities as a chapter in the study of English or French literature and subordinate to the general treatment of those subjects. Nor is it a question of the use of Canadian text- books in history. Nor is it the question of the insertion of a few patriotic or other Canadian poems, essays or prose extracts in the reading books of our primary schools. All this has already been done. The proposal now before us is the use of Canadian literature as we now use Shakespeare, Scott, Wordsworth or Tennyson, or Addison or Macaulay as special subjects of study for matriculants and teachers. [BURWASH] INAUGURAL INTRODUCTION TO SECTION II 9 This is, of course, a more ambitious step than any hitherto taken and demands very careful consideration. Do our present achievements in literature justify such a step? We may reach the answer to our question by a study of the func- tion of literature in the process of education. The work of education has been carried on in all ages by bringing the young mind into contact with the best spiritual life of the past as that life has been preserved for us in various forms and can be reproduced by us. We have grouped that life under three heads: Science, philosophy and literature. In the beginnings of civilization these three things were united in the earliest form of literature the myth. Another early form of literature, the bard-song or folk story, covered the field of history. And still another, the proverb or word of wisdom, filled out the programme of early education. At this stage it might be said that literature held the entire field. But all evolution is differentiation, and in no field has this been more marked than in this department of our civilization. Science, philosophy and literature are now clearly distinguished though they can never be entirely separated. Even history, so long the common ground, is now divided into various branches according as it receives a scientific, a philosophical or a literary treatment. Thus, in our day literature appears as a distinct element in our educational programme, and we are led to enquire what is literature in this differentiated sense? and what is its special function in edu- cation ? It is now clearly recognized that only those writings can be ranked as literature which attain to a certain perfection of style, and that this should include all those qualities which make language the perfect expression of thought and emotion. Purity, clearness, force are, of course, requisite; the absence of these would be a positive fault, involv- ing unqualified rejection from the rank of literature. But in true literature something more is expected—a combination of dignity and strength, of fitness and beauty and of all with that chaste simplicity which is so filled and inspired by thought that mere rhetoric is for- gotten and turgid bombast is absolutely excluded; all this is demanded by the true literary critic of to-day. And from the very origin of literature the musical note was dominant and the sweet cadence of speech responded to the sounds of the lyre or the rythmical movements of the body. Our literature is no longer recited by bards, and only at times is it sung to the accompaniment of the harp, but still a funda- mental sensibility of our nature demands that it should be musical speech. Even Carlyle, like a great bass drum, has a music of his own. 10 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA But the still more important characteristic of literature lies in its content. That content is not mere information. Information enters only the soul’s vestibule, it is the mere message boy, bearing with it that which may pass into the presence chamber, but in itself valued only for that which it carries. The contents of true literature on the other hand come forth from the hidden depths of our spiritual being, and, once passing the portal, find their way to the secret cham- bers, the inmost recesses of the soul. They make their appeal to our moral nature, our social nature, our religious nature; to that within us which laughs and weeps, rejoices or hates or scorns or is filled with contempt, to that which is moved by the beautiful, trembles before the awful, is lifted by the sublime. They make their appeal to the active energies of our nature till the whole mighty impulse of the soul to do is called forth, saying, “ead us against Philip! Let us conquer or die!” Titerature thus speaks from, and speaks to, the whole man in a wider range of his faculties and capacities than mere perception, memory, or even understanding. It involves the whole range of sensi- bility as well as the active and moral powers. And in these two fundamental characteristics of literature lies its value as a means of education. It calls into activity the inner man, and it forms the style by which that inner man is expressed in language. There are doubtless other implements of education which are equal to or surpass literature in their influence or memory, on the powers of reasoning or observation, on the exact co-ordination of the senses and movements of the body, or the development and the perfect- ing of ideas of form, colour or movement. But all these are elementary and external, the a-b-c of spiritual life. When we wish to call out the deeper and more spiritual man there are but two implements, natural life and literature; and literature is the picture of the full orbed life of nature and of man—and into living contact with that life your boy must be brought if you would make of him a man. Put him on the football field and he will laugh and shout, he will feel the glow and excitement of conflict, he will burn with indignation or exult in plea- surable pride, every aspect of his character will be brought, into play. The boy is being educated, but not always by means of noble models or after desirable ideals. The one advantage which literature pos- sesses is this, that it enables you to put before the boy the best ideals. It arouses his spiritual being into sympathy and it surrounds him with the environment of the best and noblest life. Even your most realistic literature may be less intense than the real conflict of young life on the playground, and certainly cannot approach the awful clash of moral and physical forces in a great battle. But it places before you the [BURWASsH ] INAUGURAL INTRODUCTION TO SECTION II 11 choice of the best, and that in large variety sufficient to meet the varied yearning for life of the youthful spirit. But we must now apply this to the question in hand. Has our Canadian literature arrived at that stage of perfection which fits it for use as an implement of education? Still further, is that stage of development sufficiently advanced to create for it a history? Or, in other words, has it assumed a distinctive Canadian type, and can we trace the operation of the forces by which that type has been developed ? To the first of these questions we may very confidently give an affirmative answer. Our Canadian literature is now sufficient, both in quantity and quality, to afford most excellent material for the purposes of education. This is, we think, true, both as regards style and con- tent. We have prose writers who, for chaste purity and simplicity of diction, and for dignity and beauty of style, may safely be presented as models to our young people. We have also among our poets quite a number who have given us melodious and felicitous expression of noble thought, an expression which may well be claimed as a fit setting for the gem which it encloses. Such things deserve to live and to be cherished in the land of their birth, and nothing will contribute more to the elevation and refinement of our Canadian people than that through the years to come these sweet melodies should go singing through their brains and voicing their best thoughts and remembrances. In content also our literature is taking both a wider range and a more distinctive character. It is no longer a mere rehearsal of Canadian history or description of Canadian scenery. It is beginning to enter more widely and more deeply into life, and that life of a national character, and there is no difficulty in selecting from our literature rich material for the inspiration of our youth with noble ideals. In high moral standard, in strong religious faith, in devout reverence, in profound respect for the common rights of humanity, in refinement of taste and purity and depth of social feeling, in love of humanity, and in honourable regard for every man as a man, in these and many other aspects of the best that is in man, our writers have been the prophets and teachers of their generation and deserve the grateful recognition of their country. Still further, there is no doubt that our literature is beginning to assume a distinctive national character. Of course, such a char- acter must exist in the hearts and lives of our Canadian people before it can be reflected in literature. It is also obvious that in our young country our varied population has not yet been completely fused into a perfect or even approximate unity of type. In the Province of 12 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Quebec we have one type well marked and wonderfully well adapted to the uses of literature, and Anglo Canadian as well as French Can- adian literature has promptly responded to it. The U. E. Loyalist settlement of Upper Canada and of the Lower Provinces laid the foundations of another type, but into this has been poured such a large body of English, Irish, Scotch and German popu- lation, that the process of fusion has been retarded. The new material may never be completely assimilated and the final result will probably be a composite type, the form of which is only beginning to appear. As a consequence, a great part of our literature still reflects the char- acter or type imported from another land, and, if we would describe it, we must use a compound word and call it Scotch Canadian or Irish Canadian or English Canadian. ‘And yet, ever here, the Canadian im- press is discernible and becomes more and more distinct. It lightens up the sombre aspect of the Scotch, it curbs the dogged assertiveness of the English, it cools the impetuous ardour of the Irish. It com- hines many of the virtues and not a few of the vices of all, but it adds to them an optimism, a self-reliance, and a versatility of genius born of the atmosphere and necessities of this new land. In no part of our country is this process of the inspiration of a new character more manifest than in the youngest, the newborn west. It has not yet found a tongue in our literature. Our poets still sing of the vanishing redman rather than of the incoming thousands; but as the crowds of immigrants land on the prairie a living spirit of hope and high enter- prise seems to seize them and transform them, and that spirit will be the mark of the western Canadian to come — and will stamp itself on a literature yet to be. It is this adolescent condition of our national history, character and literature which creates some embarrassment in our attempt to answer the second question. Can our literature be studied from the higher point of view of its historical evolution as to style, spirit and content? Even in the older United States the style of American literature is not quite so well marked as to distinguish it perfectly from that of England. The spirit and content are somewhat more definitely marked. But as yet all the younger English speaking lands must continue to be indebted to the mother land for that which stands forth as epoch making in English literature, and which gives us a well developed process of evolution as a subject of study. The shorter life of Canadian, or even, of American literature, has at best but produced a variety, and all higher study of literature must deal with the liter- ature of the English speaking race rather than with its younger branches. But even here our most advanced students may find a field for the [purwasH] INAUGURAL INTRODUCTION TO SECTION II 13 study of a living process. A Canadian literature is not only growing up under our observation, but at the present its buds are opening into blossoms, marking a stage in the process of the deepest interest to the student. Sue In every way then we think we may confidently say that our Canadian literature should receive distinct attention in the educational programmes, both of our elementary schools and of our higher seats of learning. To one other aspect of our subject we would ask a moments consideration. Literature is not merely an effect, it is also a cause. It is the outcome, the ripe fruitage of national character and life, but it is also the seed of harvests yet to be. It springs from character and it creates character. From the very beginnings of civilization the most important forms of literature have spoken to the hearts of all the people, and have left their impress on national life and character. In the olden time it was done by the bard, then fol- lowed the ballad and the song, then came the orator and the poet. To-day, perhaps, the most widely influential worker in literature is the writer of fiction. It cannot be claimed that this is the highest form of literature. In fact, it very rarely attains to the highest quality of even prose style, and at its best it lacks the felicitous com- bination of beautiful and melodious works with thought which makes it continue to be prized and remembered through the centuries. There are thus placed before the literary man two distinct goals for his ambition. One is to be read by tens of thousands and to give them pleasure and profit for the passing year. The other is so to weave the very form of his best thought, the very words in which it has been embodied, into the higher spiritual life and culture of a nation that they will go on repeating it from generation to generation in the self- same words in which it was born from his own soul. This seems to me the summit of literary achievement. It is like the force of gravita- tion, it works for ever. An earthquake is but for a moment. - May I venture to hope that upon our literary artists there may fall the prophetic mantle of weighty responsibility, and that the goal of their ambition may be the best — the eternal. SECTION IL, 1907. {15 ] Trans. R. 8. C. IL. The Talbot Papers.— Edited, with Preface, Introduction and some Annotations. By JAMES H. Coyne, M.A. (Read May 15, 1907.) PART PREFATORY. The life of Colonel the Honorable Thomas Talbot extended from 1771 to 1853. He left behind him a considerable number of letters and other MSS. and printed papers. These had been preserved for special reasons, relating to the subject matter and their personal inter- est. A few of the letters were from friends and relatives in the old country; others from distinguished Upper Canadians and British offi- cers serving in the province. He had kept copies of population, settle- ment and militia returns, as well as drafts or copies of important letters and memorials sent by him to the head of the Provincial Government, and a few newspapers and political fly-sheets containing personal refer- ences, or connected with the war of 1812 or other important events. Among his correspondents were two Lieutenant-Governors, Francis Gore and Sir Peregrine Maitland; their secretaries, Halton and Hillier; Generals Sir Isaac Brock, Sir Roger Sheaffe and Henry Procter, Captain James Brock, Chief Justice Scott, Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Clark, Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Nichol, Quarter-Master General of Militia during the war; Major Glegg, Attorney-General Macdonnell, Dr. John Rolph, Colonel Mahlon Burwell, Hon. -William Allan, Hon. W. H. Merritt, and others of more or less note. The earliest letter was written in 1806 by Colonel James Archibald Stuart-Wortley-Mackenzie, M.P. for Bossiney, afterward first Baron Wharncliffe of Wortley. The writer had served with Talbot at Quebec fifteen years before; and the two men were on terms of affectionate intimacy. The letter is remarkable as a graphic description of English feeling during that doleful year. Napoleon’s star was near its zenith, the Austrian and Prussian capitals had been entered in triumph by his victorious hosts, all Europe was prostrate at his feet, while in England, Pitt and Fox, the trusted leaders of both the great parties, had passed away within a twelvemonth amid the lamentations of the whole British people. When Talbot retired from the army in 1800, he was already a well known figure in the highest social circles, both in the British Isles and 16 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA in North America. He had served on the staff of the Marquis of Buck- ingham, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and on that of Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe in Upper Canada. He had spent a year in garrison at Quebec, when the leader of society was his friend, His Royal Highness, Edward, Duke of Kent. He had hob-nobbed with lords and ladies of high degree at the Court of St. James. Princes of the blood were his boon com- panions. Ever since the Conquest, the Talbots had been influential at court both in London and in Dublin. They had distinguished them- selves in many fields. The Talbots of Malahide had been, from the days of Strongbow, conspicuous among the great families of Ireland. Colonel Talbot’s sale of his commission before he had completed his thirtieth year, and his decision to establish a settlement in the woods on the shore of Lake Erie, was naturally the sensation of the day. His youth and personality, his high social position and connections, the sudden abandonment of a creditable and promising career, the many surmises as to the reasons which influenced him to exchange it for a hermit life in the American wilderness, made him at once a romantic personage. he interest was heightened by reports which from time to time reached the imperial and provincial capitals. His eccentricities of dress, employment and conduct, the curious collection of log-huts which grew up round him at Port Talbot, and which he was prone to dignify jocosely with the title of the Castle of Malahide, the semi- royal state and exclusiveness which he maintained amidst sometimes sordid surroundings, the visits of provincial magnates, and eminent noblemen and gentry from the home-land, were never failing themes for gossip in palace and cabin. On the other hand, in his winter visits to the provincial capital at York, divesting himself of his far-famed sheep-skin coat and cap, and broad-striped trousers of red and black homespun, he resumed with ease at the gubernatorial court of Mrs. Gore or the Lady Sarah Maitland the cocked hat, ruffled shirt, silk stockings and other paraphernalia, together with the formal airs, old-world man- ners and courtly speech of the eighteenth century gallant. But, aristocrat as he was, and with all his eccentricities, there was a practical side to Talbot’s character, and he looked forward as well as backward. His importance as one of the makers of Canada is based upon the plan of settlement which he formed, or rather adopted, and which he continued to carry out with characteristic determination for nearly half a century. As Founder of the Talbot Settlement, he attached his name to one of the richest and most prosperous agricul- tural regions in the world, extending from Long Point to the Detroit River. The Talbot Road is the longest and was for many years the THE HONOURABLE THOMAS TALBOT FOUNDER OF THE TALBOT SETTLEMENT From the Original Water-Colour in the Possession of Mrs. Macbeth. wate toate ry DANS RES rey 7 : j Ë f mt : E 7 i : t ; > 4 . i i mn Ne . i = : « | M ta 7 ; gine p f F ; 1 : [CoYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 17 best, as it is still one of the best, in the province. The prosperity of the Talbot settlers was systematically and extensively advertized. The government made use of it for the purpose of attracting immigrants to all parts of the province. Throughout Upper Canada the Settlement was held up as a model for imitation. During the war of 1812, Talbot occupied a position of responsibility in the Upper Canada militia as Colonel commanding the London and Western Districts. This brought him once more into close contact with military and naval officers. The settlers, then fortunately few in number, suffered at the hands of successive bands of raiders from the States, who plundered them of everything portable, and destroyed what they could not carry away. The progress of settlement was absolutely stopped by the war. With peace came progress and prosperity. [mmi- grants found themselves barred from entrance into Dunwich and Ald- borough by Colonel Talbot, who claimed these townships as his reserves. In other townships the usual fees were not exacted, and officials com- plained loudly of the discrimination in the Colonel’s favour. Contro- versy with the Executive Council ended in an appeal by Talbot to the Home Government. He was sustained, and thenceforward for many years he was, practically uncontrolled in the work of settlement. The political campaign of 1832-1833 was largely a war of petitions. Talbot’s great mecting at St. Thomas was an important influence in this connection, both in the province and in England. A large and important part of the Talbot Papers consists of material relating to this meeting. Owing to Colonel Talbot’s prominence in so many ways, romantic and practical, he was and must always remain a personage of conse- quence in our history. Anything, therefore that throws light upon his history, character and motives, upon his connection with settlement, or upon his rela- tion to the military and political events which have been mentioned, 1The original arrangement between the provincial authorities and Talbot related solely to the settlement of Dunwich, the township of Aldborough being later added to the reserve set apart for his benefit. These townships may therefore be said to have formed the original Talbot ;Settlement. But in 1811 and later, under new arrangements, he undertook the superintendence of the settlement of all the townships along the Talbot Road properly so- called, from Long Point to the Detroit River, as well as of others along the River Thames. References to the Talbot Settlement during the first half of the last century apply almost exclusively not to the original townships, the settlement of which was obstructed by Colonel Talbot, but to the other town- ships, which prospered greatly. Sec. II., 1907. 2. 18 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA possesses a distinct historical value. The Talbot Papers are, therefore, their own excuse for the demand they make upon public attention. Among the interesting points of major or minor importance con- nected with the papers published, attention may be properly directed to the following: (a) The grant made in 1475 by King Edward IV to the then Thomas Talbot, Esquire, of Malahide, is interesting not only from its intrinsic importance, but also on account of its apparent relation to Colonel Talbot’s motives in establishing his settlement. As far as the changed conditions would permit, he probably desired to acquire in the new world dignities, privileges and estates worthy to be compared with those of his 15th century ancestor. The water mark of his copy (1820) would indicate that he procured it from Dublin about the time when he sent in his report to the Provincial Executive Council, showing that he had completed the settlement in Dunwich and Aldborough, according to the terms claimed by him to have been agreed upon in 1803. Like his favoured fifteenth century ancestor, he too received a grant from the Crown of a tract of land equal to a petty principality. And if the older manor of Malahide was a sort of palatinate, was not the younger Thomas Talbot also virtually exercising the authority of a king over a far more extensive region? (b) The legend current for nearly a century as to Talbot’s aversion to female domestics is shown to be in opposition to the facts down to the year 1809, Talbot’s account book containing the accounts of at least four who served him in that capacity as well as the terms of agreement. it is possible that the difficulty which, according to the Due de Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Simcoe had found insuperable at Niagara, had been experienced at Port Talbot, and that Talbot also had found it necessary to employ only men servants if he desired con- tinuity of service. Cecil Rhodes is another instance of a prominent colonial who limited his household in the same way, and perhaps for the same reason. (c) In the Sessional Papers of Upper Canada for 1836, the official relations existing between Talbot and the Executive Council of the province are fully set forth. In the papers now published, fresh light is thrown upon their controversies. (d) A large number of the papers now presented relate to the | war of 1812-1815. These furnish many details not otherwise available, relating to the operations of the war. Those dealing with Simon Zelotes Watson enable us to understand to a certain extent the personal [coxrNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 19 grievances which induced him to join the invading army in 1812, and to take an active part in raiding the Talbot Settlement. (e) The papers include what is probably the last letter written by Attorney-General Macdonnell, who fell at Queenston Heights. It bears date the day before the battle. (f) They contain interesting details relating to Gore, Maitland, Brock, Sheaffe, Glegg, Rolph, Nichol and Procter, which enable us better to appreciate their varied qualities and characteristics. (g) The frank references to Talbot’s convivial habits by the Lieu- tenant-Governors, Nichol, etc., show that his weaknesses were well-known to intimate friends in high station long before Mrs. Jameson referred to them in her book. (h) The general tone of Talbot’s correspondence reveals his char- acter, which, notwithstanding his habits, eccentricities and prejudices, has some admirable features. Altogether he remains one of the most striking and picturesque figures among the makers of Upper Canada. (7) It has been deemed advisable to add to the present publication, Talbot’s letter written from Port Stanley in 1801 to the Duke of Cum- berland, and the Duke of Kent’s forwarding this to the Colonial Office, and also a collection of letters in the Crown Lands Department, Toronto. from Talbot to the then Commissioner of Crown Lands, the Honorable Peter Robinson, as well as a number of letters written by him to the Honorable William Allan. The Robinson letters were brought to light some years ago by the late Mrs. Kate Westlake Yeigh, and were published in part in St. Thomas newspapers. For permission to publish the Allan letters, I have to thank Mr. Allan Cassells, of Toronto. These letters are all of sufficient value to justify their in- clusion in this publication. (%) The report of the preliminary meeting for the establishment of the Talbot Anniversary is now published for the first time from the Archives at Ottawa. The minutes bear the impress of John Rolph’s mind and hand, and are amusing as well as interesting. The papers relating to the establishment of the anniversary, published in Edward Ermatinger’s “ Life of Colonel Talbot,” and reprinted by Judge Erma- tinger in “The Talbot Régime,” animadvert upon Colonel Burwell’s objections to the premature canonization of his patron. It is possible , that some solid basis for his objections may be found in the equivocal statement in the minutes now published: “every individual returned to his family without one exception to correct conduct and sobriety. It is indeed an observation, which can be applied to few public dinners of the above description as numerously attended.” Of evil results from such gatherings Colonel Burwell was not unreasonably apprehensive. 20 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA In the Introduction considerable space has been given to the negotiations which led up to the original arrangement with Talbot for the settlement of Dunwich and Aldborough, and to the subsequent dis- putes between him and the Executive Council over its interpretation. For permission to publish the Talbot Papers acknowledgments are due to His Honor Judge Macbeth, who some years ago entrusted them to the editor, with authority to publish them in his discretion. Under this authority the editor has from time to time permitted portions to appear in the newspaper press and elsewhere. It has been thought desirable to print the papers now as a collection. This will facilitate their citation, and is warranted by the importance of Colonel Talbot as a historical personage and by their inherent interest. Unless otherwise intimated, all the documents are from the collection left by Talbot. [coryNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 21 INTRODUCTION. The Honorable Thomas Talbot, Founder of The Talbot Settlement. Li; THE TALBOTS OF MALAHIDE, Malahide Castle is nine miles from Dublin. Its situation, com- manding an excellent view of the town and bay of the same name, and the Islands of Ireland’s Eye and Lambey; its Gothic porch and lofty circular towers; its carved oak ceilings and wainscottings; its Vandyke portraits, its altar-piece by Diirer, once the property of Queen Mary; and the remains of its ancient church, for ages the place of burial of the proprietors of the Castle; are strong attractions for the tourist and the artist. The lordship of Malahide has remained in the Talbot family in the male heirs and name of the original grantee for more than seven centuries. One of William the Conqueror’s barons was a Richard de Talbot, and it is claimed that his estates antedated the conquest. It was his grandson, Richard de Talbot, who, accompanying Henry IT to Ireland, received from him a grant of the barony and castle of Mala- hide in the year 1174. Three centuries later, in 1475, King Edward IV granted and confirmed to Thomas Talbot, Esquire, the castle and lord- ship, with many feudal rights and privileges. The instrument refers to Talbot as already holding “the manor or Lordship of Malahide in our Land of Ireland of us in Chief by Knight’s Service.” It is wit- nessed by many great officers in church and state, including Cardinal Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, his brother, Lord Essex, who was the King’s uncle by marriage; the King’s brothers, George, Duke of Clarence, and Richard, Duke of Gloucester; Earl Rivers, Thomas Stanley of Stanley, and Lord Hastings, names familiar to students of Shakespeare and English history. At that time few names were better known throughout western Europe than that of Talbot. What reader of Shakespeare is ignorant of the famous John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury? The chronicles of the time are full of his prowess and his victories. He was the terror of France. At the sound of his name alone the enemy despaired and fled. For ages French mothers silenced their children by the threat that Talbot would come. It was his lineal descendant, Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, who, at the coronation of His Majesty King Edward VII, took rank and precedence as premier Earl of the United Kingdom. King ‘Edward IV himself is said to have been betrothed to Elizabeth 22 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Talbot. “Since William, the Bastard died,” it has been said, “ there has been no day, when the adhesion of the head of the Talbots has not been distinctly important to the acting Government of England.” Court memoirs of the close of the Stuart era have much to say of the soldier, courtier, and diplomat, more familiarly known as Dick Talbot, whom James created Duke of Tyrconnel, and of his wife, la belle Jennings? His brother, Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, is said to have been the last state prisoner of eminence who died in Dublin Castle. Another brother, Sir Robert, continued the line of the Talbots of Malahide. It was in the castle of Malahide and of this ancient stock that Thomas Talbot, the founder of the Talbot Settlement in Upper Canada, was born on the 19th day of July, 1771. He was the son of Richard Talbot. His mother, Margaret O’Reilly, was grand-daughter of the Earl of Westmeath, and sister of the celebrated Count O’Reilly, General of Cavalry in the Austrian army. O’Reilly’s history was one continuous romance. By his brilliant charges at the close of the battle of Auster- litz, he saved the remnant of that army from annihilation. But his gallantry had already displayed itself on another field. In earlier years he had killed in a duel à l’outrance his rival for the affections of a Bohemian countess, whom he won as the prize of victory, although himself dangerously wounded in the combat. Honours were showered upon him by the emperors, and, dying in 1832, at the age of ninety- two, he closed a career of extraordinary success and distinction. Richard Talbot died in 1788. Forty-three years later his widow, then over eighty years of age, was created by King William IV a peeress of the kingdom of Ireland, with the title of Baroness Talbot of Mala- hide. At least four of her sons were then living, of whom Thomas, the youngest, was sixty years old. The two eldest, Richard and James, in turn inherited the title. The latter’s grandson is now Lord Talbot de Malahide of the peerage of the United Kingdom. John, the third son, entered the navy. He won fame, knighthood and rapid pro- motion during the Napoleonic wars. Before he died, he wore the Grand Cross of the Bath, and was Admiral of the fleet. Another son, Colonel Neil Talbot, was slain in the Peninsula, charging at the head of his dragoons. Richard Airey, a grandson, was Quarter-Master General of the army during the Crimean war, and was afterward ele- vated to the peerage. II.—TuHomas TALBOT AND ARTHUR WELLESLEY. To a family so distinguished the paths of official preferment pre- sented few difficulties. We find accordingly that Thomas, the fourth son, received a commission as ensign in the 66th foot, before completing [Coyne] THE TALBOT PAPERS : 23 the twelfth year of his age. Within a few months he had been pro- moted to a lieutenancy, and then retired on half pay. It was probably at this time that he entered the Manchester Free School, where he obtained all the schooling he appears to have ever received. At sixteen, he is again on the act*ve list as lieutenant in the 24th foot. Appointed to the staff of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the Marquis (afterwards Duke) of Buckingham, he is associated with a brother aide-de-camp, Arthur Wellesley, better known to fame by his later appellation, as the Duke of Wellington. Wellesley was a year or two his senior. Their friendship, begun in early youth, was maintained throughout their ex- tended lives. After Talbot’s settlement in America, it was his custom to make periodical visits to England, and the two friends met again and again. Shortly before Wellington’s death, the hermit of Port Talbot was a guest at Apsley House, and the then octogenarians revived for the last time the faded memories of youthful days spent in the precincts of Dublin Castle. They had set out in the same profession with bril- _liant careers opening before them. Their paths had separated widely. Each had worked out his destiny in his own way and achieved his aim. The one became the “hero of a hundred fights, who never lost an Eng- lish gun,” conqueror of Napoleon, commander-in-chief, duke, prime minister. The other had opened up for settlement a portion of the almost endless forest of Upper Canada, and had seen the wilderness blossom as the rose. They died within a few months of each other. One was buried in imperial splendour in the great cathedral, at the very heart of the vast Empire he did so much to preserve, In streaming London’s central roar, Under the cross of gold That shines over city and river. The other lies far from the hum of men, in a lonely, rural graveyard on a high cliff overlooking Lake Erie, where around him the earliest of his pioneers rest well after long and weary toil, the silence broken only by the song of birds and the murmur of the great inland sea below. IIIl.—_WeEstwarp Ho! In the year 1790 Talbot tore himself away from the gaieties and frivolities of Dublin Castle, and we find him with his regiment at Que- bec. In August, 1791, the good ship Triton brought to the ancient capital His Royal Highness the Duke of Kent, in command of the 7th Royal Fusiliers. In the same regiment was an ensign of 15, James ’ Archibald Stuart, afterward a prominent statesman and man of letters, 24 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA and raised to the peerage as Baron Wharneliffe of Wortley. Stuart’ was a grandson of King George III’s early minister and favourite, the first Earl of Bute. The friendship of the Duke, Stuart and Talbot, continued during their lives, and was of service to the latter on impor- tant occasions. Among the naval officers on board the Triton was Lieutenant John Talbot, elder brother of Thomas. Towards the close of the year, the Triton was again at Quebec, having on board the first lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, lieuten- ant-colonel John Graves Simcoe, on his way to the western wilderness to undertake the establishment of the new province. Among the offi- cers in garrison he met the young Irish lieutenant of foot. Handsome in person, courtly in manner, full of the enthusiasm, gaiety and energy of youth, and withal the inheriter of a great and famous name, Talbot was a social favourite. Simcoe was endowed with an attractive per- sonality and talents of a high order. He had won fame in the Revolu- tionary war, and more recently rendered political service in the House of Commons. In England, the political reaction was setting in strongly, in consequence of the French Revolution, and “ the glorious constitution of Great Britain ” was in everybody’s mouth. Both Simcoe and Taibot were sincere and fervent admirers of every- thing British, and Simcoe, as representative of the sovereign, had come to introduce into the new province a constitution, which, to borrow his own language, was “the very image and transcript” of that of Great Britain. Simcoe was in his fortieth year, Talbot in his twenty-first. A strong attachment sprang up between them. Talbot’s experience at Dublin Castle, as Buckingham’s aide-de-camp, had qualified him for the position which the new lieutenant-governor now offered to him. IV. SIMCOFS AIDE-DE-CAMP. To an adventurous youth Upper Canada presented at that time powerful attractions; mighty inland seas, an almost unbroken wilder- ness, great hunting grounds, vast unexplored regions to be opened to civilization. Moreover, the capital of the province was to be in the near vicinity of the world-renowned cataract. Already Talbot’s mind had been excited by Charlevoix’ glowing descriptions of southwestern Ontario, the “ Paradise of the Hurons,” and its wonderful forests, “ the most beautiful in the world.” What more could an imaginative youth demand? In a word, the young lieutenant accompanied Simcoe to Niagara in the capacity of confidential secretary and aide-de-camp. His name is attached to Simcoe’s first proclamations. He remained a mem- her of the governor’s family until June, 1794, when he returned to [corner] THE TALBOT PAPERS 28 England, being by this time a Major in the 85th foot, and summoned to join his regiment. In January, 1796, at the age of twenty-four, he became lieutenant-colonel of the 5th foot, a regiment well-known to him from its having been stationed at Niagara during his sojourn there. During his residence with Simeoe, he held that officer’s confidence and affection. He was a member of the governor’s family. Employed in several transactions of a diplomatic character, requiring tact, alert- ness and dispatch, he acquitted himself to Simcoe’s entire satisfaction. These included visits to Philadelphia and Detroit and attendance at two important Indian councils on the Miami. On his first visit to Detroit as a member of Simcoe’s staff in February, 1793, he found men of his regiment, the 24th, in garrison. Mrs. Simcoe’s Journal shows Falbot’s social qualities in an agreeable light. Bright, handsome, cap- able, eager to help, ready to put his hand to any work needed, he was indispensable at picnics and parties. Altogether, he was a young man of more than ordinary promise, and when he went back to England and to active service with a strong letter of recommendation from Simcoe, a brilliant future was predicted for him by many, in his chosen career. V. ACTIVE SERVICE IN EUROPE — THE HERMIT OF LAKE ERIE. These high hopes were not destined to be realized. He took part in the Duke of York’s ill-fated expedition to the Low Countries, and performed garrison duty at Gibraltar for a time. But he won no special distinction. A circumstance affecting his military character during this period, which has come down to us is that, in Flanders, he was mildly censured by the Duke for disobedience of orders in lead- ing his men by a sheltered route instead of taking the more exposed road he was directed to follow. Towards the end of 1800 military operations were seen to be practically at an end. The Peace of Lune- ville in 1801 and the Treaty of Amiens in 1802 formally closed them. On Christmas Day, 1800, Talbot sold his commission, and immediately after withdrew from the army. The announcement startled society and became a nine days’ wonder. He had resolved to emigrate to the wilderness of Upper Canada, and to open up a large region on the north shore of Lake Erie for settlement. For this change of plan, many reasons have been suggested, chiefly of a romantic nature. He had been disappointed in love — but rumour could not agree as to the fair object of his affections. One of the King’s daughters, it was said, had fallen in love with him; but mar- riage with a commoner was out of the question. He disliked military service, for which he was by temperament unfitted; and there was, 26 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA perhaps, some truth in this suggestion. Being much at Court, he had become sated and disgusted with the artificiality, the frivolity, the vices, and dissipation of fashionable society; probably this had somewhat to do with his decision. Mrs. Amelia Harris intimates that he had been refused an appointment in the army he had thought himself entitled to. “Others again,” she adds, “said that neither Mars nor Venus presided at his birth.” This suggestion that he was not martial in his inclinations may be connected with the story already cited of his military experience in Flanders. As to “the lady in the case,” Colonel Talbot is said to have stated to Tozer, a Malahide settler, “to tell you the truth, I never saw but one woman that I really cared anything about, and she wouldn’t have me, and to use an old joke, those who would have me, the devil wouldn’t have them. Miss Johnson, the daughter of Sir John Johnson, was the only girl I ever loved, and she wouldn’t have me.” ; When Mrs. Jameson told him of the surmises relative to his early life and his motives for emigrating, he laughed, “Charlevoix,” said he, “was, I believe, the true cause of my coming to this place. You know he calls this the ‘ Paradise of the Hurons,’ now I resolved to get to Paradise by hook or crook, so I came here.” VI. ‘Tausot’s Motives. Simcoe in an official communication’ attributed the change in Talbot’s plans to his energetic disposition, which led him to prefer to the monotony of military life “the incessant and active enployment which he has undertaken.” According to Fanny Kemble, whose informant was evidently Lord Dacre, the latter was originally a partner in Talbot’s scheme of settle- ment. She states that, “ Lord Dacre,? at the moment of his becoming heir to that estate, was on the point of leaving England with Colonel Talbot . . . . to found with him a colony in British Canada, where Arcadia was to revive again, and at a distance from all the depraved and degraded social systems of Europe, under the auspices of these two enthusiastic young reformers. Mr. Brand had completed his studies in Germany and acquired by assiduous reading and intimate personal acquaintance with the most enlightened and profound thinkers of the philosophical school of which Kant was the apostle, a mental cultiva- tion very unlike, in its depth and direction the usual intellectual culture *Simcoe to Lord Hobart, Sessional Papers of Upper Canada, 1836. *Lord Dacre inherited his title from his mother, who had married Mr. Brand. The citation is from “Old Woman’s Gossip,’ by Fanny Kemble, Atlantic Monthly, 1877. [coynE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 27 of young Englishmen of his class. He was an enthusiast of the most generous description, in love with liberty, and ardent for progress; the political as well as the social and intellectual systems of Europe appeared to him, in his youthful zeal for the improvement of his fellow- beings, belated if not benighted on the road to it, and he had embraced with the most ardent hopes the scheme of emigration of Colonel Talbot for forming in the New World a colony where all the errors of the old were to be avoided. But his mother died, and the young emigrant withdrew his foot from the deck of the Canadian ship, to take his place in the British peerage—to bear an ancient English title, and become master of an old English estate—to marry a brilliant woman of English fashionable society—and to be thenceforth the ideal of an English country gentleman.” Doubtless Talbot was influenced by more motives than one. The spacious free life of the woods and lakes had captivated him, as it has captivated many others before and since. His choice of one of the most picturesque spots on Lake Erie for his own demesne is a sufficient proof of his esthetic taste and discrimination. He was surfeited with a society, which, unconcerned about daily bread, prayed only for its daily scandal. He was yet at an age, when young men dream dreams, and like other idealists he hoped to realize his Utopia in the New World. The calling of the West was continually in his ears, and he could resist no longer. But there were practical reasons urging him to take the tide at its flood, which leads on to fortune. VII. Tue CHosEN REGION. As a member of Simcoe’s staff, Talbot had followed the trail of the winter express from Niagara to Detroit in February, 1793. He had attended a Council of the Confederated Indians on the River Miami in August of the same year. In the following April he had accom- panied Simcoe to the foot of the Miami Rapids, when the latter estab- lished an outpost there to check the aggressive movements of Wayne. He had had favourable opportunities for spying out the land, and had become impressed with the possibilities of the region between Lake Erie and the River Thames. Tradition relates that on one of these western expeditions Talbot had shown himself particularly helpful and strenuous, collecting wood for fuel, helping to pitch the tent, drawing the boat and canoe across the Long Point portage; and, in short, to borrow the language of Fleming, one of Simcoe’s boatmen, “ The Colonel was the prettiest, the neatest and most active of the whole party.” Simcoe jocularly sug- gested to Talbot, when they rested at the mouths of Catfish and Kettle 28 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Creeks, that he should establish himself at one of these beautiful spots, but the young officer answered, “ Not yet.” When, however, they arrived at the mouth of Talbot Creek, the lieutenant erected a tent on the top of the cliff, turned host at once, met the Governor at the tent door, and invited his Excellency to the Castle of Malahide. “ Here, General Simcoe,” said the romantic youth, “ will I roost, and will soon make the forests tremble under the wings of the flock I will invite by my warblings around me.” There is some reason for laying the scene of the story at the mouth of Kettle Creek (now Port Stanley) instead of that of Talbot Creek. How- ever this may be, the main fact is fairly authenticated, that, at the age of twenty-three, Talbot was already thinking of making his permanent abode on the shore of Lake Erie. Here he would organize a settlement of loyal British subjects, who should enable him to carry out, as far as practicable, the policy of his great leader, General Simcoe. Years of absence on military service could not obliterate the remembrance of the lofty cliff on Lake Erie, and with the restoration of peace he was ready to return to Upper Canada, to bury himself in the forest, and to hew out home and fortune for himself and those whom he might induce to follow him. VIII.—SKITTIEWAABA ON LAKE ERIE. Talbot came out accordingly, early in 1801, with the object of securing a township for himself. General Simcoe had promised him lands, but owing to some neglect the necessary warrants had not been issued previous to the former’s departure from Canada. Since then, new regulations were in force. Patent fees and settlement duties were required, and Talbot was baffled in his desire to evade them. Making his way to a point called by him Skittie-waaba,' probably at or in the neighbourhood of the present village of Port Stanley, he began to make a clearing. From various circumstances it is probable that this was in the township of Yarmouth, although a reference in his earliest letter on the subject might point to Houghton. If he could secure Yarmouth, he shrewdly considered his fortune made. One of the king’s sons, the Duke of Cumberland,? had promised to lend his influence when desired. So on the 16th May, 1801, he writes the Duke, announcing his safe arrival in his “favourite settlement after the most propitious passage, and, as I am persuaded,” he proceeds, “ that your Royal Highness will be satisfied, I will add, that I find my situation quite what I could * Ojibway for “ fire-water.” 7 Afterward King of Hanover. LCoYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 29 have wished — but I have one request to make, which, if your Royal Highness will have the goodness to exert yourself in carrying into effect, will complete my happiness in this world.” Referring to General Sim- coe’s promise, and the expense and difficulty in the way of securing lands, he asks the Duke’s influence to have it confirmed, “as I flatter myself, that your Royal Highness will admit that I am as loyal a sub- ject, and equally entitled to the degree of Hidalgo as other adventurers in a new country.” “I have to petition that you will have the goodness (I may add charity) to ask of the King the grant of a Township in Upper Canada for yourself, exempted from the fees to Government and obligations of location—for instance, The Township of Houghton in the County of Norfolk on Lake Erie, or any other adjacent one.’ The Duke could then transfer the property to Talbot. “Being a Royal Patent,’ it would be exempt from fees. The Duke was to be the cat’s-paw to pull Talbot’s chestnuts out of the fire. Houghton at that time included what is now Malahide, immediately east of Yarmouth. “I have pointed out the Township of Houghton as it is situated near to my place of residence. Should your Royal High- ness succeed, I will have infinite happiness in paying my duty personally to express my very great obligation for the protection afforded to the once Gay Tom Talbot.” “I promise myself the enjoyment of every comfort in this Country excepting that material one, of seeing those I most respect and love; a small income provides the necessary luxuries in this Provinee to a Settler, as his own industry and labour procure him provisions. I am out every morning at sunrise in my smock-frock, felling and burn- ing the Forest to form a farm; could I but be seen by some of my St. James’s friends when I come home to my frugal supper, as black as any chimney sweeper—they would exclaim, “ What a damn’d block- head you have been, Tom ”—but I say, no; as I actually eat my homely fare with more zest than I ever did the best dinner in London.” The writer closes with an apology for the intrusion and good wishes for the prince, and signs “with the most unfeigned gratitude, Your Royal Highness’s most dutiful and faithful servant, Thomas Talbot.” IX.—Royat LOBBYISTS IN LONDON. Nearly five months later, the Duke of Kent, at his brother of Cumberland’s request, encloses this letter to Lord Hobart, the Colonial Secretary, whom he writes at some length, enlarging upon Talbot’e merits. The Duke of Cumberland did not wish his name to appear 30 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA in the transaction “any further,” says the Duke of Kent, “than that your Lordship should know he is extremely anxious, that whatever indulgence can be shown Colonel Talbot should be afforded him, and that he will consider himself personally obliged to you, by anything done in his favour. The object, therefore, of this application is to solicit your Lordship’s good offices, that an instruction may be sent, if not contrary to established rules, to the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Upper Canada, to make a Grant of the Township to Colonel Talbot, and preferably of that which he himself has pointed out, ex- empted from Government fees.” The Duke adds that the application is made on two grounds: In the first place General Simcoe’s omission, and in the second, “that the services he rendered Gen. Simcoe while in that country, and the opinion entertained of him by that excellent officer render him very deserving of this small indulgence.” “I have now only to add that in meeting my Brother’s wishes upon this Subject, Your Lordship will also oblige me, and I therefore flatter myself, that as far as in your power lays (sic), you will be good enough to attend to this application in behalf of Colonel Talbot. With sentiments of high regard and esteem, I remain, my Dear Lord, ever your most faithfully and sincerely, Edward.” The strained relations between the King and his sons were at this time aggravated by the former’s mental condition. Alluding perhaps to this circumstance, the Duke mentions Talbot’s “ignorance of the difficulty there is for any of His Majesty’s sons to address him with a request of any sort, but more especially of the nature of that which he points out.” ; How long Talbot remained at Skittiewaaba is uncertain. It was apparently long enough, however, to enable him to ascertain that Yar- mouth soil was well adapted to the growth of hemp. But it would appear that further efforts were necessary before he could secure his grant. In October of the following year, we find him back in London. He addresses a letter to the Government, giving information and advice as to the soil, climate and inhabitants of Upper Canada. He extols the character of the country, but reflects on settlers from the United States, and complains of hardships often caused by magistrates. He proposes, if his grant is made free of fees, to use his capital in the establishment of agricultural works, especially the cultivation of hemp, would like to divert emigration to Upper Canada instead of the States, and suggests payment by government of their passage, tools, ete. Talbot would himself provide persons to take charge of settlers to their destina- tion. He urges that in any case he should have his grant of land. [coyxe] THE TALBOT PAPERS 81 X.—TALBOT’S SCHEME OF SETTLEMENT. Simcoe was now in London, and on the 11th February, 1803, he writes Lord Hobart, Colonial Secretary, strongly pressing Talbot’s claim for 5,000 acres, and also for further lands under a new scheme of settle- ment that he proposes. It was briefly as follows: He desired that the allotment of 5,000 acres, to which he was entitled as a field officer settling in Canada, should be granted in the Township of Yarmouth, and the remainder of the Township reserved “ for him to settle with proper subjects of his own selection,” according to his plan. This was, that for every family established by him on a 200 acre lot, 50 acres should be granted to the settler in perpetuity, and the remaining 150 to Talbot “ for the expense and trouble of collecting and locating them.” Simcoe considered it “an object of the greatest national importance to turn the tide of emigration which was then flowing to the United States, ultimately to rest in this Province.” This would speedily, in his opinion, fulfil his favourite idea “of elevating this valuable portion of His Majesty’s Dominions from the degrading situation of a petty factory, to be a powerful support and protection to the British Empire.” Simcoe proceeds: “ His (Talbot’s) plan is to introduce himself amongst a large body of Welsh and Scotch families who arrived in New York in the summer of 1801, and who have temporarily fixed themselves in the interior of that state, many of whom are already disgusted with the dissolute prin- ciples of the people there, and feel strong inclination to return under the Government of England, but do not possess the means of purchasing land or paying the fees demanded by the Provinces on grants.” The cultivation of hemp in Canada, to supply the Royal Navy, had been a subject of study: by Simcoe, as early as 1791, before leaving England for his Governorship. In 1792 and later years, Russians were introduced into the Province to instruct farmers in the proper system of planting and gathering it, and prizes were offered to the settlers who should be most successful in its growth. Talbot had been very successful in cultivating it “on proper principles and to a greater extent, perhaps,” wrote Simcoe, “than any other settler in the Prov- ince.” The soil of Yarmouth was well adapted in his view to the production of this valuable commodity, and he proposed to extend its cultivation through the whole township.! Simcoe manifests throughout the strongest affection for his former secretary, and a high appreciation of his qualities, his ability and his record. Referring to Talbot’s ser- 1See Brymner’s Archives Reports for 1891, pp. XLII-XLIII, and for 1903, pp. XXII-XXIHII. 32 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA vices whilst Simcoe was Lieut.-Governor, the latter says, ‘‘ He remained in my family four years, when he was called home as Major of the 85th Regiment, then ordered to Flanders. During that period he not only conducted many details and important duties incidental to the original establishment of a colony in matters of internal regulation, to my entire satisfaction, but was employed in the most. confidential mea- sures necessary to preserve that country in peace, without violating on the one hand the relations of amity with the United States, and on the other, alienating the affections of the Indian Nations, at that period in open war with them. In this very critical situation, I principally made use of Mr. Talbot for the most confidential intercourse with the several Indian tribes; and occasionally with His Majesty’s Minister at Philadelphia; these duties without any salary or emolument he exe- cuted to my perfect satisfaction.” Simcoe defends the policy adopted by himself as Lieutenant- Governor, of extending the King’s bounty to all field officers who should settle in the Province upon the same terms as to those who had served in the American war, “it being obvious,” he writes, “ that it was for His Majesty’s interest that a loyal set of European gentlemen should, as speedily as possible, be obtained to take the lead in the several districts.” He warmly commended the Colonel’s object “by precept and example to enforce principles of loyalty, obedience and private industry, amongst those with whom he will be surrounded.” XI.—THE TALBOT SETTLEMENT. With such letters of recommendation it is not to be wondered at that, within four days after the date of Simcoe’s communication, Talbot was the bearer of a letter from Lord Hobart to Lieutenant-General Hunter, then Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, in furtherance of his plans, but with certain modifications. If Yarmouth was already appropriated, the bearer was to have his lands in any other Township he might select. The settlers were to be either from the continent of Europe or from America and to be placed on Talbot’s original grant of 5,000 acres. This would provide for one hundred families. A sufficient proportion of the Township was “for the present” to “be reserved for the purpose of hereafter appropriating to him according to circumstances ” 200 acres for every family he might induce to settle there. This arrangement would call for a maximum grant of 20,000 acres for Colonel Talbot’s own benefit. He actually succeeded, as will appear hereafter, in securing grants amounting to upwards of seventy thousand acres. [coyNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 33 The letter recommended Talbot to the Governor’s protection and good offices. It professed to be based upon the hemp project. At this time considerable grants had been made in the south of Yarmouth to the Baby’s, sons of Pontiac’s friend, and Talbot chose the Township of Dunwich as that from which his grant of 5,000 acres should be selected. Dunwich and, at a later period, the Township of Ald- borough, were reserved for his experiment. To Dunwich he accordingly hastened as soon as the necessary preliminaries had been arranged with the provincial authorities at York. XED=PorRT TALBOT. There is a sluggish, little stream in Dunwich, which at certain periods may be said, without too great a stretch of the imagination, to flow into Lake Erie. At other times it is quite stagnant, being dammed back by a sandbar across its mouth. The isthmus thus formed is dry and solid, a thoroughfare for men and teams, until a stiff south- easter comes along and unceremoniously tears open the channel again. On either side are lofty cliffs of sand, extending for many miles along the shore. Here and there they overhang the lake, which is constantly gnawing at their feet. Huge fragments fall from the top directly into the water. The process has been going on for ages, and thus the lake grows ever wider and shallower. At times a tall tree will remain for years, clinging to the very edge with its roots almost bare of soil. But at last it yields, and topples over. If it strikes the cliff-side, it remains reversed, its top buried in sand, its roots tending skyward. But the lake gnaws steadily below. Sooner or later the inexorable current seizes its reluctant prey. The creek is bordered by rich, though narrow, flats and verdant hillsides. Enough of the forest still remains to diversify the landscape, which forms one of the most picturesque bits of scenery along the lakes. It was at the mouth of this little stream that Colonel Thomas Talbot landed with four followers on the 21st day of May, 1803. He seized an axe, and with his own hands chopped down the first tree, thus formally inaugurating the new settlement. Since that day the spot has been called Port Talbot, the stream Talbot Creek, and the region the Talbot Settlement. From it extends the Talbot Road, eastward to Fort Erie, and westward to the Detroit River. In the following year he brought carpenters from Niagara, and they were employed during the years 1804 and 1805 in the erection of a house and outbuildings. Here, except for occasional visits to the prov- incial capital and to Europe, the remainder of his life was spent. Sec. II., 1907. 3. 34 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA XIII THE TERMS oF CONTRACT. Talbot waited a year before taking out his patent for the five thousand acres, which formed the basis of the scheme of settlement as sanctioned by Lord Hobart’s despatch of February 15th, 1803. He selected them in one block, with the exception of a single isolated lot. The terms of agreement required him, if he wished to claim other lands in the proportion of 200 acres for each family settled upon 50 acres, to place the families “ upon his original grant.” The advantage to the settlers, if he had carried out the terms, was obvious. Although their allotments might be small—only one- quarter of the usual allowance—yet they would be close together. The construction of roads, the erection of a school and a church, the trans- action of business, social intercourse, would be facilitated, and there would be within a very brief period a compact society of one hundred families. This would be the nucleus of the wider settlement to be composed of the reserved township. One-fourth of the reserve, it is true, would be appropriated to the Founder as his compensation, but the whole would be presently available for other settlers, to whom one of the principal attractions would undoubtedly be the existence of a compact settlement in their near neighbourhood. But the stipulation was ignored by Colonel Talbot. He retained the original block of land in his own hands. The hemp project, upon which the promise of the Crown was founded, was dropped. No settlers came from the continent of Europe, and very few, perhaps a dozen at most, from the United States; and yet immigrants from other countries, by the terms of con- tract, were excluded. Instead of settlement in the reserved townships being accelerated, it was greatly retarded by the scheme of settlement as actually worked out by Talbot for his own benefit. Roughly speak- ing, the south halves of Dunwich and Aldborough were made over to him. The settlers were scattered along Talbot Road, and in Ald- borough the Middle Road as well, on quarter lots, the Colonel taking as a rule the residue. As he systematically held back his lands from settlement and sale, the result was necessarily disastrous to the settlers’ hopes. Improvements were practically impossible, where so large a proportion of the land was unoccupied and covered with the primeval forest. Much of it was swamp-land, rich, but almost useless without ? His letters patent from the Crown are dated May 7, 1804, and include the following lots, all of them being in the Township of Dunwich: In Con- cession IX, Lots 22, 23, 24;, Concession X, Lots 5, 21, 22, 23, 24, and A; Concession XI, Lots 14 to 24 inclusive, also A and B; Concession XII, Lots 14 to 24 inclusive, also A and B. [COYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS : 35 a general system of drainage. It is little to be wondered at that good roads in these townships were unknown until they were thrown open after his decease, that clearings were few and scanty, and that the town- ships began their real growth after the Colonel had passed away. XIV.—GRIEVANCES OF THE RESERVED TOWNSHIPS. In other townships east and west, there was no one more strenu- ous than he in denouncing the retention of reserves which inter- fered with the rapid formation of compact settlements. He was the champion of the resident owner against the non-resident, of the settler against the Executive Council. But in Dunwich and Aldbor- ough the position was reversed. In these townships he himself was to all intents and purposes the non-resident owner; the reserves belonged to himself; he was the person directly and exclusively responsible for the hindrances to settlement; and naturally and with reason the pio- neers, mostly Argyleshire Highlanders, resented his injustice towards them. Many of them had come out in consequence of proclamations pro- mising each settler two hundred, or, at a later period, one hundred acres of land. Their language was Gaelic. Few understood a word of Eng- lish. When a settler found himself restricted to fifty acres and learned that Colonel Talbot himself, who had done nothing, was to receive the remaining 150 acres of his lot, it is easy to understand the indignation that was aroused. And so it happens; that while in other townships of the Talbot Settlement his memory is treated with respect and with a measure of gratitude, in Aldborough and Dunwich his name is regarded with abhorrence. The exceptions are largely to be found near Tyrconnel, where Talbot’s first immigrants settled in 1809 and 1810. They had seen the better side of his character, and experienced many acts of kindness, for which their descendants to this day hold him in grateful remembrance. But when the celebration of the Talbot Centen- nial was held in 1903, there were bitter complaints from the Highland townships, and from descendants of the first Highland settlers in other parts of the county of Elgin, until it was made clear that the celebra- tion was to commemorate the establishment of the settlement itself and to honour the pioneers in general, and not to honour the memory of the founder. XV.—ORIGINAL TERMS VARIED IN TALBOT’S FAVOUR. The limitation of 20,000 acres as the extent of the allowance Colonel Talbot was to receive for his services was scouted by him. He claimed absolute control of the two townships, and to be entitled inde- 36 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA finitely to his allowance for every settler placed by him on 50 acres, whether of the Colonel’s land or the Crown Land. The Executive Council intimated in 1817 that under his contention he could go on claiming forever in geometrical progression 150 acres for every 50 acres on which he might place a settler. At this time he had actually received in all 15,800 acres under the scheme of settlement. The Exe- cutive recommended accordingly that without waiting for him to com- plete his settlement, 4,200 acres additional should be selected by him “ in the reserved townships of Dunwich and Aldborough to make up the full allowance for 100 settlers as originally arranged, and that the remainder of the land should be thrown open to ordinary settlement.” They mention that half of the townships named had been left at his selection, equal to 61,000 acres; that these surveyed townships were lying idle, whilst the ingress of settlers from the United Kingdom called for fresh surveys. As a result of the war, United States settlers were hereafter to be prohibited, and the source of supply, according to Talbot’s original plan was therefore cut off. They added the remark, “ When the emi- grant possessing an authority to receive 100 acres of land, finds himself limited to the possession of 50, and that the Government actually bestows on a stranger 200 acres on that account, no reasoning can remove the impression of something worse than mere absurdity.” Talbot did not wait to argue, but immediately proceeded to England, and the Colonial Secretary, whilst upholding the construction placed by the Provincial Cabinet on the original grant, was induced by him to direct the latter to vary the terms of it by extending the period for completion for five years from 26th February, 1818. All those portions of the two town- ships, which were vacant at the commencement of the Talbot Settle- ment, were for this period to be reserved at Colonel Talbot’s disposal, all settlers authorized by statute were to be counted for the purpose of his claim, not merely those mentioned in the plan of settlement as originally agreed; and fees were not to be exacted until the patents were called for. On account of the poverty of many of the settlers this last point was specially insisted on by the Colonel, contrary to the views of the provincial executive, who desired payment of survey fees to be made at the time of location. In January, 1820, Talbot formally notified Sir Peregrine Maitland that he had completed the location of the lands especially put under his direction according to the orders from the Imperial Government above referred to. In. March, 1821, he submitted a list of 185 settlers located. Sixty other names are mentioned in his papers. This would entitle him at most to 49,000 acres. What pretext or justification there was for going beyond this amount it is impossible to ascertain. No [coynE | THE TALBOT PAPERS 37 explanation appears in the archives. The bare fact remains. As his compensation he received grants in these townships exceeding in all 70,000 acres. XVI.—EXTENSION OF TALBOT’S SETTLEMENT. In addition to these two townships, the control and regulation of settlement in the greater part of the London and Western Districts, some twenty-two townships in all, had been entrusted to him in 1811 by the Provincial Government. He performed this work ostensibly without compensation. It enabled him, however, to procure the com- pletion of the Talbot Road, extending from Delhi in the Long Point Settlement to Sandwich, with a branch from Port Talbot to London. This was effected through the conditions of settlement imposed and enforced by him. For sales of School Lands and Crown and Clergy Reserves situated in the London District, he succeeded afterward in getting an allowance of 3 per cent. From ist January, 1826, under - orders from the Colonial Secretary, in addition to his percentage, a pension of £400 per annum was directed to be paid to him from funds to be placed at the disposal of the Imperial Government by the Canada Company. This was received by him annually until his death. At this time Talbot claimed a population of 20,000 for his settle- ment, and declared that he had expended £20,000 in rendering them comfortable. In 1831 he puts the population at nearly 40,000 souls, and in 1837 at 50,000. In a letter to Sir John Colborne, Lieutenant- Governor in 1831, he asserts, “J was the first person who exacted the performance of settlement duties and actual residence on the land located, which at that time was considered as most arbitrary on my part, but the consequence is now that the settlers that I found to com- ply with my system are most grateful and sensible of the advantage they could not otherwise have for a length of time derived by the accomplishment of good roads, and I have not any hesitation in stating that there is no other settlement in North America, which can for tts age and extent exhibit as compact and profitably settled a portion of the new world as the Talbot Settlement.” In all, 540,443 acres of land, spread over twenty-eight townships, were at various times down to the year 1824 placed in Talbot’s hands for settlement by orders-in-council or personal orders from the Lieuten- ant-Governor. These townships include the most westerly townships of Norfolk, and, speaking generally, all those between the latter and the Detroit River. A range north of the Thames from Zone in Kent to London Township inclusive, are also comprised in the list. 38 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA XVII THE TALBOT Roap. The Colonel’s policy was to have a compact settlement of loyal British subjects. For this purpose it was necessary to have a good road, and the settlement duties included clearing ten acres of land and one- half the road itself in front of each lot, as well as 100 feet adjoining the road. It was also necessary that the Talbot Road should have no large blocks to obstruct settlement, and the Crown and Clergy Reserves were accordingly shifted to the back concessions. The settlers were in most cases poor and unable to pay survey and patent fees; therefore they should not be molested by the Toronto officials until it was entirely convenient to pay them; and lastly, no certificates for patent should issue except to persons who had erected a house 15 feet by 20 feet, and been actual settlers for five years. This prevented them from sell- ing out to speculators, and induced continuous improvements. The Talbot Road was the first good road of any considerable length in the province, and in 1837 it was described by Mrs. Jameson as the finest in the province. Situated between the lake and the ridge which forms its watershed, it was within convenient reach of excellent gravel on both sides. This natural advantage, and the Colonel’s policy, com- bined to make it an excellent highway; and it became an object lesson to the settlers on the back concessions, who vied with each other in improving their roads. The result is seen in the excellent highways which form a network over the county of Elgin. The “ Paradise of the Hurons ” is now the Paradise of the motorist and the cyclist. XVIII.—THE BEGINNINGS OF SETTLEMENT. The progress of the settlement was at first very slow. There is a tradition that the Colonel resided near Fort Erie from 1803 until 1806 for the purpose of learning the art of farming, but this is not borne out by the documents. A few men came in, apparently as domestics or mechanics, and left again after a short stay. For his cwn needs apparently, for there were few or no settlers, or else in anti- sipation of immigration, the Colonel erected a grist mill and a saw mill on Talbot Creek, near Port Talbot, in the year 1807 or 1808. The event was celebrated by the Indians with a war dance to which the Colonel was invited. He became by adoption, probably at this time, a member of the Delaware or of the Munsey tribe. The mills were burnt down by American marauders in 1814. George Crane, who came with Talbot in 1803, and, on marrying, had a farm allotted to him in Dunwich in 1806, was the first settler located by Talbot. He had not, however, come in as a settler, but as an employee. [COYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 39 In 1809 the first settlers came in with the intention of settling. Landing from small boats at the mouth of Talbot Creek, they were welcomed by the Colonel on the beach, and treated with great kindness. It was a few miles west of Port Talbot that the Pearces, Storeys and Pattersons, numbering thirteen in all, established themselves in Dun- wich along the lake shore. They came from Pennsylvania, but were all of Irish descent. Stephen Backus, also from Pennsylvania, followed in 1810. The settlement of the townships lying eastward was rapidly effected after Colonel Burwell’s survey of Talbot Road. The line of this famous highway followed generally an old Indian portage path a few miles north of Lake Erie. The first settlers on land now occupied by the city of St. Thomas were Daniel Rapelje and David Mandeville, both of whom came from Long- Point Settlement. They were also the first settlers on Talbot Road. In February, 1811, thirty persons petitioned the Lieutenant- Governor-in-Council for grants on Talbot Road, almost all claiming to be residents of Yarmouth or Southwold. One of these, Garrett Oaks, in his printed reminiscences, claims to have settled on his lot (now part of New Sarum), in 1811, and to have aided in chopping out three roads, including one from Talbot Road to Port Bruce in 1810, the road from St. Thomas to Port Talbot in 1811, and one from Yar- mouth to Norwich Mills in 1812. Failure on the part of Talbot settlers to pay patent fees was a constant source of irritation to the provincial government. In 1831 the Home Government was informed that upwards of 5,000 deeds on which, of course, fees were unpaid, remained to be taken out by settlers. The Colonel replied that for this he was not respons- ible, except in so far as he made it a matter of policy not to issue his certificate to a settler for performance of settlement duties, until he had performed them and was an actual resident on the lot he had located him for, and further, that he was opposed to settlers receiving their patents until after a five years’ residence on the land. After receiving Talbot’s certificate, a settler might postpone indefinitely tak- ing out his patent, and (an important matter in the early days) paying the survey and patent fees. In many instances a patent was not taken out for twenty or thirty years or even longer. 1They were recommended for a grant of 200 acres each by order-in- council, December 7, 1809. Mandeville received Lot 45 on the south side of Talbot Road in Southwold, and Rapelje the lot lying eastward, Lot 1 in the 8th Concession of Yarmouth. The lands were divided only by the township line. 40 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Generally speaking, the three townships of Aldborough, Dunwich, and South Dorchester, and the North of Yarmouth, were settled by High- landers ; Talbot Road East, including the North Branch in Southwold, by a miscellaneous immigration from the United States, the Long Point settlement, the Niagara District, Southern England and elsewhere; the south of Yarmouth by members of the Society of Friends from Pennsylvania and New Jersey; Malahide by settlers from New York State, Long Point and Nova Scotia, and Bayham by immigrants from all quarters; London township by immigrants from Ireland under Richard Talbot, a very distant connection of the Colonel. XIX.—THE WAR AND SIMON ZELOTES WATSON. The war of 1812 was a complete bar to settlement, and the pioneers suffered greatly from plundering bands of Americans, largely from Kentucky, who repeatedly moved up and down the Talbot Road, destroy- ing mills and farm buildings, and carrying off not only live stock and all kinds of produce, but beds and bedding, household utensils and everything portable. Some of these marauding parties were composed of or guided by disaffected settlers from the township of Delaware, amongst whom a surveyor name Simon Zelotes Watson,’ and one West- brook were especially prominent. These had personal grievances against Talbot in connection with land grants, and were loud in their threats against his life if he should fall into their hands. ? Lieutenant-Colonel Cruikshank has kindly contributed the following interesting note with reference to Watson and Westbrook: ‘“In the Quebec Mercury of July, 1812, Simon Z. Watson is described as a land surveyor and late a J.P. for the District of Montreal. In the Registry of the U. S. army for 1813 (See Am. State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. I, p. 387), his name appears as Topographical Engineer for Military District No. 8, comprising the States of Ohio and Kentucky, and the Territories of Indiana, Michigan, Missouri and Illinois. The date of his appointment was August 20, 1813, and he seems to have accompanied Harrison in his invasion of Canada in September of that year. You will find other references to him in my Doc. Hist; Vol 3; p 146; and Voli 4) pp. 23 and 25: The names of \SimonyZ, Watson, Andrew Westbrook and James Westbrook are included in an alpha- betical list of persons “having landed property in Upper Canada, who did voluntarily withdraw from the Province without license during the late war,” of which I have a MS. copy. Andrew Westbrook seems to ma to have been the prototype of Desborough in Richardson’s Canadian Brothers. You will find references to him in Doc. Hist., Vols. 1 and 2, pp. 21, 193, 224 and 397, and Vol. 4, p. 23. McKenney, in his book entitled “Tour to the Lakes,” 1827, found him settled on lands granted by the U. S. Government near Fort Gratiot, and describes him as a large, red-haired, rough-featured man, and a noted partisan during the war.” [coyNe] THE TALBOT PAPERS); Al Watson had been authorized by the Governor-in-Council to lay out a road in Westminster and place on each side of it settlers he was to bring from Lower Canada. Watson, however, maintained that no lim- itation had been imposed as to the origin of his settlers, until Colonel Talbot, who was to certify to their character and fitness, notified him that none from the United States should be admitted. Watson further asserted that he had travelled 700 miles through the States collecting his immigrants, 300 of whom he claimed were ready to come in and pay him $100 each when settled, or the difference between $100 and the Govern- ment fees of $37.50. Talbot’s prohibition meant ruin to him. He charged Colonel Talbot with duplicity in having intimated that no objection would be raised to the right class from the States. The Colonel admitted that he had spoken loosely, inconsiderately and without author- ity, but was determined to exclude all settlers from the United States. In this he was supported by the Executive. The result was a series of stormy interviews, letters and urgent and emphatic memorials. Tal- bot ordered Watson out of his house, and threatened to deliver his answer by the constable, if Watson intruded again. Watson, whose reason would appear to have been quite unsettled by brooding over his grievance, answered by threats against the Colonel’s life. The Execu- tive took action forthwith to put him under bonds to keep the peace. His grant was rescinded, except as Lo settlers from Lower Canada who might come in during 1811. When the war broke out, Watson, with some other settlers in Delaware and Westminster, including one West- brook, joined the enemy. A detachment of Hull’s army of invasion penetrated to Westminster in July, 1812, and threatened the Talbot settlement. Watson and Westbrook were with them, assisting with their local knowledge. About the beginning of August, Watson. nar- rowly escaped capture at Allan’s house in Westminster at the hands of Col. Bostwick and Wm. Hamilton Merritt with a few militia under their charge. Colonel Talbot commanded the militia of the London and Western Districts during the war. With them he was at the battle of Lundy’s Lane and Fort Erie. He was energetic in forwarding, and to some extent, in furnishing supplies. As commanding officer he was in con- stant correspondence with the civil and military authorities, and many of his letters are preserved. He directed for a time the patrol service near Port Dover, but can hardly be called a conspicuous figure in the war. It is significant that while there was doubt about the loyalty of many parts of the province, there was none respecting the loyalty of Talbot’s settlers. 42 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA XX.— EFFECTS OF THE WAR. The close of the war found the settlement diminished and impover- ished. The destruction of the mills was a serious inconvenience. It was now necessary to revert to primitive methods, to grind wheat by hand in stumps of trees, hollowed by fire, or else the settler had to carry it on his back (horses being almost unknown and oxen scarce) to the mill at Long Point, seventy or eighty miles away, wait there his turn, sometimes for days, and then trudge home again through the woods with the flour on his back. Some found it more expeditious and economical to row in an open boat to Buffalo, one hundred and fifty miles distant, to purchase flour. A letter is extant from a new settler, Singleton Gardiner, who late in October, 1816, after a perilous voyage in an open skiff from Port Tal- bot succeeded in securing but a single barrel; there is pathos in its reference to the dangers of the return voyage over the treacherous lake in a rowboat so late in the autumn. His brother, Thomas Gardiner, was the first schoolmaster in the settlement. X X1I.— IMMIGRATION. After the war, as has already been intimated, immigration from the United States was prohibited. A few Irish and Scotch settlers who had lived for some years in the States arrived, however, in 1816 and subsequent years, and located in Dunwich and Aldborough. Several families of the Selkirk Settlement of Kildonan in the Red River Settle- ment came in about the same time. About 1819 these were followed by a large immigration of Argyleshire Highlanders, who took up land in Aldborough. These settlers, Scotch and Irish, formed a very desir- able addition to the population. So numerous were those from Argyle- shire, that when their descendants presented an address at St. Thomas in 1881 to the son of the great MacCallum More, the Marquis of Lorne, then Governor-General, they assembled by thousands at St. Thomas. An address in classical Gaelic, the composition of the late Rev. Dr. MacNish, perhaps the most accomplished Gaelic scholar then living, and himself an Argyleshire man, was presented to the Marquis and fittingly responded to. It is said that the Marquis informed those present that he had never in Argyleshire itself seen so many Argyleshire people present at one time. XXII.—St. THOMAS AND THE TALBOT ANNIVERSARY. The village of St. Thomas dates back to the year 1817, when a general store was opened at Kettle Creek, and another on the hill above. [COYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 43 Beginning with that year, the 21st of May in each year was observed by the settlers in commemoration of the founding of the Settlement. The celebrated Dr. Rolph had settled in Malahide in 1813; in 1817 he was living in Southwold, just west of St. Thomas. He was well acquainted with Talbot, having acted as paymaster and military secretary during the war. The Talbot anniversary was instituted upon his advice and with his aid. The correspondence which took place before its insti- tution has been preserved, and is curious enough.t The first celebration was held at Dr. Lee’s hotel, a mile or two east of St. Thomas. It con- tinued to be held each recurring 21st of May, until the close of the Rebellion. After the first few years it was held in St. Thomas, which Colonel Talbot was in the habit of calling his “ capital,’ except on one occasion, when it was moved to London. It began with a dinner. The standard toasts were, “The King,” “The day and all who honour it,’ and “The Honorable Thomas Talbot, the founder of the Talbot Settlement.” The Colonel, who made a point of attending the annual celebration, always responded briefly, but with pride, and deeply touched by his uniformly enthusiastic reception,? always concluding in the most affectionate and emphatic manner, ‘God bless you all. The dinner was followed by a ball, opened by the Colonel, who selected for his part- ner the prettiest girl amongst the farmers’ daughters present. During the two years of the Rebellion, the presence of a garrison at St. Thomas added splendour to the festivities. On one of these occasions the scarlet uniforms of the officers of the 85th Regiment were conspicuous amongst the gaily dressed dancers. It was the same regiment Colonel Talbot had served with as Major on the continent of Europe nearly half a century before. The presence of the military proved in the end fatal to the anniversary. It had become too gay and fashionable for the guests in homespun. Their attendance fell off, and the depar- ture of the military deprived the festival of its chief attraction for the fashionable visitors. Shortly after the rebellion, the Talbot anni- versary was numbered with the things of the past. +A report of the preliminary meeting is published herewith for the first time. The remainder of the papers may be found in Edward Erma- tinger's “Life of Colonel Talbot,’ and in Judge Ermatinger’s ‘“ Talbot Régime.” *The settlers in Dunwich and Aldborough were always conspicuous by their absence, with the exception of the few Irish families at Tyronnel, who had come in in 1809-1810. 44 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA XXIII—THE CASTLE oF MALAHIDE ON LAKE ERIE. His house has been described by Mrs. Jameson, Mr. Ermatinger and others, and the old settlers love to explain its plan and mode of construction. A long range of low buildings made of logs and shingles was the Castle of Malahide. The approach to it from the east was by a beautiful winding road running for miles through the Colonel’s wood. Descending the high banks of Talbot Creek half a mile from its mouth, and ascending on the opposite side, .it wound round the brow of the hill under an avenue of walnuts a considerable distance to the residence. The visitor’s arrival is greeted by the Colonel’s dogs with loud barking. He steps on the Dutch verandah, disturbing the poultry roosting thereon. Farm implements are ranged along it, and, perhaps, the skin of a panther or lynx is nailed on the wall. He enters the granary or store-room in the east end, where hung on the walls the venerable yellow-dyed sheepskin coat and cap,” as well as the host’s saddle, bridle and martingales. He passes on through this room to “the audience chamber and dining-room, whence, by an easy transition, Jeffrey was wont to shp out and in frem the kitchen.” The centre room was plainly furnished as befitted a fovest home. A solid pine table, a few chairs with skin or basket-work seats, some chests and a cupboard, a plain bookcase with a few books, a large map on the wall, comprised its equipment—all but the ample fire-place, whose cheery blaze added light and warmth and life to the otherwise comfort- less apartment. Another contiguous frame structure contained a range of bed- rooms for his guests. This is described by Mrs. Jameson in 1837. In his later years a loftier building of the same material was added, with suites of rooms for state occasions, and distinguished guests. A cellar well stocked with choice whisky, and a goodly supply of wine in double casks, carefully selected from Montreal, was an important adjunct. The wine was reserved for the higher grade of guests, the whisky was for the Colonel and his settlers. X XIV.—DISTINGUISHED VISITORS TO Port TALBOT. Many distinguished guests were entertained at Port Talbot. For a long period of years no visitor to Upper Canada considered his tour - complete until he had paid his respects to the autocrat of Dunwich. Governors, visiting noblemen and gentlemen, judges, litterateurs, and occasionally ladies of distinction, were amongst his guests. Francis Gore, General Brock, the Duke of Richmond, Labouchere, M.P. (after- wards Lord Taunton), James Stuart Wortley, M.P., afterwards the [coyNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 48 second Lord Wharncliffe, Sir Peregrine Maitland, Sir John Colborne, Sir George Arthur, Lord Aylmer, Chief Justice Robinson, his brother, Hon. Peter Robinson, Edward Stanley, M.P., afterwards Earl of Derby (“the Rupert of Debate”), Richard Talbot (afterwards Lord Talbot of Malahide), and William Talbot, brothers of Colonel Talbot, Richard, afterwards Lord Airey, Julius and John Airey (Talbot’s nephews), Dr. Howison, Dr. Dunlop, Bishops Stewart and Strachan, Mrs. Jameson, Lady Emeline Stuart-Wortley and her daughter, now the Lady Victoria Welby, and others of note, were sheltered beneath his hospitable roof. On the other hand, in his occasional visits to England he met on equal terms the greatest of the land. His predilection for pioneer garments and rustic customs at Port Talbot did not preclude him from resuming at need the habits of refined civilization; and, whether at Government house, or the Speaker’s dinner, at York, or before his own ample fire- side, he met his fashionable and distinguished friends with the courtly grace of a scion of the old Talbot stock. Of military visitors he appears to have had a surfeit. In 1832 he concludes a letter to Peter Robinson with the curt announcement: ‘ Pestered with half pay offi- cers. Please don’t introduce any of them to me.” XXV.— PERSONAL PECULIARITIES. Mrs. Amelia Harris gives an interesting account of a visit paid by him to Port Ryerse before his own mill was completed: “ He had come with a boat load of grain to be ground at my father’s mill. The men slept in the boat, with an awning over it, and had a fire on shore. In front of the fire, Colonel Talbot was mixing bread in a pail, to be baked in the ashes for the men. I had never seen a man so employed, and it made a lasting impression upon my childish memory. My next recollection of him was his picking a wild goose, which my father had shot, for my mother to dress for dinner.” This was in accordance with his habits at Port Talbot. Mrs. Jameson remarks, “ For sixteen years he saw scarce a human being except the few boors and blacks employed in clearing and logging his land, he himself assumed the blanket-coat and axe, slept upon the bare earth, cooked three meals a day for twenty woodsmen, cleaned his own boots, washed his own linen, milked his cows, churned the butter and made and baked the bread. In this latter branch of household economy he became very expert, and still prides himself on it” He dressed in homespun even on journeys abroad. His sheepskin coat and fur cap, celebrated wherever his name was known, was a familiar sight on the streets of York when he paid his winter visit to the provincial capital, to present his annual accounts and | pay over his collections as Land Agent to the Govern- 7 46 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA ment. On these occasions he drove from Port Talbot in a “ good, strong, high-shouldered box sleigh, wrapped up in the well-known sheep- skin coat, and covered with buffalo robes.” In the same coat he was frequently seen driving Lady Maitland or other ladies of the vice-regal circle through King or Yonge Streets, an object of curiosity to all on- lookers, to whom his name was a household word. An artist friend painted a portrait of him, in the costume of the period, but with trousers of homespun in broad stripes of black and red, forming a somewhat startling and picturesque pattern. His customary shabby apparel was, as has been stated above, the means of preserving his liberty and per- haps his life during the war of 1812, on the occasion of one of the numerous visits of raiding parties to Port Talbot. A tradition in the settlement, confirmed by the statements of writers such as Mrs. Jameson, and Mrs. Amelia Harris, asserts that until a comparatively late period, he carried out his misogynist views to such an extent that he persistently refused to have female domestics at Port Talbot. His papers, however, show that, whatever may have been the custom in later years, he was not so exclusive in the earlier period, his account book showing that, from 1804 until 1809 at least, he had one or two always in his employ. His famous valet and man of all work, Jeffrey Hunter, married while in the Colonel’s service, and husband and wife resided in the house during the demainder of the Colonel’s life at Port Talbot. The exclusion of domestics of the female sex cannot therefore have been of longer duration than from 1809 until Hunter’s marriage. On the other hand, not a few ladies were from time to time welcome visitors at Port Talbot. XX VI.—RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES. In the early days of the settlement he was careful about religious observances, as a sort of weekly drill, a survival of garrison discipline. Service was held each Sunday and the settlers were expected to attend. The Colonel himself read the service. To insure punctuality of atten- ance, the bottle was regularly passed around at the close. The result, it is hardly necessary to add, was satisfactory on both sides. The prac- tice was kept up until the erection of St. Peter’s church, four or five miles away, put an end to the Colonel’s ministrations. The same method was adopted with equal success when the militia assembled for . their annual drill on the King’s Birthday, the 4th of Juhe. Their 1See frontispiece, which, however, shows only the upper portion of the original. *Mrs. Jameson speaks of his reputation as “a sort of woman-hater, who had not for thirty years allowed a female to appear in his sight.” [cornp] THE TALBOT PAPERS 47 devotion to military exercises, it may be surmised, was only surpassed by the sometimes startling character of their subsequent proceedings. The Colonel’s clerical duties were not confined to those just men- tioned. As the nearest local magistrate, he was frequently called upon to perform the marriage ceremony, there being no clergyman resident within eighteen miles. I have seen several marriage certificates bearing his signature, amongst others, that of the well known Colonel McQueen. It has been said that Talbot sometimes baptized infant settlers, but that is among the apocrypha of the Settlement. After a few years he abandoned all pretense of religious observance. He never attended church, and at times he paid slight respect to such clergymen as visited him, although he is said to have contributed to the funds of the Church of England, and was on friendly terms with the bishops, both Anglican and Roman Catholic. XXVII.—THE SLIDING WINDOW-PANE. The settlers loved to tell of interviews with Talbot through the well-known window-pane. Many were the schemes to wheedle or hood- wink the Colonel into granting a location. Meanwhile, his temper, always irascible and domineering, grew more surly and morose in deal- ing with applicants. His valet, steward and man of all work was famous throughout the settlement, and, indeed, wherever the name of Talbot was known. It was Jeffrey Hunter, his faithful attendant and henchman, who gave notice of the approach of the crafty settler, and of his designs. In his choice of settlers Talbot was discriminating. Those who took his fancy were allowed to settle in the nearer, others were sent to remoter townships. He knew by intuition whom he could persuade to settle on a poor farm, and whom it was impossible to put off without a good location. The masterful settler, however, occa- sionally had his own way, even if he had to resort to physical force. The name of Duncan Patterson is held in honour to this day for having thrown the Colonel to the ground, and held him there until promised the location desired, which the Colonel had at first refused. To pre- vent the recurrence of such inconveniences, the inventive genius of the Colonel and the faithful Jeffrey contrived an expedient, which resulted satisfactorily. No longer was the designing homesteader admitted within the precincts of the Castle of Malahide. He presented himself outside, opposite a window, in which a sliding pane was fitted; and behind the open pane, at a signal from Jeffrey, the florid face and gleaming eyes of Colonel Talbot confronted the applicant. Tradition has preserved the Colonel’s form of salutation, even to the tones of his 48 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA harsh and husky voice. ‘ What do you want?” was the peremptory inquiry which opened the interview with the trembling and anxious immigrant unskilled in the ways of Talbot. Having made known his desire for a particular location, the intending settler was obliged to undergo a rigid cross-examination as to his antecedents, means and motives. If the application was granted, he went away rejoicing that he had escaped so easily. If refused, the applicant exercised his democratic privilege of abusing and cursing the Colonel and all his belongings. Then came the conclusion of the ceremonial. The Col- onel’s rough voice called out, “ Jeffrey, set on the dogs,” the pane of glass was closed, and with it the interview. XXVIII.—THE TEMPERANCE MOVEMENT. A hard drinker himself, Talbot was shocked beyond measure at the rise of the temperance movement in the ‘early 30’s. He quickly disposed of moderate drinkers by classing them with the objectionable triumvirate of Radicals, Ryersonians and Rebels. Sir James Alexan- der, an officer in the garrison at London, who visited him about the year 1842, with the regimental doctor, expecting to spend a week at Port Talbot, was promptly undeceived. Dinner was served shortly after their arrival. The host grew more and more observant, as the officer passed the decanter without replenishing his glass, and, at the conclusion of the meal, calling him into another room, said, decisively : “JT have ordered your horses to be got ready; you will be able to reach St. Thomas before dark.” In his book entitled “ L’Acadie,” Sir James records the incident with much gusto; but local tradition asserts that he was not even permitted to finish his dinner before Talbot ordered Jeffrey to have the horses saddled and bridled. His deterioration in habits and manner was owing partly to early military and court training, but largely to his situation. He never associated with the settlers; he lived aloof from his neighbours. Human sympathies perished from atrophy. Mrs. Jameson was moved to tears by the pathos of his situation as he recited it to her. She adds: “ He has passed his life in worse than solitude. He will admit no equal in his vicinity. His only intercourse has been with inferiors and depen- dents, whose servility he despised, and whose resistance enraged him— men whose interests rested on his favour—on his will, from which there was no appeal. Hence despotic habits, and contempt even for those whom he benefitted; hence, with much natural benevolence and generosity, a total disregard, or rather total ignorance, of the feelings [coynE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 49 of others—all the disadvantages, in short, of royalty, only on a smaller scale. Now, in his old age, where is to him the solace of ager He has honour, power, obedience, but where are the love, the troops of friends, which also should accompany old age? He is alone—a lonely man. His constitution has suffered by the dreadful toils and privation of his earlier life. His sympathies have had no natural outlet; his affections have wanted their natural food. He suffers, I think; and not being given to general or philosophical reasoning, causes and effects are felt, not known.” An amusing story is told, typical, it would seem, of many hard drinkers in the spacious days, when George III was king. Talbot used to say that a man who drank in the early morning was sure to die a drunkard. "To show the sincerity of his belief, and his resolve not to expose himself to this danger, he placed a mark on an out- building, showing where the sun would cast his shadow at 11 o’clock. Long before the hour, the Colonel would sit in his armchair gazing intently at the moving shadow. Precisely when it reached the mark, Jeffrey was ordered to produce the decanter, and the rest of the day was devoted to indulgence. To have ample time for this dissipation, he had an inflexible rule that no business should be transacted after 12 o’clock. Settlers who had walked scores of miles following a blazed track in the woods to get their land, found on their arrival that they could not see the great man, because the noon hour had struck. Back they had to trudge to the nearest inn, two miles or more, or sleep in the woods, so as to be on hand to interview the distinguished Govern- ment Agent next morning. When the Colonel was absent from home his domestics could sample the wine, and there were times when he found an empty cellar on his return. Returning from England with one of his brothers, who found the wines in the United States detestable and longed for the choicer brands of the old*country, he consoled him with the promise of good wine at Port Talbot. Arrived at the castle, he called for some of Logan’s best port, to redeem his pledge, and cleanse his brother’s palate of the villainous stuff he had been drinking. To his horror there was none in the cellar. ‘“ None,” asked the Colonel, “ what has become of it?” The Hibernian domestic was ready with his answer, “ None, yer honour, it all dried up with the hot weather.” ? This, with some other anecdotes, are reproduced from Edward Erma- tinger’s “Life of Colonel Talbot,” with some additions supplied by local tradition, Sec II., 1907. 4. BO ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA XXIX.—Pustic DUTIEs. The Colonel was not enthusiastic in his devotion to his somewhat numerous public duties. He was Lieutenant for the County of Middle- sex in 1804. A member of the Legislative Council of the Province since the year 1809, it is doubtful if he ever took his seat. A Justice of the Peace, he took his place at the Quarter Sessions at Charlotteville for one day in 1806, but there is no record of his doing so afterwards. In the following year he was appointed one of the four members of the Court of Request for the County of Middlesex; but there is no record of his having officiated, as far as published accounts go. It was doubtless on his advice that during this year Ebenezer Green was named Constable for Dunwich and Aldborough; in 1808, John Quick, Constable of Dun- wich, and Samuel Guarnsey, collector; and in 1809, Joseph Smith, Constable for Dunwich. As magistrate, Talbot never issued a summons or warrant. His admirer, Colonel George Munro,’ accounts for the fact partly by the conspicuous morality of the settlers, and partly by the Colonel’s kindness of heart. An additional cause is probably to be found in less laudable idiosyncrasies, and especially in his indifference and aloofness. In 1826 Talbot, Burwell, Hamilton, Charles Ingersoll and John Matthews were appointed by statute Commissioners for the purpose of erecting the London Gaol and Court House, and to levy a rate therefor. The Court House is still used for its original purpose. In its original construction its general outlines conformed to those of the Castle of Malahide. An ardent Tory of the old school, before the days of responsible government, he did not condescend to vote personally at elections. This may have been owing to his position as a Legislative Councillor, but it was more likely owing to his peculiar temperament. The intensity of his views on political questions was, however, well known and tended to produce in his pugnacious Highland neighbours an equal if not greater fervoun of opinion in the opposite direction. It is significant, but not perhaps to be wondered at, that the Scotch township of Dun- wich in which he lived is to-day the most strongly Liberal township in the county. There are streets in which for miles every voter, until a recent period at all events, cast his ballot on that side. On the other hand, it is equally significant that the southern portion, including Port Talbot, is to this day strongly Conservative. This section contains descendants of the original immigrants from Pennsylvania who came in 1809 and 1810, and who experienced special kindness and hospitality at his hands. 1]n letters to the press of St. Thomas, several years ago. [coYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 51 XXX.—TaALBoT’s PoLiITICAL MEETING at Str. THOMAS, 1832. From the considerable volume of papers preserved by Colonel Talbot, relating to the great political meeting at St. Thomas on St. George’s day in 1832, it would appear that he regarded his success on this occasion as the crowning triumph of his career. A brief reference to the meeting and the Colonel’s speech, the only political address he is known to have delivered, will therefore not be out of place. The accession to power of a Reform Government in England and the passage by the British Government of the Reform Bill, greatly extending the franchise and wiping out many “ rotten boroughs,” gave the Liberals in Upper Canada grounds for hoping for a change in the system of administration here. Anxious for the overthrow of the Family Compact and for urgently desired reforms, responsible govern- ment being as yet hardly dreamed of, they began to hold caucuses and public meetings for the formation of what were called political unions, and to petition for the recall of the Lieutenant-Governor, Sir John Col- borne, a well meaning military officer of high character, who was believed to have placed himself entirely in the hands of the Family Compact. The Liberals included almost all Methodists, Baptists and Scotch- men, and a very large proportion of the immigrants from the States. They represented an overwhelming majority of the electorate. But the Family Compact, occupying all the places in the Provincial Government, Legislative Council and all official positions great and small throughout the province, went on serenely vetoing bills passed by the assembly for furthering the development of the Province, punishing the popular leader with repeated expulsion from the Legislature, to which he was repeatedly re-elected, and contemptuously disobeying explicit instructions of the home government to put themselves in touch with popular senti- ment, until the crash came in the rebellion of 1837. Then followed Lord Durham’s famous report, the introduction of responsible govern- ment, and the downfall of the Compact. In the spring of 1832 the spirit of reform was in the air. The temperance question began to loom up large, and was favourably consid- ered by religious bodies. Temperance societies were formed. Their members were to a considerable extent, and in some places exclusively, Liberals. The rigid conservatism of the day regarded with suspicion all innovation of whatever character it might be. Colonel Talbot snuffed rebellion in the air, and made up his mind to put down the movement at once as far as the Talbot Settlement was concerned. Fly leaves were distributed as follows: 52 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA NOTICE. Having seen the proceedings of different meetings held in the Talbot Settlement, on the subject of imagined grievances, and finding that it is now necessary to ascertain the real sentiments of the inhabit- ants, so as at once to put down the fever (by a few only) manifested, to encourage disaffection to the British Government, I give this notice, recommending a general meeting of my settlers on St. George’s day, the 23rd of April next, at the King’s Arms,’ at St. Thomas, at noon, when I shall attend. THOMAS TALBOT, Father of the Talbot Settlement, Port Talbot, March 14, 1832. The result was a large gathering of the electors, many of them armed with bludgeons and prepared for battle. The number was estimated at 1,500 to 2,500. E. A. Talbot, of the London “ Sun,” a friendly newspaper, computed it at 2,000, of whom 800 signed an address dictated by the Colonel and moved by the late Edward Ermatinger, who appears to have been one of the leading spirits. Apparently the Colonel’s party did not preponderate at the meeting, but his political friends were enthusiastic and his opponents refrained from hostile demonstrations. At one point in his address there was some noise in the outskirts of the crowd, which made the orator pause for a moment. Taking out his snuff-box, giving it the usual formal tap, he admin- istered a large dose of the powdered tobacco to his nostrils, shook his extended fingers a few inches from his nose, and called out: “ Gentle- men, I am an old man—but tough.” His admirers spoke of him familiarly afterwards as Tommy Tough.” XXXI.—TALBOTS SPEECH AT ST. THOMAS. The MS. of the speech is an interesting document. The Colonel wrote it out on foolscap, beginning economically at the top of the page. After its conclusion he discovered that he had omitted the opening words. But there was no line left, and he had to crowd them in close to the upper edge of the paper, and there we read them in his own autograph, “ Silence and attention.” Imagine a political orator of the present day beginning his address to a mass meeting of electors in this *The King’s Arms Hotel was at the southwest corner of Church and Talbot streets, where the Lisgar House stood until it was torn down a few years ago. [corns] THE TALBOT PAPERS 88 fashion! But the old Colonel was on parade, and he remembered that he was one having authority. The reference to “the sheep with the rot,” provoked shouts of laughter. The Colonel was pleased, smiled, took snuff, and shook his finger jocularly at the audience. So also with the reference to “ the flagstaff,” by which was meant one of the Teeples of Malahide, who was remarkable for his height. The reference to “nation and denom- ination ” was intended to apply to the Americans and Methodists. The Colonel was clearly not prejudiced in favour of “d d cold-water- drinking societies.” As father of the settlement, he closed with the benediction. But he was not a Universalist. Only the elect should get the benefit of it, and the rest were cheerfully consigned to the place of punishment they deserved for their political sins. “You that are true British subjects ” are exclusively to be blessed. The temperance societies he had already “damned.” The speech is given in extenso from the Colonel’s own draft, and the reader is referred to the text for a complete understanding of this important episode. The political excitement was by no means allayed by the success of Talbot’s meeting. The Government, however, profited by it through the influence it produced in the rest of the province and in England. Mackenzie found himself confronted on his visits to Downing Street, as the bearer of petitions for Colborne’s removal, by counter petitions, with signatures exceeding the number attached to those in his charge, approving of Colborne’s conduct, and effusively loyal in their sentiments of devotion to the king. In the Talbot Settlement, as elsewhere, the agitation was continued, and the parties were not content to rely upon argument alone. Acts of violence, some of which would appear, if not instigated, to have been approved by Talbot, followed. In a letter to Hon. Peter Robinson in J anuary, 1833, he exults over the riotous acts of his henchmen from Dunwich. “My rebels,” he writes, “ endea- voured to hold a meeting at St. Thomas on the 17th, Dr. Franklin’s birthday, as I am informed, but in which they were frustrated by my loyal guards, who routed the rascals at all points, and drove them out of the village like sheep, numbers with broken heads, leaving their hats behind them, the glorious work of old Colonel Hickory. In short, it was a most splendid victory. Mr. Fraser, the Westlian (sic) Method- ist, behaved admirably on the occasion, and I scarcely think they will venture to call another meeting, at least not at St. Thomas. Their object was to form a political union, the articles of which were to elect the legislative council, the magistrates, ete” But the rebels, who made themselves obnoxious by drinking cold water and advocating revolution- ary sentiments so startling as those specified, did not acknowledge them- B4 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA selves beaten. On the contrary, they claimed victory all along the line, and asserted that their meeting was an eminently successful one. XXXII.—Tatpor’s System or LAND TRANSFER. The Torrens system of land transfer has well known advantages. Questions of title are settled by it once and for all. Transfers are effected with simplicity and dispatch, formalities are waived, and a claimant knows exactly how his title stands. But this system was anticipated by Colonel Talbot long before Torrens was heard of. His townships maps were long famous. They are now preserved in the Crown Lands Department, and in future ages will be interesting relics of the pioneer age of Upper Canada. Copies of the Surveyor’s maps were in Talbot’s custody. When an applicant’s claim was allowed, the Colonel with a lead pencil wrote the name across the lot selected. There the entry remained for years until the settlement duties were performed to the Colonel’s satisfaction, and the certificate issued, which would entitle the settler to his patent on payment to the Government of the survey and patent fees. If the applicant failed to perform the conditions, an eraser in the Colonel’s hands soon cancelled the name, and the settler’s chance of reading his title clear vanished. If the settler sold out to an approved successor, the name of the transferee was as readily substituted by the successive use of the eraser and pencil. What could be simpler, fairer or more effective? Let the lawyers answer. Probably the answer would be that every Crown Land Agent might not be as honest or as methodical as the crusty Colonel. His merits as superintendent of settlement were acknowledged even by those who denounced the objectionable features of his language and conduct. He tried to discriminate between the honest and industrious appli- cant and the crafty, shiftless or dishonest. He refused to admit bad characters amongst the settlers, and insisted in general on a reasonable compliance with the settlement conditions. In receiving pay for lands, however, he was especially strict on one point. Notes of the Bank of Upper Canada were always legal tender with him; but woe betide the man who asked him to accept bills of the Agricultural Bank, or the Farmers’ Joint Stock Bank, or any other new fangled institution. XXXIII— TALBOT AND THE AIREYS. Being unmarried, Talbot’s desire to acquire a great estate included the wish to leave it to some near kinsman, who should thereby be able to sustain in the New World the ancestral dignity of the Talbots de [COYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 55 Malahide, and to preserve their memory. His brother William had visited him in 1810. His sister Margaret’s son, Julius Airey, had after- wards been invited to reside with the Colonel. A residence of a year or more had satisfied young Airey, just verging on manhood, with the home life of Port Talbot. His experiences were anything but pleas- ing. The youth found no suitable companions among the neighbouring settlers. The life was intolerably dreary. Its monotony was varied only by the uncle’s eccentricities of habit and temper. For a year or more the nephew endured it. Then he returned to England, cheer- fully, no doubt, relinquishing his hope of inheritance of the vast estate. Richard Airey, his brother, was Secretary to Lord Aylmer during the latter’s Governor-Generalship. He had visited Colonel Talbot while holding this position. Afterwards, during the rebellion, as Lieu- tenant-Colonel of the 34th Regiment, he had been quartered at St. Thomas, only thirteen miles distant. Some years later, being then Military Secretary at the Horse Guards, he removed from England with his family, and came to Port Talbot to reside. Talbot denied that he held out inducements to him to come to Canada, but maintained he had reluctantly assented to Colonel Airey’s own proposition. At all events, when Airey arrived, it was with the understanding, on his part at least, that he was to settle at Port Talbot and succeed to the estate. The old residence was soon transformed by the new occupant. The hours for meals were changed and new ways of living introduced, to suit the fashion of the Old World. Disagreements resulted. Talbot . built a new house close by, where he might live as he pleased. “ But,” as Mr. Edward Ermatinger says, “all would not do,—the old bird had been disturbed in his nest, and he could not be reconciled.” He determined to spend the rest of his days in England or on the Continent and actually resided in England for a year and more.* , Before leaving Port Talbot, however, he effected a settlement with his nephew, by conveying to him the Port Talbot estate, worth then about ten thousand pounds, and including some 1300 acres, as well as all his lands in Aldborough? Whilst Talbot was in England, Airey returned thither with his family, and resumed his military duties. He became Sir Richard Airey, was Quarter-Master-General during the Crimean War, some years before his death, and was elevated to the House of Lords. ? See letters of Colonel Talbot and George Macbeth to H. C. R. Becher in the Appendix to “The Talbot Régime,” by Judge Ermatinger. ?The deed is dated 16th March, 1850. It describes Aldborough lands containing 27,650 acres, more or less, but includes expressly all other lands owned by Talbot in the Township. 56 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA XXXIV.—THE CoLoNEL’s DEATH. After fifty years of residence in the forest, it was hardly to be expected that Talbot would feel permanently at home in England. He _ renewed his acquaintance with his old friend, the Great Duke, at Apsley House, and with many others in high station, but pined for the lake and cliffs and the winding waters of Talbot Creek. He returned to find his old home rented by Colonel Airey to a stranger. He was obliged to take a small room in the house of Mrs. Hunter, the faithful Jeffrey’s widow. Here for some time he lived, cooped in a small apartment, within sight of the hilltop where he had spent nearly half a century of his life. Mr. George Macbeth, the careful manager of the estate, became his sole devisee and legatee. Mr. Macbeth, having on his marriage removed to London, the Colonel left Port Talbot, and resided at Mr. Macbeth’s until his death, which oceured on the 5th February, 1853, only a few months after that of his friend, the Iron Duke. The funeral proceeded on the 9th as far as Fingal. There, through the misconduct of the undertaker, according to one account, but more pro- bably by reason of the crowded condition of the little tavern, the coffin was left over night in a shed or lean-to attached to the rear portion of the building. The following day, the little procession went on to Burwell’s Corners, and thence over hill and dale by the winding road through “The Colonel’s Woods” to Port Talbot. Here the body lay for a short time in the old familiar home. St. Peter’s church is four or five miles farther west. There the brief service for the dead was recited. It was a bitterly cold day, and comparatively few were present. Near by, on the high cliff overlooking the lake, is the final resting place of many of the brave pioneers. There, in their midst, end close to the grave of Lord Airey’s little daughter, under a plain slab, lie the mortal remains, as the epitaph bears witness, of “The Honorable Thomas Talbot, Founder of the Talbot Settlement.” XXX V.—CoLoNEL TALBO'T’Ss APPEARANCE. Colonel Talbot was rather under medium height. As a youth he must have been strikingly handsome, and he possessed an engaging and courtly manner. His disposition was amiable, and he sought oppor- tunities to make himself useful. Mrs. Simcoe in her journal refers to this trait in terms of warm appreciation. Fleming, who, in the capacity of boatman, accompanied the Lieutenant-Governor on an expe- dition up the lake in 1793 or 1794, used to speak with enthusiasm of Talbot’s conduct on the occasion. “The Colonel,” he said, “was the [coynE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 57 prettiest, the neatest and the most active of the whole party.” Mrs. Amelia Harris in her interesting reminiscences observes that while in the army Talbot was regarded as “quite a dandy.” Her recollection went back almost to the beginning of the settlement, when he was between thirty and forty years of age. William Lyon Mackenzie saw him on the hustings at St. Thomas in 1824, and was strongly prepos- sessed in his favour by what he saw and heard. “ His air,” he writes, “is that of a military officer of distinction. In youth he must have possessed a handsome person and well-formed features; for even now, and he is nearly sixty years of age, his features have nothing harsh, and his appearance is rather prepossessing.” ? Two years later, Mrs. Stewart saw and conversed with Talbot when he accompanied Sir Pere- -grene Maitland to Peterborough. His eccentricities were widely known ; but they were not in evidence on state occasions, and she, like Macken- zie, was disappointed to find that there was nothing remarkable about his manner. Having heard from his own lips a recital of the strategy by which he avoided capture by so-called “ Indians ” who invaded Port Talbot during the war, she writes, “ He gives me the idea of the most cool courage imaginable.” ? His portrait in water-colours, painted when he was probably up- wards of sixty years of age, shows a full, florid face, beaming with intelligence and good-nature, twinkling eyes, features and expression strongly resembling those of King William TV, on the whole a striking and attractive figure. With advancing years, he became more corpulent. Mrs. Stewart thought him “fat and short.” A pathetic picture is furnished by one of his neighbours,? who remembers the Colonel as a feeble old man, bent nearly double, and creeping about the old place, laboriously leaning on a stout walking-stick. Proud of the homespun, manufactured and worn by his settlers, Talbot followed their fashion, and was hardly to be distinguished in attire from the poorest among them, as he moved about his estate. The portrait represents him in trousers with broad stripes of scarlet and black,t the whole costume probably of home manufacture. On his travels, even in England, and in visits to great houses, where he was a welcome guest, he persisted in wearing garments of Port Talbot manufacture, whose excellence he vaunted in comparison with English cloths. When Mrs. Stewart saw him he wore a “ greatcoat made of sheepskins with the wool on, either of natural black or dyed, and a 1“ Sketches of Canada and the United States,’ London, 1833, pp. 113-114. 2“ Our Forest Home,” pages 90-93. Mr. George McKay, who still resided near Port Talbot until a few months ago. *These do not appear in the frontispiece. 58 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA pair of boots of the same, which he wears over his other boots; and,” she continues, “as he is fat and short, you cannot think what a curious figure he is in this Arctic dress”! The sheepskin coat was famous on both sides of the Atlantic, as was also the high box-sleigh, in which he made his annual winter visit to the provincial capital, attended by his almost equally famous valet and man-of-all-work, Jeffrey Hunter. The settlers along Talbot Road watched for its coming, and often was its progress delayed by messages to be delivered and commissions to be executed in York or at intermediate points. To Jeffrey was entrusted the task of keeping these in mind, that none might be overlooked. The Colonel’s coat and sleigh were familiar sights at York, where, buried in sheepskins, he was not infrequently seen driving Lady Sarah Maitland, and in earlier days Mrs. Gore, along King Street. XXXV.— CONCLUSION. The keynote of Talbot’s character will be found in his pride of birth, his military and court training, his domineering temperament, his isolation, and his desire to accumulate a great landed estate. Talbot Road and Settlement were merely incidental to his main object. His virtues, common to all the settlers, were unflinching loyalty and the welcome of the open door. To religious, political and moral reform he was blindly opposed or contemptuously indifferent. He lacked ini- tiative: his schemes of settlement and road-building were borrowed. His merit was that he alone exacted a strict performance of settlement duties. His signal demerit was that he ignored his own moral and civic duty to the two townships, for whose isolation he was alone responsible. They found in Henry Coyne, an Irishman from Belfast, who settled in Dunwich in 1817, a sympathizing friend and champion. Under his and his son’s leadership, public sentiment was aroused, reforms and municipal improvements effected, wild lands subjected to taxation, and the Colonel forced to lease portions to meet the assessment, relieving to some extent the intolerable burden on the settlers. Talbot never forgave, nor did the settlers. The mention of his name to-day flushes the cheek of their descendants with anger. Who can blame them? “Seek other cause ’gainst Roderick Dhu”? The editor, to whose hands the irony of fate has entrusted Talbot’s papers, has approached the task in, as he trusts, the modern historic spirit. If he has erred, it has been on the side of a generous treatment, for there are few to say the kind word to-day. It is for the romance of his career that Talbot will be chiefly remembered, apart from the fact of his being the eponymous founder of a famous settlement. *“ Our Forest Home,” page 90. THE TALBOT PAPERS Grant By Kine Epwarp IV ro THomas TatBot,' 8 Marcu, 1475. (Indorsed). —TRANSLATION of a Grant of the Manor of Mul- laghide in the County of Dublin To Thomas Talbot Esquire dated the 8th of March 1475 in the 15th year of the Reign of King Edward the fourth. EDWARD by the Grace of God King of England and France and Lord of Ireland to all Archbishops Bishops Abbotts Priors Dukes Earls Barrons Justices Sheriffs Portrives Ministers and to all Bailiffs and Faithfull Subjects through our whole Kingdom of Ireland Greet- ing Know ye that We of our special Grace and of our certain Know- ledge and mere motion and allso on mature deliberation and with the Assent of our Councel and with the Assent of our most dear Brother George Duke of Clarence our Lieutenant of our land of Ireland ? &e. and for certain considerations Us thereunto Otherwise moveing We have given and granted and for us our Heirs and Successors and accord- ing to the Tenor of these presents We do give and grant and by this our present Charter have confirmed To our dearly beloved and Faithfull Thomas Talbot Esquire Who holds the Mannor or Lordship of Malla- hide in Our land of Ireland of us in Chief by Knights Service that he and his Heirs may have hold and Receive All and Singular Customs as well as Great as Small which to us our Heirs and Successors lately were Due or Ought to come or belong to us of Woole Hides Sheepeskines Lead Tin and all and all Manner of Other Merchandize Coming to the Town or Creeke of Mullay hide in the County of Dublin in Our land of Ireland as well by Land as by Water or Coastwise or by an arm of the Sea or Otherwise from thenceforth to be Taken and applied And that the Afforesaid Thomas and His Heirs may have all the Cus- toms Aforesaid of all Goods and Merchandize comeing in anny Ships *Thomas Talbot represented the tenth generation of lords of Malahide in unbroken male line from Richard Talbot, chevalier, who had received the manor and lordship in 1174 directly from King Henry II. Thomas died 23rd July, 1487. *Born in Dublin 1499, when his father, Richard, Duke of York, was Lord Lieutenant. Put to death by his brother, King Edward IV, in 1478. In 1462 the latter had appointed him Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for life. Clarence was a patron of Caxton, who dedicated his first book to him. 60 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA or Boats below or to the Town Creeke or arm of the Sea Aforesaid and Hereafter there to be loaded or unloaded Charged or discharged and all such Woole Hides. Sheepeskines Tin Lead and other the premisses from the said Town Creeke or Arm of the Sea Aforesaid to Anny our Citties or Towns of us our Heirs or Successors in our said land of Ireland may take and Carry away in Boats Barges or Lighters or other Vessels Whatsoever or in anny other manner remove from the Said Town of Mallaghide by land And that the Said Thomas and His Heirs may Receive all the Customs Aforesaid and All Other Customs or Duties Usually Accustomed to be Paid or Payable within our said Land or in or Within any Other our Ports Cities or Towns of Our land of Ireland Aforesaid nor may anny of the Officers or Ministers of us Our Heirs or Successors within Our said Land Receive the Same without the Impeachment of Us our Heirs or Successors or any of our Justices Lieutenants Deputies or other Officers or Ministers of us our Heirs or Successors in anny Manner Whatsoever and that the said Customs of Us our Heirs or Successors within our said Land of Ireland Towards Us our Heirs or Successors or our Justices Lieutenants or other our Deputies therefrom Shall and may be Acquitted and Dis- charged for Ever. To Have Levy and Recieve the Customs Aforesaid to the aforesaid Thomas and his Heirs by His own proper hands or that of his Ministers Servants or Officers Whatsoever for Ever And that the said Thomas and His Heirs may have a private seal or seals for the sealing of letters of Cocquet ! for the Receipt of the Customs on all kind of Merchandize Comeing to or Going from the said Town Creeke or Arm of the Sea of Mallaghide * as well by Land as by Water Coastwire or by Anny Arm of the Sea from Henceforth which said Cocquets So by the Aforesaid Thomas or His Heirs Officers or Ministers So Sealed and under the Seal or Seals Afforesaid Shall be sufficient and Valid in law and of as much Authority as such Cocquets are made and Sealed with in any other Cities or Towns of our land of Ireland ? A custom house seal. Letters of Cocquet were sealed documents certi- fying that goods had been duly entered. * According to Lewis’ Topographical Dictionary of Ireland (1837), the inlet of Malahide is four miles from Howth, and extends four miles up the country; it is dry at low water, but at high water vessels drawing ten or eleven feet may enter the creek and lie afloat in the channel. At the entrance is a bar having one foot at low water, and the channel is divided by a gravel bank called Muldowney; both the channels are narrow and tortuous, and are of dangerous navigation without the assistance of a pilot. Malahide Castle commands a fine view of the town and Bay of Malahide. Contiguous to the castle are the remains of the ancient church, for ages the place of sepulture of the proprietors of the castle. [coyne] THE TALBOT PAPERS 61 Or As they heretofore Were or Hereafter Shall be without any account or Return thereof or by any other inday To Us our Heirs or Successors Lieutenants Justices or other Our Officers or Ministers of us Our Heirs or Successors to be Recovered or paid for Over Any Statute Act Orden- ance Provision or Restriction in our Kingdom of England or Our land of Ireland or any Mandate to the contrary before this time made or- dained or Provided as in future to be made Notwithstanding. And further we have given and by these presents granted for us Our Heirs and Successors to the Aforesaid Thomas and His Heirs the Office of our Admiral of the Seas of us our Heirs and Successors at the Town Creeke or Arm of the Sea of Mullaghyde Aforesaid in our County of Dublin in our land of Ireland from Moldowne to the Water- mill of the said Thomas and Allso the Office of our Admiral and that of our Heirs or Successors Below the Town and Place Aforesaid To Have And Hold the Same of us our Heirs and Successors Immediately after the death of Robert Bolde Knight or by Restitution of our said Letters Patent by the said Robert or by Resumpsion or Forfieture deprivation of or any other cause matter or thing Whatsoever or by any other lawful means to become vacant or into our Hands or our Heirs or Successors or into the hands of our Lieutenants or Deputies Justices of us our Heirs or Successors of our Land of Ireland or which might Come to Happen or Belong thereto by Gift Disposial or Grant of We our Heirs or Successors or by the Gift Disposial of or Grant of anny our Lieutenants or Deputies or Justices of us Our Heirs or Successors as aforesaid. And that the said Thomas from Thenceforth for ever may be Admiral of Us our Heirs or Successors within our Land aforesaid from the Place and Town above specified and that no Admiral of us our Heirs or Successors of Ireland or England for the time being from Thenceforth any thing to the Office of Admiral belonging within the said Town Creeke or Arm of the Sea aforesaid may Intrude them- selves to Execute and Exercise hereafter Neether that the Vassals Tenants or Stewards of the aforesaid Thomas or his Heirs within the Town of Mallaghyde aforesaid or any of the Tennants or Residents within the Town aforesaid to our Admiral or of our Heirs or Successors whether English or Irish for the Time Being from Thenceforth in any manner may be obedient or answer or in our courts or any or either of them by any Manner of Means may answer nor be Compelled to answer forever for any Trespasses Contracts or other Offences done or to be done perpetrated or to be Perpetrated upon the High Sea or Elsewhere but as well before the said Thomas or His Heirs or of his 62 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Deputies in a Court of Admiralty before the said Thomas or his Heirs or their Deputy in the Town of Muliaghide aforesaid held or to be held. And that the said Thomas and His Heirs may have full power and Authority of hearing and determining and Correcting of all and all manner of Trespasses Covenants Contracts or any other Offences done or to be done up the High Seas or elsewhere by the Vassals or Tenants of the said Thomas or his Heirs or any other the Tenants or Residents in the aforesaid Town of Mullaghyde in a Court of Admiralty before him the said Thomas or his Heirs or their Deputies held or to be held. And that the said Thomas and his Heirs may have All and Singu- lar Amerciments Ransoms Issues Forfietures and all Things to be Forfieted in a Court of Admiralty before hi mor his Heirs or their Deputies within the Town or place aforesaid to be held Adjudged or heard to be had Levied and Recieved by the said Thomas and his Heirs by his own propper hands or of his Servants without any account or Return thereof or in any other manner to Us our Heirs or Successors Lieutenants or their Deputies Justices or other Officers whatsoever or Ministers of Us our Heirs or Successors there for to be Rendered or paid for Ever any Statute Act Ordinance Provision or Restriction in our Kingdom of England or Land of Ireland or any our Mandate to the Contrary made or Provided or in future to be made notwith- standing. And further we will and have given for us our Heirs and Succes- sors to the said Thomas and his Heirs for Ever that they may have hold occupy and Recieve by himself or his deputies the Offices of Keeper of the Ferries and Water-bailiff and allso of Gauger or searcher within the town or Creeke or Arm of the Sea of Mullaghyde afforesaid and all advantages and Profits to such Citie officers belonging after such Officers or either of them by the death of William Armover or by the Restitution of Letters Patent to the said William made thereof or by the Resumpsion or forfieture or deprivation or by means of any other cause matter or thing whatever or by any means become Vacant or into the Hands of us our Heirs or Successors or into the Hands of our Lieutenants or their Deputies or Justices of us our Heirs or Suc- cessors of our said Land of Ireland may Come fall into or belong or be in the Gift disposal of or grant of Us our Heirs or Successors or the Gift disposial of or Grant of our Lieutenants or their Deputies or Justices of us our Heirs or Successors. To Have Levy and Recieve the Same to the said Thomas and his Heirs by the propper hands of the said Thomas or his Servants without any account or any other Return thereof in any manner to us our Heirs or Successors or our Lieutenants [corns] THE TALBOT PAPERS 63 or Deputies or Justices of Us our Heirs or Successors or any other our Officers or Ministers of Us our Heirs or Successors there for to be Rendered or made for Ever any Statute Act Ordinance Provision or Restriction in our Kingdom of England or in our land of Ireland by our Mandate made Ordained or Provided to the contrary or in future to be made Notwithstanding. And further we have given and granted for us Our Heirs and Successors that the said Thomas and his Heirs for ever may-have hold Occupy and receive by himself or by his Deputies, officers or Gaugers within the Town Creek or Arm of the Sea aforesaid of Mullaghyde aforesaid and all other advantages and Profits to such Officers belong- ing Immediately after the said Officers become Vacant by the death of Richard Ellis or by Restitution of our Lieutenant by the said Richard made thereof or by the Resumption forfieture or withdrawing thereof or by any other cause matter or thing whatsoever in anny other manner become vacant or come to our hands or that of our Heirs or Successors or to the hands of our Lieutenants or other our Deputies or Justices of us our Heirs or Successors in our Land of Ireland or which might happen to Come fall or belong to us by means of the donation dis- position or Grant of us our Heirs or Successors or to the Gift Dis- position or Grant of our Lieutenants Deputies or Justices of us our Heirs or Successors. To Have Levy or Recieve the Same by the said Thomas and his Heirs to his own propper use or that of his servants without any account or Return thereof or by any other means made to us Our Heirs or Successors Lieutenant or Deputies or other our Officers or Ministers to be Rewarded or made for ever anny Statute Act or Ordinance Pro- vision or Obstruction in our Kingdom of England or land of Ireland or anny other Mandate to the contrary made ordained or provided or in future to be made Notwithstanding. And further we do grant and give for us our Heirs and Successors to the afforesaid Thomas and his Heirs for Ever all that Sea-coast from the place called Moldowne to the Water-mill of him the said Thomas at Mullaghide Together with all and every profits thereof’ whatsoever comeing Thereto in manner and form and as We had if this Grant had never been made To Hold Levy and Receive the same to the said Thomas and his Heirs by his own propper hands or of his Servants So that no person coming in Ships or Boatts into the said Arm of the Sea at Moldowne aforesaid or to the mill aforesaid may for Ever Pay anny of the Customs To any Person or Persons but only to the said Thomas or his Heirs without any account or any return or in any other manner to us our Heirs or Successors or Lieutenants or 64 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA other our Justices or Deputies or any Other Ministers or Officers of us Our Heirs or Successors there for to be Rendered or made for Ever any Statute Act Ordinance Provision or Mandate of us to the contrary made or ordained or provided or in future to be made notwithstanding. And further we do give and grant for us our Heirs and Successors to the Afforesaid Thomas Who of us Holdeth in Chief by Knight’s Service the Mannor of Mullaghyde aforesaid in our County of Dublin in our Dominion of Ireland and who now oweth Homage to Us for his Mannor aforesaid by reason of the Teanure aforesaid that he may have the respect of his Homage for the term of Fifty years next after the date of these presents So that neither we our Heirs or Successors Sherriffs Escheators or any other of our Officers or Ministers of Us our Heirs or Successors the said Thomas for his homage aforesaid during the term aforesaid many not be disturbed nor in any manner molested. And also we grant for us our Heirs and Successors that the afore- said Thomas by us our Heirs or Successors or Officers or Ministers of us our Heirs or Successors whatsoever may not be obliged nor Com- pelled to take upon him the Order of Knighthood contrary to his will. And also we give and grant to the aforesaid Thomas and his Heirs for Ever that they may have Out fangthoff ! and affree warren? in his mannor or Lordship of Mullaghyde aforesaid So that no one may Enter the Mannor or Lordship aforesaid to Hunt therein or to take any thing which to afree warren belongeth without the Licence of the said Thomas under Forfieture of Ten pounds one half of which we Will to be Leveyed and Retained to our use and the other half of us our Heirs and Successors to be levyed and applied to the use of the said Thomas and his Heirs. And allso we do give and grant for us our Heirs and Successors that he the said Thomas and his Heirs and all his Vassals and Tenants or any other Residents in the said Mannor or Lordship that whether he or they shall or may be Compelled or Restrained to answer the Sher- riffs Court in the County of Dublin. And further we give and grant for us our Heirs and Successors to the aforesaid Thomas and his Heirs that he and his Heirs may have *Or outfangtheff. A privilege whereby a lord was enabled to call any man dwelling on his manor, or taken for felony in another place, to answer in his own court. * Warren, a franchise, either by prescription or royal grant, to keep in an enclosure “beasts and fowls of warren,” that is, animals that are by nature wild. [COYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 65 and hold in the aforesaid town of Mullaghide a View? of Frank pledge by his Seneschal and Leet and Landays together with all things to them or either of them Appertaining and with all other Advantages and profits Arising therefrom and to a view of Frank pledge Appertaining or to either of them Belonging To Hold Levy and Receive the same to the use of the said Thomas and his Heirs for their own propper hands or that of their servants without any account or any other return thereof or in any other manner to us our Heirs or Successors or any or Hither of our Deputies Justices or Servants of us our Heirs or Successors there for to be Rendered or made for Ever anny Statute Act Ordinance Provisoe or Mandate to the contrary made Ordained or provided or in future to be made Notwithstanding. And further we do give and grant for us and our Heirs and Successors to the said Thomas and his Heirs that he and his Heirs as well in our presence and of that our Heirs and Successors as in our absence and that of our Heirs and Successors by themselves or by their servants in the Mannor or Lordship aforesaid may have and hold an Assize ? for Strengthening and Correcting the Assize of Bread Wine and Ale and of all other kind of Victuals and of Measures and Weights Whatsoever and All other Matters to the Office of Escheator * or Clarke of the Market and Inns of Us our Heirs and Successors thereunto belonging and Punishing for the same and of Doing and Exercising whatsoever to the same belongeth when and as often as shall be found necessary so farr and as fully as any Clarke of the Market of us and our Heirs might or ought to do in our presence or that of our Heirs And that the aforesaid Thomas and His Heirs may have all Amerce- ments Fines and other Profits therefrom Arising to be received and levied by him and his Servants without Impeachment of us our Heirs and Successors or our Ministers whatsoever without any account or Return thereof or by any other means to us our Heirs or Successors or our Lieutenants or their Deputies and Justices or any other officers or Ministers of us our Heirs or Successors whatsoever there for to be 1 View, an official inspection; Frank pledge, a system of mutual surety- ship that required all men to combine in associations of ten to stand as sureties for each other’s good behaviour; Seneschal (etymologically, old servant), steward, presiding officer or military commander; Leet, petty crim- inal court for manor; Landays (Land-Tag), a local representative council. 2 Assize, standard of weight, measurement price, &c.; hemce size, mea- surement, dimensions. 5 Escheator, a county official, who looked after escheats (or forfeitures), and certified them to the treasury. Sec. II., 1907. 5. 66 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Nendered or made for Ever any Statute Act Ordinance Provision or Mandate of us to the Contrary made ordained or Provided or in future to be made Notwithstanding So that the aforesaid Clerke of the Market Or Escheator in Ireland of us our Heirs or Successors may not enter into the Mannor or Lordship aforeside of Mullaghyde to do or Execute there any thing to the said office or Officer in Any manner Appertaining We have given moreover and granted for us our Heirs and Successors to the said Thomas and his Heirs that he and his Heirs may have forever the Return of our Writts or Precepts and of our Heirs and Successors and the Execution of all such Writts or Precepts as well as of those which touch us our Heirs and Successors an deither of them at the Suit of us our Heirs or Successors as any other Writts or Precepts whatsoever in the said Mannor or Lordship So that no Sherriff Bailiff or Minister or any other officer Whatsoever of us our Heirs or Successors may enter the said Manor or Lordship for the Execution of any Writt or Precept Summons or any Attachment Pleas of our Crown or of any other pleas Whatsoever to be there done unless in default of the said Thomas or His Heirs or Ministers. And further of our special grace We have given and Granted for us our Heirs and Successors to the said Thomas and his Heirs that he the said Thomas and his Heirs and the Tennants of his said Mannor or Lordship shall not be Collectors of any of our taxes or Subsidies granted or to be granted to us our Heirs or Successors or to the Lieutenants Deputies or Justices of us our Heirs or Successors how- coever. And further of our special grace we have given and Granted for us our Heirs and Successors to the said Thomas and his Heirs for ever that no Sheriff Bailiff or other Ministers of us our Heirs or Successors or Hither of them may Attach Take or Distrain any of the Vassals Tenants or Servants of the said Thomas or his Heirs or any of his Dwellers or Residents whatsoever or any of our Leigemen or Foreigners at that time dwelling in the said Mannor by virtue of any precept or other warrant Cause or thing whatsoever within the County where they are resident So that the Execution of such Writts precepts or other warrants Whatsoever within the Mannor or Lordship aforesaid be done by the said Thomas and his Heirs or Servants in due form if not made by failure of the said Thomas his Heirs or Servants and although of our officers or Servants aforesaid or the Servants of us our Heirs or Successors Enter the said Mannor or Lordship aforesaid to do and perform any thing contrary to the Previleges and Liberties by us in our Letters Patent Granted to the said Thomas and his Heirs in form aforesaid then it shall be lawful for the said Thomas his Heirs Ten- [coynE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 67 nants and Servants in such case to oppose and Resist them without impeachmént of us our Heirs or Successors or Either of them What- soever. And further we do give and grant for us our Heirs and Successors to the said Thomas and his heirs that they may be for Ever exonerated and discharged of all fines as well by Grant of Confisiation of us our Heirs and Successors as by all other Charters Letters Patents and Writts of us our Heirs and Successors to the Aforesaid Thomas and his heirs Made or to be made and allso for all Fees for our Sealing thereof and of our Heirs and Successors Whatever in all our Courts in our Land of Ireland as before as our Heirs and Successors in Our Chancery of us Our Heirs and Successors or the Justices of our Com- mon Bench and others as before the Treasurer and Barrons of us our Heirs and Successors. And further of our more abundant Grace We have given and Granted for us our Heirs and Successors to the said Thomas and his Heirs for Ever that they shall not be Sherriffs nor Coroners or Eschea- tors ‘of our Counties of Dublin Meath Kildare or Louth in our Land of Ireland for Ever against their will. We have granted moreover and given for us our Heirs and Successors to the said Thomas and his Heirs for Ever that they may Have and Hold and from Thenceforth for Ever may have power to determine according to Law all Matters within the Courts of him the said Thomas and His Heirs within the Mannor or Lordship of Mullaghyde aforesaid in Our Land of Ireland and County of Dublin before the Senischall of him or his Heirs all and All manner of pleas as well real as Personal of Assize or Mixet whatsoever or Whatever sums they may account Hereafter there to be held. And that the said Thomas and his Heirs all such like Pleas in his Court saforesaid and may have hold hear and determine the Same by Plaints or by Bill before the Senischall of him or His Heirs for the time being and from Time to Time and as often as to them shall seem expedient and that they may have power to prosecute all persons who by such Plaint or Process of Law may be moved against and may allso have power to Arrest and Attach their Bodies Goods and Chattels within the Liberties and Precincts of the Lordship or Manor Aforesaid and Such their Bodies may commit to prison for Ever and may have Authority to make due Execution thereof. We have granted also and given for Us our Heirs and Successors that the aforesaid Thomas and his Heirs from Henceforth for Ever may have and hold all and every the places aforesaid before his Senes- chall or Seneschalls and also a View of Frank pledge Leets and Landays 68 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA as afforesaid and a Court Barron? together with all Things to the Same or Hither of them Belonging as often as to them or Hither of them shall seem expedient within the Manor or Lordship of Mullaghyde in our County of Dublin and Land of Ireland aforesaid (altho the Justices of us our Heirs or Successors or the Itinerant Justices holding pleas before us our Heirs or Successors or any other our Justices who may there come or there may ajied up the Holding of any Pleas Whatever) without the Impeachment of us our Heirs or Successors or any other officers of us our Heirs or Successors Whatsoever. And that the said Thomas and his Heirs may have hold and Receive all manner of Fines and Amerciments Issues and by means of any Forfieture Whatsoever in the Court aforesaid made before any his Seneschall or Seneschalls from thenceforth to him and his Heirs to his own propper hands or that of his Servants to be Taken without any account or any other Return therefor or in any other manner to us our Heirs or Successors Lieutenants Deputies or Justices or other our officers or Ministers of us Our Heirs or Successors to be Rendered or paid for Ever any Statute Act Ordinance provision or Restriction to the contrary made ordained or Provided or in future to be made Notwithstanding. And also We have Given and Granted for us our Heirs and Successors to the said Thomas and his Heirs that he the said Thomas and his Heirs from Henceforth for Ever may have Cognizance of All and all manner of Pleas as well Real as Personal and of Assize and Mixt in and from Every our Courts and before All our Justices as well before us our Heirs and Successors in the Chancery of us our Heirs or Successors of our Bench and any of our treasurers or Barrons of us our Heirs and Successors of our Exchequer Sherriffs Escheators. Admirals Coroners Clerk of the Market as before the Keepers of the Paie of us our Heirs or Successors in our land of Ireland of anny other Cause matter or thing within the Manor aforesaid or the Pre- cincts thereof Howsoever arising or happening and upon Such their pleas in the Courts afforesaid before his Seneschall may hear and deter- mine and may have authority to put the same in due Execution from Thenceforth and from time to time According to the Laws and Cus- toms of our Kingdom of England there to be done though the said Thomas and his Heirs may be Parties Compiainants or Defendants. And also we have given and granted for us our Heirs and Successors for Ever to the afforesaid Thomas and his Heirs for Ever that they may Take and Receive in their Courts aforesaid by his 1 A Court held by a steward of a manor for settling controversies between tenants, punishing misdemeanours, &c. [CoYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 69 Seneschall or Sen eschalls aforesaid and before such Seneschall or Senischalls may take cognizance of all Complaints of Menaces against us or our people or of us Our Heirs or Successors of Assaults of their Bodies or of House Burning and may make them give good and sufficient security for their Paie and Good Behaviour Towards us and our people and of our Heirs to be taken before our Seneschall or Seneschalls afore- said for the time being and if such securities shall be found Insufficient then there to Keepe in Prison within the Manor aforesaid until they find such security may Keepe them in safe custody when and as often as it shall be found necessary. And also we have given and granted for us and our Heirs and Successors to the said Thomas and his Heirs all Amerciments Ransoms for any escapes of Fellons Fugitives or Murderers done or to be done in the County of Dublin assessed or to be assessed presented or to be presented by the said Thomas or his Heirs Vassals Tenants or Residents within the Manor or Lordship of Mullaghide to the use of us our Heirs or Successors on that account Shall be had Levied and Received by the said Thomas and his Heirs by his own propper hands or that of his Servants without any account or Return thereof to us our Heirs or Successors to be Rendered or made there for So that Neither the said Thomas nor his Heirs nor anny of his Tennants or Residents within the Precincts of the Lordship of Mullaghide aforesaid of any part of such Redemption or Amerciments or any such like Escape Towards us Our Heirs and Successors in any Manner shall or may be charged or any of them shall be charged but from all such Escapes against us Our Heirs or Successors may be for Ever acquitted for Ever. And moreover we do give and grant for us and our Heirs and Successors to the said Thomas and his heirs Liberty of going out of our Land of Ireland to any parts he pleases to Reside in and out of our said Land of England to go and at his pleasure to Reside in and Therefrom in Return as often as to him shall Seem meet without any Hindrance or Disturbance of us Our Heirs or Successors or the officers of us or Servants of us our Heirs or Successors whatsoever any Statute Act Ordinance Provision or Restriction of us to the Contrary time heretofore made ordained or Appointed or in future to be made Not- withstanding, And further we have given and granted for us our Heirs and Successors to the said Thomas and his Heirs all Amercements Fines and Redemptions Issues Forfietures and all to be Forfieted as well of the said Thomas and his Heirs as all his Vassals and Tenants and Others as well Tenants as Residents of and in the Lordship Town and Manor aforesaid in any Courts or before any our Judges within our 70 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Realm of Ireland forfieted adjudged or determined or held or to be held in any other manner as well before us our Heirs and Successors in the Chancery of us our Heirs and Successors and the J'ustices of our Common Bench and of our Treasurers and Baronns of us our Heirs and Successors of our Exchequer Sheriffs Escheators Admirals Coroners Clarkes of the Market as before any of our Keepers of the Paie of us our Heirs and Successors in our said Land of Ireland to be held levied and recieved to the use of the said Thomas take all the afore- said Amerciments Fines Redemptions and Issues for ever by his own propper hands or that of his Officers or Servants without any account or any Return thereof or in any other manner to us our Heirs or Successors or Lieutenants Deputies Justices or any other Officers or Ministers of us Our Heirs or Successors there for to be Rendered or made for Ever Any Statute Act Ordinance Provision or Restriction of us to the Contrary made Ordained or Provided in our Land of England or in our Land of Ireland in Future to be made Notwith- standing. And moreover of our more abundant grace We have Pardoned Remitted and Released the said Thomas and his Ameftors from all manner of Gifts Alienations and Provisions by them or Hither of them Arising out of any of their Lands Tenements or held by us or our Progenitors heretofore Kings of England by means of any other Defect or not held by Right of any other our Kings in Capite. - And we have further of our more abundant grace Granted for us our Heirs and Successors to the Aforesaid Thomas and his Heirs that they may have hold and for ever Take and may allso have power and Authority to take and Recieve for all kinds of Wares Comeing for Sale to the said Town of Mullaghide as well by Land as by Sea or Arm of the Sea aforesaid and from Thenceforth Issuing out of the Same the Duties and Customs under Written To Witt for Every Cramock of Corn Meal or Salt Comeing for Sale one Halfpenny for Every Cramock of Wode for Sale Two pence for Every Cramock of Corke or the like for Sale One Penny for Every Cramock or Barrel of Tan or Bark Comeing for Sale One Farthing for Every Twelve Cramocks or Barrels of all manner of Coals fourpence for Every Twelve Barrels of Lime for Sale one penny for Every horseman Hobby* Ox or Cow comeing for Sale One penny for every five Hoggs for Bacon one penny for Every dozen of Fleeces of Woole for Sale one halfpenny — for Every Twenty Gross of Fish for Sale one halfpenny for every hundred groce of Fresh Water Eels one penny for Every Salmon for Sale one farthing for Every Lamper for Sale one farthing for Every + Hobby, an ambling nag or pony. [coyNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 71 hogsed of Wine or Cyder for sale fourpence for Every Cask of Honey for Sale one penny for Every horse Hobby Bull or Cow hide fresh Salt or Tanned for Sale One farthing for every hundred Skins of Lambs Goats Hares Foxes Catts or Badgers for sale One Halfpenny for Every Hundred Skins of Sheeps Goats Staggs Bissons or Does for Sale One penny for Every dozen Martin Skins for Sale one penny for Every Millstgne for Sale two pence for two Hand Millstones one halfpenny for Every Groce of Sacks for Sale four pence for every Horse Load or Mease’ of Herrings for Sale one Halfpenny for Every Horse-load of Ashes for Sale One penny for Every whole Cloth of English Assize two pence for every twenty peices of Striped Cloth made of Irish Woole Salewith or Worsted one halfpenny for Every Twenty pieces of Striped or Streaked Cloth or Flax for Sale one penny for Every Twenty peices of Striped Canvass for Sale one farthing for Every Ten Caps made of Goats Hair for Sale one halfpenny for Every peice of Tapestry Shalens or other coverings for Beds for Sale one halfpenny for every cloth of Gold one penny for every peice of Cloth of Cerue Bawdkyns ? or Camblets for Sale One halfpenny for every peice of Irish cloth for Sale one halfpenny for every Horse-load of Cloth or other Wares one halfpenny for every Bundle* of Iron for Sale one halfpenny for every hundred Gadds* of Steel one halfpenny for Every hundred pounds of pitch or Rosin for Sale one halfpenny for every stone of Onions Tallow Butter or Cheese for Sale one Half- penny for every Ten pounds of Onion Seeds or Leeke Seeks for Sale one penny for every thousand of Onions for Sale one farthing for every bundle of Boards of any kind for Sale one Farthing for every hundred of Small Boards for Sale one Farthing for every hundred of large Boards for Sale one penny for every thousand of nails for Sale one halfpenny for every hundred of Horse nails or Clouts for Carrs one halfpenny for Every new basket or Hamper for Sale one farthing for every thou- sand Wickers of Wood for Sale one halfpenny for every dozen Cordwans Corwayes and Basyns for Sale one halfpenny for every hundred weight of Brass or Copper for Sale Two pence for every hundred of Knives 1A measure of 500 herrings. 2 Cerue Bawdkyns, a rich brocaded silk fabric, with warp of gold and silk filling; Camblets (camlets), camel’s hair, imitation or substitute (as mixed wool and silk), once much used for cloaks; Bolt of Syndons, a parti- cular number of yards of a woven fabric of fine texture (muslin, cambric or shawls, &c.). * A definite measure or quantity. *Spikes, pointed bars, or wedge-shaped bars. ® Cordwans, Corwayes and Basyns (Cordovans), Spanish leather for boots of the wealthy. 72 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Lancets &c for Sale one penny for every Ten Stone of Hemp or Flax one Penny for Every hundred of Flaxen yarn one penny for Every Ten Flaggens of Olive or Rape Oile for the Use of men for Sale Two pence and for every Ten Flaggens of Lamp Oile for Sale One Half- penny for every dozen of Baltains for Sale one halfpenny for every hundred of Sale Wode for Sale one penny for every hundred of Vitriol for Sale one penny for every hundred of White Vitriol for Sale one penny for all manner of Wares of the Value of two shillings one half- penny for every dozen of English Cloth or others Comeing from beyond Sea for Sale Two pence for every kind of Carrs Carts or Tables of the Value of Two Shillings for Sale one halfpenny for every dozen Pounds of Wax for Sale one penny for every pound of Ginger for Sale one halfpenny for every pound of Saffron for Sale one penny for every pound of Pepper for sale one farthing for every pound of Galingal cloves Mace Grains of Paradise for Sale one halfpenny for all kinds of Spice of the value of Twelve pence one farthing for every hundred pounds of Almonds or Raisins Two pence for every Traile of Figs or Raisins for Sale One halfpenny for every hundred of Alum for Sale Two pence for every Bolt of Elisanders for Sale one Halfpenny for every Groce of Hinges for Sale one penny for Every hundred Stone of Iron for Sale Two pence for every hundred Slabbs or Piggs of Iron for Sale One penny for every hundred Stone of Spanish Iron for Sale Four pence for every Load of Tin for Sale one penny for Every leaden Vessel for Sale one Halfpenny for every hundred pound of Scroos for Sale one penny for every Dozen Coulters or Ploughshars One Penny for every Pipe of Wine for Sale Two Pence For every half pipe of Wine One penny for Every Calf for Sale one farthing for every Hogg or Goat for Sale one farthing for Every Cramock or Barrel of Salt for Sale one halfpenny for every last or Dicker? of Hides for Sale sixpence for every Hide of Leather of the Value of Twelve pence for Sale one farthing for every Hyde of Tanned leather for sale one half- penny for every kind of ware of the value of twelve shillings of which no mention is made for sale one penny for all kinds of Goods not above mentioned of the value of Ten shillings for Sale One Halfpenny To Have Recieve Levy and Collect the Customs of all the afforesaid wares To the said Thomas or his Heirs for Ever by his own propper hands or that of his Servants without any account or other Return or in any other manner to us our Heirs or Successors or our Lieutenants or other our Deputies or Justices or any other our Officers or Ministers of us our Heirs or Successors to be Rendered paid or made therefore 1 Dicker, Ten. — [coyne] THE TALBOT PAPERS 73 for Ever any Statute Act Ordinance Provision or Restriction in our Kingdom of England or in our Land of Ireland or any other our Mandate to the contrary thereof Made Ordained or Provided or in future to be Made Notwithstanding. And further of our special grace aforesaid we have granted for us our Heirs and Successors to the aforesaid Thomas and his Heirs and Tenants of the Lordship or Manor aforesaid that none of them from Henceforth may be put or impanneled upon any Juries Inquisi- tions Recognizance or other wise However touching us our Heirs or others Whatsoever for Ever out of the said Town or Lordship. We will allso and do give and grant for us our Heirs and Successors that it Shall be lawful for the aforesaid Thomas and his Heirs that Notwithstanding the Liberties or Previleges aforesaid or anny or Hither of them have been abused or not used through mischance or Negligence or from any other cause arising as to then may seeme expedient on account of such misusing of such the Liberties and Previleges aforesaid or anny or Hither of them they shall not be hindered impeached molested or in any manner aggrieved Whatever. Wherefore we Will and firmly enjoining Command for us our Heirs and Successors that the aforesaid Thomas and his Heirs for Ever May Have and Hold all the Liberties and Previleges aforesaid will Truly and in Paie and that they and every of them may fully enjoy the same as aforesaid without any other occasion or Impediment of our Heirs or Successors or our Justices Escheators Sherriffs Coroners or any other our Bailiffs or Ministers. We grant also for us our Heirs and Successors to the said Thomas Talbot and his Heirs that if these our present Letters patent as to the Premisses or any of them shall be found Invalid or Insufficient in Law er for any other Cause or Hereafter may happen to be found Invalid or Insufficient in law by reason of any resumption or Authority of Parliament in England or in our land of Ireland hereafter to be held or for any other cause Whatsoever that then our Chancellor of England or Chancellor of Ireland of our Heirs and Successors for the Time being to the said Thomas or his Heirs Such the like and as many Letters Patent anew to be made Valid Sufficient and in due form of law bearing date year and day of the perfection of the Same under our Great Seal of England or under the Great Seal of our Kingdom of Ireland Shall cause to be made and delivered without any prosecu- tion by Bill under our Privy Signet or Signets there for by Command of us our Heirs and Successors we cause to be made Such and so many as to him the said Thomas or his Heirs Shall seeme necessary on his behalf and this Without any fine to us our Heirs and Successors to be 74 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA made or paid Except only the Sum of Twenty Shillings and four pence for the Fee of the Great Seal of us our Heirs or Successors So that Express mention of the true annual value of the Premisses or any other value of Premisses of any other Gifts or Grants to the aforesaid Thomas or his Ancestors by us or any of our Progenitors heretofore made by these presents or in no wise made any Statute Act Ordinance Restric- tion Use Custom or provided in our Land of England or in our Land of Ireland to the Contrary thereof made Ordained Used or Provided or any other cause matter or thing whatsoever Notwithstanding. Witness to these the most Venerable Father in Christ Thomas! Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Bishop of Lincoln our Chancelor of England and our most Dear Brothers George Duke of Clarence and Richard Duke of Glocester and allso of our most Dear Cousin Henry Essex our Treasurer of England and Anthony Rivers Chief Purveyor of England Earl Delewere and To our Faitrfull Thomas Russel Clerk Keeper of our Private Seal and Thomas Stanly of Stanly Senischall of our Household and William Hastings Chamberlain of our 1 Thomas Bourchier, born 1404 (?), died 1486; Archbishop of Canterbury, 1454; Chancellor of Oxford University 1434; Lord Chancellor, 1455-56; a Lancastrian, but crowned King Edward IV, 1461 and his queen, Elizabeth, 1465; nominated Cardinal 1467, installed 1473; one of the four arbitrators to whom the differences between England and France were referred by ths Peace of Amiens, 1475; officiated at coronation of Richard III, 1483, and at marriage of Henry VII and Elizabeth of York, 1486. Richard, Duke of Gloucester, afterwards King Richard III. Henry Essex, 1.4, Henry Bourchier, first Earl of Essex, brother of the Cardinal Archbishop, was lieutenant-general under the Duke of York in France, 1440. He married Isabel, aunt of King Edward IV. Treasurer of England, 1455-6y and 1471 to 1483; created Earl of Essex, 1461; died 1483. Anthony Rivers, i.e., Anthony Woodville, 2nd Earl Rivers, born 1442 (7); succeeded his father, Richard, 1st Earl 1469; died, 1483. His mother was Jacquetta, widow of John of Lancaster, Duke of Bedford. A Lancastrian, he went over to Edward IV, who loaded him with honours. He wrote several translations from the French, which were issued by Caxton. Thomas Stanly, 1st Earl of Derby, born 1435 (?), died 1504; succeeded his father, Thomas, as Znd Baron Stanly, 1459; married Eleanor Neville before 1460. Held commands in France, 1475, and Scotland, 1482; married for second wife about 1482, Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Richmond; held various offices and honours under both Yorkist and Lancastrian kings; neu-. tral at battle of Bosworth Field, 1485; but crowned the victor, Henry VII, who created him Earl of Derby. William Hastings,‘ born 1430 (?), created a peer 1461 by Edward IV; Lord Chamberlain, 1461-1483; commanded troops in France 1475; opposed Rivers on accession of Edward V; beheaded by Richard of Gloucester, 1483. (As to circumstances of his execution, see the various histories, and espe-. pially Shakespeare’s Richard III). [cornE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 75 Household Knights and others Given under our Hand at Westminster the Eighth day of March in the fifteenth year of our Reign. Fryston. By the King himself and of the date aforesaid by Authority of Parliament. LYS: In rolled among the Rolls of the Chancelor of the Exchequer of our Lord the King the Eigth day of March in the Fifteenth year of the Reign of King Edward the Fourth Pleaded and Allowed that William Talbot now of Mullaghide Shall not be made Sherriff Coroner Escheator of the Counties of Dublin Meath Kildare or Louth. Among the Memorandums of the Exchequer of our lady the now Queen of Ireland To Witt Among the Records of the Term of Saint Hillery in the year of the reign of our Lady Queen Elizabeth the fifth On Behalf of the Chief Remembrances of the Exchequer aforesaid. DeAveper :VRUR. Colonel Talbot to H.R.H. the Duke of Cumberland. Archives Series Q, Vol. 291—2—p. 517. Sir, Skitteewaabaa,t Upper Canada, May 16th, 1801. Although I am separated from England by some thousands of miles Your Royal Highness will find that I am not beyond reach of proving troublesome, to which intrusion I am led, by command of Your Royal Highness, when you condescended so far to interest yourself in my welfare, as to desire that in whatever manner I could find your influence necessary to solicit it. I am now to have the honour to acquaint Your Royal Highness of my safe arrival in my favourite Settlement after the most propitious passage and as I am persuaded that Your Royal Highness will be satisfied, I will add, I find my situation quite what I could have wished—but I have one request to make which, if Your Royal Highness will have the goodness to exert yourself in carrying into effect, will complete my happiness in this world. Owing to some neglect of General Simcoe’s, I find that the neces- sary Warrants for my lands, were not issued previous to his quitting the Government of this province, and since then there have been new regulations adopted which renders the possession of lands more expen- sive and difficult of obtaining than when I left the Province in 1794,? *Probably the mouth of Kettle Creek, where is now the Village of Port Stanley. ?Talbot left Upper Canada about the 20th June, 1794, to join his regi- ment, the 85th, of which he was Major. 76 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA and as I flatter myself, that Your Royal Highness will admit that I am as loyal a Subject and equally entitled to the Degree of Hidalgo as other adventurers in a new country, I throw myself on Your Royal Highness’s power to have it confirmed, and to prevent its producing discontent, I will beg leave to point out a mode for its execution. There are parcels of land under the name of T'ownships granted in this coun- try to Heads of Societies, which possibly may in time prove beneficial to the proprietor, now what I have to petition to Your Royal Highness, is that you will have the goodness (I may add charity) to ask of the King the grant of a Township in the Province of Upper Canada for yourself, exempted from the fees to Government and obligations of lecation—for instance, The Township of Houghton in the County of Norfolk on Lake Erie, or any other adjacent one, which may not be already granted. Which, when Your Royal Highness has procured His Majesty’s Patent for, it must be transmitted through the Secretary of State for the Home Department to the Governor and Council of the Province of Upper Canada, in order that the necessary Provincial Deeds may be made out for possession—Your Royal Highness can on receiving the Royal Patent, make a legal tranfer of the Grant to me, and permit me to request that you will have the goodness to cause duplicates to be made of the transfer, as the conveyance of letters to this Country is irregular and uncertain. My Sister Barbara? will take charge of them or any other Communication Your Royal Highness may honour me with, she having the directions how to forward them. T have pointed out the Township of Houghton as it is situated near to my place of residence. Should Your Royal Highness succeed, T will have infinite happiness in paying my duty personally to express my very great obligation for the protection afforded to the once Gay Tom Talbot, it will materially assist me, Your Royal Highness’s man- aging so, that the Grant is exempted from the usual fees to Govern- ment, which there cannot be any difficulty in effecting, it being a Royal Patent. I promise myself the enjoyment of every comfort in this Country excepting that material one, of seeing those I most respect and love, a small income provides the necessary luxuries in this Province to a Settler as his own industry and labour procures him provisions. I am. out every Morning at Sun-rise in my smock frock felling and burn- 1 Houghton was then understood to include not only the township now so-called, but also Bayham and Malahide. The adjacent one, which was then in Talbot’s mind, was Yarmouth, as appears by the correspondence pub- lished in U. C. Sessional Papers for 1836, No. 22. *Talbot’s eldest sister, who married Sir William Young, Bart. M.P. Sir William was appointed Governor of Tobago, where Lady Young died in 1830. [coyne] THE TALBOT PAPERS TZ ing the Forest to form a farm; could I but be seen by some of my St. James’s friends when I come home to my frugal supper—as black as any chimney sweeper—They would exclaim, “ What a damn’d block- head you have been, Tom,”—but I say, no, as I actually eat my homely fare with more zest than I ever did the best dinner in London—it is time that I should beg a Thousand pardons for this intrusion, but I am satisfied of the goodness of Your Royal Highness’s heart, and sin- cerely praying that you may experience every blessing of this life, I have the honour to be with the most unfeigned gratitude, Your Royal Highness’s Most Dutiful and Faithful Servant, THomas TALBOT. To H.R.H. The Duke of Cumberland,* In H.R.H. the Duke of Kent’s, of 11th October, 1801. H.R.H. the Duke of Kent to Lord Hobart. Archives Series Q, Vol. 291, p. 514. (Indorsed.) His Royal Highness The Duke of Kent. Castle Hill Lodge, Middlesex, My Lord, 11th October, 1801. It is at the request of my Brother, the Duke of Cumberland, that, as Secretary of State, for the Colonies, I trouble Your Lordship with the inclosed.? It is a letter to him from Colonel Talbot, late of the 5th Regiment of Foot,* who was very useful to General Simcoe, when that respectable Officer was Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Up- per Canada. Your Lordship must understand that he is now retired from the Service, and is busily occupied establishing himself as a settler in Upper Canada. It appears he had a promise from General Simcoe of Lands, at the time they were together in that Country, but from some oversight, the Warrants for putting him in possession of them, were not made out, previous to the General’s leaving North America, 1The Duke of Cumberland, son of King George III, became King of Hanover, on the death of his brother, William IV, in 1837, the Salic law preventing the accession of Queen Victoria to the Hanoverian throne. “A harsh and narrow-minded despot” (Encycl. Brit., XI, p. 447). 2See the preceding letter, pages 75 to 77 STalbot had sold out on Christmas Day, 1800. 78 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA in consequence of which, instead of obtaining the Lands, as would then have been the case, exempted from fees to Government, and the Obliga- tion of location, he will now be compelled, unless there is a special erder in his favour from the Secretary of State to the contrary, to incur a considerable expense in order to get possession of his grant. To obviate this, from his ignorance of the difficulty there is for any of His Majesty’s Sons to address him with a request of any sort, but more especially of the nature of that which he points out, he has made an Application to my Brother to ask for a Township in his own name, to be hereafter transferred to him. But this is quite out of the ques- tion, for the Duke of Cumberland by no means wishes, that his name ‘should appear in this Transaction, any farther, than that your Lordship should know, he is extremely anxious, that whatever indulgence can be shown Colonel Talbot should be afforded him, and that he will con- sider himself personally obliged to you, by anything done in his favour. The object therefore of this application is, to solicit your Lordship’s good offices, that an instruction may be sent, if not contrary to estab- lished rules, to the Lieut.-Governor of the Provinces of Upper Canada, to make a Grant of a Townships to Colonel Talbot and preferably of that which he himself has pointed out, exempted from Government fees. The grounds, on which such an application is made in his favour, are, in the first place, that had Generai Simcoe not omitted doing what was necessary to complete his promise, before he left Canada, the Colonel would then have become possessed of his lands on these terms, and in the second, that the services he rendered General Simcoe while in that Country, and the Opinion entertained of him by that excellent Officer render him very deserving of this small indulgence. I have now only to add that in meeting my Brothers wishes upon this Subject, Your Lordship will also oblige Me, and I therefore flatter myself, that, as far as in your power lays, you will be good enough to attend to this application in behalf of Colonel Talbot, with sentiments of high regard and esteem. I remain, My Dear Lord, ever yours most faithfully and sincerely, EDWARD.* The Right Honorable Lord Hobart, &e., &e., &e. * Edward, Duke of Kent, fourth son of King George III, and father of the late Queen Victoria. [corns] THE TALBOT PAPERS 79 (The following are copies of entries in one of Colonel Talbot’s note books, all in his handwriting) : (On inside of cover, at opening of book) Credit Sorter, six Dolrs, 4s. York for Hinton. 11th July 1804 lent Sorter to buy Tobacco, one Dolr. 13th July Sorter and Chase went to Kettle River to mow at a Dolr. per day 23d Sorter & David went to mow in the Ever.! 15 4 20th July settled with Sorter. balance due him 1s. 22d July 1804 lent Sorter 2 Dolrs. The following are the entries in the notebook. N.Y.C.2 1804 “James WHiTTon $ JE 8. d. OF EM UNE TWO pra OF SOCKS ENTIER ANNEE Le 10 DG6thm une torcash AtlOhIPPAWA AE AN NAS EUR LE NN ee 8 DotloMriMtnirneaditon ChiselS AMENER EEE nr ay 10 Ost ne aneshortp Erie chalks lines AS seers tac eee se it 2 Do. Do GWOLKMIVES ata n thie tne Conca oe Rr ay 4 HEE EOL CASI REC D LE MR ANR UT ANS DIRE + 16 Derhuneto apr Shoes {rom ANS css Lees Soe a 10 TBST, LSPS TONS SA ALAN NAT MER ARENA LR gC © EE NA Le we 8 18th Do ID YON aril Coe DUANE Due re NTI Lu RM oe: 8 MH SeDr Credit Cormey Elise oe eo ee eee ENN ton. A 11 ATMO Gils UOICAS Myre DASERAISEUENR fee RUE EUR NE) ETC EP AA RCE 5 10 ‘A DAtie Nove elo vounes \billiofiSundriess AMENER ATEN 5 12 6 Do. To Crooks 5 Do 1D 3 AA i AS eto Sa AERA eR 89 19 7 Do. To Cummings DOR tie Voy sce ER RE AR GRAN À 2 Lo A D not Ps 3 15 6 WomlomNicholmiriser thlroute sans EnUNEn ne ER ententes 3 8 6 Wome losanvaxe tiny ack MAIN Mah I EMNONT Meee sep yen cot RAR ben Ie ere a 18 ve Bsn Nowe lo loOllbof beef @usader tcc oe eke cee RU 1 13 6 Dome Lom BUShTOR SAIS ASE PE ANNEE ee SE Aly 16 1 Abbreviation for Kettle River probably. 2 New York Currency, 8 shillings to the dollar. 3 A Niagara carpenter and builder, employed by Colonel Talbot, to go to Port Talbot to erect a dwelling, &c. 4 Cornwall Ellis, first settler at Port Rowan (about 1802), a great hunter and trapper. 5 Probably ‘‘ Young’s Store,” Vittoria. 6 Crooks Brothers, merchants of Queenston. 7 Probably Robert Nichol of Port Dover, afterward M.P.P. and Quarter Master General of Militia during the war of 1812. 80 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Dr: James Wuitron. N.Y.C. 1804 Brought forward: ..............4.....+.,..:...0 4th 7th 18th 19th 28th 31st Do. 1805 14 12 17th Do. 27th 29th 31st 2nd. 7th. 26th. Do. 12th. Decr. To 11b. Putty, 2e. & 1 Ib. Nails 2s............. Decrees Po Oashy. tite kite ate ee turin ee eas sie (oleae ke wale Decr. To 1 Bushl. Indian Corn...................... Decr. To a Leg of Venison.............-............ Decr. To Whelan for Shoes......................... Deer) Vo l'Busbhl. Corn ds". ye oes MS ole hele ee To lb: Souchone Leas... ec es seer eee en sete Janv eho Cash) 00 a» et CESSER Tey shorn ele Jany.. ‘Vo 1 Bushl Com..." "00" TE Jany: Roam axe Le cbr Ne More To Credit Corney Ellis... ....-:-:::....."4#n;erehee Jany. To 1 lb. Souchong Tea........................ Jany. To 1 Bushl. Indian Corn................-..... Janv. Dodd Nails: 7 cee © susie» ener steuetenc imate enon rte Febr To 17 ib. Beet @'6 dd: ee ence PE Feb Lo Cash. ci.) ees seen ESS eis ERNEEE RE Novr. To 217 Ib. of flour in Bar’l..........::........ « To Transport of Bar’1......................... Feby. To 1 Bushl Corn............................. Dr. James WHITTON. N.Y.C. 1805 Brought forward................................ 14th Feby. To 1 lb. Souchong Tea... ......-........-...... 18th Feby. To 1 Bushl. of Wheat.......................... 20th Feby. To 114 lb of Hogs erences gene tebe tok ees Ra Kolo 27th Feby. To 1 Bush of Wheat........................... 2d March To 2 Bushl. of Wheat ......................... 2d March To 1peck of Corn.... ..................:...... Do. “ To1 Ib. Souchong Tea........................ 35d March “To Cashes. ss CET ure oedema relate Ath March To 9 lbs. of Salt Pork @ 9 d.............. ate 20th March To 52% lb. of Flour @ 3d. 34.................. 25th March To 1 lb. Souchong Tea......................... 30th March To 47 lb. flour @ 3%4.......................... 30th March To 434 lb. of Muttn Suet @ 18............ ..-.. 3d Apl. § To 3 Bushl. of Potas. @ RSR renters Remehe ns Ath Apl. % To 17-Ib. Pork'@ 90.0020 cei te EME RENNES 6th Apl. Ton Barls of Blouse re ieee cia etic tare crete 13th Api. ‘To'Silb. Pork @'9d 071 ioe te eee ere 15th Apl. To 414 of sole Leather, BGS hee ecperein Sesto ates 16th Apl. To 5b. Pork @ 9d...:...... ...-......:-...: £ s d 116 0 7 A 2 zt 2 6 1 12 zt 14 1 8 + 18 1 16 6 14 4 2 oe 8 6 5 4 Ree 2 3 4lé i! 2 3 4 £ 8 d 133 8 8% 14 6 : 2 3 6 12 af 14 1 AN say: 6 9 16 5 14 age 14 84 dee 4 9 1 4 is 12 9 2 8 5 3 9 1) 3 9 [COYNE] Dr. Brought forward. :"...4..20.00." 1805 19th Apl. 22nd Apl. 2nd May 7th May 9th May 15th May 18th May 23d May 26th May 28th May 31st May Ist June 4 June lith June 13th June 13th June 15th June Dr. 1805 17th June 17th June 17th June 17th June 19th June 19th June 20th June 22nd June 26th June Ist July 3rd July 3rd July 3d July 3d July . Sth July 5th July 6th July 9th July llth July THE TALBOT PAPERS JAMES WHITTON of Ba mlelly SOMCHONG wet sy. cyte ie Deer donne a TNs) IS uiat Rov ten TROUGHS cob cio odo COS prado ee nee 1 Ho 2 Leellys ards SOADNG) 2e:ies-fs less : Rebs 320th ie lol pr Slippers 12/6; ogo. LME + 12 6 GTS 15 7 UND TO CARRE NN ste cic nue RL ARR A UE NS URSS ree 8 Marchw4athit4 1b: Robacco G4) sce are ele aie ee nrelteiee SE 2 March 17th To pd Archmiler 2 q’ts whis’y 5/............... iy 5 Mareh 20th, pal. Coates\Cash IG)! (nce mepeetiesite ste ots fe 16 iy: March 29th; 1 pr Wool'cards 7/61/5000 PRE cose: af: 7 6 Apt. ist... pd. Dunbar Davis 9) 102 0e Gece Mea peice = vik de 3 April; (6th ‘Cash to: Myres 16), 2.035 citer ee eee RL ee ot de. 16 April 18th To,1 1b B. Tea 8/--14 lb pepper @ 6/ .......... 1 11 A Do 714 M. Sugar @ 1/—1 Qt Mug 6/.............. she 13 6 Do 12 doz. Knives ceborks | @rsiieceene renee eer Le 4 Do 11% yd: Blue:Clothi@ 36/704. CREER UNE 2 5 Do 14 yd B. Hold @ 4/—Silk 2/—thred 1/......... 4 sie April 19th ““Twoilbs Salt @/9d? 27.500) eae ee ts 1 6 April 20th) 1 TbwNails'2/ (i. so ited see ee eins eee see) seal ae 2 0 April 20th)! Gast 24) ok coe sal ane ce senna ese aon eee elena 1 4 Mary 1 2bhi Cashed)’. asic cS sae cet Oe forme Reena 4 6 May 19th%To614/1b Sugar © Wikia sce ae eee 6 3 Dr. Fanny Myres £ s. d. 1808 May28th’) To pd! Thos/:\Coates MG) eee erate ite te 16 Ne Tocamount brought ford.) | entente ee ene 18 17 6 June! 2nd) OravockiSaltel/ Genesee eee ere ee Fe 1 6 June 18th: Lo Rasthos Costesi4/Pe kes aeniae: aaa eee # 4 June 29th04T0o 71b Woo Ode Peer tee 1 8 Jane’ 30th Te'4 Tb Sugar @) ieee ae IE PSE oye 4 July”? 28th; (To 2tyds checkw@ ID ere eee y) tet ene 1 ne Hh Augt; 15th | Toj2)Skns thread (@) Sa eye jc ota eet ee es ay 6 Augt:. 16th ‘ToMyellow Shawl 92/6 iti ee wr etc cerlseae Be 12 6 Aust: 20th To-4 > Baskets (8/5 275).0 05a se etait cs te nena a 8 oe Augt. 22nd’ To 1 Skn; thread! 34:71 nena eevee iat ae eee ah “4 3 Sepr: 5th’ 3 yds: white ealo (4/67 00 RER ONCE RES 13 6 Sepr: 5th), t Ib Bohes Ten @S/ie sen eee Eee 8 +e Sepr. 7th | 74 Ibi Tobao'@:4/Gre ee] one eee eee 2 3 Octr. Lith 1 Set: knitg needles ap oe tse ners ceo eee 1 Do 14 paper pins 1/6. iki PME RARE sbme ces aunts 1 6 Octr: 22nd 6b Beef © 6d) thread W/o Ae eee a: 4 A Novr. 12th To'7 yds White Calo} @ 1/0 2.12 PEER 1 11 6 Nove, 12th04tlo 2 Skns/Nathreadi(@ SU E EPP E PC EMPIRE 8 11 Nov. 29th To 14 yd White cotton @ 8/.................. 4 FANNY Myres. Acct as foregoing settled to Apr. Ist 1809 De he 1807 May Sept. Octr. 1808 Apl. April April June July July Aug. Augt Augt Augt. Augt. Sepr. 1808 Sepr. Octr. Octr Oct Novr Novr. Novr. Nov Decr. Der. Decr. 1809 Jan. Jany [COYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 87 Cr. Fanny Rein £ 8. d. Ho days WOE ONAN Se. Wc) tela, sos tie ese da Mone 8 mune hired! (G48) pr-pmonthy.< 11/4144: ei HokemmoreAmnme la wile: yet ae ein EN a8 ee ees 4 LW inlaid CE DOUANES) MN tenet ne Oo ae a à. 11 fon, Orvpr Henry Berger 1S). bs sale nn «2.4 18 rc ACT ian berger G/ x20 ss lsat TEEN why atid late a 6 Marchmtocn) lo casherecd’ 6) scum. cscs MN AR Er ue, À ate 8 19th Went away. Wages to this date .............. Wey 4 Ethie crprnenhy Berger) SET UE Cr 3 206b 26th, 2/th June ist, 2nd) @ 2/40/3000. LL 10 sdb ir 1Sth: 21st. 22nd. @i 2). seensu Sey s! 12 Stn Ath UE, l6thtsth2erdi@ 2) =. En En 12 brought forward 25th 26th, 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th, @ 2/ ....-......... 12 Ist 2nd, 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, @ 2/ ....... 18 Mitheueriorn Caleb Turner 8/26 vec cian Yee as the suis 8 10th 11th, 12th, 13th, 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th, @ 2/.... 16 196b, 20th; 2181, 22nd. 2ordy @e2p ws ac esss tes ue 10 ZOO 2c a). cite LAPUA SUR CEA Aad © Mpeg NE Pot A 2 Leth To: Sping Ab WoolG) A Le EAN aie. 16 25 18 Cr. , Fanny Myres. £ s. Toamount brought forward... 00 25 18 20m pais, 22nd | Octr: 7th, Lith, @ 4/2 ces 1 de Ve TE dE Abhi (aye ttle ted chs oa a en LAS Re 12 DROIT MAROC) NN tea AD he Ee ce 3 ZS pit oun (a4 /——Oetr, SOV@) 2) ssa seein meas ET] 10 Sand Ode Ath SET: 3/42: DE ne Aen Re RUE 15 LP ehh PAT LIEN CNE MS PORN Re eA EL ne en A A 4 Poti Gouin 2 DES SCOCKLB A NUE ALES AE PE VAE GIRL EE 2 + Doin oor a CCE Leth 2 OO Gaya mee ENT PAPIERS 7 6 ou) lo mending! 2sproSteckes 1/1 N NE RENE NUS 1 ua 1245 UP OT 1 80 AA PON USth Gy ayes stati has wl Weak 10 6 ith eo: nt 23 pr SOCKS \@),/2/Gs na08 = yeh altos nel! aioe (2 6 sth, 6th, 7th, Sth, 106h,.116h1@ 3/20 LR 18 16 20th % 21st March 24th @ 3/............... 6 Apr. 1t Settled T. T. April 4th returned to pr. month. 2 Apia By overpaid Tobseo 2d sss Vek oe sa en ‘On 9th Feb 1809. the Executive Council ordered a grant of 200 acres to Talbot in respect of Heinrich Beirgar, a settler on 50 acres (in Dunwich). ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA ACCOUNT OF JAMES WHITTON’s Work AS A CARPENTER. Days. 14 Days. Ist July 1804. Sunday ..... ee or Ar Ee ne G'S 1 es SG Do Vy MONG Ys RO os aia eee ue OREO ese ame 1 ord, -Tuesday on board Ship... 00. cA. nso CELA AU Ath Wednesday "do 25.100 0e Beton AE avalon ae oth; Thursday ‘arrived at Port Talbots: ci.) 1 GRETA y SAS MAR be Morte À à Mee Ie oly Sore 1 Th Saturday. es se UNS Sone eee tare ee eke sees 1 St Sd ay eee tes "st PAR RARE Sas a Obha Monday ii ie MEL Wee ae ee Rs ee fl HOth ued sary ni LE SM ee OE AE 1 Lith Wednesday: Lu ae Has ees Re erro 1 12th Vhursday SALE Lent Anetra ae pe eee ete ma ARR TT 1 Let Priday 23.0.2 oacc afc TR aoe eine ee aoe 1 oe 14th Saturday: : : 5 Lo sae wee ee este nei ae eee La 14 L5th ‘Sunday 42 os icp Se LOSC eee ee ree on T6th: Monday. nr oes ey eran eee TE en era 1 onda An Ailey, Mwy à 808 so soceguoeos 5 22nd Sunday 23rd, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th, 28th, July .... 1804 Days. 14 Days. 29th Sunday 30th Monday Wet, two Stools ............ ie 1 31st Tuesday 1st Augt Wednesday 2nd Thursday........ 3 ord Augt arrived ve Camden. 222208 onsen EN ae 1 4th Aust: Saturday Sth Sunday: itso seein ane eee 6th Monday 7th Tuesday Sick." SERRE eee Sth. Wednesday 9th Thursday Eee RE RE 10th Lith 12h Aug Sunday 0 OP SEM RE 13th 14th 15th 16th 17th 18th 19th Augt Sunday........ 20th, 21st, 22nd, 23rd, 24th, 25th, 26th Augt. Sunday... . 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th, 31st, Augt. lst Sepr, 2nd Sunday . 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th Sepr. Sunday ........... 10th; 1ith Sepr. Two balayer eee ee tae 12th, 13th,14th, 15th, 16th, Sunday Sepr................ 17th, 18th, 19th, 20th, 21st, 22nd, 23rd Sepr Sunday..... 24th, 25, 26, at the boat 27th, 28th, 29th Depot 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, Octr set off for Niagara ......... 6th; Decr-recommenced works seashore eee eee eee 7th, 8th, 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 15, 17th, 18th, Decr 10 19th, 20th, 21st, 22d, 27th, 28th, 29th Deer: 1..." 7 FF OO OO À M DADA ND NH = & [cCoYNE | THE TALBOT PAPERS 1804 1805 1808. Jany. Febry. Febry. Feby. Febry. Febry. Apl. April April June June 3 weeks wages ——_——-—— [ JAMES WHITTON. oO D n à DS END CE DETERMINEE RME LLPE PUR Re one 4 Iso Sd Ath arly th 860 Janv PAL EEE 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th, 14th, 15th, 16th, Jany. ........... 19th, 21st, 22d, 23d, 24th, 25th, 26th Jany ............ 28th, 29th, 30th, Jany. 14 of 31st Jany. ..............., Ist, 16 2nd Feby. 4th, 5th, 14 6th Feby................. 8th, 9th, 10th, Ap] making north fence @ 4d ........... ith i2the ls lsthomaking Wlablesi ss sess. se soe 13th May. making Door & Table for Jo................. 5th Augt to 2-3 of a day laying thrashing floor .......... Sepr. 6th, 7th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 14 12th making Harrow... Sep 2ord. 24th? 25th; 26th, 27th, 2-30) 28th, vol oy... 5 peprs 27ubwlorereditiion Barkeo) Dolrs scram eee ame TEE de Sepr. 29th, Octr Ist, 2d 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th ... 9 Oct. 17th, 18th, 19th, 21st, 22d, 23d, 24th, 34 25th ...... 7 Octr 21st. To 1 pr Socks returned by Smith 6s ........ 1 9th July To credit for McLaughlin, Kitty 16s ........... : 27th Octr To making Shirt for Root, Kitty, Davy, Min 4s. Wctri2schy 2oths 30th, sist. 14 Sth Nove: 3). sv. soe he =a NA Novr. 6th, 7th, 14 8th, 9th, 14 10th, 21st, 22d, 25th, 26th a “I eb Ne Co Sy Ss] en : Novr 27th, 28th, 14 29th Decr. 2d, 3d, 4th.............. 5 Bovalotay turkeys (G4 s\ OO NEA tt leet thee ole à 12th Decr. To Kitty for making one of Roots’ Shirts 4s .. Sus Decr. 19th commenced @ 5s. pr day.................... 1 Deer. 20th 14 21st, 23d 14 24th: @ Dos 3. 2.22). seks 3 1806 23rd Jany credit for Crane 20s & Gamble 40s. ........... DEEE CO EN On A MUNG PS PR PR Nat Rte nf a A terre ee 2oih Jany. To'a dressing Table 1Dolr:.111 20 Jan’y 21st hired Elizabeth Meridith @ $6 pr month. Woy sundries atv Mr> Hattas ntm Ne By ] Sethe oer Soles li/Giuls 4 nate pee oe E ee fot) Le pd Jas; Whitten? .ehaire: 7/6: 9... NI salle. 15th To pd Geo. Craue soling pr. shoes 3/........... 20th To pd Dr, -Archmiler 1 Qt Bran’y 5/.. ........ PO UST evel y ccf) SEMAINE Le A SEN a LN Ie PEN Ra 2nd Pd Archmiler 1 pint Brandy 2/6............... 4th 14 yd Check @ 10/—1 skn thread 3d........... SEER Dr OLPPEES SLO ies a EU Ne statins Rel einai APS S at fad Wot gee: fo listo MSM Een CRE eee SR re Be Re pi 18th To pd 4 months & | 8 1 11 Settled T. T. Ne OWNS BR © © 8 ND 89 s. 14 Days. 90 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA ELIZABETH MEREDITH. NoYiG: Jf 8. d 1808 June 18th. To wages for 4 months & 3 weeks at $6 pr month | 8 18 Settled T. T. (On Separate sheet of paper) Received of Thomas Talbot Esqr. the sum of seven pounds two shillings and six pence provincial currency (being the amount of wages at the rate of one pound Ten Shillings per month) for four months and three weeks wages. Port Talbot June 18th 1808 her ELIZABETH x MERIDITH mark N. d'a Dr ANN LAWLER. £ s. 1804 Sth, .Octr: ‘To order:on Crooks) by, Whitten) tr Eee 1 12 1805 SSL Mays) Ro Whitten fora cowAsce nn NEO nae aoe 1h 4 12th June Vo priShoest) RNA ENT ence ER AR QU 16 13th June To pr Stockings Wortsed:.. PP PRE ER RE EARERE 8 14th June To 114 yd. of Striped cotton @ 6s .............. 9 17th June To 14 yd. of Do. GQ OB Sse oO QU ARS 3 17th June To 1 Skeine No. 8 thread @ 3d...........5...... — 14th June To 1 yd Cotton check @ 6s. 6d.................. 6 Oth July. ‘To Cashies) 2242 inc cq eee eet eee tel RENE EE ui 8 At Niagara oo. os fies Cee ee mee Eg a ee ROR STATE 2 ae 12th July To 2:yds: Mised'Cloth} @N6s DA PLU ener ce ee 1 12 24th July, | To 2'Skeinsof thready.....0- eer cece Sere ye 24th Aug: 1) Promat Handi 90e aoe AR Eee 4 Sepr. 17th To Cash 16s. & 2 Skeins thread 4d .. .... ...... 16 10th Ocr:. To 4 Skeins thread @ dE NO PEER EEE it Nov. 5th | To 1 lb: Wool 41% prof Soles;2.- ees cene er ep: 4 Nov. 18th’ Tol vd) Black Silk @Modewwe PAPE EPP 13 1806 1st Jany To 14 Ib. Souchong Tea @ 14s.. -.............. 7 13th Jany To 2 skeins cold. Thread @ 2d.............. .... j4th Jany: Prod. Handf"4/> 00 rene ee et ere 4 [coYNE] 1806 15th. 22 8th Ditto Aprl. April. 14th 26th 29th June July 10th 15th 16th 21st Dr. Jany. Jany. March 21st 30th May Aug. 30th Augt. Do. a“ THE TALBOT PAPERS ANN LAWLER. IBFOUg ht LOnWANG VAN EM PENSER hs ass Lon, Skein White) Thread: ten FROWN DTS HOes die ORIENTAL pa dioMleSkembNunsithreadae Ween ernie ae To 414 yds. W. Calico @ 4/6................ MoiGasheon Mrs Oecd 93) PAP ER Sai ae To 2 Skeins Nuns Thread @ 3d.:........... Loateyvd White: Callo @\4/61:: 362). wit By Credit to Mrs. Lockard 3/- ............. To 6 yds. Imitation Sheet. @ 6/6. .............. To 1 Set cups & saucers'8/-......../........ Lo:6/Plates 6/-\1) pint mug A/a De Meaipot s/= Sugar bowliS/oe a. sae ee Cream Ewer 4/- Slop bowl 6/-............... iidozaknivessdsHonks(S/-ee un eee en mae 14 dozn. Tea Spoons @ 414d................ iidapaned ping mug 2 EM sh. aoe eet AG: THOSE AL OA none ie eae eno Aaa UU An: Mopivoz. Nuns! Phread! (2/250 a ene ru ANN LAWLER. To amount brought forward ............... Moulevd Cot heels) < te hdiiniialrwecvere seaaccists: To 114 Bengal Striped cotton @ 9/-......... Ro minpaper pias 29/0000 ANR LRU MORE ET RE AA To 114 yd. Ben Gal Cotton @ 9/- ........... To 4 yds White Baize @ 5/-...:...1. 04002. To 1Skem Nuns Thread! 3d) 555 4).5 5 QUE To 2.ydey Benel \Cotn:)\@) 9/2 iii. eee To 2 Skeins Nuns thread @ 3d ............. To. Pd: Naney, Kingstand 12e ielh aie layer mpd Dixon Shoe maker hae. aai seen Ron iren, Pot Pol @ UG 3) a0 ye One Wore yas Prind, Calo(@ 5/62: Ne 00 D; To 1 opend. & 1 Crookd. Comb @ 2/- ..... =. Movspyase Be lolda@c4 ai een ie tye Nes 1 To 1 Skein Coloured thread @ 4d........... 91 va 8. d. By: 3 17 3 a Oe 2 1 0 6 3 ad Re 6 5 7% ue 3 1 19 8 10 16 10 8 Ya 2 3 3 12 2 8 0 6% JE 8. d. 8 dk 614 9 11 ar 3 6 ve il 3 1 ie At 3 18 alc 7° 6 8 At 2 se 1 2 6 1 13 4 12 A 4 415 15 104% 92 Dr. 1806 9th Sept 15th Sept 17th Sept 6th Octr Novr. 5th Nov. 12th Ist Deer 4th Deer 12th Deer Dot Decr. 17th Deer. 30th Do. Fe 1807 Jany. 9th Janry.14th Jany. 27th Dr. 1807 Feby. 9th March 12th March 13th April 1st Do. iN April 15th April 16th June 4th June . 8th June 9th June 10th June 17th ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA ANN LAWLER. JE 8. Teyamount brought forwd:... 4154) 421427 oe chee Se 15 15 TodZibyryson. Tea @ 24)-)). 2.4.52. 5 20a Reena be 6 PNP MCE CIES MAG evi aaah A RE ER Es ae dh oypd AMrs Porter t/=.c00 = co EEE Mi ae/ PON@ASHES EE etnias Ake SCS eta ee 8 TonlpreSoeks Gio) i: le EN See Ree ee ee de 6 Tomsingsland for. Barl ee Re RE Le 4 Rorbib.“ Wool Mrs; Garnsay eee Rene 4 LoS ib: Fresh: Pork/@'/6d Re" Per PRES ae 4 To2%%Benl: Cottin./@)1/ M tee eae nt ae it | 1 DNowSkn~ Cold: Thread! Ai seen eae ae Je cae LoPd}Mrs. Garnsey :5/="1) 4 eae eee oe x 5 Vo Silb/ Fresh: Pork i@)6/= 5. Sse ae At 2 To 14 Ib. Tea To Mrs. Woodin 4/- ............. ne 4 Tod 1b:Fresh ‘Pork.@ 64e a 2 Fo Sigb: of Fresh Pork (@ (Gd PEER Re" oe 2 Lo: Pd: John (Philips 8/0 spe auc nen RELAIS 4 8 20 12 Ann LAWLER N. Y. C. fe s. To amount brought forward) MEN see 20 12 To Pdy John) Cook for'Oxent tn eet eee ee 12 oe Tod skein Silk jos We ee eee am eee Re 1 To Pd. (Creamer 121-270 eee kA es ane ue 12 To(2h5 Cottn Cheek @/G/G2-. a eeecict acne 1 3 Lo: L'SKn: Ne thread sd ea ye ees cae eee ne ie 1 Ib: Wool'to Nine @ 4/2 oes ee 4 To 13% cotton check: @ ‘S/=:.0) Whit yee aoe ry 12 I sky. Nicthread: 340 Tears RS ; To'Pd. Creamer for Whittenys tra te aes 11 4 To) lpr. Shoes*tor sNameyiG/-22 5-7 ee a ee 6 To 4 'Skns.0 Nv thread (@sdi vee reer eae een ibs 1 To'Cash $10). CASE IR eee 4 4 50 16 To:Pd: Fanny Reed 4/17 6 Race se 4 Pd. James Whitten pr. yr. order................ 2 8 \ pp: x ON 74 [corne] THE TALBOT PAPERS Cr. ANN LAWLER a s. hired to Mrs. Powers the 26th July 1804 at Niagara at 6 Dolrs per month. MotlenteMirs se Owes 9/ NET ee si 3 1805 Mar ietinen 12 Dolrviemt Selfi-.4.5 dale Nr ER TE ee 4 Begmpaime: 15 Dolr lent self ois clog acias er RE En me 4 Ist. Augt. To Cret. for 2 yds cloth & thread to Reed...... 1 12 Aug |) Levan Tron Potireturned. 2.201424. 1 2 uen. lo Cr: for Davd "Phillips 8/0... 02 En a 8 1807 Jinembotn elold4aplates taken back 1 NEA Re Re ae 4 sune.1Oth. To 1 Stick Silk returned 4....:.....:..:.1...., Be 1 Blane 17th. To Wages for 3414 months... ::.:...4.:.:...:.# 82 16 £ 86 14 Acct. of James Newlands Work as Apprentice to Whitton. Days Oey Ot ENTS ys io. Wels cee are Wha oa. EEE AS 1 (CELEB S00 LA a LN RTA oe OA ASSN a MRE via 1 Chee PSE TU Re Fah Sa GY A CARE i Ee yes SR TCO eo a PATES 1 jan Tu ES Re Mes, MES RER SR Sa Eee CRE Ee er os SOL DATE EAN PIE GEA 2) SG a) aN A Re er 1 MeL MIC SET Re RL Le hese Bes CALE LAS pe A ei SO it Li CNE de Sd Fei a a AR re ee 1 BR BRUT Ve Ga Cs ie A one AR AREA a ce 1 HS ne A DITS N70 à PARTNERS PARA LATE ANS PERS ARE LR 1 DETENTE a PR RE D PP NT GRR GE LR NE SOC Een ere LEA EE ER ER LE Me Tt BC ite eg a ROMA Se pe ALE PPT Ed nC Ps eo URL Co I 1 coal Sthy loth. 20th, 20st, July. NE mae. soln on alec cake 5 22nd. Sunday 23d, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th, 28th, July............. 6 20th; Sunday 30th, Monday Wet 2... 0).'.... 20.232. fy oist.. July Tuesday Ist., 2d. & 14 3d Augt: .................. 3 HAUT. joaturday oth Sunday @.:. 2 seuss UNE tee gk 1 IGE em bla GDM ANT OTe Ue tne A Re AUS SAN DR AN Mca naar a a 3 Son 01060, Ligh, 12th, August Sunday, .(/s.00 5.4. . 24-5 few cee. 3 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, Augt.Sunday......... 6 , 20th, 21st, 22d, 23d, 24th, 25th, 26t Augt Sunday ............ 6 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th, 31st, Augt. Ist Sept. 2d Sunday...... .. 6 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, Sepr. Sunday ................ 6 10th, 11th, Sepr. no work 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, Sepr......... 4 16th, Sepr Sunday 17th, 18th, 19th, 20th, 21st, 22d............ 6 23rd Sepr. Sunday 24th., 25th., Sepr no work................ ee 26th, 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th, Sepr. Sunday...... ............ 4 Ist, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, Ocr set off for Niagara .... .. ...... 4 emer OU SM M UE ANR Ma late a vtt 2 93 10 14 days ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Amount of Flour &c from Mill. Apl. 26th 1 Bushl. Wheat return goods. Apl. 29th., 16 Bushl. 17 Ib. Wheat return Ib Ib Ib Flour 55114 Shorts 100 Bran 216 Ib Ib Toll 41 lb. Total 90814 wt of Wheat 977 Ib deficiency 69 14 May 3d. 56 Bushl. 34 Ib. Memn. of Bond’s Wheat Sownin ye Garden 13th. Sepr. 1809 from the fence of the Gully. 5 Rows Yorkshire red wheat. 62 Do. Do. roynd Do. (On separate slip of paper.) Amount of things of Lawler. delivered to Mr. Smith. 6 cups & 5 Saucers. 1 Sugar Bowl & Cover. 2 pint Bowles. 2 Soup Plates. 1 Cream Ewer. 1 Tea Pot. (On inside of cover at end of book) Amt. of wheat sent to my Bin at the Mill, 1809. Bushl. Peck. ADS LOL PRE EE ANCA.) EP Slr aT Sat IA Or 74 45 Moril 20th ys." pos Vth pa a Stark an rene one a eR Sea 54 131b April 2ISbE PER ke ee ee CT ne OE 80 Alb. May 35e. ee bi Bh CE RER I PQ RER CRE sR 56 341b May 166: 2 cece Se ON EUROPA RAE AE ee DN PTE 14 351b 12 ANNE A en Re ta en A a at cn RENE Eat lol DAS 2 aa 18 10 Maÿ: OH SUR ARR ARE EE AIR RER 44 1 hy gag 0 ce RE SEM RARE EN ERR ald nial hia. okt 6 = May NOCH ef LL ER ER RER tel apatite etree ee a 62 27 May: 290 ICE ONE NME ET EEE 30 52 June ZG ETS LIANT EN ANA TERRE AE NET 57 30 June Late NU NIUE A SES Re REA ET ec 89 June UT Le LE hls RON ERP VAN MEN ee Es 67 June 22420502 ae D On RS PIE NN PR EAN ANSE 105 44 JUNE ZB exe Se NAN beat eee RE RESTE 85 June: 26602 ee LR AT A SRE ay fy rt EE 67 47 June: BOG He es ses ak ee Ne RIT Crs Sree LEC RER RCE 39 38 954 Col Thomas Talbot. [COYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS Amt. of wheat ground from the bin. Sera Aine aah PCR ART ARR EUR A ANS CS El endl ANT 0 a ET AREA TAG SN TER ER PO SA MEME PE TS 853 019 Bushl June 3d 14 taken for house Bushl. Ib 588 10 67 655 10 190) 44. 745 54 67 47 813 41 ss... 95 96 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Colonel James Archibald Stuart-Wortley? (afterwards Baron Wharn- cliffe of Wortley) to Colonel Talbot. Addressed. “Thomas Talbot, Esq., Port Talbot, Niagara, New York State, North America : “Immediately forward to the care of Messrs. Crooks, merchants, Niagara: “Wortley Hall, Dec. 1, 1806. “My Dear Tom,—Amidst all the miserable events that Europe furnishes it gives one considerable relief to think that one has a friend . in America at so great a distance as to be totally out of the reach of their influence and to be able to look upon them, comparatively, at least, with indifference. You will see by the papers that after a cam- paign of three weeks only the Prussian army has been either entirely taken prisoners or destroyed, that the King of Prussia himself is wan- dering, God knows where, and that his kingdom is no longer to exist as a separate State. It really appears to be a fatality, and a person 1James Archibald Stuart Wortley Mackenzie, the writer of this letter, eldest surviving son of James Archibald Stuart, was born 1776, died 19th December, 1845; entered the army 1790 as an ensign in 48th foot; exchanged into the 7th Royal Fusiliers in May following, and accompanied his regiment in August to Quebec. The 7th was commanded by H.R.H. Edward, Duke of Kent. Talbot was already in garrison at Quebec as lieutenant in the 24th Foot. Stuart was grandson of John Stuart, 3rd Earl of Bute, and nephew of John, ist marquis of Bute. The names Wortley and Mackenzie were added to that of Stuart on succeeding to estates of relatives; that of Wortley coming from his great-grandmother, the famous Lady Mary Wortley Mon- tagu, whose letters were afterwards edited by the subject of this note. He spent three years in Canada. He became Colonel of the 12th Foot, and quitted the army at the peace of 1801. Frony 1797 until 1818 he was M.P. for Bossiney, a family borough; from 1818 until 1826, M.P. for Yorkshire. In the latter year he was created Baron Wharncliffe of Wortley. Wortley Hall is in Yorkshire. ,In 1834 he was Lord Privy Seal in Peel’s cabinet. From 1835 until 1841 he was in opposition. In the latter year he was chosen L rd President of the Council. He married in 1799 Lady Caroline, daughter of John, 1st Earl of Erne, by whom he had three sons and one daughter. The daughter married Hon. John Chetwynd Talbot (of the Shrewsbury Talbots, not the Talbots of Malahide). The present Marquis of Wharncliffe, the Right Hon. John Chetwynd Talbot, M.P., for the University of Oxford, and the Bishop of Southwark, are grandsons of the first Lord Wharncliffe. Col. Talbot gave the names of Wharncliffe and Wortley Roads (now in Lon- don, Ontario) in honour of his early friend. Lord Wharncliffe was able to render valuable assistance to Colonel Talbot through ‘his influence with the hom governments. ——<———— ee _ [coynE]} THE TALBOT PAPERS 97 can scarce persuade himself that he is not dreaming, nor does one see how the sort of progress the French make is to be stopped by any means short of the interposition of Providence. “ Bonaparte already threatens the Emperor of Russia to drive him also from his capital. To-day, too, we hear that Hamburg and all the posts in the north of Germany are occupied by him and that he has confiscated all the English property he can find anywhere and put the merchants into prison. J don’t think your American neighbours will very much admire this last intelligence. There is but one consolation in it all, namely, that Prussia has brought it all upon herself. Her conduct last year in not joining the coalition at that time formed against France has been the cause of all her misfortunes, and that policy that has all along led her to refuse doing anything for the common cause has proved the means by which her own punishment has been effected. “For my part I am not joking when I say that I really become quite low-spirited at thinking over all this and rather envy you your situation beyond the reach of it all. For our parts, here in Eng- land, we have had a general election to amuse us and that has served not a little, I can assure you, to take our thoughts off the events upon the continent, The new Parliament will, however, meet on the 15th and then we shall see what this will produce, and how the taxes are to be raised to carry on the war. I am afraid I give you too gloomy a picture of the state of this part of the world, and perhaps I do. With regard to myself and my family concerns, I go n as well as usual. My dearest wife and three boys are in good health and they grow as stout as they ought to grow. My father and mother and all my family are quite well, too. I am again a member of Parliament, and so is my father also, his brother, Lord Bute, having returned him for _ the county of Bute. “My farm and all my occupations here go on as well as usual and give me great plenty of employment. By-the-bye, talking of farm- ing, puts me in mind of your clover seed, which I trust the fall ships have carried to Quebec for you. I got it from Mr. Gibbs, the most famous seedsman in London, and I don’t doubt he will send it to you good. I would have sent you some from here, if I had thought this a good soil for growing it, which I do not, and in consequence I always buy it for my own use. By the time I am forced ta emigrate I suppose TI shall find your farm a pattern for the whole inhabitants of the old world to copy after, and the border of Lake Erie as highly cultivated as the banks of the Tweed. I have not heard of it from you, though, these five or six months past, and perhaps you answer me the same Sec. lle, 1907-07 98 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA way, but don’t let that prevent you; the more letters the more chance there is of their coming to hand. Lady Erne is well and desires to be most kindly remembered to you. She has been very ill this summer, but has got quite stout again, and I hope Wortley air will set her quite up. Corbett and his six children are quite well, and he desires every- thing kind to you. Caroline herself sends you her kindest love, and I am ever, my dear Tom, Your affectionate friend, J. Ay Sie We “Pray do you ever intend to come and pay us a visit here in England again? I think the poor old country is still worth looking at, notwithstanding all her misfortunes and the losses of her greatest men that the last year has produced. Poor Fox, you see, could not live to enjoy the power he had so long and so eagerly coveted. He now lays within eighteen inches of his great political rival. Most certainly two such men are a great loss at any time, but more when times are such as we live in. Once more good-bye, my dear Tom. Let me hear from you as often as you can, for your letters from your quiet corner of the world are quite a relief to me. I am afraid you think me grown a complete croker.” | Thomas Clark ? to Colonel Talbot. Queenston, June 7th, 1808. Thomas Talbot, Esqre., Dear Sir :— The bearer Le May, Conductor of four Boats going round the Lake will deliver you three parcels—one containing news papers, one clover and Rye grass seeds—the other One hundred Dollars. By the Boats at this time I was in hopes to have sent up your other articles, but from 8 of them having been siezed at Fort Niagara by the American Col- lector & 5 from desertion of the men being left at Kingston, puts it 1 Pitt and Fox lie side by side in Westminster Abbey. ? As Licutenant-Colonel. of the 2nd Lincoln Militia during the war of 1812, Thomas Clark won considerable distinction. He was for many years “a member of the firm of Street and Clark, engaged in the Indian Trade; in which life he had much experience” (Kingsford, VIII, 339)... He married a daughter of Robert Kerr, surgeon, and died in 1837, aged 67. Thomas Clark Street was named after him. Colonel Clark was for more than twenty years a member of the Legislative Council of Upper Canada, [cornE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 99 out of my power, having had to load the others deeper—everything shall be sent to Fort Erie, and can easily be taken to Long Point by Loders * vessel, that is should no direct opportunity offer for Port Tal- bot—the articles are as under wing gudgeons casks pease Barrel liquor Barrel Tar 7 small Kegs case bundle contg. saddle, &c. 11 Bars Iron 5901b. and 3 Barrels Onondago Salt. et bi A Hi me OC HR For public news I must refer you to your newspapers—local we have none. Robt. Nichol ? has gone to Washington, to endeavour to get his 8 Boats & goods released. I expect to hear of him in the publick papers before he returns. Wishing you health and happiness. I am, Dear Sir, Yours truly, THOMAS CLARK. I have promised Le May that you will give him a Dollar for his trouble. Inclosed is a statement of your account with me which I presume, you will find right, Yours, once more ‘ T. CLARK. (Addressed Colonel Talbot, Port Talbot.) 1Job Loder was a mill-wright, house-builder, vessel-owner, tavern- keeper, miller and merchant, who resided successively at Charlotteville, Tur- key Point, Waterford, Ancaster and Hamilton. He was from New Jersey. ?“In his young days he worked as a clerk for Colonel John Askin of Detroit,, and after leaving this service he established a milling and mercan- tile business at Port Dover.” He distinguished himself greatly during the war of 1812, as Lieutenant-Colonel of the 2nd Regiment of Norfolk Militia, and as Quarter-Master General of Militia. He served in the Legislature for three parliaments from 1813 until his death in 1824. (See Casselman’s note, page 66 of his edition of Richardson’s War of 1812.) 100 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Draft of Memorial in Colonel Talbot’s Autograph. To His Excellency Francis Gore Esquire Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada &c. &c. &e. in Council. The Memorial of Thomas Talbot Esquire? Humbly Sheweth That your Memorialist was authorized by a report of the Honorable the Executive Council approved by His Excellency, the late Lieutenant Governor Hunter in September 1804 to lay out one thousand dollars appropriated by the then Legislature for that purpose on a Road marked on a plan annexed to the above Report by which a better and shorter road to the Westward would be obtained to the great advantage of the Public. That although the above sum has been advantageously expended yet the distance is so great as yet to require considerable expense. Your Memorialist under these circumstances presumes to offer a plan to Your Excellency which on a due consideration he has reason to believe wilt effect this desirable purpose without any other than the ordinary aids which may'be hereafter afforded to other Districts. Several of the Townships through which the proposed Road is to be made are reserved by the Crown and must in consequence of that reservation be altogether 1This memorial, received 9th Feb., 1809, was acted upon by the Executive Council recommending, on 19th December, 1809, that the Crown, School and Clergy Reserves be removed from Talbot Road. The report was taken to the Governor’s Office on 21st March, 1811. On 7th December, 1809, grants of 200 acres each on Talbot Road wie recommended in favour of Daniel Rapelje and David Mandeville, both of the Township of Woodhouse. They were the first settlers in what is now St, Thomas. Similar grants were ordered on 10th August, 1810, in favour of Garret Smith, Aaron Spurgin and David Secord, Jr., of Charlotteville. On the 16th February, 1811, peti- tions for lands on Talbot Road were received from the following persons, all being described as of the township of Yarmouth, unless otherwise spe- ecified: Stephen Barton, Hosea Baker, Josephus Barber, James Brown, Asa Bradley (Malahide), John Barber, Benjamin Willson, Abraham House, Richard Mizner, James Gibbons (Bayham), David Watson (Southwold), James Watson (Southwold), Thomas Curtis, William Davis (Southwold), Alex. Cascadden (Bayham), William Cascadden (Township of Willoughby), Wm. Merrill, John Backen, Garrett Oakes (Charlotteville), John Axford, Burges Swisher (Southwold), Samuel Axford (Windham), Isaac Lowell, David Brush, Henry Remy (Southwold), Samuel N. Yorke, William S. Yorke, John T. Woolley, Frederick Eveland, William Prime Shaff (Southwold). These were the original settlers on the Talbot Road—east of the Townships of Dunwich and Aldborough, which were reserved for the benefit of Colonel Talbot under his arrangement with the Government. [coYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 101 unproductive and useless for many years. Your Memorialist therefore humbly submits to your Excellency to grant Lots on each side of the intended Road in the same manner as Younge Street to grantees per- forming their settlement duty before their deeds are issued. The good effect already experienced by the adoption of this plan will (Your Memorialist hopes) induce Your Excellency to pursue it yet further as it must greatly add to the value of these reserved Town- ships and be a powerful means of gaining a considerable population in a part of the Province where there seems no other means of obtain- ing it. Thomas Clark to Colonel Talbot. Dear Sir, Queenston May 4th 1810. By the Governor’s two Canoes I have taken upon myself to send up your seine (in a cask) and two coils of Rope—should His Excellency find fault with my doing so, you must make the best appology for me that you can. I am, Dear Sir, Yours very truly, THOMAS CLARK. Col. Talbot. Addressed on back Thomas Talbot Esqr. Port Talbot. Robert Talbot? to Colonel Talbot. My Dear Thos. London Augst. 9, 1810. It is a painful reflection that two successive letters of mine to you should each of them have to announce the death of a brother or sister. You will probably have learnt from other quarters the fate of poor Neil before this can reach you. Nobody certainly could be more sincerely lamented by all who knew him both as an officer & a man. Henry Brand’s ? account of the affair is this—that the enemy having formed a hollow square, the Hussars attempted to break them, but could not make good their charge; upon which he led on one of his squadrons, and got in amongst them, when he received several shot in different *Robert Talbot, Barrister-at-Law, was the fifth son of Richard Talbot. Born, 1776. # i ey Brand, afterwards Lord Dacre, an early friend of Colonel Thomas albot. 102 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA parts of his body, and expired instantly. It has always appeared to | me the highest absurdity to attempt to charge Infantry in close order with Cavalry. I conclude it was the work of that coxcomb (Cotton) who at present commands the cavalry in Portugal. They might, one would have thought, have taken a lesson from what happened to the 23d at Talavera, when they were not able to touch a hair of a French- man’s head. Brand says Ld. Wellington has written in the handsomest manner on the subject to some part of the Family—probably my mother or Richard. I tremble to think of the effect this intelligence may have on my poor mother, coming so recently as it does too after the death of poor Margaret. It is my intention to set out for Ireland by to- morrow night’s mail, as she is at present almost left alone. I hope your concerns are going on prosperously, and that William has a chance of doing something for himself in your country. I heard an account of your manner of living some time ago from Whitehead who had it [from] somebody who had seen you [and it] amused me not a little. [God bless] you, my dear Thos. every very sincerely yours (sgd) Rosr. TALBOT. Love to William if he should be still with you. N (The letter is addressed :) Thos. Talbot Esqr. Port Talbot Niagara New York State N. America. (There is a memo. in Colonel Talbot’s writing on the back:) Bond in favour of Mr. Selby, payable 18th Feb’y 1812. The following is from a brother of Colonel Talbot, either Sir John Talbot, afterward Admiral, &e., &c., or James, who afterwards succeeded Richard in the title Baron Talbot of Malahide, to William Talbot. My Dear William, Near Hatfield, Herts, 2d. Octr. 181u. By your letter of the 20th July you seem not to have received my letter wherein I announced to you that I had settled the demand of . Lawson’s Executors amounting to £70. and that I had a balance of [coyNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 103 upwards of twenty pounds coming to you in my hands. Mr, Wat Wheldale the Executor with whom I transacted this business could not inform me who your other creditors at Manchester were, consequently I was obliged to postpone any further steps on that subject in the expectation of your early arrival in England which I had so much reason to look for in consequence of what you wrote to me. I am much mortified to find you have been disappointed in the situation which you had entertained hopes of obtaining in Canada. The new Township of Malahide seems by your description to be well situated and a promising speculation. To make such projects completely fully answer it appears to me that we all labour under a deficiency of dis- posable capital. Under these circumstances perhaps it might be advisable to retain the controllership until you found the absolute necessity for resigning it. As I have written to Thomas by this post and have communicated to him all that occurs to me in which you could fee] interested you will not expect me to reiterate it. I shall therefor wish you every happiness & success begging to believe me to be ever very affectionately & truly yours, Bott ES: I know of threshing machine which I saw a few days ago for the first time at work. It seemed to answer the purpose perfectly, thresh- ing out the grain, but it breaks, as they all do, the straw very much. The expense of erecting it can not be very heavy. I shall not fail to procure a model of it, as I do not apprehend that a drawing on paper would be sufficient for your workmen. via New York. (Addressed) William Talbot Esq. Port Talbot, Niagara, North America. (Stamped) Paid 3, Oct. 3, 1810. W. M. Smyth to William Talbot. Dublin, 20th October, 1810. My Dear Talbot. I was much gratified and indeed surprized (most agreably) by your last letter of the 10th July. As to the one you speak of having written last October I have never received it & indeed as I feared my letter to 104 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA you had miscarried I began to think you had droped the correspondence, which I should regret very much, as I have always had very great pleasure in hearing from all my friends & from you in particular. I shall do what I can for you about the plan of the threshing machine & when I procure it shall send it off to you without delay. I am very _ glad you are settled so much to your satisfaction & seem happy & con- tent. When I received your letter I little thought you had determined on remaining in Canada as the Governor who I saw last July told me you were coming over immediately by Gad & indeed I felt much pleasure in thinking to see you once more. But fate has decreed otherwise. My plans & intentions are also much altered since I last wrote. It has pleased God to remove my dear Father from this world; he died quite suddenly last March & left us all & my poor Mother particularly in sad affliction as it was a shock we were by no means prepared for. However Religion & an almost certainty that he is now enjoying the blessings of a well spent life has resigned us all & my Mother is thank God getting on. I am to live in future with her & my Sisters; she has purchased a house No. 6 Merrion Square (South) which will in future be my residence. My Brother Ralph dont go to Barba Villa till May next & he intends disposing of the Hospital to the best advan- tage. It has been determined by all my friends that it would be a bad place for me & besides I neither could or would give him as much as he may get elsewhere so I suppose we shall have quite done with it in a little time he has many looking out for it; but every body thinks I must have it of course, people like to meddle so much in other peoples affairs. As to my going to Canada ’tho your being there is a great temptation I fear it is among the improbable events of my life, but I hope you will some time or other take a peep at your friend this side the Atlantic unless Bony sinks us in the sea. Everybody here is meet- ing to adress the Throne to repeal the Union, this now is all the talk & the fate of Lord Wellington in Portugal which is not yet decided. I was sorry to see that your brother Neil fell a sacrifice to his country’s Glory in a late engagement. I suppose you have had the accounts long since. . . . . You may remember Jones who was in your Shop he is now in Dublin in a Shop here—he tells me your houses are going on famously. Whitehouse & Gaton are bankrupts & poor Mrs. Lake is dead this all the Liverpool news I know. I have no idea I promise you of going thear; business never was my delight but I am not the less obliged to you for your friendly offers; The Governor’s face is again in the old way I think it will be the death of him he has a great Horn out of one cheek—T hope in God he may leave you some- thing that will tempt you to leave those deserted regions (or rather [COYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 105 solitary) as they have never been peopled. My Uncle Wm. is very well & at Bath where he is entirely confined with my Grandfather who is declining I think very fast. We had letters from Henry last month he is very well & has been kept. marching and fighting ever since he went out. I fear our possessions there are in a very bad way & our tenure very uncertain. But I am sick of Polyticks. I suppose you know Cobbet is in jail; he is writing away more bitter than ever. I hope you will write often to your very sincere friend W. M. Smytu. Since writing the enclosed, I have received a note from Miss Beau- fort which I enclose you as you have there all I can do for you. I am truly sorry your request cant be granted, but it cant be helped. Lord Wellington I find has had an engagement with Massena in which he killed 2000 french Men. Our loss is small, but another battle is daily expected. I hope you will not again let so long an interval elapse without writing to me & you know I dont mind postage. Jackson is settled in Jamaica. I forget if I mentioned it before he is in a house of his Uncle’s. I know of nothing new to tell you as I am entirely engrossed by my own business at present. This will travel many a mile before you touch it, & when I think what a miserable pro- duction it is I am tempted to put it on the fire, however I depend on your good nature for my excuse and remain as always your sincere friend, W. M. SMYTH, 23d. October, 1810. (Enclosed in letter of W. M. Smyth, dated 20-23 Oct., 1810.) My Dear Maria, When my father came home last night I propounded your request he says it would be impossible for him to draw a threshing machine, as it is rather too complicated for a drawing to explain so as to be of use for erecting. A model he thinks would be very expensive and of little use, as the proportions are seldom properly preserved, he thinks that the best method would be to buy a threshing machine, to be worked by hand, which are tq be had exceeding good for 20 guineas at Mr. McDougal’s, in Coventry Street, Hay Market, London. One of these will thresh at the rate of 20 barrels of oats and 8 barrels of wheat pr. day & tho’ made to be worked by men, can at a triflng expense, be made to 106 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA go by horses or by water—from one of these small ones, one of the largest size can readily be made. I return Mrs. Smyth’s sketch of the book- case—we hope she is pretty well to-day. Best love to A. M. & A. from yrs. affectly, L. C. BEAUFORT. W. M. Smyth’s letter is addressed on outside, Wm. Talbot Esqr., Care of Messrs. Crooks, Niagara, New York State, North America. (Stamped) Paid Oct. 25, 1810. Simon Zelotes Watson to the Executive Council. The Honorable Members of His Majesty’s Executive Council of the Province of Upper Canada, &e. &e. &e. in Council The Petition of Simon Zelotes Watson of the Township of West- minster Most Respfully Sheweth That your Petitioner having been permitted to settle the broken front and two Concessions in the said Township of Westminster by himself and followers; that many of his said followers with their families will be obliged to come into this Province (some by land and others by water) via Niagara; that to be obliged to come to the Seat of Government of this Province to report themselves will greatly add to the Expense, hardships and delays of a long and tedious journey; that Port Talbot being in the vicinity of the said Township of West- minster Your Petitioner humbly prays that he may be permited to report his said followers to Thomas Talbot Esquire and that his approbation of their being fit persons to become settlers on the vacant Lands of the Crown, shall be a sufficient authority for your Petitioner to return them to the Government as his followers to settle on the lands alloted to him and them in the said Townships. And he as in duty bound will ever pray SIMON ZELOTES WATSON. York 15th February 1811. [corny] é' THE TALBOT PAPERS 107 Colonel Talbot to S. Z. Watson. Westminster 2nd March 1811. Dear Sir, In consequence of its having been understood at York, that several families were about to place themselves on the Road Lots in Westminster, whom you had engaged in this Province, and further that you required that each settler should bind himself to pay to you the difference between the established fees and $100, for your permission to locate— His Excellency the Lieut. Governor has commanded me to inform you, that no recommendation for a grant of Land on the tract surveyed for the accommodation of the families which you reported to The Council, were disposed to move into this Province, will be attended to but for such applicants as shall actually have moved direct from Lower Canada, adding that I must explain to such persons that no extraordinary charges are to be imposed upon them, as His Majesty will in every instance prevent al] manner of speculation upon the Crown Lands. I had hoped to have found you in Westminster but on my passing thro’ Oxford I was informed that you had stoped at the Head of the Lake. I have therefore felt it particularly my duty to make known to all con- cerned the intentions of the Government with respect to the Lands: in Westminster so that ignorance may not be offered hereafter as a plea, and at the same time to state positively for your information, that I will not recommend any of your followers but such as come under the description that His Excellency in Council has thought fit to receive. You no doubt will perceive the necessity of a strict compliance on your part with the wishes of His Majesty’s Government in this Province. I am Sir Yr. very obt. St. THomas TALBOT. S. Z. Watson Esqre. Colonel Talbot to S. Z. Watson. Port Talbot 12th March 1811. Your extraordinary letter dated the 8th int. would have much sur- prised me, had not your violent manner on the preceding day in a great measure prepared me for its reception. In answer, you are assured from me, that I have not any intention of complying with your desire of going to Westminster, to retract the orders entrusted to me, by Government, to promulgate—you are likewise equally in error if you 108 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA expect that I will enter the list with you, for believe me, I value my life too highly to hazard it in your speculations—Should you further intrude yourself personally upon me with threats, I will employ the Constable to deliver the necessary reply. Copies of your letter and my answer together with a statement of the circumstances that have led to the correspondence will be forwarded to Government— I am Sir, &c., &e., THomas ‘TALBOT. Mr. Simon Zelotes Watson. Talbot to Major Halton. Draft in Talbot’s writing, with numerous erasures and interlineations. My Dear Major Port Talbot 14th March 1811. two days after I had the pleasure of writing to you by Shenich on the subject of the Lands in Westminster Mr. Watson called upon me accompanied by his friend Bird and a person of the name of Brigham from Delaware. Watson attacked me in a most insolent tone asked me “how I had dared to go amongst his settlers and desire them not to pay him his demands on them of 100 Dollars, that he would take out a bench warrant against me and compel me to pay him 100 Dollrs for every person that refuses to give him that sum, in consequence of my advice—that neither the Governor, Government or any individual had a right to interfere with his private contracts, that the lands were _assigned to him to settle and he would shew the world that he would make such bargains as he thought fit and he was not apprehensive of consequences, as he was certain of the support of an honest jury ”—his passion increased to so abusive a strain, that I ordered him out of my house and by that method got rid of the fellow—McMillan one of the persons that His Excellency was pleased to say might remain on the Lots which they have occupied for several years came to Port Talbot the same day, with the money to pay the fees, and when Watson found that I accepted of them, he swore that he would make me smart for it, if there was justice to be had in the Province—Watson retired to the House of one of my settlers from whence he addressed me a letter, copies of it and my answer I now enclose—I cannot comprehend his meaning when he states the ruin of himself and family unless it is to be inferred by his not being allowed to realize his speculative system, neither can I understand how the three hundred families that he men- tions are to suffer and be lost to the Province as I cannot conceive it [coyNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 109 probable that if such families are about to emigrate into this country that they can make any reasonable demur at not being charged more than the usual fees for their grants of land from the Crown. he however soon after expressed his desire that I would get as many settlers on the road in Southwold as I could as he proposed placing those that he might bring from Lower Canada, in Westminster—- of course had he intimated his intention of bringing forward such per- sons as chance should offer to him in this Province and the demand of the douceur of sixty two Dollars and a half for himself, I should not have given him any encouragement. from all that I can learn the check that he has met with in levying the contribution gives uni- versal satisfaction as it effectually proves to the good people of this Country the fostering care of the Government in preventing such impositions as many individuals would be disposed to burthen the Crown lands. Watson also asserts that I advised him to encourage settlers from the U. S. the whole that occurred on that subject is as follows,—on his first visit to Port Talbot he remarked that the Govern- ments of Lower and Upper Canada granted Lands to Persons from the States, that he was acquainted with numbers who were in every respect Loyal to Great Britain but who resided within the United States and contiguous to Lower Canada he asked if I thought that such persons would be received into this Province? My reply was that if They were actually as he [torn] described, I did not apprehend any objection being made to them I [torn] I am heartily tired of [torn] and trust that I will not again have to trouble you on his subject, but considering myself acting for the Government I am desirous that His Excellcy. should be made acquainted with every step that I have taken in the business at the same time it is a good lesson to me to be more reserved and on my guard with the straglers of America in future. The Bearer of Watson’s letter is a young man, who has arrived within a few days from Lower Canada, he states that there will be upwards of sixty families remove from thence to Westminster in the month of June or July next, which if correct, may possibly induce The Lieut. Govr. not to take any notice of the transactions that has passed between Watson and myself further than by giving him to understand that the persons to be brought forward by him for land must unquestionably be from Lower Canada as shd. The Government not think fit to continue him as the Leader of the body that employed him in the [torn] first place to apply for a Tract, They might possibly conceive that Land would not be granted to them and in consequence not remove to this Province. 110 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA W. Halton to Colonel Talbot. York 15th March 1811. My Dear Colonel, The Governor having desired your friend Mr. Shenich to call at a very barbarous hour tomorrow morning I must steal a quarter of an hour before Dinner ready to acknowledge and answer your Dispatch brought by the above named Messenger. First we all rejoice that the most valuable Person in the Province, was safely restored to his Domestick Comforts.—Next, His Excellency desires me to say, he approves entirely of what you have done, and requests you will continue rigidly to enforce His Orders as contained in your Letters. I regret very much the conduct of my friend S. Zelotes. He seems to be rather more attached to the Concerns of this world, than the Original Person from whence he took his name—But I suppose its all fish that come to His Net. Mrs. Gore is considerably better and desires her kindest Regards—I have nothing new & hope you have received my letter by Sovereign. He took Mr. Rolph’s Com- mission & I put one into his Hands app. Him Surrogate—on which the Beast never uttered a single word. Should your brother marry into the Honble family of the Rolph’s We‘l] displace Sovereign if you should wish it. To convey to you everything, that’s interesting, I enclose the last York Gazette, to which I also add the last from Kingston. The Toronto sailed to-day with the Niagara Members. Believe mé ever my dear Colonel very faithfully yours, ; W. Hatton. The Hon’ble Colonel Talbot. Lieutenant-Governor Francis Gore to Colonel Talbot (1811). Saturday Morning 16 March 8 o‘clock P.M. Major snoring. My Dear Talbot, You must take small scraps from me and give me credit for good intentions towards you I am to have leave to visit England, therefore impose your Commissions—I shall send you the most improved Imple- ments of Agriculture. Do not let that Rascal Watson slip through those delicate hands of yours—You acted most prudently and judiciously by warning him of his danger in my name Would to God every one in the Province would use it to so good a purpose. [coYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 111 The House of Assembly are likely to facilitate my plan of seeing England—by taking the Government into their own hands. At least Joe’s party have given notice of a motion to be made early in the next session to enquire into the conduct of the Executive Government. I am sorry to say the Rascals have given nothing towards the culture of Hemp—but have appropriated £3500 for Roads & £400 for printing the Laws—the latter sum is waste. Sir James Craig has undergone the operation of tapping, and had four gallons & a half of water taken from him—he is much relieved, and I fear the poor fellow flatters himself with some Years of life to come. I really am serious in my wish to execute your commissions in England—therefore consider how far I may be useful—When I am gone, for God sake look occasionally upon the Chief :—and take care of the Surveyor Generals & Clerk of the Council, Adieu My Dr. Talbot, Most truly and faithfully yrs. F. Gore. S. Z. Watson to Colonel Talbot. Copy. aaa. Westminster 22nd March 1811. I have just compleated a true statement of facts relative to the whole of my proceedings in obtaining lands for myself and followers in this Province, with an exposition of all my intercourse with you on the subject, with copies of your letters to me and my remarks thereon ; the whole accompanied with an address to the Lt. Govr. of this Province; all which I mean to lay before His Excelcy. ere long, and as all the facts that I have stated regarding you (every one of which I can and will prove to His Excellency’s satisfaction) will bear hard upon you, it therefore highly concerns you to prevent my laying them before His Majesty’s Representative (for you will find him no longer your friend when he is convinced you are not an honest man) by repairing the serious injuries you have done to me and my settlement. You must be sensible that your late conduct does not merit this nor any other atten- tion from me; but from a retrospective view of your hospitality and friendship to me when I was a stranger in the Province, has induced me once more to offer you the hand of friendship under the hope that you will by your future conduct, merit it in atoning past offences. It 1 Chief Justice Thomas Scott. 112 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA gave me real pleasure to speak honourably of you and exert myself to the utmost in obtaining as many good people as possible to settle and make valuable the country adjoining and near you, thro the whole course of my journey of seven hundred miles in the States and among my friends in Lower Canada, last summer and autumn when I thought you the best of men and my real friend; and I wish you to be assured that no occurrence of my life has ever given me such real pain as to be obliged to think otherwise of you. I am therfore still willing to forget and forgive the serious injuries you have done me upon the exprinciple that I hope there is yet a latent spark of Honour in your Soul, (which pride and other passions have hitherto kept in a state of dormantry, which will now be awakened, and induce you to acknowledge with the immortal Pope that an honest man is the noblest work of God.) Under this hope I am still willing to go hand in hand with you as we had agreed in pursuing and effecting the laudable and pleasing task of adding to the strength by augmenting the numbers of His Majesty’s Subjects with thousands of Industrious Inhabitants and real- ize the pleasing anticipation which I have kept in view from the begin- ning of co-operating with you in trying induce them to be dutiful and Loyal as well as usefull and industrious subjects. In addressing you as above I have repressed my feelings as an injured man, and it will depend on your answer by the Bearer whether they will ever be called into action again. If he returns with a written statement from you, in any way your good sense may dictate, placing, me and my Settlement in that favourable and prosperous point of view we were in previous to your last journey to Yorke and your memorable return via Westminster, well, if not I shall immediately proceed to Yorke and lay the whole before the Lieut. Govr. and should any unfor- seen cause induce His Excellency to decide against me, that will fix an indelible seal upon your fate and mine. TI shall then turn to you the primary and ultimate cause of all my misfortunes, my present enter- prize having placed me in a situation that all my present and future prospects for myself and family must depend upon the event of it. I am therefore most solemnly and decidedly determined that the only means I will leave in your power to prevent me from effecting it, will be to deprive me of life; and the strongest motive that has induced me | to send you this, is to put it in your power to avert a resort to awfull and momentous alternatives, thus have I made up my mind and await your answer and as it may be, I am Sir, Yr. Humbl. Sert. sigd. S. Z WATSON. [coYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS Ns Report of Executive Council to Lieutenant Governor Gore. Copy. Executive Council Chamber, in the town of York, Saturday the 27th of April, 1811. PRESENT The Honble Thomas Scott Chief Justice Chairman The Honble John McGill The Honble Mr. Justice Powell. The Honble Prideaux Selby. Yo His Excellency Francis Gore Esquire, Lieutenant Governor of the Province of Upper Canada, &e. Xe. ec. May It Please Your Excellency. The Committee of the Executive Council to which your Excellency was pleased to refer the Memorial of Simon Zelotes Watson, state- ment of facts, and the Correspondence between him and Mr. Talbot, has considered with great attention the subject referred, and admitting the veracity of the statement, so far as it is supported by evidence, sees no Cause to advise Your Excellency to withdraw the Trust reposed in Mr. Talbot at the express desire of Mr. Watson. The Committee is sensible of inadvertence in not requiring from Mr. Watson the Names and Description of the Settlers in Lower Canada for whom the Tract in Westminster was to be appropriated, on his recommendation; and therefore, now humbly submits to your Excellency, the expediency of withholding all future Grants on such Recommendation, until Mr. Watson shall have deposited in the Council office, Lists of the Names and Descriptions of the Persons resident in Lower Canada denominated his followers, and thén only to such as shall appear to the Council, or be certified by Mr. Talbot, to be of that description. In thus offering its Opinion and Advice, on Mr. Watson’s Memorial, the Committee is desirous to mark with the strongest reprehension, the Memorialist’s Declaration, that the first idea he entertained of Restriction as to his followers, was from the Correspondence of Mr. Talbot. Whereas his Application was specific, and the Pledge of the Executive Government equally so, for British Subjects settled in Lower Canada. The Committee perceives so much disingenuity in this disavowal by Mr. Watson, of the Essence of his Contract, that it would recommend to your Excellency, to rescind the Order on his first Memorial, but from possible injury to his original Employers contemplating an immediate Sec. II., 1907. 8. 114 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA settlement in this Province.—On their account, and to obviate any Injury to Individuals from even an abuse of the Confidence of the Executive Government it is humbly submitted, that the Tract in West- minster (except such lots as were in part, or wholly occupied before the Survey) should be kept open for the arrival of such Settlers, until the first of January next. The Committee begs leave to observe to Your Excellency, that it was not in its contemplation to recommend any interference between Mr. Watson and his followers, as to any private Contract they might have entered into for remuneration of his services but merely that Mr. Talbot should be authorized to communicate to actual Settlers, and others recommended, that Government would not withhold the Location, or Patent, for any such Private Consideration between them and Mr. Watson. Nor does it appear necessary to give any larger construction to the Terms of Mr. Talbot’s Letter of the 2nd of March 1811. The Vindictive Spirit of Mr. Simon Zelotes Watson is so manifest in his several Letters to Mr. Talbot, and holds forth such Menace of his Life, that the Committee cannot but apprehend personal Danger to Mr. Talbot, unless Measures be taken to bind Mr. Watson in recog- nizance, with Sureties, to keep the Peace, which, have accordingly been directed. | All which is humbly submitted Approved (signed ) THos. Scort, (signed) Francis GORE Chairman. Lt. Governor. (a true copy). (signed) JOHN SMALL, Clk of the Executive Council Indorsed. Copy of a Report of the Committee of the Executive Council relative to the Memorial of 8. Z. Watson &e. Dated 27th April, 1811. Lieutenant Governor Gore to Colonel Talbot. Private. York 3rd May, 1811. Dear Talbot, Altho’ Halton who sailed for Niagara yesterday, promised to write to you from thence, and transmit to you Duplicates of the enclosed Proceedings of Council, and of his letter to Mr. Simon Zelotes Watson— T shall forward my enclosures to Major St. John. [covng] THE TALBOT PAPERS 118 Mr. Watson was very lenglhy in his statements, so much so that it would be consuming too much time to have them copied—therefore you have instead the Essence of our determination respecting his Set- tlers—I hope you perfectly understand, that this Government never intended to interfere, with Watson’s private arrangements with those Persons, who he may bring from Lower Canada as settlers— It now rests with yourself whether or not you will continue to act for Watson—if your Agency is withdrawn, all his People must appear before the Council at York, and perhaps (as Watson has very much altered his tone) you may show your magnanimity by continuing to pass his Recruits— The case of Jacobus Shenich and Leonard Westbrooke, I wish’ you to consider, as I think they may be entitled to some indulgence—I think however it may give Mr. Watson a ground of complaint, if they are permitted to settle on any of the Lands kept open for Watson’s followers—great caution will be necessary on your part, so that no open- ing may be made for his complaints—- Mr. Stanton has just come into the Room to inform me, that Mr. S. Z. W. told him he meant to prosecute you, but added provided the Colonel did not interfere again with him—Y ou will laugh at and despise all such puerile nonsense and I feel assured that you will protect the character of the Government, both as to its faith with Mr. W. and the treatment of his Settlers. My plans are not yet decided, but I fear I shall not be able to make my escape from this delightful country quite so soon, as I had anticipated— Mrs. Gore has been tolerably well,” but is I fear relapsing. I am writing in a great hurry—therefore cannot detail all the interesting incidents which have lately occurred here. Yours truly F. Gore. The Chief is well. Col. Talbot. Colonel Talbot to Lieutenant-Governor Gore. Private. Port Talbot 13th May 1811. My Dear Governor. F had the honour of receiving your letter of the 3rd Int. last night by the conveyance of a faithful Morevian Indian enclosing copies of the report of the Executive Council relative to Mr. S. Z. Watson’s 116 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Memorial, and Major Halton’s letter, communicating your Excellency’s decision in Council to that person—Nothing could in my humble opinion be more judicious and (necessarily) explicit, than the determination therein contained—as had Mr. Watson not have been checked in the manner he had been, the extravagance of his projects would shortly have produced serious cause of complaint from such as might unwarily submit to his impositions and also create a discontent amongst a certain description of persons, who fancy that from their former services or other pretentions they may be more entitled to the benevolence of Gov- ernment, than a stranger. For instance on my way home from York last winter Mr. Richd. Hatt remarked in my presence, “ that he would apply for 20 or 30 miles of road to settle as he felt from his situation that he had a better claim to the aid of Government than that Watson and that he could with little difficulty find a sufficient number in the Pro- vince willing to pay him 100 Dolrs on each lot.” I of course corrected him, as there were several persons present, particularly a merchant from MtReal, adding that none would be accepted of by Government as the followers of Mr. W. but such as actually came from Lower Can- ada—Your Excellency directs my attention to the two cases of Jacobus Shenich and Leonard Westbrooke—from what I can learn Watson, a few days previous to his last journey to York went to the above persons (whom he had himself placed on lots in Westminster) and declared to them that he would turn them off and put some of his Lower Canada people on the lots they occupied, unless they each of them gave their bond for the payment of his demand of the difference between the established fees and 100 Dollars which they accordingly complied with, with this proviso, that they shd. obtain the grant of their land thro’ his recommendation, and altho’ I cannot but censure Shenich & West- brooke for involving themselves with Watson, as they were perfectly sensible that they were not of the description for whom the Land in Westminster was appropriated—yet any indulgence and protection which your Excellency may be disposed to extend them, would afford me real pleasure, as I consider them to be honest and industrious men—and if vour Excellency will take the trouble to examine Mr. Watson’s survey of Westminster you will perceive that it includes three Concessions from the River Thames, whereas if I properly comprehend the intentions of Governt. towards Mr. W. he is confined to the two Concessions, butting . upon The Road and I believe that Shenich and Westbrooke are both of them settled in the third Conn. consequently it will admit of the con- sideration of yr. Exy. the Council, whether Watson followers are to extend to the 3d Conn. or not. [COYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 117 I have the honour of perfectly coincide with Your Excellency in the propriety of my continuing the agency for Mr. Watson’s Settlers, as, shd. I decline acting, it would have the appearance of timidity on my part, and also occasion such serious additional trouble and expense to his people in being compeled personally to attend the Executive Council, that it might deter many valuable subjects from settling in the Province. I can execute the trust reposed in me, without occa- sioning any further invitation, and permit me to assure your Excellency that my endeavours will ever tend to the support of that character of dignity which the Government so justly merits—and I am confident that not any instance of my abusing will ever occur of the Crown pro- perty committed to my guardianship. Permit me now my dear sir, to express to you, that it is with real grief, that I am led from yr. letter to apprehend a change for the worse in the state of Mrs. Gore’s health perhaps the uncertainty of her revisit- ing England so soon as she had anticipated may in a great measure occasion her depression, have the goodness to present her my. kindest regards and sincere prayers for her happiness. I have judged it pru- dent to forward the Indian who brought your dispatch with this letter and beg leave to recommend him to the bounty of the Indian Depart’t. Surveyor General Ridout to Colonel Talbot. York 15 May 1811. My dear Sir Agreeably to your request I commit to the care of Mr. Nichol this Letter & a sketch shew’g the Location of Francois & Denis Drouil- lard in Harwich. I should also have given you in charge to Mr. Nichol, the Inspection and plans for Mr. Burwell’s Survey—but Mr. Chewitt having been confined for the week past by lameness, I shall not have them ready till some next week—when I will send them under cover to Mr. Crooks at Niagara for M. Burwell as he desired— I write in haste, but am Dear Sir ‘ Very truly yours T. Rinour: S.G. The Honble. Col. Talbot Port Talbot on Lake Erie. 118 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Lieutenant Governor Gore to Colonel ‘Talbot. Private Government House York 25th May 1811 My Dear Talbot, I have received your letter of the 13th (on the 22d) by your trusty Moravian who returns with the survey of Westminster. I am much gratified to find, that our proceedings meet with your approbation, as your friend the Chief says “ we mean to do well.” You have acted just as I expected, by not injuring your Agency, much con- fusion and perplexity will now be avoided—I have been making every inquiry about the laying out of Westminster, and find that there is as yet no third Concession,—but Mr. Watson having discovered after he had run out a Road, and a Concession on each side, that he was more remote from the River than he expected applied to me for permission to locate the broken front of the two Concessions for him and his settlers—When this Indulgence was granted I certainly entertained a different view of this persons speculation, from that in which I now behold it, yet having directed the reserve of the Front to be communi- cated to him, it must be strictly complied with, but I shall authorize no location on the broken Fronts, untill every lot on the street is occu- pied, and they will be kept open exclusively for Mr. Watson’s settlers no longer than the first of January next, conforming to the re- solution adopted in Council.—Mr. Watson should also expressly understand, that no location on his recommendation will be permitted, on Lots, or Parts of Lots, occupied by others (however improperly) before he went to the ground. It must remain with the Government to exercise favour, as strict justice to those Intruders may be advisable. I had forgot to mention to you, that I consider it absurd to extend Watson’s location out of the Road until that object is accomplished, more particularly as the Crown & Clergy Reserves were removed ‘ex- pressly for the purpose of facilitating the completion of this Road— Nothing further occurs to me respecting Mr. Watson. Mrs. Gore is certainly much better, although our hopes are damp’d—as to seeing England for some time—Perhaps we may get away in October—she says she will not permit me to say all the pretty things, which your prettier deeds towards her deserve (for she has got the matts from Bobby) but will write to you herself—Halton is em- ployed in a most important concern—viz—cotonning the Floor of the . Ball Room—for our elegantes to shove away on the 4th of June— I have sent you two John Camerons—The French (Boston Papers say) have entirely evacuated Portugal—Graham’s action near Cadiz was [coYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 119 most glorious—My friend Col. Barnard is particularized in the Dispatch, and received two wounds—The English Papers seem more hostile towards our neighbours, than our neighbours are towards us— I hope we shall see you soon—Brock is gone to Quebec, to toady whoever may succeed Sir James Craig, as he I think will not survive the voyage to England—All your friends desire best regards—have you heard from your Tortola Brother. Believe me My Dr. Talbot Most truly F. Gore. Ye Indian has had most liberal Presents a complete suit of cloathing &e. &c. Thank Givins. Col. Talbot. Colonel Robert Nichol to Colonel Talbot. May 31—1811 My Dear Colonel I have been some days returned from York but have not had before to-day an opportunity of writing to you—At York I was very temperate everyway & the Governor and myself parted—I hope—mutually satis- fied with each other—The Governor was exceedingly civil and I found there my friend General Brock then on his way to Lower Canada to take his farewell of Sir James Craig—I am so much engaged that you must be satisfied with a hasty sketch of news—Sir James it is said is to be succeeded by Popularity Jack alias Genl. Doyle—Sir George Nugent was at one time talked of—but he has since been appointed to the East Indies— You will see in the papers the official account of a glorious Victory gained over a very superior French Force near Cadiz in w hich our old acquaintance Bernard had a conspicuous share and also the Official account of the Capture of the Isle of France with very trifling loss— Just before I left Niagara an intelligent gentleman of my acquain- tance arrived from Albany he said that the morning of his departure a paper was received from New York mentioning that Lord Wellington’s dispatches detailing the retreat & pursuit of the French till their final expulsion from Portugal were received & would be published the fol- lowing day—and that the loss of the French in killed & wounded & 120 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA prisoners was immense—T shall lose no time in forwarding you the confirmation when it arrives— I send you some garden seeds—also some packets addressed to you from Niagara & York— The Governor says you are in part mistaken in Watson’s business— & that he is still to have the recommending & settling of the Lower Canada settlers—By the Bye he is a most infamous rascal he represented you at York as concerned with him in the speculation—and dwelt much on a letter which he had induced you to write to him which of course was merely to shew that he was not an impostor. The following persons have paid fees on Lands—Moses Plant, Isaac Crane, Jesse Tyrrel or Turrel has also lodged money but it was in my absence & Mr. Bell (?) gave him a transferable receipt I expect him to call soon when his business shall be done— I shall forward Crane’s & Plant’s Petitions & Certify that they have been accepted by you— No accounts as yet of your Brother— Adieu—always very faithfully Yours Ros. NIcHot. I have no tea kettles at present. The Honble Colonel Talbot Port Talbot. Colonel Talbot to Surveyor General Ridout (Draft of letter). Port Talbot 4th June 1811 My Dear Sir I had the pleasure of receiving your letter dated the 15th and and 17th of last month with their enclosures for which I return you many thanks—Mr. Burwell left Port Talbot on Sunday last for York for the purpose of receiving his instructions—I understood from him that there had some mistake occurred respecting the particular surveys that I had submitted to the Lieutenant Governor’s consideration and which His Excellency was pleased to approve of, and direct Major Halton to communicate his orders on the subject to you—I am almost positive that Major Halton wrote the notes (I think) which I carried myself to The Surveyor General’s office—No. 1 that Mr. Burwell shd. run a line and lay out lots thereon under my direction to connect the [COYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 121 Talbot Road with the Road thro’ Westminster—No. 2 to continue my Road as stated by you to Amherstburgh. No. 3 that the vacant Lots in Yarmouth shd. be reserved for me to recommend settlers for, No. 4 that Mallahide & Bayham shd. be reserved in like manner for my recommendation—To connect the Talbot Road with Westminster is of the first consequence as without that all my exertions for affording facility of communication thro’ this western part of the Province will be incomplete, as the country situated to the north has not any other vent or means of transporting its produce but by Port Talbot without the lengthy land carriage from Westminster thro’ Dorchester Oxford Burford &c. to the Head of Lake Ontario or else by the River Thames which is also attended with much loss of time and expense whereas the distance by the route that I contemplated to run the road, will not far exceed 20 miles—I have directed Mr. Burwell to proceed to York and request of you to examine the Office Books for His Excellency’s Order on the subject and shd. you not be able to find it,* I am to entreat that you will wait upon the Lieut. Govr. and explain to His Excellency my anxiety for carrying into effect the connection of the Talbot Road with that thro’? Westminster with as little delay as possible having at the present time an opportunity of placing a most valuable description of settlers upon it, who have lately arrived from Nova Scotia, in fact there are some there actually at work on the ground where I had pro- posed the road to pass. I was led to allow them to go on it from not harbouring a doubt but that Mr. Burwell would have long ere this had his orders to run the line agreeably to the Governor’s directions given by whilst I was at York last winter. I have received the mem’n describing the placing of the reserves in the rear of those that would have fallen upon the Talbot Road and would be glad if you would defer the final arrangement. of them till after Mr. Burwell has completed his survey when Surveyor General Ridout to Colonel Talbot. Surveyor Genl. Office York 19 June 1811 My Dear Sir, IT am this day only, favoured with your letter of the 4th Instant, but am pleased to think, that ere this time you may have seen Mr. 2The remainder of this draft of letter is written on the back of Col. Nichol’s letter of May 31. 122 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Burwell, since he was here on the 12th instant, when he received the Instructions to connect the Talbot Road with the Road through West- minster, as well as to lay out the Road from Southwold to Amherst- burgh. In copying the Governor’s orders into our books, a line was omitted (but without injuring the sense of the paragraph) which directed the connecting of the Westminster Road with Port Talbot, and thought it was impressed on my mind, that such were His Excellency’s Intentions I was about to make application to Major Halton on the subject, when I was induced in the first place to refer to the original orders. I am very sorry you should have a moment's anxiety on the subject. Mr. Burwell took with him all the Plans excepting two & they are now sent under your address, which he may want to direct him in cpening the Roads under orders of Survey, the plans omitted and now sent, are of Mersea and Malden—I likewise send you a reduced Plan of Mr. Chewett’s of the western half of this Province beginning at the eastern boundary of the County of York. From this plan be so kind as to allow Mr. Burwell to take such copy as he may find necessary to facilitate his operations. T have made a minute to remove the Clergy Reserve from No. 14— 3rd Concession of Bayham to Lot No. 1 in the same Concession, agree- ably to your request, and which I shall submit to His Excellency as soon as he returns from Niagara, which we expect will be tomorrow. The final settling of the Reserves, till the Road is laid out, I shall also recommend, in manner as you suggest as the best means of pre- venting injury being done to the settlement. Altho’ the settling of the extensive Tract around you will unavoid- ably give you some trouble & much anxiety, yet the peopling of so fine a country, with loyal & industrious inhabitants, will bring its own recompense in the satisfaction you must feel, in being so instrumental in accomplishing the best wishes of the Government. Mrs. R. is much obliged in yr. remembrance of her. I am my dear sir very faithfully yours THos. RipourT, Sr. Gen’l. The Honble Col. Talbot Port Talbot [coYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 123 Colonel Robert Nichol to Colonel Talbot. Dear Sir. Adolphus Bostwick goes up to settle in Westminster—I have referred him to you for a location—trusting that no difficulty would arise—I have received his fees—he has sold out here and intends becoming an immediate settler. ; A man named Townsend who spoke to us in York went on to the same place some time ago he appears to be a decent man. I am Dr. Sir, Yours truly Ros. NICHOL. (addressed on the back) The Honble Colonel Talbot Port Talbot. Adjutant-General Shaw to Colonel Talbot. Adjutant General’s Office York 12th February 1812. Militia General Orders. His Honor the President’ has been pleased to make the following appointments Ist Regt. Middlesex Samuel Edison ? Esqr. to be Captain. . . 2: . 17th Feby. 1812 Samuel Axford Gent. to be Lieutenant . . . . 1%th Feby. 1812 Samuel Harris, Gent. to-be Ensign... . . . 17th Feby. 1812 /ÊNEAS SHaw,? Adjt. General Mili’a U.C. Cojonel Talbot Command’g. Ist Regt. Midd'esex Militia. * Major-General Sir Isaac Brock ? Of Vienna, U.C., grandfather of the celebrated electrician nd inventor, Thomas A. Edison. Born in New Jersey, 1760, died at Vienna, 1864. He was the father of eleven sons. ; * Member of the Legislative and Executive Councils. Died, 1813. 124 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Adjutant-General Shaw to Colonel Talbot. 13th Feby. 1812. Dear Talbot In the hurry of transcribing your list, I omitted the name of one Captain one Lieut. and one Ensign, in the order sent to you. I now send you them. Yours always, ÆNEAS SHAW. Indorsed : On Service Colonel Talbot Command’g Ist Regt. Middlesex Militia. To go by P. Souvereign M.P. Adjts. Genls. Office. Captain James Brock to Colonel Talbot. President’s Office York, 27th February 1812. Sir. I have the honor to transmit to you by command of the President, a Commission empowering you to carry into effect an Act passed in the fourth Session of the third Provincial Parliament of this Province, entitled “an Act for the better securing this Province against all sedi- tious attempts or designs to disturb the transquillity thereof ”—which His Honor makes no doubt you will readily undertake to enforce— a Copy of the Act is herewith transmitted. I have the honor to be Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant JAMES Brock. To Thomas Talbot Esq. [cornE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 128 By ISAAC BROCK, Esquire, President administering the Govern- ment of the Province of Upper Canada, and Major-General Commanding His Majesty's Forces therein, &c., &c., &c. ’ To Thomas Talbot of Port Talbot in the District of London, Esquire— Whereas by an Act of the Parliament of this Province, passed in the Forty-fourth year of His Majesty’s Reign, ‘ntituled “ An Act for “the better securing this Province against all seditious attempts or “designs to disturb the tranquillity thereof,” it is among other things provided, “That it shall and may be lawful for the Governor, Lieu- “tenant Governor, or Person administering the Government for the “time being, to appoint such Person or Persons as may appear to him “proper, for the purpose of arresting such Person or Persons not hav- “ing been an Inhabitant or Inhabitants of this Province for the space “of six months preceding the date of his Warrant, or not having taken “the Oath of Allegiance to our Sovereign Lord the King, who by words ‘or actions, or other behaviour or conduct, hath or have endeavoured, “or hath or have given just cause to suspect that he, she, or they, is “or are about to endeavour to alienate the minds of His Majesty’s Sub- “jects of this Province from His Person or Government, or in any “wise with a seditious intent to disturb the tranquility thereof.” NOW, KNOW YH, that I, ISAAC BROCK, Esquire, President, and Major-General Commanding His Majesty's Forces within the said Province, by virtue of the powers so vested in me under the authority of the before recited Act, have appointed and deputed, and do by these Presents appoint and depute you the said Thomas Talbot of Port Talbot in the District of London Esquire, to carry into Execution the several Provisions in the said before recited Act contained, strictly conforming yourself in every particular thereto. Given under my Hand and Seal, at Arms, at the Govern- ment House, at York, this Twenty seventh day of February in the year of Our Lord One thousand eight hundred and Twelve, and of His Majesty’s Reign, the fifty second. Tsaac Brock, Presid’t. By His Honor’s Command JAMES BROCK. 126 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Surveyor General Ridout? to Talbot. Surveyor General’s Office, York, 5th March 1812. Dear Sir, Although Lieut. Governor Gore was pleased to order a line to be run for a Road through Westminster to join Your Road, (so ealled), and also a Road from Southwoid to Amherstburgh,” and lots to be laid out on the above mentioned Road, similar to those on Colonel Talbot’s— yet as I do not find that this has been confirmed by any Order in Council, as was the case, when the Road, called by your Name was ordered to be surveyed, ‘nd laid off in Lots from Middleton to Port Talbot—I am therefore to request, you will be so good as not to place any settlers upon any lot on the Road surveyed by order of Lieut. Govr. Gore, & leading from Westminster to Port Talbot, or from thenee to Amherstburgh, until it shall have been sanctioned by His Honor the President in Council. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant THos. Ripour, Sr. Genl. The Honble. Thomas Talbot at Port Talbot. ? Thomas Ridout (born in Devonshire in 1774, died 8th Feb., 1829), was in the service of the Government of Upper Canada from the year 1792. Among various offices held by him were those of Notary, Sergeant-at-Arms to the House of Assembly, Registrar of the County of York, Captain of the York Militia, Clerk of the Peace, Clerk of the District Court, Surveyor- General, etc., etc. He was elected a member of the Legislative Assembly in 1812, and appointed member of the Legislative Council in 1824. (See “ Ten Years of Upper Canada, 1805-1815,” by Lady Edgar. * The first mentioned Road is known as the North Branch of Talbot Road. It extends from the town-line between Dunwich and Southwold just north of the village of Iona, parallel to and at a distance of two and a half miles from Talbot Road, to Talbotville, where it turns to the northward and is continued to London. A short extension or branch ran from Talbotville to connect with Talbot Road at St. Thomas. The road from St. Thomas tc London is known as North Street. The North Branch was surveyed in 1811 by Mahlon Burwell. The road from Southwold to Amherstburgh is known as Talbot Road West. [coynE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 127 Printed Sheet. An ACT to extend the Provisions of an Act passed in the forty-eighth year of His Majesty’s Reign, wmtituled, “An Act to Explain, Amend and Reduce to one Act of Parliament the several Laws now in being for the Raising and Training the Militia of this Province.” (Passed 6th March, 1812.) WHEREAS an Act passed in the forty-eighth year of his present Majesty’s reign, intituled, “An Act to explain, amend and reduce to one Act of Parliament the several Laws now in being, for the raising and training the Militia of this Province,’ is found insufficient for the purposes thereby intended; Be it therefore enacted by the King’s Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and con- sent of the Legislative Council and Assembiy of the Province of Upper Canada, constituted and assembled by virtue of and under the authority of an Act passed in the Parliament of Great Britain, intituled, “An Act to repeal certain parts of an Act passed in the fourteenth year of his Majesty’s Reign, intituled, “An Act for making more effectual provision for the government of the Pro- vince of Quebec, in North America, and to make further provision for the government of the said Province.” and by the authority of the same, That there shall be to every Battalion of Militia now or hereafter to be formed in this Province, (the strength of which will admit thereof) two flank Companies, to consist of not more than one hundred men each, nor in any case to compose more than one third of the strength of such Battalion, and also all Independent Companies pelong- ing to any County, Riding or Place, shall provide their quota, to com- pose one or more flank Company or Companies, but in no case to exceed cne third of such Independent Company or Companies, to be selected and formed from among such Militia men as shall at any meeting or meetings of any such Battalion or Independent Companies, volunteer for that purpose. And if it should so happen that a sufficient number of persons shall not at any such meeting or meetings, volunteer for the purpose aforesaid, then and in such case the deficiency shall be made up by ballot from the Militia men of such Battalion, or Independent Company or Companies, who shall be under the age of forty years. Il. Provided always neverlheless, That when it shall happen that two or more persons shall be called upon service from one family, that one of them shall be excused for that time unless it shall appear to tue Officer Commanding such Company of Militia, that there is another person living in the same house, capable of taking care of the said 128 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA family, who is not then called into actual service; and also that when a widow or aged person, shall at the time of making the said ballot, depend for her, or his maintenance on a Son, Grandson or Apptentice, such Son, Grandson, or Apprentice, shall be excused from service while supporting such widow or aged person. III. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That when any such flank Company shall be formed, it shall and may be law- ful for the Captain or Officer Commanding the same to call out such Company, and he is hereby required so to do, six days in each Month, for the purpose of being trained and exercised, as may be directed by the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, or Person administering the Gov- ernment, and such Company shall continue its training not exceeding the said six days in every month, until it is found that the men compos- ing the same, are duly instructed in their exercise. Provided always, that the Officer Commanding such Company, shall always after the said Company shall be pronounced duly instructed, have it in his power to call out such Company one day in each month to be exercised and reviewed, and oftener if he shall be so directed by the Governor, Lieu- tenant Governor, or person administering the Government. Provided also, that such flank Company or Companies being called out for the purpose of training, it shall not be lawful for any Field Officer, except such as may be specially appointed for that purpose, by the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, or Person administering the Government, to com- mand or otherwise interfere in the said training or exercising. IV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful to and for the Governor, Lieutenant Gov- ernor, or Person administering the Government, from time to time, as occasion may require, to appoint such and so many Staff Officers to the Militia of this Province, as he may think necessary, and also from time to time to remove any Militia Officer, now or hereafter to be appointed, and appoint another in his stead. V. And be it further enacled by the authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful to and for the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, or Person administering the Government, as often as occasion shall require, to order any and every of the said Companies, to march to any part of this Province, upon any such duty as he shall think necessary. VI.—And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful for the Captain, or other Officer commanding any company of Militia, if he shall think necessary, to divide his Com- pany into squads of such numbers as to him shall seem proper, and the convenience of the men of such Company shall require, and that the Captain or other Officer commanding any such Company as aforesaid, [coyne] THE TALBOT PAPERS 129 shall always appoint some fit and proper person to exercise and instruct in Military discipline, the men to be assembled at each of the said squad meetings, and that if any non Commissioned Officer or Private shall refuse to obey the lawful orders of his superior Officer when employed on Militia duty, or shall quarrel with, or insult by abusive words, or otherwise, any Officer, or Non-Commissioned Officer, being in the exe- cution of his duty, or otherwise misbehave himself whilst on duty as aforesaid, it shall and may be lawful to and for the Commanding Officer then and there present, to order every such offender or offenders to be taken into custody, and forthwith tried by a Court Martial, to be com- posed of three or more Officers of the said Militia, who, upon proof of the offence by the Oath of one or more credible witness or witnesses, (which Oath the President of the said Court Martial is hereby author- ized to administer) shall and may order and sentence every such offender to pay a fine, not exceeding five pounds, nor less than five shillings, at the discretion of the Court, and according to the nature of the offence, and in default of payment, commit such offender to the common Gaol of the District, for a term not exceeding one month, nor less than three days, or until the amount of such fine shall be paid, any law to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. VII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That in all trials by any Court Martial, other than General Courts Martial, the person appointed to be President thereof, shall administer to each of the other Members, the following Oath: You A. B. do swear that you will administer Justice to the best of your understanding in the matter now before you, accoïding to the Militia Laws of this Province, and the evidence which shall be produced before you, without partiality, favour or affection.—So help you God. And as soon as the said Oath shall have been administered by the President to the other Members, any one of the said Members shall administer the said Oath to the President. VIII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That whenever it shall so happen that there shall not be a sufficient number of Officers present to compose a Court as aforesaid, it shall and may be lawful to and for the Commanding Officer to detain such offender in custody, until a Court can be assembled for the trial of such offender. Provided such Court can be obtained within twelve hours from the time of such confinement, and in case a Court as herein before directed, cannot be assembled within twelve hours, such offender shall be released from such confinement, and tried under the provisions of the Act of the forty-eighth of the King, intituled, “ An Act to explain, amend and Sec. II., 1907. 9. 130 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA reduce to one Act of Parliament, the several Laws now in being, for the raising and training the Militia of this Province.” IX. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any person or persons shall presume to disturb, interrupt, or molest, any party of Militia, whilst on duty, it shall and may be lawful to and for the Commanding Officer of such party, to order any such person or persons to be carried before any one of his Majesty’s Justices of the Peace, who shall be next to the place where the offence may be com- mitted, who upon proof of the offence by the oath of one or more witness or witnesses, shall and may order and adjudge every such offender to pay a fine not exceeding five pounds, nor less than ten shillings, and — in default of payment, to commit him to the common Goal of the Dis- irict, for a term not exceeding one month, nor less than ten days, unless the fine is sooner by him paid. — X. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful to and for the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, or Person administering the Government, from time to time, and as often as occasion shall require, to make such regulations as he shall think necessary, for the care and custody of any Arms and Accoutre- ments provided and supplied in order to the instruction of the Militia men to be trained and exercised; and also from time to time as occa- sion may require, by any order or orders to be made and issued for that purpose, to declare and establish the dress and uniform, to be worn by any and every part of the Militia of this Province. Provided always, that nothing herein contained, shall be construed to oblige any Militia man to provide any uniform at his own expense. XI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That so much of the said Act passed in the forty-eighth year of the King, intituled, “An, Act to explain, amend and reduce to one Act of Parlia- ment, the several Laws now in being, for the raising and training the Militia of this Province,” as directs that no Company of Militia shall consist of more than fifty men, shall be and the same is hereby repealed, and that every Company shall and may consist of a number not exceed- ing one hundred men. XII. And whereas it may be convenient to form one or more Company or Companies of Riflemen in this Province, Be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful for the Gov- ernor, Lieutenant Governor, or Person administering the Government of this Province, to form and embody such Company or Companies, and employ the same on such duties as the necessity of the service may require. [cornE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 131 XIII. And be it further enacted by the aulhority aforesaid, That every Officer of the Militia of this Province, shall on or before the fourth day of June next; and, every Officer who may after that day be appointed, within eight days after he shall have received his Commis- sion, before one or more of his Majesty’s Justices of the Peace, for the District to which his Regiment, Battalion or Company shall belong, take and subscribe the following Oath, to wit: J, A. B. do sincerely promise and swear, that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to his Majesty, King George the Third, as lawful Sovereign of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and of this Province, as dependant thereon, and that I will defend him to the utmost of my power against all traitor- ous conspiracies and attempts whatsoever, which shall be made against his Person, Crown and Dignity, and particularly his Dominions in North America, and that I will do my utmost endeavour to disclose and make known to his Majesty, his heirs or successors, all treasons and traitorous conspiracies and atlempts, which I shall know to be against him, or any of them, and to all this I do swear without any equivocation, mental evasion, or secret reservation, and renouncing all pardons and dispensations from any person or power whatsoever, to the contrary. So help me God. XIV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful to and for the Governor, Lieutenant Gov- ernor, or Person administering the Government, to order and direct that the Non-Commissioned Officers and Privates of any and every Regiment, Battalion, Company or body of Militia in this Province, shall be called upon to take and subscribe the said Oath of Allegiance, and that upon receiving any orders for that purpose, it shall and may be lawful, to and for the Commanding Officer of such Regiment, Bat- talion, or Company, and he is hereby required to call upon every Non- Commissioned Officer or Private of his Regiment, Battalion or Company, to take and subscribe the said Oath, before one or more of his Majesty’s Justices of the Peace for the District to which such Regiment, Battalion, or Company shall belong, which Oath shall be administered free of expense, and that every Justice of the Peace administering such Oath, shall forward a Certificate thereof, to the Clerk of the Peace of the District to be enrolled, which such Clerk of the Peace is hereby required to do free of expense, and if any Officer,, Non-Commissioned Officer, or Private, (having been required so to do) shall refuse or neglect to take and subscribe the said Oath, in manner hereby directed, upon con- viction before any General Quarter Sessions of the Peace, or in time of actual Invasion or Insurrection, before any Court Martial, every such person or persons shall be deemed and taken to be an alien, and shall 132 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA be liable and subject to any law or laws now in force, or hereafter to be made, respecting or against aliens. XV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That so much of the said Act as directs that any Body or Detachment of Militia, which may be called out by the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, or Person administering the Government, shall and may be detained ou such service, for and during the space of six months at one time, and no longer, shall be and the same is hereby repealed. XVI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That at the expiration of six months, from the time of any such Detachment being called out as aforesaid, one third of the men of such Detachment shall be selected by ballot, and if relieved, by an equal number of men, shall be discharged, and at the expiration of seven months from the time of calling out such Detachment, another third shall be selected, and if relieved, discharged in like manner, and at the expiration of eight months, the remaining third, if relieved, shall be discharged. XVII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful to and for any Colonel or other Officer Com- manding any Regiment, Battalion, or Company, and he is hereby re- quired to call out his Regiment, Battalion, or Company, whenever he shall be directed so to do, for the purpose of being Inspected or Reviewed, by any Inspecting Field Officer of Militia, or other Field Officers of the line, who may be sent for that purpose; and that Lieutenant Col- enels in his Majesty’s Army, serving with any part of the Militia in this Province, shall command all Militia Officers whatever, any thing in the said in part recited Act to the contrary notwithstanding. XVIII. ‘And be it furtier enacted by the authority aforesaid, That every Militia man whose services may be accepted of in any volun- teer Corps, now or hereafter to be raired, shall be exempted from serving as a Militia man under this or the before mentioned Act, whilst he shall belong to any such Corps, as aforesaid, and also that every person serving in any flank Company, shall not be liable to any personal Arrest on any civil Process, or to serve as Juror, or to perform duty asa Town, or Parish Officer, or Statute labour on the High-ways, during the time he shall continue in such flank Companies, any law to the con- trary in any wise notwithstanding. XIX. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That any Non-Commissioned Officer or Private Militia-man, who in any engagement with an enemy, or by any accident or casualty which may cecur while on, or performing any duty in actual service, shall be killed, and shall leave a Widow, or Child or Children lawfully begotten, his said Widow shall be entitled to receive during her widowhood, and in [COYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 133 case of the death of such Widow, then the eldest Child, or Guardian, for the use of the child or’children of such Non-Commissioned Officer, or Private Militia-man, until the youngest thereof, shall have attained the age of sixteen years, an annuity of five pounds lawful money of this Province, and also that every Non-Commissioned Officer, or Private of Militia, who in any engagement with an enemy, or by any accident or casualty which may occur while on, or performing any dutv in actual service, shall be wounded or disabled, so as to be rendered in- capable of earning his livelihood, shall be allowed an annuity of nine pounds lawful money of this Province, during the time he shall con- tinue under such incapacity. XX. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That so much of an Act passed in the forty-eighth year of his Majesty’s reign, intituled, “An Act to explain, amend and reduce to one Act of Parliament, the several laws now in being for the raising and training the Militia of this Province,” as directs how Militia fines are to be disposed of, be and the same is hereby repealed. XXI. And it be further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all sums of money arising from fines, forfeitures and penalties, by this or the above recited Act imposed, together with a list of such fines, for- feitures and penalties shall, as soon after the thirty first day of Decem- ber in every year, as practicable, be transmitted by the Magistrate or Officer respectively receiving the same, to the Receiver General of this Province, to be disposed of as the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, or Person administering the Government, shall direct, to purposes only {hat shall respect the said Militia, and which shall be accounted for to the Crown, through the Commissioners of his Majesty’s treasury, for the time being, as the Crown shall direct. XXII. Provided always, That this present Act shall continue and be in force until the first day of January next, and from thence to the end of the then next ensuing Session of the Legislature of this Province, and no longer. Draft of letter Col. Talbot to Capt. Jas. Brock, March, 1812. Sir. I have the honor to state for the information of Major General Brock that I have this day received a letter from The Surveyor Genl. *The draft is in substantial accord with the letter sent, which is now in the Archives at Ottawa. The draft contains only the first paragraph. What follows it is taken from the letter in the Archives. 134 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA directing that I should not for the present allow settlers to occupy Lots on a Road which Lt. Govr. Gore gave orders for the Survey of under my direction (for actual settlers) to connect Talbot Road with the Road thro’ Westminster—which survey was performed during the last sum- mer, and feeling confident that no difficulty would occur, I was induced by the application of several persons who had come from Nova Scotia and the lower parts of this Province to allow them to go on the Road referred to, who have done a considerable of labour on the lots they cecupy—lI had the honor to recommend to Lt. Governor Gore, that such a communication was absolutely necessary for the good of this part of the Province, as the route of transportation by Land from Westminster was a distance of above eighty miles and by the Road that has been surveyed under my directions, it does not exceed 24 miles to Port Talbot, from whence the produce of the country can be sent in vessels. Lt. Governor Gore in the first instance without any solicitation whatsoever on my part, proposed that I should undertake the settlement of Talbot Roads. I complied soly, for the benefit of this part of the country, in order to prevent improper characters from getting possession of the Crown Lands and to see that each lot should be occupied by an actual settler, having been aware of the serious injury that many points of this Province has sustained in consequence of Individuals holding grants of large tracts, who never intended to be actual settlers & by which means the extents they owned remains unimproved, so that Roads, a primary object of importance, can not be. worked to any general advantage—I had the honor to recommend to Lt. Govr. Gore (who was pleased to assent) that an appropriation of an equal quantity of land which the Talbot Roads took from? the Townships of Southwold shd. be made in the Township of Deerham whose situation would not interfere with the convenience of Roads of communication through this District, as from the manner in which this particular part of the Province was shut up before I settled at Port Talbot, by reserving whole Townships pro- tracted the population and consequent improvement of this most excel- lent tract of territory, at the same time by opening roads that Govern- ment was insuring those whenever it might be the pleasure of the Crown to dispose of the lands that were reserved for the establishment of Seminaries, they would acquire by the acquisition of these well settled Roads traversing them, very great additional value. I have thus far, done myself the honor of observing upon the particular situation of this part of the Province, trusting that from In the letter as sent appear the words, “ the reserves through,” between “from” and “the.’ These words are necessary to complete the meaning. [4 [coYnE | THE TALBOT PAPERS 135 The President’s local knowledge of the Country that he will not find it necessary to make any change in the arrangements of Lieut. Governor Gore. I have the honor to be with great esteem and respect Sir Your very obedient and most Humble Servant THomas TALBOT. To James Brock Esq. Secretary &c. &c. &c. Draft of letter from Col. Talbot to Maj. Gen’1 Brock, March 1812. Private Dear Sir. I have this morning received a letter from the Surveyor Genl. of which the enclosed is a copy, which places me in a most humiliating and contemptable light after having acted solely by invitation of the existing Governt. and a breach of faith on my part to the poor people that I have induced to settle on the Crown lands would make the remain- der of my life unhappy—perhaps no difficulty may arise, but the anxiety of mind, that Mr. Ridout’s letter has occasioned, emboldens me to address you personally, being persuaded that your feelings, as a man of honour, will induce you to pardon my intrusion and that I will meet with every necessary support from you, should the matter be agitated in Council—I think my dear Genl. that I need not dwell upon the awkward view in which I should be seen by this odious public, were I to be obstructed in the plans that I pursued, under the entire approba- tion of Lt. Governor Gore for rendering this District populous and valuable, and I can with equal truth assure you, that to accomplish it has already led me into much extraordinary expense, without the slight- est profit (further than what I esteem the greatest) the advancement of these wilderness’s to a state of civilization. I have stated officially to Capn. Brock the particulars attending the foregoing, in order that should it be deemed advisable to have the matter before Council, that I might take the liberty of entreating, as a particular favour, that you would give yrself the trouble of, being present on that occasion, as I am satisfied that your explanation and support would obviate any dith- culties that might be introduced to check my operations—were it a pri- vate Emolument I would be the last person to solicit your influence or 136 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA interference, but my exertions & perseverance to promote the welfare of this infant colony are the only sources of gratification that I look for— and when it is considered that the Crown Lands will be prodigiously benefited by having good & populous roads passing thro’ them I am inclined to feel confident that no difficulties will occur, especially as the equal quantity of land that I have reommended appropriated for the reserves that would have fallen on Talbot Roads thro’ Southwold should be placed in the Township of Deerham which is so situated as not to interfere with the convenience of Roads of communication thro’ this part of the Province—however to acquire a more perfect knowledge of the facts I will humbly request that you will have a conference with the Surveyor Genl. who can show to your satisfaction on the plan of the Province the propriety of my scheme—should nothing have been brought into Council relative to this subject before this reaches you, I humbly apprehend that there is not any occasion for it. Captain J. B. Glegg, A.D.C.,' to Talbot. Private. My Dear Sir. York 12th March 1812. I was favored with your letter a few days ago, and availed myself of the first opportunity that Mr. Burwell gave me, for presenting him to the General, who has in consequence of your introduction afforded him every facility in the accomplishment of his business—Agreeably to your request, I send you a few of the new supplementary Militia Bills, which came from the Press this morning, a circular letter will be addressed immediately to Officers commanding Corps calling upon them, to explain distinctly to their officers, and men, its different pro- visions— The General received a letter from Nicholls this morning, written I believe from the head of the Lake, and he reports that in consequence of efforts made by Wilcocks Mallory ? and others to create 1 Captain Glegg was General Brock’s aide-de-camp. He lived to the age of 87, dying in 1861. He was successively Major and Lieutenant Colonel of the 43d Regiment in which he served for 39 vears. * Joseph Wilcocks, an ex-United Irishman, editor and publisher of the Upper Canada Guardian, “practically the first real organ of public opinion in Upper Canada,” M.P.P. for the East Riding of York, leader of the Oppo- sition. He fought under Brock at Queenston Heights, but afterwards went over to the enemy, and was killed in action at Fort Erie in August, 1814. (See page 111, Gore to Talbot, ‘“Joe’s Party ”’). Benajah Mallory, M.P.P. for Norfolk, Oxford and Middlesex (from 1804), born in the United States, went over to the enemy during the War. [cone] THE TALBOT PAPERS 137 apprehensions respecting the intended operation of the Militia Bill, the young men of the country appear much alarmed, and emigration is already in their contemplation— ‘This must surely either be false alarm or intended merely as an electioneering trick by those notorious Characters— The General’s head is at present too much occupied with preparing the required official report of his Parliamentary proceedings to think seriously of anything else. In a few days l’abrégé d’un Code d’instruction Militaire will be thought of, as applicable to the Provincial Militia, the moment it is completed you shall hear again from me— The last mail from below brought us His Excellency’s Speech to the Houses of Assembly, which like all other compositions of that description, contains nothing but what we have all of us heard before— I fear Sir George* will not be so fortunate in carrying his measures as his family expect, the Can- adians are not partial to innovations of any kind, they are stubborn dogs, and are only to be moved by la force majeure— The Glengarry Levy seems to engross the whole of their attention, and is now com- menced in good earnest. Colonel Baynes the Adjt. Genl. is to be the Colonel and to ensure its success in the Holy wars, a Priest ? is already appointed—_ As they look to our acres, as inducements for enlistments, the patronage of two Companies is given to Genl. Brock, who has offered the commissions to some of his young friends— _ Instructions are received for putting all the Forts and defences in this Province in the best order— Captain Vigoureux is to have charge of the pro- jected works from York to Fort Erie, and Assistant Engineers are already named for each Post— Captain Dixon is gone to Amherstburg to superintend the works at that Port and St. Joseph’s— In a few weeks we shall commence our grand plan of fortification for this Point, and the Marine Department will not be idle— Mr. Fish being just returned from Albany with a Master Builder and party of Shipwrights we are promised one of the finest schooners that has ever appeared on this Lake. I send you a Montreal paper which contains a well written reply or rather commentary on the flaming speech of Govr. Gerry. It is esteemed by our Peripatetic Phiiosophers a production of considerable merit— TI rather think it was brought very lately from the States by one of Sir George’s family, and it is not improbable but it came from some person near our Minister. 1 Sir George Prevost, Governor-General. ? Reverend Alexander Macdonell, afterwards Roman Catholic Bishop of Regiopolis (Kingston), with jurisdiction extending over Upper Canada, and a member of the Legislative Council. 138 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA The very communicative temper of our friend Nicholls, will, there is no doubt ere this arrives, have put you, in full possession of the eclat that his name or rather his imprisonment has created— The Burdett business is a mere farce when compared to it, badinage apart, he has been most infamously treated, and I sincerely hope redress may be obtained for him. He may with truth exclaim in the words of the Celebrated Lord Chatham (affair of Wilkes in 1770) “that an outrage has been committed which struck at everything dear and sacred to the Liberties of Englishmen”— I can make every allowance for his indignant feelings, tho’ I sincerely regret his having made such a personal attack upon Goff and Rogers the day before he left York, as it has produced an address, which subjects his best friend to trouble, which ought to have been avoided. The General enters warmly into his hard case, and was not to be dictated to by such Gentry, nor was he to be humbugged by the repre- sentation of the attack having taken place in the “ Speaker’s appart- ments’— He was well aware that it happened at Jordan’s and declined interfering in the squabbles of a Tavern— I think it is probable we shall pay you an early visit, allow me in the meantime to make an unconditional offer of my services— Mr. Burwell will be the Bearer of a few cuttings of our best gooseberry trees, tho’ I fear from Mr. Hunter’s? report that the season is not favorable to them, he says a month hence some good might be expected from them— The General and Mr. Secretary Brock desire to be kindly remembered. Believe me My Dr. Sir, Most faithfully yrs. J. B. GLEGG. P.S.—The Nicholl cause ? has given a terrible shock to your Learned Friend,* who I understand declares, he has done more harm by dis- cussing the question than he can do good, if he lives 100 years!!! ‘The well-known Jeffrey Hunter, Talbot’s confidential servant. 7 Colonel Nichol, arrested by order of the House of Assembly, was ecar- ried off from his home in the Long Point District to gaol at York. He was released by order of Chief Justice Scott, against whom a resolution of cen- sure was, in consequence, passed by the House, and the Prince Regent was addressed with a formal request for his removal. Nichol brought actions for damages against the Speaker and Sergeant-at-Arms. The grounds for his arrest were words spoken by him at Jordan’s well-known hotel on King Street, with reference to Gough and Rogers, members like himself of the House of Assembly. h # Probably Chief Justice Scott. | COYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 139 Lieut. Col. Nicholl to Col. Talbot. My Dear Colonel. Ostrander one of the Davis party has just Called and paid the fees— I have told him that he must positively go to you before he takes up his lot— He will deliver you this letter—which encloses extracts of my letters to the Adjnt General & to Captn Glegg— TI have exhibited seven charges against Rapalje ! One of which for asserting and persisting in it that I had said no American could be a loyal sub- ject— Another for attempling to call out his Company after he had been informed that he was no longer to Command it in direct and open defiance of his Commanding Officer— Another for propagating a story that I had been the cause of turning him & Anderson out of the Mil- itia— You know how foul a lie that is and another for telling me a downright falsehood. I shall by next Opportunity send you a correct copy of the Charges— Mr Joe Ryerson? is a sly old Fox but I have now taken the right method to unkennel him. I am determined to ferret him out— And that the exposure of this band of back biters and Slanderers shall be complete. I send you the last papers I received [I expect Steel back this evening and if an opportunity offers afterwards — I shall send you all the news— God bless you My Dear Colonel believe me very faithfully, Yours, Rost. NICHOLL. N.B.—The Henry * mentioned in the paper is the Irish Renegade 1Captain Abraham A. Rapelje, born on Long Island, 1776, died in 1841. He lived at Port Dover until after the war, when he removed to the neigh- bourhood of Vittoria. He raised a company, and served during the war. He succeeded Colonel John Bostwick as Sheriff of London District. ?Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Ryerson, first Sheriff and Treasurer of the old London District, father of the celebrated Reverend Doctor Egerton Ryer- son, Chief Superintendent of Education for Upper Canada and afterwards Ontario. Five of Colonel Ryerson’s six sons entered the ministry, and all were more or less distinguished. 3 John Henry, employed in 1808, and 1809, by Sir James Craig, Governor- General, to ascertain the state of feeling in the Northern States. His letters written in the capacity of commissioner or reporter were of no great im- portance in themselves. He was desirous of obtaining office—that of Judge in Upper Canada in 1808, that of Judge Advocate in Lower Canada in 1811. Failing in his attempts, he sold the correspondence to President Madison in the winter of 1811-12. It was laid before Congress and used to inflame the feeling against Great Britain. (See Kingsford, Vol. VIII, pp. 66-69.) 140 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA that McGillivray & the Furr Gentry in Montreal wanted to thrust upon us here as a Judge— I have no doubt the correspondence is genuine— but I am not disposed to think that either the Govt or Sir James? can be fairly blamed. | / R.:N: Se (The following extracts were enclosed in Colonel Nicholl’s letter to Colonel Talbot.) Extract from a letter of Lt. Col. Nichol to the Adjnt General. While however I am using my utmost exertions and discretion to carry into full effect the intentions of his Honor Major General Brock— I feel that I shall require the Countenance and support of the Execu- tive Government to enable me to Check those habits of insubordination which I am sorry to say have been but too prevalent in this part of the Province— I do not mean to attach the smallest blame to the men on the Contrary they are exceedingly well disposed—but some of the Ancient Officers have conducted themselves in such a Manner as to render it imperative on me to exhibit Charges against them—which are enclosed— and which will I trust appear to His Honor Major General Brock of sufficient consequence to induce him to order a Court of Enquiry to investigate the conduct of Lt. Colonel Ryerson Captn Rapalje and myself. Tt is T assure you Sir with the ereatest reluctance that I trouble the Government on this occasion—but the circumstances are such as to leave one No Option—His Honor Major General Brock having been pleased to Confer on me an offer of high trust and responsibility— requiring both Prudent Zeal—and sound discretion in the exercise of it and great integrity of character and Conduct—I felt I should be wanting both in duty to the Government and respect for myself— Should T suffer my authority to be invaded and my Character to be aspersed without a promt endeavour on my part to vindicate and defend both. Whenever it shall please His Honor to think that my remaining in my present situation will be prejudicial to the publick interests—I shall obey without a murmur his order to retire from it—but while T retain an Office of such high trust and responsibility—I am determined to perform without Shrinking and to the best of my ability all the duties which are attached to it so that when I yield up my Command *Sir James Craig, Governor-General. [coyne] THE TALBOT PAPERS 141 to a Successor I may deliver over to him a well regulated Regiment and not an Unruly Mob, &c., &e., Xe. R. NN. Extract to Captn. Glegg. Jt is my wish that the General may perfectly understand the Motives which have induced me to prefer these charges—and I beg leave to assure him through you that they are entirely of a publick Nature. Publick considerations alone have been my motives for I feel that while these reports circulated by Rapelje & Ryerson are circulated uncon- tradicted they will be believed and consequently will render it impossible for me to be of the smallest service to the Government or Country as the head of the Second Regiment of Norfolk Militia. It is a well known fact that almost ever since the first Establish- ment of a Militia in this Country it has been little better than a legal- ised Mob—the Officers without respectability without intelligence, and without Authority—and the men without any idea of Subordination— Now S'r I am desirous of putting an end to such a state of things in my part of the Country— My wish is to Command a Reginent and not to be the leader of a Mob. To Enable me to reform abuses and to bring both officers and Men into those habits of regularity and sub- ordination so necessary in all Military Service—I shall have occasion for all the Popularity and Influence over Publick Opinion—that I pos- sess—and had I ten times more it would not be too much—and there- fore I do conceive it to be my bounden duty to resist and punish on the threshold every attempt of my immediate Officers to weaken or destroy these— You know well Sir that in a Militia Composed as ours is of Independent Yeomen it would be both impolitic and useless to attempt to introduce the strict discipline of the line—they must in a great Measure be goverened by Opinion— Just and Firm Conduct with a Conciliatory Disposition on the part of their Commanding Officer will do much—and this was the line of conduct I had marked out for myself—but if before the Regiment is organised—which is composed almost entirely of Native Americans—and before I have assumed any command the Officers appointed to serve under me Circulate such reports—and make such assertions— And if these reports and asser- tions are not immediately investigated and proved to be unfounded— 1 feel that I cannot with justice to the Government and respect for myself remain in the Command ”— I have no hesitation in denying most unequivocally the truth of all and every one of the reports circulated and my only wish is to have a publick opportunity of vindicating my Character from such infamous and foul aspersions. 142 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Henry Bostwick? to Robert Nichol. 2 Copies. Sir, (Printed Circular.) Having heard that it is currently reported, that you have made use of the following expression in my presence, that is—“ That no American can be a Loyal Subject.” And conceiving that the report is circulated for the purpose of influencing the Minds of the Electors in this Riding at the approaching Election to your prejudice—I think it but justice to you, positively and unequivocally to declare, that I never heard you express yourself to that effect; nor did I ever hear any language made use of by you, which could possibly bear that con- struction, or anything like it; And I may further add, that I have frequently heard you deprecate every system of exclusion as it respects Official Situations in this Province, and your conviction that it would be sound Policy in the Government to perniit Emigrants from the United States to participate in the different Offices of Honor and Em- olument in this Province, as it would, in your opinion, effectually tend to rivet their Attachment to this Government, and dispel any ill- grounded jealousies— You are at liberty to give what publicity you may think proper to this letter. I am, Sir, your obedient Servant, H. Bostwick. Woodhouse, 31st March 1812. To R. Nichol, Esq. Captain James Brock to Talbot. Dear Sir, York 4, April 18i2: Mr. Bird dreading an approaching storm is anxious to be gone, T have therefore only just time to acknowledge the receipt. of your Letter forwarded by him, and which I immediately submitted to the President, who desires me to inform you that he will take the first opportunity to lay it before the Executive Council— TI had hoped Mr. Bird would 1Tieutenant Colonel Henry Bostwick of the Oxford Militia served dur- ing the War. His brother, Captain (afterward Lieutenant Colonel, and Sheriff) John Bostwick, was the first settler at Port Stanley. The latter married Mary, eldest daughter of Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Ryerson. Col- onel Bostwick died in 1816. [corNnE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 143 have waited a few hours as I had sent to the Surveyor General to enable me to give you every information on the subject, but I must defer it to another opportunity. . We have nothing new in politics but what you will see in the news- papers I herewith send you. Mr. Henry was a particular acquaintance of mine and. the last person I would have suspected of such a villamous act—but alas poor human nature. !— The General desires to be particularly remembered and believe me [torn. ] Colonel Talbot. Prideaux Selby ! to Talbot. My Dear Sir York 4th April 1812. In answer to yours of the 22d. March received this morning I can only say there was a further sum appropriated by the Legislature for _ the purchase of Hemp amounting to £1000 and that your only way of chtaining a share of it is by application to the President stating the sum wanted and I would recommend to you to send him at the same time a statement of your Hemp acct. & praying his directions how to dispose of what you have in store. Mills, I understand, has the Contract for the Govt. Vessels & I think it would be right for you to write him again, if you have an opportunity of doing so before you write to the General. It is with great pleasure I inform you of the safe arrival of the Governor, Mrs. Gore & the Major, they had a short passage of 26 days to Torbay, they did not however land there but proceeded to the Downs where they landed on the 14th Decr. Mrs. Gore bore the passage remarkably well, but in going to Town she caught cold & brougnt on her nervous fever which kept her at the hotel in Jermyn Street 4 days they then went to a House No. 25 Upper Grosvenor Street which the Govr. has taken ready furnished & they are mightily pleased with the situation which looks into Hyde Park. His Excelly’s Letter to me was very short but he promises to write again by the next Packet. We are making fortifications ‘at all the Posts and building armed chips on both the Lakes as if War was expected; but my opinion is that all Jonathan’s blustering will end in nothing of that sort. *Hon. Prideaux Selby, Receiver General, and member of the Executive Council, died at York in April, 1813, shortly after its capture by the U. S. troops. 2Major Wm. Halton, Gore’s secretary and aide-de-camp. 144 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA You will see by the Papers that Sir Jas. Craig employed (that same Mr. Henry who was recommended to the Govr. as a Judge in the place of Thorpe) as a confidential agent in the States; the Treachery of the fellow fully justifies Governor Gore’s opinion of him. He has made public everything that was entrusted to him & he gives as a reason for it that he was disappointed in his reward. Mr. Maddison however has taken care to send Henry off to France before he laid his Com- munication before Congress, afraid most probably of his being too closely sifted by some of the members. I am Dear Sr. with great sincerity Most faithfully Yours P. SELBY. Miss Selby desires her compliments. Note—John McDonell! & Dr. Baldwin ? crossed the Ice this morng to the Point & amused themselves with a Brace of Pistols but no harm was done—some expressions in Court was the cause. Cou. TALBOT. Surveyor General Ridout to Talbot. Surveyor Gens. Office York 9th April 1812. Since my writing to you on the 3rd instant acknowledging the Receipt of your Letter of the 22nd March, I have received orders from His Honor the President to report to him respecting the Road Sur- veyed by Mr. Burwell in the course of last year under your direction, and communicating between Westminster and your road surveyed in 1809. | In performing this Duty, I have to my extreme surprize discovered that Mr. Burwell, instead of running “a line for a Road, from the Road through Westminster to join Colonel Talbots Road as the Ground may best suit for that purpose ” as ordered by Lieut. Governor Gore, and agreeably to my instructions to him dated the 8th of June last, has begun his survey in the limits between Dunwich and Southwold at the distance of 200 chains or thereabouts in rear of the Road, called Talbot Road run by him in 1809, and has run parallel thereto, at the before mentioned distance, another line for a Road nearly through the whole 1 Appointed Attorney General 28th November, 1811, and afterward Lieu- tenant Colonel and Provincial Aide-de-Camp to General Brock. Killed in action at Queenston Heights, 13th Oct., 1812, at the age of 27. ?Dr. William Warren Paldwin, father of Hon. Robert Baldwin. _[corne] THE TALBOT PAPERS 145 Township of Southwold, and then running almost due north, has run enother line which he has extended to the Road heretofore run, through Westminster, and has laid off a row of Lots on each side of the last mentioned line, throughout, by which means, there are two roads through Southwold, parallel to each other, with a row of lots on each side of both the roads, which Roads are each about T'en miles in length— Whereas, a Road of about Five miles in length, would have reached from the Southern Boundary line of Westminster, to the Talbot Road, and I perceive that this last mentioned Road of Five Miles, has aiso been surveyed and lots laid off on each side, till we meet with the Lots of the former survey in 1809. TI perceive also that the road last run through Southwold, and the lots laid off upon it, break in upon the Reserves that were made in consequence of the Road and Lots surveyed in 1809, which Reserves, having been approved of by Lieut. Governor Gore, I sent you their numbers and names on the 17 May 1811. As the Township of Southwold is particularly reserved for schools, any surveys or locations to be made therein, require, the special inter- ference of the Council. Had the line of Road been continued in the most strait and direct line from the Road in Westminster to the Talbot Road, a distance of about twelve miles, the difficulty would probably have been less to surmount, but as it now is, I cannot give you the smallest hopes, that the parallel new Road will be confirmed, and hope you will not place any one upon it. Not doubting that Mr. Burwell had taken the shortest distance from the Road through Westminster to the Talbot Road, for his survey, or line of communication especially as he told me the distance would be about Twelve miles, as it appears to be, I did not, when the Return of survey was made, especially as, from the then siting Legislature, the pressure of business was extremely great, examine and compare his survey & Field Notes. As soon as the President shall have sat upon the Report ordered, vou shall be made acquainted with such orders as may be the result thereof. : I have the Honor to be Sir Your most obedient & very humble servant THos. RIDOUT, The Honble. Surveyr. Genl. Thomas Talbot Port Talbot. Sec. II., 1907. 10. 146 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Major General Brock to Talbot. My Dear Sir, York April 20th 1812. I enclose for your information the report of Council upon the several points contained in your letter— I regret very much it is not more satisfactory not an idea existed of any survey having been made of the land parallel to Talbot Road, and no document can be found authorizing that service— you may probably be possessed of a letter from Governor Gore on the subject and if you can by any means make it appear that he was privy and sanctioned the measure, I still hope : the Council may be induced to meet your wishes in every particular— I do not find that settlers actually occupy any of the new road— I send a plan of the country requesting you to insert the name of the indi- viduals on the respective lots you, have assigned to them— Be assured everything in my power shall be done to enable you to fulfil your en- gagements—being satisfied that, however pr emature you may have been, you acted from the best motives— It is impossible to say how Government will view the embargo, I imagine they will allow it to operate quietly to the view of the sorry politicians who gave it birth— The Duke of Northumberland writes to Selby that strong re enforcements are ordered to this country— the public papers mention the same thing but I hear nothing on the sub- ject officially. Govr. Gore has been actively and successfully employed in the service of his friends. Claus and Givens have both an increase to their salaries, Cartwright 3000 additional acres &e., &e. Mrs. Gore was very ill, Halton thought in imminent danger. The Prince Regent has surprised the world and disgusted his old friends— I hope lu. Wellington will not be sacrificed— He cannot expect the unbounded support de was wont to receive from the Marquis.’ Believe me Dear Colonel yrs. faithfully Isaac Brock. Captain James Brock to Colonel Talbot. President’s Office, Sir. York, 23 April 1512. I have the honor to transmit to you herewith, a Commission, Pope joe DRE DRE the First Regiment of Middlesex +The Marquis of Wellesley, brother of Wellington. [coYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 147 Militia, together with Commissions for the several Officers of that Corps, which I request you will have the goodness to forward to them. I have the honor to be Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant, JAMES Brock. To Colonel Talbot Commanding the Ist Regt. of Middlesex Militia (17 commissions) (SEAL) ISAAC BROCK, Esquire. President, administering the Government of the Province of Upper Canada, and Major General Commanding His Majesty’s Forces therein, &c., &¢., &e. To Thomas Talbot Esquire GREETING. Reposing especial Confidence in your Loyalty, Courage and Good Conduct, I do by these Presents constitute and appoint,you to be Colonel Commanding the First Regiment of Middlesex Militia during pleasure. (Royal You are therefore carefully and diligently to discnarge Arms) the duty of Colonel by exercising, and well disciplining both’ the inferior Officers and Men of the said Militia. And I do hereby Command them to obey you as their Colonel— And you are to observe and follow all such Orders and Directions as you shall from time to time receive from me or any other your Superior Officer, according to Law. GIVEN under my Hand and Seal at Arms at York this Twelfth day of February in the Year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twelve, and in the I’ifly second year of His Majesty’s reign. Isaac Brock, Presidt. By His Honor’s COMMAND, James Brock Secy. 148 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA The following letter is copied from the original, belonging to the Askin collection, now in the Archives at Ottawa. The editor is in- debted to Mrs. Wilson, wife of the Hon. John Henry Wilson, Senator, for the copy of this letter, as well as for that of a subsequent one from Talbot to Major-General Brock, dated 27th July, 1812. Talbot to Captain James Brock. Archives: Askin Collection. Port Talbot 23rd May 1812. Sir In compliance with the directions of His Honor The President, I have the honor to enclose for his investigation copies of such documents as are in my possession, that can tend to throw light upon the subject of the Road, which I am sorry to find has occasioned so much trouble to the Executive Council. It is to be lamented that I did not procure some written voucher from Lieutenant Governor Gore of his having sanctioned my operations; but such a precaution never occurred to me as necessary, particularly as I had not any suspicion of leaving the Province, besides, I felt quite satisfied that his orders to the Surveyor General were conclusive. On perusing the papers enclosed, it will be observed, that I was at an early period apprized by Mr. Burwell, that some confusion on the subject of His Excellency’s orders had taken place in the Surveyor Generals office, and that I lost not a moment, in addressing myself to Major Halton and the Surveyor General, requesting that the requisite instructions should be furnished Mr. Bur- well to enable him to survey and lay out Lots on the Road in question and it may naturally be inferred that had His Excellency Lieut. Govr. Gore disapproved of my plan and proceedings that he would have directed his Secretary or the Surveyor General to notify to me his objections. However it was quite otherwise, as shortly after Major Halton received my letter of the 1st June 1811. He replied in a private letter, (which I regret much not having preserved) “ that His Excellency was glad to find that the mistake was rectified in The Surveyor Generals office and that Mr. Burwell, had received his instrue- iions agreeably to my wishes,” which clearly appears by The Surveyor Generals instructions to the Depty. Surveyor. I have made a dash with a pencil under the paragraphs that order Mr. Burwell to follow my directions in running the line for the Road and for laying out Lots upon it. My reasons, for directing the Road to be carried on the northern parallel that is marked in the Plan was in consequence of the Talbot Road through Southwold being for some distance laid upon wet marshy ground as described between Lots number 20 and 29; in fact € [COYNE] \ THE TALBOT PAPERS 149 the miry ground begins on No. 8, which was run during a dry time of the year and the swamps did not appear so extensive as they are now found to be. On exploring to the Northward the land was discovered to be more elevated and altogether free of swamps; I therefore directed Mr. Burwell to lay the Road where it appears on the Plan. From the month of June 1811 till April last when I received a letter from the Surveyor Genl. I had not a doubt but that all my proceedings were clearly understood and approved of and permit me to add that the Road having acquired so much publickness that any check the settle- ment of it might receive would be attended with fatal affects to the advancement of this part of the Province, which I can assert has made more rapid progress in settlement and improvement within the space of the last two years, than any other portion of Upper Canada. T have the honor to be with due consideration of respect. Sir Your very obedient and most Humble Servant. THomas TALBOT. James Brock Esq Secretary &e. &e. &e. (Endorsed) 23rd May 1812 Colonel Talbot To Mr. Secretary Brock, on the subject of the Talbot Road. Lieut. Col. Nichol to Major Salmon.! Niagara June 28 1812. Le: ENT: Dear Salmon We have at last the printed intelligence of the Declaration of War and are now at work throwing up Batteries to attack Fort Niagara— our fire will commence tomorrow morning early and I hope that vefore dinner time we shall give a good account of it— Exert yourselt there- 1Major George C. Salmon was an excellent officer and frequently men- tioned in despatches. He and Dr. Thomas Rolph, father of Hon. Dr. John Rolph, emigrated together from near Bristol, in England, in 1809. (Note by A. C. Casselman, in his edition of Richardson’s War of 1812). 150 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA fore to carry into effect the General intentions for your assistance— May be required—on very short notice. Yours truly Ros. Nico Lt. Col. Q.M.G.M. Major Salmon 2nd Norfolk Militia Turn over. Woodhouse (Indorsed ) Send this after shewing it to Lt. Colonel Ryerson to Colonel Talbot by Express— & at the same time enclose copys of the General orders— enclosed to you by this opportunity. Extract from a General order issued June 28th “ Colonel Talbot is appointed to the Command of the Militia in “the London District and will be pointed in his directions to the Militia “of Oxford & Middlesex ”— Bill for Supplies furnished by Albert Berdan Sr. Commissary General Dept. To Albert Berdan Senr.! For Provisions furnished the Norfolk Militia between the 4 July 1812 and 16 Inst. Inclusive— viz.— Three hundred & fifty two pounds of Flour at four dol- fars, pe \Cwt ge oie RER ae Ten PR NE ASE £3 10 Fifty ‘two. pounds of/Pork) (eee on. ERA aren ee eee tags Two hundred & Highty one lbs Beef 3d................. D TOUS Thirteen Gallons’ Whiskey ab 5e 0e ARE OMR ReRAets D AD Malitax (Currency eo. yi tela are Pra ens où 1 Uy PA 1 Albert Berdan, U.E.L., was during the Revolutionary War sergeant in the 2nd battalion of New Jersey volunteers. He settled in New Brunswick on the conclusion of peace, but came west in 1798, settling in the township of Woodhouse in the county of Norfolk. When the Courts of Quarter Ses- sions were organized in 1800, Berdan was sworn in as the first constable of Woodhouse, and was appointed first court crier. The Berdans of Southwold are of the same family. (See Tasker: The United Empire Loyalist Settle- ment at Long Point. Ont. Hist. Society Papers and Records, Vol. II, p. 99). [coyNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 151 The following letter is copied from the original, in the Askin collection, now in the Archives at Ottawa. For the copy the editor is indebted to Mrs. J. H. Wilson of St. Thomas. Talbot to Major General Brock. Archives: Askin Collection. Oxford Monday 27th July 1812. My dear General I arrived at this place this morning from Long Point where I had been two days, one spent in endeavouring to secure 100 Volunteers from the Norfolk Militia and I am sorry to inform you that notwithstanding the apparent readiness manifested by the Flank Companies of those Battns. on former occasions, that when it was understood that the men required, were absolutely to proceed to The River Thames, very few turned out for that service, after much explanation of the expectations of the Government and the disgrace that would attend their Regts. T made out about 60 men, I then ballotted 40 more and ordered the detachment to march to join Major Chambers? as yesterday morning— When I reached the ground from whence the Detachment was to march. J found a large assembly of the Farmers with their women, who upon my approach addressed me, by declaring that their men should not march, upon this I enquired, if there were any Magistrates present, the answer was, several, I required one to come forward, on which Mr. Bemer * appeared, I asked him, how he as a Magistrate could permit such proceedings, he offered no excuse, but said that he conceived the measure of withdrawing any of the Militia from Long point was highly improper. JI then ordered the party to march, when about a half obeyed and after proceeding a short distance the men fell out, all but about 20, who continued their march, and even those few appeared unwilling, I therefore thought it most prudent to allow those few to return as I could not flatter myself with any material benefit that could result from their weak and uncertain assistance. Major Salmon who was present, I directed to proceed to Head Quarters and state the cir- *He had been directed by General Brock to proceed with 50 men of the 41st Regiment to the Moravian town, where 200 militia were directed to join him, for the purpose of checking the inroads of the enemy along the Thames. Major Salmon was to command these militiamen. *(See Cruikshank, Doc. Hist., Part 3, page 138.) *John Beemer, born in New Jersey, 1762, came to Upper Canada, 1787, settled in the township of Townsend, Norfolk county, in 1797; justice of the peace, 1800; ensign in 2nd Norfolk Militia, 1812; captured by the U. S. troops in McArthur’s raid; died, 1848. (See Owen: Pioneer Sketches of the Long Point Settlement.) 152 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA cumstances as they occurred to you. Major Chambers is at this place with the Flank Companies of the Oxford Militia, Lt. Col. Bostwick reports that they have generally volunteered, there are about 60 Rank & file, but I confess I am not disposed to place much reliance on their offers or services. Not an Indian as yet and Major Chambers informs me that Norton gave him to understand that 40 or 50 men would be the utmost that he could promise himself from the Grand River Tribes. Middlesex might furnish about 60 men but from Mr. Bostwicks inform- ation, that those of Delaware and Westminster had sent a petition to Genl. Hull for protection, you will be enabled to value the support that may be expected from that part of Middlesex. In fact, my dear Genl. the prospect is dismal, unless there is some other resource that I am not acquainted with. I have advised Major Chambers not to advance his small and valuable party until he received orders from you or ob- tained such strength as might justify such movement. I have thoughts of going to Port Talbot for a day to oversee my affairs there. I’m most anxious to know your determination if you should be forced to send to Genl. Hull do let me know as those in promise of land on per- forming their settlement duties should be included in such condition as may be entered into and something relative to myself. Mr. Crooks who is begging to be off requires my concluding by assuring you my dear Genl. that I am ever with truth Most faithfully Yrs. THOMAS TALBOT. To His Honor Major Genl. Brock, &e, &e, &e, (Endorsed) Oxford 27 July 1812 Col. Talbot Recd. 29. 4 P.M. Copy to Genl. Brock No. 2. 29 July 7 P.M. Lieut. Col. Macdonell P.A.D.C. to Talbot. Militia General Order. Head Quarters MIG Oe Fort George 26th August 1812. ’ Major General Brock has ever felt anxious to study the comfort and convenience of the Militia, but the conduct of the detachments [cone] THE TALBOT PAPERS 183 which lately accompanied him to Detroit has if possible increased his anxiety on this subject—the present cessation of hostilities enables him to dispense with the services of a large proportion of them for a short period. Officers commanding will grant permission to any number of the Flank Companies now doing duty not exceeding four fifths of the whole, to return to their homes; but the men will be particularly directed to hold themselves in readiness to return at a moment’s warning. The Major General is pleased to direct that a general inspection of the Regiments in the Home Niagara & London Districts be imme- diately made. Major General Sheaffe will inspect those in the Home District (except Colonel Beasley’s Regiment). Major General Shaw will inspect the Ist 2d 3d 4th & Sth Negi- ments & the 2d Regiment of York Militia, and Colonel Talbot the different Regiments in the London District. At these Inspections every man lable to serve is expected to be present, and such as are absent are to be accounted for under the fol- lowing heads— 1t Age and infirmity 2d Quakers, Menonists & Tunkers. 3d Absentees, distinguishing for what cause. It is expected that every individual ne within the limits of a Regiment shall be accounted for. A Regular roll of each company will be prepared by the Respective Captains and countersigned by the officers commanding the Regiment. The greater the improvement made by the Militia in acquiring a knowledge of Military discipline, the less necessary will it be to call them from their homes. The Major General therefore is pleased to direct that officers commanding will call out the men of their respec- tive regiments or companies for the purpose of drill once in every week. Officers commanding corps are directed to call upon the Militia men of their respective Regiments, battalions and companies to take and subscribe the oath of allegiance, as directed in the last Militia Act previous to the day of inspection—and they will furnish the inspect- ing officer with a list of the names of such persons who may have refused to take & subscribe the same— if any such there be. By order of the Major General. J. Macponne ty Lt. Col. Militia P.A.D.C. To Colonel Talbot Commanding London District. 154 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Bill for Supplies Furnished by Captain White. Captn. White has furnished provisions & liquor to a party of Indians under the Command of Capt. Tuck on their way to Niagara to amount of Ten Pounds Nineteen Shillings 31st August 1812. H. Bostwick. Burford 31st August 1812. Capt. White furnished 842) Th Beek at LEO MR ee ee nee Rene Er OW From Peter Tecple. 368 Ibs of Beef at 5d. 14th August 1812, for Indians. from Wm. McCartney 1048 lbs of Beef at 5d. 109 Ibs: of Pork at 1/ Sale for 18/ Provisions for a party of Capt Springers Company Middlesex 16/ lb. Beef. Militia 182 lbs Beef at 5d.—one half B. Salt 16/ Middlesex 14 do do 16/ Oxford—354 Ibs Beef 5d. do 460 lbs Beef do 268 lbs Beef do 227 lbs Beef McCartney about 90 $ beef. do 641% lbs Mutton do 232 lbs Beef do 99 Ibs Beef do» ' 99) Ths /Flour do 287 lbs Beef do 30 Ibs Flour do 48 lbs Mutton at the rate of 7d lb. Major General Brock to Talbot. My dear Col. Monday 7 Sept [1812]. T returned yesterday from Kingston At twelve tomorrow hostilities are to recommence. Madison must be mad or so deeply involved in [coYNE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 188 Bonaparte politics that he cannot recede— I have a letter from Isuac Todd from N. York dated the 21st Augt. a determination to cumpes government to make peace prevails— The enemy is most active in his line opposite. An attack with his artillery will probably commence in a few days— He is strong in numbers— The prodigious quantity of ammunition and provisions which the cessation of hostilities has enabled him to collect gives him an advantage he would not easily have acquired otherwise. J wish at this moment to assemble as strong a force as possible— Lieut. Bird encourages me to expect 2 or 300 men from the district under your command. Do what you are able in that respect sending to let me know the number that are likely to volunteer their services that arrange- ments may be made for their reception. Yrs always Isaac Brock. You cannot send a better Capt. than Bothwick.t I cannot think a force at Longpoint at this time is at all necessary. Teele We have arms in tolerable plenty. Lieut. Col. Henry Bostwick to Talbot. Oxford 10th Sept. 1812. Sir Mr. Bird arrived at this place last evening from Fort George, and informs me that he is taking instructions to you to send to Niagara all the Militia of the District without delay—should that be the case, T should be glad to receive the order from you as soon as possible and shall hold myself in readiness and shall prepare the Militia of ‘this Regt. also to be in readiness in the meantime. I sent Major Tousley on with a detachment of Militia day before yesterday. J understand that he was joined in Burford by more than T had reason to expect, so that his force will consist of about 100 men. i shall send Mr. Brigham on tomorrow with his Rifle men his company will consist of about 30 men. I think most of them will be furnished with good Rifles. *Captain (afterwards Lieutenant Colonel) John Bostwick of Port Stanley. 156 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA I have not heard whether the Norfolk Militia have moved towards Niagara or not...... I sent but one Captn and 3 subalterns with Major Tousley, my directions to him were to take 80 Rank & file. I am however very glad to hear that it is more. [ am Sir Your most obt. St. H. Bostwick Lt. Col. Oxford. To The Honble T. Talbot &e. &e. &e. Port Talbot ( Endorsed ) To The Honble Thos. Talbot Col. Commanding London District. Captain Daniel Springer? to Talbot. Dern .13" 6) 22730 25 March .14| 16 Augt. .14 Capt. David Secord.. ..... 4 Augt. 12) 120 1 Augt. (421 23) (Oet: fal ee DEE. 7 15 Feby. .13) 12 March 13 25 Jany. .14|) 24 Feb. .14 8 16/30 25 May “| 24 July ‘ | 25 Augt. “| 24 Sept: 7 25 (Oct: NAN Ov: 8) Capt. Daniel Springer... D PAU et 2 ETS EAU CITE 13 Sept VU MDP Septeunyes 25 Oct. “| 280 ‘Dee: z. 2 Keby.). 13) 12; March pase 5/30 25 July “| 24 Sept. i 25: May 4) 24) Julyay) 44 25, Oct. PW e240) Now: FA Capt. Leslie Patterson..| 10 July .12} 5 Augt. ‘12 } : 25 July: 13,124. Dec! | 1) Mae Capt. Gilman Wilson....| 10 July .12| 24 July .12 | 11 Sept. “| 20 Sept. " 25 Aug. .13| 24 Sept. .13 || 4 25/30 25 (Maw ed 1a i 24 NIUE z 25) Oct: 5 | 24 Nov. $ Capt. Daniel Rapelji.....| 25 May ee Nove ¥ 6 Lieut. William Bird... 30 July 1 :12) | 19))) Sept.) 412 | 25 Oct. Mes eee: 2 : 2 Feby. :13| 12: March .123 | 800M7/a0 9 Jany., 14024 Jany. WI 25 May “| 24 July - 25 Oct. IR TAN O ve Se] Lieut. Moses Rice: cunee 10 Ju MIDI oneal | 15 Feby. .13| 12 March .13 25 Augt. FN 245) Sept 7 7 1/30 25 Nov. HN AMEDEC: d 25 May .14| 24 July .14 25 Oct. “| 24 Nov. Ra) Lieut. WilliamYSaxton,...| 23 Oct. .12). 8 Jany. .13 | 15 Feby. 01310) 12), March is soo 11/30 19 April “| 24 May ë | 25 May .14| 24 Nov. .14 [cornE] THE TALBOT PAPERS 201 Periods of Service. Rank Names Roa To Montb. mean Saml. Axford...... | 15 Feby. .13! 12 March .13 LA 25 Augt. “| 24 Sept. z } 1 20/30 Ensign Joseph Defield 25 Augt. #1 24 Sept. 13 } ES Diary nn nal aw ody Nov LULU Le Ensign Benya Wilson®. ...). | 40) duly) 12) 26. July) "12 | 11 Sept. 20) Sept: “ 25 Oc: SET NID | 10 28/30 2500 May M2 AURA" 25 May .14 24 Nov. 4) Adjt. James Nevill . 25 April “| 24 Nov. e) 7 Qr. Mr. Sylvanus Reynolds 25 May “| 24 July Lieut. Nichola Lytle. ......... 25 March .14 24 Dec. 9 Ensign Samuel Harris... .. 4 Aug. 1812) 20 Aug. 1812 } 2 17/30 24) Oct: HIS Dees Ensign Paniel Melntire | 25 Aug: 031240 Sept: 1.13 1 Ensign Prideaux Girty:...|. 25 Mar. 141 24 Oct. 104007 Periods of Service for allowances due to the Non-Commissioned Officers and privates of the first Regiment Middlesex Militia accually on duty in the District of London between the 30th day of June 1812, and the 24th day of December 1814, both days inclusive. No. of Non-Commissioned Officers and Privates Periods. on duty. From To GRR ss ES Pacis eS eters oe 30 June 1812 24 July 1812 OR ae OL ue 25 July 7 24 Aug. a LR SES RER a 25) CAT G8 24 isept.) | TOP ote See Re ete eae DSC Db Wie 24 Oct. e Sey 18 OUR EL EERE 25. Oets # 2 a NOV UNS Gee SU OR A EE ee 2DMENOYE ES 24 Dec. x GARE enh CRIS 25 Dec. i 24 Jany. 1813 LES ta ys Vike ge lovee aes hese 25 Jany. 1813 24 Feby. “ TR, Lo PR MAT Var 25MREE VAS 24 March “ IE Ae ce ENNNRENTERE ES 25 March “ 24) April = Peete. TEU Sem eae 2 25, AIDE EE 24 May 1 ES RE DOTE 25 May à 24 June “ RCE AIRE AE 25 June LV 24 July cy ie JON AN NEA 25 July “ 24 Aug. “ Da Lens: ere ie te UN PR PES 25 Aug. . 24 Sept. “ DDR CA Ory Ahly CUNY RCO LU 20) Sept. 24 Oct. . ERS EVE ue yO CHONG SR TRE 25 Oct. x 24 Nov. 3 PN ENROL | Ris Cah ink LAE ME 2m NOVEM 24 Dec. 5 DD PORTE cet is IR AES Oe Dr EGS onl is 24 Jany. 1814 DA Ty cit eae ene aA SL ner oe 25 Jany. 1814 24 MHeby DA Le 3s evade potest yee 20) ) EEDY: IT 1 24 March “ Dba Ney Nea Ae AEM a Se HO 2p Manchin 24 April “ PPAR RRR es ee aya oe A Zo) april) 24 May A tse tlt ee ae eda 25 May “ 24 June “ LA ARE LEE ee ne ae 25\ June 1" 24 July i ER ET AR heverS AUR EU 25 July É 24 Aug. te GANTS dims ape RO ote ee 25 Aug. " 24. Sept SS OM Saas EA AE NS), 25. Sents ii" 24 Oct. “ LCA ER SRNR 25 Och), DE 24 Nov. ‘ GE RON RE IEEE 25 Nov. 3 24 Dec. % 202 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Periods of Service for Allowances due to the Militia Officers of the first Norfolk Regiment actually on duty in the District of London, between the 13th July 1812 and the 24th day of December 1814, both days inclusive. | Rank Lieut. Col. “ Major Capt. Capt. Capt. Capt. Capt. Capt. Lieut. Lieut. Lieut. Names Joseph Ryerson.... William D. Bowen John Bostwick. ... Daniel McCall Oliver Mabee...... Duncan McCall... . John Backhouse. . James Mitchell George Ryerson... . George Rolph..... William Smith..... From 25 Sept. 25 April 25 Auge 25 July 13 April 25 April 25 Aug. 13 July 20 July 15 Feb. 21 April 7 Nov. 25 April 14 Sept. 3 Sept. 25 Sept. 7 Nov. 25 April 25 ‘Oct. 25 Sept. 25 April Ps (OVC. 18 June 25 Sept. 3 Nov. 25 April 25 Oct: 25 Sept. 25 April Zon Oct: 17 Aug. 25 Sept. 25 April Zon, Oct: 13 July 2IMOCT 30 June 25 July 21 M OCT: 31 Dec. ‘21 April 22 July 5 Oct. Periods of Service. To 1813 1814 1814 1812) 24 1813} 24 1814) 24 1814} 24 24th | 24thOct. 1813). 24th July 24th Nov. Dec. Oct. July Nov. 1812) 16 1812| 20 1813} 14 1813) 24 Oct. 1813) 24 Nov. 1814, 31 July 1814} 24 Dec. July Dec. Jan. Oct. Nov. Aug. Nov. Oct. July Nov. 1812) 11 1813) 28 1813, 24 1814; 24 1814, 24 1813). 24 1814; 24 1814 24 1813} 21 1813) 28 1813) 17 1814) 31 1814) 24 July Oct. Nov. July Nov. Oct. July Nov. 1813) 24 1814, 24 1814; 24 1812} 31 1813 2 1814 1 1814| 24 Aug. Nov. Aug. Nov. 1812! 24 1812) 24 Sept. May 1812) 5 1812} 24 1812) 20 1812) 24 1813) 24 July Sept. Dec. Feb. Nov. 1812 4 1814; 24 Aug. Nov. 1813 1814 1814 1812 1813 1814 1814 1812 1812 March 1813 1813 1813 1814 1814 1813. 1813 1813 1814 1814 1813 1814 1814 1813 Le 1814 1814 1813 1814 1814 1812 1813 1814 1814 1812 1813 1812 1812 1812 1813 1814 ) 1812 1814 | | | | | | | | | | | Months. 7 17 12/30 19 4/30 11 5 7 5 6 9 16/30 13 4/30 1 14/30 203 [coYNB] THE TALBOT PAPERS Periods of Service. Rank Names From To Lieut. William Dill X....| 25 Sept. 1813] 28 Oct. 1813 } 25 April 1814) 24 July 1814 Lieut. John Dedrick...... | 25 Sept. 1813} 24 Oct. 1813 25 April 1814| 24 July 1814 25 Oct. 1814| 24 Nov. 1814 Ensign James McCall ....| 13 July 1812} 1 Sept. 1812 25 Feb. 1813) 24 March 1813 7 Nov. 1813) 24 Nov. 1813 25 April 1814, 24 July 1814 25 Oct. 1814| 24 Nov. 1814} Ensign Samuel Ryerson...| 17 Aug. 1812) 31 Aug. 1812) 21 Oct. 1812! 11 Jany. 1813 4 15 Feb. 1813| 14 March 1813 Lieut. Samuel Ryerson...| 25 Sept. 1813| 24 Oct. 1813 25 April 1814) 24 July 1814 14 Aug. 1814 21 Aug. 1814 25 Oct. 1814] 24 Nov. 1814) Ensign Jacob Potts....... 31 Aug. 1812] 12 Sept. 1812 Lieut. Jacob\Potts.i. 1 25 Sept. 1813] 2 Nov. 1813 7 Nov. 1813} 24 Nov. 1813 25 April 1814| 31 July 1814 25 Oct. 1814) 24 Nov. 1814) Ensign Aquilla Walsh ....| 25 Sept. 1813) 24 Oct. 1813 25 April 1814; 24 July 1814 25 Oct. 1814| 24 Nov. 1814 Ensign Francis Glover.....} 13 July 1812} 16 July 1812 | 31 July 1812) 8 Aug. 1812 11 Sept. 1812) 16 Sept. 1812 25 Sept. 1813] 28 Oct 1813 25 April 1814] 24 July 1814 25 Oct: 1814, 24 Nov. 1814) Ensign Romain Rolph ...| 25 Sept. 1813} 2 Nov. 1813 25 April 1814 1 Aug. 1814 25 Aug. 1814, 24 Sept. 1814 25 Oct. 1814 24 Nov. 1814 Ensign Mathew Tisdale. ..| 22 Aug. 1813| 24 Oct. 1813) 25. April 1814) 24 July 1814 i 25 Oct. 1814) 24- Nov.) 1814 Ensign Thomas Backhouse] 20 Aug. 1812) 30 Aug. 1812 5S Pg Octuunistonn ety Jan. Lels 15 Feb. 1813) 14 March 1813 25 Sept. 1813) 24 Oct.. 1813 25 April 1814, 24 July 1814 25 Oct. 1814 24 Nov. 1814) Adjt. Saml. Tisdale......| 25 Oct. 1814) 24 Dec. 1814 Qr. Mr. Francis L. Walsh..| 25 Sept.‘ 1813} 24 Oct. 1813 25 April 1814; 24 July 1814 25 Oct. 1814| 24 Nov. 1814 | Months. 4 4/30 5 6 8/30 9 20/30 5 8/30 5 5 23/30 6 17/30 6 3/30 9 3/30 2 5 204 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Periods of Service for Allowances due to the Non-Commissioned Officers and Privates of the first Regiment of Norfolk Militia actually on duty in the District of London between the 30th day of June 1812, and the 24th day of December 1814, both days inclusive. No. of Non-Commisioned Officers and Privates Periods. on Duty. From To DANS AIS ER ANNE RS IU Lane 30 June 1812 24 July 1812 FILAIRE Be Om pues Rata vol 20 July 1812 24 Aug 1812 Ge a a ame erties UE 25 Aug. 1812 24 Sept. 1812 DDR UN NSP LATE PR 25 Sept. 1812 DA NNOCLRISIE GRAS IAE AN SCO RES 25 Oct. 1812 24 Nov. 1812 RAS EAU ER Re PEN ALT 25 Nov. 1812 24 Dec. 1812 DEL tt ign eet ean Es AR 25 Dec. 1812 24 Jans /18i3 BA ie bc arabe eee ete 25 Jan. 1813 24 Feb. 1813 SON ke een ian EN ER OS 25 Feb. 1813 24 March 1813 LR ur OS RAN ten RS 25 March 1813 24 April 1813 ARRETE AA ASE Sh (le 25 April 1813 24 May 1813 AO A SENS TE SNA 2 25 May 1813 24 June 1813 2 1 PA PA SE MAINT A 25 June 1813 24 July 1813 AD a A RON RAT Ar RE 25 July 1813 24 Aug. 1813 SL beam EA SES A aL BAEK EU 25 Aug. 1813 24 Sept. 1813 PES NPA RE AE ME REUTERS 25 Sept. 1813 24 Oct. 1813 Se bases EN LE TEE 25 Oct. 1813 24 Nov. 1813 TESA ARE RENIN AU ELAR NAN 25 Nov. 1813 24 Dec. 1813 74 SESS EEE ET Ra 25 Dec. 1813 24 Jan. 1814 DD A AREA Areas fer 2 25 Jan. 1814 24 Feb. 1814 DDR AT MAR end eh HT APR 25 Feb. 1814 24 March 1814 PRENONS Bisa sida ole 25 March 1814 24 April 1814 DOO RAR PA Mele EEE Eu 25 April 1814 24 May 1814 ZOO RE AUMANNE EP SR 25 May 1814 24 June 1814 ZOO PASSENT TNT 25 June 1814 24 July 1814 CV PMU Eri iebanc 25 July 1814 24 Aug. 1814 BO cs ea Nr AR ME 25 Aug. 1814 24 Sept. 1814 BD’ 5e DL a eee tena 25 Sept. 1814 24 Oct. 1814 DOS 5 NU A WA ANE NS RES 25 Oct: 1814 24 Nov. 1814 PROPRES noi 25 Nov. 1814 24 Dec. 1814 [coyNe] THE TALBOT PAPERS 205 Periods of Service for Allowances due to the Militia Officers of the second Norfolk Regiment actually on duty in the District of London, between the 28th day of June 1812 and the 24th day of December 1814, both days inclusive. Rank. Major Capt. Capt. Capt. Capt. Capt. Capt. Pay Master Lieut. Names. George C. Salmon.. Samuel Ryerse.... Wittiam Park...... William Drake... William McCrackin William Robinson.. Henry Medcalf.... Daniel Ross....... John Rolph... 25. = - Jonathan Austin.. . Nathaniel White... Titus Williams... . . William Robinson.. Henry Medealf.... Periods of Service. From To 13 July 1812} 24 Sept he 25 Sept. .13| 24 Nov 12 25 April .14] 24 Dec AOC ANA PSN Dee nil 2HNSeDI ees 20 Nov Sn ao 25 April .14| 24 July 14 DOM RE LS 24) Ume |) 01e 22 Aug: af 2 Nov. i 7 Nov. “| 24° Dee. i a 10 25 Jan. 14, 24 Feby. 25 April AIRIZAV Alps! ci 29 1 Oct: al 24a Nowe “4 }] 25 April “| 24 July 4 4 25 Oct. oie Nov : 13°) duly” 12) 294 Sent) ot LAMPE VUS 24 Heby.) 6103 25 Sept. cla OCT ù ; [il Ta Noyer NOTA 25 April .14| 24 Aug. vel Zo" Sept NS NP NON 18h) 25 April .14/ 24 July 14015 25 Oct. MN 24 Nov: sei 2 Janv: MA 24 Dees TA it 28 June 121022 Sept. M3 014 25 Sept. pis) 20 Dee) M14) ts Za (OxeG: AL PAL Der. M2 25 Sept) AL IST 24 OetL ts 7 Nov. “| 24. Dec: 5 14 25 Jan. 14) 24 Feby: 214 3 Mar. “| 24 Nov. i) 7 July 12} 8 Sept 12 4 21: Oct Tak Dee fi 13 July 12} 24 Sept | 2 Oct: TA oli» Tuners 07 15 May .14 24 Dec .14) 1 July 12} 14 July 12 Na TS) Mae 80) 6 June Sell ero lee Nea 7 Nov. i Zan 14 J | 11/30 11/30 206 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Rank. Lieut. Lieut. Lieut. Capt. Ensign Ensign Ensign Ensign Ensign Ensign Ensign Ensign Lieut. Adjt. Ensign Qr. Mr. Names. Isaac Gilbert...... Benj. Mead: ..:.... MecFarlan Wilson. . Abraham A. Rapilji Isaac Gilbert...... McFarlane Wilson... Jacob Lemon..... .| Abraham Messaccar | Thomas Francis... John Conrod..... | James McQueen... Denis Shoaff...... William Gordon... William Gordon... George Ryerse..... Albert Berdan..... Periods of Service. From To Sept. ilu Oct: 131 Nov. ible 2ÆUVENON. PE Boalt April e424) AUD olay Oct. 24 NOV: eat dimen) 12 ay ate ale Sept. “| 15 Sept. A Hebye15 |e 2a arehvesles Sept. " 2 Nov. È Nov. inte Nove 3 April .14| 24 Aug. .14 Oct. PANDA Now. i Sept.) sal) No. Jany. .14) 24 Feby. April PATATE Oct. #1 24 Nov. Oct. 112) GW April April .13| 24 May July 1.12) 16" July July “1 15" 'Sept. Oct. > 6 April Sept. 1) 2 septs Oct. Smee Dees Sepia T3 2) Nove Nov. M2 4a Nove April .14| 24 Aug. Oct. 24 NOs Sept. le 2 Nov: April .14| 24 July Oct. a 24 Novi April 240 July, Aug. MIS septe Sept. “i 24.0 Nowe April “ile 24 Dec: April Silk, ae Nowe April CAP eA Oct. Si 2a Nowe July .12] 5 Sept. Oct. 2 INDE: Jany. .13 7 March April “| 24 Sept. Sept. F PARNOVE Nov. “| 24 Nov. April .14| 24 Dec Oct. “| 24 Nov. July .12} 30 July Sepeqn eal IN ONE Nov. Nove Dec. “| 24 Feby. Months. 6 8/30 8 2/30 7 8/30 6 22/30 7 18/30 2 15/30 6.) 27/30 5 9/30 5 18/30 il 6 5 18 8/30 9 26/30 1 4 24/30 [COYNE) THE TALBOT PAPERS 207 Periods of Service for Allowances due to the Non-Commissioned Officers and Privates of the Second Regiment of Norfolk Militia actu- ally on duty in the District of London between the 30th June 1812 and the 24th day of December 1814, both days inclusive. No. of Non-Commissioned Periods. à Officers and Privates on Duty. From To RD ee Ocoee ee 30 June 1812 24 July 1812 ro Ci eis Oh ee ae 25 July 12 24 Aug. 12 POL Stee ae EEE 25 Aug. 12 24 Sept. 12 MS pets crete OP ME AT TER 25 Sept. 12 24 Oct. 12 (ES SOU CREER RL 25 Oct: 12 24 Nov 12 ADS JOUR EPA EAN 25 Nov. 12 24 Dec 12 CSCS AUBIN Rae ee 25 Dec. 12 24) Jany. 95 13 LE LISE ARRETE kon 25 Jany. 13 24 Feby. 13 TRANS LS A Re reese: Sean oe 25 Feby. 13 24 March 13 SL CRAY OR PDT 25 March 13 24 April 13 Dyer NE ee cons ar 25 April 13 24 May 13 SORA RE en Pat te ete 25 May 13 24 June 13 ZA TR CT ER PE ae ay 25 June 13 24 July 13 ASE DOS OS Cees 25 July 13 24 Aug. 13 RO ci OCR ASE DIN PRESS 25 Aug. 13 24 Sept. 13 TES, oi SANS BNP RAA ES 25 Sept. 13 24 Oct. 13 LUSH Lois Sc anes AA ee a ae 25 Oct. 13 24 Nov. 13 DÉS nl on 25 Nov. 1813 24 Dec. 1813 ee ten see due 25 Dec. a 24 Jany. 1814 2 Pace 00 nea ol app tatsier on “at's ki o2 25 Jany. 1814 24 Feby.' “ les ay OMENS SEE HE 25 Feby. i 24 March “ Ch Ole UE Le ae RES 25 March “ 24 April LE LIP AT Ee ee ei ere IE UE 25 April É 24 May ÿ RASE Herta I Re 25 May ê 24 June À TA SR 0 00 Me EE Re 25 June 24 July À Te eee et, TEE 25 July «< 24 Aug. “ A Er os EE Em eel 25 Aug. " 24 Sept. LT BR AE ENS ALL AT ee 25 Sept. i‘ 24 Oct. 7 SET ne A EN Re ARE 25 Oct. : 24 Nov. F LE Et RE RE RE 25 Nov. aie 24 Dec. ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA 208 *p9Je3s Spouoq oy} Surmmp surdooy pues uorssessod ano ul 9A1)29JJ9 9I9M SouBU ino aysoddo jos sasioyy Jo Jequinu ou} ty} IOUOFJ uodn ji} pousisiopun oy} 91 ‘SUOIJEM JO ‘ON ‘Indy ça ‘PO GZ SOMME 1G “pudy gz of “AON jt . ““qdag GZ . ‘Jde GZ ‘‘’ounf SZ ‘‘"Auef GZ NE CS ‘Indy ça . ‘Jde GG a0 “Ayn el - “qany CZ “dy oz ‘Judy €1 es “Arne GG ‘UDIUIN GG °‘J8nv ça D “Aine OL . ‘"Jdag GG ‘AGO GT ‘dy Gz . ‘Jde GS ZISToune SG WOU "AON FS FI MO VG PI oa ‘PO SI Gi ~ SCIE vo. |p 14 “AON FG “AON & Cle OO po ele Do pe iol ‘AA Fo IPT ““gany pa (GI More IE SAONCECE PIS deg pa. AT “AON to a “AINE FS FL OO pe (Cp © OOo Cl ‘‘93nY OI FI : "deg pa €1 °‘93ny OL GI Pgs ‘29(T FG ” “YoIvyy ET tele 72 HSE THe = aie “AON FG ” = Ae pee “+99 Pa OL Sadoldid ONS SOSIOF JO ‘ON °:quem{ipy °° "quemnipy queynipy » Ca cu + quen{py ‘199SUN Avg Josey Avg ” “10109 “Novy » ‘10109 “nary » “0109 “MOTT T0109 MNVU sales re sea ITHA9N sauf D Ore pel MUIEQ autos)» ojate eueler SULHEH uyor » toc -UOPIOr) WII truc tielep ere ydjoy uyor se lots ni as ‘SSOY eIue 0 £ojsuo fy, SoYÂG ” » » PR TR ‘HPMMaA "UOTyRy » » rer -U0S10ÂY ydosor FD Age LOC 08 I, SEUIOUT, SANVN SU" UMOIG ra We EM, ‘aAIsn[oUr SABp YOK “FIST “99 YIFS ayy 07 ‘ZIST ‘une HISG OY) MOTT JOUYSIE WOPUOT oY} JO SIOOIYO PAUOT}UOUHEPUU OU} JO uorssessod UT SOSIOF{ VATPIH JO UINJOY [corn] THE TALBOT PAPERS 209 Lieut. Col. Coffin to Talbot. Head Quarters, York Feby. 14— 1815. Circular Sir I have the Honor of enclosing you Twenty Printed Forms for Lodging Money and Barrack Allowances conformable to the Militia Gen- eral orders of the 28th December last—and request you will have the goodness to acknowledge the receipt of the same—lI have the Honor to be Sir Your most obedient humble Servant (signed) N. Corrrin Lieut. Co. D. A. G. of Militia Officer Comg. 1st Reg. Middlesex Militia Certified J. CLARK AAA GLAM, Adj. Gen. Foster to Talbot. Head Quarters, York, Feby. 14th 1815. Sir It appearing by Returns from Turkey Point, that a number of Militia of the London District have been for some time past called out on duty there, without the knowledge or sanction of His Honor, The President, I am commanded by him to transmit to you the accompany- ing Copy of Militia General Orders of the 2nd. of December last, together with a Copy of District General Orders of the 1st of the same month; and to direct, that you be pleased to call upon the Officers concerned for a full and specific explanation of their conduct, in the total disregard which they have evinced to paragraphs No. 2 and No. 3 of the former. The President approves of Three Officers, (either Subalterns, or one a Captain and two Subalterns) Four Sergeants, and Eighty-eight Rank and File, being called out for duty at Turkey Point, unt fur- Sec. II., 1907. 14. 210 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA ther Orders; and His Honor sanctions those already employed on this duty receiving the usual Pay and allowances; feeling satisfied, as he does, that the neglect of his Orders originated in a laudable motive, a zeal for His Majesty’s Service. I have the honor to be Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, C. FOSTER Adjt. Genl. of Militia. P.S.—I had nearly omitted to mention, that it is Lieutenant Gen- eral Drummond’s desire, the Militia be called out in proportion to the strength of each Corps, not pressing more heavily on one Regiment than another, and that Volunteers be always employed if possible. Ca A. G. M. Colonel Talbot ; Comg. London District of Militia &e. &e. &e. NOTE BY THE EDITOR:—The papers subsequent to the War of 1812-1815 will appear in the Transactions for 1908. SECTION II., 1907. [211] Trans. R. S. C II1.—General Hull’s Invasion of Canada in 1812. By LrEeuT-CoLoNEL E. CRUIKSHANK. For a good many months previous to the declaration of war, the Government of the United States had been collecting information and considering the best routes for the invasion of Canada. Among those confidentially consulted on this subject: by Dr. Eustis, the Secretary of War, was General John Armstrong, formerly an United States Senator, and lately American Minister in Paris, who was regarded as a high authority on military affairs. In his reply, which was dated 2nd January, 1812,1 Armstrong advised the immediate purchase of an abundant supply of military stores, the abandonment of all outlying posts of lesser importance upon the Indian Frontier, and the withdrawal of their garrisons, the acquisition of naval ascendency on the Great Lakes and St. Lawrence River, and the immediate increase of the regu- lar army to a strength sufficient for the defence of their own frontier and the successful invasion of the British Provinces. He further recommended the concentration of a force of six battalions of mounted riflemen from the Western States at Detroit, where it would be “ within striking distance of Indian villages or British settlements,” but remarked at the same time that this position would be “positively bad,” unless a naval supremacy was secured upon Lake Erie. The occupation of Montreal by an invading army, he argued with great force, must necessarily be followed by the conquest of the whole of Upper Canada, as that place entirely commanded the naviga- tion of both the St. Lawrence and Ottawa. With this object, the whole disposable field force ought to be concentrated near Albany, and its movement veiled by demonstrations with “masses of militia” on the Niagara River, at Sackett’s Harbour, and in Vermont on the line of the Sorel. This promising plan of operations was approved by the Cabinet and measures were begun to carry it into effect. The design to eva- cuate Mackinac and Chicago, and possibly other military posts in the Indian country, became public, and soon provoked loud protests from the inhabitants of the frontier, who regarded the retention of these garrisons as essential to their own security. About this time, William Hull, Governor of the Michigan Territory, was summoned to Washington by the Secretary of War, for consultation. His reputation for personal courage and sound judgment stood deserv- ‘Notices of the War of 1812, by John Armstrong, New York, 1840, Vol. 1, pp. 234-41, Appendix No. 22. 212 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA edly high. During the War of the Revolution he had distinguished himself on several occasions, particularly in the action at Stillwater, on 19th September, 1777, when about half of his command were either killed or wounded. He had also been present at the storming of Stony Point, but the military exploit by which he had acquired most fame, was a well planned and successful attack upon a Loyalist outpost at Morrisania, in January, 1751. Three years later he was appointed by Washington a special commissioner to proceed to Quebec to request the surrender of the western posts. He had acted as third in command of the force employed in the suppression of Shay’s Rebellion, and in 1793 had been selected as commissioner to request the assistance of Lieut.-Governor Simcoe in the negotiations with the western Indians, and had performed this rather embarrassing mission with much tact and discretion. After serving for eight years as a State Senator in the Legislature of Massachusetts, he had been appointed Governor and Indian Agent for the Territory of Michigan in:1805, by President Jefferson. He had performed his duties so well that he had been reappointed in 1808, and again in 1811.1. No other person in the United States possessed such a wide and intimate knowledge of the affairs of the territory he had so long governed, and of that portion of Upper Canada adjacent to it. His relations with the Indians of the Northwest had been close and friendly, and his correspondents and subordinate agents had kept him well informed with respect to the more distant bands. On two previous occasions he had prepared well considered memorials on the military situation on that frontier and his opinion naturally carried great weight. In both of these he had strongly advocated the establishment of a sufficient naval force upon Lake Erie to control the upper lakes and maintain the communication between the military posts upon them. In the latter, dated 15th June, 1811, but written under the conviction that war with Great Britain was probable, he had endeavoured to fore- cast the conduct of the Indians in that event. “Their situation and habits are such that little dependence can be placed on them. At present they appear to be friendly, and was I to calculate on the professions of their chiefs, I should be satisfied that they would not become hostile. Their first passion, however, is war. The policy of the British Government is to consider them their allies, and, in the event of war, to invite them to join their standard. The policy of the American Government has been to advise them in the event *Campbell, Revolutionary Services and Civil Life of General William Hull, [crurkSHANK] GENERAL HULL’S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 213 of war to remain, quiet in their villages and take no part in the quarrels in which they have no interest. Many of their old sachems and chiefs would advise this line of conduct. Their authority, however, over the warriors would not restrain them. They would not listen to their advice. An Indian is hardly considered a man until he has been en- gaged in war and can show trophies. This first and most ardent of their passions will be excited by presents most gratifying to their pride and vanity. Unless strong measures are taken to prevent it, we may consider beyond all doubt they will be influenced to follow the advice of their British fathers.! He was well aware of the great discontent existing among them owing to encroachments upon their, lands, and knew that the Shaw- nee Prophet and his brother, Tecumseh, had long been actively engaged in the scheme of forming a general confederacy of the Indians of the Northwest, with the avowed object of driving all the white settlers beyond the Ohio River, the boundary named in the royal proclamation of 1764. Detroit, he declared, was “the key of the northern country,” and as long as it was held by the United States the Indians would be kept in check. Its regular garrison at that time consisted of a single company of artillery and another of infantry, numbering in all less than one hundred men. By his advice, officers of a volunteer company were appointed, with authority to recruit in the vicinity, and four companies of militia were called into service, while at the same time the commanding officer was directed to construct batteries on the bank of the river for the protection of the town. Orders were given to rebuild the brig Adams, the only vessel of war possessed by the United States on the Upper Lakes. Hull strongly opposed Armstrong’s project of directing the main attack against Montreal unless a sufficient force for the protection of Michigan should be previously assembled at Detroit, which would also cut off all communication between the British and the Indians of the United States and probably prevent a general rising of those tribes. “The British cannot hold Upper Canada,” he added, “and that assistance they cannot obtain if we have an adequate force in the situation I have pointed out.” They might even be induced to abandon Upper Canada by its appearance alone and command of the lakes would thus be secured without the expense of building ships, although he again strongly recom- mended that this should be done.? 1J, F. Clark, Campaign of 1812, pp. 414-16; Hull Memoirs, pp. 19-20. ? Hull, to the Secretary of War, 6th March, 1812, in “Defence of Gen. Hull, written by himself,’ Boston, 1814; also in Canadian Archives, incom- plete draft. 214 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA His views were warmly supported by the Governors of the State of Ohio and the Territories of Indiana and Illinois as being most essen- tial for their protection, and within a few days an order was despatched to Governor Meigs of Ohio, requiring him to detach twelve hundred militia for service at Detroit. The 4th Regiment of United States Infantry, which since the engagement with the Indians at Tippecanoe had been stationed at Vincennes, was directed to join these troops and advance with them to their destination. With three companies of the First United States Artillery, two detachments of the First Regiment of the United States Infantry, a company of rangers and the Michigan militia, it was anticipated that a force would be assembled that would be “competent to the defence of the northwestern frontier against Indian hostility, and which in the event of a rupture with Great Britain would enable the United States to obtain the command of Lake Erie, and with it the means of more easily co-operating with such other corps as might be destined to the invasion of the Canadas.”* Two com- panies of Ohio militia were at the same time ordered to Sandusky, and several companies of newly enlisted rangers to the frontier of Indiana and Illinois. A considerable supply of arms and military stores was forwarded to Meigs for the equipment of his militia, and Col. Jacoh Kingsbury of the First United States Infantry, detachments of whose regiment were already stationed in Michigan, was selected for the com- mand at Detroit. He fell seriously ill, and the Secretary of War lost no time in soliciting Hull to accept it with the rank of brigadier general in the regular army. He was unwilling to assume the in- creased responsibility of what he felt must be a very difficult task, mainly in consequence of his age and long dissociation from military affairs.” He had just completed his fifty-eighth year, and his white hair made him look somewhat older, but he was still hale and strong. In manner he was sedate and dignified, and at the time it seemed scarcely possible that a better choice could have been made. His objections were finally overcome, and on April 8th he was commissioned a brigadier-general. Leaving Washington a few days later he began his tedious return journey to Detroit by way of Pittsburg and Cincinnati, No great apprehension was then felt of any immediate hostility on the part of the Indians. To all appearance the confederacy on the Wabash, lately so formidable, had nearly dissolved. In January, Little Turtle, a leading Chief of the Wyandots of Sandusky, assured Governor ? President Madison’s Message to Congress, Nov. 4th, 1812; Secretary of War to Committee of Senate, June 6th, 1812. * Drake—Life of Tecumseh. [CRUIKSHANK] GENERAL HULL’S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 | 215 Harrison that the Shawnee Prophet had been deserted by all his fol- lowers except two lodges of his own tribe, and that Tecumseh had lately returned from the south accompanied by only eight warriors. He affirmed that the Miami and Hel River Indians would remain faithful to the United States, while at the same time the Delawares made pro- fessions of inalterable friendship.! Harrison had so little doubt that the local militia would be able to protect the inhabitants, that he readily assented to the removal of the troops from Vincennes to Detroit, but remarked that, “the implicit obedience and respect which Tecumseh’s followers pay him is truly wonderful, although he has been in almost continual motion for the past four years.” Hull reported to the Secretary of War (March 4th, 1812) that the Indians had delivered up their arms without hesitation. “I do believe they are sincere in their professions of friendship and a desire for peace,” he continued, “and that we shall have no further hostilities except it be from the Winnebagoes, who are so far removed as to con- sider themselves out of reach. ‘Tecumseh has returned and is very much exasperated against his brother for his precipitancy, and blames him for throwing off the mask before their plans were matured.” The people of Ohio and Kentucky in general were eager for war, and sanguine of their ability to conquer Upper Canada with their militia alone if they were given an opportunity. On the 6th day of April, Governor Meigs published a general order directing twelve hundred militia to assemble at Dayton on the Great Miami River, on the last day of that month, and three additional companies of fifty men each to be posted at Cleveland and Upper and Lower Sandusky. The force intended for the expedition to Detroit was divided into three regiments, one being recruited from Cincinnati and the valley of the Great Miami, another from the valley of the Scioto, and the third in the valley of the Muskingum. Besides these, the enlistment of a troop of dragoons in Cincinnati was also authorized. Young men of the best type were everywhere anxious to enlist and all these corps were soon completed beyond their established strength. Early in May, more than sixteen hundred enthusiastic volunteers assem- bled at Dayton. Duncan McArthur, a Major-General commanding a division of the Ohio militia, was elected Colonel, and Brigadier- General James Denny, and William Trimble, afterwards an United States Senator, were elected Majors of the First Regiment.! McArthur, who was then about forty years of age, had served as a volunteer under Harmar and Wayne, by whom he had been employed as a spy or scout. 1McDonald, Life of McArthur. 216 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Subsequently, he became a surveyor, and acquired wealth through lucky speculations in land near Chillicothe. He had already been a member of the Legislature and was elected Governor of Ohio in 1830. An English traveller, who saw him a. few years after the war, describes him as “ dirty, and butcher-like, very unlike a soldier in appearance, seeming half-savage and dressed like a backwoodsman; generally considered as being only fit for hard knocks and Indian warfare.”* He was, how- ever, brave, energetic, and undeniably popular. James Findlay, a Congressman, was elected Colonel of the Second Regiment, and Lewis Cass, United States Marshal for Ohio, an ambitious lawyer, living at Marietta, was elected Colonel of the Third. The subordinate officers were mostly men of considerable prominence and influence. The rank and file were confident and boastful and, above all, blind to their own deficiencies. Regarding themselves as the flower of the population of their state, they anticipated that the conquest of Upper Canada would be a mere holiday campaign, and were inclined to be noisy, unruly, and insubordinate when anything went wrong or displeased them. hrs ie, Iie, By [pexnaLtow] DEVELOPMENT OP CERTAIN MARSH LANDS 51 FE Seeley 7 eg a cage TG eras = [PENHALLOW] DEVELOPMENT OF CERTAIN MARSH LANDS 53 tie de wes oe ‘ | rs } a. SR R De OA TNT pau ni Ve à : 7 TA fi Vs à ad ’ > x » ns . x \ LU + % U Vie 4 ‘ : ‘ ' j ‘ 7 = | D i? | ï ‘ Ç i = As ur : LR. ely! - - . ‘ : = ee : É . : { \ > 4 Ï ‘ ‘ É iY 3 > ia A met, | i = 7 4 TES , - Tong r 7 ‘ Cp ans {(PENHALLOW] DEVELOPMENT OF CERTAIN MA % 4 Re AAA [4 = | Beacons D ras ress = ETAT ji —S >! RSH LANDS à À SR ss SN UN à NES RS A Ng Ny à x Ss NX N N ce 8 > See Le AS TT So REE ZA — ——————— NE TEE M —— = = | Zam / ZEPTX Seclion of Sall Marsh showing Or? gtr z7 È Peal Log. 55 ee) =, Sc ale ¥ { SECTION IV., 1907. [57] Trans. R. 8. C. IV.—Notes on the Preparatory Stages of Some Species of Canadian Lepidoptera. By JAMES FLETCHER AND ARTHUR GIBSON. Read May 16, 1907. We submit herewith descriptions of the preparatory stages of some Canadian lepidoptera. As the various species of butterflies and moths are critically investigated, the importance becomes more and more appar- ent that the whole life-history of each should be made known before its true status can be learnt. This is equally true of common species as of rarer insects. The preparatory stages here given are not of particu- larly rare or interesting insects, but they are printed as a contribution towards a more complete knowledge of Canadian insects. MAMESTRA GRANDIS, Boisduval. Eggs secured from a captive female moth; laid between 5 p.m., 19th June and 9 a.m. 20th June, 1902. Egg—Dome-shaped, slightly tapering to the base; 0.6 mm. in diameter, 0.4 mm. high, with about 30 ribs. Colour at first pale yellow; after one day a blotch of dull crimson appears at apex, also a ring of the same colour, nearly half way to the base. A day or so before ‘hatching the egg becomes a dull dark purple, and appears as if covered with a whitish bloom. In confinement the eggs were laid in two large patches. A few larve hatched on the 27th June, and the others on the 28th. Stage I—Length 2 mm. Head 0.4 mm. wide, dark brown, dotted with black spots. Body after feeding, pale green same colour as the leaves of Lamb’s Quarters (Chenopodium album, L.,) skin smooth and shiny. Thoracic shield dark brown. ‘Tubercles black, shiny. The young larve are loopers, first two pairs of prolegs abortive. Thoracic feet black, shiny; prolegs concolorous with body, each bearing a black shiny plate. Stage II.— Length 4.5 mm. Head 0.6 mm. wide, greenish-brown, with blotches of dark brown. Body cylindrical, dark green above lower lateral stripe, pale green below stigmatal band. Dersel and two lateral stripes, pale bluish, the upper lateral touching lower edge of tubercle ii, and lower lateral touching upper edge of tubercle iii. Stigmatal band whitish. Skin between lower lateral stripe and stigmatal band, pale crimson. Tubercles black, single haired; setæ dark; spiracles small, 58 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA black, in a line with tubercle iv, but almost directly below tubercle iii. Thoracic feet darker than venter; prolegs concolorous. Stage IIIT.—Length 9.5 mm. Head 1.0 to 1.1 mm. wide, erect, pale brown, mottled with dark brown, especially towards apex of cheeks ; ocelli black; mouth parts reddish. Dorsal and upper lateral stripes pale bluish and distinct; lower lateral stripe same colour, but not so distinct. Skin above lower lateral stripe dark French green; between lower lateral stripe and stigmatal band almost a prune purple, which later in the stage changes to a bright purple. Stigmatal band white, tinted with purple. Ventral surface paler green than dorsal. Tubercles black, single haired, circled with pale green. Spiracles pale, ringed with black, close in front of tubercle iv. Feet tather paler than venter. Stage IV.—Length 13 mm. Head 1.5 to 1.6 mm. wide, erect, pale brown, reticulated and mottled with dark brown; ocelli black. Dorsal stripe and lateral stripe concolorous with skin of dorsum, and only shown up by a blackish border on each side. Only faïnt traces of the lower lateral stripe are now present. Below the lower lateral stripe to the edge of the stigmatal band the skin is of a rich purple, almost a prune purple. The whole skin above spiracles is streaked and dotted with black. Skin below stigmatal band whitish-green, mottled with black. Stigmatal band whitish, suffused with crimson. Skin of body above lower lateral stripe grayish-green, almost a sage green. Tubercles small, black, inconspicuous, circled with the ground colour of the dorsum. Spiracles yellowish, ringed with black. Feet concolorous with venter; thoracic feet rather translucent. Stage V.—Length 18 mm. The larve in this stage are much the same as in Stage IV. Head 2.0 to 2.3 mm. wide. Body almost a sage green on dorsal and sub-dorsal area, but the whole skin of dorsum has a purplish tinge and is streaked and dotted with dark brown. Dorsal and lateral stripes inconspicuous and broken; no traces of lower lateral stripe. The skin just above the stigmatal band is still purplish, but now more of a pomegranate purple, and not so distinct as in Stage IV. Stigmatal band whitish, almost wholly suffused with purple. Skin below stigmatal band greenish-white dotted and blotched with white marks. Tubercles black, inconspicuous. Spiracles light yellow, rimmed with black. Thoracic feet concolorous with venter, brownish at tips. Stage VI.—Length 24 mm. Head 3.5 mm. wide, pale brown, reticulated and darkened with dark brown, especially at vertex of cheeks; ocelli black; epistoma whitish. Body cylindrical, ground colour yellowish-white, some specimens darker than others. The whole skin has a purplish sheen, especially at the intersegmental folds, and, above [FLETCHER & GIBSON] SOME SPECIES OF CANADIAN LEPIDOPTERA 39 the stigmatal band is marked with streaks and dots of brown, white and dark green. The dorsal and lateral stripes are inconspicuous and have almost disappeared. The stigmatal band is creamy yellow suffused with bright purple. Ventral surface greenish-white, dotted with white. Tubercles very small, black and inconspicuous, iv behind the spiracle; sete pale. Spiracles elliptical, blackish-yellow, rimmed with black. Thoracic shield grayish. Thoracic feet concolorous with venter, brownish at tips, and rather translucent; prolegs also concolorous with venter; claspers dull reddish. Just above the claspers the prolegs are purplish. As the larve reach maturity the purplish sheen over the whole skin becomes less intense. Length of mature larva 32 mm. at rest, extended 36 mm.; segments all about the same width, 4.2 mm. On the 29th July a few of the larvæ entered the earth for pupation, others buried on the 30th and August 2nd and 4th. Pupa.—Length 15-16 mm., width at widest part 5 mm.; dark chestnut brown, shining; thorax and wing cases wrinkled, abdominal segments coarsely pitted on anterior half and minutely pitted on posterior half. Cremaster rough, bearing two straight spines and a wartlike protuberance on either side below the spines. Unfortunately none of the moths emerged. The species is not abundant in the Ottawa district, but specimens have been taken occa- sionally about the middle of June. MAMESTRA ADJUNCTA, Boisduval. About 210 eggs of this species were obtained from a captive female, on August 11th, 1901. Egg.—Dome-shaped, like that of Mamestra grandis, Boisduval: about 48 ribs, close together, cross striæ indistinct; colour at first dull reddish-violet, turning black before hatching. Eggs hatched August 15th. Stage I.—Length at first 2.2 mm.; colour, pale, darker at extremi- ties of body, stomach showing through the skin. Colour after feeding pale greenish. Head 0.3 mm. wide, large, black, wedge-shaped, flat in front, shiny. Body slender, abdominal segments slightly larger than thoracic. Thoracic shield concolorous with head. ‘Tubercles black, shiny, sete black. No markings on body. Feet concolorous with body but bearing blackish plates. Spiracles minutely small, black. First two pairs of abdominal feet abortive. Stage II.—Length 5.2 mm. Head 0.5 to 0.6 mm. wide; honey colour ; slightly bilobed, erect, mottled with brownish dots and spots ; ocelli black ; antennæ pale; mouth parts pale brownish, hairs on face pale. Body 60 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA cylindrical, pale green, semi-translucent; segment 12 raised as in Pyro- phila pyramidoides, Gn. Dorsal stripe whitish, in some specimens pale bluish. Lateral stripe of same colour. Stigmatal band whitish. Tubercles black, small, rather indistinct; seta short. Spiracles imme- diately in front of tubercle iv, small, round, pale, ringed with black. Feet almost concolorous with body. | Stage IIT.—Length 9 mm. Head 0.9 to 1.0 mm. wide. The differences between the larvæ in this stage and in last stage, are that the stigmatal band is now bordered above with a conspicuous blackish band, (towards the end of the stage, however, this band becomes much less conspicuous) and the whole skin above the spiracles is spotted and streaked with whitish markings. Stage IV.—Length 12 mm. Head 1.3 to 1.5 mm. wide. Larve in general much the same as in Stage III. The spots and streaks of white about the spiracles are now rather larger and plainer. Dorsal and lateral stripes faintly bordered with dark green. Border above stigmatal band dark green, but in some specimens almost blackish. On each segment bearing abdominal feet, there is on either side, a short oblique dash, or ,band, running a little over half way down, from the stigmatal band to each foot. Spiracles whitish, ringed with black. In a few larve the U-shaped marks which appear on dorsum in the stages following, are faintly discernible. Feet paler than venter and rather translucent. Stage V.—Length 18 mm. Head 1.8 to 1.9 mm. wide, pale with the brown spots, more or less joined together, giving a reticulated appearance. Body pale green; dorsal stripe also pale green. If it were not for the dark green bordering each side of the dorsal stripe, this latter would hardly be discernible. Lateral stripe has almost disappeared and is only to be seen on account of the dark green border. Stigmatal band which runs to base of anal feet, not nearly so conspicuous as in previous stages, and in some specimens would hardly be noticed, were it not for a dark green stripe which runs along the upper edge. The short oblique dashes from the stigmatal band, towards the abdominal feet are still present, and in some examples very plain. Some larve are of a darker green, and in these the dorsal stripe and the stigmatal band, are very conspicuous. Spiracles whitish, ringed with black. On the dorsum are numerous short green, wavy streaks, and from segments 5 to 12, inclu- sive, a series of U-shaped marks; these of a dark green colour. Segment 12 raised as before. Thoracic feet semi-translucent, shiny; prolegs concolorous with venter. Stage VI.—Length 25 mm. Head 2.5 to 2.8 mm. wide; rounded, slightly indented at vertex; pale greenish, heavily reticulated with brown ; in some specimens almost the whole head is brown; ocelli black; hairs [FLETCHER & GIBSON] SOME SPECIES OF CANADIAN LEPIDOPTERA 61 on face slender and dark. Thoracic shield dark, brownish-green. Body im most specimens green, the U-shaped marks dark green. Dorsal stripe pale green, or yellowish green, margined as before. Lateral stripe blackish, or very dark green. Stigmatal band is now broken up and just above the spiracles there is a stripe of the same colour and size as the lateral stripe. The stigmatal band of yellowish white is still present (on segments 2, 3, 4, 5, 11, 12 and 13, running to base of anal feet) and on segments 7, 8, 9, 10, the oblique dashes are large and con- tinue almost to base of abdominal feet. These dashes are greenish white. The markings on the body—streaks, shading, etc.—are all of a dark green. Spiracles white, ringed with black. In some specimens the body is of a reddish colour which is due to the pale portion of the skin being of a pinkish tinge, with dorsal stripe and stigmatal band almost of the same colour. Feet concolorous with venter; claspers of prolegs pinkish. Length of mature larva 38 to 40 mm. On the 4th September, a few of the larve entered the earth and the others buried on the 5th, 6th and 7th September. Pupa.—Length 17-19 mm., 6.5-7 mm. wide; colour chestnut brown, shining, wing cases and thorax slightly wrinkled; abdominal segments rather coarsely pitted. ‘Cremaster roughened, with two stout diverging spines. On 29th May, 1902, 4 of the moths emerged, and 3 others on 2nd June. XYLINA DISPOSITA, Morrison. Eggs obtained at Ottawa from a female moth taken in May, 1902; laid singly, and in clusters of from 3 to 20. Eqg.—Of a flattened dome shape; 0.6 mm. in diameter, 0.35 mm. high, with about 32 ribs, cross strie distinct. Colour at first pale yellowish, turning later to a crimson red, and before hatching to a blackish red. Stage I.—Length at first 2 mm. Head 0.3 mm. wide, blackish. Body at first dirty whitish, after feeding pale greenish. Skin smooth, shiny, under a lens finely pitted. Thoracic shield dull blackish. No markings on body. A faint pulsating dorsal vessel is visible. Tubercles inconspicuous, slightly paler than skin, dark in centre, each bearing a single short black hair. Feet concolorous with body. Stage II.—Length 4.2 mm. Head 0.5 mm. wide, rounded, whitish, ocelli black. Body pale green. Tubercles white, large, conspicuous, each bearing a short pale hair. A faint dorsal stripe is now present, also a more distinct lateral stripe, both white. There is also a pale whitish, Sec. IV., 1907. 4. 62 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA indistinct, stigmatal stripe. Feet concolorous with body, rather translucent. , The young larve preparatory to moulting, spin a platform of silk, upon which they rest until they have cast their skins. Stage IJI—Length 8 mm. Head 0.8 mm. wide, whitish; mouth parts slightly reddish; hairs on face pale. Body pale green as in last stage; skin translucent. Tubercles white, each with a single stiff hair. Dorsal and lateral stripes as in Stage IT; besides there is an inter- rupted lower lateral stripe, half way between the stigmatal band, which is wide and white, and the lateral stripe. Spiracles yellowish, slightly higher than, and anterior to, tubercle iv. Feet all concolorous with venter. Stage IV.—Length 10.5 mm. Head 1.2 mm. wide. The larvæ in this stage do not show any differences from Stage III. The dorsal stripe is white and even. The lateral stripe and the lower lateral stripe half way to the stigmatal band, are both broken, in fact, the latter is simply a series of white spots along the side. The stigmatal band is wide and the most conspicuous marking on the body. Stage V.—Length 20 mm. Head 2.0 mm. wide. The only. differ- ence between the larvæ in this stage and Stage IV is that there is now an additional stripe of dark green bordering thé upper edge of the stig- matal band. Claspers of prolegs reddish-brown. Stage VI.—The larve in this stage are altogether different from the previous stages. Length at first 26 mm. Head 2.8 to 3.0 mm. wide, rather quadrate, only slightly. depressed at vertex of median suture; ground colour whitish, or greenish white, with grayish brown markings ; ocelli back. Body cylindrical, segments even; general colour, greenish gray varying to grayish-brown. Dorsal stripe pale orange-yellow, distinct on all segments, margined on either side with very dark green. Lateral stripe same as dorsal stripe but fainter. Stigmatal band pale cream, uneven, bordered rather heavily above, and lighter below, with very dark green. Spiracles white, rimmed with black, touching (almost included in) upper dark margin of stigmatal band. Ventral surface of body green. Comprising nearly the whole central part of thoracic shield is a dark green or blackish square, remainder of shield green. Tubercles white. The whole skin of body is covered with short streaks or dashes of dark green or black. In some specimens the skin, between the lateral stripe and the stigmatal band, has a pale reddish or orange tinge. On dorsum of each of segments 12 and 13, there is a U-shaped mark of dark green. All the feet concolorous with venter, claspers of prolegs darkened. Anal feet extended and marked with dark green exteriorly. [FLETCHER & GIBSON] SOME SPECIES OF CANADIAN LEPIDOPTERA 63 Length of mature larva at rest 36 mm. extended 42 mm., width 4.5 mm. A few specimens ,entered the earth for pupation on the 14th June, 1902. By the 16th all but 10 had buried. The earthen cell is distinctly lined with silk, which gives a some- what whitish appearance to the inside. The outside measurements of the cell vary from 22 to 24 mm. long and 7 to 9 mm. in diameter. Pupa—Length 18-20 mm. long. width at widest part 4-5 mm.; chestnut brown, shining; thorax and wing-cases slightly wrinkled. Spiracles black. Cremaster black, deeply wrinkled, and bearing 2 rather long converging spines, each of which is curved outwardly where they come together. . The first moth emerged_on September 10, and the others issued . during the next few days. At Ottawa the moths are some years very abundant in September and early October, and hibernated specimens towards the end of April and in early May. GLUPHISIA SEVERA, Hy. Edwards. On the 30th April, 1901, eggs were received from Mr. J. W. Cockle, of Kaslo, B.C. These eggs were laid at Kaslo on the 22nd April. Eggq.—1.0 mm. in diameter, 0.7 mm. high, almost hemispherical in shape, shiny, whitish-green, smooth; under a lens finely and beauti- fully reticulated. Eggs hatched 3rd May—duration of egg state 13 days. Stage I.—Length 3.5 mm. Head 0.6 mm. wide, large, rather wedge-shaped, flat in front, slightly bilobed, shiny, whitish green; sete en face short and pale; ocelli black; mandibles slightly darkened at tips; antenne white. Body cylindrical, slightly paler than head; sete pale and short; skin smooth but not shiny; segments wrinkled. No markings on body. Thoracic shield concolorous with head. Thoracic feet semi-translucent; abdominal feet and anal prolegs concolorous with body; all the feet bearing short sete. A day or two before the first moult a faint pale lateral band appears. The young larva is very active, and spins much silk, letting itself down three or four inches when disturbed. All through this stage it rested either on the lower side of the leaf, on which it had been feed- ing, or suspended itself on a thread about an inch below it. In feeding the young larva eats right through the tender leaf and gradually enlarges the hole day after day. Most of the leaves had two or three holes, about one-fifth of the whole leaf being consumed in the four days —the length of this stage. When at rest on a leaf the larva sometimes 64 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA raises the body slightly as far as the third pair of abdominal prolegs. somewhat as in the Sphingide. Stage IJ —Length 6 mm. Head 1.0 mm. wide, whitish. Body glaucous green, with two distinct pale lateral bands, and a dark green dorsal vessel. There is also a pale, thin, wavy stigmatal line. No other markings on the body, skin smooth as before. Spiracles white. Venter paler than dorsum. ‘Thoracic feet and prolegs concolorous with venter, anal prolegs divergent. Stage III.—Length 10.5 mm. Head 1.6 mm. wide. The larvæ are the same as in last stage, with the exception that there is now a faint stripe between the lateral band and the stigmatal line. The dorsal vessel is faintly edged with white, which gives the appearance of two faint subdorsal stripes. This, however, is- hardly descernible in some specimens. All the feet are concolorous with venter as before. The larve increased rapidly in size in this stage. Stage IV.—Length 21mm. Head 2.3 mm, wide, round, lobes full, pale green, shghtly lighter towards vertex; about same size as segment 2, ocelli black, mouth parts and antennz whitish, the tips of the man- dibles being blackish-brown. Body pale green, a little darker than head. The pulsating dorsal vessel is more distinct than in last stage. The white edging of the same is also more distinct and appears like a faint subdorsal stripe. The lateral band is wide and pale yellow. The stripe between the lateral band and the stig- matal stripe is conspicuous but broken. The stigmatal stripe is very distinct on all segments. Spiracles reddish-brown. The body bears small whitish piliferous dots. All the feet are concolorous with body, and bear, sparsely, short whitish hairs; claspers of prolegs whitish. As the stage advances the stigmatal stripe becomes the most prominent marking on the body. ; Stage V.—Length 27 mm. Head, thoracic segments and last segment a little smaller than the rest of the body. General colour deep bluish green washed with white, which is more pronounced on the dorsal area, and more so in some specimens than in others. Ventral surface deep green with a purplish reflection. Head 3.5 mm. wide, concolorous with body, the front white, and the cheeks coarsely reticulated with white. These white markings aggregate into a Y-shaped mark above the clypeus, the limbs of which spread out on each side over the vertex. Mandibles milky white tipped with black; antenn white with the base yellow, and lying at the extreme end of the substigmatal line, which runs forward along the lower side of the face, to the base of antennæ. Body cylindrical, the skin very delicate and translucent showing plainly the dorsal vessel and contents of the [FLETCHER & GIBSON] SOME SPECIES OF CANADIAN LEPIDOPTERA 68 body. The dorsal band is of two pale white stripes which show the deep green dorsal vessel between. Sub-dorsal stripe pale, narrow and some- times interrupted, but clearly discernible for the whole length of the body, as far as the anterior portion, of segment 13, where it terminates on each side of the larva at one end of a bracket shaped fold which ex- tends across the dorsum. Substigmatal stripe, which is by far the most conspicuous marking on the body, creamy white, washed with gamboge yellow and very finely edged above for its whole length (five specimens) with reddish-purple. This purplish tinge can also be noticed when the caterpillar moves its body, as a purplish reflection on the skin extending a short distance above the stigmata and up the intersegmental fold but very apparent all over the ventral surface. The substigmatal stripe starts at the base of the antenna, runs along the lower side of the face and expanding to its greatest width on the 3 thoracic segments narrows down again rapidly to half the width on segment 5, and then narrows slightly across segments 7, 8 and 9, where it is narrowest. It widens again gradually from 9 to 13 where it is as wide as on segments 2 to 4. It terminates beneath the tip of the anal flap, but does not quite meet below the anus. Spiracles bright orange, narrowly ringed with black. Body smooth, but bearing yellowish-white, low, piliferous tubercles, bristles short and very slender. Above each spiracle, on two between dorsal band and abdominal segments are seven tubercles subdorsal stripe, and below this five, arranged in an oblong square with one in the centre, and anterior to each spiracle is a minute white dot. Thoracic feet and prolegs concolorous with venter; claspers of prolegs pale with ‘brownish hooks. Length of mature larva when extended 43 mm., width at widest segment 6 mm. On the 28th May two of the larve entered the ground, and two days later a third specimen buried. On, the 10th June, a fourth speci- men which had not developed as quickly as the others was full grown, and by the 11th had spun a cocoon between two leaves. The specimens which buried formed a distinct earthen cell, considerably strengthened with silk. The cocoon made among the leaves by the fourth specimen was slight, but tough, and of a whitish colour. Pupa.—tLength 18 mm., width at widest part 6.5 mm., dark brown, almost black, with a faint reddish tinge in places; thorax and wing-cases conspicuously wrinkled; abdomen slightly wrinkled and coarsely punc- tured ; no cremaster. Food plant.—Aspen poplar, Populus tremuloides, Michx. ,Other poplars, as well as willow, elm and birch were offered to the larve, but they would not eat them. 66 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA PETROPHORA FERRUGATA, Clerck. Male and female moths collected in coitu, at Ottawa. Eggs laid 23rd May, hatched 1st June. Egg.—Nearly elliptical oval, shiny; when laid creamy, in a few days turning to dull yellow, and before hatching to a dull leaden colour, under a lens beautifully reticulated. Stage I—Length 2.2 mm. Head 0.3 mm. wide, pale brown, round, slightly bilobed ; ocelli black ; mouth parts faintly reddish; edge of vertex and sides of head black; hairs on face rather longer than those on body, some pale and some dark. Body long and slender, pale yellowish-brown, slightly paler than head. After feeding the larvæ are of a greenish appearance. Tubercles black, small, each bearing a short, stout black hair. Thoracic shield concolorous with head. Skin smooth and shiny. No markings on the body with the exception of the pale white tracheal line. A day or two before the first moult the markings of Stage IL are perceptible. Stage II.—Length 4.5 mm. Head 0.5 mm. wide, pale in front, brown on cheeks. Body reddish-brown. Dorsal vessel lined with white on each side. A double lateral stripe of white is now present, the upper line of which is very irregular, or sinuous, the two lines being widest apart in the middle of the segments and closest together at the posterior margin, where the upper line drops down towards the lower. Spiracles small, black, lying on a white ring which throws them out in contrast. Infrastigmatal stripe double, irregular at the edges, most conspicuous on the front segments. Medio-ventral stripe double, wider than medio- dorsal, and the brown colour between the two lines distinct. All of these stripes are of a yellowish-white on a warm brown ground. Tubercles black, minute, narrowly ringed with white at base. In- Infrastigmatal stripe double, irregular at the edges, most conspicuous Thoracic feet and prolegs concolorous with body. Stage IIT.—Length 8 mm. Head 0.8 mm. wide, gray, spotted with dark brown, and with a black stripe across the cheeks, which is lined above and below with white. This stripe is really a continuation of the lateral band, across the face to the mouth, the dark stripe being an extension of the central part of the band, and the light margins of the band itself. Ocelli black in a grey field. Body dark purplish- brown, without protuberances. Longitudinal stripes almost the same as in previous stage, except that the medio-dcrsal stripe is much more dis- connected, being broken up on the abdominal segments into elongated diamond shaped marks, the anterior lines of which, lying on one-segment, are distinctly white and conspicuous, while the posterior two-thirds of [FLETCHER & GIBSON] SOME SPECIES OF CANADIAN LEPIDOPTERA 67 the diamond is only faintly traceable. The medio-dorsal stripe and the upper stripe of the lateral band from the mouth parts, up the head, and across segments 2, 3, 4,and 5, and 11, 12 and 13, are very con- spicuous, as also are the anterior third of the dorsal diamonds, and a white infrastigmatal band which includes the outside of the two pairs of prolegs. The markings on the ventral surface are more distinct than those on the dorsum. Spiracles black, lying on the upper stripe of the substigmatal band, which is swollen and forms a stigmatal fold. Between this and a clear well defined double medio-ventral stripe is a single whitish lne, which runs down on to the prolegs, and joins the pale line of the medio ventral stripe ,of that side. Anteriorly, it meets in the same way on the thoracic feet, and is noticeable on all three pairs. These four stripes might be described as two double bands, the upper substigmatal, containing the stigmata in its upper line, and the ventral, the lower line of which is separated medio-ventrally from the corre- sponding line of the opposite side by a narrow reddish brown thread. Tubercles all black, inconspicuous, with very short blunt bristles. Thoracic feet whitish, tipped with brown; prolegs white blotched with brown. Anal segment white at sides, dark brown in centre, but striped by the upper and lower lines of the lateral band which run across it. Stage IV.—Length 14 mm. Head 1.3 mm. wide, round in outline, slightly bilobed, flat in front, whitish brown with a wide black band across the cheeks. Between the band on each cheek there are numerous small spots of brown, and there is also a row of the same spots below the band, running from the posterior ocellus to back of head; mandibles reddish; antenne pale; hairs on face short and pale reddish; ocelli black. Body much the same as in Stage III, mostly dark above and light beneath. Tubercles small, white, hairs short and pale. Spiracles black. Stripes and bands not so conspicuous as before. The diamond shaped marks on dorsum, similar to last stage, but rather darker; the posterior half lighter. The ventral stripes are the most conspicuous. The thoracic feet are pale, with a few black dots. Length of mature larva 21 mm. On the 18th June a number of the larve entered the earth and by the 20th had changed to pupæ. The larva makes an earthen cell and changes to pupa within this. The earth is held together by slender threads of silk. Pupa—-Length 8-9 mm., width at-widest part 2.6 mm., shiny almost burnt umber in colour, pale, of a yellowish, tinge in segmental folds of abdomen. Thorax wrinkled, abdomen minutely pitted. Cremaster reddish-brown bearing at the end two stiff curved spines, and 68 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA near the end two shorter spines which are also curved, as well as being curled at the tips. The first moths emerged on June 29, and others appeared soon afterwards. Food plant.—The larve were fed on horse radish, Nasturtiwm armoracia, Fries. The female moth which laid the eggs was identified by the Rev. G. W. Taylor. ‘ GONODONTIS DUARIA, Guenee. Eggs of this geometer were laid by a female, taken at Ottawa, 29th May, 1901. Egg.—0.6 mm. x 0.8 mm., oval, smooth, shining; creamy-yellow when laid, changing to bright coral red in three days. One day before hatching the eggs turned to a dark purplish-red colour. The eggs hatched on the 7th and 8th June. Stage I.—Length at first 3 mm. Head 0.4 mm. wide, round, dull black, under a lens minutely pitted, centre of clypeus white, on either side of which is a white spot; antennæ whitish, hairs on face short. Body cylindrical, chocolate brown, bearing five transverse rings of white. These rings occur on anterior margin of segments 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9. On examination with a lens these rings are seen to be composed of 5 small white spots on the side and 6 on the dorsum, 3 on each half of the dorsal area, the whole 6 forming a U-shaped mark. There are also some very small white spots on the posterior three segments. In place of the thoracic shield there are two large black, rather elongated spots, on the dorsum of segment 2, hut these are hardly visible. Thoracic feet black, tipped with white, prolegs concolorous with body, claspers pale. Stage II.—ULength 6 mm. Head 0.6 to 0.7% mm. wide, dull black as before, clypeus white, on either side of which are two conspicuous white spots, the lower ones being the largest. There are also two small white spots just above the ocelli, and another in centre at top of each cheek ; antennæ pale; hairs on face very short and pale. Body reddish chocolate brown, some specimens with a greenish tinge. The rings of white are now only clearly visible on segments 6, 7, 8 and 9, just the faintest trace on segment 5, and the U-shaped mark is only present on segments, 6, ? and 8. . In this stage there are longitudinal lines, or stripes, on the body as follows :—a very faint, almost imperceptible medio-dorsal stripe. a white lateral line, a supra-stigmatal white line, an infrastigmatal wavy white line, a subventral white line, and a double medio-ventral white line. In centre of each of segments 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 between the supra-stigmatal and infra-stigmatal lines, there is a large protuberance. There is also a swelling on some of the other segments in the same place, [FLETCHER & GIBSON] SOME SPECIES OF CANADIAN LEPIDOPTERA 69 but these are not so conspicuous. Tubercles black and small. Spiracles inconspicuous. Anal flap margined at sides with white. Thoracic feet rather paler than body; prolegs concolorous; anal feet white at sides. Stage 111.—Length 10.5 mm. Head 1.0 to 1.1 mm. wide, dull black or very dark brown, with whitish markings as before; the two large white spots on either side of clypeus are now joined together. Body dark above, blacker on anterior half, and yellowish-brown on lower portion of sides and venter. The only semblance of the rings of white are on segments 5, 6, 7 and 8; in some specimens there are no white spots on segment 5. All the spots are on the dorsum, and on segments 6, 7 and 8 still form a U. The longitudinal lines on body are as before, but those below the spiracles are faint and hardly visible owing to the lighter colour of the ventral surface. Spiracles small and black. Tubercles small and shiny black. The protuberances on the sides of segments 5-10 are black, those on segments 9 and 10 not so large as the others. Anal flap concolorous with dorsal surface, margined at sides with pale yellow. Thoracic feet and prolegs concolorous with venter, all bearing short hairs. Stage IV.—Length 15 mm. Head 1.6 mm. wide, whitish markings larger than before; whole front of face now nearly white. In general appearance the larvæ are much the same in this stage as in Stage III. On segment 6 alone is the white ring clearly visible and only appears on the dorsum as the U-shaped mark. In some specimens there are a few white dots on the dorsum of segments 7 and 8. The lines on body are faint, some being hardly traceable. The whole body is densely mottled with dark purplish, whitish and brownish spots and blotches. Spiracles black. Tubercles very small and black. The lateral pro- tuberances are now smaller and consequently not so conspicuous. On segment 11, in centre of dorsum is a double black wart-like elevation, on either side of which is a dark blackish band, reaching down to near the spiracle. Thoracic feet paler than ventral surface and rather trans- lucent; prolegs concolorous. Stage V.—Length 21 mm. Head 2.2 mm. wide, concolorous with body, flattened in front, slightly indented at vertex, markings much as in last stage. Body dark brown, colour varying slightly in the speci- mens. Dorsal stripe pale, indistinct, hardly traceable on thoracic and anal segments. Ventral lines present but rather indistinct. Lateral lines obsolete. On the dorsum beginning on segment 6 and ending on segment 11 there is a distinct series of pale reddish diamond shaped marks. The U-shaped mark is now only present on segment 6 (abdom- inal segment 2); whole body densely streaked and dotted with dark purple, white and brown as in last stage. Tubercles very small and 70 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA black. At the lower edge of tubercle 11 there is a white spot. Spiracles black, rimmed with white. Thoracic feet paler than venter; prolegs con- colorous. Length of mature larva 29 mm. On the 14th July, six larve changed to pupe. Pupa.—Length 12.5 to 13 mm., width 4.2 to 4.5 mm., dark reddish brown, shining, pale red in segmental folds of abdomen, and between wing and antenne cases; wing-cases and thorax wrinkled; abdomen rather coarsely pitted ; cremaster roughened, with two stout spines, which are conspicuously curved outwards. The first moth emerged in a cool cellar on the 3rd of May, over two- weeks earlier than the moths are taken outside at Ottawa. Food plant.—The young larve were offered Red oak, Quercus rubra, L, and as they took readily to it, they were reared throughout their stages on that food plant. (Separates issued September, 1907.) SECTION IV., 1907. [71] Trans. R. S. C V.—Presidential Address. The Biological Investigation of Canadian Waters, With Special Reference to the Government Biological Stations. By Proressor EDWARD E. PRINCE. Dominion Commissioner and General Inspector of Fisheries for Canada. (Read May 14, 1907.) “ How beautiful is the sea!” Cicero exclaimed in a striking passage in the “ De Natura Deorum”...... “What the number and infinitely varied forms of its inhabitants! Some contained deep in its bosom, some floating at its surface, others clinging by their shells to its rocky shores.” Such were the ardent terms in which the Roman orator, a century before our era commenced, spoke of the ocean and its living inhabitants, though he little dreamed of the marvels which biological research two thousand years later would reveal to the wondering intelli- gence of mankind. The investigation of the watery depths, marine and fresh-water, upon our planet, has an irresistible fascination. It is full of surprises, but its results appeal not to the imagination alone, nor merely satisfy the scientific craving for knowledge, rather do they afford practical aid of vital importance to the great industries pursued upon seas, rivers and lakes. Pre-eminently amongst modern nations has Germany realised this. France and the United States, too, have done their part, but when England handed to the German Emperor the island of Heligoland, in 1890, before any forts for defence, or new wharves for commerce were erected, a Marine Biological Station was founded for investigating the treasures of the seas around. Though man divides the domain of nature into various fields, the divisions are wholly artificial, for nature is one, and nowhere can we find a more striking illustration of this than in the field of research with which this address is more especially concerned. Marine Biology Benefits Fisheries. The interdependence of all the various forms of aquatic life is, perhaps, not the least remarkable of the many impressive results of recent biological research. From the lowest and simplest vegetable forms up to the highly organised and economically valuable fishes in our waters the chain of dependence runs, and we can never hope to 72 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA satisfactorily conserve and fully develop the great resources of the deep until we have adequate knowledge of the biological content of its more important and accessible areas. As was insisted upon and demonstrated in a masterly address delivered by Professor Ramsay Wright before the Royal Society in 1901,1 the water is as productive acre for acre as the land, indeed more so, and until a satisfactory knowledge of the living forms floating, as the great Roman orator said, at the sea’s surface, or embosomed in its depths, or clinging to its shallow shores, we shall, so far, be incapacitated from controlling and increasing the larger forms, the valuable comestible fishes upon which the fishing industries depend. These fishes, whose pursuit gives employment to the great army of Canadian fishermen, furnish a supply of esteemed food to our own and distant populations, and bring wealth to our people, through the many complex commercial enterprises included under the term “ fisheries.” I cannot refrain from quoting a pregnant paragraph from the Report of the Royal Commission appointed to inquire into the Sea Fisheries of the United Kingdom, 1863, in which it is justifiably claimed that :— “The produce of the sea around the coasts bears a far higher pro- portion to that of the land than is generally imagined. The most frequented fishing-grounds are much more prolific of food than the same extent of the richest land. Once in the year an acre of good land, carefully tilled, produces a ton of corn, or two or three ewt. of meat or cheese. ‘The same area at the bottom of the sea, on the best fishing grounds, yields a greater weight of food to the persevering fisherman every week in the year. Five vessels, belonging to the same owner, in a single night’s fishing, brought in 17 tons weight of fish—an amount of wholesome food equal in weight to that of 50 cattle or 300 sheep. The ground which these vessels covered during the night’s fishing could not have exceeded an area of 50 acres.” “When we consider the amount of care that has been bestowed on the improvement of agriculture, the national societies which are established for promoting it, and the scientific knowledge and engineer- ing skill which have been enlisted in its aid, it seems strange that the sea-fisheries have hitherto attracted so little of the public attention. There are few means of enterprise that present better chances of profit than our sea-fisheries, and no object of greater utility could be named than the development of enterprise, skill, and mechanical ingenuity in connection with the fishing industries.” 1**Some Problems of Marine Biology.” [PRINCE] BIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION OF CANADIAN WATERS 73 Pioneer Biological Work in Canada. But the investigation-of waters so vast as those of Canada might well appal even the most stout-hearted of the devotees of science. Diffi- culties exist, however, not to deter but to inspire effort and, looking back over the past history of biological progress in Canada, one may at times feel disappointed at the meagre efforts and sparse results often achieved but rightly estimated we may feel justifiably proud of the pioneers who worked alone and unappreciated, and under many disadvantages, and yet gathered such a store of scientific knowledge as we in Canada possess to-day. May the prudens questio which stimulated them stir us, their unworthy successors! When a boy I saw much of the venerable and rightly venerated British zoologist, the Rev. Thomas Flincks, whose monographs on hydroid and polyzoan zoology are an imperishable element in the fabric of marine biology, and I well remember the glow of delight with which he received some bottles of specimens after their long and perilous voyage from Canada, which then seemed to Englishmen as distant as Mars. That was nearly 40 years ago, and zealous observers were at work in our land then, whose specimens I saw, as later in my scientific career, T saw bottles of Annelids sent to Dr. McIntosh* by Dr. Whiteaves after his early dredgings in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Mr. Hincks like his Canadian confrères was a solitary worker—“ I am going for a holi- day, get me my boots from Carley, the shoemaker,” he said one day to his servant. The servant found to his amazement that the parcel con- taining Mr. Hincks’ pair of boots measured 36 inches by 12, and might have been a young calf wrapped up in paper. The holiday was to be spent at Tenby or Torquay or some favourite resort for marine zoolo- gists, and the boots were huge sea boots for wading in tidal pools or, working on a fishing boat amidst dredges and nets. Northern and Southern Species in the Gulf Waters. European naturalists were under the impression that the fauna of the shores of Canada, at least the Atlantic waters, was really of a truly Boreal character: but, over an extent of ten thousand miles of coast on the east and seven thousand on the west, a variety of faunas might be 11 feel bound to mention that Professor McIntosh, in a recent letter, informs me of the approaching completion of the great Monograph of the British Annelids, with its wonderful series of superb coloured plates, the work of Professor McIntosh’s lamented sister, the late Mrs. Roberta Giinther. This splendid and monumental work, in course of publication for over thirty years by the Ray Society of London, is an honour to that famous Society, and the magnum opus of the greatest of living marine biologists. 74 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA expected as great as in the waters between the Yorkshire coast and the coast of Spain, off Cape Finisterre. In the northern regions, say from Cape Chidley south through the Straits of Belle Isle to Anticosti, and even up the St. Lawrence for some distance, there occur species which belong to the Greenlandic or, as Dr. Schmitt says, the Icelandic fauna, “ Dr. Henri Labonne m’a montré des brachiopodes,” he says, qu’il avait rapportés des côtes d’Islande et qui rappellent tout à fait ceux que j’ai trouvés ici.” 1 Yet it was a very large specimen of Physalia, the tropical Portu- guese Man of War, which Sir Henry Bonnycastle saw as he approached Canada from Cape Ray on August 30th, 1841, and he glowingly described its brilliant cerulean hues. Dr. Whiteaves is no doubt well justified, from his really unparalleled knowledge of the shallow and deep water fauna of our Atlantic coast, in questioning the view of Dr. A. 8. Packard, that the term Syrtensian should be apphed to the whole body of water, shallow and deep, of the Gulf, and Labrador, and Nova Scotia, hut rather that the term applies to that extension of the Boreal fauna stretching from Maine, the Nova Scotia coast, the Gulf, and the outer Labrador. waters across the Atlantic to Iceland and the Norway coast, from the Naze northward. It may he doubted whether, however, the term Acadian will be found ultimately to accurately apply to the very extensive areas embracing the Grand Manan waters, Passamaquoddy Bay, Halifax Harbour, Prince Edward Island, the Magdalens, and the southern part of the Bay of Chaleurs, exclusive of the deeper parts. The great body of ice annually moving from the North Shore and possibly from Davis and Hudson Straits, down through Northumberland and Cabot Straits, and hugging the shores, occasionally remaining, indeed, on the Inverness shore of Cape Breton until June, has a potent influence on the inshore shallows, and results in that paucity of species and stunted character of specimens which have disappointed many a zealous naturalist when investigating our Gulf littoral fauna. While active forms, like fishes, and floating invertebrates, like meduse, may mislead, faunistically, whereas non-migratory creatures like Echinoderms, Annelids, Polyzoa, Mollusks, etc., may be diagnostic, yet the recent captures of many more southerly fishes, Scomberoids, (Scomberomorus, Poronotus, etc.,) the Tarpon (Tarpon atlanticus), the Sword-fish (Xiphias gladius), and many sharks and dog-fishes, which favour warmer zones, must be taken as indications that bodies of warmer water interdigitate with the colder bodies sweeping from the north, and render it difficult to define faunistic areas, until the main currents off our shores have been more fully mapped out.? 1“ Monographie de L'Isle Anticosti.” Paris, 1904. ?The Tidal Survey carried on assiduously for many years by a Fellow of the Society, Dr. W. Bell Dawson, is doing much to fill the gap. [PRINCE] BIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION OF CANADIAN WATERS 78 Significance of the Oyster Distribution. The presence and absence of the oyster (Ostrea virginica), in certain localities, depend, we know, upon many delicate and somewhat inappreciable conditions, hence its apparently erratic distribution, and absence from most of the Nova Scotia shore and the New Brunswick side of the Bay of Fundy, over most of which coast line the Acadian fauna is recognized. Schmitt is inclined to attribute the stunted character of so many Gulf species, at any rate those along the north or Quebec shore, as due possibly to lack of food in the water “ Ce nansime,” he says, “ est peut-étre en partie par la rareté de la nourriture résultant du peu de matiéres organiques en suspension et par le milieu relativement froid ot Vanimal ne trouve pas son optimum de croissance.” The field of biological investigation is thus not merely remarkable for its geographi- cal extent but for the complex and profoundly interesting factors, physical, chemical, ete., which determine its faunistic features. Comparison of North Sea and Gulf of St. Lawrence. Now, we know that such a body of water as the North Sea which is very shallow and includes a number of banks, famous as fishing grounds, has a low bottom temperature, indeed a great part of its floor, especially towards the north is covered with a stratum of cold water. This cold stratum is traced to the Polar current, while above this is the warmer inflow of the Atlantic current, still retaining something of the Gulf Stream infiuence. But the average depth of the North Sea is less than one hundred fathoms, over a great part of the one hundred and forty thousand square miles constituting its area; shallowing most markedly, moreover, towards its southerly margin. The northern portions range from 160 to 300 and 400 fathoms, and still further north, deepen into the watery abyss of the Norwegian Sea, which shows 2,000 fathoms. The famous fishing banks are much scattered; but the principal, the Dogger, les about seventy miles directly east of Flamborough Head, Yorks, and runs north-easterly for 150 miles, being sixty miles across at its greatest breadth. The depth is only seven to twenty-four fathoms, deepening towards the north-east, and at the Great Fisher Bank increasing to forty-five and fifty fathoms. Off its southwest extremity: are the Silver Pits,—-a fishing bank sixty miles long,—and the depth is there twenty-five to fifty fathoms. Southeast of the Dogger are Cromer Knowle, twelve to eighteen fathoms deep, and the Leman and Dowsing Banks. 76 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA In spite of many marked differences, there has always seemed to me to be an analogy, I would say, a correspondence, between the North Sea or German Ocean, and the Gulf of St. Lawrence. I have often thought of Elisee Reclus’ view that “ the western coasts of Europe and Africa correspond with the eastern coast of this continent, not with the western as analogy would indicate.” Both seas are, towards the north, bound east and west by elevated ancient rock-formations, Norway and Britain alike presenting to the sea bold rugged ramparts, just as Gaspé and Newfoundland do; but there is no counterpart of Labrador in the case of the North Sea. Both, again, become extremely shallow in their southern portions, the unresisting arenaceous beaches, of recent formation, and the friable chalk cliffs facing the German Ocean the sea perpetually devours, or as in the case of the Netherlands, large tracts of country are inundated by it just as the Chignecto Isthmus is still to some extent inundated to-day, and must formerly have been wholly submerged. Were the Gulf and Bay of Fundy continuous? If there was communication between Minas Basin and Halifax Harbour by the Stewiacke Valley, Grand Lake, and the lakes near Windsor Junction, to which geologists may, perhaps, raise insuperable objections, then the occurrence of oysters about Halifax Harbour, Jed- dore Head, and even further east, can be understood. The region at the head of the Bay of Fundy at any rate has been, “one of exceptional geological disturbance and complexity,’ as Dr. George Dawson said, and, if Prince Edward Island has been elevated not much before or after, geologically speaking, then the fauna of the Pas- samaquoddy waters and further south would have continuity with the waters of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. But, it may be objected that the oyster is practically absent from the Bay of Fundy proper, which forms as it were a non-ostreate region between the prolific areas of Connecti- cut, New York, Maryland, etc., on the south, and Northumberland Straits on the north. With the closing of the Bay of Fundy its condi- tions, it must be remembered, would so change that the high tides, the famous “bore,” the increase in mud deposits, the stranding of jce in the shallows, and other physical, chemical, and biological changes, sufficiently account for the disappearance of the oyster. The Gulf ice would moreover not be retained in the cul-de-sac formed by St: George’s Bay and the Inverness shore of Cape Breton. If the northern ice passed into the Gulf at all to the extent to which it does now, it would be carried, with the local fields of ice, down the Bay of Fundy, and would disappear rapidly as it passed into the warmer zones. [PRINCE] BIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION OF CANADIAN WATERS TOI The average depth of the Gulf of St. Lawrence is 200 fathoms; over 300 fathoms midway between Grosse Isle, the Magdalens, and Heath Point, Anticosti; and, as Dr. Whiteaves has pointed out, more than a hundred fathoms over a considerable part of its extent. Effect of Chignecto Upheaval on Fauna. May it not be that the elevation which cut off communication between Chignecto Bay and Baie Verte, and between Cobequid Bay and Pictou, in other words, between the Bay of Fundy, as a whole, and the Straits of Northumberland, so affected the fauna of the waters north, i.e. the Gulf of St. Lawrence, as to leave only isolated traces of a former community of species. The Brachiopod (Terebratulina septentrion- alis) which occurs quite plentifully in well-known patches in Passama- quoddy Bay and further south, occurs in very deep water in the Gulf, as Dr. Whiteaves has stated; the oyster occurs abundantly for several hundreds of miles south of the Bay of Fundy, but survives in the north no further than Caraquet, and, in scattered beds, all the way down to Pictou and Pugwash, while the Prince Edward Island shores are more or less an oyster bed all round. Banks of the Gulf and Atlantic Shore. In many ways the fishing banks of the Atlantic coast of Canada differ from the European banks referred to. They are much deeper, descending in the case of the Grand Banks to 160 fathoms, though 25 to 50 fathoms is a very usual depth. The German Bank, and Quaco Bank in the Bay of Fundy, have long been productive, but the great shelf which extends from the Seal Island grounds, off western Nova Scotia, round to Cape Breton and from the Cape North banks by way of the Magdalen Islands to Cape Gaspé, embraces the greatest fishing areas in Canada, perhaps in the world. The Grand Banks are south east of Newfoundland and are more than 600 miles long by about 200 miles in breadth, an area larger than all I{aly, and the most extensive submarine elevation on our planet. The famous ‘ Bank codfishing’ is carried on in depths of 10 to 100 fathoms, 45 to 50 fathoms being most usual: but St. Peter’s Bank to the west, i.e. south of Bay Fortune, is deeper, fishing being conducted in water 130 fathoms deep. South-east of this bank is Southern Shoal Bank, and further west again is Green Bank. Towards Sable Island are Misaine Banks, and to the east, Canso Bank, while the famous Banquereau continues by the Western Bank to Sable Island Banks and south to La Have Bank and Ridges, situated between Sambro and Roseway Banks off the south eastern shores of western Nova Sec. IV., 1907. 5. 78 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Scotia. The Scatari grounds and the Cape North Banks are continuous through Cabot Straits with@the Gulf Banks, these banks being 75 to 110 fathoms deep, though cod-fishing is mainly confined to depths of 25 to 40 or even 60 fathoms. ‘The Magdalen Islands form the eastern limit of fishing banks of great importance, while, to the north, Bryon Island and Bird Rocks are adjacent to splendid grounds, on which fish- ing is pursued in water from 14 to 24 fathoms deep. Immediately west is Bradelle Bank; Miscou, Orphan and Green Banks extending north to Gaspé. The Labrador Banks and.Anticosti may be said to skirt the eastern Quebec shores, and continue as the southern and northern Labrador fishing grounds. For three hundred years these extensive -grounds have been persistently fished, and during the last fifty years not less than one hundred and fifty to one hundred and seventy-five millions of cod-fish have, as Professor Hind estimated, been taken from these waters, yet they remain the most productive cod-fishing areas known. Most of the early popular writers included observations upon the natural history of the land:' but the waters are usually dismissed in curt fashion, as Zadok Thompson in one of the earliest Canadian Geographies in English, published in Canada, (at Stanstead, 1835), says “The waters of Lower Canada contain a very. great variety of fishes. In the lower part of the St. Lawrence are found most of the fishes which are common to the ocean on this part of the continent, together with whales, seals, sea-cows, porpoises, ete. Most of the lakes and rivers abound in fishes, among the most important of which are sturgeon, salmon, salmon trout, shad, bass, pike, pickerel, eel, maskilonge, perch, trout, sucker, etc.” while Alex. Monro, in his admirable little school compendium of the History, Geography, and Statistics of British North America, (Montreal, 1864), though he gives an excellent list of the birds, mammals and fishes, and a botanical list also, dismisses the invertebrates with few words enumerating “lobsters, oysters, clams, mussels, razor-fish, crabs, and shrimps, all of which are found in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Lobsters are abundant along the whole coast-line of the Gulf. Oysters are plentiful on the north east coast of New Brunswick, and south west coast of Prince Edward Island, and other places in the Gulf.” Of course some early scientific research had, it is true, been carried on in the waters of Canada, and Dr. Whiteaves has summarised the work done in his introduction to his catalogue of the Marine Invertebrata of 1P, H. Gosse’s valuable little work, “ The Canadian Naturalist,’ London, 1840, makes merely one or two incidental references to aquatic animals and fishes. [prINcE] BLOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION OF CANADIAN WATERS 79 Eastern Canada, 1901, and I shall therefore be brief in my reference to these pioneer researches and recommend a perusal of Dr. Whiteaves’ admirable outline. Sir J. W. Dawson's Early Marine Studies. It was as early as 1835 that Sir William Dawson collected marine animals on the shores of his native county (Pictou). His “ Hand-book of Canadian Zoology,” 1870, contains material that must be referred back to these youthful marine studies, but he does not appear to have published any account of his work, prior to 1858 when a popular paper, “A Week in Gaspé,” was printed in the Canadian Naturalist (Montreal), followed by an account of sea anemones and hydroid zoophytes of the Gulf in the same journal in 1859, and a paper on “The Tubicolous Worms” of the same waters in 1860. These early dredgings were continued at intervals until 1882: but geological work during these years demanded chief attention, although an interesting study of the “ Food * of the Common Sea-Urchin,” conducted at Tadousac, is to be found in the American Naturalist Vol. I, 1867. In Sir William Dawson’s report on the Geology and Minerals of Prince Edward Island, a list of marine Mollusca is given by Dr. W. Bell Dawson. Dr. J. R. Willis carried on for twelve or thirteen years, from 1850 onwards, the collecting of marine shelis off the Nova Scotia coast, and his first list was published by the Boston Society of Natural History in 1862, but a later list was reprinted in 1890 in the Transactions of the N. S. Institute of Natural Science. Dr. Robert Bell's Investigations. Prominent among the pioneer students of the biology of the Gulf of St. Lawrence is Dr. Robert Bell who as early as 1857 carried on marine investigations from Rimouski to Gaspé, lists appearing in the Geological Survey Reports in 1858 and 1859, some of the invertebrates being deter- mined by Sir William Dawson. Dr. Bell continued his zoological studies in northern seas, an important contribution being printed in the Geological Survey Report 1885, the list of Mollusks obtained by Dr. Bell, in Hudson’s Bay and Straits in the expeditions in 1879, 1880, 1882 and 1884 were prepared by Dr. Whiteaves, while a series of Crusta- ceans from Port Burwell in 1882 were described by Professor S. J. Smith. Dr. George Dawson's Early Work. Dr. George M. Dawson, when a student at McGill University, dredged during a summer holiday at Gaspé, and the collection then 80 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA made, with other materials, formed the basis of his first published paper. Tt appeared, as I mention elsewhere, in 1870, and dealt with those minute foraminiferal forms which later, in 1880, he sought for in tha prolific surface waters of the Pacific. Dr. Dawson’s phials of € Plankton” from Hecate Straits unfortunately perished in a fire in the West Parliamentary Block, where they were placed temporarily. U. S. Investigations and Others. United States’ workers have been assiduous in investigating our Canadian seas, and happily there is room for all! Dr. A. 8. Packard, Jr., dredged in 1860 east of Belle Isle Straits, and a list of the species secured appeared in the Canadian Naturalist, Dec. 1863. He extended his researches in 1864 and included the waters from a hundred miles inside the Straits of Belle Isle to Hopedale over three hundred miles up the Labrador coast on the open Atlantic. The Boston Society of Natural History published his Invertebrate Fauna of La- brador, in 1867, embracing both expeditions, 1860 and 1864, and a collection made by Professor A. EH. Verrill, in 1861, off Anticosti and Mingan. Professor Verrill carried on dredging work in the Grand Manan (Bay of Fundy) waters, in 1868 and 1870, and continued them in 1872, 1877, and 1883, latterly under the United States Fish Commission. The La Have Banks and St. George’s Banks were examined, as weil as the deep waters south-east of Halifax, and off the western Nova Scotia coast, and in 1883 the SS. “ Albatross ” dredged at twenty different stations in depths of 49 to 130 fathoms, and the valuable and well-known reports in the volumes of the United States Fish Commission, the Connecticut Academy, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and the \United States National Museum, contain the results. In 1873 the British warship “ Challenger,” in her world-famous scientific cruise, included 31 stations off the Nova Scotia coast, and secured some notable specimens of the boreal Antedon quadrata and Antedon Eschrichtti on the La Have Bank. In 1876 Dr. J. A. Verkruzen made a collection of mollusca, etc., in Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland, publishing a small pamphlet in St. John’s, Nfld., and three further accounts in Germany. The year following saw Dr. Matthew Jones’ list of N. S. mollusks appear in the Trans. N. S. Institute of Natural Science, and Dr. W. A. Stearns, in the same year, dredged along the Labrador coast for about 120 miles from Forteau Bay, Belle Isle Straits, to Square Island, and his lists were published in the Proceedings of the U. 8. National Museum, the sixth volume. Mr. L. M. Turner made collections of marine animals along ‘the extensive shore from Hamilton Bay north to Cape Chidley, [PRINCE] BIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION OF CANADIAN WATERS 81 and round into Ungava Bay to Fort Chimo. The mollusca were re- ported upon by Dr. W. H. Dall, in the proceedings of the U. S. National Museum, IX, 1886. Professor W. F. Ganong, a native of New Bruns- wick, from 1884 to 1888 collected Mollusca, Echinoderms, etc., in the rich waters of southern New Brunswick, and published a number of papers in the N. B. Natural History Society’s Bulletins, and issued a popular little volume on the “ Economic Mollusca of Acadia.” The various Dominion Government expeditions to Hudson’s Bay, though their primary object has been in recent years to determine the conditions of navigation, have always done some marine zoological work, and inter- esting collections have been made in 1894, 1897-8 and 1899, and the recent expedition of the “ Neptune” under Mr. Low, the head of the Geological Survey, has similarly added to our knowledge of these cold northern waters. While I must omit special mention of work confined within the limits of a single group, I cannot forbear mentioning the really splendid contributions which Mr. Lawrence Lambe for so many years has made to Poriferan Zoology, the minute descriptions, and above all the exquisite plates, are a source of pride to every Canadian, and form a worthy basis for future studies of our Arctic, Atlantic, and Pacific sponges. The papers on fishes, ete., by Dr. M. H. Perley, whose first reports were made to the Legislature of New Brunswick, in 1852, and those hy Mr. T. F. Knight, in 1866, to the Nova Scotia Government, were largely compilations, though valuable for their purpose, but the Rev. John Ambrose’s papers on N. S. fishes, published by the N. S. Institute of Natural Science, and Dr. J. B. Gilpin’s similar accounts of the Gaspereau, and other economic fishes, published by the same society, 1864-65, 1865-66 and 1866-67, are of peculiar interest. Mr. Harry Piers, of Halifax, has added to our knowledge of the fishes, and Dr. Philip Cox, of Chatham, N.B., has done valuable work in the smaller fishes, chiefly fresh-water species, though in 1895 he made a special investigation of the smelt and striped bass, under the auspices of the Marine and Fisheries Department. Dr. Whiteaves’ Deep Sca Researches. But there is one omission, which on the principle of leaving the best to the last, I must now supply, viz., the laborious researches of that brilliant veteran in marine biology, as in fossil biology or paleontology, Dr. Joseph Frederick Whiteaves. Dr. Whiteaves began his famous dredging expeditions in 1867, just 40 years ago, and in that year and in the second succeeding year (1869) made collections inside Cape Gaspé, in the Basin, and outside the Cape, off Cap des Rosiers, the results being published in the Canadian Naturalist. The Natural History Society 82 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA of Montreal, to their honour, encouraged the work, and the Marine and Fisheries Department gave its countenance as well as the aid of certain Government vessels; so that three separate dredging cruises were carried out in 1871, 1872, and 1873, and I can imagine no surprise more pleasurable than that of an intelligent reader wading through all the wearisome farrago called a Government report, coming suddenly upon the report on deep sea dredgings, addressed in 1871 and 1872 to the Hon. Peter Mitchell, and in 1873 to the Hon. A. J. Smith, and finding a profoundly interesting account of arduous labours on the deeps of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. “No researches with the dredge had ever been made in the deeper parts of the River St. Lawrence or Gulf until the summer of 1871” Dr. Whiteaves states in his first report, dated Dec. 29th, 1871. When this report was published “ not one-twentieth ” of the material obtained had been examined. eleven large bag-fulls of mud being brought up from depths of from 100 to 250 fathoms, and yielding eight characteristic deep-water foraminifera, on a very cursory examination. At that time not more than 50 species had been deter- mined in the Atlantic waters of Canada, and Dr. Whiteaves estimated that at least one-third more would be added, after his specimens had been diagnosed. His recent list gives about sixty-four species of these Protozoans as determined for these waters up to 1901. A number of sponges, hydroids and actinians were obtained, and very notable was the series of beautiful carmine-coloured sea-pens, Pennatula aculeata, Dan. from deep-water between Anticosti and the south shore of the St. Lawrence; as was the capture next year (1872) of the long Virgularia Ljungmanni, Kollr., while the echinoderms were remarkable, including as they did Schizaster fragilis, Duben and Koren, Ophioglypha sarsvi, Lut. Ophiacantha bidentata, Retz. Amphiura Sundevalli, Mull. and Troschel, and the complex Gorgonocephalus Agassizii, Stimp. The annelids appeared to embrace probably 20 species; and a fine collection of crusta- ceans; about 20 polyzoa; and a few tunicates. Of the 26 mollusks of special interest 15 appéared to be species, new to the continent, and two new to science. The practical aspects of the work were made prominent, and over 500 stomachs of cod fish were examined to decide the nature of the food which attracted the schools to their habitual resorts. All these reports are of inestimable value, and their character may be judged by the fact that the second report, dated January 14th, 1873, includes, apart from fishes, 190 specics of invertebrates; mollusks 19; tunicates 10; polyzoa 39; crustacea 30; annelids 23; echinoderms 28; sponges about 20; protozoans about 20, in addition to a large number of annelids, etc., which were in course of determination. In 1874 a still larger list was the result of over nine weeks’ work, conducted very often [PRINCE] BIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION OF CANADIAN WATERS 83 under stress of stormy weather, for the species named number over 200, some series consisting only of the scarcer species secured, and omitting well-known common species. Besides a few fishes the list is as follows: tunicates 15; mollusks 54; annelids 54, the collection of worms being in Scotland undergoing examination by the famous authority Professor W. C. McIntosh; crustacea 72; polyzoa 15; echinoderms 22; hydroids 21; sponges 13; a list which included quite a number of new species in many groups, and which has grown into the imposing “ Catalogue of the Marine Invertebrata of Eastern Canada,” with which Dr. Whiteaves, it may be proudly claimed, ushered in the new century. Each of these valuable faunistic reports had its value largely increased by the extremely practical notes and recommendations on oyster fisheries, and on lobster, mackerel, and other important fishing industries, which formed addenda; and I may add that the force of some of Dr. Whiteaves’ recommendations has not diminished with the lapse of thirty years. It would be unpardonable to overlook the last addition to the faunistic publications for the Gulf, or rather a northern portion of it, viz: Dr. Joseph Schmitt’s fauna of Anticosti, forming part IV of his beautiful “ Monographie de L’Tle d’Anticosti” dedicated to M. Henri Menier to whose munificence Dr. Schmitt owed the opportunity of making his very full survey of Anticosti Island. Published in Paris in 1904, it embraces the physiographic and biological features of that locality ; and its marine biological portion, as the author states, especially so far as the deeper waters are concerned, owes much to the recorded dredgings of Packard and Verrill ‘et surtout ceux du Dr. Whiteaves.” British Columbia Waters a Promising Field. I had proposed speaking somewhat fully about that great, almost unparalleled field for biological research which the Pacific coast of Canada offers to the ardent zoologist. No one who has cast a dredge over the bow of a vessel into these prolific waters, crowded with exuberant life, can doubt that there is no land of promise, or to avoid the Hibernicism, no water of promise, offering greater reward to the biologist. In the course of a day’s dredging, as recorded in this Society’s Transactions, no less than 150 species comprising 7,000 specimens were taken in Departure Bay, near Nanaimo, many of them new species. Plankton work has been untouched there if we except the tow-nettings of Dr. George Dawson in 1885, and my own in 1894, both series of specimens suffering the same fate in the fire of 1896. Though Gould in 1856 described some Pacific invertebrates in the Pacific Railway Report, Vol. V, yet it was Dr. Philip Pearsall Carpenter’s “ Mollusca of the West coast of North America,” presented to the British Associa- 84 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA tion in 1856, which first indicated the richness of the British Columbia marine fauna. He had, in conjunction with Gould already treated the subject in the Zool. Soe. Proc. of London in 1856, and he followed these contributions by many others, until his paper on the Acmæidæ of Vancouver, issued in 1866, in the American Journal of Conchology, Vol. IT. Mr. J. K. Lord’s faunistic list, published after the conclusion of the Pacific Boundary €ommission 1863, is useful but fragmentary, though Kennerley’s collection made at the same time is important. Mr. John Richardson, in 1874 and 1875, collected on behalf of the Dominion Geological Survey, at various points from Victoria Harbour to Deep Bay, 90 miles further north, and he included Burrard Inlet. This collection with one privately made by Mr. R. Middleton, of Victoria, © was examined by Dr. Whiteaves, who had the aid of certain specialists, and the first list including 7 hydroids, 2 alcyonarians, 10 echinoderms, 3 polyzoans, 5 brachiopods, 83 mollusca, 19 crustaceans, and was pub- lished in the Canadian Naturalist, Vol. VIII, 1878. Judge J. G. Swan, of Port Townsend, U.S., continued the faunistic work in B. C. waters and in Puget Sound; but to Dr. Dall we are chiefly indebted for our knowledge of the Pacific marine fauna from the time of the appearance of his catalogue of Bering’s Sea and Pacific shells (Proc. Calif. Acad. Sci. Vol. 5) in 1874 down to the present time. Dr. Whiteaves has from time to time added to the list, his “ Invertebrata of Vancouver Island ” in the Royal Society Transactions 1886 being important. It was in 1886 that Inspector Thomas Mowat made a tour of fisheries inspection along the coast to Queen Charlotte Islands, and reported on the cod and deep-sea fishery resources. In 1893 Professor John Macoun made fine collections of marine forms at Comox, Sooke, Nanaimo, etc., but a most notable piece of work is Dr. F. C. Newcombe’s Report on the Marine Shells of British Columbia (Nat. Hist. Soc. of B.C., Victoria, 1893). Dr. Newcombe has done splendid work, especially in the marine mollusks, in studying which he dredged over a very extensive area along the British Columbia coast and published remarkably comprehensive lists. But a Fellow of this Society occupies no second place as a marine investigator in Pacific waters.! His collections are indeed an indication of what an accomplished zoologist, occupied with many other duties can do in this Eldorado of marine biology. Nor must John Fannin’s work be forgotten; British Columbia has had few more enthusiastic lovers of nature. He was much more than a museum curator and taxidermist. The specialists of the United States have long recognized the peerless *The Rey. George W. Taylor, of Wellington, near Nanaimo, B.C., who published the first of a number of lists in 1894. (R. S. Trans.). [PRINCE] BIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION OF CANADIAN WATERS 85 nature of our Pacific coast waters,’ and it may be doubted if the “ Albatross” has anywhere secured, in so short a time, and with such ease, a mass of living treasures to compare with those obtained in her cruise in 1890 along the west shores of our Dominion. May the biological station sanctioned by the Dominion Government be equipped and be actively engaged in reaping the harvest of these gem-studded shores, at the earliest possible moment! A Dominion Biological Station for British Columbia. The project for a marine biological station for British Columbia has never been allowed wholly to remain in abeyance, and enthusiastic scientists have never ceased to harbour the hope that the Dominion Government would realise the necessity of scientific investigation in the Pacific waters as appropriately as they did on the Atlantic coast. But no public statement was made to the country until the able and far- seeing representative for Comox-Atlin, Mr. William Sloan, M.P., in a memorable speech on fishery matters declared, on January 18th, 1907, to the Federal House at Ottawa that there ought to be no delay in founding a scientific laboratory for fisheries’ research on the coast of British Columbia. Mr.*Sloan said that he strongly favoured a marine biological station in British Columbia, and went on to announce (Hansard Debates, 3rd Session, 10th Parliament, Ottawa, 1907) that :—‘“‘ The proposed establishment of the station has been everywhere accepted as being necessary in extending a more definite knowledge as to the economic values contained in our seas and the further extending of facilities for investigation and scientific research would be beneficial to our fisheries.” Foundation of Canadian Biological Station, 1898. When the Biological Station on the Atlantic coast was founded by the Dominion Government in 1898, it had in numerous ways a field of vast possibilities before it, though, as we have seen, many a scientific worker had “ploughed the furrow alone” during the previous fifty or sixty years. Several causes had contributed to bring about the consummation. A report of my own in 1894, *Dr. Stearns and others have described the specimens obtained, in such publications as the Proc. U. S. Nat. Museum, Vol. XIII, ete., and Professor Starr Jordan’s classic works on fishes include a large number of descriptions based on British Columbia examples. Drs.- Jordan and Bean, it may be added, cruised along the B. C. coast and made collections so long ago as 1880, and paid special attention to the cod and halibut resources. 86 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA had favoured a marine biological station, for attacking fishery problems in Canada as they had been attacked, and in many cases solved, in other countries; but it was a letter of Professor Knight of Queen’s University, Kingston, addressed to the secretary of the Royal Society on May 6th, 1895, which gave the proposal a practical shape, and after Sir John Bourinot had referred the matter to Section IV, it was decided to bring the proposal before the British Association, which appointed a committee in 1896, the members of which met in Toronto, under the presidency of Professor Miall, F.R.S., from whom, I may be pardoned for mentioning, I received my first training in Comparative Anatomy nearly a quarter of a century ago. The committee, as constituted in Oct. 1897, consisted of Professor John Macoun, Professor T. Wesley Mills, Professor E. W. MacBride, Professor A. B. Macallum, Mr. W. T. Thistleton-Dyer, (Director of the Royal Gardens, Kew), Professor D. P. Penhallow as secretary, and myself as chairman. It held a meeting in the Botanical Laboratories of McGill University (Professor Penhallow’s Department), and it was decided to memorialise the Government for support. Sir Louis Davies was, at that time, Minister of Marine and Fisheries, and gave a most kindly reception to the deputation, representing this Society, the various univer- sities, and certain scientific bodies, whose delegates were as follows :— Toronto University (Prof. Ramsay Wright), Queen’s University (Sir Sandford Fleming), Laval. University (Mgr. Laflamme), McGill University (Prof. D. P. Penhallow and Prof. E. W. MacBride), Dalhousie University (Prof. B. Russell, M.P.), The Royal Society of Canada (Prof. D. P. Penhallow), Nova Scotia Institute of Science (Professor Benjamin Russell), The Canadian Institute (Prof. A. B. Macallum), Natural History Society of Montreal (Dr. F. D. Adams), and the Natural History Society of New Brunswick (Prof. Bailey). An appropriation was passed by Parliament, and a station was built. This building has been described as resembling a Pullman car externally, and is placed upon a scow so that it could be towed from one location to another. Its total length is 50 feet, and the main laboratory is 30 feet by 15 feet in breadth, and it is provided with shelving, tables, porcelain basins, and salt-water and fresh-water supplies. A small library apartment, and other rooms, afford storage accommodation. A good working library has been collected, including the magnificent “ Challenger” reports presented by the British Government through the Right Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, and a considerable series of valuable papers and reference works. A small launch, 22 feet long, and nets, dredges, etc., and an assortment of glass-ware, add to the equipment. [PRINCE] BIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION OF CANADIAN WATERS 87 The Station’s Nine Years’ Work. During the first two seasons at St. Andrews, N.B., Professors Knight (Queen’s), A. B. Macallum (Toronto), James Fowler (Queen’s), E. W. MacBride (McGill), Dr. R. R. Bensley (Toronto), De. B. Arthur Bensley (Toronto), Dr. Joseph Stafford (McGill), Dr. F. 8. Jackson (McGill), Dr. F. H. Scott (Toronto), Professor Bailey (Fredericton), Miss Ganong (St. Stephen), Dr. A. H. Mackay (Dalhousie), and myself, attended the laboratory and, in some cases, carried on extended investigations. A couple of seasons has been spent at each place and the locations chosen have been as follows: — 1899-1900 St. Andrews, New Brunswick. 1901-1902 Canso, Nova Scotia. 1903-1904 Malpeque, Prince Edward Island. 1905-1906 Gaspé, Quebec. A great variety of investigations has been carried on, some of these being of prime economic and practical importance. The station has kept prominently, before it, in all its work, the benefit of the fisheries, while carrying on in a thoroughly accurate and scientific way its seasonal investigations. Professor Ramsay Wright's laborious studies of the minute floating life in Atlantic waters off Canso, which are on the eve of publication, are, one may declare, fundamental. If I may be allowed to quote from the paper, not yet issued, I should lay stress upon these minute microscopic researches, and say, in Professor Wright’s own words :— “On land the vegetable kingdom everywhere seems to be pre- dominant, and to account amply for all the animal life which feeds on it directly or indirectly. But in the ocean, the obvious plants—the sea- weeds, brown, green and red—form a mere inconspicuous fringe of vegetation along the shore, and do not extend out beyond a few fathoms in depth. Such a fringe of vegetation can practically be neglected as the basic food-supply of the animal life of the ocean, and the question comes to be, ‘Whence do marine animals derive their fundamental supply of nourishment?’ Living creatures are either builders or destroyers of protoplasm, or in familiar parlance, either plants or animals, and the former are necessary to sustain the life of the latter. In what form then do these necessary protoplasm builders exist in the sea and other great bodies of water? The answer is, in the form of miscroscopic plants, often quite in- visible to the naked eye and yet present in such enormous numbers, not only at the surface but through the whole of the superficial layers of - 88 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA waters, some sixty fathoms deep (as far as the sun-light reaches, on the presence of which their power to build protoplasm depends) that it has been calculated that an acre of sea-water—surface measurement— furnishes as much nutritive vegetable matter as does an acre of rich meadow land in the course of a year. No one sailing over the Atlantic suspects the presence of such a rich vegetation, and indeed it can only be disclosed by filtering the water through an exceedingly fine fabric—the finest silk gauze used by millers is that generally employed for the purpose—and this is usually done by towing a net of such a fabric behind a boat so as to insure a definite amount of water passing through it. Investigations made in this way may be either qualitative—merety to determine the nature and relative numbers of the organisms so captured —or quantitative—to determine the absolute amount of the different kinds of organisms in a column of water of given dimensions. It is such quantitative investigations which have rendered the state- ments as to the richness of the marine vegetation possible, which are made in the foregoing paragraph. The tiny organisms obtained in this way are not all plants, many of them are animals, feeding on the former, and themselves serving as food - for larger creatures.” This floating surface life must on some parts of our Atlantic coast include, in numbers beyond all imagination, the floating larve of mol- lusks like the oyster and various species of clams. Dr. Whiteaves in his deep-sea dredging report in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, 1873, gives the statement of the late Hon. W. H. Pope:—“ Oysters have flourished in every tidal river and bay in Prince Edward Island,” and even the reduced areas in that Province, in New Brunswick, and in Nova Scotia, still produce a crop of young whose numbers exceed the powers of man to comprehend. The propagation of the oyster justifiably claimed Pro- fessor Wright’s special attention at Malpeque, and various methods of oyster culture, the collection and retention of spat, the rearing of seed oysters under control, ete., were tried, while Dr. Stafford made some important additions to our knowledge of the ‘veliger’ of this valued shell-fish, including the discovery of an eye or visual organ, not described before by Brooks, Ryder, or any previous authority, though in the Mussel (Mytilus) an eye-spot occurs, as Dr. J. H. Wilson discovered at St. Andrews in Scotland. The experiments conducted in connection with the station, in which Captain Ernest Kemp with his Government steamer “ Ostrea” aided, will no doubt give some guidance to the Government in dealing with that esteemed mollusk, which is decreasing [PRINCE] BIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION OF CANADIAN WATERS 89 in Canada in the proportion that the commercial demand and market value increase. The ‘saw-dust versus fisheries’ question has been one of the most thorny problems faced by the Dominion Government during many years. Ex cathedrâ opinions were not wanting, but no accurate experiments had ever been carried out to reveal the actual facts, until Professor Knight, of Queen’s University, Kingston, tackled the much-debated question. Professor Knight, during the whole history of the Biological Station, has been continuously at work, carrying on researches of the highest moment to the fisheries of the Dominion, and the complex saw-dust question was only one of these. The three reports either already published, or now being published, by the Government, will afford a basis for future public policy on the matter. But other hardly less pressing fishery questions have occupied Professor Knight as a member of the. Biological Station’s staff. He has tested the results of dynamite in pollack and cod fishing, a nefarious method which United States poachers, and Canadians following their evil example, have illegally adopted in Bay of Fundy waters. Its destructive wastefulness is established by Dr. Knight’s experiments, carried out at some bodily peril, and requiring unwonted skill and care. Further, the same gifted ‘worker tried the effects of various lobster traps designed to permit the undersized examples to escape, and last year he tested practically the merits of frozen, fresh, and of salted bait, in view of the controversy carried on by fishermen all along the coast when the Government-aided bait freezers were inaugurated to assist them in months of bait scarcity. Jarge numbers of fishermen had stigmatized these bait freezers as a doubtful boon. The lengthy investigations of Professor Macallum, while they have their practical side, too, are of profound interes from the physiological and technical, as well as the higher theoretical and philosophical point of view, and his “ Chemistry of Medusae ” researches are a notable addition to the original work of Canadian biologists. The “ Further Contributions to Canadian Biology ” now in the press, include this paper in a brief popular form; but the original memoir, giving the detailed analyses, must be consulted in the Journal of Physiology, Vol. XXIV. There is such a fascination about Professor Macallum’s results that I cannot forbear stating that they demonstrate specific chemical, as well as morphological, and anatomical distinctions between species of jelly-fishes ; an independence of sea-water environment; and a power of selective preference for the salts of sea-water, which are most striking; and, lastly, the inorganic composition of these lowly and simply organised creatures, almost the simplest of Metazoa, reflects the com- position of the water, not of the oceans of to-day, but of past geological 90 A ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA periods, possibly the seas of very remote geological ages. Dr. F. H. Scott took the food of the sea-urchin as a subject, and, from the examina- tion of several hundreds of echinoderms, concluded that minute plants, protozoans, etc., formed the staple food of these creatures, where carrion and sea-weeds were not plentiful. The last-named materials were devoured if available; but it appeared improbable, as had been maintained on the western Nova Scotia shores, that extensive tracts could be wholly denuded of sea-weeds by these echinoderms. This denudation was, it may be added, regarded as the cause of the salmon and cod and other fishes forsaking the littoral regions. Some able researches were con- ducted by Dr. R. R. Bensley (now Professor in Chicago) including faunistic work in Passamaquoddy Bay, and Dr. B. Arthur Bensley, amongst other studies, completed a paper on “ The Sardine Industry in relation to the Herring fisheries of New Brunswick,” and showed that small herring, 5 to 7 inches long, formed the main part of the so-called Canadian sardine catch, upon which the flourishing town of Eastport in Maine, the centre of the sardine canning industry, largely relies for raw material. Dr. Joseph Stafford has been the most devoted member of the staff of the station and has never missed a single season, usually being the first to arrive and the last to leave. His zeal and his scientific accom- plishments justified his selection as curator of the station, and it is im- possible to over-estimate the value of his unceasing labours to the institution. Dr. Stafford has paid special attention to the fauna in each of the four localities where the station has been beached, and it is possible that the collection of specimens and the faunistic lists he has in preparation will be a welcome addition to Dr. Whiteaves’ invaluable list of the Eastern Canadian invertebrata. Dr. Stafford has made for himself a reputation as a specialist in Helminthology, and parasites generally, and his papers published in Germany, the United States, and Canada, bear testimony to his skilled and indefatigable powers. Amongst numerous papers by Dr. Stafford, the fruit of the work at the station, I can only mention one, as an example, viz., the paper in the “ Zoo- logischer Anzeiger,” May, 1904, on “Trematodes from Canadian Fishes,” describing 58 species, belonging to no fewer than 16 new genera, and 13 new species, a very striking record in a single paper. I have referred to Dr. Stafford’s interesting embryological work in _ oyster development, but while the station was at St. Andrews the clam industry there attracted his attention, and in 1901 appeared his report on “ The Clam Fishery of New Brunswick,” with four beautiful plates by Mrs. Stafford, a singularly gifted scientific artist. whose early death was a loss to Canadian science. As a fishery official I know that this report [PRINCE] BIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION OF CANADIAN WATERS 91 has been of real practical value, and the Government have supplied a large number of applicants with copies of it, for it not only treats of the structure, life-history, and utilisation of the clam (i.e. the various Atlantic species), but suggests means of conserving the clam industry and of recuperating depleted beds. At Canso and at Malpeque interesting captures of fishes were made and Mr. Geo. A. Cornish, Science Master at Lindsay Collegiate Institute, and Mr. C. McLean Fraser, of the High School, Nelson, B.C., prepared accurate descriptions, as many of the specimens differed in essential features from specimens described in current works: and Mr. Cornish has completed a descriptive list of Canso fishes. The latter worker also wrote a report on the Polyzoa of Canso: but the marine botany has not been neglected. Mr. C. B. Robinson, formerly of Pictou Academy, now of the New York Botanical Garden, Bronx Park. New York, making a collection of the Algæ of eastern Nova Scotia. and a carefully prepared list is now in the press.1 Dr. Mackay, Superintendent of Education for Nova Scotia, has also contributed a list of the Diatomaceæ of Canso. Professor. James Fowler, Queen’s University, has been very loyal to the station, and the staff have always been glad to welcome this Nestor of Canadian Science professors, who at three out of four loca- tions, has made large collections of the flowering plants; and of the St. Andrews and Canso floras has completed very full lists. An impor- tant piece of original work has been that of Mr. J. C. Simpson, an able member of the staff of McGill’s University assistants, who made a very thorough study of the Protozoa of Gaspé Basin waters, following in the wake of the truly eminent Dr. George Dawson who, as already mentioned, did his first original research at Gaspé, and chose the Pro- tozoan Foraminifera, publishing a paper, his first of over a hundred and thirty papers, under the title of “The Foraminifera of the Gulf and River St. Lawrence,” (Can. Nat., June, 1870, and Ann. of Nat. Hist., Vol. VII, 1871). My own work has covered many subjects, but only two investigations appear in the “ Contributions ” published from the station, one on the larval and post-larval Gaspereau, as compared with the herring and other Clupeoids, with coloured plates, now printing, and an account, in conjunction with Dr. Mackay, of the remarkable pectoral fins of the mackerel shark (Lamna cornubica). The work done at the station by such able workers as Professor MacBride, Professor J. J. Mackenzie and others, will, no doubt, appear in published form in further printed “ Contributions ” ere long. Others of the staff, who have spent longer or shorter periods at the station, including Dr. 1Dr. G. U. Hay’s list of N. B. Algæ is the only one I know hitherto pub- lished in the Maritime Provinces. 92 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Linville of New York, Dr. T. Slater Jackson, of Montreal, Mr. H. E. Bowser, of Kingston, Mr. A. Bruce Macallum, Toronto, Miss Ganong, St. Stephen, Dr. Etherington, Kingston, and others, will be included in a future list embracing all papers published, which in any essential way owe something to the facilities for study which the station has afforded these workers. Stations on Atlantic, Pacific and Great Lake Waters. The building of a permanent Atlantic station has been decided upon, and will be accomplished, at an early date. The rolling stone proverbially gathers no moss, and a constantly shifting biological station loses much by its instability. With a permanent well-equipped institu- tion on the Atlantic coast, and one on the Pacific coast, and a third, of which I have not had time to say anything, on the Great Lakes, biological research will, surely, make up for lost time, or, if not for time lost, for time past. If with small means, and under difficulties, great things were achieved as I have endeavoured to show, who shall say what may not be accomplished, in the immediate future, with greater facilities and with greater means? ' Secrion IV., 1907. [93 ] Trans. RS. C VI.—Notes on Fossil Woods from Texas. By Dr. D. P. PENHALLOW, McDonald Professor of Botany, McGill University. (Read May 17, 1907.) In the autumn of 1905, I received from Dr. H. von Schrenk of the United States Department of Agriculture, a number of specimens of -fossil woods which he later informed me were representative of a very abundant material to be found in the region from which they were obtained. His note accompanying the specimens stated that “This wood occurred in a stiff, red clay at Somerville, Texas, about sixty miles north of Houston on the Santa Fé railway. The country is perfectly level thereabouts, and at points where these specimens were found, a deep excavation was made for a manufacturing plant. The specimens came from a point about four to ten feet below the level of the surface and occurred in large numbers promiscuously scattered through the clay.” Upon assorting this material it was possible to select about twelve specimens which gave promise of yielding recog- nizable structure, the remainder showing such extended alteration through advanced decay and the infiltration of mineral matter, as to make the cutting of sections a useless expenditure of time. Almost without exception, the specimens had been silicified, and in several the silicification had been carried far enough to convert the entire mass into flint. It was found to be a particularly troublesome matter to properly cut and grind this material. The specimens were in no case large, while several were small. They all gave evidence of water transportation at a time preceding silicification, which I assume to have taken place subsequently to deposition in the locality where found. The evidence of such trans- portation appeared in the very advanced condition of decay presented by many of the specimens, and more particularly in the rounded and water-worn surfaces and ends, an abrasion which was accomplished prior to silicification. It is therefore evident that the woods were brought from some other locality through the medium of rivers flowing southward, or that if of local origin, they had been for some time floating in a lake or lagoon and subjected to the action of water and wind. One of the most prominent features of these specimens appeared in their very striking resemblance to specimens from the Permian of Sec. IV., 1907. 6. 94 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Chase County, and from the Cretaceous of various localities in Kansas, as collected by, Prof. Prosser in 1897 and described by me (12) in 1900. This resemblance was so very close as to lead me to the belief that the two collections must be of the same age, and I at once began the search for evidence which would sustain this idea; but I very soon discovered that in spite of their superficial resemblance, which was only an accident of their preservation, there was no connection between them, either geologically or structurally. In 1903 I gave an account of certain woods from the Lignite Tertiary of Canada (18). Among these were species of Cupressoxylon, Sequoia and Rhamnacinium, and our studies of the Texas materiai shows a contemporaneous flora which, if not co-extensive with that of the more northern region, was at least very similar and in some respects very closely related, or even identical. In 1902 I described a wood from the Miocene of the Horsefly River in British Columbia (14)— a wood which I had reason to suppose might represent Sequoia langsdorfii. The leaves of this species are well known and widely distributed in great abundance throughout the Lower Tertiary of Saskatchewan, Alberta, British Columbia and Van- couver Island, and the constant association of the wood in question with these leaves, and often with no other species, led me to consider the provisional association of the two under the same specific name to be justifiable. In 1903, various woods from the Lignite Tertiary of Porcupine Creek and Great Valley, Saskatchewan, proved to include further representations of the same species (13, 44), but in a more per- fectly preserved condition, and it thus became possible to recast the original diagnosis. In the material from Texas, this species once more appears and in such a state of preservation as to permit of a further elaboration of the diagnosis characters. The description of the wood of this species may, therefore, be recast as follows :— SEQUOIA LANGSDORFII (Brongn.), Heer. Cretaceous of Nanaimo, Vancouver Island and Port McNeill, B.C. Eocene of Alaska; of the Great Valley and Porcupine Creek Groups, Sask- atchewan; Fort Union Group; Yegua Clays of Somerville, Texas. Miocene of John Day Valley, Oregon; Mackenzie River, N.W.T., and Horsefly River, B.C.; Green River Group, Colorado. Bib.:—Dawson, Trans. R. C. (Canada), XI, iv, 56, 1895; Dawson, B. N. A. Bound. Comm. App. A., 331, 1875; Penhallow, Trans. R. S. (Canada), VIII, iv, 44, 68, 1902, and IX, iv, 41, 1903. Transverse.—Growth rings prominent, very unequal, medium to narrow. Sum- mer wood prominent but thin, of 3—6 rows of thick-walled tracheids with bordered pits on the tangential walls; transition from spring LA [PENHALLOW ] NOTES ON FOSSIL WOODS FROM TEXAS 95 wood abrupt. Tracheids of the spring wood large, upwards of 70 x 84 u, the walls upwards of 21 ym thick; very uniform and equal in very regular rows; rounded hexagonal or those of the earlicst growth much elongated radially. Resin canals wholly wanting. Resin cells usually numerous throughout, prominent, scattering. Resinous tra- cheids sometimes present and forming more or less extensive tracts. Rudimentary resin sacs sometimes appear on the outer face of the summer wood. Radial.—Medullary rays without tracheids; the parenchyma cells equal to about 4 wood tracheids; straight or somewhat contracted at the ends; the upper and lower walls thin and entire; the terminal walls thin and not pitted, straight or curved; the lateral walls with rather large, round pits, 1 or chiefly 2 per tracheid. Bordered pits round, numerous and chiefly in two rows. Tangential—Medullary rays 1-seriate or rarely 2-seriate in part, low to medium; the large cells about 31.5 y broad, round or oval, chiefly uniform, but more or less unequal. Material highly silicified, but the structure fairly well preserved. Among the specimens from Porcupine Creek and Great Valley already referred to, there was a hitherto undescribed species of Cupress- oxylon, which I then described under the name of C. dawsoni (13, 46). This wood has not reappeared in any of the Eocene deposits examined by me until it was found among the material from Texas. From this latter place, the material was found to be very much in the same state of preservation as the wood from Saskatchewan, but as it presents in a recognizable form, some features of structure not determinable in the first specimens, the diagnosis is herewith recast, but reference mav be made to the original paper for details presented by photographs of the structure. | CUPRESSOXYLON DAWSONT, Penh. Eocene of the Great Valley and Porcupine Creek Groups, Saskatchewan; Yegua Clays (Eocene) of Somerville, Texas. Bib.:—Dawson, B. N. A. Bound, Comm., 1875, App. A, 331: Knowlton, Cat, Cret. and Tert. Floras, 80: Penhallow, Trans. R. S. (Canada), IX, iv, 46. Transverse—Growth rings broad. Tracheids of the spring wood large, about 42.1 u x 40.4 mw; thin-walled, squarish-hexagonal, rather uniform and equal; the spring wood passing somewhat gradually into the thin summer wood which is composed of 2-4 rows of slightly smaller, radially flattened and thicker-walled tracheids. Medullary rays resinous. Resin canals wholly wanting. Resin cells numerous throughout the growth ring, scattering or somewhat zonate. Radial.—Medullary rays very resinous, devoid of tracheids; the cells straight; the upper and lower walls thin, apparently entire; the terminal walls entire, straight or curved; the lateral walls with oval or round pits, several per tracheid, the correct number not readily determinable. 96 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Wood tracheids with large, bordered pits, numerous and compact in 1 or often 2 rows, the orifice round. - Tangential—Medullary rays very resinous, 1-seriate or 2-seriate in part; the large cells thin-walled, uniform, rather equal, broad, round or oval or somewhat transversely oval to oblong. Silicification extreme, and the structure much altered by decay. One of the specimens of which a trial transverse section was made proved to be a species of Quercus, but the structure was so disorganized by decay and infiltration as to make further sections unprofitable, but in future collections from the same locality, species of oaks should be looked for. In 1896 Felix (4) described a wood from the Yellowstone National Park under the name of Rhamnacinium radiatum. Three years later, Knowlton (10, 769), with some hesitation, referred other specimens from the same locality to this species. In the course of a subsequent study of the flora of the Great Valley and Porcupine Creek in Saskat- chewan, Penhallow (13, 49) disclosed the fact that although this parti- cular species did not extend so far east, the genus was nevertheless represented in the Lignite Tertiary by at least two species, probably wholly distinct from those of Felix and Knowlton, which were described under the names R. porcupinianum and R. triseriatim. Now it is found that this genus once more appears in the material from Texas, but the specimen from this last locality cannot be correlated with any of those previously described. I have, therefore, thought best to describe it under a distinctive name which would indicate the general locality from which it was derived. RHAMNACINIUM TEXANUM, n. Sp. Figs. 1-3. Transverse—Growth rings medium, not very prominent, but defined by an abrupt alteration in the size of the vessels and by a zone of 2-4 cells which are distinctly smaller and compressed radially. Wood cells round or hexagonal, thick-walled, very unequal and often in very unequal radial rows. Wocd parenchyma wanting. Vessels at first medium to large, single or upwards of 4, radially seriate, radi- ally oval and generally with conspicuous, thin-walled thyloses; thus continuing until the region of the summer wood without obvious alteration; chiefly 1, sometimes 2, or rarely 3 rows of vessels between two of the principal rays. Medullary rays prominent, 1, or more generally about four cells wide, the cells short, thin-walled and with squarish termination. Radial.—Ray cells all thin-walled and very variable, from four times longer than high, to short and twice higher than long, the two kinds min- [PENHALLOW] NOTES ON FOSSIL WOODS FROM TEXAS 97 gled. Thyloses in the vessels numerous, large, thin-walled. All other structural details obliterated. Tangential—Medullary rays of two kinds:—(1), 1-seriate rays upwards of twelve cells high; the cells all thin-walled, oblong cr rectangular, uniform but unequal; (2), multiseriate rays composed of 3-5 rows of high, thin-walled, very unequal and very variable cells which often become 1-seriate and much larger at one or both extremities of the ray. Vessels bearing numerous thin-walled thyloses, and upon their radial walls, numerous hexagonal, bordered pits which occupy the entire area of the wall. Specimens highly silicified and the structure showing an advanced alteration through decay. It would appear, however, that the flora of the Somerville clays embraces a wider representation of the Rhamnaceæ than is indicated, by the foregoing, since it has been possible to identify at least one species of Reynosia which appears to present a somewhat striking approximation to the existing R. latifolia of Florida, the Bahamas and Cuba. REYNOSIA TEXANA, 0. SP. Figs. 4-5. \ Transverse—Growth rings narrow and poorly defined, with no obvious dis- tinction between spring and summer woods, but the outer limits of the ring are generally marked by the presence of more or less numerous, radially flattened and tangentially extended wood cells which form a disconnected zone, upwards of four cells thick. Wood cells small, very unequal, about 14 « broad, hexagonal in irregular radial rows, the wall very thick, the cavity reduced to about 2.63 yw. Vessels rather numerous throughout, very resinous and thick-walled, round or oval, single or radially 2-seriate, at first relatively large but toward the outer limits of the ring somewhat abruptly reduced to one-half size; often enclosed more or less completely by an irregular layer of rather larger and thinner walled wood parenchyma. Medullary rays numerous, prominent, somewhat resinous, 2 cells wide, distant up- wards of 12 rows of wood cells. Radial.—Medullary rays resinous with cells of two kinds:—(1), the marginal cells high, short, in 1-3 rows; the upper, lower and terminal walls finely but strongly pitted; pits on the lateral walls are recognizable; (2), thinner walled cells forming the central region of the ray, fusi- form, but the pits not recognizable on any of the walls. Vessels with short, thick-walled and strongly pitted thyloses, forming a conter- minous series; very resinous, the resin localized in masses which fill the cavity. Tangential. Medullary rays all of one kind, 2-3, rarely 1-seriate, the breadth varying much, according to the size of the component cells; fusi- 98 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA form, low to medium; the cells very unequal and variable, chiefly rather thin-walled. Material strongly silicified, and the structure much altered by decay. So far as I am aware, there is no previous record of the occur- rence of this wood in any of the formations, and ait is therefore to be regarded as a wholly new element of the Tertiary flora. LAURINOXYLON BRANNERI, Knowlton. Figs. 6-8. Transverse.—Growth rings not recognizable in a radial extent of 1.8 cm. Wood cells rather small, very unequal and variable, but chiefly hexagonal, and in more or less distinct, radial rows; the walls rather thick, 3.51, 4 but in most cases reduced to the primary wall by decay Medullary rays prominent, 1-3 cells broad, distant upwards of 7 rows , of wood cells. Vessels rather numerous, round and chiefly simple, but quickly becoming larger, radially oval and 2-seriate, and finally upwards of 4-seriate; resinous; at length abruptly reduced and simple, thus presenting a somewhat sharp contrast which is probably to be regarded as the junction of the two growth rings not otherwise recognizable. Wood parenchyma prominent, composed of large and thin-walled cells, forming conspicuous and often extended tracts about the vessels. Radial.—Ray cells of two kinds: (1), thin-walled, low, fusiform and equal to about 5 wood cells; (2), the marginal cells equal to about two wood cells, 1% times higher than long; the structure of the pits in all the cells obliterated. Vessels resinous, not obviously occupied by thy- loses, the radial walls with crowded, hexagonal pits. Wood paren- chyma prominent, the cells all thin-walled, short cylindrical, upwards of 5 times longer than broad, often showing nuclei. Tangential_—Medullary rays numerous, low to medium, 1-3 seriate, fusiform; the cells rounded hexagonal, but variable and unequal, thin-walled, those of the extremities often much larger. The rays commonly penetrate tracts of wood parenchyma. Material strongly silicified; in some cases well preserved, but usually showing the effects of advanced decay. The genus Laurinoxylon is very sparingly known through its wood. The first record of this species was made by Prof. Knowlton (11) in 1889, based upon material derived from the Orange Sand gravels of Bolivar Creek, Poinsett County, Arkansas, which are of Eocene Tertiary age. The specimens studied were all silicified and apparently not very well preserved. The present diagnosis has been drawn from our own specimens, some of which, as the photographs show, are fairly well preserved. [PENHALLOW] NOTES ON FOSSIL WOODS FROM TEXAS 99 More recently Jeffrey and Chrysler (7) have recorded another species (L. brandonianum) from the Lignite beds of Brandon, Ver- mont. This material was in the form of lignite, and the illustrations given show a very fine preservation of structural details. The genus Laurophyllum is known through a few species in the Cretaceous formation, but only through its leaves. The genus Laurus as known by its leaves, has a wide range through the Cretaceous and Tertiary formations, at least thirty-two species being recorded at the present time. The present distribution of the genus Laurus, shows that it has receded from its former wide distribution since Eocene time, until it has become almost wholly insular, retaining but a slight hold on the continent on the east and west shores of Florida south of lat. 28° 50°. | In addition to the species described, there are two specimens of a palm. Both of these are very highly silicified and one is almost pure flint, in consequence of which it proved very difficult to cut. They : are also very angular, showing fragmentation after fossilization, and this feature made it impossible to determine whether they had been derived from the trunk or from the stipe of a frond. Upon micro- scopic examination it was observed that in the flinty specimen, the original carbonaceous structure had been so far replaced by silica as to make a determination of details impossible. In the smaller and less altered specimen, local areas of somewhat sclerenchymatized parenchyma showed a preservation of details with considerable perfection. The vascular bundles had been so altered as to present no recognizable struc- tural features except in one case, but even there, the structure was so transparent as to make definite recognition of details a matter of very great uncertainty, although the general outline and relation of parts was fairly clear. A very conspicuous feature of the vascular system is to be found in the peculiar form, size and perfect preservation of the mechanical sclerenchyma which forms coarse strands lying collaterally with the vascular bundle proper, and wholly upon one side of it. In transverse section, these strands are semi-circular, or even somewhat contracted and concave on the side adjacent to the bundle. The component cells are large, rounded-hexagonal, and exceedingly thick-walled. The whole structure stands out with surprising clearness of detail and sharpness of outline in consequence of the retention of a rather large proportion: of the carbonaceous residue of the original structure. 100 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Further collections of this material will be necessary before it will be possible to draw any conclusions as to the botanical affinities indi- cated; but the fact that such palms flourished in the Lower Claiborne stage is one Which affords evidence of the very greatest interest and importance. From the evidence derived from other sources, it seems possible that the one or more species of palms represented in the Yegua clays, may be regarded as belonging to the genus Sabal. GEOLOGICAL. Our knowledge of the geological position of the Yegua clays rests upon the work of Hilgard in Louisiana and Mississippi, and of Dumble, Kennedy and Harris in Texas. All of this work was completed prior to 1895, since which time no new facts have been brought forward. The literature is, in consequence, somewhat scanty, but a review of the leading results obtained will enable us to determine what may be regarded as the accepted opinion. A reference to the Geological Survey of Texas, now discontinued, brought a very kind response from Prof. Alexander Deussen of the University of Texas, to the effect that “the formation occurring at Somerville, Burleson County, Texas, is the Yegua clays of the Eocene which has been correlated with the Lower Claiborne Group of Hilgard’s Mississippi section (6). These clays are characterized by the presence of silicified wood.” | In his report on the Brown Coals and Lignites of Texas for 1892, Mr. Dumble (2) refers to the Yegua division as belonging to “the lower portions of the deposits heretofore known as the Fayette beds,” and points to the occurrence in the Burleson County area of many calcareous concretions, one and one-half feet in diameter as well as masses of clay and sand, and “a tremendous amount of silicified wood in loose blocks.” This wood was not seen in place, but occurred in the gravel drift overlying this formation. Many leaf impressions and ‘considerable iron pyrite are found in the clay. This record, with respect to the occurrence of wood and its great abundance, is in accord with the observations of other investigators (8) including Dr. von Schrenk, from whom the present material was obtained. In a further discussion of the Texas Eocene (9), Mr. Dumble speaks of the Yegua clays as a subdivision in which it is “ proposed to. include the gypseous and saliferous clays, lignites and sands lying between the marine beds and the sandstones of the Fayette with which they were united in the first use of the name. The area ooccupied by them is, for the most part, only gently rolling, except toward the south-. [PENHALLOW] NOTES ON FOSSIL WOODS FROM TEXAS 101 west, where it sometimes happens that considerable hills occur, the summits being capped by the harder sandstone of the Fayette beds.’ He describes the clays as “dark blue, weathering to dirty yellow with a profusion of crystals of gypsum. In places the clays are massive, at others laminated. The fossil wood contained in them is simply silicified, not opalized as in the succeeding beds’ And finally, he notes that there is no sharp line of demarcation between the Yegua clays and the Fayette sands which overlie them. Kennedy deals with the Yegua clays somewhat more at length, and points out that the Trinity River section shows the typical Yegua clays in many of its bluffs (8, 104), although the Yegua River, forming the southern boundary of Burleson County, is the one which gives name to the formation (op. cit. 99). “Throughout east Texas these beds contain numerous plant remains in the form of silicified and lignitized wood, and leaves of many kinds are extremely abundant. None of these have as yet been studied, but from the fact that silicified palm wood occurs, although sparingly, in the upper gray sands, the climate was slightly warmer than at present.” “The general conditions of deposition during this period appear to have been those of a marsh subject to periodical deep, widespread inundation and a gradual though slow subsidence. The marine beds lying to the north, evidently stood at a much higher relative level than at present.” (pp. 105-106). . In discussing the geology of the eastern area of Texas, the same author (op. cit. 93) states that “Into the general section, however, three divisions of the Lisbon Stage have to be introduced, all of which, so far as at present known, are peculiar to Texas. These are (a) Frio clays, (b) Fayette sands, and (c) Yegua clays. These overlie the marine beds in the reverse order here given, and together aggregate a thickness of nearly 1,500 feet in east Texas, while farther west this may be considerably exceeded.” In discussing the possible correlation of the Texas Eocene with the Mississippi section of Hilgard, Kennedy also observes (op. cit. 107), that “ The correlation of the Frio clays, Fayette sands and Yegua clays with the deposits of Louisiana lying immediately to the east, is attended with more or less difficulty and doubt from the fact that little or no work, and that of the most general character, appears to have been done in that portion of the state. The Grand Gulf, according to both Hilgard and Hopkins, appears to have embraced the two upper and at least a portion of the Yegua clays, besides the upper calcareous sandstones, and was, according to these writers, above the Vicksburg. The lower portion of the Yegua clays was apparently considered by 102 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA! them to be of Jackson age.” And further, he points out (op. cit. 108) that “With the exception of the lignite and characteristic Jackson fossils, the description given by Hopkins would answer for the Texas Frio clays as well as for the Yegua clays”; and he considers that “The usual interpretation of the work done in Louisiana can hardly be accepted, and until information is obtainable, the correlation of the beds in these states must be left an unsolved problem” (op. cit. 108). His own conclusions, nevertheless, point directly to the adoption of a definite correlation of the Yegua clays with the Lower Claiborne of the Mississippi section (op. cit. 92). Finally we come to the conclusions of Harris (5, 45) based upon a study of the molluscan fauna, in which he says that “The Lower Claiborne beds are replete with fossils, many of which are common to this horizon in Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama and South Carolina,” but “The true Claiborne, the Jackson and Vicksburg stages, seem to have no representation in Texas. This fact cannot be too strongly emphasized since most writers on Texas geology have referred certain fossil bearing outcrops to some of these Upper Eocene stages.” In discussing the distribution of the fossils described, he definitely refers to the Yegua clays as of Lower Claiborne age. With respect to the chemical nature of the Yegua clays and their possible origin, Kennedy (9, 298, 299) points out that their contained water is strongly saline and that potash is present to the extent of 1.07 per cent, and soda 2.33 per cent. Furthermore, the basal beds of the Tertiary bear a very strong resemblance to the underlying contiguous beds of the Cretaceous, and “ In lithological as well as chemical struc- ture, it is very difficult to tell them apart, and in many portions nothing but a study of the fauna will enable anyone to differentiate the two; in many places the Tertiary beds contain boulders and fragments of Cretaceous limestones containing Cretaceous fossils.” He therefore concludes that “It would thus appear that the structural conditions of the Basal beds and the Fayette deposits, apart from any chemical evi- dence whatever, bears out the assumption of these two divisions being derived from the Cretaceous.” Whether the Yegua clays were derived from the Marine beds through their erosion and consequent destruction, is not very clear, but “The presence of extensive deposits of lignites in these beds would appear to indicate another source of material having a swamp or lagoon origin, and some of it may have been obtained from the rivers travers- ing the region. Some of the materials employed in the formation of these beds may also have been derived from the sea water occupying the area during the period of deposition.” (op. cit. 300). [PENHALLOW ] NOTES ON FOSSIL WOODS FROM TEXAS 103 Vaughn (14) takes issue with Kennedy with respect to some of the conclusions, but is nevertheless of the opinion that “ The Mansfield group, two miles north of Mansfield, is of Lower Claiborne age,” and inasmuch as the facies of the flora from this locality is the same as of the floras obtained by Lesquereux from Campbell’s Quarry at Cross Lake, Louisiana, and by Knowlton from Port Caddo Landing, Texas, we must conclude with Vaughn that the horizon is the same in each case. He emphasizes the lack of data for a thoroughly satisfactory correlation of the plant beds of the Eocene of the Gulf States, a view in which he is supported by other investigators already quoted. In reviewing the evidence derived from the various geologists who have worked in this field, there seems to be a general and well defined agreement that the Yegua clays are to be regarded as Lower Claiborne. BIOLOGICAL. The limited extent of the flora from the Yegua clays does not admit of very broad conclusions with respect to its biological aspects, nevertheless, there are some features of interest which should be con- sidered. Of the five species recognized, two are specifically identical with previously determined species from the region of the International Boundary at latitude 49°, and on the basis of such previous informa- tion it has been assumed that these latter represent a northern type. Their recurrence at a point about eleven hundred miles to the south would therefore point to one of two things—either the very wide distribution of the same types over an extreme northern and southern range, or the action of water in carrying the remains of trees to a more southern region where they became mingled with remains of the local flora. The presence of Rhamnacinium in both localities, points with very great definiteness to the fact that the genus had a very wide northern and southern extension during Eocene time, and that within the limits of the genus, the various species exhibited adaptations to very diverse climatic conditions. This latter view gains force from the fact that Lesquereux observed Rhamnus cleburni in the Eocene deposits at Cross Lake in Louisiana (16, 307), together with R. eridani of Unger. From these facts it becomes obvious that through the Rham- naceæ as a whole, and more particularly through Rhamnus and Rham- nacinium, as well as through Cinnamomum, which is not only a component of the flora of the Eocene at Port Caddo Landing, Texas, but likewise of the Great Valley Group in Saskatchewan (18, 95), there was developed a continuity of the flora between these widely 104 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA separated localities which were otherwise characterized by distinctive features. We must nevertheless not lose sight of the fact that prior to Tertiary time, some at least, of the genera now found only in the north, had a great southern extension. Thus Sequoia was abundantly repre- sented in the Lower Cretaceous as far south as Virginia, and even in Texas itself, S. pagiophylloides of the Trinity division gives proof that the present northern position of the genus represents a recession since Cretaceous time. Cupressoxylon also, is a constituent of the Creta- ceous flora as far south as Virginia, and even in more western localities, it has been shown to be represented in the Cretaceous of Kansas (12) only a few hundred miles to the north of Somerville. There is, there- fore, no real reason to suppose that both of these genera may not have had their representation in the Eocene of Texas, a possibility which is quite in accord with the distribution of Rhamnacinium and Rhamnus then and now. This, however, does not imply the actual occurrence in Texas of the particular species found in Saskatchewan, and which there is reason to believe are northern types, but which are nevertheless found to-day in the Yegua clays. Our present knowledge of the Cretaceous flora of the United States, shows that while the flora of the Lower and Middle Cretaceous was that of a warm-temperate climate, there was a conspicuous absence of palms which appeared in the later horizons and extended into Ter- tiary time. There is, therefore, good reason to suppose that there was a progressive change toward a warmer climate from early Cretaceous to at least Eocene time, and this theory is borne out not only by the occurrence of palm stems in the Yegua clays and overlying deposits, but in the actual extension in Eocene time, of the genus Cinnamomum into such northern latitudes as the 49th parallel, and we may conclude that as pointed out by Kennedy (8), as partly suggested by the floras studied by Knowlton and Lesquereux (16), and as now confirmed by the present studies, the climate of the Texas Hocene was somewhat warmer than at present. As bearing upon this conclusion, the evidence afforded by two other species from the Yegua clays is of great importance. The occur- rence of Laurinoxylon in this horizon and in this locality, points verv strongly to more tropical conditions than prevail to-day, and it is quite possible that the wood of this genus as now found, may be identical with one of the species represented by leaves previously discovered. Reynosia, although allied to Rhamnacinium, is nevertheless a distinctly southern type. At present it is found only in Florida, the Bahamas, Cuba and the Virgin Islands. Its representation in the Eocene of so [PENHALLOW] NOTES ON FOSSIL WOODS FROM TEXAS 105 western and continental an area as Texas, would point to the fact that it, together with Laurus, was formerly a continental type which was gradually pushed southward, probably at the time of the greatest southern extension of the continental glacier, and that they have thereby become insular types, having been unable to regain their hold upon the mainland, although they do maintain a precarious existence in Florida, where they are wholly confined to the southern shores (15), as represented in Reynosia latifolia and the genus Laurus. CONCLUSIONS. The conclusions which appear to be justified by the foregoing facts are :— 1.—During Hocene time there was a generic continuity in the floras of southern Canada and the southern United States, but distinct species characterized the northern and southern portions. 2.—The southern portion of this flora embraced species which have since become extinct and now belong to genera which are almost wholly insular, but which retain an uncertain position in the most southern extension of the continental area. 3.—Although both Sequoia and Cupressoxylon may have been repre- sented in the Eocene of Texas, it is reasonable to suppose that both 8. langsdorfii and C. dawsoni were northern types, the remains of which were carried southward through the action of rivers and there mingled with the remains of trees belonging to the local flora. LITERATURE. Dawson, G. M. (1).—Report of the Geology and Resources of the 49th Parallel, from the Lake of the Woods to the Rocky Mountains. Brit. N. A. Bound. Comm., 1875, pp. 93-101. Dumste, E. T. (2).—Report on the Brown Coal and Lignite Deposits of Texas. Geol. Surv., Texas, 1892, pp. 149-154. (3) The Cenozoic Deposits of Texas. Journal of Geology, 1894, II, pp. 552-553. Feuix, J. (4).—Zeitschr. d. Deutsch Geol. Gesell., 1896, p. 252. Harris, GILBERT D. (5).—New and otherwise interesting Tertiary Mollusca from Texas. Proc. Phil. Acad. Nat. Sc., 1895, pp. 45-88. Hinearp, E. W. (6).—Report on the Geology and Agriculture of the State of Mississippi. Jackson, 1860, pp. 123-128. 106 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA JEFFREY, E. C., and CHrysuer, M. A. (7).—The Lignites of Brandon. Fifth Ann. Rept. Vermont State Geologist, 1896, pp. 1-7, pl. XLIX, XL. KENNEDY, WiczrAM (8).—The Eocene Tertiary of Texas east of the Brazos River. Proc. Phil. Acad. Nat. Sc., 1895, pp. 89-134. (9) Texas Clays and their Origin. Science, XXII, pp. 297-300. Know.tron, F. H. (10).—Flora of the Yellowstone National Park. U.S. Geol. Surv., Monogr. XXXII, Part II, 1899, pp. 651-791. (11) Description of Fossil Woods and Lignites from Arkan- sas. Ann. Rep. Geol. Surv. Arkansas, 1889, II, pp. 249-267. PENHALLOW, D. P. (12).—Notes on the North American Species of Dadoxylon. Trans. R. 8. C., VI, iv, 1900, pp. 76-77. (13) Notes on Tertiary Plants. ‘Trans. R. 8. C., IX, iv, 1903, pp. 33-95. (14) Notes on Cretaceous and Tertiary Plants of Canada. Trans. R. 8. C., VIII, iv, 1902, pp. 44-68. Sargent, C. S. (15).—The Silva of North America, IT, p. 19. Vaucun, T. Waynanp (16).—Section of the Eocene at Old Point Caddo Landing, Harrison County, Texas, with notes upon a col- lection of plants from that locality, by F. H. Knowlton. Amer. Geol., XVI, 1895, pp. 304-309. 107 FOSSIL WOODS FROM TEXAS NOTES ON [PENHALLOW] ere © 5 FEES Pat Tiel Transverse section showing junction of sp. n. Rhamnacinium texanum, Ie Gs o growth rings. tw Radial section showing the medullary Sp. Rhamnacinium texanum, n. 2, Fia. 109 EXAS ap OM WOODS FR ‘OSSIL } N NOTES O [PENHALLOW | 9 X 92. Tangential section. Fic. 3. Rhamnacinium texanum, n. Sp. Reynosia texana, n. sp. Transverse section showing obscure demarcation Fra. 4. of growth rings. 119 5 OM TEXAS R FOSSIL WOODS F ON TES = NO 4 [PENHALLOW] aT GUS LT Ep de Tangential section. a texana, n. sp. Reynosi Fie. SOR - BARGE, LAO OEE. oe a Resta 2 LUE Fa re ae ‘ LR tre Roi EX LL 5 ee nee ere het os Cg Dot LE CD Le rs es fe PIC FAR 2, Fic. 6. Laurinoxylon branneri, Knowlton, x [PENHALLOW] NOTES ON FOSSIL WOODS FROM TEXAS 113 i’ 8 RAT Pa, ig N etl ay on mete .: Fic. 7. Laurinoxylon branneri, Knowlton. Radical section. x 52. Fria. 8. Laurinoxylon branneri, Knowlton, Tangential section, x 52. Section IV., 1907. its] Trans. R. S. C. VIL.— Notes on the Geology of the Islands of Trinidad and Barbados, British West Indies. By R. W. Exus, LL.D. Read May 14, 1907. The islands of Trinidad and Barbados are among the most southerly of the windward group of the West Indies. The former is situated a few miles north of the coast of South America, opposite the mouths of the Orinoco river. In outline it is nearly square except for two long extensions on either side of the Gulf of Paria on the west coast. It has an area of about 1,750 square miles, and a population of about 255,000. The island of ‘Barbados lies about 200 miles to the north-east. While it has a limited area of only 166 square miles, its population nearly equals that of the large island of Trinidad to the south, having nearly 200,000 inhabitants or about 1,200 persons to the square mile. It is thus the mostly densely populated country in the world. For many years the chief industries of both islands have been con- fined to the products of the soil. Large portions of the surface are devoted to the cultivation of sugar cane, cocoa, cotton, cocoa-nuts, bananas and other tropical fruits. Till quite recently but little atten- tion was given to their possible mineral wealth. A geological examination of Trinidad was made by Messrs. Wall and Sawkins and a report was issued in 1860 which has long been out of print and can be obtained with difficulty. In this report the general distribution of the several rock formations was indicated, probably as accurately as the jungly nature of the island would permit at that date. Later or about three years ago, an English geologist, Mr. E. H. Cunningham-Craig was sent out by the English Government and a some- what detailed study of the island has been made, more especially of the southern portion, in order to ascertain if possible the conditions favour- able or otherwise, to the occurrence of petroleum in economic quantities. Though the detailed report of this examination has not yet been pub- lished, sufficient has been made known to warrant the expression of the opinion on the part of the geologist in charge that large deposits of oil of excellent quality exist at different points. A geological examination of the island of Barbados was also made some years ago by Messrs. J. B. Harrison and A. J. Jukes-Brown, the latter of the Geological Survey of Great Britain, with an accompanying map. The report and map were issued in 1890, and the occurrence of 116 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA rocks of Tertiary age, similar in character to those of Trinidad was established. These were also found to contain petroleum and the asphaltic mineral Manjak, the former in apparently large quantities. Prior to the last eight or ten years but little in the way of develop- ment of these minerals had been attempted. For nearly a quarter of a century the great value of the remarkable deposit of asphalt at the Pitch Lake on the west coast near Point la Brea was known and a large business had been carried on at this place in the mining and shipment of this material in both the raw and boiled condition. Near the town of San Fernando also on the west coast, other asphaltic deposits known by the name of Manjak, were discovered some years ago and have been worked in a desultory way. The oil-bearing nature of certain areas in the southern portion of the island was inferred from the occurrence at various points of deposits of asphalt and of oil-springs, and a well was sunk, a short distance south of the Pitch Lake to a short distance but never finished. From this well, however, though largely choked with debris, crude petroleum has been issuing for a quarter of a century in small quantities. It was allowed to run to waste till quite recently, though within the last year this waste has been stopped and the crude material is now collected. Some half dozen years ago attempts were instituted to obtain the oil in quantity elsewhere by a regular system of borings which have been successful in finding petroleum in large amount. The inception of this scheme is largely due to Mr. Randolph Rust, of Port of Spain, whose faith in this industry has never flagged. Generally speaking, the geological structure of the island is some- what simple. Along the north coast from the passage, known as the Bocas, which separates the north-west corner from Venezuela, a range of hills with elevations from 2,000 to more than 3,000 feet above the sea, extends continuously to the north east corner. The rocks of this range are mostly slaty, comprising a considerable thickness of crystalline schists, in large part a true quartz-mica schist. With these are asso- ciated considerable areas of limestone, more especially in the western part. The schists are intersected by numerous veins of quartz, the greater part observed being short and gashy, but in places well-defined quartz leads occur. In this quartz the presence of gold has been detected in small quantities, and indications of iron ores have been recognized. So far, however, but little attempt has been made to ascertain the value of the rocks of this range as a source of mineral wealth, the work of the geologist being confined for the most part to the study of the oil-bearing rocks of the southern portion. The formation as a whole is eminently worthy of a careful examination along these lines. [ELLs] NOTES ON GEOLOGY OF TRINIDAD AND BARBADOS 117 The general dip of these schistose rocks is to the south. Nowhere was any indication of volcanic rocks observed, either in the form of dikes or mountain masses, or even in fragments along the several streams which traverse the hill ranges. In character they resemble closely the slaty schists of the lower Cambrian or even of some portions of the Huronian which is the great ore-bearing series of Canada. Certain bands of black slates associated with the schists are very like in character to black graphitic slates of the Eastern Township series of Quebec, formerly known as the Quebec group. No fossils have as yet been recog- nized in this series in Trinidad, but this may partly be due to a lack of careful examination of the area for such remains. In the present state of our knowledge it would be premature to assign any definite horizon to these rocks, further than to say that they are the oldest to be seen and are probably low down in the geologic scale. To the south of the range of these rocks a series of somewhat dark reddish-brown and greyish shales comes in and extends southward nearly to the town of San Fernando about twenty-five miles distant. Cuttings in these shales are seen along the line of railway east from Port of Spain to Sangre Grande which is the eastern terminus of the northerly part of the railway system. Along the west coast from Port of Spain to San Fernando the country is generally low and level, but low ranges of hills rise to the eastward and may possibly indicate the presence of anticlines bringing up harder portions of the series which appears to belong, in part at least, to the Cretaceous system. Occasionally beds of greyish limestone are imbedded with the shales. At San Fernando, which is the terminus of the railway along the west coast these so-called Cre- taceous rocks rise into the elevation known as Naparima hill, the top of which is about 600 feet above sea-level. In general appearance this hill resembles the buttes of the north-west plains in Canada. Along the flanks of this hill outcrops of the Tertiary rocks are seen, and the hill itself forms a well-defined anticline with beds of limestone surrounded by the oil-bearing sandstone and shale. To the south of San Fernando the shore of the island trends west- ward as far as La Brea point a distance of about fifteen miles, and thence continues in-a south-west direction, a further distance of about twenty-four miles, to the south-west corner of the island at Icacos point. Along these shores good exposures of the Tertiary sandstones and shales are seen, and the presence of several anticlines can be readily recognized. The Tertiary rocks here consist chiefly of soft greyish and dark shale with heavy beds of dark grey soft oil-bearing sandstone. In places this sandstone, especially along or near the anticlines, is saturated with petro- Sec. [V., 1907. 7. 118 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Jeum, the oil exuding and forming a well defined scum along portions of the beach, while beds and masses of pitch or asphalt, which represents the crude oil from which the volatile matter has been largely removed by evaporation, are exposed at a number of places. To the eastward along the lines of the anticlines these asphaltic deposits are also found, some- times occurring in areas of considerable extent. The anticline referred to at San Fernando marks the most northerly of a series of four principal lines which traverse the island from the west to the east coast in a general direction a few degrees north of east. Of the other three the first terminates on the west coast near La Brea point where the celebrated Pitch Lake is situated; the next comes to the west shore near Guaypo point or rather Point Sigoure, about six miles south of La Brea, and the most southerly terminates near the south-west extremity of the island. Although, owing to the generally jungly nature of the country inland, the actual outcrops of these anticlines can be located only with great difficulty in many places, the opening up of certain portions by roads has greatly facilitated the work, so that the general structure can be made out fairly well. The general run of the several anticlines has thus been traced. Several other secondary folds have also been distinguished but the distribution of the principal ones in so far as has now been deter- mined is as follows :— The most southerly or Icacos anticline keeps near the south shore of the island, sometimes for a few miles passing out to sea, and reaches the east coast at the south-east corner known as Galiota point, east of Guayaguayare, where the opposing dips can be readily determined. Along the south coast it passes seaward at Galfa point, and reaches the land again about four miles east of the village of Erin. The opposing dips to the north and south can be readily recognized at a number of points. The main line of this anticline for the eastern half of the dis- tance keeps inland at a distance of about one mile, in so far as can be determined. Going north, the second anticline comes to the west coast at a distance of nearly a mile south of Guaypo point. At its outcrop on the beach the oil-bearing sandstones are vertical for several hundred yards : “but before Guaypo point is reached the sandstone and shale have a well defined northerly dip and asphalt outcrops show along the shore at several places. The oil-sands are sometimes saturated with petro- leum. To the south of this anticline, the dips are fairly regular to the south-east towards Cap de Ville, and south of the latter place beds of lignitic clay, black in colour, outcrop along the shore, with a thickness of four to seven feet. These are, however, too impure to be of value as a fuel. This anticline crosses the island and should reach [&LLS] NOTES ON GEOLOGY OF TRINIDAD AND BARBADOS 119 the east coast about five miles north of Guayaguayare at which place a bore-hole was put down several years ago and oil was struck. The out- flows of asphalt are seen along the course of the anticline for several miles east of the west outcrop on the shore, and also on the road to Siparia, where it is about five miles from the shore of San Fernando Bay. The course of the third anticline going north, extends from the vicinity of the Pitch Lake eastward to the east coast where it terminates near Mayaro point, about twelve miles north of Guayaguayare. Between this and the Guaypo anticline secondary folding is observed, and here also the presence of petroleum is well seen. Borings have as yet been made along this line, as far as could be ascertained, at only one place. The San Fernando anticline has a somewhat more north-easterly course. It apparently reaches the east coast at Manzanilla point which is about fourteen miles north of Mayaro point or twenty-six miles north of Galeota point at the south-east extremity of the island. Owing to extensive lagoons between Mayaro and Manzanilla points the structure of the rocks for this distance cannot'be determined. The presence of these several anticlines in the southern half of the island is of great interest since they may be regarded as affecting some- what largely the conditions for the occurrence of petroleum. The char- acter of the rockg is practically the same throughout, consisting of the ordinary shales in considerable volume with occasionally interstratified beds of the oil-sands, though along the crests of these at some points are outcrops of harder rocks which have been regarded by the Govern- ment geologist as indicating the presence of possibly Cretaceous strata. The petroleum is apparently found at several horizons, but, unfortun- ately, though a number of wells have been bored, more especially in the Guayaguayare district, but little care seems to have been taken to keep a careful record or log of the strata passed through, though from measure- ments taken in carrying on the survey the several thicknesses of the oil— bearing sands have been somewhat carefully ascertained. The most northerly occurrences of petroleum and flows of asphalt observed appear to be along the north side of Naparima Hill. Here in the streets of the town of San Fernando, in connection with the oil- bearing greyish sandstone which flanks both sides of the hill, the asphalt is seen on one of the back streets in considerable quantity, and a short distance north the deposits of Manjak, known as the Vistabella and the Marbella mines, are located. These occurrences are of great interest and will be described later. 120 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA It is also possible that in the broad area between the crystalline rocks and the anticline which extends from San Fernando to Manzanilla areas of Tertiary oil-bearing rocks may occur. The geology of this dis- trict has not yet been carefully mapped, but deposits of lignite coal oceur in the eastern area to the south and east of Sangre Grande. The course of these anticlines is indicated at several places by the presence of mud volcanoes and oil-springs, escaping gas and outflows of asphalt, as well as by the opposing dips to the north and south. Thus the celebrated Pitch Lake is very closely associated with the line of anti- clinal which extends across the island to Mayaro point, and similar occurrences of asphalt, though on a much smaller scale, are found along its supposed course at intervals, although a large part of the country supposed to be traversed, especially in the eastern ‘portion, is nearly inaccessible owing to its jungly and often swampy character. Similar occurrences of asphalt have already been alluded to as occurring in con- nection with the Guaypo anticline, as also with the most southerly one near the eastern extremity, where the principal borings have been made, and where the outflow of the hardened oil covers an area of several acres. According to the work of the Government geologist certain portions of this anticline belong to the underlying Cretaceous, which has been brought to the surface either by faults or by denudation of the Tertiary rocks, In descriptions of Trinidad reference is always made to the Pitch Lake. For many years its origin has proved an interesting source of speculation on the part of certain scientists, and a number of theories have been advanced to account for its presence. Some of the published descriptions are not strictly in accordance with the observations recently made. As seen at the present day it presents a fairly uniform level surface of black or brownish-black asphalt or pitch, with an area of about 127 acres, the careful recent measurements having shewn that the actual outlines are somewhat larger than was formerly supposed. The surrounding shores are formed for the most part of sands, are of somewhat irregular outline and fringed with trees and other tropical vegetation. The surface is somewhat deeply fissured in various direc- tions the fissures being filled with water. In ordinary dry seasons the surface of the asphalt is quite free from water except such as is con- tained in these fissures, but in the rainy season the whole surface becomes covered, the surplus water being drained off by a large ditch, which is cut through the north-west angle, and is discharged into the sea, a distance of nearly one mile. [ELLs ] NOTES ON GEOLOGY OF TRINIDAD AND BARBADOS 121 A peculiar and striking feature of the surface is the growth of vegetation at different points. This is due doubtless to the presence of sands, blown from the surrounding shores, which have filled some of the numerous fissures and formed small oases on which the vegetation has taken root. Some of the trees on the present surface of the asphalt are from twenty to thirty feet in height. In some of the fissures small fishes, from one to two inches in length were observed. Among the more probable theories which have been propounded to account for this extensive and remarkable deposit is that which regards it as marking the site of an ancient mud-volcano of which the Pitch Lake now occupies the centre. In support of this view is the fact that the lake is roughly circular and basin shaped, having a depth near the centre of over 135 feet as reported from actual measurements by boring, and with gradually shelving or sloping sides. In this case the original mud volcano must have been of large dimensions, but at several points along the southern and eastern parts of the island, and near the lines of anticlines there are other mud-volcanoes some of which are of like large dimensions. In none of these, however, are there the same occurrences of asphalt as at La Brea, though there are numerous indications of gas and petro- leum. Another feature in favour of this mode of origin is in the fact, that in so far as could be observed the lake itself is situated somewhat to the north side of the direct line of anticline. Another theory recently propounded accounts for its origin on the supposition that it may indicate the removal of the outcropping crest of the La Brea anticline at this point near the west coast, and that this denudation has assumed a basin-shape, into which the petroleum con- tained in the surrounding oil-bearing sand stone and shale, which are extensively exposed in the vicinity, has flowed owing to the natural ten- dency of oils contained in porous rocks to rise to the surface. In either case the volatile portions of the mineral have long since been evaporated and the asphaltic base has remained in the more or less solid condition now seen. Upon either theory the presence of the lake body must be the result of such inflow of the crude petroleum from the surrounding rocks. It is also quite probable that a certain amount of liquid petro- leum still enters the basin from the bottom or sides of the lake, so that the loss incurred by the overflow in former years or by the extraction recently is thus to some extent compensated. This quantity in recent years has not, however, been sufficient to counterbalance the loss incurred in the mining of this deposit, since according to accurate measurements taken at regular intervals, there has been a slow but regular lowering of the original surface level, amounting within the last fourteen years 122 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA to seven feet or at the rate of six inches per year. During this time the amount of asphalt removed has been not far from 1,500,000 tons. In composition the material contains approximately about thirty per- cent of water and the same amount of impurity which consists of organic matter and sand or earth deposits the remaining forty per cent being bitumen, Along the shores to the west an interesting illustration of the amount of this overflow from the vast body of asphalt of the lake can be seen. The lake is situated at an elevation of not far from 138 feet above sea-level and at a distance of three-fourths of a mile inland. Throughout this distance deposits of the asphalt are seen, sometimes at the surface as overflows and sometimes beneath the covering of sand, while on the shore itself for a distance of more than a mile along the beach large overflows of the asphalt are everywhere visible, outcropping from beneath the sand, and these have evidently been derived from the main body inland. Good illustrations of flow structure are seen in these shore deposits, the asphalt of which is also mined and shipped extensively. The surface of the lake is hard and can be travelled in all directions with carts and horses. In no place is it very soft, but occasionally near the centre it is sufficiently plastic to allow the impression of the foot when walked over. Along most of the fissures on the surface the peculiar flow structure of the mass can be readily seen, the material being drawn out in curving lines in a downward sloping direction around the lips of the fissures. The slow movement thus indicated in a densely viscid sub- stance would apparently imply that the whole or greater part of the asphalt was influenced by convection currents and was in a constant state of slow motion. The same peculiarity of tension is seen also on freshly mined blocks of the mineral, in the presence throughout the mass of cavities of various sizes large and small, or what appear to be air or gas bubbles. These are elongated or drawn out along the lines of move- ment in the slowly moving mass. The apparent cause of this slow movement in such a thickly viscid deposit, which is practically a solid as regards mining, may be due either to displacement of the material through the removal of large portions at various points over the surface, or to a possible inflow of thick petro- leum from the bottom or from points along the sides of the deposit at low levels, from the gradual thickening of which this enormous mass of asphalt has been derived. The thickness of the deposit has been tested at several points by boring and near the centre at a depth of some 135 feet the bottom was not found. Nearer the shores, however, the depths varied greatly and bottom was reached in several places showing the basin [ELLS] NOTES ON GEOLOGY OF TRINIDAD AND BARBADOS 123 like structure of the lake itself, the underlying shales being struck at fifty feet or even less. With the large output of over 100,000 tons per year, it is conceivable that under present conditions this deposit will ulti- mately be exhausted. Such a possibility is, however, remote, and even in that case the enormous amounts found along the beach as the result of former outflows, as well as between the shore and the lake itself, will enable the mining of the asphalt to be carried on to an almost indefinite period. The northern slope of this anticline can be readily seen in railway cuttings on a tram line connecting the north-west side of the lake with the village of La Brea, which is a shipping point. Here curious out- flows of the asphalt are associated with the surrounding shales, sometimes as injected sheets between the strata, sometimes as large masses which have pushed up the beds after the fashion of an igneous laccolith. In places the blackish shales have been changed to a red colour as if the contained bituminous matter had been eliminated through the action of heat. Along that part of the coast south of the shipping pier and extend- ing for a mile the strata where seen are much disturbed. Small faults also occur and some portions of the shore asphalt may have been derived from the exudation of the petroleum along such lines of fracture. A boring made here many years ago still discharges a thick black petroleum at the rate of about a barrel per day, and the discharge from this well, which is quite shallow, has spread over a large surface in the form of tarry asphalt in which are small pools of the liquid petroleum. The presence of the anticline at this place can also be noted in rocky islets which lie a few hundred yards off from the shore with a marked dip to the north-west while the southerly dips are seen on the coast a short distance south of the boring. Between this anticline and that which shows near Guaypo point a few miles to the south there are also local foldings, but the dips are com- paratively low and portions of the shore in this distance are sand covered. A curious feature in this direction as in other places, is the present red colour of much of the ordinary grey and dark shales, and their alteration from a soft rock to a hard and sometimes cherty character. Certain portions of these altered shales closely resemble a hard red felsite in general aspect, as if the mass had been acted upon by volcanic intrusions. No such igneous rocks were anywhere observed, and the alteration seems to be due to the fact that at some time the contained bitumen of these sediments had become ignited and eventually destroyed, the resulting heat being sufficient to entirely alter their original characters. This red or burned condition of the soft Tertiary shales and oil-sands was 24 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA observed at a number of points throughout the southern portion of the island. The mineral known as Manjak or sometimes as Glance pitch, is found at several places, more specially near the town of San Fernando. While the petroleum of the district has a marked asphaltic base, this mineral is an almost pure asphalt. It occurs, however, in an entirely different manner from the oil deposits and from the asphalt of the Pitch lake. The whole of the Tertiary rocks seem to have been affected by movements apparently from north to south, by which the strata have been thrown into the series of folds just described. Usually these folds have taken place without any marked vertical displacement, since while indications of faults are visible at a number of points, such displacements do not appear to have been of any great extent. The deposits of Manjak and their mode of occurrence are very similar to those observed in connection with the albertite of south- eastern New Brunswick. In that province, however, the containing rocks are entirely different in age since they belong to the upper Devonian, in which the mineral occurs along a line of fissure extending nearly east and west near the crest of an anticline. This extends a distance of half a mile or more, and has been followed downward to a depth of 1,500 feet nearly vertical. In Trinidad and in Barbados similar fissures are found in the Ter- tiary shales and sandstone. Near San Fernando in Trinidad, the rocks of the Naparima hill are harder than those of the soft Tertiary, and though thrown into the anticlinal form have offered a certain amount of resistance against which the softer rocks have been crushed and fis- sures produced. The fissures thus formed have been filled with petro- leum either from the sides or from the bottom, which has evidently issued from beds of oil-bearing sandstone. Subsequently the volatile matter has escaped and the resulting mineral is an asphalt, often of high grade, the principal impurity being from particles of greyish shale or clay, derived apparently from portions of soft clay shales which have been traversed by the lines of fissure. In the New Brunswick beds the mineral is of greater purity, since the containing beds have not given off so readily such particles of shale from the sides of the fissure, owing to their greater hardness; but here the disintegration of the adjacent shales is also seen in the fact that the lower portion of the albertite vein is made up of a brecciated mass of angular fragments which are cemented by the albertite itself. In both countries the vein is affected by small displacements subsequent to their formation. Further resemblances in the character of the veins in Trinidad and New Brunswick are seen in the enlarged condition at different points. [ELLs] NOTES ON GEOLOGY OF TRINIDAD AND BARBADUS 128 Thus in the latter place the vein beginning with a thickness of a few feet only at the surface gradually widened till it measured not far from seventeen feet in places, and the deposit was workable to a depth of 1,300 feet before the brecciated character rendered its extraction unprofitable. In the principal workings in Trinidad a similar enlargement occurs from a comparatively thin vein at the surface to over thirty feet in thickness at a depth of only 200 feet. In general appearance the mineral from the two places is very similar, both in the bright, glossy-black aspect, and in the large percentage of asphalt, contained in the purer portions ; but with this difference, that the newer or Trinidad mineral melts readily even with the flame of a lighted match like ordinary sealing wax, while the albertite is not affected to such an extent. This is probably due to the more altered condition of the latter, owing probably to its greater age and its higher state of metamorphism, in this manner forming conditions which in the case of coals produces anthracite at one stage and lignite or bituminous coal at another. The derivation of the Manjak from crude petroleum is well illus- trated at one of the shafts sunk on this mineral on the island of Barbados, where both boring for oil and sinking for Manjak have been carried on for some years. The Manjak mined in Barbados is as a rule in a purer condition and‘of higher grade than that found in Trinidad and as a consequence commands a higher price in the market. In one of the shafts sunk on this mineral it was found that at a depth of about 150 feet it gave place to a thick black petroleum, which flowed into the shaft and has since been removed by baling. The strong inference, therefore, from this occurrence, as also from evidence obtained at other points, is that the filling of the Manjak veins is due to the inflow of crude petroleum in the first place from oil-bearing strata beneath. In Barbados, as also in Trinidad, the fissures which now contain this mineral seem to be caused by pressure, apparently from a north- west direction. In places the strata are thrown into extensive folds, anticlines and even overturns, so that the conditions for the occurrence of petroleum are not favourable in all cases. Sometimes, however, these disturbances are not so pronounced. As in Trinidad the fissures now filled with Manjak have been caused by the crushing of the softer Ter- tiary rocks against beds of harder sandstone and probably of limestone. These deposits are found at a number of points and always near the crests of anticlines in so fan as could be ascertained. A comparison of the oil-bearing rocks of these islands with those found in Canada and the United States shows a wide difference as to horizons. Thus in the western portion of the North American continent there are extensive oil-fields in the Tertiary and Cretaceous of Texas and 126 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANAVA Colorado, which are not very different in geological horizon from those of the West Indies; but in the eastern portion, both of the Dominion of Canada and of the United States the oil horizon is much lower, ranging from the Devonian formations down into the Trenton. There is a further difference in this respect that while the oil-bearing strata of the several anticlines in Trinidad and Barbados are often inclined at high angles, sometimes reaching the vertical, and oil in quantity is obtained from these highly pitched sediments, the oil-bearing strata both in Canada and in the United States, especially in the older series of rocks, generally occur with low dips or as low anticlinal domes. When these older rocks are steeply inclined they become faulted and the contained oil and gas tend to escape by such channels to the surface. The softer rocks of the Tertiary on the other hand appear to have yielded readily to the crushing forces, and faults of importance are rarely seen, so that the contained oil still remains in the underlying sediments and has not escaped along the fault planes, except as in the case of the known pitch or asphalt beds where probably the crests of oil-bearing sandstones have been denuded. Among other phenomena frequently seen in connection with the anticlines in Trinidad are the mud-volcanoes already referred to. These seem to be due to the explosive force of gases which have been confined under great pressure by the overlying strata of clays, etc. When such confining pressure is sufficiently weakened or the accumulated force of the gas becomes too great for the cover, the explosion occurs, and immense volumes of liquid mud are thrown out with sufficient force to sweep away great areas of jungle and to carry down the debris along the nill-sides to the sea when this is near, or to overwhelm large areas of the country when inland around the centres of the explosion. Gas is frequently seen to issue from the craters thus formed as well as along the lines of anticlinal structure, and pits sunk along such lines soon become filled, or partially so, with petroleum. In the comparatively brief period which could be devoted to the study of the geological structure of this island, it was possible merely to ascertain the leading features. The structure has been given with considerable detail in the reports published recently by the Government geologist Mr. Cunningham-Craig. But little attempt has, however, apparently been made to obtain a full collection of the organic remains from the Tertiary rocks, other points, especially as regards structure being probably regarded as of greater importance. Sufficient fossil evi- dence has, however, been found to determine their general geological position. [ELLs] NOTES ON GEULOGY OF TRINIDAD AND BARBADOS 127 Partly for the sake of comparison, a study of the rock formations exposed on the island of Barbados was made, more especially of that por- tion known as the “ Scotland district ” where oil-bearing strata, also of Tertiary age have been recognized. ‘This island lies about 200 miles north-east of Trinidad, and is usually regarded by visitors as occupied by the coral formation and to be of no very great elevation above the sea. This idea is obtained from the views of the island presented from the steamers following the route along the western and southern coasts. The surface, however, rises gradually from the shore in a series of terraces to the summit ridge, and although from the sea this rise appears to be quite gradual the highest point of the island, at Mount Hillaby, reaches an elevation of about 1,100 feet. The rock formations of Barbados may be grouped under three heads without including the surface deposits, and may be arranged under the divisions known as the Coral formation, the Oceanic deposits, and the Tertiary. Of these the first occupies, according to the report of Messrs. Harrison and Jukes-Brown, six-sevenths of the whole area, and has a thickness varying from a few feet to nearly 250 feet, in certain places. This formation extends inland to the summit. Here it breaks off abruptly and often forms a bold escarpment of 50 or more feet in height, facing the eastern side. Blocks of the coral often of immense size, which have been dislodged from the main mass, are scattered over the surface extending to the sea-level. Occasionally this formation has been denuded sufficiently to expose the underlying Tertiary in small outcrops elsewhere, more particularly in the south-eastern and northern portions of the island. The coral has been pierced at a number of places by wells and bore- holes sunk in the search for water; since owing to the porous nature of the rock the rain-fall is quickly absorbed and sinks down to the under- lying deposits of clay, etc., which are a part of the Oceanic formation. contains great masses of fossil coral distributed through the mass of the formation, which are well exposed in the numerous deep cuttings along the roadways. Other organisms seen are shells of various kinds and the remains of sea-weeds. Portions of this rock are hard white lime- stone, quite compact, while other portions are so soft as to be readily cut with a saw into building blocks, or even so decomposed as to be dug out with a spade. It is extensively used as a building stone, and in places the formation becomes so thin as to form merely a superficial crust over _ the underlying Oceanic or Tertiary formations. The formation directly underlying the coral, known as the Oceanic, comprises a considerable thickness, from 250 to 500 feet, of chalky and 128 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA siliceous earths, with clays of various colours, and a considerable thick- ness of voleanic mud. ‘The last is evidently of foreign origin since there is no trace of voleanic rocks anywhere on the island. The siliceous or Radiolarian earths are of interest and in general character closely resemble the infusorial earths found in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. The microscopic examination, however, shows that their origin is distinct, in the fact that the diatoms in the Barbados earths present features connecting them with those obtained from deep-sea dredgings, instead of fresh water forms as is the case with most deposits of this nature. They sometimes form beds with a thickness of nearly 100 feet which have been laid down subsequent to the movements which have caused the plications in the underlying Tertiary rocks. Under certain conditions these should form a material of considerable economic importance. The Tertiary formation which occupies the remaining seventh of the area embraced in this island on the eastern coast have been exposed by the denudation of the coral and oceanic formations. It presents the usual series of soft shales of various colours associated with beds of soft greyish and dark coloured oil-bearing sandstone. As a formation the rocks are greatly disturbed, faults and folds being more strongly marked than in Trinidad, though the general character of the rocks is very similar. In places the anticiines are fairly regular, but sometimes the angle of inclination reaches the vertical and occasionally the folds are completely overturned. The exposed thickness of this formation is difficult to ascertain owing to its broken and folded character, though an estimate by the Geological Survey of the island gives approximate figures of 560 to 600 feet. The surface of these districts as viewed from the summit of the island, looking eastward, presents an exceedingly rough aspect. It has been deeply furrowed by atmospheric agencies and cut into great gullies extending nearly to the sea shore in places, and in its often ragged character it somewhat resembles the deeply furrowed side gullies seen in certain of the river valleys of British Columbia where the rocks are of similar horizon. In the report of Harrison and Jukes Brown, published in 1890, the general resemblance of the Tertiary sediments to those of southern Trinidad was pointed out. They are there distinguished in Barbados under the name of “Scotland series” and are regarded as constituting the oldest formations known on the island. Like the Trinidad Tertiary they contain petroleum which has been found in.considerable quantity at several points by borings which have been carried on for some years. The oil in places is found [ELLs] NOTES ON GEOLOGY OF'TRINIDAD AND BARBADOS 129 issuing from the sides of gullys along streams or in out-flows of asphalt over the surface, and also in the form of Manjak which occurs in veins similar to those in the mines near San Fernando in Trinidad. While the exposed area of these oil-bearing rocks is comparatively small, it seems reasonable to suppose from the general strike of the strata in the exposed portions and of the isolated outcrops elsewhere, that they underlie the coral and Oceanic deposits throughout the entire island. As in Trinidad the problem of finding petroleum in large quantities is one of great importance to the inhabitants. While the sandstones are in places completely saturated with the oil so that in places it is constantly oozing from the surface, over much of the exposed area of these rocks they are so intricately folded and contorted as to apparently’ render the finding of petroleum in economic quantities very problema- tical. In certain places, however, considerable areas occur in which the foldings are more regular, and the faulting small, while the possibilities of finding oil by boring through the overlying Coral formation or the Oceanic clays into the underlying Tertiary sandstone beneath, is well worthy of careful consideration. The Manjak deposits which here occur have been formed in the same way of those of Trinidad, in fissures in the sandstone and shale developed in the process of rock folding. They occur along the sides of the anticlines, generally near the crests, and have been mined at several points with an output amounting to several thousands of tons. As already noted, at one of these shafts, sunk toa depth of 150 feet in what is called the Vale district near the eastern portion of the Tertiary out- crop, the mineral, which was of a high degree of purity, gradually became softer and finally passed into the condition of liquid oil, rendering further mining impossible. From this shaft the liquid oil, black and very asphaltic, is now being removed by baling at a rate of half a barrel per day the output being regarded as of special value as a lubricating oil. From this there is a fair conclusion that the manjak has been derived from the crude petroleum, from which the volatile matters have been evaporated. The veins where elsewhere opened show the same ten- dencies as in Trinidad and in New Brunswick, to vary in thickness, the width of the vein increasing very materially and rapidly at times and then diminishing, owing apparently to a lateral displacement of the sides of the fissure, but the evidence of their vein like nature is quite clear. Some of the borings for oil have reached depths of over 1,200 feet, though it does not appear that the formation has anywhere been entirely penetrated ; but from the highly inclined condition of much of the strata where such borings have been made such holes can hardly be regarded as giving much reliable information as to the actual thickness of this 130 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA formation. So far, some twelve to fifteen holes have been sunk to varying depths and it is of interest to know that practically in every ease oil has been found in greater or less amount. As most of these borings weie made in greatly disturbed strata it is also fairly reasonable to sup- pose that further developments in areas where the rocks are more regu- larly disposed will meet with more favourable results. The oil from the greater number of the wells is dark in colour and with a marked asphal- tic base, having a specific gravity varying from .946 to .971, in this respect agreeing closely with much of that already obtained from some of the wells in Trinidad. In the wells on the latter island, however, there is a greater variety, the oils examined by the government analyst of that place ranging in gravity from .826 to .972. Secrion IV., 1907. {1381 ] Trans. R. S.C. VIII.— Bibliography of Canadian Entomology for the Year 1906. Contributed by Rev. C. J. S. BETHUNE, D.C.L. (Read by title, May 16th, 1907.) Banks, NatHan.—‘ Descriptions of new Nearctic Neuropteroid Insects.” (In- cludes the description of Colpotaulius medialis, a new species taken in Muskoka, Ontario, and a table of the genera of Hydropsychide). Trans. American Entomological Society, Philadelphia, XXXII, pp. 1-20, two plates, 1906. Banks, NatHan.—‘A revision of the Nearctic Hemerobiide.’’ (Contains synoptic tables of sub-families, genera and species; the descriptions include many species taken in Canada. A Catalogue with bibliography is also given). Trans. Amer. Ent. Soc., Philadelphia, XXXII, pp. 21-52, three plates, 1906. Banks, NATHAN.—“ Notes on the Classification of the Perlide.’’ (Divides the family into four tribes and gives tables for their separation and the genera contained in them). Canadian Entomologist, XX XVIII, 221-224 (July, 1906). Banks, NatHan.—‘ New species of Perlide.” (A new genus, Perloymia, and six new species are described, including one, P. collaris, from Welling- ton, B.C.). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 335-338, figures, (October, 1906). Banks, NarHan.—‘ New Oribatidæ from the United States.” (Describes 24 new species of the little-known ‘* Beetle-mites,” including one Oppia Canadensis, taken at Ottawa, Ont.). Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci., Philadelphia, LVIII, pp. 490-500, five plates (November, 1906). BERGROTH, E.—"* Notes on American Hemiptera.’ (Discusses a number of species of Aradidæ and describes three new forms, one of which, Aradus Heide- manni, was taken at Yale, B.C.). Canadian Entomologist, XX XVIII. pp. 198-202 (June, 1906). BETHUNE, C. J. S.—‘‘ Some beetles of early May.” (A popular account of the more conspicuous species likely to be found by young collectors). Can- adian Entomologist, XX XVIII, pp. 156-159, figures (May, 1906). BETHUNE, C. J. S.—‘‘ Notes on Insects of the year in the London District.” (Refers especially to the Cottony Maple Scale and the Tussock Moth). Thirty-sixth Annual Report, Entomological Society of Ontario, 1905, pp. 10-13, figures. BETHUNE, C. J. S.—Editorial Notes, Reviews, ete. Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, 1906; 36th Annual Report, Entomological Society of Ontario, 1906. 132 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA BRADLEY, J. CHESTER.—“ Contributions to the Entomology of the Selkirk Moun- tains of (British Columbia.” (Gives a description of the region traversed and describes three new species of Aculeate Hymenoptera). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, 377-380 (November, 1906). British COLUMBIA ENTOMOLOGICAL SOCIETY (TAYLOR, G. W., Harvey, R. V.. et al.). “ Check List of British Columbia Lepidoptera,” pp. 49, Victoria, June 1, 1906. Published by the Provincial Department of Agriculture. BUENO, J. R. pe LA TORRE.—" Life-histories of North American Water-bugs, I.’ (Gives a full and detailed account of the whole life-history of Belostoma fluminea, Say). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 189-197 (1906). Bueno, J. R. pe LA Torre.—* Life-histories of North American Water-bugs, II.” (Gives a complete life-history of Ranatra quadridentata). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 242-252 (July, 1906). Cameron, P.—‘‘A contribution towards a knowledge of the Nearctic Odynerine.”’ (Includes the descriptions of two new species of Solitary Wasps, Sym- morphus cogitans and Ancistrocerus Quebecensis, from Canada). Trans. Am. Ent. Soc., Philadelphia, XXXII, pp. 325-334. Cary, Mrerritr.—‘ On tne Diurnal Lepidoptera of the Athabaska and Mackenzie Region, British America.” (Hnumerates 85 species and sub-species of butterflies now known to inhabit this region, with interesting notes and records of capture). Proc. U. S. National Museum, XXXI, pp. 425-457 (No. 1488), September, 1906. CAUDELL, A. N.—“. The Cyrtophylli of the United States.” (A monograph of the Katydids, in which are given keys to the three genera, two being new, and full descriptions of the species. One, Cyrtophyllus perspicillatus, extends its range to Canada). Journal N. Y. Ent. Soc., XIV, pp. 32-45, plate and figure (March, 1906). CuAGnon, Gustave. Haltica rufa, 11)., at Mount St. Hilaire, Que.” (Records the capture for the first time in Canada of this interesting Chrysomelid beetle). Canadian Entomologist, XXX VIII, 8 (January, 1906). CuiITTENDEN, F. H.—‘* The North American species of the genus Notaris, Germ.” (Describes three species of this genus of Rhyncophorous Coleoptera, two of which, N. Æthiops and puncticollis are taken in Canada). Journai N. Y. Ent. Soc., XIV, pp. 113-115 (September, 1906). COCKERELL, T. D. A.—‘‘ The Coccid genus Hulecanium. (Gives very useful and valuable tables for the separation of the numerous species of this genus). Canadian Entomologist, XX XVIII, 83-88 (March, 1906). CocKERELL, T. D. A.—"* The North American Bees of the family Anthrophoride.” (Contains a series of very useful synoptic tables with notes on species, and a check list showing the present generic position of all the species, and their localities. A considerable number are to be found in Canada). Trans. Am. Ent. Soc., Philadelphia, XXXII, 63-116. [BETHUNE] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ENTOMOLOGY 133 Cook, JoHn H.—*‘ Studies in the genus Incisalia. (Describes and illustrates with plates the life-histories and habits of J. irus and augustus). Can- adian Entomologist, XX XVIII, pp. 141-144 (May) ; pp. 181-185 (June) ; pp. 214-217 (July, 1906). Cosens, A.—‘‘ A new Retinia attacking Austrian Pine.” (Describes A. Austri- ana, which infested and seriously injured these trees in High Park, Toronto). Canadian Entomologist, XX XVIII, pp. 362-364 (November, 1906). CRAWFoRD, J. C.—‘‘ Synopsis of Bees of Oregon, Washington, British Columbia \ and Vancouver—V.” (Tables are given for the determination of both males and females of the genera Halictus and Agapostemon, with descrip- tions of four new species). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 297- 304 (September, 1906). Dop, F. H. Wozrey.—"* Preliminary List of the Macro-Lepidoptera of Alberta, N.W.T.” (Completion of this valuable annotated list of 569 species taken in Alberta, which was begun in 1904). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 45-54 (February); pp. 89-94 (March); pp. 253-267 (August, 1906). Dyar, Harrison G.—"* A note on the Huchoeca comptaria muddle.” (A con- tinuation of the discussion of the position and synonomy of this and some other species of Geometrid moths). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, p. 110 (April, 1906). Dyar, Harrison G.—" Life-histories of North American Geometridæ.—Ixiv.” (Description of the egg and larval stages i to iv of Cymatophora Matilda Dyar, from Kaslo, B.C.). Psyche, XIII, p. 22 (February, 1906). Dyar, HARRISON G.—‘ Life-histories of North American Geometridæ.—Ixiv.” (Description of the egg and larval stages i to iv of Hois rotundopennata, Packard, from Kaslo, B.C.). Psyche, XIII, pp. 61-62 (April-June, 1906). Dyar, Harrison G.—‘ The North American Nymphulinæ and Scopariinæ.” (A valuable account of these Pyralid moths, with tables of genera, and synopses and descriptions of species, many of which are new. A con- siderable number are taken in Canada). Journal N. Y. Ent. Soc., XIV, pp. 77-107 (June, 1906). Evans, Joun D.—*‘ List of Coleoptera in his collection which have not heretofore been recorded as having been taken in Canada.” (Enumerates over 169 species). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVUII, pp. 96-100 (March, 1906). EVANS, JOHN D.—‘ Annual Address of the President of the Entomological Society of Ontario.” 36th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 49-51, FALL, H. C.—*‘ On the genus Trachykele, with notes and descriptions of other North American Buprestidæ.” (Includes the description of a new spe- cies, 7’. nimbosa, which ranges from California to British Columbia). Entomological News, XVII, pp. 160-168 (May, 1906). mE SecwlVin LOOT co. 134 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA FALL, H. C.—‘A review of the North American species of Notiophilus.” (A valuable study of this Coleopterous genus, with table of species, descrip- tions, bibliography and synonymy. Several of the forms occur in Can- ada). | Psyche, XIII, pp. 79-92 (August, 1906). FERNALD, HENRY T.—* The Digger Wasps of North America and the West Indies belonging to the sub-family Chlorionine.’ (A most useful monograph of this sub-family which hitherto has usually been referred to under the name Sphecine. The author includes all the species in one genus, Chlorion). Proc. U. S. National Museum, XXXI, pp. 291-423, 5 plates (No. 1487), September, 1906. FERNALD, Mrs. M. E.—" The type of the genus Coccus.” ( Gives her reasons for deciding upon hesperidum as the type). Canadian Entomologist. XXXVIII, pp. 125-126 (April, 1906). FLETCHER, JAMES.—‘‘ Report of the Entomologist and Botanist.” (Treats of the Insects affecting Cereals, Fodder-crops, Roots and Vegetables, Fruit- crops, Forest and Shade trees; describes the noteworthy attacks during the preceding year, and gives the remedies that have proved most effec- tive). Experimental Farm Report for the year 1905, Ottawa, 1906, pp. 159-204 and index; one plate. FLETCHER, JAMES.—‘* Report of the Entomologist and Botanist.” Interim Report of the Experimental Farms for the period December 1, 1905, to March 31, 1906, pp. 59-81 and index; Ottawa. FLETCHER, JAMES.—‘‘ The pupation of Huvanessa antiopa.” (Gives a full descrip- tion of the operation).- Canadian Entomologist, XX XVIII, pp. 411-412 (December, 1906). FLETCHER, JAMES.—‘* Notes on a Catalogue of Butterflies taken in Canada during 1904, by Mrs. Nicholl.” 386th Annual Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 79-80. FLETCHER, JAMES.—‘ Insects Injurious to Ontario Crops in 1905.” (Treats of the attacks by insects on Cereal and Fodder Crops, Root Crops and Vegetables, Fruit Crops, Forest and Shade Trees). 386th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 81-90, figures. FLeTcouer, JAMES.— Entomological Record, 1905.” (The fifth annual publication of this most useful record of the new and rare species taken by collectors all over the Dominion. Brief reviews are given of new works on Insects, and in the Lepidoptera, Coleoptera, Orthoptera, Odonata and Diptera lists are given). 36th Annual Report, Ent. Soe. Ont., 1905, pp. 99-105. FLETCHER, JAMES.—* Spraying and Spray Mixtures.’ Montreal Weekly Star, April 27, 1906. FLETCHER, JAMES.—* Hessian-fly and Joint-worms.” Farmers’ Advocate, Lon- don, Ont., October 4, 1906. [ BETHUNE] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ENTOMOLOGY 135 FLETCHER, JAMES.—* Farmers’ Friends and Foes.” (A series of fifty-six articles containing replies to enquiries respecting noxious and beneficial insects). Montreal Weekly Star, January to December, 1906. Among these ar- ticles are the following: ‘“ Clothes Moths,” February 14. ‘Borers in Peach-trees,” March 7; June 20, ‘ Tussock Moths,’ March 21. “Moths in Furs,” April 25. “Mites causing ‘scaly leg’ in chickens,” May 2. ‘* Insects Injurious to Root Crops,” June 6, “Wood Ticks,” June 18. ‘* Book Lice,” July 18. “Bed Bugs,” September 26. ‘* Aleyrodes or White Moth Fly,” December. FLETCHER, JAMES AND OTHERS.—” Report of the Entomological Branch of the Ottawa Field Naturalists’ Club for 1905.” (Contains lists of rare and interesting Lepidoptera and Coleoptera taken in the Yukon Territory, Ungava, and the neighbourhood of Ottawa). Ottawa Naturalist, XX, pp. 82-86 (July, 1906). FLETCHER, JAMES AND GIBSON, ARTHUR.—“ The life-history of the Spined Rustic, Barathra curialis, Smith.” (The caterpillars of this moth, which had long been regarded as a rare species, were reported from a wide area in Canada as attacking a large number of garden plants). Can- adian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 381-384, plate (December, 1906). FyLes, THomas W.—*‘‘ Winter Retreats of Insects.” (A popular account of the various ways in which many insects hibernate). Canadian Ento- mologist, XXXVIII, pp. 137-140, figures (April, 1906). FyLes, THomas W.—‘ The ‘ Tussocks,’’’ (Describes the two species, Orgyia leucostigma and antiqua, and refers to the alarm in Montreal respecting these insects). 36th Annual Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 15-18, figures. iy Les, "THomas W.—* Forest Insects.” (Describes a number of wood-borinz and other species). 36th Annual Report, Ent. Soc, Ont., 1905, pp. 56-61, figures. FyLEs, Tuomas W.—‘ The advantages and disadvantages of the Canadian ento- mologist.” 386th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 61-64. ' Gipson, ARTHUR.—“ Injurious Insects of the Flower Garden.” (Describes a large number of important insects, both common and little-known species, and gives the most approved methods of dealing with them). 386th An- nual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 105-122, figures. Gigson, ArrHuR.— Work for June—Caterpillar Hunting.” (A popular account of the methods of collecting and rearing caterpillars of butterflies and moths). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 186-188, figures (June, 1906). 136 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA GIBSON, ARTHUR.—“* The Bean Weevil, Bruchus obtectus, Say.” (Describes the life-history of the insect, the injury it does to beans, and the remedies found to be effective for its restraint). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 365-367, figure (November, 1906). GIBSON, ARTHUR, AND FLETCHER, JAMES.—" The life-history of the Spined Rustic, Baratha curialis, Smith.” Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 381- 384, plate (December, 1906). Gipson, ARTHUR.—‘‘ The Cecropia Emperor Moth, Samia Cecropia, Linn.” Nature Study, No. XXXVII. (An interesting life-history of this large silk-producing insect). Ottawa Naturalist, XX, pp. 149-152, figure, (October, 1906). Reprinted in the Toronto Weekly Globe, October, 1906 Hatcut, D. W.—* Noctuid and Geometrid Moths taken at Temagami Lake.” (A list of over sixty species from a region north of Lake Huron, Lat. 48°). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 94-96 (March, 1906). HAMPSON, Sir GEORGE F.—*‘ Catalogue of the Lepidoptera Phalaenæ in the British Museum, Vol. VI, Noctuidæ.” (This is a continuation of the author’s Monograph of the moths of the world, and gives the classi- efiation of the Cucullianæ, the third of the fifteen sub-families into which the Noctuidæ are divided, 692 species belonging to 111 genera being described in it. A large number of Canadian species are in- cluded.). Pages xiv and 532; numerous figures in the text and coloured plates 96 to 107; London, 1906. Harvey, R. V.—“ Bulletin of the ‘British Columbia Entomological Society—Nos. 1-4.” (This quarterly publication contains lists of species in various orders taken in the province, and useful and interesting notes on collect- ing, etc.), Vancouver, B.C., March-December, 1906. HEATH, E. FIRMSTONE.—“‘‘A few notes on the Lepidoptera of 1905.” (An account of captures in southern Manitoba). Canadian Entomologist, XXX VIII, pp. 218-220 (July, 1906). Huvarp, V.-A.—* De la Chasse aux Insectes.” (A series of pleasantly written papers on the formation of a collection of Insects, with full instructions for the beginner. The first is entitled: “Ou il est démontre qu'un Entomologiste doit faire une Collection d’Insectes.”). Le Naturaliste Canadien, XXXIII, pp. 9-13 (Janvier); pp. 26-30 (Février); pp. 38-43 (Mars); pp. 87-92 (Juin, 1906). Huarp, V.-A.—‘‘ Ln Insecte étrange.” (An account with figures of Corydalis cornutus). Le Naturaliste Canadien, XXXIII, pp. 55-58 (Avril). “ His- toire d'un Entomologiste.’ (An account of Latreille’s escape from exe- cution in 1793). Ibid, pp. 58-60. ‘ La Vermoulure des Bois.” (Describes the injury caused by the Anobium beetles). Ibid, pp. 110-111 (Juillet, 1906). Huarp, V.-A.—* Le ‘'l'ussock Moth.’” (An account of the life-history, ravages and remedies for this enemy of shade-trees). Le Naturaliste Canadien, XXXIII, pp. 113-117, figures (Aout 1906). [BETHUNE ] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ENTOMOLOGY 137 JARVIS, TENNYSON D.—*‘ Mites affecting Farm Homesteads.” (Describes a remarkable instance of a house infected with Mites and the measures adopted for their extermination, with an account of the life-history of the species, T'yroglyphus longior). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 289-241 (July, 1906). e JARVIS, TENNYSON D.—‘* The Oyster-shell Bark-louse.” (Gives an account of the life-history of this Scale Insect and of the Scurfy Bark-louse and the San José Scale; also the results obtained by the application of various insecticides). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 289-294, figures (September, 1906). JARVIS, TENNYSON D.—‘‘ The Locust Mite.”’ (A short account of Trombidium locustarum found on species of Melanoplus). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 349-350, figures (October, 1906). JARVIS, TENNyson D.—* Phlox Mite—Tetranychus bimaculatus.’ 36th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, p. 127. JARVIS, TENNYSON D.—* Blue-Spruce Saw-fly—Lyda Sp.” (Describes the larva and adult fly). 386th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 127-128, figure. JARVIS, TENNYSON D.—‘\Bumble-Bees that Fertilize Clover.” (Quotes a letter of enquiry from New Zealand and gives the names of some species col- lected in Ontario). 36th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 128-9. JoHNSON, CHARLES W.—“ Descriptions of two new Diptera of the family Dolicho- podide.” (One of the new species, Argyra robusta, is from Vaudreuil Co., Quebec). Psyche, XIII, pp. 59-60 (April-June, 1906). KIRKALDY, G. W.—‘ Catalogue of the Genera of the Hemipterous Family Aphids with their typical species, together with a list of species described as new from 1885 to 1905.” (The completion of this very valuable cata- logue, which was begun in the volume for 1905, pp. 414-420). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 9-18 (January); p. 135 (April) ; p. 202 (June, 1906). KIRKALDY, G. W.—‘ Notes on the Classification and Nomenclature of the Hemip- terous Super-family Miroides.” (Gives a useful table for the separation of the tribes, and a series of additions and emendations to his ‘ List of the Genera” published in the Trans. Amer. Ent. Soc, XXXII, pp. 117- 156). Canadian Entomologist, XX XVIII, pp. 369-376 (November, 1906). KIRKALDY, G. W.—* List of the Genera of the Pagiopodous Hemiptera-Heteroptera, with their type Species, from 1758 to 1904, and also of the aquatic and semi-aquatic Trochalopoda.” (The list gives also bibliographical refer- ences, and must prove of great value to the student of these insects from any part of the world). Trans. Am. Ent. Soc., Philadelphia, XXXII, pp. 117-156. LocHHEAD, Wi1LLIAM.—*‘‘ Household Insects.’ (A brief account of some of the most troublesome domestic insects and practical directions for their treatment). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 65-70, figures (March), 1906. 138 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA LocHHEAD, WILLIAM.—* Experiments against the San José Scale in 1905.” 36th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 27-32, figures. LOCHHEAD, WILLIAM.—"* Injurious Insects of 1905 in Ontario.” (Gives an ac- * count of Garden and Fruit Insects, and some affecting Shade-trees). 36th Annual Report, Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 129-138, figures. LOCHHEAD, WILLIAM, AND JARVIS, TENNYSON D.—‘‘ The Common Fungus and Insect Pests of growing Vegetable Crops.’’ (Contains practical instruc- tions for preventing and controlling injury and loss caused by insects, fungi and slime moulds, which should be of much value to gardeners. Formule are given for the preparation of fungicides and insecticides). Ontario Agricultural College Bulletin, 150, Department of Agriculture, Toronto, 34 pages, 34 figures, July, 1906. Lutz, Frank E.—‘ The tegminal position in Gryllus.” (Observations on a large number of specimens of G. campestris, and a table showing the number of instances in which the right or left tegmen was uppermost in both males and females). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 207-209 (June, 1906). LyMAN, HENRY H.—{“ A North American Entomologists’ Union.” Canadian Entomlogist, XXXVIII, pp. 1-3 (January, 1906). LYMAN, Henry H.—*‘ The Tussock Moth situation in Montreal.’ (Describes the alarm created by the newspapers respecting this insect and the measures taken to control it). 386th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 18-20. McCreapy, S. B.—‘‘ Insects as Nature Studies.” (Refers especially to the difficul- ties experienced by teachers in taking up this new department of work). 36th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 52-53. NicHoLz, Mrs.—‘ Butterfly collecting in Canada.” (Gives an account of an expedition to British Columbia and a list of 117 species captured, with localities. Notes on some of the species are added by Dr. James Flet- cher). 86th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 70-80. PACKARD, A. S.—‘‘ Monograph of the Bombycine Moths of North America, includ- ing their transformations and origin of the larval markings and arma- ture; Part II, Family Ceratocampidæ, sub-family Ceratocampine.”’ (Lhis valuable work was completed last year after the lamented death of the author. It is magnificently illustrated with 61 quarto plates, most of them coloured. The species found in Canada are included). Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, Washington, Vol. IX, pp. 1-149. PEARSALL, RicwArp F.—‘‘ What Æuchoeca comptaria, Walk., really is.” (A continuation of the discussion begun in the previous volume on the nomenclature and position of some Geometrid Moths). Canadian Ento- mologist, XXXVIII, pp. 33-88 (February, 1906). [BETHUNE ] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ENTOMOLOGY 139 PEARSALL, RICHARD F.—" Another Geometrid Tangle.” (Discusses the position and synonymy of several Geometrid Moths in the Genera Lobophora, Talledega and Philopsia). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 70-71 (March); pp. 118-120 (April, 1906). PENHALLOW, D. P.—“ A Civic Enemy; the Tussock Moth.” (A description with figures of this enemy of shade trees in cities and towns, and recommenda- tions of effective remedies). Canadian Horticulturist, XXIX, p. 275, November, 1906. (Reprinted from ‘ The Canadian Municipal Journal ’) ROTHSCHILD, WALTER, AND JORDAN, KARuL.—‘‘ A Revision of the American Pa: pilios.” (An elaborate monograph of the Swallow-tailed Butterflies of both North and South America, with a very full bibliography and synonymy. Several new species and many new sub-species are described. A most complete and valuable work). Novitates Zoologice, Vol. XIII, pp. 411-753, five plates, and a diagram of neuration. Tring Museum, England, August, 1906. RoTascHILD, N. CHARLES.—"* Three new Canadian Fleas.” (The specimens were taken on wild animals in Alberta and British Columbia). Canadiaa Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 321-325, figures (October, 1906). SCHAEFFER, CHARLES.—* On Bradycinetus and Bolboceras of North America, wita notes on other Scarabæidæ.” (Gives tables of the genera of Geotrupini and of the species of Copris in addition to the two genera discussed). Trans. Am. Ent. Soc., Philadelphia, XXXII, pp. 249-260. SHERMAN, FRANKLIN.—‘‘ The Dragon-flies and Damsel-flies—Order Odonata.’ (Gives a useful table and account of the classification into families, and describes the main characteristics of the order). Canadian Ento- mologist, XXXVIII, pp. 29-33, figures (February, 1906). SMITH, JOHN B.—‘ New Noctuide for 1906, No. 1.” (Describes two new gen era, Ursogaster and Nocloa, and thirty-six new species of which four are from Canada, viz., Leptina levitans, Ridgeway, Ont.: Bryophila aviriia, Melicleptris seæata, and Bomolocha lutalba from Manitoba). Journal N. Y. Ent. Soc, XIV, pp. 9-30, (March, 1906). SMITH, JOHN B.—‘ New species of Noctuidæ for 1906.” (Describes 18 new species including two, Setagrotis dolens and Euroa esta, from Britisa Columbia ). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 225-238 (July, 1906). STEVENSON, CHARLES.—" Notes on the season of 1905 in western Quebec.” (Describes the work that is being done by Montreal collectors and gives a list of rare captures). 36th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 53-54, figures. STRETCH, RicHARD H.—‘ Heterocera Americana.” (A series of eleven plates in black and white illustrating the Arctiide and their allies. These were originally prepared for a monograph of the Bombycidæ, intended as a completion of the author’s well-known work on Zygaenidæ and Bomby cide of N. America, published in 1872. A large number of Canadian species are figured). Journal N. Y. Ent. Soc., pp. 117-125 (September. 1906). 140 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA L'AYLOR, GEO. W.—“ Eupithecia Youngata: a Geometrid Moth from Ottawa new to Science.” (This new species was taken near Ottawa and in the Catskill Mountains). Ottawa Naturalist, XIX, pp. 225-227 (March, 1906). TAYLOR, GE0. W.—‘‘ On the species of Eupithecia occurring at Calgary, Alberta, with descriptions of four supposed to be new.” Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 101-104 (March, 1906). TAYLOR, Geo. W.—“ On Acidalia subalbaria, Packard, and some allied forms. Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 111-112 (April, 1906). TAyLor, Gro. W.—‘ A further note on Huchoeca comptaria and the allied spe- cies.” (Continuation* of a discussion with Mr. Pearsall on the nomen- clature and position of several Geometrid Moths). Canadian Ento- mologist, XXXVIII, pp. 203-204 (June, 1906). "LAYLOR, Gro. W.—‘ Descriptions of two new Geometrid Moths from Alberta.” (Describes Xanthorhée circumvallaria and Aplodes Hudsonaria). Can- adian Entomologist, XX XVIII, pp. 205-206 (June, 1906). TAYLOR, GEo. W.—‘‘ On the occurrence in Canada of Himera pennaria, Linn., a European Geometrid Moth.” (The specimen was taken at Tamarisk, Manitoba by Mr. L. Fanshawe). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, p. 220 (July, 1506). TAYLOR, GEO. W.—‘ Some new Geometride from British Columbia.” (Describes twenty-one new species). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 389- 3 404 (December, 1906). Van Duzer, E. P.—‘ Notes on Hemiptera taken by W. J. Palmer near Lake Temagami, Ont.” (Includes a table for the separation of three species of Cixius found in Canada). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 406-411 (December, 1906). Van Duzer, E. P.—‘ New North America Heteroptera.’ (Includes descriptions of two species from Vancouver Island, British Columbia—Peritrechus tristis and Hremocoris obscurus). Ent. News, XVII, pp. 384-391 (De- cember, 1906). ; Waker, E .M.—‘ Records in Orthoptera from the Canadian Northwest.” (A list of 49 species taken during a trip from Manitoba to British Colum- bia in 1897). Canadian Entomologist, XX XVIII, pp. 55-59 (February, 1906). WALKER, E. M.—“A first list of Ontario Odonata.” (Enumerates 86 species with dates and localities). Canadian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 105-110 (April) ; pp. 149-154 (May, 1906). WALKER, E. M.—* Orthoptera and Odonata from Algonquin Park.” (An interest- ing list, with dates and localities, of 325 species of Orthoptera and 41 of Odonata). 386th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 64-70. [BETHUNE] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ENTOMOLOGY 141 Wickuam, H. F.—“A review of Dr. Walther Horn’s “ Systematischer Index der Cicindeliden.”’ (Describes Dr. Horn’s revision of the classification and discusses some of the changes made among species, sub-species and aber- rations; also gives an outline of the author’s phylogenetic theories regarding the origin and descent of the members of the family). Can- adian Entomologist, XXXVIII, pp. 24-27 (January, 1906). WICKHAM, H. F.—‘‘ ine Races of Cicindela tranquebarica, Hbst. (A discussion of the geographical races and local forms of this widely distributed species, hitherto known as C. vulgaris, Say). Ent. News, XVII, pp. 48-48, figs. (February, 1906). WILLISTON, S. W.—‘‘ The Classification of the Culicide.” (Criticizes the recent formation of large numbers of sub-families and genera of Mosquitoes on insufficient or trivial characters). Canadian Entomologist, XXX VIII, pp. 384-386 (December, 1906). Youxs C. W.—‘ Notes on Insects of the Year in the Ottawa District.” 36th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 7-9. ZAVITZ, E. J.—‘‘ Forest Entomology.”’ (Describes a number of important enemies to forest trees). 36th Annual Report Ent. Soc. Ont., 1905, pp. 123-126, figures. : LI LA iad is a abot SECTION IV., 1907. [148 ] Trans. R. S.C. IX.—Bibliography of Canadian Geology and Paleontology for the Year 1906. By H. M. Amt, M.A., D.Sc., F.G.S., of the Geological Survey of Canada. ADAMS, FRANK D.—‘ On the need of a Topographical Survey of the Dominion of Canada, particularly with reference to the development of the economic Resources of the Dominion.” Journ. Can. Min. Inst., Vol. IX, p. 13, 1906. Advance copy sent for discussion. Subject to revision. ADAMS, FRANK D.—"‘ On the Advisability of the Establishment of a Federal Department of Mines.” Journ. Can. Min. Inst., part of Vol. IX, pp. 1-20. Advance copy sent for discussion. Subject to revision: Montreal, Can. ADAMS, F. D., and ERNEST Coxrer.—‘‘An Investigation into the Hlastic Constants of Rocks, more especially with reference to cubic compressibility ”’ (illus- trated). Amer. Journ Sc., Vol. XXII, pp. 95-123, August, 1906; New Haven, Conn., U.S.A. AMI, H. M.—‘ Preliminary List of Organic Remains from Beechy Island, Lan- easter Sound in the district of Franklin.” “The Cruise of the Nep- tune,” by A. P. Low, pp. 329-330, Appendix IV, December, 1906; Ottawa, Canada. (Ami, H. M.). (No name given).—* Preliminary Lists of the Species of Organic remains from blocks of limestone from Southampton Island.” ‘The Cruise of the Neptune,’ by A. P. Low, Appendix IV. pp. 331-335; Ottawa, Canada, December, 1906. (Ami, H. M.).—‘ Preliminary Lists of Organic Remains from loose blocks of limestone, Cape Chidley.” ‘The Cruise of the Neptune,” by A. P. Low, Appendix IV, pp. 335-336; Ottawa, Canada, December, 1906. AMI, H. M.—‘‘ Notes on an interesting collection of Fossil Fruits from Vermont, in the Museum of the Geological Survey of Canada.” Ottawa Natural- ist, Vol. XX, No. 1, pp. 15-17, April, 1906; Ottawa, Canada. Ami, H. M. (and W. J. Witson).—‘‘ Report of the Geological Branch of the Ottawa Field Naturalists’ Club for 1905-1906.” Ottawa Naturalist, Vol. XIX, No. 11, February, 1906, pp. 209-214; Ottawa, Canada. Ami, H. M.—" Diamonds in Canada.” Canada Inter-Ocean, Vol. I, No. 1, p. 6; Winnipeg, Manitoba. ANON.—"* Diamonds.” Can. Min. Rev., Vol. XXVII, No. 12, pp. 38-40 (illus- trated) ; Montreal, Canada. Anon.—* Beyond the Clearings ” (notes on the extracts from Government blue- book on “the resources of the country between Quebec and Winnipeg, along the proposed route of the National Transcontinental Railway ”). Can. Min. Rev., Vol. XXVII, No. 2, pp. 41-44; Montreal, Canada. 144 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA ANON.—" Geological Notes from Cobalt Mining Camp.” Can. Min. Rev., Vol. XXVII, No. 2, pp. 40-41; Montreal, Canada. ANON.—" Canadian Zine Production’ (A review of the report of the Zinc Commission, by Dr. Haanel). Can. Min. Rev., Vol. XXVII, No. 5, pp. 140-145 (illustrated) ; Montreal, Canada. ANON.—“ The Geological Survey.” Can. Min. Rev., Vol. XXVII, No. 6, pp. 176-177; Ottawa, Canada. Anon.—* The Western Coal Industry.” Can. Min. Rev., Vol. XXVII, No. 6, December, 1906, pp. 177-178; Ottawa, Canada. ANON.—" The Coal Fields of New Brunswick.” Can. Min. Rey., Vol. XXVII, No. 6, December, 1906, pp. 178-179; Ottawa, Canada. ARGALL, PHILIP.—‘‘ Report on the methods for Concentration of Zine Ores of British Columbia.” Report of the Commission appointed to investigate the Zine resources of British Columbia and the condition§ affecting their exploitation, pp. 303-358. Report of the Zinc Commission, Mines Branch, Department of the Interior; Ottawa, Canada, 1906. ARGALL, PHiILIP.—"* Report on the Zine Mines of the East and West Kootenays.” Report of the commission appointed to investigate the zine resources of British Columbia and the conditions affecting their exploitation, pp. 149-252, Mines Branch, Department of the Interior; Ottawa, Canada, 1906. ATKIN, AUSTIN J. R.—‘ Some further consideration of the Genesis of the Gold Deposits of Barkerville, B.C., and the vicinity.’ Geol. Magazine. Decade V, Vol. III, No. XI, pp. 514-516; London, Eng. Bartow, A. E.—“ Report on some of the undeveloped Zine Deposits of British Columbia.” Report of the Commission appointed to investigate the Zine Deposits of British Columbia and the conditions affecting their exploitation, pp. 275-293, 1906: Ottawa, Canada. Baron, H. J.—‘‘ Gold Lodes of Nova Scotia.” Mining Reporter, pp. 282-284, September 20th, 1906; Denver, Col. BATHER, F. A.—‘‘ The species of Botryocrinus.” Ottawa Naturalist, Vol. XX, pp. 93-105, August 14th, 1906; Ottawa, Canada, [Geol. Mag., Decade V, Vol. 3, No. XI, p. 524 (with plate).] BELL, Ropert (Report of the Acting Director).—‘‘ Summary Report of the Geol. Surv. Dept. of Canada for 1905,” pp. 1-19, and p. 144 Printed by Order of Parliament; Ottawa, Canada, 1906. \ BELL, Ropert.—‘‘ The Cobalt Mining District,’ Sum. Rep. Geol. Surv. Dept of Canada, for 1905, pp. 94-104 (illustrated). Printed by order of Parliament; Ottawa, Canada, 1906. BELL, Ropert.— The Cobalt Mining District.” Can. Min. Rev., Vol. XXVII, No. 4, pp. 116-128 (illustrated) ; Montreal, Canada. BELL, Ropert.—‘ Geological Survey of Canada.” American Journal of Science, Vol. XXI, 4th series, pp. 404-406, 1906; Ottawa, Canada. BiAtr, W. J.—* Cobalt Mines.” Can. Min. Rew., Vol. XXVII, No. 6, December, 1906, pp. 182-184: Ottawa, Canada. | AMI] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN GEOLOGY 145 BRAMBLE, C. A.—‘‘A few hints to Prospectors.” Can. Min. Rev., Vol. XXVII, No. 6, pp. 178-181 (illustrated) ; Montreal, June, 1906. Brewer, W. M.—‘ Some observations relative to the occurrence of Deposits of Copper Ore on Vancouver Island, and other portions of the Pacific Coast.” Journ. Can. Min. Inst., part of Vol. IX, 10 pp. Advance copy sent for discussion. Subject to revision. Montreal, Canada. (British COLUMBIA) BUREAU oF MINES.—‘‘ Annual Report of the Minister of Mines for the year ending 31st December, 1905, being an account of Mining operations for gold, coal, etc., in the Province.” William Fleet Robertson, Provincial Mineralogist, 273 plates, maps, 1905; Victoria, Government Printing Office, 1906. Brock, R. W.—‘ Preliminary Report of the Rossland Mining District.” Geo- iogical Survey of Canada, No. 939, 40 pp.; Ottawa, Canada. BuLLocK, WILLIAM S.—* Cobalt and its Silver Mines.” branches of this species which are forked at long intervals, and which for width and substance cannot otherwise be distinguished from the leaves. Sir William figures this species in his Fossil Plants of the Devonian and Upper Silurian of Canada (PI. X, fig. 122). This figure shows a somewhat tangled assemblage of the leaves, etc., of this species, and the way in which they are inclined to run in one direction in the shale; but the leaves are narrower than in the examples from Gaspereau. I think there may be some question as to whether this is the same species with the plant from the Little R. group which formed the basis of the species P. elegans; at least we have not found it in the tufted form represented as the type of P. elegans. For the type of this species, see Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc., Vol. XVIII, Pl. XIV, figs. 29 and 30. Fruits of Psilophyta.—With abundant remains of the plants of this genus one might expect to find many sporangia; a few spore cases have been found, but not by any means the abundance of them that one might expect. They are of three different kinds; the largest of these is similar in form to, and nearly as large as Sir William Dawson's Cardiocarpon tenellum; the other two are smaller; one is oval with a rib along one side, the other is ovate. We have no means of telling to what species these sporangia belong. PSILOPHYTON ELLSI, n. sp. Root unknown. Stem about 3 mm. wide, upright, much branched, the branches are from 14 to 2 mm. wide, and 60 mm. or more in length; the ultimate branches are rigid near the base, and as preserved have a few irregular longitudinal ribs; but in the outer two-thirds of their length these branches become flattened, and flexed downward and are longitudinally striate; this ribbon-like portion of the branch thus takes on the appearance and perhaps the functions of a leaf; they are usually somewhat convex and sometimes show a rib or revolute edge at the margin. This portion of the ultimate branch is usually somewhat wider than the inner rounded and rigid portions. Twigs of this plant preserved in sandstone show a strongly ribbed surface sometimes as many as six ribs can be counted, but they are variable both in length 192 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA and number, and the branches seldom exceed 2 mm. in width. No circinate branches were observed. Spore cases are rare; those seen were 2 mm. long and 1 mm. wide. Several of the stouter and smoother stems have closely placed pits or scars, but no attached or detached spines were seen. Locality and Horizon.—In olive gray shale and sandy shale at the mouth of the Little Pokiok stream in the parish of Brighton, Carleton >. EXPLANATION OF FIGURE. i.—Psilophyton Ellsi. Stem and branches, restored from broken parts of the plant. Natural size. 2,—A sporangium of the same? Mag. 3-1. 3.—Another sporangium, perhaps of this species. Mag. 3-1. Co., N.B. The shales are placed as Devonian by the men of the Can- adian Geological Survey. Collected by Dr. R. W. Ells. In all Sir William Dawson’s figures and in his descriptions he indicates the typical Psilophyton as having a stem marked by distinct longitudinal ridges. With the above species we find this feature present [MATTHEW] ON SOME NEW SPECIES OF DEVONIAN PLANTS 193 where the plant is preserved in sandstone and sandy shale, but in fine clay shales most of the stems are quite smooth; may it not be that th> ribs on the stems of the plants of this genus are due to the contraction of a smooth-stemmed but somewhat succulent plant in a mould of sand, while the examples preserved in clay have yielded more quickly to pres- sure, and thus have been evenly flattened; this smooth flattening is found in the softer and less woody tips of the twigs of P. Ellsi, evan when the stouter part of the twig is ridged. This plant resembles P. princeps, Dn., but appears to be a distinct species rather than a variety; it is smaller and more bushy, and the peculiar habit of the ultimate branches of flattening out into a straight, ribbon-like leaf or succulent tip is not shown by Sir William Dawson for any of his species, nor represented in his figures. There are occasional pieces of broad leaves or rhizomes (an inch wide) occurring with this species; these are minutely, longitudinally striate, and may belong to a Cordaites, or they may be the rhizomes of this plant, and similar to the rhizomes which Sir William has described as occurring with P. princeps, but I have found no areoles on them. LEPIDODENDRON. The Hartt material from Gaspereau presents peculiar difficulties in the determination of the species of this genus, owing chiefly to the variability of LZ. corrugatum. Sir William Dawson put all that he described and figured from this localtiy in one species, that named above, but the material collected by Prof. Hartt which I have, may be referred to several species, some of which I have named in the fol- lowing summary. I prefer, however, to leave the full determination of these to a later period. ANEIMITES ACADICA, Dawson. This fern occurs in great abundance at Gaspereau, in fact, I did not find remains of any other in the Hartt collection, but the pinnules are all detached, so it is difficult to restore the frond: whether the arrangement of the barren pinnules is the same as that found in Triphyllopteris is at present uncertain. SUMMARY OF RESULTS. The Devonian Flora of the Gaspereau R., Horton Bluff and the Kennebecasis Valley. I couple these three localities together as both the stratigraphers and Sir William Dawson, who studied the plant remains, acknowledge 194 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA their close relation to each other in time, and they are the places from which the plant remains come that I have lately examined. Sir William Dawson in several publications has very firmly insiste that the plants from these localities are of Lower Carboniferous age, and he has given very full description and illustration of two species in particular from Gaspereau R., Aneimites Acadica and Lepidodendron corrugatum, as typical forms of this horizon, which he designates the “ Lower Coal Measures,” and they have passed into current literature as such. But when I came to investigate the material from Gaspereau KR. collected by the late Professor C. F. Hartt, contained in the museum of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick and my own cabinet, I found grave reasons for dissenting from this conclusion. * In going over Hartts material, which contained an abundance ot remains of the two fossils above named, there were found indubitable examples of Sir William’s genus, Psilophyton, which he regarded as markedly characteristic of the Devonian Age; not in rare examples, but in large abundance, stems, rhizomes, leaves and spore cases. In his revised list of the pre-Carboniferous plants of N. E. Amer- ica,’ he names four species of this genus, but carries none of them beyond the Devonian, and he gives the genus a range from (and including) the Upper Silurian through the Devonian. W. P. Schimper also says of this genus, that it is in the Upper Devonian of North America, and is found in the same formation in England and on the Rhine (Slates of Nasseau and Upper Sandstones of Moselle). The species which the writer has found in the shales of the Gaspereau R. are Psilophton princeps, P. robustius and P. elegans.’ One of the most abundant species at this locality is Sir William’s species, Aneimites Acadica, the remains of which, and especially the stipes, are in great profusion. Aneimites is considered by Schimper as congeneric with his Triphyllopteris, and they certainly are closely related. But the genus is not confined to the Upper Devonian, as it also occurs in the shales of the Little R. group, where it is represented by two or three species described by Dawson. W. P. Schimper* gives the range of Triphyllopteris (= Aneimites) thus: “Finally these plants are limited to the Upper Devonian and the lowest beds of the Carboniferous,” and he cites this species, Aneimites Acadica. as being Upper Devonian. ? Fossil Plants of the Devonian and Upper Silurian formations of Canada, p. 85. ?So referred by Sir William from the Gaspé examples, but perhaps not identical with the type, which is from the Little R. group, of much greater antiquity. #Zittel's Paleontology, vol. ii, p. 111. [MATTHEW] ON SOME NEW SPECIES Of DEVONIAN PLANTS 198 Almost as abundant in the Gaspereau shales as this fern is a Lepidodendron which Sir William has described as Z. corrugatum. The author of the species has given a very full description of it, and in the work above cited, with his description gives a profusion of figures showing the plant, and especially its trunk in various stages of growth and conditions of preservation. Lesquereux has thought, and the opin- ion seems reasonable to the writer, that more than one species are included under this name; but, however this may be, all the forms figured give support to- Sir William’s statement that the Devonian Lepidodendra are characterized by slender stems and small areoles, or leaf cushions.! But the above species is not the only Lepidodendron, occurring in the Gaspereau shales, for L. Gaspianum is found not infrequently, and may be distinguished from the preceding by its more pointed and con- tiguous areoles, and. by having the leaf scar in the centre of the areole. This species is recorded by Sir William from the Middle Devonian of Gaspé; it also occurs on the Kennebecasis near St. John, and is found in the Middle and Upper Devonian of New York. Another characteristic Devonian species occurring at Gasperean is L. Chemungense; this is less common in good examples than the preceding, though the Knorria type is more frequently met with. It is a small species and may be known by its small, narrow, areoles; it is an Upper Devonian species in New York, and is also found in the Kennebecasis valley. A Lepidodendron which is not rare at Gaspereau is L. Sternbergu, recognizable by its larger, wider and more rhombic areoles. L. rimo- sum occurs less frequently. These two species have a wider range in time than the preceding, as they extend up into the Carboniferous. A single example of a Lepidodendroid, which appears to be Lepi- dophloios antiquus of Dawson, was met with here, and the species, according to this author, characterizes the Middle Devonian of Gaspé; he contrasts it with the larger-areoled species of the Carboniferous. It would appear that in the whole range of this flora from the Gaspereau shale we find nothing that necessarily relegates it to the Lower Carboniferous, but on the contrary, the facies is decidedly Devonian. However, there are more exact horizon markers than fossil plants, these are marine organisms and especially those of the open ocean (and in a lesser degree estuarine animals may be considered) ; if these should be found to be in contradiction to the plant remains, opinions based “Fossil plants of the Devonian and Upper Silurian formations of Canada, p. 36. 196 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA upon the latter must give place to those based upon the former; but we know of no Carboniferous marine forms in this region until a later time, for they are found in strata that overlie these shales. Horton Bluff. Not very far from the Gaspereau valley are the cliffs along the Avon R., known as Horton Bluff. Here a set of beds are exposed that contain in the finer layers much the same flora as is seen at the former place, but the beds are of coarser texture as they include flags and sandstone layers; the plants they contain are much broken and worn. Here occur Lepidodendron corrugatum and its variety cyclostig- moides; L. Gaspianum, L. Chemungense, and, perhaps, L. Sternbergu. Here also have been recognized Psilophyton princeps, P. robustius (and P. elegans?). Portions of the stipes of Aneimites Acadica are also com- mon. Some layers abound with spore cases which Sir William has referred to a Lepidodendron. ‘This assemblage of plants is as strongly Devonian in its facies as that of the Gaspereau R. Kennebecasis Valley. Sir William Dawson recognized the Albert shales as equivalent im age to the strata of the two localities above referred to. Now, these shales of Albert county have been traced by Prof. L. W. Bailey, Dr. R. W. Ells, and the author from the valley of the Petitcodiac R. across to, and down the valley of the Kennebecasis R. to Norton. Last year quite a considerable flora of fossil plants was found in strata holding the position of these shales in this valley, near St. John, by a party of the Geological Survey of Canada under the direction of Dr. R. W. Ells. These were submitted to the writer for examination. The material is rather coarse and the plants not so well preserved as those above described, and remains of ferns were rare, but Lepidodendra of several species were plentiful. Among these are LZ. corrugatum, L. Gaspianum. L. Chemungense, L. Sternbergii, L. aculeatum, L. rimosum. Stems of Psilophyton princeps are common, and a few spore cases occur, also broad and narrow strap-like leaves which may have belonged to Cordaites_ Detached areas of this terrane are found at intervals along the north shore of the Bay of Fundy, as far west as St. Andrews, N.B., and Perry, Me. At the latter locality remains of land plants were found many years ago in this terrane, which plants Sir William Dawson recog- nized as Upper Devonian; hence it would appear that the whole of this terrane on the evidence of the plants it contains, should be referred to the Upper Devonian, the base of the Carboniferous being found in the conglomerates and limestones with Lower Carboniferous marine fossils that overlie it. | [MATTHEW] ON SOME NEW SPECIES OF DEVONIAN PLANTS 197 SEC JIVOMICITE UNE i My hia. ln eit NE ie ” NE f { ; fl iad i m1? SECTION IV., 1907. [199 ] Trans. R. S. C. XII.—On Some New Species of Geometride from Western Canada. By Gro. W. Taytor. (Read May 15, 1907.) In collections of Geometride recently received from the Provinces of British Columbia and Alberta, I find the following species that are apparently new to science. These probably represent but a tithe of the new species that will be discovered when the vast areas in these provinces that have never yet been visited by entomologists, are systematically explored. The first two species to be described would have been placed by Dr. Hulst in the genus Mesoleuca and belong to a group of Alpine species to which I believe the generic term Hntephria Hubner should be applied. We have long had on our lists the name of Æ. cæsiata Denis and Schiff. (Dyar’s list. number 3,373) ; but I doubt very much whether the true cesiata occurs in our fauna. I have lately compared a beautiful series of the so-called cæsiata taken at Ottawa by Mr. C. H. Young, with a considerable number of European specimens in my own collection, and I can see material and very constant differences. | Probably we shall be more correct if we apply the name aurata Packard to this form. There is also a western form very near to the last named but differing in its larger size, duller colour, smaller number of golden scales and in the coarseness of the cross lines on the forewings, especially the four extra basal lines. This form was described by Hulst as Philereme multivagata. Neither of these species, aurata or multivagata, are particularly closely related to the true cæsiata (though certainly congeneric), nor can they be confused with any other of the European species with which I have compared them, e.g., nobiliaria, Herr-Sch., cyanata Hubn., flavicinctata Hubn, infidaria Lah., glaciata Germ., and tophaceata Hubn. Entephria takuata, n. sp. This species is nearly allied to multivagata Hubn., but is larger; the colours are still duller and darker, with a faint bluish shade, and the golden scales are hardly perceptible. All the markings are suffused. The hind wings are very much darker than in our other native species, and takuata may at once be distinguished from the European cesiata by Sec. IV., 1907. 12. 200 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA the lack of any trace of the warm brown shades so evident in the colour- ing of that species. The differences are not easily expressed in words; but the insects when placed side by side can be distinguished quite readily. The types of this species are four specimens collected by Mr. Theodore Bryant near the Taku River in northern British Columbia. They were all taken in July and August 1906. These are all in my own cabinet; but there are other specimens in the collection of Mr. Bryant. I have also a specimen, nearly resembling the above and which may belong to the same species, which was captured at Victoria by Mr. A. W. Hanham. It is not in sufficiently good condition for me to be quite sure of its specific status. Entephria lagganata, n. sp. This is a,fourth American species of this group. The markings are similar to those of the other species mentioned; but in lagganata the cross lines are all of them very fine, and the central and submarginal areas appear very little darker than the rest of the fore wing. The markings are of a pale yellowish brown shade very different from the dark blue gray of takuata or mullivagata, or the bright brown of cesiata. The discal spots on the hind wings are very inconspicuous. I have four specimens of this species. Of these, three were taken at Laggan, Alberta, on the, 8th of August, 1900, at altitudes ranging from 5,700 to 7,000 feet. The fourth specimen was taken on Sulphur Mountain near Banff, Alberta, on 12th August, 1900, at an altitude of nearly 8,000 feet. The captor in each case was my good friend Mr. F. H. Wolley-Dod, of Calgary, from whom I have received very many valuable specimens. There are two specimens in the collection of the U. $. National Museum labelled “ Colorado,” which should probably be referred to lagganata. Mr. L. B. Prout, of London, England, in a recent com- munication informs me that this species resembles somewhat closely the rare “ Larentia ravaria” of Lederer from the Altai Mountains, a species I have had no opportunity of seeing. Rachela pulchraria, n.sp. * This is decidedly the most beautiful species of the genus yet dis- covered. It is of the size of R. occidentulis and the style of the mark- ings is the same, but it is well distinguished by the antennal structure and by its very different colouring. Expanse 33 mm. [TAYLOR] NEW SPECIES OF GEOMETRIDAE 201 Antenne of male, dentate fasciculate, the cilia at least twice as long as in the other described species of the genus. Thorax dusky; abdomen, pale yellowish brown, with an admixture of fuscous scales dorsally and a pair of faint fuscous dots on each segment. Fore wing, dark smoky grey, crossed by a number of whitish wavy lines, of which two are extra basal, one is intra discal, one (double) extra discal, widening on the costa, and one very distinct and evenly scalloped is submarginal. There is a dark marginal line. The fringes are yellowish white with smoky spots at the ends of the veins. The dark median area of the wing is lightened between the costa and the discal spot, which is large and round and very conspicuous. Hind wing, colour of fore wing, with extra discal and submarginal pale lines and indications of a third line between the two; fringe as on fore wings; discal dots very small. Beneath, as above, with all the markings reproduced, except the basal and intra discal lines on the fore wings. Type, one male specimen, Taku River, B.C., Mr. T. Bryant, 11th October, 1906. This specimen is in my cabinet; but there are several co-types in the collection of Mr. Bryant. Eupithecia minorata, n. sp. Expanse 17 mm., being the smallest B.C. species so far character- ized. Palpi short, dark grey. The whole insect is of a dark leaden gray colour, with the markings very obscurely indicated. The usual lines on the fore wings are nearly all of them obsolete, although the type is in good condition. A submarginal white line is, however, fairly distinct, and the commencements of two blackish lines, one just in advance of, and one just behind the small round discal dot are marked on the costa. No lines can be traced on the hind wings, and the discal dots are reduced to mere points. The fringes are of the same colour as the wings and are faintly spotted at the ends of the veins. Beneath, all wings are smoky grey, a little lighter than above, and almost clear of markings. A very faint extra discal line, and a dark spot on the costa just beyond this line, are visible on the fore wings; and on the hind wings there are traces of 3 or 4 dark lines (two of them being extra discal) and there is a distinct marginal black line. There are minute discal points on all wings. - The abdomen beneath and the Jegs are concolorous with the wings. 202 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA This species is near to H. insignificata Taylor, but appears to be quite distinct. | The type is a single specimen taken by Mr. J. W. Cockle, at Kaslo, 22nd April, 1905. It is in my cabinet. Eupithecia scelestata, n. sp. Expanse 18-20 mm. Palpi stout, rather long. The whole upper surface is dark fuscous grey, the wings being crossed by many very indistinct lines. None of these lines are traceable right across the fore wings; but the beginnings of several of them are marked on the costa by fine dashes. The extra discal line and another line parallel to it are the most plainly indicated, and between them on the costa is a pale.space. The two lines run straight out from the costa to vein 8 where they are dislocated—reappearing nearer the hind margin as dashes on veins 4, 5 and 6. A submarginal pale line is indicated. The marginal line is black. The fringes are long, the colour of the wings, with faint spots at the ends of the veins. Discal spots black, lengthened. Hind wing, colour of fore wing, with indications of numerous lines on the inner margin—the lines not in any case traceable across the wing. The discal dots are minute points. Beneath, the fore wings are smoky grey, lightly scaled. Two extra discal lines as above, but very faint, are visible half way across the wing. The discal points are smaller and fainter than on the upper side. Hind wings, crossed by five distinct lines, two of which are extra discal, two intra discal, and one median running through the discal spot, which is larger and more distinct than on the upper side. Described from four specimens, all taken at Kaslo, by Mr. J. W. Cockle, and dated 21st April, 2nd May and 3rd May, 1905, and 4th May, 1903. These are in my collection; but there are other co-types in the collection of Mr. Cockle. SECTION IV., 1907. [208] Trans. R. S. C. XIII—A Plea for a Biological Station on the Pacific Coast. By Rev. G. W. TayLor. (Read May 16, 1907.) In the supplement to the 32nd annual report of the Department of Marine and Fisheries (Fisheries Branch) for the year 1901, are a series of papers entitled “Contributions to Canadian Biology, being studies from the Marine Biological Station of Canada.” The first of these papers is “ An Account of the Biological Station of Canada, its Foundation, its Equipment and Work,” by Prof. E. E. Prince, the Dominion Commissioner of Fisheries, and the present president of this Section. This paper gives an exhaustive history of the movement which resulted in the establishment of our present stations—a movement which owed very much to the efforts and influence of the Fellows of the Royal Society. One of the first steps contributing to the attainment of this object was a suggestion by Prof. Prince himself in his first official report as Commissions of Fisheries dated 5th Oct., 1893. This was followed by a special report prepared by the Professor at the request of the Minister of Fisheries and published as an appendix to the Departmental Report of 1894. It is entitled “ A Marine Scientific Station for Canada.” All the above named reports and papers will well bear reading over again. Prof. Prince shows that up to the time of his writing very little systematic work in Marine Biology had been done in Canada. If a Canadian professor desired to carry on original biological investigation, it had to be done independently, at his own charges, or else he had to go across the line or may be to Europe, to some of the excellent biological stations there established. Individual students were obliged to apply to authorities in the United States in most cases (not in all, for one would be most ungrateful if one overlooked our veteran natur alist Dr. Whiteaves) for information as to the Canadian Marine Fauna. And so Prof. Prince made a strong plea that Canada should undertake her own scientific investigations and especially those needed in the in- terests of her own fisheries. This plea was entirely successful and as a result, in 1898, there was established a Biological Station on the Atlantic coast of Canada. 204 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA But the curious feature is, that in all the arguments—all the nego- tiations,—all the appeals—made to the Government of the day, in respect to these stations, Canada is spoken of as though she possessed but one coast. It was a Canada bounded on the east by the Atlantic Ocean— en the west by vacancy. There is not in any of the papers I have quoted any mention of the Pacific Ocean or of the British Columbian Coast. Now at that time—up to 1898 say—such omission was not, perhaps, much to be wondered at. The only way to persuade a Government to spend money on science was to point out economic advantage, and the fisheries of Canada at that time were on the Atlantic almost entirely. The seats of learning from which investigators were to be drawn were also in the east. But now all this is changed. British Columbia, so far as the fisheries are concerned, is recognized as the premier province. The value of its fisheries amounted last year to one-third of the value of the whole Canadian fisheries. It produced one and one-half millions of dollars more than the fisheries of Nova Scotia, double those of New Brunswick. Last year the value of the British Columbian fisheries (according to the last report of the Department of Fisheries) was over $9,000,000; and as yet but one branch, the salmon fishery, has been at all adequately developed. Until quite recently when British Columbian fisheries were spoken of, it was the salmon industry, and that alone that was meant. But the fishery possibilities of British Columbia are boundless: only the uttermost fringe, as it were, has yet been touched. The halibut and her- ting fisheries are at present in their infancy ; the oyster industry is hardly begun. All other branches have been almost wholly overlooked. If scientific investigations can at any time be of service, in a practical way, to the fisheries of any country, now is the time for science to step in and to help and to stimulate the British Columbian fisheries. Of course we have to put the practical side first, as it is the practical side that appeals to the politician and it is to the politicians one has to look for the means to carry on the work which I desire to advocate. But the scientific side is that which will appeal most to members of the Royal Society. It is deplorable, to my mind, that for so many years we have left so fruitful a field as the Pacific Coast Marine Fauna practically unculti- vated. I am not exaggerating when I say, that for each marine species occurring in the North Atlantic there are two in the North Pacific. For each individual specimen in the one ocean there are ten in the other. [TAYLOR] BIOLOGICAL STATION ON THE PACIFIC COAST 203 This may seem almost incredible to those whose experience is limited to work on the Atlantic coast, but it is, I believe, sober fact. If you take up the valuable and very interesting catalogue of Marine Invertebrates of the Eastern Coast of Canada (by Dr. J. F. Whiteaves), which represents the work of many able investigators ex- tending over a period of 50 years, you will find that in nearly every family British Columbia can already show a larger list, although her waters have hardly been investigated at all. If one wishes to study, say the anatomy or the life history of any particular marine type, he can on the Pacific coast obtain an abundance of material which would astonish an eastern naturalist. There are more common species in these waters than in any other I have ever examined. Then again, investigators on the Atlantic coast are limited as to time for their investigations. During the larger part of the year it is not possible for them to do anything in the way of field work, unless, perhaps, they desire to study the effects of low temperatures upon animal life and upon themselves. But while in December or January outdoor work in British Columbia is certainly not very comfortable, there is practically not a month in the year in which such work cannot there be done. Last February (and I may say that the past winter has been the most severe we have experienced for many years) I made two most inter- esting dredging expeditions and captured, among many other things, some very fine sponges and a large crab previously quite unknown (so far as Ï am aware) from Canadian waters. These very favourable weather conditions, are of course, of very great advantage to those who are, perhaps, unable to spare time for re- search in the summer months. Naturally too, work that can be carried on without interruption throughout the year, will be more rapidly com- pleted. Further still, the beauty of the climate and the interest which is now felt everywhere in our western province will render a stay at a Pacific biological station much more attractive to workers in need perhaps of a rest or change, than a similar stay on the Atlantic coast. But there will be still another attraction to the Pacific station. When twenty-five years ago I felt that I should like to travel before settling down to work, (I had at that time a prospect, thanks to the kindness of Dr. Giinther, of a position in the British Museum) I came to the conclusion that there was no part of the world where there ‘seemed to be better opportunities of doing original work and of dis- covering new species (and there is something very attractive to the 206 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA naturalist in new species) than in British Columbia. And although circumstances have not permitted me to accomplish what, in my youthful enthusiasm, I then proposed to myself, I am still of the same opinion. On the North Pacific Coast one comes face to face with many peculiar problems connected with the distribution of marine life, and with the evolution of species which appear to have originated in more northern latitudes. We are there in a position to trace the con- rection between the Arctic and more temperate faunas, and the evolution of circumboreal species which are common to the Atlantic and Pacific; or of the terrestrial species which have representative forms on the Pacific Coast, the Atlantic coast and in Northern Europe; or again of those species, evidently of common origin, occurring on the Pacific Coast of Canada and the opposite ‘coasts of Asia. I might mention here a very curious instance I have myself lately come across, of three species of moths, evidently of common ancestry, one occurring in the Pacific province, the second in the Atlantic states, the third in Europe, which appear absolutely indistinguishable when examined superficially but which differ, in a single important structural character, which throws them, according to our present system of classification, into three dif- ferent genera. On the whole, then, I feel that I am justified in claiming that no more attractive spot for a Biological Station could be found. That there is no spot in the Dominion of Canada, I feel almost inclined to say in the whole world, where so many problems of interest can be so con- veniently and so comfortably attacked and solved as on the Pacific coast of British Columbia. Now as to the work to be done. I believe that the first work should always be faunistic investigation. We want to know with as much accur- acy as possible the names by which we ought to designate the organisms we are investigating. The labours of the most skilful anatomist or the most learned biologist become comparatively valueless if there is an uncertainty as to the exact species he may have had before him when making his obser- vations. I believe, therefore, that the first work we should undertake should be the preparation of faunal lists and the accurate determination of the names of our species, so that we may avoid the danger of confusing, as may so easily be done, our species with similar but distinct species inhabiting other parts of the world. An incorrect name is often the cause of endless confusion and error. To give one instance; an American moth Hupithecia coagulata was confused with a European species, Hupithecia absynthiata. The latter [TAYLOR] BIOLOGICAL STATION ON THE PACIFIC COAST 207 name was duly installed on our lists, and then all the references to it, in European literature were copied into our monographs, and the American species in this way had attributed to it larval characters and a life history to which it was in no way entitled. Then, of great practical importance would be the study of the dis- tribution and the life history of our food fishes. We do not yet know what species we have, or where they are to be found, or on what they feed or at what time of the year they breed. It is most important that we should settle these points, especially this last point, for every useful living creature is surely entitled vo protection during the breeding season, in its own interests and in ours. But one need not enlarge on the work that might be done at a Biological Station, for every biologist amongst you can think of a dozen points he would wish to investigate, a dozen problems he would like to solve. : I was intending to enter briefly into a discussion of ways and means and to ask this Section of the Royal Society to assist with its greot influence to secure the establishment of a Biological Station on the Pacific coast, but I have learnt since I came to Ottawa this morning that the money question now presents no difficulty and that our President will be able shortly to announce that a Station is to be built forthwith and that after all I need not have troubled to write and need not have worried you by reading this very hastily prepared plea. Secrion 1V., 1907. [209] Trans. R. 8. C. XIV.— Bibliography of Canadian Zoology for 1905, exclusive of Entomology.— Supplement. By J. F. WHITEAVES. INVERTEBRATA. McINTOSH, PROFESSOR W, C. Notes from the Gatty Marine Laboratory, St. Andrews, No. XXVI. 4. On the Goniadidæ, Glyceride and Ariciidæ procured by Dr. Whiteaves in the Gulf of St. Lawrence in 1873. Annals and Magazine of Natural History, Seventh Series, vol. xv, No. 85, January, 1905, pp. 51-54. LUNDBECE, WILL. Danish Ingolf Expedition, Vol. VI, 2 Porifera, Part II, Copenhagen, 1905, This memoir (and that on the Porifera, Part I, published in 1902) gives much new information in regard to the nomenclature of many of the marine sponges of the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of Canada. % WATER] HORS 1 Section IV., 1907. ee a Trans. R. 8. C. XV.—Bibliography of Canadian Zoology for 1906. (Exclusive of Entomology, but inclusive of papers on foreign zoological subjects by Canadian writers. ) By J. F. WHITEAVES. (Read May 15th, 1907.) MAMMALIA. BENSLEY, PROFESSOR B. A. The Homologies of the Stylar Cusps in the Upper Molars of the Didelphyide. University of Toronto Studies, Biological Series, No. 5, pp. 1-18; Toronto. EDITOR, THE. The Caribou of Queen Charlotte Islands. Ottawa Naturalist, July, 1906, vol. xx, No. 4, pp. 73-76. GANONG, PROF. W. KE. On Semi-Fossil Walrus Bones from Miscou and elsewhere in New Brunswick. Bulletin of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick, No. xxiv, vol. v, part iv, pp. 462-464, with one plate. GAUVBEAU, L’ABBE EM.-B. A propos des Pattes. Etudes sur les Pistes de quelques Animaux. (Figures the feet and footprints of twenty-one species of mammals, mostly foreign, and those of the crocodile and ostrich.) Le Naturaliste Canadien, Juillet 1906. vol. xxxiii, No. 7, pp. 97-108. HUARD, L’ABBE V. A. Les Rats au Manitoba. (The author says that the common brown or Norway rat has now reached as far to the north westward in North Dakota as twenty-eight miles from the Canadian frontier, and thinks that it may get to Winnipeg in a couple of years.) Le Naturaliste Canadien, Janvier 1906, vol. xxxiii, No. 1, pp. 8 and 9. PRINCE, PROFESSOR E. E. The Whaling Industry and the Cetacea of Canada. Thirty-eighth Annual Report of the Department of Marine and Fisheries, 1905, Fisheries, 1906, pp. lxvii-lxxxviii. EPREADBOROUGH, W. Notes on some British ‘Columbia Mammals. Ottawa Naturalist, January, 1906, vol. xix, No. 10, pp. 200 and 201. 212 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA BIRDS. ALLAN, JOHN, JR. The Northern Shrike common at Alma, Ontario. Ontario Natural Science Bulletin, Guelph, No. 2 (1906), p. 43. Nesting of the Canadian Warbler. (The nest was found near Alma, and contained four eggs of the Warbler and three Cowbird’s eggs.) Idem, p. 44. BEATTIE, J. L. A Nest of the Nashville Warbler. (Found in a blueberry marsh near Guelph on May 24, 1905; it con- tained five eggs.) Ont. Nat. Sci. Bulletin, Guelph, No. 2, p. 42. A Flock of Cape May Warblers. (Seen near Guelph on May 6, 1905.) Idem, p. 44. { BEAUPRÉ, EDWIN. Unusual Nesting of the Black Duck. (One clutch of ten eggs, of a pair of black ducks, was found in an old crow’s nest on a limb of a large elm forty-five feet from the ground; and another clutch of ten black duck’s eggs was found in a last year’s nest of the red-shouldered hawk in a basswood tree fifty feet up. Both clutches were found in trees on small islands in the St. Lawrence river, near Kingston, Ont.) The Auk, April, 1906, New Series, vol. xxiii, No. 2, pp. 218 and 219. BOUTELLIER, JAMES. Bird Migration, 1905, Observations made on Sable Island, Nova Scotia. Ottawa Naturalist, September, 1906, vol. xx, No. 2, pp. 127-129. BROOKS, ALLAN. Birds of Halton County, Ontario. Ont. Nat. Sci. Bulletin, Guelph, No. 2, pp. 6-10. Brown, W. J. Early Nesting of the Vesper Sparrow. Ottawa Naturalist, May, 1906, vol. xx, No. 2, p. 32. Bird Notes. Prairie Horned Larks. (Records the first appearance in 1906, and describes the nests, of birds of this species, as observed at Westmount, Montreal.) Idem, p. 40. Richardson’s Merlin. (Records the finding of four full sets of eggs of birds of this species in old magpie nests near Lethbridge, Alberta, in the summer of 1904.) Idem, August, 1906, vol. xx, No. 5, pp. 111 and 112. [ WHITHAVES] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ZOOLOGY 213 CALLENDER, J. P. The Redpoll breeding on the Magdalen Islands. The Auk, January, 1906, New Series, vol. xxiii, No. 1, p. 103. CLARKE, Dr. C. K. Extracts from Notes on Natural History. (The notes are upon the habits of a few species of birds near Kingston, Ont.) Ont. Nat. Sci. Bulletin, Guelph, No. 2, pp. 12-15. CooKE, WELLS W. Swallow-tailed Fly-catcher (Muscivora forficata) in New Brunswick. (Records the shooting of a bird of this species at Clarendon Station, N.B., by Mr. G. S. Lacey, on May 21, 1906.) The Auk, October, 1906, New Series, vol. xxiii, No. 41, p. 460. CRIDDLE, NORMAN. The Golden-winged Warbler in Manitoba. Ottawa Naturalist, August, 1906, vol. xx, No. 5, p. 112. An Addition to our Mianitoban Warblers. (The addition is a specimen of the black-throated blue warbler, which species, it is claimed, had not previously been recorded as occurring in Manitoba.) Idem, December, 1906, vol. xx, No. 9, p. 189. DIoNNE, C. E. Migration des Hiboux blancs. Le Naturaliste Canadien, Avril 1906, vol. xxxiii, No. 4, pp. 49 et 50. DoHERTY, M. W. The Bronzed Grackle at Toronto in Winter. Ont. Nat. Sci. Bulletin. Guelph, No. 2, p. 44. EIFRIG, REV. C. W. G. The Migration of Birds. Ottawa Naturalist, May, 1906, vol. xx, No. 2, pp. 23-40. The Connecticut vs. the Kentueky Warbler. (Records the circumstance that it is the former and not the latter species that was seen at Rockliffe in May, 1906.) Idem, July, 1906, vol. xx, No. 4, p. 78. The Great Gray Owl. Idem, pp. 79-81. The Spring Migration of Birds at Ottawa of the year 1906, compared with that of other seasons. i Idem, October, 1906, vol. xx, No. 7, pp. 144-148. Notes on some Northern Birds. (These notes are (1) on “birds taken at Great Whale river,” Hudson Bay, in the winter of 1898-99, by A. P. Low, and (2) on the birds of Ottawa and its vicinity, by Mr. Hifrig.) The Auk, July, 1906, New Series, vol. xxiii, No. 3, pp. 313-318. 214 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA FLEMING, JAMES H. An Arctic Record for the White Pelican. (Records the taking of a specimen of this species on the shores of Liverpool Bay, in Lat. 70°, and Long, 128°, in June or July, 1900.) The Auk, April, 1906, New Series, vol. xxiii, No. 2, p. 218. Chuck-wills widow and Mocking Bird in Ontario. (A male bird of each of these species was taken by Mr. Fleming in 1906 at Point Pelée.) Idem, July, 1906, New Series, vol. xxiii, No. 3, pp. 343-344. Birds of Toronto, Ontario. Part I, Waiter Birds. Idem, October, 1906, New Series, vol. xxiii, No. 4, pp. 437-458. Robin Notes, Ont. Nat. Sci. Bulletin, Guelph, No. 2, pp. 10 and 11. Range of the Sharp-tailed Grouse in Eastern Canada. Idem, p. 19. GALLUP, ASA A. A Sagacious Crow. Ottawa Naturalist, June, 1906, vol. xx, No. 3, pp. 49 and 50. GARRET, P. Notes on the Eggs of the Solitary Sandpiper. Ottawa Naturalist, June, 1906, vol. xx, No. 8, p. 52. Hogson, W. D. A Knot on Lake Erie. Ont. Nat. Sci. Bulletin, Guelph, No. 2. p. 44. The Rough-legged Hawk in Winter. Idem, p. 44. KELLS, W. L. Nesting of Wilson’s Snipe. Ottawa Naturalist, June, 1906, vol. xx, No. 3, pp. 53-55. KLUGH, A. B. A third record for the Prairie Warbler in Canada. (The specimen referred to was taken on the east shore of Point Pelée, Essex County, Ont., in 1905. The two previous records are of specimens taken at Toronto in 1900.) The Auk, January, 1906, New Series, vol. xxiii, No. 1, p. 105. The Carolina Wren a Summer Resident of Ontario. (Four fledglings of this species are said to have been found at Point Pelée in 1905.) Idem, p. 105. Birds of Wellington County. Corrections and Additions. Ont. Nat. Sci. Bulletin, Guelph, No, 2, p. 11. The Breeding of the Pine Siskin in Wellington County, Ont. Idem, pp. 17 and 18. Migration Report of the Wellington Field Naturalists’ Club Station. Guelph, Ont., March 1, 1905; March 1, 1906. Idem, pp. 20-22. [WHITBAVES] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ZOOLOGY 215 A Meadowlark at Guelph in Winter. Idem, p. 44. A Venturesome Nuthatch. The Wilson Bulletin, No. 57, December, 1906, pp. 134 and 135. LEAVITT, A. G. Ornithology. (Consists of notes on three species of New Brunswick birds.) Bulletin of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick, No. xxiv, vol. v, pt. iv, pp. 504 and 505. Moore, W. H. A May Morning with the Birds in New Brunswick. Ottawa Naturalist, April, 1906, vol. xx, No. 1, pp. 22-24. Records of rare birds in the Maritime Provinces. (The birds recorded are an albino white-winged crossbill captured at Argyle Shore, P.E.I.: a little brown crane taken at Alexander, P.E.I.: and a great gray owl taken near Fredericton, N.B.) Idem, July, 1906, vol. xx, No. 4, p. 88. Piers, HARRY. Report on the Provincial Museum of Nova Scotia and Science Library for 1905; Halifax, 1906. (Includes a few additions to the bird fauna of the province, on page 7.) SAUNDERS, W. E. Birds new to Ontario. (Records the occurrence in that province of ten species not enumerated in “ Mcllwraith’'s revised work.” ) Ottawa Naturalist, February, 1906, vol. xix, No. 11, pp. 205-207. SPREADBOROUGH, W. The Fulvous Tree-duck. (Records the occurrence of eleven specimens of this species, “on the flats near New Alberni, Vancouver Island.”) Ottawa Naturalist, December, 1906, vol. xx, No. 9, p. 188. STEVENSON, C. J. The Carolina Wren. “ (Records the occurrence of a pair of birds of this species at St. Thomas, Ont., where they were first noticed in October, 1904. Ont. Nat. Sci. Bulletin, Guelph, No. 2, p. 48. TAVERNER, P. A., and SWALES, B. H. Lesser Snow Geese in Michigan and Ontario. (The Ontario specimen was taken “ Oct. 27, 1905, at the base of Point Pelée,’’ Essex Co.) The Auk, April, 1906, New Series, vol. xxiii, No. 2, pp. 219 and 220. Sec. IV., 1907. 13. 216 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA l'AVERNER, P. A. Hudsonian Godwit (Limosa hemastica) in Ontario. (The specimen referred to is a male bird of this species, which was taken at Point Pelée in 1905.) The Auk, July, 1906, New Series, vol. xxiii, No. 3, p. 330. TOWNSEND, Dr. C. W. Notes on the Birds of Cape Breton Island. The Auk, April, 1906, New Series, vol. xxiii, No. 2, pp. 172-179. TuFTS, HAROLD K'. Nesting of Crossbills in Nova Scotia. (Describes the nesting habits of both species in the province.) The Auk, July, 1Y06, New Series, vol. xxiii, No. 3, pp. 339 and 840. WHITEAVES, J. F. Some New Records for Gyrfalcons. Ottawa Naturalist, February, 1906, vol. xix, No. 11, pp. 208 and 209. WILLIAMS, J. B. The Yellow-crowned Night Heron near Toronto. The Auk, April, 1906, New Series, vol. xxiii, No. 2, p. 220. FISHES. BOURQUE, L’ABBE F.-X. Extinction du Poisson Blanc. (In this paper the author notices the comparative scarcity of late years of the White fish, Coregonus albus, in the Detroit river and Lake St. Clair: also the measures taken at the Sandwich incubatory, to re-stock some of the great lakes with young white fish.) Le Naturaliste Canadien, September, 1906, vol. xxxiii, No. 9, pp. 129 and 130. PRINCE, PROFESSOR E. E. The Progress of Fish Culture in Canada. Thirty-ighth Annual Report of the Department of Marine and Fisheries, 1905; Fisheries, 1906, pp. Ix«xix-evii. Report on Fish Breeding operations in Canada, 1905. Idem, Appendix No. xi, pp. 225-239. With annexes by fishery inspectors, pp. 240-290. The Swim Bladder of Fishes a Degenerate Gland. Proceedings and Transactions of the Nova Scotia Institute of Science, June 6, 1906, vol. xi, pt. 2, pp. 199-226, pls. 20-23. Prince, Pror. E. E., and HALKETT, ANDREW. The Eggs of the Fresh-water Ling. Ottawa Naturalist, March, 1906, vol. xix, No. 12, pp. 219-224. [WHITEAVES} BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN ZOOLOGY 217 Roy, L'ABBÉ E. La grande Lamproie de Mer. (Records the circumstances that the Great Sea Lamprey, Petromyzon marinus, ascends the St. Lawrence annually in the breeding season, as far inland as Quebec city.) Le Naturaliste Canadien, Mars 1906, vol. xxxiii, No. 3, pp. 33-35. INVERTEBRATA. CHADWICK, GEO. H. Shells of Prince Edward Island. (Compiled from data supplied by Mr. Charles Ives, of Miscouche.) The Nautilus, January,’ 1906, vol. xix, No. 9, pp. 103 and 104. CLAPP, GEO. H. Notes on Carychium and description of a new variety. (The latter is described as a “large northern race of C. exile, Lea, which is found from Maine to Winnipeg, Manitoba.” The name pro- posed for it is “ ©. exile canadensis,’ and it is quoted from Bobcaygeon, Ont., Ottawa, and Winnipeg,-as well as from Maine, Michigan, and Minnesota.) The Nautilus, April, 1906, vol. xix, No. 12, pp. 138-140. DUSSERRE, G. Les vers de terre ou Lombrics. Le Naturaliste Canadien, Novembre 1906, vol. xxxiii, No. 11, pp. 162 et 165. JOHNSON, CHARLES W. On the distribution of Helix hortensis, Mueller, in North America. The Nautilus, November, 1906, vol. xx, No. 7, pp. 73-80. KEMP, ERNEST. Report on Oyster Culture by the Department’s expert for the season of 1905. Thirty-eighth Ann. Rep. Dept. Marine and Fisheries, 1905 ; Fisheries, 1906, Annex C, pp. 285-290. LATCHFORD, Hon. F., B. Limnea megasoma. (Records the occurrence of this species at Meach’s Lake, near Ottawa, at Cobalt Lake, Lake Timagami, the northwest arm of Lake Nipissing, _ and the mouth of French River, Ont.) Uttawa Naturalist, November, 1906, vol. xx, No. 8, p. 172; and the “Nautilus,” of the same date, vol. xix, No. 12, p. 83. STERKI, Dr. V. New species of Pisidium. (The Pisidium described is called P. prozimum, and is quoted from two localities in British Columbia, where specimens were recently collected by Mr. W. Spreadborough.) 218 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA The Nautilus, May, 1906, vol. xx, No. 1, pp. 5 and 6. New species of Pisidium. (One of the five species described in this paper, P. subrotundum, is quoted from Jupiter River, Anticosti, Macoun, 1884; and Albany River, McInnes, 1905.) Idem, June, 1906, vol. xx, No. 3, pp. 17-20. WALKER, BRYANT. Notes on .Valvata. (A specimen of the typical V. sincera, Say, as now understood, from Anticosti, is figured in this paper.) The Nautilus, July, 1906, vol. xx, No. 3, pp. 25-32. WHITEAVES, J. F. List of some Fresh-water Shells from North-western Ontario and Kee- watin. Ottawa Naturalist, May, 1906, vol. xx, No. 2, pp. 33-49. Notes on some Land and Fresh-water Shells from British Columbia. Idem, September, 1906, vol. xx, No. 6, pp. 115-119. MISCELLANEOUS. HALKETT, ANDREW. A Naturalist in the Frozen North. Ottawa Naturalist, September, 1906, vol. xix, No. 6, pp. 115-117. Report of the Canadian Fisheries Museum. (Gives a preliminary list of the zoological specimens in the Museum.) Thirty-eighth Ann. Rep. Dept. Marine and Fisheries, 1905; Fisheries, 1906, Appendix No. 14, pp. 362-370. Nasu, C. W. Check List of the Vertebrates of Ontario, and Catalogue of specimens in the Biological Section of the Provincial Museum. Batrachians, Reptiles, Mammals. Department of Education, Toronto, 1906. UTTAWA FIELD NATURALISTS’ CLUB. Zoological Report, 1905-6. Ottawa Naturalist, June, 1906, vol. xx, No. 3, pp. 56-61. PRINCE, Pror. E. E. Animal Coloration, Ottawa Naturalist, November, 1906, vol. xx, No. 8, pp. 153-161. Section IV., 1907. [219] Trans. R. §. C. XVI.—On a new Crocodilian Genus and Species from the Judith River formation of Alberta. By Lawrence M. Lamps, F.G.8., Vertebrate Palæontologist to the Geological Survey of Canada.+ (Read May 15, 1907.) The crocodilian remains, from the Judith River formation of Al- berta, that form the subject of the present paper, were obtained by the writer in the years 1897, 1898 and 1901 in an area of “bad lands” on Red Deer river below the mouth of Berry creek and have been already mentioned in “Contributions to Canadian Paleontology,” vol. III (quarto), pt. II, 1902, descriptive of some of the vertebrates that com- pose the interesting Cretaceous fauna characteristic of the Judith River (Belly river) formation as developed in Alberta and Montana. It is probable that the crocodilian remains from the area near Berry creek, found separately but in the same beds, belong to a single, species and, after further study of the specimens, the writer believes that the species represented is referable to a hitherto undescribed genus. The material from Red Deer river includes a left mandibular ramus, the posterior part of a cranium, portions of the skull, teeth, and a number of vertebre and scutes. Of these specimens the ramus of the lower jaw is selected as the type of the species; the other specimens, of which the back portion of the cranium may be regarded as the cotype, ‘are associated with the type. In the Geological Survey memoir above mentioned, p. 17, the cro- codilian teeth from Red Deer river were referred provisionally to Croco- dilus humilis, Leidy, and the lower jaw and occiput to Bottosaurus per- rugosus, Cope. C. humilis was founded on teeth only from the Judith River beds of Montana. B. perrugosus is from the Laramie of Eastern Colorado and was characterized from vertebræ, parts of the skull and fragments. The teeth occurring with the Red Deer River specimens are very similar to those described by Leidy from Montana and although they were in the first instance referred to Leidy’s species it is now thought inadvisable to make such a reference as our knowledge of C. humilis is confined to teeth that do not afford definite specific characters. Also further study of the other Red Deer river remains has convinced 2 Communicated by permission of the Director of the Geological Survey of Canada. 2 New genera and species from the Belly River series, by Lawrence M. Lambe. 220 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA the writer that they are not referable to B. perrugosus nor indeed to the genus of which B. harlani (Meyer) is the type. The generic characters of Bottosaurus are not fully known but in the type, from the Cretaceous of New Jersey, the splenial reaches to the symphysis without entering it. The following is an enumeration of the principal specimens ob- tained from Red Deer river :— 1. The greater part of a left mandibular ramus (catalogue number 338), plate I, figs. 1, la and 1b. 2. The posterior portion of a cranium (cat. No. 1551), plate II, fig. 3 and plate III, fig. 9. 3. The anterior end of a right dentary bone (cat. No. 808), plate I, 4. Parts of separate dentary bones (cat. Nos. 780, 1141 and 1775a) showing the alveoli for the fifth to twelfth, third to ninth, and first to ninth teeth respectively. 5. Parts of three angulars (cat. Nos. 1339, 1498 and 1702). 6. Jugals (cat. Nos. 250, 781, 1006 and 1627). The last of these is shown in plate IV, figs. 11 and 11a. 7. A separate frontal bone (cat. No. 1404), plate V, figs. 14 and 14a. 8. Right squamosal, an anterior half (cat. No. 1765) and a posterior half (cat. No. 7827), apparently parts of the same specimen. 9. The anterior end of a right maxilla showing the premaxillo-maxil- lary suture (cat. No. 783), plate III, figs. 10 and 10a. 10. Separate cervical, dorsal, sacral and caudal vertebrae. Of these, figures are given of a dorsal and of a sacral vertebra, plate IV, figs. 12, 12a and 13: 11. Numerous separate teeth, plate IT, figs. 4 to 8a. 12. Numerous separate scutes, dorsal and (?) ventral, plate V, figs. 15 to 23. The following characters are revealed by the above mentioned specimens :— 1. Mandibular symphysis short, contributed to by the splenial to the extent of about one-fifth of the total symphysial length. 2. Alveolar border of mandible undulating. 3. Teeth of unequal size, conical, slightly curved, almost smooth, with an inner area defined by carinæ, the third lower attaining nearly to the size of the enlarged fourth; apparently eighteen in each ramus. 4. An external mandibular foramen, as well as a smaller internal one, present. [LAMBE] ON A NEW CROCODILIAN GENUS 221 5. A post symphysial foramen in the splenial. 6. Orbits confluent with the lateral temporal fossæ and larger than the supratemporal vacuities. 7. Eustachian canals enclosed. 8. The snout, as indicated by the anterior end of a maxilla, short and broad. 9. Fourth lower tooth received into a notch in the maxilla. 10. Pits of the sculptured bones of the head, and of the scutes, deep and separated by narrow ridges. 11. Vertebræ of the proccelian type. These characters indicate a form of Eusuchia (procælian type of vertebra) with a short snout, that differs entirely from the described brevirostrate forms in the entry of the splenial into the formation of the symphysis, a character claimed for the longirostrate forms of the suborder. A resemblance to Diplocynodon, Pomel, from the Lower Tertiaries of Europe is seen in the enlargement of both the third and fourth lower teeth (as shown by the alveoli). As a general rule in alligators the fourth lower tooth fits into a pit in the upper jaw, and in crocodiles into a marginal notch. There are exceptions, however, to the rule in each case. In Diplocynodon, a genus generally referred to the Alligatoridæ (of Zittel’s classification), the fourth lower tooth may be received into either a pit or a notch. In the anterior end of the right maxilla from Red Deer river, a decided notch, next to the suture for the premaxilla, is preserved. The species from Alberta may then be considered as a brevirostrate type of Eusuchia with resemblances to Diplocynodon but with a man- dibular symphysis though short yet including the splenial as in some forms of the Goniopholidæ (Goniopholis, Owen). As it differs from any described species the name canadensis is considered appropriate and as its characters prohibit its being-assigned to any known genus Leidyo- suchus is proposed as a generic term. The writer has pleasure in associating the name of the celebrated paleontologist with this genus, particularly as Dr. Leidy was the first to record the occurrence of cro- codilian remains in the Judith River formation in Montana. Leidyosuchus occupies an anomalous position in the proccelian group of the Crocodilia. It is apparently a broad-nosed form and its den- tition suggests an affinity to Diplocynodon. The entry, however, of the splenial into the formation of the symphysis is an unexpected character here and one that has been considered, among the Eusuchia, as belonging to the longirostrate forms (Tomistoma, Gavialis, etc.) 222 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA The question arises—may not this species from Alberta be a direct descendant of one of the brevirostrate forms of the amphiccelian Gonio- pholidæ, (Purbeckian and Wealden), having adopted a proccelian type of vertebra but still retaining the splenial in the symphysis. In the genus Goniopholis for instance the splenial enters the symphysis to a slight extent, also the teeth are longitudinally grooved, a resemblance indicated by the very faint fluting of the teeth of Leidyosuchus. In this connection it is interesting to note that the Judith River (Belly River) fauna harks back in a number of instances to Jurassic forms. It includes turtles of the Jurassic family Pleurosternide, Plesiosaurs and specialized Stegosaurs; a species of Ornithomimus (OQ. altus) is pro- bably a successor to the Upper Jurassic Ornitholestes. -MANDIBLE OF LEIDYOSUCHUS. The parts of the lower jaw, found together, consist of two pieces from the front and back halves of the left ramus almost completing its length (plate I, figs. 1, la, 1b). A portion at mid-length (restored in the figure) consisting principally of the posterior ends of the dentary and splenial bones, was not recovered. The specimen lacks the articular and coronoid elements, and the anterior end of the dentary, in advance of the alveolus for the third tooth, is missing. The alveoli of the third and succeeding fifteen teeth are preserved and it is possible that another tooth or perhaps two may have occurred posterior to the eighteenth behind which the fracture in the specimen occurs. Judging from the alveoli the fourth tooth was the largest, the third was nearly if not quite the size of the fourth, the fifth to the tenth were small and of nearly equal size, the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth were slightly and about equally enlarged, posterior to the thirteenth the teeth gradually decreased in size to the eighteenth which was of about the size of those immediately behind the fourth. The bases of the fourth, fifth and sixth teeth are preserved in their sockets. The alveoli are complete apparently to and including the ninth, beyond this the bony divisions separating them are gradually less developed and take the form of ridges, on the inner side of the outer wall of the dentary. These ridges decrease in prominence backward until, between the last three teeth, there is only a slight indication of separate sockets, an evidence probably of immaturity in the individual. Viewing the mandible from the side the outline of the dentary below, in advance of the anterior end of the angular, is straight and horizontal to the slight upturn of the extremity beneath the .alveolus for the first tooth, the exact form anteriorly being given by the specimen [LAMBE] ON A NEW CROCODILIAN GENUS 223 shown in plate I, fig. 2 and by a smaller specimen (cat. No. 1775a) not figured. ‘The alveolar border above is broadly undulating in curves that are more pronounced than in the living alligator (Caiman latiros- tris). The dentary is constricted in the neighbourhood of the eighth tooth; in advance of this it expands horizontally inward and outward, attaining its greatest anterior breadth in line with the centre of the fourth tooth; posterior to the constriction the alveolar border rises in a broad convex curve to the position of the twelfth tooth adding con- siderably to the depth of the dentary whose upper border then continues, parallel to the inferior surface, in an almost horizontal line to the eighteenth tooth. The front tecth, the first to the fourth, were di- rected obliquely outward, the first and second particularly so, the other teeth had a decided inclination outward up to about the twelfth, back of which a more upright position was assumed. The reader’s attention is drawn to a similar outward inclination of the front teeth of the mandible of Diplocynodon gracile, Vaillant, from the Lower Miocene of St. Gérard le Puy (Allier,) France. The mandibular symphysis is short and contributed to by the dentary and splenial together, its posterior end being in line with the hinder edge of the alveolus for the sixth tooth. The splenial enters into the formation of the symphysis to the extent of about one-fifth of the latter’s length. A groove (Meckel’s), enclosed outwardly by the splenial, channels the inner surface of the dentary at its mid-height, (dg, plate I, figs. la, 1b and plate III, figs. 1e and 2a). It passes, in its more anterior course, from beneath the splenial forward along the symphysial surface as far as a point opposite the division between the third and fourth teeth. The exit of the dentary groove from under the splenial is made through a transversely oval orifice (3.5 mm. wide and 2 mm. high) at the anterior end of this bone in the suture between it and the dentary (o, plate I, fig. 1a). The opening is bounded principally by the sp!enial, the groove in the dentary being here shallow. Thus, anterior to the two splenial elements of the mandible, the dentary grooves of the rami meet and are continued forward in the symphysial surface as a tubular channel between the dentary bones with its termination at about the mid-length of the symphysis. The symphysial surface of the splenial is rugose, that of the dentary is comparatively smooth. Behind the symphysis, the splenial, which is here thin with a convex outer surface, is pierced by a longitudinally elongated foramen (f, plate J, fig. la) that opens into the Meckelian groove. On removing the splenial Ann. Sci. Géol. vol. III, art: 1, p. 18 (1872). 224 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA a small foramen is seen in the dentary, beneath the opening in the splenial and at the lower edge of the groove, leading into the dental canal (dc. plate I, fig. 1b and plate III, fig. 1c). ‘This canal passes forward, from the large cavity in the posterior half of the ramus, longitudinally through the dentary beneath the alveoli for the teeth. The splenial is applied closely to the dentary above and below the dentary groove. Mr. C. W. Gilmore in his able work on the “ Osteology of Baptanodon* (Marsh) ” refers to a similarly placed opening in the splenial of B. discus from the Jurassic of Wyoming.~ In describing the splenial Mr. Gilmore on p. 96 of his memoir says “ On the in- ternal surface, just posterior to the symphysis is an elongated oval Toramen that probably represents the internal mandibular foramen of the crocodile, though in this case it appears to be wholly enclosed by the splenial while in the crocodile the splenial only forms the anterior border.” In the mandible from Red Deer river the internal mandi- bular foramen is shown in its usual posterior position partly enclosed by the angular. A number of small foramina occur anteriorly in the upper surface of the dentary in an irregular line close to the alveoli on their inner side. The inner portion of the dentary behind the eighth tooth is missing but it appears to have enclosed the alveoli as far back as the thirteenth, judging from a portion of a dentary bone (cat. No. 780) that includes the sockets for the fifth tooth to the twelfth. Posterior to the thirteenth tooth the splenial probably formed the inner boundary of the alveoli. In the ramus under consideration the splenial has been broken away above from the eighth tooth back- ward but is partly preserved below as far back as the sixteenth. The other elements of the ramus preserved are the angular and the surangular. These two bones overlap each other to some extent, the thin vertical surangular’ passing down within the angular, the overlap immediately behind the external mandibular foramen amounting to 13 mm. Both the surangular and angular are imperfect anteriorly but in the former the upper posterior margin of the large exterior foramen is preserved (a, figs. 1 and 1a) whilst in the latter the lower posterior half of the small interior foramen is clearly shown (0, figs. 1 and 1a). The surface of contact for the articular is seen on the inner posterior surface of the surangular. Exteriorly the ramus exhibits very rugose sculpture in its hinder half. Here the surface of the surangular from near its upper border to its junction with the angular is broken into an irregular network of ridges enclosing deep depressions and pits elongated horizontally. * Memoirs of the Carnegie Museum, Pittsburgh. Vol. 1, No. 2, 1905. [LAMBE] . ON A NEW CROCODILIAN GENUS 225 The surface of the angular is also rough but in it the sculpture con- sists principally of ridges, following the curve of the lower margin of the jaw, and separated by deep and rather,irregular grooves. The dentary on the whole of its outer and lower surface exhibits numerous scattered vascular openings leading obliquely forward into the interior of the bone. Its lower surface anteriorly is roughened by numerous longi- tudinal grooves inclined toward the symphysis. The specimen (cat. No. 808) shown in plate I, fig. 2, is the an- terior end of a ramus larger than the type. The alveoli of the first five teeth are preserved with the base of the large fourth tooth still in its socket and enclosing ‘a successional tooth within. This specimen gives the form of the whole of the anterior end of the ramus and supplies that part of the symphysis in which the type specimen is deficient. It shows the front termination of the dentary groove and the surface to which the splenial was applied. Measurements of left ramus of mandible. MM malien Onn Gt NPATNUS! Lit... eile mn clea ede 335 Breadth of ramus through centre of alveolus for fourth tooth .. 31 Height of symphysis in line with same alveolus ............ 18 Estimated length of symphysis ....... ae Seen co aCe 5? Pet sympas presenved 22.11. does 33 Length of splenial contribution to symphysis ............... 11.5 Dénetehosnostsymphystal foramen (Lj... ley se eis eter oe oe 7.5 TENE ON Et ERIE a" AAC el a ee ra ei ar 3.2 Height of splenial behind above foramen .................. 16 Breadth of dentary at alveolus for eighth tooth .............. 18 Height of same in line with same alveolus ..............4- my ese) Height of ramus at posterior end of external mandibular RE AR MS aa. 2e ei js reves ous nee Ie 53 Thickness of angular a little above lower border where last IMÉHÉUTEMeNEUNaAS ARE EE... EN RME Re 16 Thickness of surangular at upper border ditto ............... 8.5 Length occupied by alveoli from fourth to eighteenth tooth.... 128 POSTERIOR PORTION OF THE CRANIUM. The specimen already mentioned as the posterior portion of a cranium (cat. No. 1551) includes that part of the skull behind an imaginary transverse plane passing vertically downward from the frontal suture of the coaiesced parietals. The squamosals, postfrontals and quadratojugals are missing but the quadrates are preserved almost 226 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA in their entirety. The sutures are clearly seen and the foramina in the occiput are well preserved. The interior of the brain case is exposed to view from the front showing the sutures of the parietal, the alis- phenoids and the pro-otics. The walls of the brain case, however have suffered considerable damage and are broken away in the neighbourhood of the internal auditory meatus on both sides. A separate frontal bone and separate jugals admit of some idea being formed of the relative size of the orbits. Viewing the specimen from above (plate III, fig. 9), the bone formed of the coalesced parietals occupies the central position with the inner halves of the supratemporal vacuities bounding it laterally in front. Posteriorly on either side of the parietal bone is the suture for the squamosal both of which bones are unfortunately missing. The squamosal with the postfrontal (also lost on both sides) apparently completed the margin of the supratemporal vacuity without the inter- vention of the frontal. This last bone, judging from a specimen found separately, and to be described later, seems to have taken no part in the formation of the opening (or at most reached the border only for a very short distance), the postfrontal and the parietal nearly, if not actually, meeting behind it. In sutural contact with the parietals below are the widely extending quadrates. On the lateral anterior edge of each of these bones is seen the suture for the quadratojugal, b, plate ITI, fig. 9, and on the upper surface the suture for the squamosal, c, plate II, fig. 3, and plate ITT, fig. 9. Overlapping the quadrate and joined to it in a broad sutural surface behind is the alar extension of the exoccipital, imperfect at its lateral extremity in each case. On the upper surface of the quadrate between this suture and the inner edge of its condyle is the small foramen d, figs. 3 and 9, which connects by a canal with the tympanic cavity and also is, in life, in communication with the interior of the articular bone of the mandible. In a posterior view of the specimen, plate II, fig. 3, the position and relative size of the several elements composing the occiput are clearly shown as the sutures are well preserved and can be traced without diffi- culty. Comparing the occiput with that of Diplocynodon hantoniensis (Wood) as described and figured by Owen in his Monograph on the Fossil Reptilia of the London Clay! &c., under the name Crocodilus hastingsiæ (Eocene of Hampshire), p. 39, plate VI, fig. 2, it is seen to be narrower in proportion to its height. The parietal bone appears to a slight extent in the occipital aspect of the specimen. Beneath it is seen the supraoccipital, of the same breadth above as the parietal * Palæontographical Society, London, 1850. [LAMBE) | ON A NEW CROCODILIAN GENUS 227 is behind, reaching downward to within a short distance of the upper edge of the foramen magnum. Meeting in the median line above the foramen magnum and forming the upper and lateral boundaries of that opening are the large exoccipitals which meet the basioccipital below and are produced laterally over the jugals in an extensive sutural union. The exoccipitals are prolonged downward, at their inner ends, exterior to the basioccipital. This latter bone forms the lower boundary of the foramen magnum and is deeper than broad, its upper half lying between the downward extensions of the exoccipitals. In the occipital view the basisphenoid is almost completely hidden by the basioccipital. Between these two bones at their lower extremities is the opening of the median Eustachian canal, M.E.C., plate II, fig. 3. Four foramina pierce the exoccipital ; of these, three are close together in line with the mid-height of the foramen magnum. ‘They are, in order receding from this open- ing, the foramen for the hypogiossal nerve, XII, fig. 3, the foramen for the vagus or pneumogastric nerve, X, fig. 3, and one, the largest, for the facial nerve, VII, fig. 3. Near the lower extremity of the ex- occipital is the foramen for the entry of the internal carotid artery, CAS: The position of the external auditory meatus, leading into the tympanic cavity is seen at c.a.m., plate III, fig. 9. The specimen here has suffered considerable damage so that the intricate structure of this part of the cranium cannot be satisfactory made out. Leading back from the tympanic cavity is a canal through which passed the cartilaginous rod that during tbe life of the animal was; continuous with Meckel’s cartilage in the mandible. The floor of this canal is seen at e, plate II, fig. 3 and plate III, fig. 9, in the upper surface of the quadrate. This canal thus has its exit behind between the quadrate and the lateral wing of the exoccipital as in modern alli- gators and crocodiles. In side view, the occiput, leaving out of consideration the occipital condyle (which is broken off from the specimen), extends farthest back in the neighbourhood of the foramen magnum; the upper half, which _is concave, inclines decidedly forward up to the parietal, and the lower half to a somewhat greater extent forward in passing down to the lower extremity of the basioccipital. Viewing the specimen from this standpoint the basisphenoid appears on the surface as a narrow strip of bone between the pterygoid and the basioccipital below, and the quadrate and basioccipital above. It reaches farther down than the basioccipital and ends above, in contact with the quadrate, in line with the floor of the foramen magnum. The quadrate extends downward 228 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA to meet the pterygoid, its lower extremity being at about the same level as the lower end of the downward extension of the exoccipital. Anteriorly the quadrate bounds the pro-otic and alisphenoid behind and meets the parietal from below in a horizontal suture. The large foramen ovale, the opening for the passage of the trigeminal nerve, is preserved. It is bounded behind by the pro-otic and in front by the alisphenoid. Anteriorly the rostrum of the basisphenoid is broken off leaving exposed the pair of foramina that lie immediately beneath the pituitary fossa. These two foramina provide for the passage of the carotid arteries. In advance of the basisphenoid are the coalesced pterygoids of which only a small portion remains in the median line clasping the anterior face of the basisphenoid. The posterior narial opening is not preserved but a small part of the roof of the narial passages remains in the pterygoid fragment immediately in front of where the opening evidently was. This roof (inclined upward and forward at an angle of 45° to the horizontal) exhibits two longitudinal channels, side by side, each of which consists of a succession of oval or oblong shallowly excavated depressions placed end to end. Within the brain case the sutures between the parietal and the alisphenoids are well shown as well as those between the latter and the pro-otics. Behind the parietal and hounding the pro-otic above in rear is part of a bone that is evidently the epiotic. The basisphenoid appears in the floor of the brain case in advance of the basioccipital. The pro-oties rise from the superior border of the former posteriorly and reach forward below the foramen for the trigeminal] nerve. The roof and sides of the brain case are considerably damaged behind as are also the walls of the tympanic cavities. Cranial measurements. MM Width between outer edges of quadrates, posteriorly ........ 201 Height of occiput, in median line, from upper surface of parietal to anterior edge of opening of median Eustachian Gaal iit! PEAU A EL liek SR CERN LOC RU 90 Height’ ofctoramen tmacmibar pe en a tees Ur EN 7 ARR 14 Width. of same. fetes PPS RE ER NN SAN 17 Height of bagioccipital; im median) lime 1h ANR 42.5 Breadth of samé\at mid-hight)) Den een An 39 Height posteriorly of supraoccipital, in median line ........ 21.5 Breadth’ of condyle: ofiquadrate tete ho: tent seen Pres 39 Height of sameyat centre] PAU anne etre 15 [LAMBE] ON A NEW CROCODILIAN GENUS 229 MM Breadth of upper surface of parietal posteriorly ........... 43 Length of upper surface of parietal, in median line ......... 38 Thickness of parietal anteriorly, in median line ........... 12.5 Breadth of exposure of basisphenoid, anteriorly in advance AIT DOS AC LES, | AIDE VACCINS PPS A SP CAR ele atone 30 Breadth of coalesced pterygoids at junction with lower ex- TEAR ey CICA OIALO) )3!5e care nt de dent das Ne 40 Width of brain cavity at its mid-height, above foramen for eT CH OMI CTD ETES) NOTRRNP ENS isd. ageveh nl «8 die ile) Figure 3.—Back view of cotype of Leidyosuchus canadensis; seven- eights natural size. B.OCC, basioccipital: B.S, basisphenoid; EX.OCC, exoccipital ; F.M, foramen magnum; M.E.C, opening of median Eustachian canal; PA, parietal; Q, quadrate; S.OCC, supraoccipital; a, broken surface of base of occipital condyle; c, suture for squamosa!; d, foramen con- necting with tympanic cavity; VII, X, XII, foramina for cranial nerves ; C.A, foramen for carotic artery; e, canal between quadra‘e and exocci- pital wing. Figure 4.—Tooth, side view; 4a, inner view. Natural size. Figure 5.—Tooth, side view; 5a, inner view; 5b, ba-al view; 5c, cross section at mid-height. Natural size. .—Tooth, side view: 6a, inner view; Gb, cross section at mid- height. | Natural size. Figure ( Figure 7.—Tooth, side view; Ya, inner view. Natural size. Figure 8.—Tooth, side view.; 8a, inner view. Natural size. CRETACEOUS CROCODILE PLATE II [LAMBE] + " + 2 ec, ” Me - - à y "090 . - x4 TORONTO ENG. CO. LTD. L. M. LAMBE, DEL. : ras wale | pe iy wees In eit ie shih} hed AUR my iad ent oe FRA ANT rt el F1 LOUE ASIE Aa A A a CT Wes Wht TA oF, 240 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA PrATE NI: View from above of cotype of Leidyosuchus canadensis; seven-eighths natural size. ALS, alisphenoid; b, suture for quadratojugal ; e.a.m, external au- ditory meatus. Other letters as in plate IL fig. 3. Figure 9. Figure 10.—Anterior end of right maxilla as seen from above; 10a, the same specimen viewed from below. Natural size. m, notch for fourth mandibular tooth; n, suture for nasal; pm, suture for premaxilla. Figure 1c.—Transverse section of mandible (shown in plate I, figs. 1, la, 1b) through the alveolus for the seventh tooth. Natural size. D, dentary; SP, splenial; dc, dental canal; dg, dentary groove; {, foramen; vii, alveolus for seventh tooth. Figure 2a.—Transverse section of dentary (shown in plate I, fig. 2) through the alveolus for the fourth tooth. Natural size. dg, anterior end of dentary groove; g, germ tooth; iv, fourth tooth ; s, symphysial surface of dentary. [LAMBE] CRETACEOUS CROCODILE PLATE III EXCOCC. AT Pr, 2 ty i Z LA PS D = ' i) 0 ! ! 1 ' 0 1 ! 1 B.OCC L. M. LAMBE, DEL. TORONTO ENG. CO. LTD. 242 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Puate LY. Figure 11.—Left jugal, exterior aspect; 114, the same, interior aspect. Natural size. À 1, suture for lachrymal; mx, suture for maxilla; pb, base of post- orbital bar; tpl, suture for transpalatine. Figure 12.—Dorsal vertebra, side view; 12a, the same, front view. Natural size. a.f, anterior face of centrum; tp, transverse process; 2, prezygapo- physis; z, postzygapophysis. Figure 13.—Second sacral vertebra, back view; natural size. . 4 . p.f, pesterior face of centrum; s.r, sacral rib; z, postzygapophysis. [LAMBE] CRETACEOUS CROCODILE PLATE IV Ila. L. M. LAMBE, DEL. TORONTO ENG. CO. LTD. 4 A ‘ ahd RE \ VAN 11 Ni A wi 0 244 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA PLATE V. Figure 14.—Frontal, viewed from above; 14a, the same viewed from below. Natural size. a, suture for prefrontal; b, suture for parietal; c, suture for post- frontal; d, suture for alisphenoid. Figures 15 to 23.—Scutes, exterior aspect. Natural size. CRETACEOUS CROCODILE PLATE V [LAMBE] FT « F1 ._ + #8 L 4 Ar: TORONTO ENG. CO. LTD. L. M. LAMBE, DEL. Secrion IV., 1907. [ 245 ] Trans. R. 8. C. XVII.—Iilustrations of the Fossil Fishes of the Devonian Rocks of Canada. Part III, Supplementary Notes. By J. F. WHITEAVES. (Read May 15th, 1907.) As its title implies, this communication is intended as a supplement or appendix to a paper that was published, in two parts, in the Trans- actions of this Society for 1886 and 1888, volumes IV and VI. The descriptions and illustrations in both parts of that paper were based upon specimens collected at Scaumenac Bay and Campbell- ton, by Dr. R. W. Ells, Mr. T. C. Weston, and Dr. A. H. Foord, in 1880, 1881 and 1882, all of which are in the Museum of the Geological Survey of Canada. ‘These specimens were carefully examined and studied by Dr. A. Smith Woodward in the summer of 1890. Since the year 1882, large collections of the fossil fishes of these two localities were made by Mr. Jex, for Mr. R. F. Damon, of Wey- mouth (in 1888—1892), and selections from these collections have been acquired for the Geological Department of the British Museum (Nat. Hist.), and for the Royal Scottish Museum at Edinburgh. The speci- mens now in the British Museum have been studied by Dr. A. Smith Woodward, and those in the Edinburgh Museum by Dr. R. H. Traquair, who have published several important papers upon the material avail- able to each (in the Geological Magazine and elsewhere), in which five new genera and ten new species are described and illustrated. In 1901 and 1902, additional collections of the fossil fishes of Scau- menac Bay were made by Professor W. Patten (of Dartmouth College, Hanover, N.H.), who published a paper in 1904 entitled “ New Facts Concerning Botiriolepis,” in which a “ reconstruction,” a “ median sec- tion,” and other new drawings of various parts of the Canadian species are given. The specimens of Bothriolepis in the Museum of the Geological Survey of Canada, had previously been studied by Professor Patten in 1903. The object of the present communication is to bring the two previous parts of this paper more up-to-date by supplementing them with a revised list of all the genera and species of fossil fishes from Scaumenac Bay that have been described up to 1907, and with a similar list of those from Campbellton. Both lists will contain full references, and copies of the original descriptions of most of those genera and 246 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA species that have been described since 1889. Incidentally, also, such corrections will be made in the first and second parts of this paper as are necessitated by the advance that has been made in our knowledge of fossil fishes since that time. In Parts I and II of this paper one new genus (Husthenopteron) and seven species of fossil fishes from Scaumenac Bay, and four species from Campbellton, were enumerated or described. Since these Parts were issued, the known fossil fish fauna of Scaumenac Bay has been increased to eleven species, two of which (Æuphanerops and Scau- menacia) are new generic types; and that of Campbellton to ten species, three of which (Protodus, Doliodus, and Phlyctenaspis) are new generic types. For permission to quote their descriptions of some fossil fishes from Scaumenac Bay and Campbellton, and to reproduce the figures on the four Plates which illustrate this paper, the writer is indebted to Dr. Traquair, Dr. Smith Woodward and Professor Patten. The electro- types from which Plates 1 and 2 are printed were kindly supplied by Dr. Smith Woodward. Dr. Henry Woodward, also, has kindly granted the writer permission to quote freely from the Geological Magazine, and to copy such figures as might be desirable therefrom. And, from Pro- fessor Frank R. Lillie, the managing editor of the Biological Bulletin of the Marine Biological Laboratory, Wood’s Holl, Mass., the writer has re- ceived permission to copy Patten’s reconstruction of Bothriolepis. The classification adopted in the following lists is that of the second volume of Dr. Eastman’s translation of Zittel’s Text-book of Paleontology, published in 1902. A.—Revised list of the fossil fishes of the Upper Devonian rocks at Scaumenac Bay, P.Q. SUB-CLASS I. SELACHII. (1) ACANTHODES CONCINNUS, Whiteaves. Acanthodes concinnus, Whiteaves. 1887. Trans. Royal Soc. Canada for 1886, vol. iv, sect. iv, p. 107, pl. x, figs. 1 and 1a. se Whiteaves. 1889. Do. for 1888, vol. vi, sect. iv, p. 91, pl. 5, figs 1° and 1la—f,. Traquair. 1890. Geol. Mag., dec., 3, vol. vii, p. 16. fé se A. Smith Woodward, 1891. Cat. Foss. Fishes Brit. Mus., Din Up: 10! T'ype.—Imperfect fish; in the Museum of the Geological Survey of Canada. [wHirzaves] FOSSIL FISHES OF THE DEVONIAN ROCKS 247 Genus MESACANTHUS, Traquair. Mesacanthus, Traquair. 1888. Geol. Mag., dee. iii, vol. v, p. 511. “The small Acanthodes-like fishes of the Scottish Lower Old Red Sandstone differ from Acanthodes of the Carboniferous and Permian rocks by the presence of a pair of small intermediate spines on the belly between the pectoral and ventral spines. Here may be included Mesacanthus pusillus, Ag. sp., M. Peachu, Egert. sp. (incl. A. coriaceus Egert.), and M. Mitchell, Egert. sp.” Traquair. (2) MESACANTHUS AFFINIS (Whiteaves). Acanthodes Mitchelli (?) Egerton. Whiteaves. 1887. Trans. Royal Soc. Canada for 1886, vol. iv, sect. iv, p. 107. Acanthodes afinis, Whiteaves. 1889. Do. for 1888, vol. vi, sect. iv, p. 91, pl. v, j figs. 1 and la—f. Mesacanthus affinis, Traquair. 1890. Geol. Mag., dec. 8, vol. vii, p. 16. Acanthodes affinis, A. Smith Woodward. 1891. Cat. Foss. Fish. Brit. Mus. jolt any JOH, de Type.—Nearly complete fish; in the Museum of the Geological Survey of Canada. 21 “Owing to the very distinct presence of a pair of small spines intermediate between the pectorals and ventrals in Acanthodes Mitchelli, and in A. Peachii, Egerton, I have proposed to include them in the new genus Mesacanthus, including also, from its general aspect, A. pusillus, Agassiz, from the Moray Firth beds, although our specimens of the latter are not well enough preserved to show them. Here I would also place M. affinis, as in one specimen I at least imagine I see one of those minute intermediate spines.” ‘Traquair. (3) DIPLACANTHUS HORRIDUS, Woodward. Diplacanthus horridus, A. Smith Woodward. 1892. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. ix, je A Ab xp ale Types.—Two imperfect specimens of the fish; in the British Museum. SUB-CLASS II. OSTRACODERMI. GENUS EUPHANEROPS, Woodward. Euphanerops, A. Smith Woodward. 1900. Ann. & Mag. Nat. Hist., ser. vii, vol. v, p. 418. “ No fragments of armour resembling that displayed by this fossil appear to have been hitherto described. The animal must thus be ; See. IV., 1907. « 15. 248 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA placed in a new genus, Huphanerops, defined by the presence of the stout crbital rims, the regular squamation of small deepened scales, the slenderness of the caudal ridge-scales and the apparent absence of other well-developed ridge-scales. The species may be named longevus and characterized by the proportions of the caudal region and the nature of the scale-ornament. The family of Euphaneropide, of which this is the first known genus and species, must be referred either to the Osteostraci or to the Anaspida. It is distinguished from the Ateleas- pide, Cephalaspide and Tremataspidæ by the non-fusion of the tuber- cles forming the head-shield. It almost certainly differs from the Pirkeniidæ in the absence of a lateral row of perforations at the hinder cnd of the branchial chamber, though the actual branchial opening has rot yet been seen.” A. Smith Woodward ;—who says also, that the fossil upon which this genus is based, “represents a fish-shaped organism related to Cephalaspis, but distinguished from that and all known allied genera by the absence of a continuous head-shield.” He also states that this fossil is the “ first example of an Ostracoderm in which traces of the axial skeleton of the trunk have been detected.” j (4) EuPHANEROPS LONGÆVUS, Woodward. Euphanerops longevus, A. Smith Woodward. 1900. Ann. & Mag. Nat. Hist., ser. 7, vol. v, p. 416, pl. x, figs. 1, la, and 10. Type.—A nearly entire but somewhat distorted fish, “ preserved in the counterpart halves of a nodule”; in the British Museum. (5) CEPHALASPIS LATICEPS, Traquair. Cephalaspis laticeps, Traquair. 1890. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. vii, p. 16. ss st A. Smith Woodward. 1891. Cat. Foss. Fishes Brit. Mus., pt. ii, p. 192. Type.—One specimen, “ which shows the cranial shield, with badly- preserved traces of the body”; in the Edinburgh Museum. “Shield proportionately rather broad, length 1% inch, breadth 234 inches, cornua short; orbits rather close together, oval, large; tes- selated divisions of middle layer very small; external surface orna- mented by small, smooth, polished and rounded tubercles, moderately close in position. “This is the first occurrence of a Cephalaspid in rocks of later age than the Lower Devonian, and as such is worthy of the attention of the geologist.” Traquair. [wHiTEaves] FOSSIL FISHES OF THE DEVONIAN ROCKS 249 (6) BoTHrIoLEPIS CANADENSIS, Whiteaves. Plates [ and II. Pterichthys (Bothriolepis) Canadensis, Whiteaves. 1880. Amer. Journ. Sci., ser. 3, vol. xx, p. 135; and (1881) Canad. Nat. & Quart. Journ. Sc., vol. 10, no. 1, pp. 26 and 27. Bothriolepis Canadensis, Cope. 1885. Amer. Naturalist, vol. xix, p. 290, woode. Pterichthys (Bothriolepis) Canadensis, Whiteaves. 1887. Trans. Roy. Soe. Canada for 1886, vol. iv, sect. iv, p. 101, pls. vi—ix. Bothriolepis Canadensis, Traquair. 1888. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. v, p. 509; and Ann. & Mag. Nat. Hist., ser. 6, vol. ii, p. 496, pl. xviii, fig. 6. ss ce Whiteaves. 1889. Trans. Royal Soc. Canada for 1888, vol. vi, sect. iv, p. 91. OG a A. Smith Woodward. 1891. Cnt. Foss Fishes Brit Mus., ef $F pt. ii, p. 224, fig. 34, and p. 228; and (1892) Geol. Mag, dec. 3, vol. ix, p. 484, fig. 2. ee “ Patten, 1904, Biol. Bulletin, Mar. Lab. Wood’s Holl, Mass., vol. vii, no. 2, pp. 113—124, figs. 1—6. os 4 Traquair. 1904. Palæontogr. Soc., vol. Ilviii, Fishes Old Red Sandstone, pt. ii, no. 2, pp. 109—114, figs. 57—59. Type.—A nearly complete specimen of the armoured portion of the fish; in the Museum of the Geological Survey of Canada. It would seem that the discovery of fossil plants and fishes and even of Bothriolepis, in the shales and sandstones of Scaumenac Bay and its immediate vicinity, was first made by Dr. Abraham Gesner in 1842. For, in a “ Report on the Geological Survey of the Province of New Brunswick” for that year, published at St. John in 1843, Dr. Gesner says that the sandstones and shales east of Escuminac Bay (which he refers to the coal formation) contain the “ remains of veget- ables,” and that he found in them also the “ remains of fishes, and a small species of tortoise, with fossil foot marks.” It is at least highly probable that it was specimens of the whole or part of the highly sculptured exoskeleton of the Canadian Bothriolepis that Dr. Gesner took for a small species of tortoise. He nowhere tells us whether he collected any fossils at this locality, and if he did, no one knows what has become of them. For many years no notice seems to have been taken of Dr. Gesner’s discovery. But on September 19th, 1879, Dr. R. W. Ells, of the Geological Survey of Canada, found an organism which proved to be a mould of the ventral surface of a Pterichthys-like fish, with one of the pectoral appendages in situ, in a concretionary nodule at Scaumenac Bay. The significance of this specimen was, of course, obvious, and at the earliest practicable opportunity Dr. Ells revisited this locality. and obtained three more specimens of the same species in June, 1880. 250 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA A few weeks later, Mr. T. C. Weston, who was then a member of the staff of the Geological Survey of Canada, collected an additional number of fine specimens of this and of other species at the same locality. It was upon the material obtained by Dr. Ells and Mr. Weston in 1880 that the original description of Pterichthys (Bothriolepis) Canadensis, in the American Journal of Science was based. The description ani illustrations of this species in the Transactions of this Society for 1886 and 1888, were based upon the collections made by Dr. Foord in 1880-83, as well as upon those previously made by Dr. Ells and Mr. Weston. The specimens subsequently studied by Dr. Traquair, Dr. Smith Woodward and Professor Patten, have thrown much new light on the structure of this species. In the Annals & Magazine of Natural History for December, 1888, Dr. Traquair has shown that some of the supposed sutures on the exterior of the cranial shield of this species, as represented by the present writer, on Plate vi, fig. 1, of the Transactions of this Society for 1886, are mere superficial grooves, occupied by part of the lateral canal system. And, a more correct restoration, in outline, of the dorsal aspect of the cranial shield of B. Canadensis, from specimens in the Edinburgh Museum, is given on Plate xviii, fig. 6, of Dr. Traquair’s paper. In this restor- ation, the number of plates on the dorsal side of the cranial shield of the Canadian Bothriolepis is considerably reduced. In the Geological Magazine for November, 1892, page 484, Dr. Smith Woodward gives a new figure of the two “ maxillary plates ” of the under surface of the head of B. Canadensis. In a paper entitled “ New Facts Concerning Bothriolepis,” published in the Biological Bulletin of the Marine Biological Laboratory, Wood’s Holl, for July, 1904, Professor Patten gives a “ reconstruction of Bothriolepis,’ as seen from the side, with a median section thereof, and other figures, all based upon Canadian examples of this species. This important reconstruction is here reproduced on Plate IT. The trunk (Professor Patten writes) “was very slender and co- vered with a soft skin devoid of scales, or of any other markings except ” the following........ “A few small irregular plates with the typical sculpture of the buckler, are imbedded in the skin along the dorsal surface, immediately in front of the anterior dorsal, and numerous minute ones are scattered irregularly over the flanks in the same LOSI ONE! ain nay eee “The anterior dorsal fin is low and elongated, the posterior one very high and rounded.” The tail, as Traquair writes, in reference to this reconstruction, “ was clearly composed of soft tissues, with the exception of a row of short, slender rod-like bodies extending along the dorsal margin of the heterocercal caudal fin, and another {waireaves} FOSSIL FISHES OF THE DEVONIAN ROCKS 251 row, much less extensive, placed just below the tip of that fin.” The oral region and the eye plates of B. Canadensis are described in minute detail and illustrated in this paper. In Professor Patten’s figure of the ventral side of the head of this species, the two plates which Smith Woodward and Traquair call the maxillary plates, are regarded as the mandibles, and the maxillæ are described by Patten as “ peculiar S-shaped plates lying behind, or more frequently underneath, or dorsal to, the mandibles.” Finally, in Part II, No. 2, of his Fishes of the Old Red Sandstone, published by the Palæontographical Society in 1904, Dr. Traquair gives a new and detailed description of the genus Bothriolepis, with two restored figures, the one of the dorsal, the other of the ventral surface of B. Canadensis, both of which are here reproduced on Plate 1. SUB-CLASS III. ARTHRODIRA. (7) Coccostrus CANADENSIS, Woodward. Coccos’eus Canadensis, A. Smith Woodward. 1892. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. ix, p. 483, pl. 13, fig. 2. The type and only known specimen of this species was collected by Mr. Jex in 1891, and is now in the Geological Department of the British Museum (Nat. Hist.). It is thus described by Dr. Woodward, omitting some references to the original figure, which is not reproduced in this paper. “This species as yet is not satisfactorily definable, being known only by a weathered beach-pebble exhibiting an impression of the head- shield. The features shown, however, suffice to readily distinguish this shield from all described forms except the typical Coccosteus dect- piens; and from the head shield of the latter it evidently differs, (1) in its greater length as compared with the breadth, (2) in the narrower median occipital, and (3) in the relatively smaller size of the central plates. “Almost the whole of the border of the shield is destroyed, but most of the sutures and the sensory canals are distinctly exhibited in impression. The median occipital plate is considerably more than twice as broad behind as in front, and its superficial tuberculations are arranged in radiating series towards the posterior border. The lateral occipital, marginal, preorbital, postorbital, and pineal plates are imper- fect and do not require special note; while the central plates form a relatively small and not quite symmetrical pair. The sensory canals of each side are distinctly united in the usual manner by a transverse commissure across the central plates.” 252 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA “ Coccosteus is already well known to occur in the typical Upper Old Red Sandstone; and it is interesting to note that in Russia, as in Canada, the genus is found in association with species of Bothriolepis.” SUB-CLASS IV. DIPNOI GENUS SCAUMENACIA, Traquair. Scaumenacia, Traquair. 1893. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. x, p. 262. re Dollo. 1895. Sur la Phylogenie des Dipneustes, extrait du Bull. de la Soc. Belge, de Geol., de Palæont., et d’Hydrol., tome ix, pl. v, fig. 6; which is a reproduction of an original restoration of the only known species of this genus, by Dr. Traquair. This genus is said to be “characterized by its double dorsal fin,” or two dorsal fins, which are thus described by Traquair: ; “The anterior dorsal commences far forwards; it is low and frin- ging in character, and the length of its base is contained two-and-a-half times in that of the posterior dorsal, the interval between the two fins being equal to one-third of the length of the base of the anterior. The base of the second dorsal extends to a point a little beyond the com- mencement of the lower lobe of the caudal, but as its rays are long, and the posterior ones directed nearly horizontally backwards, the fin seems to extend near to the tip of the tail. It does not, however, form a continuous dorso-caudal as in Phaneropleuron, as hitherto described, or in Ceratodus or Uronemus, and Mr. Whiteaves is certainly in error in making it do so in his restored figure.” “As regards the caudal fin it is in reality heterocercal, the upper lobe being represented only by very short rays towards the tip of the body prolongation, while on the ventral aspect the lower lobe is of the triangular form characteristic of Dipterus. Indeed, the resemblance of the fins to those of D. mac- cropterus, Traq., from John O’Groats’, is very remarkable, the most striking difference being the more extended base and fringing form of the anterior dorsal in the species under consideration. Dipterus Valen- ciennesti, D. macropterus and Scaumenacia curta form then a complete and most interesting series as regards the configuration of their dorsal fins; in the first both dorsals are short based, in the second the posterior dorsal has a base of considerable length, in the third the anterior dorsal is long based, while the base of the posterior one is still longer than in the second.” Op. cit. supra, p. 263. In the specimens upon which the restoration of this species in the Transactions of this Society for 1888 was based. neither Mr. Lambe nor the present writer were able to find any separation between the caudal fin and the second dorsal. To the writer they seemed to indicate a proportionately shorter and deeper fish than that since represented in Traquair’s restoration of the genus from other specimens. [wHiTEaves] FOSSIL FISHES OF THE DEVONIAN ROCKS 253 (8) SCAUMENACIA curta (Whiteaves). Plate III. Phaneropleuron curtum, Whiteaves. 1881. Canad. Nat. & Quart. Journ. Sc. vols tO} no. 1, sp) 29: Si Gs Whiteaves. 1887. Trans. Royal Soc. Canada for 1886, vol. iv, sect. iv, p. 108, pl. x, fig. 2. £ + Whiteaves. 1889. Trans. Royal Soc. Canada for 1888, vol. vi, sect. iv, pl. v, fig. 3; but not p. 91, pl. x, fig. 1; which is now known to be a piece of the side of the head of a specimen of ÆEusthenopteron Foordi. 7 i O. Jaekel. 1890. Sitzungsb. Ges. naturf. Freunde, p. 2; woodcut of upper dental plate. fe is A. Smith Woodward. 1891. Cat. Foss. Fishes Brit. Mus., pt. ii, :p. 248. Scaumenacia curta, Traquair. 1893. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. x, p. 262. “ Ge Dollo. 1895. Op. cit. ante (p. 252), pl. v. fig. 6. ie ne A. Smith Woodward. 1898. Outl. Vertebr. Palæont., p. 22, fig. 20 ,~asal cartilages of anal fin of). Type.—A nearly complete but much compressed fish, in the Museum of the Geological Survey of Canada, Ottawa. SUB-CLASS V. GANOIDEI. (9) Hotoprycuius (GLYPTOLEPIS) QUEBECENSIS, Whiteaves. Giyptolepis microlepidotus? Agassiz. Whiteaves. 1881. Canad. Nat. & Quart. Journ. (Se. vols x, non 12 (ps 32: Glyptolepis Quebecensis, Whiteaves. 1889. Trans. Royal Soc. Canada for 1888, vol. vi, sect. iv, p. 77, pl. v, fig. 4. Hy “ Traquair. 1890. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. vii, p. 16. Holoptychius (Glyptolepis) Quebccensis, A. Smith Woodward. 1891. Cat. Foss. Fishes Brit. Mus., pt. ii, p. 336. Type—A nearly perfect fish, in the Museum of the Geological Museum at Ottawa. Genes EUSTHENOPTERON, Whiteaves. Eusthenopteron, Whiteaves. 1881. Canad. Nat. & Quart. Journ. Sc. vol. 10, no. 1, p. 30; and (1889) Trans. Royal Soc. Canada for 1888, vol. vi, sect. iv, p. 78. ES A. Smith Woodward. 1891. Cat. Foss. Fishes Brit. Mus., pt. ii, p. 362; and (1898) Outl. Vertebr. Palæont., p. 76. The latest information in regard to this genus is embodied in the descriptions thereof by Dr. A. Smith Woodward in the two volumes 254 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA cited above. In the second part of the British Museum Catalogue of Fossil Fishes, the genus is thus defined :— “Body much depressed anteriorly, with rounded or ovoid scales, of which the exposed portion is ornamented with granulations and antero-posteriorly directed ruge. Head bones more or less tubercu- lated; teeth compressed, with a sharp anterior and posterior edge. Ossified ring-shaped vertebræ in the abdominal region. Infraclavicle without an ascending process. Anterior dorsal fin opposed to the pelvic pair, and the posterior dorsal to the anal; tail diphycercal or slightly heterocercal, the caudal fin large and triangular, abruptly truncated or excavated posteriorly, the upper lobe nearly or quite as large as the lower, and the rays at the extremity of the caudal body- prolongation extending somewhat further backward that the others.” In the “Outlines of Vertebrate Paleontology for Students of Zoology,” the description of this genus is as follows :— “ Eusthenopteron. “A fish closely resembling Rhizodopsis, but with. laterally com- pressed teeth and nearly diphycercal caudal fin, which is truncated or wavy at the hinder border. A pineal foramen occurs between the frontal bones. The eye is provided with a ring of sclerotic plates. The examples of the typical and only known species, Z. foordi, from the Upper Devonian of Canada, are important as displaying the calcified supporting cartilages of some of the fins. The pectoral fin has only one stout basal cartilage, and is simply Gegenbaur’s “ archipterygium ” partly atrophied, with some elements fused together. The bases of the second dorsal and anal fins are shown to be almost identical, each hav- ing three baseosts supported by the broad end of a single axonost, which is directly apposed to a single arch of the axial skeleton. There are ealcified ring-vertebre in the abdominal region.” (10) EUSTHENOPTERON Foorp1, Whiteaves. Eusthenopteron Foordi, Whiteaves. 1881. Canad. Nat. & Quart. Journ. Se. vol. 10, no. 1, p. 31, woode.; and Amer. Journ. Sc., vol. xxi, p. 495. a es Whiteaves. 1889. Trans. Royal Soc. Canada for 1888, vol. vi, sect. iv, p. 79, pl. v, fig. 5, pls. vi, vii, and wood- Lubes vie IL “ Phaneropleuron cur‘um,’ Whiteaves (inadvertently). 1889. Idem, sect. iv, p. ORDER ole Fir ethenopteron Foordi, Traquair. 1890. Geol. Mag., dec. iii, vol. vii, p. 17. of A. Smith Woodward. 1891. Cat. Foss. Fishes Brit. Mus., pt. ii, p. 362: and (1898) Outl. Vertebr. Palæont. etc. p. 25, fig. 25 (pectoral fin of), and p. 77, fig. 58. {[wuaireaves] : FOSSIL FISHES OF THE DEVONIAN ROCKS 285 In the Geological Magazine for January, 1890, Dr. Traquair pointed out, (1) that the portion of the side of the head of a specimen that was inadvertently referred by the writer to Phaneropleuron curtum, in the Transactions of this Society for 1888 (vol. vi, sect. iv, p. 91, pl. x, fig. 1), is really referable to Husthenopteron F'oordi; and (2) that the wedge-shaped plates round the eye of this and other specimens of FE. Foordi, are sclerotic plates and not cireumorbitals. If this latter view be correct, Dr. Traquair adds, “ we have in Husthenopteron a con- dition almost unique among fishes, for though sclerotic ossifications are not uncommon amongst them, in no fish except certain Cælacanths do they assume the form of a continuous ring of quadrangular plates, as they do in certain birds and lizards, and in extinct Ichthyosauria and Stegocephala.” (11). CHETROLEPIS CANADENSIS, Whiteaves. Cheirolepis Canadensis. Whiteaves. 1881. Canad. Nat. & Quart. Journ. Se. vol. 10, no. 1, p. 33; and (1889) Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada for 1888, vol. v, sect. iv, p. 90, pl. viii. % # A. Smith Woodward. 1891. Cat. Foss. Fishes Brit. Mus:, pt. ii, p. 457, Type.—An imperfect fish in the Museum of the Geological Survey at Ottawa. “ A larger species than °C. Trailli, closely similar in proportions, but differing in the more advanced position of the pelvic fins and the more remote situation of the dorsal. Scales and joints of fin-rays pectinated.”—A. S. Woodward, op. cit. supra. B.—Revised list of the fossil fishes of the Lower Devonian rocks at Campbellton, N.B. SUB-CLASS I. SELACHII. Genus Proropus, Woodward. Pro‘odus, A. Smith Woodward. 1852. eol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. viii, p. 1. “ A genus known only by detached teeth. Dental crown consisting of a single robust, solid, conical cusp, invested with gano-dentine ; roc! large, undivided, laterally expanded, and antero-posteriorly compressed. “That the tooth thus defined is not the laniary of a Crossoptery- gian attached to its basal bone is proved by the examination of a microscopical section, which leaves little doubt as to its elasmobranch relationships. Protodus is thus the earliest tooth referable to the 256 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Elasmobranchii hitherto determined, and is especially remarkable on account of the form of the root. There is much reason to believe that all the more primitive Elasmobranch teeth possess a horizontally ex- panded base (or root), while antero-posterior compression is the result of specialization. Such being the case, Protodus is a specialized form of a very simple type of tooth.’—Woodward, op. cit. (1) Proropus JExr, Woodward. Protodus Jeri, A. Smith Woodward. 1892. Op. cit. ante, p. 2, pl. 1, figs. 1 and la. “ Crown of tooth attaining a height of about 0.005, and measuring 0.003 in width at the base; the apical half sharply bent inwards; coronal surface smooth, the lateral margins keeled, both faces convex, and the outer face with an unsymmetrically placed longitudinal ridge imparting to the tooth a twisted appearance. Root compact, stouter and much less deep than the crown.”—Woodward. Of this species there are five specimens in the Geological Depart- ment of the British Museum (Natural History), which were collected by Mr. Jex in 1891. (2) MESACANTHUS SEMISTRIATUS, Woodward. Acanthodes semistriatus, A. Smith Woodward. 1892. Geol. Mag. dec. 3, vol. ix, Do Dies des fetes This species is said to be “based upon a single imperfect fish,” in the British Museum (Nat. Hist.) collection, “ about 0.15 in length, and having the dorsal fin-spine 0.02 in length.” “Two large detached spines, however, Dr. Woodward adds, “ remarkably similar to those of the type specimen, may probably be regarded as indicating that the species sometimes attained to much larger dimensions.” “A. semi- striatus,” he remarks, “pertains to the primitive section of the genus (Mesacanthus of Traquair) already well known in the Lower Devonian, but attains to at least twice as large a size as any of its congeners hitherto discovered.” (3) CHEIRACANTHUS COSTELLATUS, Traquair. « ? Cheiracan'hus costellatus.’ Traquair. 1898. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. x, p. 46. “Several detached spines and one fish wanting the head,” are said, “to constitute the remains of this interesting species.” These were collected by Mr. Jex in 1892, and are now in the Edinburgh Museum. They have been thus described by Traquair. “The fish measures four inches in length, but it is so distorted and shortened up that its real dimensions and contour cannot be deter- [WHITEAVES] FOSSIL FISHES OF THE DEVONIAN ROCKS 257 mined. Six spines are shown, which I interpret as two pectoral, two ventral, one dorsal and one anal. The spines are large and rather slender; the pectoral measuring 1% inch in length, and 14 inch in breadth about the middle, the dorsal 214 inches. The others are imperfect, but all are remarkably straight save the pectoral, which is gently curved. The exposed surface of the spines is marked by prominent longitudinal ridges and furrows, there being four to six on each side, while the median one along the anterior aspect of the spine is broader than the others. There are two clavicular elements near the pectoral spines which resemble in form rather more those of Cheiracanthus than of Acanthodes. The scales are marked on their exposed surfaces with extremely fine strive, which are only visible under a strong lens, and pass longitudinally across the scale in a direction parallel to the diagonal, connecting the anterior and posterior angles.” (4) CLIMATIUS? LATISPINOSUS (Whiteaves). Ctenacanthus latispinosus. Whiteaves. 1881. Canad. Nat. & Quart. Journ. Sc. vol. 10, no. 2, p. 99; and (1889) Trans. Royal Soc. Canada for 1888, vol. vi, sect. iv, p. 95. pl. x. figs. 3, 3a and 36. Climatius latispinosus, A. Smith Woodward. 1889. Ann. & Mag. Nat. Hist., ser. 6, vol. iv, p. 183. Climatius ? latispinosus, A Smith Woodward. 1891. Cat. Foss. Fishes Brit. Mus., pt. ii, D. 33. Clima ‘ius latispinosus, A. Smith Woodward. 1892. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. viii, Dano: Type.—Detached fin spines; in the Museum of the Geological Survey at Ottawa. As shown in the second of the foregoing references, these spines were first referred to the Acanthodian genus Climatius by Dr. A. S. Woodward in 1889. Similar spines from Campbellton, collected by Mr. Jex in 1891, are now in the Geological Department of the British Museum (Nat. Hist.). Genus Doxiopus, Traquair. Doliodus, Traquair. 1893. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. x, p. 145. (5) Do topus PROBLEMATICUS (Woodward). Diplodus problematicus, A. Smith Woodward. 1892. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. viii, Dialer fig Doliodus problematicus, Traquair. 1898. Idem, vol. x, p. 146. Original description of Diplodus problematicus. “The single tooth referred to appears to be destitute of the root and exhibits only the outer face of the crown. It is shown of three times the natural 258 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA size” in the Plate. “The two principal cusps are well separated, unequal in size, and widely divergent; each being long and slender, somewhat tumid in the basal portion, and attenuated distally. The median cusp or denticle is subulate, long and slender. The gano- dentine is quite smooth.” The type specimen is in the British Museum, Nat. Hist. Original description of Doliodus problematicus. “Only a single specimen of this curious tooth was at Mr. Smith Woodward’s disposal, and that too only exhibiting the crown and denticles, being destitute of the root. The cusps certainly resemble those of Diplodus in form and arrangement, but the peculiar form of the base, which is well shown in many of the specimens now before me, is very different, and neces- sitates the institution of a new genus, which, on account of the decep- tive appearance of the first described example, I propose to name Doliodus.* “Instead of the thick, solid base of Diplodus we have here a broad thin plate, convex anteriorly and above, concave posteriorly and below, to the upper margin of which the crown is attached. The type speci- men has only one intermediate cusp, but their number may vary from one to three or even four.” (6) SPINE or (?) ACANTHODIAN. Homacanthus. Sp. Undt. Whiteaves. 1881. Canad. Nat. & Quart. Journ. Sc., vol. 10, no. 2. p. 99. Homacanthus gracilis, Whiteaves. 1889. Trans. Royal Soc. Canada for 1888, vol. vi. sect. iv. p. 96. pl. x, fig. 4. Not Homacanthus gracilis, Eichwald, 1869; which, according to A. S. Woodward, is H. arcuatus, Agassiz. “The spine named Homacanthus gracilis, J. F. Whiteaves (Trans. Roy. Soe. Canada, vol. vi, sect. iv, 1888, p. 96, pl. x, fig. 4) is also doubtfully determined and may belong to an Acanthodian fish resem- bling Climatius. The type specimen was obtained from the Lower Devonian of Campbellton, New Brunswick, and is preserved in the Geological Survey Museum, Ottawa.”—A. 8. Woodward, Cat. Foss. Wishes Brit. Mus. Pt. IE py 106. (7) GYRACANTHUS INCURVUS, Traquair. 4iyracanthus incurvus, Traquair. 1890. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. vii, p. 21. The type of this species is a fin spine from Campbellton in the Edinburgh Museum, which is thus described by Traquair :— “A veritable Selachian has, however, turned up in the shape of a mew species of Gyracanthus, to which I apply the name G. incurvus. “Gr, Addioc, a deceiver.’ [wHiTteaves] FOSSIL FISHES OF THE DEVONIAN ROCKS 289 The length of the spine is 214 inches, but though the point is entire, some of the base has been lost, so that originally it must have been a little longer. It shows an antero-posterior curvature of a very much stronger and more pronounced description than is found in the young forms of any hitherto described species, and this, together with the great delicacy of its ornamentation, distinguishes it as new. The ornamentation consists of rather fine ridges passing with a very slight obliquity over the side of the spine; this obliquity increases towards the base as well as towards the anterior aspect, where the ridges are also rather coarser than posteriorly. The ridges are plain at the apex, but soon become crenulated, the crenulations being more pronounced on the anterior aspect. “ That this species belongs to the genus Gyracanthus is fully shown, not merely by the nature of the ornament, but by the obliquity of the posterior area, the prominent edge of which is armed with a row of minute denticles. “Gyracanthus has hitherto not been known to exist below the horizon of the Carboniferous rocks. Its occurrence in the Lower Devonian of Canada is therefore as interesting a fact as the occurrence of Cephalaspis in the Upper Devonian of the same country.” SUB-CLASS II. OSTRACODERMI. (8) CEPHALASPIS CAMPBELLTONENSIS, Whiteaves. Ccphalaspis Campbelltonensis, Whiteaves. 1881. Canad. Nat. & Quart. Journ. Sc., vol. 10, no. 2, p. 98; and (1889) Trans. Royal Soc. | Canada for 1888, vol. vi. sect. iv, p. 92, pl. x, fig. 2. 5 Ai Traquair. 1890. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. vii, p. 21. Cephalaspis Whiteavesi, Traquair. 1899. Op. cit., p. 21. Cephalaspis Campbell onensis, A. Smith Woodward. 1891. Cat. Foss. Vishes Brit. Mus., pt. ii, p 190, pl. ix, fig. 5: Type.—Shield ; in the Museum of the Geological Survey at Ottawa. When Dr. Smith Woodward visited the Museum of the Geological Survey in 1890, he called the writer’s attention to the circumstance that the anterior end of the head shield of this species had been some- what incorrectly described and figured. Instead of its being “ somewhat pointed in front and obliquely rounded at the sides anteriorly,” as originally described, he showed that it is really “ produced anteriorly into a short, narrow, sharply rounded rostrum,” as described and figured in 1891, in the second part of his Catalogue of the Fossil Fishes in the British Museum. This description was based upon specimens from Campbellton acquired by that institution in 1888 and 1889, one 260 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA of which was figured to show the rostrum. The peculiar rostrum of this species, Dr. Woodward adds, is “solid, much resembling that of Pleraspis.” “Tt is well shown,” he says, “in the type specimen, though accidentally omitted in the original description and restored outline.” In a paper published in the Geological Magazine for April, 1893, and entitled Notes on the Devonian Fishes of Campbellton and Scau- menac Bay in Canada, No. 2, Dr. Traquair writes as follows, in regard to this species: “In my former paper, I recognized two distinct species of Cepha- laspis from the Campbellton beds, one having the cephalic shield rounded in front, the other in which it assumed a pointed form like the snout of a skate.” Misled by Mr. Whiteaves’s figure, I referred the former to his C. Campbelltonensis; to the latter I attached the name of C. Whiteavesi.” “Mr. Smith Woodward having had subsequently the privilege of inspecting the original type of C. Campbelltonensis, found that it actually possessed the pointed rostrum characteristic of my C. Whi- leavesi, which rostrum had been omitted in the drawing published by Mr. Whiteaves. Consequently, my species had to go, though it was clear that there was something still to be determined regarding the species of Cephalaspis occurring at Campbellton.” “The mystery is quite cleared up by the specimens in the present collection;1 there are two species, but the new one is that with the rounded snout, which I shall describe under the name of Cephalaspis Seri: (9) CEPHALASPIS JEXI, Traquair. Cephalaspis Jexi, Traquair. 15y3. Geol. Mag., dec. 3, vol. x, p. 147. Original description.“ Cephalic shield rounded in front, cornua incurved, comparatively short and stout; the orbits relatively smaller than in C. Campbelllonensis, situated nearly midway between the anterior and posterior extremities of the shield. The external orna- ment of the shield consists of minute closely set tubercles often tending to be arranged in concentric lines which are parallel to the borders of the tesseræ. On the cornua the tubercles are not so close, showing intervals which are finely longitudinally striated. The inner margins of the cornua are distinctly denticulated. *1e., in the selection made by Dr. Traquair for the Edinburgh Museum, from specimens collected at Campbellton and Scaumenac Bay by Mr. Jex in 1892. {(wHiTeaAvEs] FOSSIL FISHES OF THE DEVONIAN ROCKS 261 “In ©. Campbelltonensis, on the other hand, the front of the shield is produced into a pointed rostrum, the cornua are relatively longer, the orbits relatively larger than in the preceding species. The ornamentation of the cornua and the denticulation of their inner mar- gins is more delicate, the former consisting of minute pits and reticu- lating furrows, the interspaces between which appear as minute flat- tened tubercles. “Both of these species seem to be common at Campbellton, but perfect shields of ©. Jexi are rare, being mostly broken on one side, or else distorted by pressure; whereas those of ©. Campbelltonensis more commonly retain their contour complete. As the name Whi- teavesi, having dropped, cannot according to the rules of nomenclature be again applied to a different species of C Ears I have pleasure in dedicating this new one to Mr. Jex.” Types.—Head shields in the Edinburgh Museum. In the Geological Magazine for January, 1892, Dr. A. Smith Woodward had previously described the “squamation of the trunk” of a specimen of this species, and had figured one of the scales. CEPHALASPIS, sp. indet. Cephalaspis, sp. A. Smith ,Voodward. 1892. Geol. Mag. dec. 3, vol. viii, p. 5. “A very small, imperfect Cephalaspidian shield from Campbellton, with well-separated tesseræ in the middle layer, differs from the corres- ponding shield of C. Campbelllonensis, in the relatively larger size of the denticles on the inner margin of the cornua. Unless this be a character of immaturity, the fossil thus indicates a distinct species. Fine granules mark the position of the Vo eSTn: folds.”—A. $. Wood- ward, op. cit. supra. SUB-CLASS IIL ARTHRODIRA. GENUS PHLYCTÆNASPIS, Traquair. Phlyctenius, Traquair. Geol. Mag., Jan. and Feb., 1890, dec. 3, vol. vii, pp. 20. and 60. (Not Phlyctenium, Zittel, 1878.) Phlyctenaspis, Traquair. Geol. Mag., Feb., 1890, dec. 5, vol. vii, p. 61. - A. Smith Woodward. 1891. Cat. Foss. Fishes Brit. Mus., pt. ii, p. 295; and Geol. Mag., Jan., 1892, dec. 3, vol. viii, p. 5, pl. 1, figs. T and 8 Type of the genus, Coccosteus Acadicus, Whiteaves. This species was based upon more than twenty cranial shields and a few detached plates from Campbellton collected by Dr. A. H. Foord 262 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA in 1881. In these shields the present writer was unable to trace out the sutures, or to satisfactorily determine the shape and arrangement of the plates of which the shield is composed. At the time that the species was described, it was supposed that these plates would probably prove to be like those of a typical species of Coccosteus, such as C. decipiens. The supposed outlines of the sutures that are indicated by dotted lines in the diagrammatic text figure of C. Acadicus in the “Canadian Naturalist,” and in the “ Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada” are now known to be incorrect, but the artotype figure of the cranial shield of that species in the last named publication is both correct and characteristic, as far as it goes. With their abundantly additional material Dr. Traquair and Dr. A. Smith Woodward have fortunately been much more successful, and have made many important additions to our knowledge of this genus, and of its typical species, as will be seen by the following extracts from their publications thereon. In the Geological Magazine for January, 1890, the genus Phlycte- naspis was first described by Traquair, as follows, under the name Phlyctenwus. “ Phlyctænius, nov. gen. Ph. Acadicus, Whiteaves, sp.—On exami- ning several pretty good specimens of this curious Coccostean, named by Mr. Whiteaves Coccosteus Acadicus, I find that it exhibits certain characters which are neither in accordance with those of the genus Coccosteus, nor with Mr. Whiteaves’s diagram of its cranial shield. Allied to Coccosteus it is, as the arrangement of the sensory grooves, correctly indicated in Mr. Whiteaves’s figure, clearly shows. But the sutures between the bones are only seen with the greatest difficulty; indeed, Mr. Whiteaves admits that the dotted lines in his figure only represent their “ supposed outlines.” Accordingly, he has indicated by means of those dotted lines certain plates having the same general outline as the median-occipital, lateral occipital and central plates in Coccosteus decipiens, Ag., whereas the real outline of these plates seems to me to be very different. The median-occipital, instead of being trapezoidal, with long posterior margin, shorter anterior one, and con- vergent sides, appears elongated and five-sided, there being an anterior acute angle which is received in a notch between the two centrals in front, which are themselves also elongated and more or less of a six- sided contour. Laterally, the external occipital, marginal and post- orbital may be easily made out, and I think the preorbitals are also apparent enough. The orbital portion of the shield (— the part between the letters d and e in Whiteaves’ figure) are rather more anterior and look more forward than in Coccosteus. None of our ‘ [wairgeaves] FOSSIL FISHES OF THE DEVONIAN ROCKS 263 specimens show Mr. Whiteaves’s “rostral” plate, which is evidently the equivalent of that which I have called anterior ethmoidal in Coccosteus decipiens. “The difference in the form of those bones of the cranial shield seems to me certainly to be of generic importance, and I doubt not but that many other important differences would be apparent were the remains more complete. (I may remark that the plate figured by Mr. Whiteaves as a ventro-median (?) plate cannot be so, as it is not bilaterally symmetrical.) I therefore propose for it the generic name Phlyctenus.” The Geolcgical Magazine for February, 1890, contains a paper by Traquair, entitled “On Phlyctenius, a new genus of Coccosteidæ.”? In this paper the cranial shield of that genus is described in much fuller detail, and restored outlines of the head shield of two specimens each of P. Acadicus and P. Anglicus are given, to show the arrangement of the plates, and the lateral line with its sensory grooves. One of these outlines is here reproduced on Plate IV. The results of this paper are summed up in a new definition of the genus, and of its typical species P. Acadicus, also with a very brief description of an English species of the genus, under the name P. Anglicus. The new generic definition is as follows :— “ Genus Phlyctænius.—Cranial shield more ovate than in Coccosteus ; constituent plates anchylosed, except the ethmoidal; median occipital elongated, pointed in front and wedged in between the posterior ends of the oblong or ovate central plates; orbital excavation looking more anteriorly than in Coccosteus; course of main lateral-line groove nearly straight from the external occipital to tne post-orbital, where it is very acutely bent backwards. Plates of body-cuirass imperfectly known.” In a note at the end of this paper, the generic name is changed to Phlyctænaspis, as Phlyctenius was found to be pre-occupied. The following description of the genus Phiyctenaspis is given in the second part of Dr. A. Smith Woodward’s “ Catalogue of the Fossil Fishes in the British Museum,” published in 1891. “ Head and trunk broad, the dorsal aspect more or less arched from side to side; scutes ornamented with stellate tubercles and those of the upper surface of the head also marked with deep sensory fur- rows. Elements of cranial shield, except the rostral bone, fused together in the adult, and the occipital bones constituting not more than half of its total length; median occipital elongated antero- posteriorly, and its anterior end produced between the divergent hinder Sec. IV., 1907. 16. 264 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA extremities of the pair of central plates; no median element over the pineal region and no foramen; orbits forming broad notches, not bounded externally. (Arrangements of plates upon trunk unknown, but probably as in Coccosteus.)” “So far as known, the species of this genus do not exceed those of Coccosteus in size.” When this description was written, there were three imperfect cranial shields and a detached plate, of the typical species of the genus, in the Geological Department of the British Museum. Shortly after the publication of the second part of the British Museum Catalogue of Fossil Fishes, some fish remains from Campbell- ton, that had been collected by Mr. Jex in 1891, were acquired for ~ the Geological Department of that institution. This part of Mr. Jex’s 1891 collection forms the subject of a paper by Dr. A. Smith Wood- ward in the Geological Magazine for January, 1892, and includes several additional specimens of Phlyctænaspis. In regard to these latter, Dr. Woodward writes as follows :— “ Of several specimens referable to the type species of Phlyctenaspis, two are especially fine—one exhibiting the outer aspect of the head- shield, the other the inner or visceral aspect of the same. The former is shown of the natural size in PI. I, fig. 7,” (the Pl. IV, fig. 2 of this paper), “and of the latter the so-called “ rostral” plate is separ- ately represented in fig. 8” (the Pl. IV, fig. 3 of this paper). “The first specimen is of great interest as having been crushed in such a manner as to separate its component elements; while both specimens elucidate for the first time the precise nature of the ‘ rostral plate.’ “The new specimens demonstrate that Dr. Traquair’s determination of the arrangement of the various elements of the shield is correct in every particular; and it is especially interesting to find that in the original of fig. 7” (Pl. IV, fig. 2 of this paper) “ there is an anterior pair of bones (p. ma), additional to those previously discovered and evidently homologous with the premaxille (Traquair) of Coccosteus. “The statement that no median bone occurs over the pineal region of Phlyctenaspis, made in the Catal. Foss. Fishes Brit. Mus., pt. ii, p. 277, must now be modified; for both the new specimens under consideration show the small pineal plate (posterior ethmoid of Tra- quair) fused with the large ethmoid (anterior ethmoid of Traquair) in front, but separated by a distinct sutural line. The great pineal pit at the hinder angle of the “rostral” plate thus formed is well indicated in Pl. 1, fig. 8” (the Pl. IV, fig. 3 of this paper). “ Several plates of the body cuirass are also contained in the latest collection from Campbellton. There are examples of the lateral and {WHITEAVES] FOSSIL FISHES OF THE DEVONIAN ROCKS 268 ventrolateral plates (Whiteaves, loc. cit., pl. ix, figs. 3, 4); and two groups of smaller, sparsely tuberculated plates cannot even be pro- visionally determined. Further discoveries must be awaited before any definite information concerning the disposition of the armature is available.” (10) Puuycranaspis Acapica (Whiteaves). Plate TV, figs. 1, 2, 3 and 4. voccosteus Acadicus, Whiteaves. 1881. Canad. Nat. & Quart. Journ. Sci., vol. 10, ; p. 94, with text figure on p. 95; and (1889) Trans. Royal Soc. Canada for 1888, vol. vi, sect. iv, p. 93, fig. 2, and pl. ix, figs. 1—4. Phlyctenius Acadicus, Traquair. Geol. Mag., Jan., 1890, dec. 3, vol. vii, p. 20; and (Feb., 1890), dec. 3, vol. vii, p. 60, pl. iii, figs. 1 and 2. Phlyctenaspis Acadica, A. Smith Woodward. 1891. Cat. Foss. Fishes Brit. Mus.,’ pt. ii, jp. 295. + ss oe A. Smith Woodward. Geol. Mag., Jan., 1892, dec. 3, vol. viii, p. 5, pl. i, figs. 7 and 8; and do. for Nov., 1892, dec. 3, vol. ix, p. 481, and text figure 1 on p. 482. Me a Traquair. Geol. Mag., April, 1893, dec. 3, vol. x, p. 147, and text figure on p. 148. } Type.—Crauial shield and detached plates, in the Museum of the Geological Survey at Ottawa. In 1891, in the second part of his Catalogue of Fossil Fishes in the British Museum, Dr. A. Smith Woodward gives the following original description of this species :— “The type species. Cranial shield ovoid in form, truncated at its hinder border, the outer lateral angles rounded and notched, and the breadth between the latter about equal to the total length; the anterior two-thirds of the shield gradually arched from side to side, flattened or depressed mesially, the posterior portion of the median occipital plate rising to a broad, low longitudinal ridge, corresponding to tthe Jaterally arched contout of the median dorsal plate of the trunk imme- diately behind. Median dorsal plate about three times as long as broad, convex in the medial line, but highest in the centre, from which point there is a downward slope in every direction, the lateral slopes heing most abrupt; anterior border not excavated; the sides parallel for more than two-thirds of their length, then converging rapidly into a point, with somewhat concave sides. Tuberculations of small or moderate size, often arranged in close concentric series, especially upon the laterally situated plates.” 266 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA The remainder of Mr. Jex’s 1891 collection of fossil fishes, from Scaumenac Bay, as well as Campbellton, was subsequently secured for the British Museum, and reported upon by Dr. A. Smith Woodward in the Geological Magazine for November, 1892. Dr. Woodward’s. paper is entitled, “ Further Contributions to Knowledge of the Devon- ian Fish Fauna of Canada,” and is divided into three parts, with three sub-titles. In the first of these, which is entitled, “On the Body- armour of Phlyctenaspis Acadica,’ the “spinous appendage of the dermal armour” of that species is described for the first time and figured, and its homologies or affinities are briefly discussed. Lastly, a selection from a third consignment of fish remains from Campbellton and Scaumenac Bay, collected by Mr. Jex in 1892, was made for the Edinburgh Museum by Dr. Traquair, and reported upon by him in the Geological Magazine for April, 1893. This 1892 col- lection is said to be “rich in remains of Phlyclænaspis Acadica,” and some of these enabled Traquair to make the restoration of the ventral carapace of that species, which is reproduced on Plate IV, fig. 4, of this paper, and to show that the pair of lateral spines are articulated to the right and left anterior ventro-lateral plate, as shown in the restoration. PLATE BOTHRIOLEPIS. 268 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA PLATES. BoTHRIOLEPIS CANADENSIS—(page 249). After Traquair. Figure 1.—Dorsal surface. m. occ., median occipital; J. occ., lateral occipital; ag., angular; pt. m., post-median; p.m., pre- median ; L., lateral ; e. l., extralateral; m., median; 0, ocu- lar; a. d. l., anterior dorso-lateral; a. m. d., anterior me- dian dorsal; p. d. L., posterior dorso-lateral; p. m. d., pos- terior median dorsal; d.a., dorsal anconeal; d. ar., dorsal articular; e. m., external marginal; i.m., internal mar- ginal; c., centrals of lower arm; m., marginals of lower arm; ¢., terminal. Figure 2.—Ventral surface. m.z., maxillary plate; s./., semilunar; a.v.l., anterior ventro-lateral; p.v./., posterior ventro- lateral; m.v., median ventral; v.ar., ventral articular; v.a., ventral anconeal; c., centrals; m., marginals of lower arm; ¢., terminal. [WHITEAVES] DEVONIAN FISHES PLATE I. BoTHRIOLEPIS CANADENSIS.—(After Traquair). PLATE. TT BoTHRIOLEPTS. 270 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA PLATE II. BOTHRIOLEPIS CANADENSIS— (page 249). After Patten. Reproduction of Professor Patten’s reconstruction of the Canadian Bothriolepis, in 1904, as seen from the side. ‘(U9 19} V)—sISNTavNVO SIdd TOLMHLOG ‘II MENT SHHSIA NVINOAGG [SHAVaLIHA ] PEA DE) IT SCAUMENACIA. 272 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA PLATE III. SCAUMENACIA CURTA—(page 253). After Traquair. Reproduction of a restoration of the only species of this genus, in the ninth volume of the Belgian Society of Geology, Paleontology, and Hydrology. ‘(atenbery, 104; y)—"vauno VIOVNAWAVOG ef TL D NAN CLS EE = SELLE EE LLL Lav TUMOR RENE SHHSIA NVINOAHG [SHAVALTHAS | a re à lie ie of) “| ii i Cu H AL ; Ù EN AS thay NU an } ‘ fi Ay: nme! 1 \ \ er PLATE IV. PHLYCTÆNASPIS. 274 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA PLATE IV. PHLYCTANASPIS ACADICA-—(page 265). After Traquair and Smith Woodward. Figure 1—Copy of Traquair’s restored outline of the cranial shield of this species, in the Geological Magazine for February, 1890. p.L., postero-lateral angle; P.E., postero-external angle; A.E., antero-external angle; P.0., postorbital angle; A.0., ante-orbital angle; m. 0., median occipital ; e. o., external occipital; c., central; m., marginal; pt.o., post-orbital; p.o., pre-orbital. Figure 2.—Reproduction of A. Smith Woodward’s figure of a specimen of P. Acadica, in the Geological Magazine for January, 1892. In this specimen the head shield has been “ crushed in such a manner as to separate its component elements.” c., central; e., ethmoid; e. 0., external occipital; m., mar- ginal; m.o., median occipital; p., pineal; p.mz., pre- maxilla; p.o., pre-orbital; pt. o., post-orbital. Figure 3.—“ Visceral aspect” of the ethmoidal (e) and pineal (p) plates of the cranial shield of another specimen, showing the “ great pineal pit at the hinder angle of the ‘ rostral ? plate.” Also-from the Geological Magazine for January, 1892. Figure 4.—Copy of Traquair’s “restoration of the ventral carapace ” of P. Acadica, in the Geological Magazine for April, 1893. a.v.l., anterior ventro-lateral plates; p.v.1., posterior ventro-lateral, not defined in the outer margin in the fossil; a.m.v., anterior median ventral; m.v., median ventral; i./., interlateral; c., cornu or lateral spine. PLATE IV. DEVONIAN FISHES [WHITEAVES] PHLYCTÆNASPIS ACADICA. (After Traquair and Smith Woodward). La : 5 ¥ ‘ ; rer # a - fy i 7 { ity 1 y F etn * i \ FL > j ' ; a ; 5 a" . 1 é Secrion IV., 1907. [ 275 ] Trans. R. S. C. XVIII.—The Islets of Langerhans and the Zymogenous Tubules in the Vertebrate Pancreas, with special reference to the Pancreas of the Lower Vetebrates. By SwaLe Vincent, M.D. (Lond.), D.Sc. (Edin.) Professor of Physiology in the University of Manitoba. and FLORENCE D. THompson, University of Manitoba. (From the Physiological Laboratory, University of Manitoba.) (Communicated by Prof. A. B. Macallum, and read May 15, 1907.) In two recent communications! we have given what appeared to us very strong reasons for supporting the views of those who hold that the Islets of Langerhans cannot be regarded as in any sense a tissue sui generis. In the animals examined by us we found that the islets frequently show traces of a distinct alveolar arrangement. The islet columns are frequently in complete anatomical continuity with the surrounding zymogenous tubules, and all kinds of transition forms are common throughout vertebrates. In Reptiles and Fishes a distinct lumen within the islet area can sometimes be detected. In mammals (dogs and cats), birds (pigeons), and amphibians (frogs), the effect of inanition is to markedly increase the amount of the islet tissue at the expense of the zymogenous. In this condition direct continuity and transition forms are even more marked than in the normal animal. If, after a period of inanition, an animal be restored to its normal condition of nutrition, the pancreas likewise returns to the normal, and the presumption is that alveoli are reconstructed from islets. * An increase in the amount of islet tissue may be induced by exhausting the pancreas with secretin (confirmatory of Dale ?). In the islets of the pigeon after inanition and in the corresponding structures in teleostean fishes, we have observed two kinds of cells differing slightly though distinctly in their staining power (confirmatory of Diamare,? Rennie,* and others). 1Journ. of Physiol. Vol. xxxiv (Proc. Physiol. Soc.), June 2, 1906. Internat. Monatsschr. f. Anat. u. Physiol., Bd. xxiv, 1907. 2Phil. Trans., 1904. 8 Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci., Vol. 48, Part III, Nov., 1904. 4Internat. Monatsschr. f. Anat. u. Physiol, Bd. xvi, Heft. 7/8, 1899, u. Bd. xxii, Heft 4/6, 1905. 276 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA In the same communications we described an appearance hitherto unnoticed, especially striking in birds and reptiles, to which we gave the name “ bathychrome tissue,” while we referred to the islets of Lan- gerhans as “leptochrome.” With regard to this “ bathychrome”’ tissue we are at present very doubtful as to its significance, and the possibility exists that the appearance may be due to some artefact arising from the process of fixation. The matter will, however, be referred to later in the present communication. We shall describe the islets of Langerhans in some species of Ophidia and in certain of the Elasmobranch fishes, and the study of these new types furnishes, in our opinion, fresh confirmation of the general morphological views previously expressed. The new material was obtained in Great Britain during the summer of 1906, and includes two species of snake and several species of elasmobranchs obtained from the Marine Biological Laboratory at Ply- mouth. We are indebted to the Director, Dr. E. J. Allen, for his kindness in dissecting out and placing in preserving fluid the material in question. We have also to express our thanks to Professor Schafer for the use of his laboratory at Edinburgh by one of us (S. V.) during the months of May and June, and also to Professor Starling of Uni- versity College, London, in whose laboratory the elasmobranch material was partly prepared. THE ISLETS oF LANGERHANS IN REPTILIA. In addition to Kinosternon pensyllvanicum and Chrysemys picta, the islets of which are described in our former communication,! we have since been enabled to examine the pancreas of Testudo tabulata and Lacerta viridis and two ophidians, viz., Tropidonotus natrix and Coluber longissimus. Kee) GT ree Chrysemys picta. The sections show masses of hemolymph tissue clustering round large ducts, which are readily perceived by their staining lightly. There are some islets in close relation to the ductules as in the elasmobranch fishes (vide infra). These are especially well shown by Laguesse’s method D, but in our preparations the islets are certainly not com- mon. They are distinguishable not so much by their lightly staining reaction as by their capillary network, and the close packing of the nuclei. We have no further observations to offer upon Kinosternon.? 1Internat. Monatsschr. f. Anat. u. Physiol., Bd. xxiv, 1907. 3V. Internat. Monatsschr. f. Anat. u. Physiol., Bd. xxiv. {VINCENT & THOMPSON] THE ISLETS OF LANGERHANS PTT T'estudo tabulata. All our material from this species was fixed in Flemming’s fluid and stained either in safranin or by the iron-hæmatoxylin method. This procedure does not as a rule render the islets and ductules readily visible either in reptiles or in the elasmobranchs, and it is curious that so far we have been unable to detect with certainty any islets of Langer- hans. In some of the ductules there are two rows of cells and in some cases the ducts are surrounded by adenoid tissue. In these respects there is a resemblance to what is found in the Elasmobranchii. (b) Lacertilia. Our examination of these animals has been confined to one specimen of Lacerta viridis, and we have found a few islets near the splenic end. These are very small, consisting in most cases of a few cells only. They are lightly stained and stand out in marked contrast to the surrounding zymogenous tissue. Transition forms between islet and alveoli are fairly common. ‘The islets are so small that they are not arranged in definite cell columns but consist, in our preparations, of clumps of not more than six cells. They are frequently in contiguity to the ducts, Teminding one of the arrangement in the elasmobranchs. (c) Ophidia. Our description applies equally well to Tropidonotus natrix and Coluber longissimus. There are large and numerous islets, especially at the splenic end. In material prepared with corrosive sublimate and stained with hematoxylin the islets are stained more lightly than the surrounding tissue. After Fiemming’s fluid and iron-hæmatoxylin they are, however, distinctly darker, as first pointed out by Laguesse.1 On careful examination they often reveal fine granules, as also was noted by Laguesse. The large irregular islets are a striking feature at the splenic end of the pancreas of these animals. In hæmatoxylin and eosin preparations it may be seen that the granules have an eosinophile Teaction. THE ISLETS or LANGERHANS IN ELASMOBRANCHII. In 1899 Diamare ? came to the conclusion that there are no islets of Langerhans in elasmobranchs, but that certain structures which at first sight appeared to represent them were in reality tortuous ducts Jour. de l’Anat. et de la Physiol., xxxiie Année, 1896, Nr. 3, Mai-Juin, Archives de l’Anat. micr., t. iv, fasc. ii et iii, Nos., 1901; ibid, t. v., 1902. 2Internat. Monatsschr. f. Anat. u. Physiol., 1899, Bd. xvi, Heft 7/8. 278 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA cut in various directions. These ducts in Scyllium and Torpedo had a double epithelial layer, an internal consisting of small cells and an external of larger elements. Some of the latter had granules which stain deeply with fuchsin. Giannelli,t however, looked upon these structures in elasmobranchs as primitive islets. Oppel * pointed out masses of large cells in the neighbourhood of the canals, but did not come to any definite decision as to their exact relationship to the duct cells. Laguesse * has followed up and extended these observations, work- ing chiefly with Galeus canis. He considers that the solid masses of cells originally described by Oppel are derived from the external layer cf the small ducts. The “clear areas” are often large and. are consti- tuted not only by the ducts but aiso by small solid columns of cells, separated by connective tissue into small masses or even individual cells, generally without a membrana propria. These cells are finely vacuo- lated and are coloured red with fuchsin like those of the second variety of the external duct layer. Occasionally a lumen is continued into these masses of cells. : : Helly,* working with the embryo guinea-pig as well as the elasmo- branch fishes, confirms most of the developmental and morphological results of Laguesse. But, notwithstanding this, the author upholds the view that the islets are organs sui generis. He denies the existence of transitions between islet and zymogenous tissue either in the embryo or the adult. He does not pronounce definitely on the subject of an internal secretion of the islets. | We have examined the following species :— Scyllium canicula. Acanthias vulgaris. Mustelus laevis. Rhina squatina. Raja clavata. Raja circularis. We have been able to verify most of the observations of Diamare, Laguesse, and Helly, though, as will be seen, we differ materially from the first and last as to the interpretation to be put upon the appearances. '* Atti. d. R. Accad. dei Fisiocr. in Siena, Vol. xil, p. 106, 1900. ? Lehrbuch der vergleich. mikr. Anat., Bd. iii, 1900; Ergebnisse der Anat. Bd. ix, Litt. 1899, Wiesbaden, 1900. 5 C. R. de l’Association des Anatomistes, p. 14, Montpellier, 1902; Bibliogr. anat., t. x., p. 260, 1902. ‘Arch. f. mikr. Anat., Bd. Ixvii, s. 124, 1905. [VINCENT & THOMPSON] THE ISLETS OF LANGERHANS 279 The appearance of the light or clear areas in the pancreas of elasmo- branchs is certainly at first sight very different from that of the islets cf Langerhans in any other group of vertebrates, and it is not surprising that Diamare was at first unwilling to admit their homology with the mammalian islets. But from a study of Diamare’s own drawings and the observations of Laguesse and ourselves, it seems clear that the groups of lightly stained cells arranged here and there round the smaller ducts of the elasmobranch pancreas do, as a matter of fact, represent the primitive type of islet structure in vertebrates. This is rendered more probable by the embryological work on mammals by Laguesse and Helly, though Helly, in our point of view, does not appear to have seen the full significance of his own observations. Scyliium canicula. In preparations fixed in a saturated solution of corrosive sublimate and stained with Delafield’s hematoxylin and eosin, or by Heidenhain’s iron-hematoxylin method, one readily sees large numbers of ducts of various sizes and numerous “ clear areas”’ in more or less intimate rela- tion to the ducts. It is noteworthy that it is much more difficult to see these structures in preparations fixed in Flemming’s fluid and stained with iron-hematoxylin, and by this method the “ clear areas ” are often as deeply tinted as the zymogenous tissue, and even sometimes more deeply.! The result in this respect varies somewhat according to the degree of differentiation in the iron-alum solution. The larger and medium-sized ducts have a fibrous coat of consider- able but varying thickness, and are lined with a layer of columnar cells of unequal height,? and having large oval nuclei. In the large ducts the outlines of the epithelium cells are not so distinct as in the smaller. The protoplasm has a homogeneous, “ ground-glass ” appearance. The smaller ducts (see Fig. 1) can usually be seen to consist roughly of two layers of cells, and, occasionally, for a part of the circumference, of three or more. But the cells appear often irregu- larly disposed and it is difficult to distinguish definitely the two rows. There is frequently little or no difference between the different cells forming the walls of the small ducts, though sometimes one can see here and there individual more darkly stained cells in the outer layer, 1Compare with what has been said on the subject of the Ophidians (Supra), 1 Laguesse refers to this appearance and quotes several other authors on the subject. Some of these attribute a definitely secretory function to the epithelium cells of the larger ducts. Sec IV., 1907. 17. 280 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA and frequently the protoplasm of the cells adjoining the lumen is more deeply stained than in those of the outer row. (See Fig. 1.) In addition to the ducts there are small solid columns of cells surrounded and separated from each other by delicate strands of con- nective tissue. These may frequently be seen to be continuous with the outer cells of the smaller ducts (see Fig. 2), which, however, is drawn from Mustelus laevis. Several ducts of varying sizes are often seen close together in more or less compact groups (Fig. 2). These, as pointed out by Laguesse, are in reality separate ductules, and not one and the same cut in various parts of its devious course, as was originally surmised by Diamare. It is not easy to verify the statement of Laguesse that the “ areas ” are endowed with a rich capillary supply, as is the case in the islets of higher animals. In many of our specimens, it is true, one can see a larger number of capillaries in the areas than in the zymo- genous tissue, but this we should naturally expect, on account of the larger amount of connective tissue in the neighbourhood of the ducts. In specimens fixed in corrosive sublimate and stained in the Ehrlich-Biondi mixture, the second variety of cell in the outer row of the ducts is shown red owing to the staining of very fine granules with the acid-fuchsin. In some cases there is no distinct difference in stain- ing reaction between the inner and outer rows of duct cells: In some of the cells of the smaller ducts a finely granular appearance can be detected. There are also occasional cells of a much larger size than the average. In Flemming and iron-hæmatoxvlin preparations the small ducts frequently appear of a general darker tint than the zymogenous tubules, ewing to the deep tint of the darkly staining cells above referred to in the outer, second, row. In some parts of the preparations the zymogenous cells are vacuo- lated and devoid of granules, while in other parts the latter are beau- tifully preserved. Mustelus laevis. clear In this species the appearance of the larger ducts resembles that of corresponding structures in Scyllinm canicula, except that the columnar cells are not uneven but present a regular circular outline to the lumen. The smaller ducts present two layers of cells and sometimes even traces of a third layer (see Fig. 2d). The cells of the internal layer are small, while the nuclei are comparatively large, so that there is very little cytoplasm visible (Fig. 2 d). This last is darkly stained with eosin. The nuclei of this row present a curious, crowded, over-lapping [VINCENT & THOMPSON] THE ISLETS OF LANGERHANS 281 appearance. ‘As pointed out by Laguesse, they are resistent to the injurious effects of the fixing agents and so are well-preserved. The outer row consists of two cells, for the most part faintly stained and vacuolated (see Fig. 2d). They are frequently shrunken into a sub-globular form. Two kinds of cells are readily distinguish- able in this layer. The greater number are of the variety just men- tioned, while others are better preserved and stained more deeply, owing to the presence of very fine granules. (See Fig. 2 in the lower right hand part d). The cells are irregularly cubical, polyhedral or prisma- tic in form. In Flemming and iron-hematoxylin preparations, the outer row of cells appear generally darker than the inner row. This corresponds with what Helly describes in the same species, the outer row being called by him “ Langerhans’ cells.” The cells of the islets are occasionally vacuolated and have here and there darker cells scattered among them (see Fig. 2 i). In addition to these elements, several elongated oval nuclei can be seen which appear to belong to cells of the type of those of the inner layer, which are squeezed in between cells of the outer layer. As in Scyllium, and even more abundantly, we find solid masses of cells in the neighbourhood of the ductules (Fig. 2 i). These consist of cells of the same kind as those in the outer layer of the duct epithelium. Several of these cells are shrunken within the delicate wall of connective tissue which surrounds and separates them. These do not differ in any important respect from the corresponding structures in Scyllium. Some of them have a shreddy reticular appearance. Among them are some examples of the second kind of cell of the outer layer of the duct, viz., those whose cytoplasm is well preserved and takes on a dark stain. (See Fig. 2 1.) There is a large amount of adenoid or splenic tissue in the pancreas of mustelus (see Fig. 2, ad.). The intimate relation between duct and secreting cavity is of such a nature that it is not always possible to draw any hard and fast line between the individual cells of the two structures. This has been pointed out by Laguesse in the case of the ophidians and the teleostean fishes. The developmental and structural relationship between ductules and “clear areas,” or islets in elasmobranchs has been fully recognized by Diamare, Laguesse, Helly and other observers. The work of Laguesse, Dale, and ourselves upon the islets of various groups of vertebrates has shown a similar relationship between islets and zymo- genous tubules. In elasmobranchs, and especially in mustelus, we see exemplified in a very interesting manner a primitive state of affairs in 282 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA which ductule, islet and zymogenous tubule reveal themselves as por- tions, variably modified, of the same morphological entity. Thus, the connection between “clear areas” or islets and ductules is obvious, or at any rate, very readily perceived, as pointed out above. The external layer of cells of the ductules form the primitive islets. The ductules can be seen to be gradually merged into the zymogenous tubules and occasionally typical zymogenous cells can be seen scattered among the cells of the ductules. Further, transitions are frequent here, as in the higher vertebrates, between the clear islets and the zymogenous ¢ells. These transitions occur naturally in the region where ductule with its masses of islet cells is becoming continuous with or merged into the zymogenous tubule. It is possible that the clear areas in elasmobranchs are strictly homologous with Laguesse’s primary islets. This would account for their comparative inconstancy. In some specimens they appear, in fact, to have disappeared, as do the original primary islets in mammals. Acanthias vulgaris. The most striking characteristic of the specimens of Acanthias we have examined is the very large proportion of splenic or hemolymph tissue which they present. The same general appearance as regards ductules and islets are presented as in other elasmobranchs. In this species, however, the abundant capillary supply to the clear areas is more obvious. Rhina squatina. Our material derived from this species has yielded remarkably beautiful preparations. In marked contrast with other elasmobranchs some of the smaller ductules show only a single row of columnar epithe- lium cells. Others, however, have a double row. As in other carti- laginous fishes the ductules and “clear areas” are more readily seen in preparations fixed in corrosive sublimate and stained with hematoxy- lin and eosin, than in Flemming preparations, though in the case of the latter the details are often weil brought out (see Figs. 3 and 4). In the ductules with the double row of celis some of the outer row stain deeply as in other elasmobranchs. Still others are apparently transitions to zymogenous cells. In this species also as in mustelus we can occasionally detect transitions between the clear areas (islets) out- side the ductules and the zymogenous tubules (see Fig. 3). In some cases certain of the cells in a zymogenous tubule are of the islet type (Fig. 4). [VINCENT & THOMPSON] THE ISLETS OF LANGERHANS 283 Many of the light islets are distinctly marked out by their wide capillary network (Figs. 3 and 4, cap. bld. c) in the peripheral zone, and by the absence of zymogenous granules. A large number of the islets, and a distinctly larger proportion than is common in other elas- mobranchs, appear to be independent of, or, at any rate, separated from the ductules. In some preparations (Flemming’s fluid and iron-hæmatoxylin) the islets and ductules stand out fairly prominently (Fig. 4), but the former are of a mean darker tint than that of the zymogenous tubules, with the exception of the zymogenous granules themselves which appear -almost jet black (See Fig. 4, zym. gran.). The islets brought out in this way (Fig. 4 i) very strongly resemble the corresponding structures in the ophidians (q. v.). They consist of solid masses of irregular, spindle-shaped, polyhedral, or ovoidal cells, whose nuclei are larger than those of the surrounding zymogenous tissue and whose protoplasm is stained a pinkish sepia colour (Fig. 47). This last is almost homo- geneous in appearance, or dotted with exceedingly fine granules. Some cells are stained more deeply than others. (Fig. 4 i.) _ Many of the islets, as above stated, do not show the same intimate relationship to ductules as is the case in other elasmobranchs. The islets in Rhina squatina, indeed, more strongly resemble the islets of higher vertebrates than do those in any other kind of cartilaginous fish we have examined. They have diverged further from the primitive type. Some capillaries are seen to penetrate the interior of the larger, more solid islets. (See Fig. 3, cap, bld. c.) The double row of cells in the ducts is not so common as, ¢.g., in scyllium and other species. Perhaps the most beautiful islet picture is shown in Flemming and safranin preparations and reveals a higher type of islet than in other species we have examined (see Fig. 3 i). It is subdivided into imperfect lobules by a rich capillary plexus (Fig. 3, cap., bid. c). In Flemming and safranin, just as in Flemming and iron-hemat- oxylin preparations we obtain a more uniform tint of the protoplasm in islet than in zymogenous tissue (Fig. 3, i). Some of the islets consist almost entirely of the darkly-staining cells, others are largely made up of the lightly-staining cells. These last most closely resemble the islets of higher vertebrata (see Fig 3 i). In this species, as in Mustelus iaevis, in Flemming preparations one frequently sees the duct epithelium stained lightly and the islet cells darkly (Fig.4 d, i). There appear to be several varieties of cells in the islets of Rhina squatina and some of these appear to be transitional 284 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA forms between the zymogenous and the islet element (see Figs. 3, 4 i). The islets as also the zymogenous tubules are outlined by a very definite membrana propria (see Figs. 3 and 4). Raja clavata. In this species we have to rely only on material fixed in Flemming’s fluid. The light islets are not very obvious, though ductules are not infrequent in our sections, and these consist, as in other species of elasmobranch fishes, of several rows of cells. In some of the smaller ducts there are two rows of cells, the outer row consisting of larger elements than the inner. Some of the outer cells have a homogeneous steel-blue tint (iron-hæmatoxylin preparations). Still others are very deeply stained by this method; giving rise to an appearance very like that described in the case of Rhina squatina (q. v.). There are occa- sional islets of the same character as those described for Rhina, separate from the ducts but near them. These are well seen in safranin slides and show an abundant capillary supply. Raja circularis. Our material was fixed in corrosive sublimate. When the pre- parations are stained with hematoxylin and eosin we readily see ducts with two rows of cells, as in scyllium, but not so numerous. There are also some few separate islets consisting of cells of the same char- acter as those in the outer row of the ducts. These are usually in close proximity to the ducts, but may be at some distance from them. NOTE ON BATHYCHROME TISSUE. In our previous communications’ we described certain striking appearances, hitherto unnoticed, in the vertebrate pancreas, under the name of “bathychrome tissue,” represented in mammals for the most part by small groups of cells or even solitary elements scattered throughout the secreting alveoli. In birds, reptiles, and amphibians in addition to the “leptochrome” islets, or islets of Langerhans, there appear to be solid masses of cells of a different character. These stain very deeply with most ordinary staining reagents and are specially marked after fixing with Flemming’s fluid. ‘They constitute the “bathychrome ” tissue in these animals (see illustration to former paper*). In an appendix we expressed some doubt as to the signifi- 3 Loc cit. 2? Loc cit. [VINCENT & THOMPSON] THE ISLETS OF LANGERHANS 285 cance of the appearances described. We have at the present time little to add to the discussion of the subject there offered. In elasmobranch fishes the same dark columns and patches are strikingly visible, but do not present any features which throw light on their actual nature. The inconstancy of the “bathychrome ” appearance in birds sug- gested that this might be due to differing physiological conditions. We therefore considered it necessary to re-investigate-the effects of inanition in the pigeon, and we have found, speaking generally, that the appear- ences we have described as “‘ bathychrome” are more common in this condition than in the normal bird. Incidentally, too, this has enabled us to confirm, in the case of the pigeon, our previous observations as to the effects of inanition in the direction of increase of the islets of Langerhans, and to add to them the statement that this increase is most marked in a region near the posterior end of the dorsal pancreas. The most striking difference between our sections of inanition and normal gland is that in the normal the alveoli are plump and are dis- tinctly seen to be separated from each other by lavers of connective tissue; whereas in the pancreas, after inanition, the alveoli are less distinctly outlined, the whole picture is blurred, and all the elements faintly stained. In many regions there is no distinct increase in the islet tissue (meaning by this typical islet of Langerhans), but in the gland, after inanition, is seen a curious blotchy or mottled appearance. This is due to the fact that some parts of the tissue have lost their staining power to a greater extent than others. It has occurred to us that these are an expression of the same changes as result in the formation of new islets. The lighter patches seem to have become more definite as we proceed from ventral to dorsal pancreas, and from anterior to posterior end of the gland, until in the region near the posterior end of the dorsal pancreas the pale patches are represented by large definite islets of Langerhans. These islets give abundant evidence of their relation to the zymogenous tissue and all forms of transitions are common. 286 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES. Lettering common to all the figures. ad. = adenoid tissue. bld. c. = red blood corpuscles. cap. = blood capillaries. a —s0uct: i. = islet of Langerhans. 1. = lumen. trans. c. = transitional cells. Zym. zymogenous tissue. ll zym. gran. zymogenous granules. Fic. 1. A small duct surrounded by zymogenous tissue from the middle region of the pancreas of Scyllium canicula. The ductule is seen to consist of two layers of cells, as described in the text. The material was fixed in a saturated solution of corrosive sublimate and stained with hematoxylin and eosin. As seen under Leitz, Oc. 4. Obj. 7. Cam. luc. Reduced to % of the original size. Fic. 2. The section shows three small ducts, a quantity of adenoid tissue, and “clear areas” (Islets of Langerhans). Taken from the pos- terior region of the pancreas of Mustelus laevis. The two layers of cells in the ducts are very clearly shown, and the outer row can be seen to be directly continuous with the islet tissue. Some of the cells of the outer row are stained more deeply than others. The material was fixed in corrosive sublimate and stained with hematoxylin and eosin. As seen under Leitz, Oc. 4. Obj. 4. Cam. luc. Reduced to % of the original size. Fic 3. An islet from the middle region of the pancreas of #&hina squatina. The large, irregular cells of the islet are seen surrounded by zymogenous tissue whose granules are beautifully stained. The material was fixed in Flemming’s fluid and stained with safranin. As seen under Leitz. Oc. 4. Obj. 7. Cam. luc. Reduced to % of the original size. Fic. 4. Shows several small ducts and islets surrounded by zymogenous tissue, from the posterior region of the pancreas of Rhina squatina. Here and there the islet cells are seen encroaching upon and replacing the zymogenous elements of the tubules. The material was fixed in Flemming’s fluid and stained by Heidenhain’s iron- hematoxylin method. As seen under Leitz. Oc. 4. Obj. 7. Cam. luc. Reduced to % of the original size. VINCENT & THOMPSON] ISLETS OF LANGERHANS PR Bld. c. gym, gran. d.— Fig. 1 Er = FM. = F. D. THOMPSON, PINX VINCENT & THOMPSON] ISLETS OF LANGERHANS FVIN. L' FAN. D _ Gym gran. FIM LV AN .-— "#8 om. gran. Sym, £ran. CC Etre D — 2. =a, ie d. cap. —~ gym. qm. gran. —— F. D. THOMPSON, PINX Secrion IV., 1907. [287 ] _Trans. R. 8. C. XIX.—A Report on Fossil Plants from the International Boundary Survey for 1903-05, collected by Dr. R. A. Daly. By D. P. PENHALLOw, D.Sc., F.G.S.A. (Read May 15th, 1907.) In the spring of 1903 I received from Dr. R. A. Daly, of the Department of the Interior, a small collection of plants from the region of the International Boundary in British Columbia, as derived from a very rapid reconnaisance. This material was reported upon tentatively in May of the same year, and though much of it was of such an imper- fect nature as to render final conclusions impossible, it was nevertheless of a very suggestive character, and it not only yielded some new species, but it permitted of provisional conclusions as to the ages of the several deposits represented. In the autumn of 1905, Dr. Daly forwarded to me a larger col- lection, embracing material of a much more definite character, and derived not only from the same, but from other localities in the same general region. This material was found to confirm many of the provisional conclusions derived from the previous collection; to add several new species to our knowledge of the flora of that section, and to afford very definite information as to the age of the deposits. It is thus found to be desirable to combine these two collections in the present report. As all the specimens were designated by numbers representative of special localities, these numbers may be used in the present instance for convenience of reference; but the individual speci- mens of each group will also be further designated by the use of subordinate letters or numbers which will be found upon the label of each specimen described, and in this way the identity may be fully established, and reference to the type facilitated. GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE MATERIAL AND ITS SOURCE. No. 250 of 1903 and 1905.—The two collections under this number represent identical localities. Dr. Daly states that they were obtained from a shallow gulch east of a bridge over Kettle river, six miles up the stream from the town of Midway. “The formation is a series of gray sandstone layers; this is one of the isolated patches of so-called Tertiary noted by Dawson in his description of the interior of British Columbia,” and on the map of the Geological Survey it is marked as of Miocene age. “It is cut by basaltic and andesitic dikes, and is 288 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA overlain by flows and tuffs'of the same eruptive material. The gen- eral dip is 35 degrees to the southeast, but in the lower part of the gulch it rises to 75 degrees in the same direction. The whole group of sandstones and lavas has been faulted and folded.” The specimens from the first collection embraced various fragments of leaves in a very imperfect state of preservation, from which no very definite conclusions could be drawn. ‘There were also two specimens of calcified wood which were found to be new. In 1905, the collections were found to include fragments of fruit, leaves and stems of limited value; but they were chiefly remarkable for the large number of calci- fied fragments of wood, most of which showed a fine state of preserv- ation. Two of these proved to be identical with previously recognized species, while two were entirely new. Numbers 1001 and 1007 of the 1905 collection are reported by Dr. Daly as having been collected on the Kettle river, a few miles north of the International Boundary, and from a locality near to No. 250. In all three of these cases the general formation and the character of the specimens shows clearly that they are of the same age. Number 271 of the 1903 collection represents the north side of the cañon wall of Rock Creek, an affluent of the Kettle river, about six miles west of No. 250, and, therefore, within an area usually designated as Miocene; and according to Dr. Daly, the rocks are undoubtedly of the same age as those of No. 250. They consist of gray sandstones, freestones and light and dark gray, papery shales. The dip is 20 degrees due north. These beds overlie a coarse conglomerate which is associated with coarse arkose overlying its parent rock, a coarse granite. They are cut by basic dikes and by a laccolith-like mass of porphyry. The very few specimens obtained from this locality are all undoubtedly of rather recent age, and in their general character they tend to confirm the relations otherwise indicated as existing between them and Nos. 250, 1001 and 1007. The state of preservation is nevertheless very poor, and they give very little reliable information as to the precise nature of the species. Previous collections from British Columbia have shown the exist- ence there of Tertiary plants, and in particular, Sir William Dawson described a number of specimens from the Similkameen valley which he assigned to the Upper Eocene (10). As the locality is in somewhat close proximity (about sixty miles west) to the one under discussion, it is possible that they are of the same horizon, and they must therefore be considered together in future discussions. Number 1433 of the 1905 collections embraces a number of frag- ments of leaves and stems of an undeterminable character, and while [PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 289 they fall within the same general region as 1430—1436, and are pre- sumably of the same age, they offer no reliable evidence to this effect. Number 1430 of the 1905 collection is by far the most important numerically, as well as with respect to the number of recognizable species. These specimens not only include previously described species, but they also present several new ones, and on the whole, they constitute the keynote for the four related localities. Numbers 1428, 1430, 1433 and 1436 of the 1905 collections were taken from a large area of what has always been regarded as Lower Cretaceous, occurring at the Boundary (49th parallel) Line, at a point between the Pasayten and Skagit rivers, within an area which is indi- cated on the Geological map as Cretaceous. “There seem to ve at least 28,000 feet of this series altogether, and it appears to correlate with the Shasta-Chico Series.” An important aspect of Nos. 1428 and 1430 is to be found in their relative ages as well as to whether they are really Cretaceous. In this connection Dr. Daly observes that “the beds bounding them dip under ammonite-bearing beds of Creta- ceous age, but it is possible that they are younger and have been faulted down into that attitude.” 1428 is a locality of exceptional interest, since it has yielded some of the most perfectly preserved specimens of the entire collection, and it embraces at least one new species of fern which has great value as an index of geological age. There are also a number of poorly pre- served forms which, by comparison with determinable ones, may be correlated with certain doubtful forms observed in the collection of 1903, with respect to which the provisional conclusions formerly reached are now fully confirmed. 1436 also represents fragments of stems or leaves of a very doubtful character, but again, by comparison, it is possible to correlate them with recognized species. Number 471 of the 1903 collection “ comes from a series of black, shaley beds, associated with sandy strata, dipping 35 degrees due east en the eastern slope of Sheep Creek valley just southeast of Rossland. The fossils came out of bands immediately above the Red Mountain Railroad track. The whole series seems to be made up of assorted (water-laid) ash beds and tuffaceous deposits. These are overlain by coarse agglomerates, which compose much of the great volcanic group of rocks surrounding Rossland, and in which the copper-gold ores are largely found.” Locality 471 is about one hundred and twenty miles east of 1428 and 1436, being near Rossland, while the latter are on the summit of the Cascade Mountains. The specimens from 471 consist entirely of 290 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA a number of pyritized fragments of leaves which show little evidence that can be utilized for purposes of identification. The locality is an entirely isolated one, but by close coinparison of the specimens with those from the more western localities, it is possible to draw the con- clusion that there is essential identity with specimens from 1428, and that 1428, 1430, 1433, 1436 and 471 are all of the same age, questions of the precise horizon within these limits to be determined in the fol- lowing discussion. A review of all the material embraced in the two collections, shows that it falls into two well defined periods—Cretaceous and Tertiary, and it is most gratifying to find in this connection that the tentative conclusions based upon the very imperfect material of the 1903 collec- tion have been fully sustained by our later studies. DESCRIPTION OF THE SPECIMENS. TERTIARY. — PICEA COLUMBIENSIS, n. sp. 2 This plant is represented by two parts — fragments of stems and cones. The cone (250) is represented by a single, but beautifully 2 preserved cast (Plate I), from which the following characters may be drawn :— Cone narrowly ovate or conical, 2.3 x 5 em.; the seales 0.6 x 1.1 em., the margins conspicuously but finely dentate. The fragments of stem are obviously from the terminal portions of branches of some coniferous trees, and from the character of the leaf scars, they are to be referred to the genus Picea. While these branches are not connected with the cones in any way, nor do they even occur in the same blocks of matrix, nevertheless they are from the same beds, and in the absence of any other representative of the genus, it is probably justifiable to conclude that they are of the same species and will be so considered. The plant here represented has no living relative with which it may be compared, but the general aspect and structure of the cone would seem to place it without doubt, among the red spruces to the cones of which it bears a strong resemblance with respect to general form and the character of the scales, though the dentate margins of the latter at first suggest affinity with P. nigra. Among the fossil representatives of this genus, all the recognized species are of Tertiary age and very few in number. The majority [PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 291 are known through their wood and have been derived from the Pleisto- cene, but Knowlton (33) has described a species from Kukak Bay, Alaska, under the name of P. harrimani. This is the only North ‘American species which has so far been recognized through its cones only, and an inspection of the figures given shows it to be of a totally different type, approximating, according to Dr. Knowlton, to the exist- ing Alaska spruce — P. sitchensis. The age of this tree is given as Upper Eocene. 250 1007 Tb. & 3b, 4, 6b. This species is one of those problematical forms, concerning which it seems extremely difficult to obtain sufficiently comprehensive data to admit of a fully reliable diagnosis which will establish its character beyond doubt. All the specimens so far figured,, represent fragments only, and so poorly preserved as to make adequate description impos- sible. So far as may be judged from the figures given at various times, as well as the material which has passed through my hands, the leaf seems to have been a somewhat delicate one, in consequence of which the essential characters have been but poorly preserved. That it was a monocotyledon of some sort is quite evident, but it will not be possible to place it more exactly until more perfect material is found, and the name commonly assigned on the basis of Lesquereux’s original determination must be viewed as wholly provisional. As presented to us in the present collections, this plant appears from two different localities, although representing the same geological horizon — 250 and 1007. The specimens show the plant in somewhat different conditions of preservation, but with a certain constancy of characters which permit of coordination. They are always more or less distinctly rugose, sometimes also with transverse wrinkles. They some- times appear without any evidence of venation, while in other instances they show a pronounced indication of a strong, central nerve or midrib. They are among the forms which are entirely new to the region under consideration, but they are recognized components of the Green River Group of Randolph’s County, Coiorado (42). The specimens now in hand are fragments 8-9 an. long and 2.6 em. wide; much altered by decay, but showing imperfectly, a rather fine, parallel venation and marked evidences of a strong, central mid- rib which, however, is not infrequently wanting in the narrower speci- mens. There is also, frequently, a strong transverse wrinkling due to longitudinal displacement. of 1905 CYPERACITES HAYDENII, Lesq. 292 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Our specimens present a somewhat strong resemblance to the some- what recently described Anomalophyllites bridgetonensis of Hollick, from the Yellow Gravels of Miocene age at Bridgeton, N.J. (32). This is a problematical form which Dr. Hollick has referred to Anomalo- phyllites as probably representing its nearest affinity, but it is difficult for me to make any precise distinction between it and Cyperacites according to the accepted definition of that genus. As a provisional reference, perhaps it is of little consequence which genus is given the preference. Our material seems to differ from Hollick’s A. bridge- tonensis in being much narrower, and in having a much shorter and more slender petiole, differences which are specific rather than generic, while they may also, possibly, represent accidental differences in imper- fectly preserved material. 250 271 oscil. (pow So A number of poorly preserved fragments of leaves, the exceedingly fragmentary condition and imperfect structural markings of which make specific reference of doubtful value. But provisionally, at least, it would seem that they must be assigned to Cyperacites. 280 op 1905, The specimens included under this number are exceedingly pro- blematical. They represent fragments of endogenous leaves which are not complete either as to their length or breadth, base or apex. It is, therefore, impossible to reach final conclusions respecting them. They show, however, a parallel venation, a regular plication (?) or series of rounded ridges distant at rather regular intervals of 4 mm. No other structural details are recognizable. Precisely the same plant ap- peared in the collection of 1903 under the number 230: The external appearance of these remains at once suggests the structure of Calamites radiatus of Heer, but there are two very substantial objections to considering the existence of such a relationship, because (1) it has not been possible to determine the presence of the characteristic joints of that species, although certain lines of fracture due to longitudinal compression, have suggested to some observers to whose attention they were directed, their identity with such joints; and (2) Calamites radia- tus is a Carboniferous type, with which it would be impossible to correlate our present specimens, which are unquestionably of more recent origin. There is, likewise, no point of comparison with Heer’s Caulinites, which {PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 293 is of Mesozoic age, nor with any of the various species of Sabal, which have been described as occurring in the Cretaceous and Tertiary. Under these circumstances, it seems altogether probable that the various ridges are not original features of the organ, but that they have been produced by certain conditions of preservation, and that their regular occurrence at stated intervals is only an expression of the location of the principal nerves or veins. On the basis of this interpretation we must conclude that these fragments cannot be definitely separated from those repre- senting Cyperacites haydenii, with which they must therefore be regarded as identical. This conclusion also gains strength from the 271 1, 23.3 a character as to readily show how the one passes into the other by vary- ing conditions of preservation. circumstance that specimens present intermediate forms of such 271 250 : : : of 1903 and aa Cc “a. of the previous report incorrectly given). 4, 1U CYPERACITES, sp. Various fragments of an endogenous leaf, which it has been cus- tomary to refer to the genus Cyperacites without any specific designation, because the details of form and structure are usually so altered as to make identification impossible. No. 4, nevertheless shows the details of the venation much more perfectly than is commonly the case. The whole fragment is 1.5 em. broad and 8.2 cm. long. The very prominent and parallel venation is found to show about 9 veins to the cm., but this is only approximate, since it is found that owing to a collapse of the general structure, some veins are much nearer than others. Their normal interval would seem to be about 1 mm. In specimens 1007 3a. & 6a fall under the same generic designation. Remains of this character are of very common occurrence through- out the Tertiary, and Dawson (5) has even recorded under this name, a specimen which he describes as “A slender. grass-like stem with linear, finely striate leaves, alternately disposed and not proceeding from enlarged joints.” In his account of the Flora of the John Day Basin in Oregon, the horizon of which is regarded as Upper Miocene, Knowlton (34) records the occurrence of a stem showing parallel vena- tion, the whole specimen corresponding in all its details to that which has been described from the 1903 collection under number ae , precisely the same forms recur, and they must be held to 294 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA 250 271 4 7 of 1903 (= 7 38 previously reported under wrong number). These specimens embrace, in addition to fragments of Cyperacites haydenii, as already discussed, one fragment of a Cyperacites of unknown species, which must be referred provisionally to the group embraced in ae etc. In addition there are a large number of fragments of seeds and leaves of an undeterminable character, but which may belong here. 250 of 1903 UNDETERMINABLE. 8 Two fragments of small stems or leaves, a few cm. long by a few mm. wide. There is no evidence whatever of structure, and it is impos- sible to satisfactorily correlate them with any known forms. 250 Fe of 1903 FERN STIPES. A single specimen, representing a portion of a branching stem which exhibits no detailed structural features, but has all the external aspects of a portion of a fern stipe bearing the basal portion of the rachis of ene of the pinnæ. As such, the specimen has no stratigraphical value, since the species or genus cannot be determined; but it is highly prob- able that it is identical with a sents fragments of stems only two or three centimetres long, mingled with fragments of leaves. of the same collection, which repre- 250 oF 1905 BETULA, sp. C Under this number are included isolated specimens about 1 cm. long by 0.5 cm. wide, evidently the remains of a fruit of some sort. A careful inspection shows it to be made up of a series of closely packed scales which make it an oblong cone closely comparable with the cone of Betula, to which it is provisionally referred. = of 1903 PINUS COLUMBIANA, D. sp. a Among the collections of 1903 were two fragments of calcified wood, both of which represent the same species. The larger specimen was a fragment of a good sized but flattened branch, measuring about 10 cm. in length, 9 em. in breadth and 2.8 cm. in thickness. The structure was well preserved and admitted of determination without much difficulty, although decay and alteration by crushing had obliter- ated and destroyed some of the structural features. There was no difficulty in recognizing the wood as representative of a hard pine, but [PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 295 it was impossible to identify it with any previously recognized fossil type, or with any existing species, although it is of interest to find that it is a hard pine of the general type of P. glabra, to which it some- what closely approximates, but from which it differs materially in the structure of the medullary ray. In the collections of 1905, from the same locality, precisely the same wood was once more brought under my notice, being recognized under the designation = . This more recent material, however, has been found to be in a much better state of preservation, conditions of decay not having progressed so far as in the previous case, and it therefore served to complete the diagnosis with respect to several important characters which were either wholly wanting in the previous material, or imperfectly presented. There is no record of the wood of Pinus having been found in the same horizon in North America, though Knowlton has described two species from the Laramie of the Vellowstone National Park, under the names of Pityoxylon aldersoni and P. amethystinum (35) Bo- tween these and the present specimens, however, there are no points of resemblance. The diagnosis for the present species is as follows :— PINUS COLUMBIANA, n. sp. Plates III and IV. T'ransverse.—Growth rings variable though generally very broad in the large stems. Spring wood usually predominant, the transition to the summer wood gradual, but in the narrow rings more or less abrupt and sometimes conspicuously so; the tracheids large, thick-walled and often cons- picuously so, definitely rounded, often radially oval, chiefly uniform, more or less equal, in regular radial rows. Summer wood con- spicuous, dense and often thin. The structure as a whole is that of a rather dense wood of medium hardness. Medullary rays prominent, not very numerous, resinous and distant upwards of 9 or more rarely 15 rows of tracheids. Resin passages conspicuous, rather large and scattering throughout the growth ‘ring, the parenchyma cells large, thin-walled and in two rows, or forming large, irregular tracts up- wards of 6-9 tracheids wide; resinous; thyloses not obvious. Radial.—Medullary rays resinous; the tracheids rather numerous, marginal and interspersed, not obviously predominant, very variable and often as high as or higher than long, sparingly dentate’; the parenchyma cells all of one kind and rather thin-walled, straight and equal to about 4 wood tracheids, the upper and lower walls strongly pitted, the terminal walls straight or diagonal and apparently not pitted, the lateral walls with simple, round or lenticular pits of medium size, 2-4, chiefly 2 per tracheid. Bordered pits on the tangential walls of the summer 1 Possibly due to conditions of decay. See. IV., 1907. 18. 296 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA tracheids small and not numerous, those on the radial walls rather large, round, or oval in one compact row, and generally numerous. Tangential.—Fusiform rays rather numerous, short, the broad central tract with thin-walled parenchyma chiefly broken out: the unequal terminals com- posed of broad, oval cells chiefly in one row. Ordinary rays low to medium, uniseriate, not materially contracted by the interspersed tracheids; the parenchyma cells somewhat unequal and variable from oblong (in the summer wood) to broad and oval or round (in the spring wood). 1007 In the collections of 1905, under number Sa ? there were two impressions of cones which obviously represent a species of pine (PI. IT). They are entirely free from associated foliage or other portions of the tree by means of which they might be more fully determined and corre- lated with known specis. Although somewhat distorted by displacement of their matrix, their essential characters are fairly well preserved and may be described as follows :— Cones narrowly ovate or oblong ovate; the scales upwards of 1.1 em. broad and 3 mm. ‘thick at the upper ends, strongly and transversely keeled and ter- minating in depressed, round or transversely elongated umbos without (?) prickles. From the above description it is quite clear that the cones represent a hard pine, and upon careful comparison with the excellent figures and descriptions given by Sargent (55), it becomes apparent that they are most directly comparable with P. glabra among existing species. Although the two localities for the stem and cones are not iden- tical, they represent the same horizon, and probably the same deposits, so that in view of the essential relationship established above, it is probably justifiable to consider that both cones and wood represent the same species. This view is strengthened by the fact that indepen- dent determinations brought the two to substantially the same species. 250 LU CUPRESSOXYLON MACROCARPOIDES, Penh. In 1904 I described a new wood, found among the undescribed specimens in the Peter Redpath Museum, under the name of Cupress- oxylon macrocarpoides (47), because of its striking resemblance to the existing Cupressus macrocarpa, with which it is possible it should be fully identified under the same name, but of which it is to be regarded as the ancestral form in any event. These woods were all recorded as from the Cretaceous formation near Medicine Hat, Alberta, the precise locality being Twenty-Mile Creek. In the 1905 collection from the Kettle river, large numbers of specimens representative of this tree were again met with, and in the PENHALLOW | A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 297 main, they are much better preserved. That this genus has already been recognized as an element of both the Cretaceous and Tertiary floras, has béen shown on former occasions, and especially by the occur- rence of C. dawsoni, Penh., in the Eocene of the Great Valley and Porcupine Creek Groups, as well as in the Cretaceous of the South Saskatchewan, near Medicine Hat (47). This extended geological range is quite in harmony with the idea that the genus as a whole is an old one, and that the present species is ancestral to, if not in all respects identical with the existing C. macrocarpa. = ULMUS PROTORACEMOSA, 0. sp. Plates IV-VI This plant is represented by a single specimen of calcified wood, the structure of which is fairly well preserved, chiefly with respect to the transverse section. In the longitudinal sections the structure is so altered that many of the essential details cannot be determined, and the final diagnosis must be deferred until such time as more ample and more perfectly preserved material renders it possible to draw it accurately. The provisional diagnosis nevertheless shows this wood to be that of an elm. While the wood of this genus is not known in horizons earlier than the Pleistocene, in which formation both U. americana and U. racemosa are well recognized types, the present material affords the first definite knowledge of the woody structure of a genus in formations where its leaves have been known for some time. Among existing species this wood is probably most nearly comparable with U. race- mosa — a species which exhibits great structural variation along lines essentially parallel with those shown in the present case. From the details of structure available, it is perhaps not unsafe to assert that the resemblance is so close as to justify regarding the fossil as the prototype of that species, and it is therefore named with reference to this fact. The diagnosis so far as obtained is as follows :— ULMUS PROTORACEMOSA, n. sp. Transverse.—Growth rings very variable and with no obvious distinction of spring and summer wood; in stems of rapid growth very broad and showing a gradation of vessels and wood parenchyma; in stems of slow growth very narrow and more variable.. Structure rather dense in the greater portion of the ring; the wood cells medium, rather thick- walled. Vessels of the spring wood medium, not very large, radially oval or oblong and often so disposed as to be radially 2 seriate but without thyloses; forming about 12-14 the thickness of the ring and abruptly replaced by small vessels and wood parenchyma forming 298 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA small to medium tracts which are more or less distant and constantly diminishing in size outwardly, sometimes forming diagonal or even tangential series, the contained vessels often lying in radial series of 2-4. Medullary rays poorly defined but rather numerous and several cells wide. Radial.—Medullary ray cells all of one kind, straight, rather thin-walled with no recognizable markings. Vessels short and broad, the radia] walls with multiseriate and chiefly hexagonal, bordered pits. Tangential Rays numerous, low and broad, upwards of 4 cells wide and never uniseriate. Vessels as in the radial section. 250 L © re of 1905. ULMUS PROTOAMERICANA, n. sp. Df Plate VII. 9 The specimens designated as a represent another species of Ulmus in a very perfect state of preservation which permits of drawing a diagnosis with completeness. Whatever doubts may attach to the preceding species with respect to its relation to existing forms, there seems to be little or no room for denying the relation of the present material to the existing American elm, of which it is undoubtedly the ancestral form. The most prominent respect in which it differs appears. to be in the rather broad zone of vessels in the spring wood, and the somewhat different form presented by the distribution of the wood parenchyma in the summer wood. Both of these features are of a variable character in the white elm and quite conformable to what is. found in the fossil. That both U. americana and U. racemosa should be represented in the same formation by equivalent forms, is in no way surprising when we recall their constant association in the Pleistocene and also in existing floras. There is therefore no reason why the prototypes of these familiar species should not be similarly associated in the early Tertiary. The diagnosis of this species is as follows :— ULMUS PROTOAMERICANA, n. SP. Transverse—Growth rings variable, often very narrow, with no obvious dis- tinction between spring and summer wood except through the location of the large vessels. Wood cells at first rather large and rather thin-walled, soon reduced and passing somewhat gradually into small, thick-walled cells at the outer limits of the growth ring, very variable: and unequal throughout, rarely disposed in radial rows, the structure dense. Vessels at first large and prominent, often with round or oval. transversely or more generally radially 2-3 seriate; forming a zone 14 to % the thickness of the growth ring and abruptly followed by smaller vessels with wood parenchyma which form tracts of variable extent, radially or transversely extended, or more or less coalescent so- as to form diagonal tracts or tangential zones of indefinite extent ;. [PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 299 the parenchyma elements within such tracts often conspicuously re- sinous. Medullary rays prominent, numerous, upwards of 4 cells wide, sparingly resinous. Radial.—Ray cells all of one kind, low and more or less contracted at the ends; the upper and lower walls thin and not pitted; the terminal walls sometimes thick and strongly pitted; the lateral walls without obvious pits. Vessels of the spring wood broad and short, 1% to2 times longer than broad, the radial walls with multiseriate, hexagonal pits with large, transversely oblong pores; the smaller vessels fibrous, but with similar construction, the pits often reduced to a single row; thyloses of the large vessels often strongly developed, but more or less strictly localized. Tangential—Rays numerous, medium, upwards of 4 cells wide; the small, rounded-hexagonal cells forming a dense structure. Vessels as in the radial section. 250 TLMUS COLUMBIAN = of 19033. ULMUS COLUMBIANA, D. sp. Plate VIII. Among the woods represented in the collections of 1903, was a specimen believed to be a new species of Rhamnacinium, and provision- ally referred to that genus under the number ae A more critical examination proves it to be an elm of a type not readily assignable to any known species. Its diagnosis is as follows :— Transverse.—Growth rings rather broad and well defined. Tracheids not very thick-walled, gradually passing into a thin and poorly defined limiting zone upwards of 8 tracheids thick. Medullary rays numer- ous, 1-4 cells wide, resinous, distant chiefly one but sometimes three rows of vessels. Vessels oval or round, more or less in radial rows, radially 1-5 seriate or sometimes tangentially 2 seriate; the larger vessels occupying a zone of variable width in the spring wood and often preceded by a series of smaller vessels, more or less abruptly diminishing and becoming more scattering toward the summer wood where they form more or less scattering groups or finally become merged with the wood parenchyma. Wood parenchyma very variable and often apparently wanting, but when prominent surrounding groups of vessels or forming isolated and commonly tangentially disposed tracts of variable size near the outer limits of the growth ring. Radial.—Vessels short and commonly broad, the hexagonal, multiseriate pits with transversely slit-like pores. Medullary rays numerous and medium to rather high, the cells all of one kind though often much shortened: the upper and lower walls rather thin, or in the short cells thick and much pitted: the lateral walls multiporous when contiguous to vessels. Vessels of the medullary sheath spiral and scalariform, the adjacent parenchyma filled with starch. Wood parenchyma cells about eight times longer than broad. 300 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Tangential—Rays of two kinds; the uniseriate rays low, inconspicuous, not numerous; the multiseriate rays numerous, resinous, lenticular, up- wards of 5 cells wide, the terminals not prolonged, the cells all of one kind and chiefly thin-walled. 1007 12 Of 1905. Exocrnous woop. UNDETERMINABLE. , A, This number represents two fragments of wood a few centimetres square. One is a separate fragment, carbonized throughout and evi- dently a piece of exogenous wood. ‘The other fragment, still adherent to the original matrix, is about 2-3 mm. thick, fully carbonized, and showing both growth rings and medullary rays. The material is too friable and too fully carbonized to make sections possible. 1007 55 8 of 1905. PHRAGMITES, sp. 1 Two fragmentary specimens of very imperfect leaves which cannot be referred to anything more definite than Phragmites. Aa of 1905. POTAMOGETON, Sp. Among the small fragments embedded in the general matrix of specimens from locality 1007, there were noticed several small, oval bodies, evidently of a composite character and very suggestive of the fruit of a Carex or one of the Naiadacew. Upon critical examination the conclusion was reached that they belonged to the latter family, of which Potamogeton was found to be the genus presenting the most favourable basis for comparison. From that point of view they were found to compare closely with such species as P. mysticus, P. confer- voides, P. obtusifolius, P. vaseyi, or P. diversifolius, being most directly related in point of size, form and variations with P. obtusifolius. The entire absence of foliage makes it impossible to correlate it any more definitely with existing species, and it is therefore unwise at present to assign any specific name. A review of the American history of this genus shows that on the whole, it has heretofore been recognized chiefly with respect to the Pleistocene formation, in which Penhallow (48, 49), and Dawson (6, 75) have recorded a number of species represented by their foliage. Knowlton (25) has similarly recorded the genus as occurring in the glacial deposits of West Virginia, but in all of these cases the plants found may be directly correlated with existing species. Lesquereux (42, 142, pl. xxili, f. 5—6) has recorded the existence of Potamo- geton in the Green River Group at Florissant, Colorado, where two species are recognized: the one, P. verticillatus, Lesq., being known by [PENHALLOW] : A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 301 its leaves only; the other, P. geniculatus, Al. Br., being known through both fruit and leaves. There is, therefore, no substantial reason for questioning the character of the fruits as described in the present instance. 1001 a of 1905, ULMUs, sp. An undeterminable species of elm, represented by a fragment of a leaf, showing nothing but venation, and probably referable to one of the woods of the same genus described. - 1001 > 0f1905. BETULA, sp. This specimen embraces three fruit bodies, two of which are but imperfectly represented, while the third shows a perfect, oval form, 4x8 mm., with well defined scales. It is a small cone, representing the fruit of Betula, possibly the same as 2 On the same slab are care various fragments of stems, more or less carbonized. These are several centimetres long and upwards of more than a centimetre in width. Their character cannot be determined, but they apparently represent small branches of some woody oxygen, possibly of Betula itself. eof 1905. TAXODIUM DISTICHUM. The only representative of this genus is to be found in a portion of the male inflorescence, about 4.7 cm. long. The central axis is rather stout and it bears several well-defined inflorescences, together with one or two which are detached. These latter show the character- istic features of the male flowers of Taxodium, as already recognized by Knowlton (34), in specimens derived from the Mascall Beds of the John Day Basin (U. Miocene) of Colorado. | CRETACEOUS. LEAVES OF ENDOGENS. The only specimen under number 1433 showed on one side, two small fragments of leaves which, from their obviously parallel venation, are to be regarded as belonging to some endogenous plant, the nature of which could not be determined. 302 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA PINUS, sp. On the opposite side of 1433 is a single leaf of a pine. The same leaves again appear in specimen == In ze there is a seed (Fig. 1) Fic. 1. Pinus sp. A seed, probably of a pine. x 4. which appears to be that of a pine, though the impression is not a very good one, and it may belong to the same species as the leaves just referred to. 1428 i GLEICHENIA GILBERT-THOMPSONI, Font. Plate IX. Among the collections of 1905 there were a large number of frag- ments of various sizes, from locality 1428, representing :the bipinnate frond of a fern. “ In a few. instances these were so large and complete as to permit of a ready recognition of all the essential characteristics. The description obtained from these latter is as follows :— Frond twice pinnate; the rachis upwards of 7 mm. broad: pinnæ 1.3 cm. distant and widely spreading at angles of 76°-90°, the latter apparently the result of displacement, upwards of more than 10 ecm. in length; the rachis 0.5 mm. broad and very slender, linear, 11 mm. broad at the base and above the middle gradually tapering toward the apex which is not shown; in the longest, 6 mm. broad at a distance of 10 cm. from the base. Pinnules crowded but not strictly contiguous, distinct, attached by the full width of the broad base; not decurrent; 5 mm. long and 2.5 mm. wide; oblong, abruptly rounded at the broad apex or more rarely triangular and obtuse as the result of drying before burial; at first horizontal or at an angle of 89°, gradually ascending and toward the apex becoming 65°; terminal pinnules not represented in any of the specimens; venation simple with free and submarginal terminations; sori not represented. [PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 308 This plant belongs to the genus Pecopteris, which Brongniart established in 1828. To it he assigned a large number of related species ranging from the Carboniferous to the Permian, while more recently it has come to include species from the Mesozoic and even from the early Tertiary. It is therefore found that through a well defined series of related specific types, tne genus, which is recognized as a very old one, is directly connected with existing types to be found in the Gleicheni- aceæ, and particularly in the genus Gleichenia, as already shown by Potonié, who nevertheless retains Brongniart’s original name (54, 53). The former practice of adopting one neme for fossils and another for recent forms when the two are recognized to have generic identity does not rest upon a sound basis, nor is it conducive to that nomenclatural simplification which is a great desideratum at the present time. It rather tends to perpetuate and emphasize the ancient idea of the radical difference between extinct and existing types, instead of directing atten- tion toward a progressive development of related forms. There is, therefore, no real reason why the genus Pecopteris should not be known in the future as Gleichenia, to which the various species in reality belong, and our future practice will conform to this view, in accordance with that already instituted by Heer in 1875 (35: III, p. 44, pl. iv, v, vi, vii), who relegates to that genus all isi of the typ2 represented by the present specimen. In endeavouring to institute comparison with other specimens from nearly related horizons, it appears that no representative of this plant is to be found in the collections of the Peter Redpath Museum, where the most recent horizon in which any Pecopteris appears is the Upper Cretaceous. A specimen to which no specific name has been assigned, was collected by Dr. G. M. Dawson, from the Upper Creta- ceous of Baynes Sound, B.C. This may possibly be the same as a species which Sir William Dawson recognized (8) in the material col- lected by Mr. James Richardson, from Hornby Island, B.C., in 1872, and which he regarded as closely approaching P. phillipsi of the English Oolite, but to which he gave no name on account of the absence cf venation. Dawson (5) has shown that Pecopteris browniana, Dunker, occurs in the Kootanie Series, and, as originally noted by Newberry (44), it also occurs at Great Fails, Montana; but since this species has now been definitely transferred to the genus Cyathites, it is excluded from further consideration. Of the thirteen species of Pecopteris enumerated by Knowlton (37), all except one may be readily excluded from the present case by reason of their marked differences in the character of the foliage. 304 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Upon comparison with the European forms recorded by Brongniart (4), a very striking resemblance is observed to exist between our pre- sent specimens and P. arborescens. This latter is characterized by having “ Pinne, ? cm. long and 6 mm. broad at the base, at first linear but then gradually and uniformly tapering toward the apex from above the middle; pinnules, 3 mm.x1.5 mm.” While a careful comparison of the two specimens shows a remarkable resemblance, it is to be noted that the one now under special consideration is much the larger, a feature which constitutes the chief and most essential difference. Fur- thermore, P. arborescens is a Carboniferous type from St. Etienne, and I am not aware that it has been definitely observed in any later forma- tion. While, therefore, it is not altogether possible to establish specific identity between the two, there is little reason to doubt that G. gilbert- thompsoni is the modern representative of P. arborescens. Directing comparisons to Tertiary forms, it is found that the genus is but sparingly represented in that age. Pecopteris torellii of Heer, is an element of the Eocene flora of Unga Island (42), while it is also common to the Miocene of the Island of Saghalien (21), but as this plant can no longer be regarded as one of the Gleicheniaceæ, but rather, as Lesquereux points out, a true Osmunda, it must be excluded from further discussion in this connection. Perhaps the nearest representative of this type is to be found in Gleichenia zippei, Heer, from the Kome beds of Greenland (35:. p. 44, pl. iv, v, vi, vil). While there is a general resemblance which unques- tionably brings the two into generic relation, there are important differ- ences in the length and shape of the pinnules which definitely establish a specific difference. We are thus brought to a comparison with the geologically most recent of all known species — P. sepulta, Newb. This plant was described by Newberry in 1882 (45) as having been obtained from the Eocene of Green River, Wyoming. No figure is given, but the descrip- tion shows the pinnules to be confluent, united by one-third of their length, slightly curved upward and flabellate on the upper side. It is thus clear that P. sepulta is not even remotely related to the one under discussion, and from the evidence collected, the latter must be regarded as altogether a new one, for which a definite name is demanded. But since the above was written, a copy of Ward’s latest contribution to our knowledge of the Mesozoic flora has come to hand (57: 616), and in this way my attention was at oncedrawn to a description and figures of Gleichenia gilbert-thompsoni, as originally described by Fontaine, as being at least closely similar to the Skagit PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 305. river specimen. Unfortunately, Ward gives no detailed description of this specimen, a fault which equally applies to most of the other speci- mens dealt with, and one is obliged to rely wholly upon the figure which, fortunately, is most excellent and apparently of normal scale. Careful measurements of the figure give the following diagnosis :— Frond twice pinnate: pinne 1—1.2 cm. distant and inserted at angles of 55°—60°, more than 6.5 em. long and linear within that limit, 11 mm. broad. Pinnules crowded, more or less contiguous but wholly distinct, attached by the full width of the broad base; not decurrent; 6 mm. long and 3.5 mm. wide; oblong-linear and abruptly rounded at the broad apex; inserted at angles ranging from 67°—90°, with inter- mediate variations resulting from displacement; only the central mid- rib shown. A comparison of this diagnosis with that for the Skagit river speci- men will at once show that the only essential difference between tne two lies in the size of the pinnules—a difference which may well belong to different parts of the same frond. It is thus possible to conclude that our specimen is identical with Fontaine’s species. In the collection of 1905, number — comprises a number of linear fragments devoid of structure or surface markings, though some- times giving evidence of the presence of vascular bundles in the interior, and rarely showing a somewhat carbonized surface. They are always associated with fronds of Gleichenia gilbert-thompsoni, and there is every reason for regarding them as fragments of the stipes of that species. It is also found upon comparison, that they are identical with similar fragments contained in the collections of 1903 and designated as a In the preliminary report upon that material, these specimens. were referred to as “ representing portions from the rachis of a fern,” but owing to lack of sufficient evidence, regarded as “essentially of no value for stratigraphical purposes.” Close comparison with the remains of C. gilbert-thompsoni, not only confirms this conclusion, but enables us to draw the further inference that they are probably parts of the same plant. - Specimens 1436 of the 1905 collections, show a single instance of short fragments which are also to be referred in a similar way to some fern of which they are parts of the rachis, and the conclusion is justified that they are identical with 471 of 1903, and els of the 1905 col- lections. 306 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA 1430 GLEICHENIA, sp. 2 A single specimen, under number 1430, shows a fragment of a bipinnate fern frond, which is unquestionably a Gleichenia, conforming to the following description :— Pinne alternate, 5 mm. broad, linear and distant 5 mm. and approximate or slightly overlapping, more than 4.5 em. long, the apex unknown, uniformly inserted upon the rachis at an angle of 82°; pinnules alternate, ovate, unequal and crowded with the margins somewhat overlapping, the apex round-obtuse, the broad base distinctly rounded, the midrib usually at an angle of 55° with the rachis of the pinna. The very imperfectly preserved form of this specimen, and the fact that only one-fragment is available, makes the present determination open to some question, and under these circumstances it does not seem expedient to supply a specific name. So far as it is possible to reach a final conclusion, this plant appears to approximate closely to the European Pecopteris sulziana of Brongniart (4: pl. 105, f. 4), which differs from it in the shorter and more rounded pinnules attached throughout the full extent of the very broad base, their equal form and an angle of 75°. They resemble one another with respect to the inter- vals between the pinne (5 mm.) and in the proximate, slightly over- lapping pinnules. It is therefore possible that P. sulziana is the ances- tral form of the one now under consideration. 1430 ne CLADOPHLEBIS SKAGITENSIS, n. Sp. This species is represented by several fragments of fronds, the largest of which is 5.5 em. long and 15 cm. broad in its complete state, but none of the fragments are altogether satisfactory for purposes of description. The following description has been obtained :— Pinnules distinct, somewhat faleate, 6 mm. broad at the base and 7 mm. long, inserted on a rachis i.5 mm. broad, the apex acute. During the past year I have had occasion to recognize several species of Cladophlebis from the Kootanie of the SH Crow's Nest Coal Fields at Michel Station, and from the ( 0 Lower Cretaceous of the Nordenskiold river, but the present pe specimen is not comparable with any of them (1). In 1893 Lay Sir William Dawson recorded a fern from the Upper Cre- Fig-2. taceous of Vancouver Island, under the name of Cladophle- Cladophlebis E À a : skagitensis, bis columbiana, but there is no ground for comparison here, nenp- x 1/1. for the reason that the plant so named can hardly be regarded as a Cladophlebis at all, and upon this point Sir William Dawson himself expressed doubt (12). A very close resemblance is to be noted between this plant and Fontaine’s C. virginiensis (19). The [PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 307 chief, and perhaps the only difference, is the one of size, and it may be that they should be regarded as identical, but for the present it seems better to adopt a provisional name for the British Columbia spe- cimen, which is, therefore, called C. skagitensis. 1430 7. 8 ASPIDIUM FREDERICKSBURGENSE, Font. I Number 1430 7,8 showing only a portion of the termination of the pinna in each case. The form of the pinnules varies somewhat greatly and presents numer- ous gradations between the two extremes precisely as in Fontaine’s Aspidium fredericksburgense, which this plant undoubtedly is. This species, originally described by Fontaine from the Potomac Formation at Fredericksburg, Virginia (19), has since then been recognized by Dawson (5) in the early Cretaceous at Anthracite, B.C. It will be readily recognized that so strongly defined a Lower Cretaceous type as: this is, must have special value in determining the horizon in which ‘+ may be found. si NILSONIA PASAYTENSIS, n. Sp. 3 embraces numerous fragments of a bi-pinnate frond, Fic. 3. Nilsonia pasaytensis, n. sp. x 1/1. Number <= embraces two small specimens, each of which repre- sents a single pinnule of a compound leaf, attached to a strong rachis. Each pinnule is approximately triangular in outline, with a broad base and a somewhat narrow though obtuse apex. The margin is entire and the whole organ is transversed by prominent and parallel nerves about 1.5-2 per mm., which extend from the base to the apex. This species is quite distinct from anything hitherto described from Canadian localities, although Dawson (9) published a new species from the Upper Cretaceous of Baynes Sound, Vancouver Island, but from the published figures which show a larger plant with a very different form of pinnule, there would seem to be no connection between the two. 808 ROYAL SOCIETY OF UANADA In Ward’s most recent contribution to the Mesozoic flora of North America, he publishes a description and figures of a species of Nilsonia from Thompson Creek, Douglas County, Oregon. This he identifies with N. nipponensis, which Yokoyama had previously described from Japan, and which Ward thinks may be also comparable with various Jurassic species from Siberia, which Heer has described under the names of Pterophyllum and Anomozamites (57: p. 94, pl. xvii, f. 8-10). On comparing our specimen with those figured by Ward, a very striking resemblance is to be noted with respect to individual pinnules, but it is to be observed that within the limits of the same leaf, the pinnules show a somewhat wide variation of such a nature that taken individually, several species might be made from the parts of one leaf. It is, there- fore, quite possible that our specimens are really representative of N. nipponensis, but as such a conclusion is not wholly justified by the nature of the material now in hand, it is thought that a separate name to be employed tentatively, would be altogether more appropriate, and it has, therefore, been named with respect to the locality from which it was derived. 1430 1 CYCADITES UNJIGA, Dn. Under number = are included several fragments of pinnate leaves with strong and rigid, linear and conspicuously nerved pinnæ given off from the main rachis at angles of 65° to 70°. The angles thus indicated deviate somewhat from those given by Dawson (9) in his description of Cycadites unjiga, but in this species, as in C. con- fertus, Murr., from the Jurassic of India, it is obvious that the angles of the pinnæ cannot be relied upon for diagnostic purposes, because cf the positions assumed as the result of displacement. A careful com- parison with the original text shows that if the angles are to be relied upon, the descriptive text is to be taken as erroneous and should be recast. Both Dawson’s specimens and those now under consideration, are closely comparable with C. pungens, Lesq. (43), from the Dakota Group, and it is altogether probable that future comparisons upon the basis of more complete material, will show them to be identical. In the 1903 collections, several specimens represented by the numbers 14b, Te. He show pyritized fragments of leaves occasionally with a strong midrib, were originally determined as representing the pinnæ of a Cycad. This they no doubt are, and it may now be 1430 assumed that they represent the same species as Fr of the 1905 collections. [PENHALLOW]| A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 309 1428 6 GLYPTOSTROBUS EUROPÆUS ? (Brongn.), Heer. One specimen only, showing a small fragment of a leafy branch. 1428 SALIX PERPLEXA, Knowl. (?). 4 A single specimen representing the lower three-fourths of a leaf, appears to be identical with Knowlton’s Salix Perplexa (34). The chief difficulty in this comparison is to be found in the fact that this species was derived from the Mascall Beds of the John Day Basin at Van Horne’s Ranch, and it is therefore of Miocene age, being known in no other horizon. This reference must therefore be taken with reservation. = POPULUS CYCLOPHYLLA, Heer. One leaf only, represented by a very imperféct and badly crumpled fragment, which makes definite identification very difficult. If cor- rectly determined, the present specimen finds its representative in the Dakota Group of Nebraska, etc., (46). 1430 i RCE YRICA SERRATA, n. Sp. This genus is represented by two fragments of leaves of the generalized type presented by M. torreyi, Lesq. (56: pl. xl, f. 4), but much smaller, more sharply and regularly dentate, and thus more nearly approaching M. scottii of Lesquereux, as figured by Knowlton, from the Laramie of the Yellowstone National Park (34: pl. Ixxxiv, f. 6), *hough it can hardly be said to conform as well to Lesquereux’ original description and figure based upon specimens from the Green River Group Bee at Florissant, Colorado (12: p. 147, pl. xxxii, f. s. 17-18). yrica serrata, It has thus been considered desirable to designate it by a n.sp.X1/1 distinctive name. = Quercus FLEXUOSA, Newb. (?). Several poorly preserved fragments of leaves, appear to be identical with Newberry’s Quercus flexuosa (46: p. 74, pl. xix, f. 4-6), from the Cretaceous of the Puget Sound Group at Chuckanutz, Washington. 1430 ar QUERCUS CORIACEA, Newb. This number embraces several small leaves nearly entire; frag- ments showing the entire margin, form and characteristic venation of ‘Quercus coriacea; also one specimen with three nearly complete leaves 310 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA in situ. These all agree fully with Newberry’s figures and descriptions (46: p. 73, pl. xix, f. 1-3) of the species which are originally obtained from the Puget Sound Group at Chuckanutz, Washington. = SASSAFRAS CRETACEUM, Newb. = ’ This species is represented by two fragments of leaves, the one showing the characteristic venation, the other showing the divergence of the principal veins at the base of the blade. This species has been described by Newberry (46) as a recognized element of the flora of the Dakota Group. 471 71 - 32 Pyritized leaves of various widths upwards of 15 mm., apparently representing some endogenous plant. 1430 on ENDOGENOUS LEAVES. FRUIT OF AN EXOGEN ? F1G. 5. Dorstenia ? sp. x 4. + 1430 : : : Number 3 represents a single specimen of unrecognizable char-_ acter, but apparently a broad fruit which answers to the following. description :— Peduncle 1 mm. broad and 8 mm. long, bearing at its upper end a broad, four-sided disc 12 mm. at the base, 6 mm. wide at the summit and 8 mm. high. without structural markings of any kind except a finely granulated surface strongly suggestive of the presence of smal] seeds or akenes. While the observed form may haye been derived from crushing, the entire aspect of the specimen, together with the granulated surface, strongly suggests a fruit of the type of Dorstenia. î [PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 311 If the suggestion thus indicated may be relied upon, it would harmonize with the very general occurrence of representatives of the Urticaceæ in Cretaceous formations, such as Ulmus, Ficus, etc. The specimen might be referred provisionally to Dorstenia. 1428 mon UNDETERMINABLE, # Several specimens under number show fragments of dichoto- mously branching remains which cannot be satisfactorily correlated with any known species. They strongly suggest a variety of well-known forms, including Hymenopteris, Czekanowskia, Baieropsis, Potamogeton and Naias, with none of which a satisfactory relation can be established ; and upon careful consideration and comparison, the conclusion has been reached that they represent the larger veins of exogenous leaves, possibly of the type of Platanus, which have become skeletonized and broken up, thus leaving the peculiar fragments observed. This conclusion will satisfactorily meet all requirements. SUMMARY AND GENERAL CONCLUSIONS. In summarizing the foregoing results it is hoped to answer more or less completely, several questions which have been raised as to the age of the deposits in which the fossils occur. The precise nature of these problems may be best understood by quoting from the original letters of transmittal and information, to the effect that “ Nos. 1428, 1430, 1433 and 1436 were collected from a large area of what has always been known as Lower Cretaceous, occurring at the Boundary (49th Parallel) Line between the Pasayten and Skagit rivers. There seems to be at least 28,000 feet of this series altogether, and it appears to correlate with the Shasta-Chico Series. I am particularly anxious to know whether 1428 is older than 1430 in its facies, and still more to know whether both are really Cretaceous.” And later, in answer to questions as to the relative positions of 1428—1436 of the 1905 collec- tion, and 471 of the 1903 collection, the reply was that “ The locality of No. 471 is about one hundred and twenty miles east of that of 1428— 1436;the former near to Rossland, the latter on the summit of the Cascade Mountains. The age of the Rossland volcanics and of the ash beds or sediments in which these obscure 471 specimens occur, is not at all understood, and I was hoping for some indication as to whether these rocks are even later than Palzozoic. The two occurrences are completely separate in geological and geographical relations, but there is no good reason why both should not be Cretaceous.” Sec. IV., 1907. 19, 312 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA In discussing the regional distribution of the various collections, they may be divided conveniently for geological purposes, into two groups. Within the first are embraced Nos. 250, 1001, 1007, and 271. Specimens were taken from locality 250 on two separate occasions, 1.¢., in 1903, and again in 1905. In 1905 also, collections were made from localities 1001 and 1007, both of which are on the Kettle river and near to No. 250; while locality 271 of the 1903 collection was on an affluent of the Kettle river. The proximity of these various collections enables us to consider them essentially identical, and the plants derived from them will be treated as of one flora. In this connection it will be worth while to recall previous deter- minations of plants from the Red Deer river, from the Similkameen Valley, from Quilchena and from Coutlee. All of these floras will have to be compared with one another and with that of the Skagit river, in consequence of which it should be kept in mind that, with the exception of the first, all of these localities fall within the limits of the Kamloops sheet, within which area Dr. George Dawson has shown that the Tertiary formation shows “two well marked horizons of strati- fied deposits,” and with respect to the causes giving rise to them, “it is probable that the Similkameen beds may correspond in time with one or other of these horizons, and their appearance and mode of occur- rence accords best with the hypothesis that of these two they represent the lower or Coldwater horizon, but for the present this correlation stands merely as a probably conjecture.” (16: p. 75B.) An enumeration of the various types of plants found in the local- ities indicated by the above numbers, gives the following :— Taxodium distichuma toe ASE UE sea OO Leafy branch. Cupressoxylon macrocarpoides ......... Wood. Picea tcolumbiemsis (chi Feel. Seles Wood. Cyperacites haydemiicntcnig).). EEE wat Oy peraertes, Map een ELU ere Phragmites, Sp!) MARNE CREER ere Betula spi Ws Ge) LRU Mis Grateeas eater tare Fruit. Uilmusiprotoracemosa| Ut . techies. (chai: Wood. Ulmus protoamericana ................ Wood. Ulmus columbiana ......... fe Lite Wood. Uinius ep EME Oe eek ARE HERO CERN Leaf. Potamoreton, isp... eee sees eer Fruit and leaves. Pern stipes; PLE PEAU VERRE AREA Hxogenous* wood A0 512 wttele IEEE NAN Undeterminable fragments of leaves..... Pinus columbranas 2 Se eee sea omneters Wood. [ PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 3138 This flora represents a remarkable preponderance of woods, several of which are entirely new, and in such cases previous knowledge cannot be utilized as an indication of the horizon they represent. There are, nevertheless, certain well defined forms of known value, and these will serve as a means of determining the horizon in connection with the general facies of the entire flora. From the list, we may nevertheless exclude the fern stipes, the exogenous wood and the undeterminable leaves as throwing no light whatever upon the problems before us. The genus Picea, although somewhat sparingly known in the fossil state, is, nevertheless, found to be distributed through a rather wide range of horizons. It is a well recognized and rather abundant element of the Pleistocene flora, in which several existing species are represented by both wood and leaves (48). Similarly also, Knowlton (38: p. 215) has shown that existing species are still undergoing deposition wherever local glaciation is in progress. Picea quilchenensis, Penh., has been recognized somewhat recently in the Oligocene of the Quilchena basin, British Columbia (1), but as the plant is represented solely by its leaves, it is impossible to determine its precise relation to other fossil forms, although the character of the foliage offers a suggestion that it may be related to the existing P. breweriana or P. sitchensis. More recently, Berry (3) has determined the extension of the genus into the Upper Cretaceous formation of New Jersey. In the Cliffwood clays he has found beautifully preserved cones which he regards as representing a species comparable with the existing P. excelsa. In 1904 Knowlton recorded the occurrence of a Picea in the Upper Eocene deposits at Kukak Bay, Alaska (33). This plant, which he designates as P. harrimani, is represented by its cones only, but these are in a fine state of preservation and permit of the inference that it most nearly resembles P. sitchensis among existing species. The present evidence shows our knowledge of Picea in the fossil state to be based upon the wood chiefly, though to some extent upon the cones as representing three species within the limits of the United States and ‘Alaska, but as these latter are in no way related species, they fur- nish no very precise basis for conclusions respecting the geological age of the horizon from which P. columbiensis has been derived. While our present limited knowledge of the genus leads us to believe that it should be looked for in the early Cretaceous at least, its present aspect is definitely Tertiary and chiefly Eocene. Cupressoxylon was first recognized by Penhallow (47) in the Cre- taceous formation of Medicine Hat, where the wood was found in abundance. Its more recent appearance in the deposits of the Kettle 314 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA river, where it is also found in the form of wood, gives somewhat con- clusive evidence of the wider range of distribution of some of our exist- ing species. This is wholly in accord with the general geological history of the genus, since it is found that under whatever specific name it may be recorded, it ranges from the Lower Cretaceous to the Eocene, a distribution which is not essentially affected by the fact that at least some of the species now assigned to the provisional genus Cupressin- oxylon, may more properly belong to Sequoia. At the same time, since C. macrocarpoides occurs in a well recognized Cretaceous deposit, as well as in those of the Kettle river, it is clear that it cannot be held to be representative in any exclusive sense, of any particular age, and all we can say of it at the present time is, that it ranges from the Upper Cretaceous upward. The genus Taxodium is a very cosmopolitan one, having a very wide range in geological time. Indeed, it may be said to exhibit an almost unbroken continuity of occurrence from the Kootanie and Poto- mac formations, through the Cretaceous to the Miocene Tertiary, and even to more recent deposits, where it connects directly with the existing species of Bald Cypress. The history of Taxodium distichum mio- cenum as originally defined by Heer, but as now commonly designated by the name Taxodium distichum, affords simply an instructive illus- tration of the relation of special types to particular horizons, a relation made all the more instructive because of the generally associated Taxo- dium occidentale and Glyptostrobus europæus. T. occidentale is a species of much more restricted distribution, but it is a well defined Tertiary type. Lesquereux (42: p. 223), Newberry (46: p. 22), and Dawson (10: p. 79) have all shown Taxodium distichum to be a constituent of both the Miocene and Eocene Floras; while the more recent determin- ations of Penhallow (1: pp. 7 and 8) have proved it to be a component of the Oligocene at Quilchena and Coutlee, British Columbia, and those of Knowlton (34: p. 27) that it is a feature of the Upper Miocene of the John Day Basin, Oregon. It is nevertheless true, as shown by Penhallow, that this species is also a well recognized feature of the Paskapoo series of the Red Deer river (1: pp. 9 and 51, p. 51), as well as cf the Lignite Tertiary of the Porcupine Creek and Great Valley Group in the western portions of Canada (52: p. 36). Recognizing the force of the generalization of Sir William Dawson (14: iv, 73) to the effect that the Miocene of Greenland, Spitzbergen and ‘Alaska, as formerly regarded by Heer, is in reality identical with the Fort Union of the United States, a view more recently stated and adopted by Knowl- [PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 313 ton (38: p. 240) and now universally admitted, it now becomes possible to recognize the fact that the numerous instances of the occurrence of this tree in Spitzbergen (22: p. 57), Grinnell Land (24: p. 23), Siberia (25: p. 33), Saghalien (13: p. 22), Alaska (39: p. 878 and 51; p. 214), as well as in Greenland itself (23: p. 60; 26: p. 9; 28: p. 463, and 29: p. 89) give unquestionable proof of its wide spread and abundant occurrence throughout the Eocene of America as well as of Europe. While, therefore, it is a form essentially typical of both the Eocene and Miocene, its greater abundance in the former implies a vigor of development which it appears to have lost in more recent times, although this does not of necessity permit us to conclude that its presence in a given horizon is more indicative of the one age than the other, a relation which must be finally established by collateral evidence. Pinus columbiana does not, in itself, afford decisive evidence as to the nature of the horizon from which it comes, but a review of the distribution of the genus Pinus as now known may serve to suggest a reasonable conclusion. The genus Pinus, as given by Knowlton (37), embraces nineteen species, most of which are defined specifically, ranging from the Dakota Group through the Cretaceous and Tertiary to the Pleistocene, where they become identified with existing species. But to these we may add six species of Pityoxylon, some of which are of Upper Cretaceous age, but most of which are Tertiary forms most largely represented in the Eocene. More recently, Knowlton (35) has also recognized the occurrence of the wood of Pityoxylon aldersoni and P. amethystinum in the Upper Miocene of the Yellowstone National Park, while on the other hand a recent publication by Ward has brought to light Pinus leei, Fort. (57: p. 570), from the Older Potomac Formation of Vir- ginia, a case which parallels that recorded by Heer of P. crameri, Heer, from the Kome beds of Greenland. While some of the species of Pinus thus referred to are recognizable through their wood structure, many others are known only through their foliage, and, although these latter are designated by distinctive names, it is not altogether certain that they are specifically distinct or that they are different from species represented by other remains with which it is at present impossible to identify them. A very large number of known species are represented wholly by seeds, and this is particularly true of the numerous species which Heer describes from the Eocene of Greenland and other Polar regions (22:* Vols. I-VII). Inasmuch as such seeds are representative of the fruit, they may be directly connected with the cones, which are 316 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA the chief means of recognizing several species. Fontaine’s Pinus leei from the Older Potomac of Virginia, as described by Ward (57: p. 570), is thus distinguished, but it is to be observed that such remains become far more abundant and characteristic in the Ter- tiary, where they are not infrequently preserved in a very perfect manner. This is eminently true of P. baileyi, Gard., and P. plutonis, Gard., as recorded by Starkie Gardner from the Palady beds of Ireland; or P. macluri, Heer, as recorded by Heer (22: p. vil), from the Eocene of Greenland. The same is likewise true of several species which Knowlton records from the Laramie of the Yel- lowstone National Park (35), and of P. florissanti, Lesq., which Les- quereux described from the Green River Group (42: p. 138). Some of these cones show decided relations to existing species, which is also true of P. columbiana, but the latter cannot be compared with any of the other fossil cones now known, and it therefore stands wholly by itself. The general weight of evidence brought forward by the above analysis, would seem to indicate that while the genus Pinus may extend into the Cretaceous, it is essentially a Tertiary type, the chief aspecis of which are Eocene, and it is to this horizon that P. columbiana probably belongs. The genus Ulmus possesses peculiar significance in the present instance, not only because there are three well defined new species represented by their wood and one undefined species represented by a fragment of a leaf, but also because the genus as at present known, bears a definite relation to geological age. Ulmophyllum is a well recognized Cretaceous type which is chiefly found in the Potomac Form- ation, although it is also known to the Upper Cretaceous of Vancouver Island (5); but Ulmites and Ulmus are confined to the Tertiary, where they range from the Eocene to the Pleistocene, and become iden- tified with existing species. An inspection of present records shows that out of nineteen Tertiary species, twelve are of Eocene age, while only seven are of Eocene and Miocene age, and that out of these latter only five are strictly Miocene. From this we may draw the inference that the genus Ulmus is essentially an Eocene type, and our four, species from the Kettle river may also be interpreted in that sense. The poorly defined species of Betula from the Kettle river afford very little, if anything, in the way of a reliable basis for age determin- ations. While the genus Betulites is a well defined Cretaceous one, being especially characteristic of the Dakota Group, we. nevertheless also find Betula beatriciana, Lesq., in the same horizon (42: p. 36), LPENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 317 while B. perantiqua, Dn., occurs in the Upper Cretaceous of Baynes Sound (9), and yet another not specifically defined is met with in the Upper Cretaceous of Vancouver Island (8). Knowlton enumerates (37) not less than nineteen, while Ward (56) gives seven Ter- tiary species out of a total of fifteen. As, furthermore, eighteen out of these twenty-six species are distinctly Eocene, it may be concluded that in the absence of definite evidence to the contrary, any large repre- sentation of the genus would give to the flora facies of a distinctly Eocene character. Cyperacites haydenii, Lesq., which occurs in the Kettle River flora, and which was originally described from the Green River Group (42: p. 140), serves to definitely indicate the probable age of the flora now under discussion. This conclusion is emphasized by the fact that the somewhat large number of species originally described by Heer (26: 46, 52), from Greenland and Spitzbergen, are all of Eocene age. Of these latter, Cyperacites paucinervis, Heer., is also found in the Eocene of Vancouver Island (13: iv. 144). In the enumeration of the fossil flora of the Yellowstone National Park, Knowlton (35: p. 779) shows that of the four species known there, three are definitely refer- table to the Fort Union Group, while only one is referred to the Mio- cene. Finally, Ward (56: p. 464) indicates similar relations when, in his Synopsis of the Laramie Group, he enumerates four species, all of which he shows to be exclusively of Eocene age. From this sum- mary it becomes obvious that Cyperacites is essentially and typically an Eocene genus, the chief aspect of which is Lower Eocene. The only exception to this which has come under my notice, is the case of an undescribed species recorded by Sir William Dawson in his description of specimens from the Kootanie Group at Anthracite, B.C. (5: p. 91), but this reference is a doubtful one, as the species does not correspond with the usually accepted characters of the genus, or with those of the existing genus Cyperus, and I therefore exclude it from further con- sideration in this connection. 4 The reference to Potamogeton in the present instance is based altogether upon the fruit, but there seems little reason to question the correctness of this conclusion. Knowlton records seven species of Potamogeton (37), five of which are from the later Tertiary, but two are from the Eocene. Ward (56) shows that there are fifteen species of Potamogeton in the Eocene Flora, two of which are also common to the Senonian; while Heer defines no less than nine species from the Tertiary of Europe (31: I, p. 102; II, p. 88; III, p. 170), and five from the Eocene of Greenland (29: I, and 23, VII), Spitzbergen (27: 318 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA 10 and 22), and Siberia (24), from, which it would appear that as we now know it, this genus is essentially distinctive of the Eocene age. Phragmites is a form of plant remains which is nowhere clearly defined, though in a general way it may be recognized without much doubt. Precisely what it embraces with respect to either genus or species, it would be impossible to say at present, though in a general way it may be said to embrace fragments of broad leaves, more rarely fragments of stems or even of rhizomes of Monocotyledonous plants. The fragments of leaves are not always separable with certainty from other Monocotyledonous leaves with similar characteristics, while the stem fragments are clearly differentiated from Cyperacites. The rhi- zomes are usually sufficiently well characterized to be recognized with certainty. There is no correlation between these various forms rele- gated to a common genus, but when recognizable their characters are sufficiently definite to permit of using them for stratigraphical pur- poses. An examination of the North American distribution of the genus shows a somewhat wide range. Thus, P. cretaceous, Lesq., represented by both leaves and rhizomes, is a constituent of the flora of the Dakota Group (42: p. 34, and 43: p. 37). Dawson has reported the leaf of P. cordaiformis, Dn., from the Upper Cretaceous of Van- couver Island (9: p. 26). Newberry reports fragments of leaves of an undefined species from the Cretaceous (46: p. 27, pl. xxii, f. 5), and Ward, in his Synopsis of the Laramie Flora enumerates four species as belonging to the Laramie proper, with two from the Senonian (56: pl. xxxil). On the other hand, Lesquereux reports one species from the Tertiary (42: p. 141), and Knowlton (35: p. 779) reports P. latissima from the Fort Union Group. Reference to Heer’s well-known works (29, 26, 24, 23, and 31: p. 161) shows four species confined to the Eocene of Europe and Greenland, of which P. oeningensis, A. Br., is by far the most frequently represented. This summary shows nine Cretaceous localities against six Tertiary, and as these latter are all Eocene, it is clear that while Phragmites is common to the Upper Cre- taceous and Lower Eocene, it is more typical of the former than the latter. | Reviewing the facts thus dealt with, we can only conclude that the flora of the Kettle river is certainly not Cretaceous, and that in its general facies it is Eocene rather than Miocene. This conclusion, how- ever, necessarily raises an important question as to the particular age of floras previously determined and provisionally referred to the Mio- cene (51: iv, 68 and 52; iv, 36, etc.), and especially with reference to a critical comparison with the Similkameen flora as already determined [PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 319 by Sir William Dawson (10: iv, 75). This author appears not to have been able to determine the age of the Similkameen beds to his own satisfaction, since, although he frequently makes comparisons with the Lower Miocene, to which his conclusions most strongly point, he never- theless refers to some species as having distinct affinity with the Upper Laramie or Hocene, and to the Oligocene in particular, and in his con- cluding paragraph he says that “It may be further affirmed that the Similkameen flora is closely allied to those described by Lesquereux as the Green River and Florissant floras, and which he regards as Oligo- cene or Upper Eocene. It is to be hoped that ere long the discovery of mammalian remains may throw further light on the precise age of the Tertiary lake basins of British Columbia” (1, c, iv, 90-91). In order to clearly bring out the questions at issue, and establish the correlation of the various Eocene floras, I have reduced to tabular form all such floras as have been studied by me, and have shown the occurrence of the same species as determined by other observers. While, therefore, this table aims primarily, to establish the relations of the Eocene floras, it will also show their contact with the Miocene and extension into the Cretaceous, including, however, only such species as are actual components of the various Eocene floras now under discussion. The particular floras, the age of which is at present a matter of discussion, are Coal Gully at Coutlee, B.C., the Horse-Fly river at Cariboo, the Kettle river deposits at Midway, the Quilchena beds which are closely associated with those at Coutlee, and the Similkameen beds in the valley of the same name. As a basis of reference and comparison, the age of certain floras is well known or at least accepted. They are the Red Deer of the Paskapoo Series and essentially Fort Union Group, the Union Group of the Yellowstone National Park and elsewhere in the United States and Canada, and the Lignite Tertiary of the Porcupine Creek and Great Valley, all of which are Lower Eocene. To this we may add the Eocene of the North Polar regions, the floras of which are Fort Union, as already shown. On the other hand, the Green River Group furnishes a correct index of the Upper Eocene or Oligocene floras. From these fixed data it may be possible to establish the proper correlation of the unknown horizons. à! 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SISU9IQUNIO » De DD OO AU OO D DEN de snuwu]f] Sons stebess etape eee snjrisnd soy, are epie | eos ts sete lesielis ae cislereers (Is euydAT, eka meniat | esa sexe etats le tcheie e phrase SI[89104 ed], el oc DT ednuoqui eAnyy, Den SORT 00 2JEJU2p1290 ” x do... WNUO1JS1P UINIPOX® |, Q Ler | @ + rae Q oO © el nm [PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 327 The Miocene age of the Similkameen beds has been adopted by Ami (2: iv, 220), who includes them in the Cordilleran Region, basing his opinion upon the determinations of plants by Sir William Dawson, and of insects by Scudder (1: p. 7). On the other hand, Dr. G. M. Dawson, in adopting the view that the Similkameen beds are Oligocene or later Eocene (16: pp. 75-76 B), bases his opinion upon the results obtained by Scudder, according to which sixteen out of nineteen species of Tertiary Hemiptera were from the Similkameen beds — all but one being new — and in their general facies of the Oligocene type, although the general fauna showed definite relations with the Middle Miocene; while Cope recognized the remains of Amyzon in the Similkameen beds which were, therefore, regarded by him as equivalent to the Amyzon beds of Oregon, and ñence of Oligocene age. Dr. Dawson further ob- serves that “It is probable that the Similkameen beds may À represent the Coldwater horizon, but for the present this spedlntin stands merely as a probable conjecture” (1. c.). According to this hypothesis, the Coldwater horizon is within the Oligocene formation, and this conclusion is in exact accordance with the results of our pre- sent studies. Reference to the accompanying table will show that out of thirty species from the Similkameen beds, only ten, or 33 per cent, are Lower Eocene, thus leaving two-thirds as distinctly Upper Eocene and with Miocene affinities. From these considerations it would seem altogether probable that we must hereafter regard the Similkameen beds as Oligocene, and to the same category must no doubt be referred the various deposits at Midway on the Kettle river, where, out of seven identical species, three are distinctly allied to the Similkameen, and one to the Green River Group, thus giving 57 per cent of Upper Eocene types. With respect to the plants from the Horse-Fly river at Cari- boo, it should be pointed out that the number of species is small, and that they do not afford a fair opportunity for final judgment, but within the limits of twelve species four are definitely Upper Eocene, six are as definitely Lower Eocene and two are common to both horizons, while four species establish a strong contact with the Cretaceous; but as Taxo- dium distichum is a very cosmopolitan species of wide range, it cannot be said to have leading weight in a question of this kind, more especially as its chief aspect is Eocene. ‘Alnites grandifolium is common to the entire Eocene, being found in the Red Deer River Group as well as in the Similkameen, so that it affords no conclusive evidence as to the relative age of the beds in which it occurs. Whether Alnites and Taxodium be excluded or not, the general facies of the Horse-Fly river plants inclines much more to the Similkameen Group than to the Fort Sec. IV., 1907. 20. 328 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Union or the Red Deer river, and our opinion is that they distinctly belong to the Oligocene. The specimens from Coutlee, B.C., are but three in number, and they are altogether too inadequate to base an opinion upon. One spe- cies — Taxodium distichum—may indicate anything from Lower Eocene to Miocene. Ficus, represented by an undescribed species, may also indicate any horizon within the Eocene. ‘The only genus of value in this respect is Ulmus, which suggests Upper rather than Lower Eocene, and it is thus quite possible that the Coal Gully deposits may be of Oligocene age, as suggested by Dr. Ami (1: p. 8). With respect to the Quilchena flora, there are six species in the Similkameen, one in the Green River Group and one in the Kettle river, and if we accept the Horse-Fly river and Ceal Guliy beds as Oligocene, then five more species must be added, thus making a representation of thirteen species in the Upper Eocene. ‘Against this we have three species in the Fort Union, one in the Porcupine Creek and six in the Red Deer river, making ten species of Lower Eocene type, while there is a very strong Miocene contact through Ulmus and Planera oblongifolia. From these facts the argument would seem to be that the facies are decidedly Oligo- cene rather than Middle or Lower Eocene. The second group of localities embraces the numbers 1428, 1430, 1433 and 1436 of the 1905 collections, and 471 of the 1903 collections. The plants found to he revresented are as follows :— Pinus sp- Gleichenia gilbert-thompsoni. Gleichenia sp- Cladophlebis skagitensis, Aspidium fredericksburgense, Nilsonia brevipinna. Cycadites unjiga. Glytostrobus europæus. Salix perplexa? Populus cyclophylla. Myrica serrata. Quercus flexuosa. Quercus coriacea. Sassafras cretaceum. Leaves of exogens. Leaves of endogens. Fruit of Exogen (Dorstenia?) Undeterminable. Of this list, if we eliminate the doubtful reference to Salix per- plexa, we find only thirteen species which may be depended upon, but [| PENHALLOW] A REPORT ON FOSSIL PLANTS 329 among these are some which afford a very definite indication of age. Inasmuch, however, as locality 471 is somewhat widely separated from the others, and as a special question arises in connection with 1428, it will be necessary to deal with three sub-groups, 1.e., 471, 1428 and localities 1430, 1433, 1436. A consideration of previously described floras which may bear some relation to the present, is also essential. These are represented by the Crows Nest Coal basin at Michel Station, B.C.; the Nordenskiold River in the Yukon territory; the Vancouver and Queen Charlotte Islands. Reducing the various floras which may be so compared, to a tabular form, it will be found that the specimens with which we are at present most directly concerned, establish contact with other floras at only nine points, and with respect to only six special groups. None of them can be directly correlated with the Cretaceous ays | = = 4 QE 1430 2|s)ls|s [2/2 = Q + [= + (asa Pode Sd RUE 471 |142811436 à | 4 ja | a là à Aspidium fredericksburgense........|....|.... x 1x Clsdophlebis skagitensis 0034000. Are Ier Res ios eh Becta EN |ecakee Bye ROMbeS MUM ol tie kotha aes ole eee AA SA APRES EE Ste jcrol ere) Me DOrsteniarsOi— faeces eee wean AREA PE ce seu Mal ARE se) CiÉtchenap sets 6 ae LEE ANR AIERRE Sac ee eet RE PSI [Bebe Al Wale ui gilbert-thompsoni..... x Wide de ||) 5c: Ulex ee al baton x Sly ptostrobus spss... Se se RE ORAN Eten | : INyrica SeIrAlas ones. LM TELE, Les) AA (bol PRES (aera RSA IE A AN the Nilsonia pasaytensis................ ARNO EE QE 2 A CRE ETES MOIS 2. et Aen PAPA RUSSE MMA he ene, toda ayo ane REA NES QE LA RENE er EE eh prea F atc Populusieyclophyllat. soa PLANETE Peete EN SL |e te eee ARR ate CMÉTCUS COMACEAL: © ye. hye sts ahouimiera leu PPP Wi e ss = la Ne EP ENT 7 7 = aad o|| Sa = LENS ol ==. => NET a ives Sm — olf 0 al = Es 9 = Soe mie PO ee g A = =| este = ES 5° ° = a ee A [SS 22 A =| = 2 = A ONE 2 A 2: == = À S LE} od net ---Ky é | = L—] = S À = 22 ea a L—] TT = = = SS => a Al = = = — Es \ [ass] A : => — Fig. 15.—Pteris aquilina, stipe, Oct. 19th, 1906. Longit. thyloses in canal. Showing thick-walled X 490. Some of the walls exhibiting pitted markings, Pth. ramifications of the frond, and this is to be expected in view of its probable function. The nature of this function will be discussed at the close of this paper. The above ends the description of the organs of Pteris aquilina Sec. IV., 1907. 24. D uni The structure thus extends through all the 386 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA which are above ground, and the underground parts will now be dealt with. The first part to be described here will be the subterranean portion of the stipe, which presents several significant features that are of value in explaining the whole structure. This portion of the stipe of Pteris aquilina differs both externally and internally from the ærial portion. Externally it is characterised by the black color of the epidermis, as contrasted with the light brown or reddish color of the mature ærial portion. Internally it is differen- tiated by the occurrence of patches of thick-walled, brown-colored, scle- renchymatous tissue, which lie between the bundles. At the base of this portion these sclerenchymatous groups are aggregated into a more or less regular T-shaped band, but as the top is approached the T becomes broken up into small portions which disappear altogether in the base of the ærial portion of the stipe. Besides this sclerenchyma there is a sheath of sclerenchymatous cells around each bundle, and the hypodermal layers of the whole trans- verse section consist of 6 or 7 layers of cells of the same character; the sections obtained from this region therefore present a dark brown ap- pearance. All this ligneous modification tends to make this part highly resistive to decay, and so stumps 7 or 8 years old are frequently observed that still have their tissues intact. Thyloses are not present in all the bundles of this region, and where they do occur they occupy only a small area. The individual thy- loses are generally very thick-walled, and of small lumen. The bundles are here also noticeable by the relatively large masses of wood-paren- chyma and phloem which occur on the inside of the xylem loop, these elements exceeding the area of the thylose groups many times. This appearance is not so difficult to understand, however, if it is borne in mind that this region really represents the bud of the stipe. Taking this fact into consideration it will be remembered that there was comparatively slow growth here, and that the canals were formed mostly in a schizogenous manner. Thus there was no extensive ruptur- ing of the wood parenchyma elements, such as occurs in the ærial portion of the stipe, and for this reason the canal and the resultant thyloses occupy a much smaller area. Hence this indirectly proves the important part played by lysigenous degeneration in the formation of the large canals of the ærial organs. In cases where the growth was very slow the canal did not form, at all, and so instead of a group of thyloses on the inner side of the xylem loop, there is found an aggregation of wood parenchyma and phloem. [KIRSCH] CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 387 An appearance which is fairly common in these sections is shown in figure 16. In this it is seen that in some of the thylosal cells, the outer walls are very thick, whilst the inner ones are frequently exceed- ingly thin. This proves the later appearance of the inner walls, and tends to show that cell division can occur in the thyloses at a late stage Fig. 16.—Pteris aquilina, stipe, base, Oct. 25th, 1906. Canal filled with thy- loses, Th., exhibiting unequal thickening of walls due to late cell division. XX 490. in development. It is probably owing to this mode of division that the thyloses in this region are all comparatively small. In figure 17 a thylosal patch is shown which is much larger than the normal ones found in this region, although the portion from which Fig. 17.—Pteris aquilina,, underground portion of stipe. Showing thyloses, P. th., with pitted transverse walls. X 490. the section was obtained was of very large diameter and hence exhibited active growth when in the formative state. Three of the thyloses exhibit thick walls with pits and are thus of the same character as the pitted tracheids shown in figure 15 in longi- 388 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA tudinal section. Such pitted tracheids are, however, not very common “in this region. } The rhizome of Pteris aquilina extends through the soil for a con- siderable distance, and is often several metres long, branching frequently. The various branches wlich arise from it divide it into a large number of parts which are of unequal length. Since the parts, however, repre- sent equal periods of growth, they are consequently manifestations of regions of unequal activity during the formative period. In transverse sections of these rhizomes it'is evident that there are two systems of bundles—a central system and a cortical one. The bound- ary between these regions is determined by two long sclerenchymatous bands which lie above and below the central system of bundles—the bundles of the stem proper. The cortical bundles lie at the periphery, on the outside of the sclerenchymatous bands, and are the leaf-traces. There is a place on each side where the cortical parenchyma runs into the central parenchyma, between the bands of sclerenchyma, and these represent the foliar gaps through which the foliar bundles are given off from the bundles of the stem. The bundles of the two regions differ somewhat in appearance, the central ones being very long and with the xylem occupying by far the greater part of the bundle, whilst the cortical bundles, are as a rule, smaller and rounder with the xylem less extensive. The canals and thyloses that will be described below are never found in the central bundles, occurring only in the cortical leaf-traces. In the following description the oldest part of the rhizome, 1.e., where growth commenced, will be indicated as the posterior part, the region where growth termin- ated, as the anterior part. The cortical bundles, as a rule, showed either canals or thyloses, these occurring at one or two points in the bundle. The number varied as the shape of the bundle, and primarily as the number of the proto- xylem groups, for in these, as in the other regions, the canals and thy- loses are only found in the regions of the protoxylem. In bundles which are elliptical in outline, there are usually two canals or groups of thy- loses at the foci of the ellipse (Photo 12) ; in bundles of circular outline there is one central canal or group of thylosal cells. The canals and thylosal groups are of comparatively small size, and this is undoubtedly due to the character of the bundles in this region. The protoxylem elements in these bundles are surrounded on all sides by the secondary xylem, and have very little wood parenchyma mingled with them. Thus there is very little room available for the formation of the canal. In the stipe, on the other hand, the xylem has the shape {KrrscH] CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 389 of a horse-shoe, the protoxylem elements lying on the inside of the con- cavity. The protoxylem, however, takes up only a small portion of the area enclosed by the horse-shoe, the remainder being occupied by wood- parenchyma and phloem. Hence, when the canal begins to form, it has a considerable area available for lysigenetic degeneration through the rupturing of the wood parenchyma cells, and in this manner its bound- aries are extended. (Compare Photos 6 and 12.) Commencing at the anterior end, it was found that thyloses were present in many of the bundles, but that they differed considerably from those observed in the stipe. They were about the same size as the neigh- boring parenchyma cells and very rich in contents, so that it was rather difficult to distinguish them except by their position and by their more or less irregular shape (Fig. 18). It was thus found advisable to clear Fig. 18.—Pteris aquilina. Rhizome, tip. Thyloses, Th., adjacent to proto- xylem, Prx.. X 490. the sections with 1% potassium hydrate to remove the cell contents, a parallel series of sections with contents also being examined. When treated in this manner, the structures stood out very distinctly, and it was observed that the canals in bundles of the same transverse section did not exhibit parallel phases of development. Various gradations in the structure were represented; from places where only the open, irregular, canal was present, to places where the canal was blocked by thick-walled thyloses. The canals also varied greatly in size and appearance, from mere irregular chinks to compar- atively large cavities with a definite lining of parenchyma and proto- xylem cells. Some of these stages are depicted in the following figures. 390 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA In figure 19 a canal is shown which has a fairly large lumen, filled to a considerable extent with the remnants of the disorganised proto- xylem. No thyloses are apparent. Figure 20 represents a similar Fig. 19.—Pteris aquilina. Rhizome. Canal, C., filled with remnants of the disorganised protoxylem, A.tr., Sp.tr. 490. canal but besides the disorganised spiral and annular tracheids, there is a large thin-walled thylose which is rich in protoplasm, the nucleus standing out clearly. Fig. 20.—Pteris aquilina. Rhizome. Canal, C., in a mature rhizome with thylose, Th., growing out into the cavity. X 490. Figs. 21 and 22 are representations of the same canal, but the former was obtained at a slightly lower focus. In this canal all stages of thy- lose development are observable in a region about 4 em. in Jength— from the first signs of thylose formation, as exhibited in the bulging Fig. 21.—Pteris aquilina, rhizome. Canal, C., showing thyloses, Th., of dif- ferent ages in same region. X 490. out of some of the parenchyma cells surrounding the canal (Fig. 22)— to the extreme case where the thylose presents a thick, higly lignified, reticularly marked wall (Fig. 21). The only inference that can rea- [KIRSCH] CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 391 sonably be drawn from this appearance, is that the thyloses are capable of arising at various times in the course of the season’s growth, their development, in all probability, being determined by local conditions. Fig. 22.—Same section as fig. 21 at a lower focus. Showing canal, C., with thylose, Th., growing into it. X 490. Fig. 23.—Pteris aquilina, rhizome. Showing thick-walled thylose,°Th., with disorganised protoxylem elements,, A.tr., Sp.tr., showing through. X 367.5. Figure 23 shows a thick-walled, lignified, thylose from the same region, which seems to contain remains of protoxylem elements; these elements are, however, undoubtedly in a space below the cross-wall of 392 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA the thylose, for, on changing the focus, they stood out much more clearly. Proceeding towards the posterior end it is found that the thyloses become more and more frequent, canals entirely free from them being rarely observed, although canals that are only partly blocked occur con- tinually. The canal thus persists to a considerable extent, and is practi- cally as constant a feature as the thyloses, proving that the thyloses as a whole do not exhibit as active growth in this organ as in the stipe. The individual thylose cells also become thicker-walled as a rule, this no doubt being due to their more mature condition in this older portion of the rhizome. Another feature which is probably dependant on the greater age of the thyloses in this region is that starch becomes more and more abup- Fig. 24.—Pteris aquilina, rhizome. Fig. 25.—Pteris aquilina, rhizome. Thick Thick-walled thylose with long pits walled thylose, Pth., with pits on approaching scalariform markings. longitudinal and _ transverse y walls x 490. x 490. dant in them as we appoach the posterior end, the protoplasm becoming relatively more scarce. That starch should be present in the thyloses here is not at all surprising, for it is present in large quantities in the parenchymatous cells from which they originate. Thyloses with markings on their walls due to unequal thickening also become more abundant in this region, the markings being reticul- ated, scarlariform, or pitted. The latter are, however, by far the most prevalent. In some cases only the transverse walls exhibit these mark- ings (Fig. 24), whilst in other cases they are present on both the trans- verse and the longitudinal walls (Fig. 25). When there are pits on the transverse walls, the whole appearance greatly resembles a sieve-plate (Fig. 17). The thyloses thus become modified into vessels similar to [KIRSCH] CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 393 the xylem in many respects, the main difference lying in the much greater length of the latter elements. Vessels or sacs with epithelium, as described for the stipe, were not observed in the rhizome at any place. From the above account it is seen that, contrary to Terletzki (21, 486), the structures which he termed “ Stumpfzellen-Stringe ” are pre- sent in the rhizome of Pteris aquilina. : As noted before, the main rhizome is divided into a large number of unequal parts, and an account will now be given of what was observed in the short portions. A great many of these were examined and all presented the same phenomena, so that it will be sufficient to describe one which measured about + em. in length. ‘The bundles throughont all the sections showed the protoxylem to be practically intact (Photo 12), although in some places the protoxylem elements showed signs of con- siderable compression. In one or two instances, however, there was the slightest indication of canal formation in the presence of a minute slit between two protoxylem cells, where the wall had begun to split. But in no case was this carried far enough to produce a definite cavity. As would be expected from this, there was no sign of thyloses in these bundles. The above is a further proof of the fact that in regions of slow growth the canal is not formed at all, or only slightly, proving that the formation of the canal is a function of growth. This feature is further illustrated in the bundles of the branches of the rhizome which bear the stipes. These branches are always short, never growing to more than 2 em. in length, and the protoxylem in their bundles was generally found intact. In some of the longest ones, how- ever, indications of canals were evident, the protoxylem elements having separated considerably. However, the action had not proceeded rapidly enough to rupture the cells, so that the small cavities were of purely schizogenous origin. The growing points of the rhizome will now be dealt with. These differ greatly in length, from about 0.5 em. to 6 or 7 inches. At the anterior end all the tissues are in a formative state, whilst at the pos- terior end they are fairly mature. In the smallest specimens very little evidence of the canal was to be seen, and since these represent regions of slow growth, the canal is probably never formed in them. In those of vigorous growth, i.e. which measured about 6 cm. or longer, breaks in the protoxylem were evident at the very tip. Proceed- ing from the anterior to the posterior end these breaks became larger and larger and assumed the character of canals. In some of the largest 394 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA canals, thin-walled thyloses filled with protoplasm and starch began to make their appearance. It is thus seen that here also the canals are formed during the early stages of growth, when all the tissues are in a formative state, and that they occur mainly in regions manifesting very active growth. ‘This concludes the description of the phenomena as observed in Pteris aquilina, and an account will now be given of other members of the Pteridophyta, which present similar appearances. The account of the latter, however, will be much less exhaustive on account of the lack of material showing the various stages. Nevertheless, these partial ob- servations will be of considerable aid in explaining the origin and func- tion of the whole structure In addition to Pteris aquilina two other Polypodiaceæ were exam- ined :— Onoclea sensibilis and Asplenium spinulosum. In Onoclea, fronds which were still in the bud stage, young fronds, and the rhizome were investigated, whilst in Asplenium only the base of the mature stipe was available. The buds of the fronds showed the various tissues to be in a form- ative state, the xylem being very thin-walled and rich in contents. The protoxylem groups were either intact or just beginning to split away to form a canal, which is in agreement with the appearance noted in the buds of Pteris. In the young fronds thyloses were observed, these standing out very clearly (Photo 13). They are much, larger than the surrounding cells, thin-walled, and full of granular cytoplasm. In no case were they seen to fill the canal completely in transverse section, and here and there rings and spirals of the disorganised protoxylem were visible in the cavity. Thyloses were also present in the rhizome, and are distinguished from the surrounding cells by their greater size-and by the more trans- parent and granular nature of their contents. As in the case of the parenchyma cells in this region, they act as reservoirs for the storage of reserve food in the form of starch. In sections of the mature stipe of Asplenium spinulosum taken at the base, each of the strap-shaped bundles had two groups of thyloses, one at each end. The thylosal cells here are very rich in contents, mainly starch. Of the Cyatheaceæ, Cibotium regale and Cyathea medullaris were investigated. The rachis of Cibotium regale was the only part available and showed the thyloses beautifully. In this organ there is only one large bundle which is horse shoe shaped with the free ends bent in. The xylem [KIRSCH] CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 395. plate is in the form of a narrow band running right around the bundle and curving in and out in a zigzag manner. There is thus an alterna- tion of concave and convex portions of the xylem plate on each side of the bundle. On the inner side of the xylem curves whose concave faces lie towards the inner side of the bundle are situated the protoxylem groups, the thyloses being in this position in the sections examined (Photo 14). On the inner side of the curves whose concave faces lie towards the outer side of the bundle, and thus alternate with the proto- xylem groups, are groups of tannin- or resin-bearing cells. The num- ber of groups of thyloses in a bundle varies with the size of the bundle. In a section of the stipe which was 1 em. across, 35 distinct groups of thyloses were counted, in one which measured 0.5 cm. across, 26 groups were present. Each group usually consisted of from 3 to 6 large thyloses which were rather thin-walled and poor in contents. Broken protoxylem elements were also frequently observed in these. In many cases the groups of thyloses presented the appearance of vessels or cysts with epithelium, so that, as far as could be judged from the material available, the structure here exhibited parallel development to that in Pteris aquilina. In Cyathea medullaris also, only the rachis was available for exam- ination. In transverse sections of this organ three bundles are seen, one large one, and two smaller ones above it. The bundles have the general appearance of the strap-shaped bundles found in the oldest stipes of Pteris aquilina which are formed by the fusion of several smaller ones. In each bundle there are several large groups of thyloses adjacent to the protoxylem groups (Photo 15). The individual thylose cells are very large, and in the sections examined were thin-walled and frequently showed prominent nuclei. Rings and spirals of the disorganised proto- xylem elements were also evident in many of the groups. Thyloses which are modified to simulate the appearance of vessels with epithelium were found to occur here frequently, and in these it was clearly seen that the original wood parenchyma sometimes formed part of the epithelium. Todea barbara and Osmunda regalis were the forms examined in the Osmundacee. In sections obtained from a young stipe of Todea barbara before the pinnæ had become unfolded, it was seen that all the tissues were in a very immature state. The cells which stand out most distinctly in the vascular bundle at this stage, are groups of four or more brown or red- dish coloured cells which lie at frequent intervals mainly on the inner 396 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA side of the bundle and contain mucilage or tannin. A few of these cells are, however, found on the outer side of the bundle as well. Alternating with these on the inner side of the bundle are groups of protoxylem which are fairly thin-walled, but empty of contents (Photo 16). Most of the protoxylem groups at this stage were intact, but some of them were starting to break up, and thus formed small spaces which represent the beginnings of the canals. The secondary xylem in these sections was not yet formed, and its cells showed an abundance of protoplasmic material (Photo 16, xy). Sections obtained from a mature rachis of Todea barbara showed the thyloses beautifully. The protoxylem groups seen in the young rachis were not present at any point, and their position is occupied by large, thick-walled thyloses (Photo 17). The thyloses frequently con- tain masses of protoplasm in which nuclei stand out very prominently. The thylose cells are of about the same size as the mucilage or tannin cells which alternate with them, but are less regular in outline, and for the most part possess thicker walls. When stained in hematoxylin they are easily differentiated by the lighter color they assume. Remains of the disorganised protoxylem are frequently observed lying among them. In the specimens examined twenty-five to thirty thylosal groups were present in each bundle. In sections obtained from buds of fronds of Osmunda regalis almost the same appearances as in the young stipe of Todea barbara were ob- served. The tissues as a whole are very immature, the tannin or mucil- age bearing cells being the most evident. Between the groups of tannin cells are the protoxylem groups (Photo 18), which are practically intact, and are the only elements of the xylem defined at this stage. There are about twelve such groups in each bundle. In sections taken from.older stipes the tissues were already well defined, and thyloses had made their appearance (Photo 19). The thy- loses in this form, however, do not stand out very clearly, but resemble the surrounding parenchyma a great deal both in color and in contents. Moreover, the parenchyma cells are very large here and this renders the resemblance even more striking. However, on close examination, it can be seen that the thylose cells are very irregular in outline, and that they contain very clear lines and circles which turn out to be the highly re- fractive remains of the broken protoxylem elements. This difference in appearance from the thyloses in Todea is pro- bably due to the different age of the two. In Todea it is seen that the thyloses are even thicker walled than the xylem elements, and this is no doubt due to very active growth in the thylose cells. The thyloses would [kirsca] CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 397 thus block the canal at a comparatively early stage of development, and that is what has probably occurred in the stipes of Osmunda that were examined. In this case the thyloses have blocked the canal, but have not yet had time to thicken their walls very much. It is these thylosal cells that De Bary (3, 347) speaks of in dis- cussing the vascular bundle of the petiole of Osmunda. “On the con- cave side it is parenchymatous, and distinguished by 10-12 small groups of conspicuously wide cells, which still need investigation. It is by no means surprising that he failed to interpret them, since he only saw the last stage of the structure and not its early development. Of the Marattiaceæ, Angiopteris evecta was examined, stipes of this form being available. Fig. 26.—Angiopteris evecta, racais. Sbcwing canal, C. with thyloses, Th., growing into it. X 245. On examining very thin sections of the stipe, there were seen to be large, irregular areas of clear, thin-walled cells next to the protoxylem in many of the bundles (Photo 20). In other bundles there were cavities adjacent to the protoxylem, with cells of a similar nature to the above jutting into them (Fig. 26). These cells are the thyloses men. tioned above for the other forms, and present identical characteristics. Remains of the protoxylem in the form of rings and spirals, as well as drawn out spirals which appear like glistening threads, are frequently found in these areas. The thyloses are very clear of contents, but often exhibit prominent nuclei. | 398 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA The number of thylosal groups present in a vascular bundle in this form, varies with the shape of the bundle, from one to several. The position of the canal and thyloses also varies with the shape. In the long or only slightly curved bundles the canals are formed at various points on the inner edge of the xylem band (Photo 20), and thus border on the xylem only on one side. In horse-shoe or crescent-shaped bundles the canal is formed right in the bend of the xylem, and is thus surrounded by xylem on all sides, except where the crescent opens out to the grouni tissue. Lastly there are bundles where the protoxylem lies in the centre, and when it becomes disorganised the canal that is formed is in the centre of the xylem, and surrounded by it on all sides. In this case, if there happen to be any parenchyma cells present, thyloses are formed. but if they are not present, the canal remains unblocked. The above forms all belong to the Filices or Ferns proper, and show the prevalence of thyloses in that group. The Ophioglossee will now be dealt with, Botrychium virginianum being the form described. Fig. 27.—Botrychium, virginianum, stipe. Thyloses. Th., in process of division X 490. Only some young stipes of Botrychium virginianum were available, and sections obtained from these showed a ring of bundles composing a vascular cylinder. The bundles are simple or compound and are separ- ated from one another by portions of the fundamental tissue. The protoxylem groups stand out as points on the inner side of the bundles, and in the sections examined showed breaks which represent the canals noted in Pteris and other forms. Bordering the canal, and jutting into it, were seen cells of mucn greater size than the adjacent parenchyma cells, but not differing very much in other respects. These cells are the thyloses which are here very rich in contents. They contain large masses of cytoplasm with very prominent nuclei (Photo 21). In many cases a thylose was seen to be in connection with a parenchymatous cell, division having already taken place as was evident from the thin cross-wall (Fig. 27). In all these [KrrscH] CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 399 cases large nuclei were present in both cells, proving that thylose forma- tion is only a phase of ordinary cell division induced under certain conditions. The thyloses filled up nearly the whole space left vacant by the protoxylem in the process of canal formation, but in most cases a con- siderable portion of the original cavity remained, some of the protoxylem elements floating around in this. The canals described above are present in the Equisetaceæ in the form of the well-known carinal canals, which are formed in precisely the same manner as in Pteris, but are generally more regular in outline Strasburger in his description of the anatomy of Equisetum Telmateja, speaks of them as follows (19, 431): “ Each vascular bundle has on its inner edge a carinal canal, which has the same origin as the frequently occurring, schizogenous, water-conducting, intercellular passage in the vascular tissue of the Monocotyledons. Into these cavities project rings of the narrow, primary xylem vessels which become disorganised on separation.” Thyloses are not found in these normally, but they can be induced to appear under certain experimental conditions. Strasburger gives the following account of their occurrence in Equisetum Telmateja (19, 437). “In decapitated stems (Shoots) set up in water and protected from evaporation, drops of water squeezed out of the carinal canals after a short interval. After a period of twelve hours the bounding wood paren- chyma cells put forth prolongations of a globular nature into the carinal canals, and there consequently ensued in these a formation of thyloses very similar to that customary in the lumen of vessels. Regardless of the fact that the wood parenchyma cells bordering on the canals could have curved out on their whole surfaces, still they mostly put forth only localised, bladder-like prolongations, several of these in a row frequently jutting out into the cavity.” The mode of thylose formation agrees essentially with that observed in Pteris aquilina, except in the occurrence of localised projections, which phenomenon was not noted in that form. That the occurrence of thy- loses under such conditions is what would naturally be expected, will be demonstrated below. The canals are also encountered in the Lycopodiacee. According to De Bary (3, 338) one such intercellular canal is present between the xylem and phloem of most species of Isoetes, while in Isoetes Engelmanni there are usually three. He states that their origin is not clear. Russow (15, 140) has the following in this connection :—“ In the vascular bundle of Isoetes lacustris there occurs one lacuna (canal) 400 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA which does not seem to arise by the absorption of the protoxylem elements as in the case of the canals in the bundles of Equisetum.” Strasburger, on the other hand, expresses a contrary view, and is supported by other observers (19, 464). “ Von Jancewski firmly estab- lished for Iscetes Durieui that the intercellular passages on the inner side of the bundles arise from the protoxylem, whose disorganisation begins at a very early stage. The same has been proven in isolated cases by Kruch. In short, the intercellular passages on the inner side of the bundles always originate from a tracheid cell, which, developing into a protoxylem element becomes quickly absorbed.” Thyloses are not recorded for these, although they could probably be induced in the same manner as in Equisetum. Intercellular passages adjacent to the protoxylem are of wide oc- currence in the Monocotyledons (3, 326 et seq.) and it is interesting to note that under certain induced conditions thyloses make their appear- ance in them. ‘The following observations by Miehe (8, 547) in the course of an article on geotropism established this fact:— It is a fact that abnormal manifestations of growth may arise in the case of wounds. The extension of thylose formation affords us a means of determining (Zu prufen) the area affected by the wounds. In the internodes of Tradescantia fluminensis there arise, through the rupture of several annular and spiral tracheids, lacunæ which extend the whole length of the Internode, and, in transverse section, appear as spaces of irregular contour. Rings of living cells surround them, the ruptured annular and spiral fragments lying scattered in the cavity. They are closed above and below by the plates of nodal tissue. In case these are dam- aged, the living cells bordering the passages begin to grow out, and fill them up to a greater or less extent with a bladder-like tissue. At times these growths extended even to the third joint (Gelenk), and thus showed that even at this distance the wound had still influenced an abnormal growth in isolated cells.” He then goes on to discuss the effect the wounding has on geotropism. What he terms the wound, is in this case a cut effected by means of a double knife at a certain point in the stem, the method he employed being fully described in his paper. It will be shown below that the ap- pearance of the thyloses here is due primarily to the same causes as in the forms mentioned above, the cut being merely an indirect means of inducing them. A similar appearance was noted by Mellink (8, 750, and Figs 4 and 1a) in petioles of Nymphæa alba which had been wounded in the course of growth. The thyloses arose from the cells surrounding the [kirscH] CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 401 cavities of the intercellular canals of the bundles, and blocked them more or less completely. The air passages which occur in the fundamental tissue of the petioles of this form were also blocked up by the thylosal growths. From the above it is evident that the well-known intercellular canals in the vascular bundles of the Mono-, and Dicotyledons and of the Equi- setaceæ, present parallel stages of development with those observed in the various orders of the Filices and in the Ophioglosseæ, and that they are all identical in every respect. Having accomplished this, it will now be well to return to Pteris aquilina, and, if possible, determine the probable function of the canal by means of the data obtained during the investi- gation. Since, however, the canals observed in the other forms are homologous with those in Pteris, what is found to be true of the latter will also hold good for them. Before proceeding to deal with the function of the c:nal in Pteris, it will be instructive to note what function is attributed to the homo- logous structure in Equisetum. Campbell, in describing Equisitum telmateia, states the following (2, 464) :—%A cross section of the fully-developed stem of E. telmateia (Fig. 266, C) shows this very regular arrangement of the vascular bundles and lacunæ. In addition to the large cortical ones, each vascular bundle has on the inner side, a large air space, which like the other is formed by the tearing apart of the tissues of the bundle.” He thus con- siders the carinal and vallecular canals to perform the same function, viz.: that of an aiz-passage. Strasburger, on the other hand, states that the function of the carinal canal differs from that of the vallecular canal, as can be seen from the following (20, ) :—“ Each axis (of Equisetum arvense) consists of a series of elongated internodes...... internally it is tra- versed by a central air-passage and by a number of smaller peripheral passages, vallecular canals...... Between the central and the vallecular canals and alternating with the latter, is a circle of bicollateral vascular bundles...... Each vascular bundle is also traversed by a longitudinal water-passage, the carinal canal.” Strasburger bases his view on experi- mental data (19, 437), and so it will be taken for granted that the func- tion of the carinal canal is the conduction of water. It has been shown in Pteris aquilina and in some of the other Pteridophyta that the canal always arises at a very early stage in the growth of the plant, and before the secondary xylem has developed to any extent. It is the expansion of the growing secondary xylem elements which causes the separation of the already formed protoxylem elements, Sec. IV., 1907. 25. 402 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA the separation and consequent disorganisation giving rise to the inter- cellular canal. Hence Thome is wrong when he states that the proto- xylem elements become functionless on the completion of the secondary xylem, and tear apart, for, when the secondary xylem is already formed the protoxylem, if present, whether functionless or not, remains intact. This is clearly proven in regions of slow growth, and follows logically, for at that time the cause of the separation at an earlier stage is non- existent, the secondary xylem having ceased its growth. When the the protoxylem is fully formed in regions of very active growth, the secondary xylem is still in a highly formative state, and on the separation and disorganisation of the former, cannot very well assume the conductive functions which it carries on later. Hence, at this time, the only efficient vehicle for the conduction of the transpiration stream is the canal, which thus assumes this most important function at a cri- tical period in the growth of the plant. The canal must therefore be regarded as a continuous vessel which functions alone until the secondary xylem is able to assume the duties assigned to it in the division of labor. That the canal is well suited for this purpose is easily seen, for the ir- regular character of its wall and the protoxylem remains in its cavity would aid greatly in supporting the water-column, whilst in size it greatly exceeds the area of the disorganised protoxylem. Where the growth is slow and the protoxylem is consequently not torn apart, no canal is formed, the protoxylem retaining the conductive functions. It would not be at all unreasonable to assume that the intercellular passages in the vascular bundles function in the above manner wherever they occur, and it therefore remains to be seen why thyloses do not ap- peur normally in all the canals, both in the ferns and in the higher plants, or, in other words why the canals become functionless in some whilst they retain their function in others. When the sap is conducted only by the intercellular canal in Pteris aquilina, the pressure on the parenchyma cells which form its wall must be enormous, and must certainly produce some physiological effect on them. Now, the xylem plate in the vascular bundles of Pteris and other Filices occupies a very large portion of the bundle, and so when the xylem elements become fully formed and assume their proper function, the force of the stream ascending by means of the canals must become greatly lessened, for the stream which before possessed only one means of ascent is now proceeding along many channels. In this way the pres- sure exerted on the living cells which form the wall of the canal is greatly reduced. These wood parenchyma cells are, however, very active ani highly sensitive to stimulation, and when the pressure is thus suddenly diminished, they begin to extend into the cavity of the canal. [KIRscH] CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 403 That this is not merely a supposition, but a probable fact is con- firmed by the following observations of Pfeffer on the effect of mechan- ical pressure on growth (12, 28) :—‘ Mechanical resistances exercise a direct retarding action upon growth, and cause it to cease when they are sufficiently powerful, but at the same time they may act as physiological stimuli. The growth of the cell-wall may continue even though external growth is impossible, and as soon as the mechanical resistance is removed growth is resumed in those zones which remain meristematic.” This certainly applies to the phenomenon under discussion, for in this case the rapid movement of the transpiration stream not only offers mechanical resistance to the extension of the parenchyma cells, but also acts as an irritation and in this manner the cells are kept in a state of great internal activity. The cells bordering the canal are constantly receiving large supplies of nutritive material and are in a high state of turgidity. During the time that the sap ascends only by way of the intercellular canal, how- ever, the pressure exerted by it on the wood parenchyma ceils greatly exceeds the pressure arising from their highly turgid condition and pre- vents them from extending into the cavity. When this force is dimin- ished, their turgidity exceeds the pressure exerted against them, and they begin to grow into the canal, and, since a large quantity of nutri- tive substances is available, they divide rapidly. This explains why the thylose formation is initiated and gves on most energetically just as soon as the xylem begins to assume its adult characteristics, for the lumen of the canal is then available for this pur- pose. The canal therefore not only functions as a vessel, but, as in the case of vessels, becomes blocked with thyloses when it begins to lose its function. It will be shown below that all thylose formation, whether normal or abnormal, is probably due to the same cause. In regions of slow growth, where the canal is not very large in the first place, and where the xylem slowly assumes its functions, the change in the pressure is very gradual, and cannot be very great, so that thyloses rarely make their appearance at an early stage; the slow for- mation or entire absence of the thyloses in these regions would also be due, in part at least, to the less active condition of the parenchyma cells which bound the canal, since all the tissues here are comparatively in- active. That the observations in the Equisetaceæ and the Monocotyledons are capable of being interpreted by means of this explanation, is, I be- lieve, evident from the following: In both these groups the xylem plate in each bundle is much less extensive than in the bundles of those ferns where the phenomenon of thylose formation was most in evidence. Thus 404 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA the importance of the canal as a conductive passage is not greatly less- ened on the completion of the secondary xylem, and the pressure exerted on the living cells which border it is not diminished to any considerable extent. As soon as this pressure is greatly lessened, however, thyloses make their appearance. This, I believe, is the primary cause of the abnormal thylose formation noted above in the cases of Equisetum Tel- mateja, Tradescantia fluminensis, and Nymphæa alba. To prove this, however, it will be necessary to go more fully into the subject of thylose formation, and to see what views are held in regard to its origin and significance, The first recorded observation of thyloses is that of Malpighi (7, 9), who did not attempt any explanation of their significance. Mohl (10), in the Ray Society’s volume for 1849, speaks of them as follows:—“I think that I am not wrong in assuming that they are produced by a protruding expansion (a kind of hernia) of the adjacent cell, which penetrates the pore, and either tears through or causes the absorption of the primary membrane of the vessel.” Bohm (1867) (1) on the contrary, held that the thyloses do not originate by the bulging out of the cells surrounding the ducts, but by the accumulation of plasma between the lamellæ of the walls of the vessels whose innermost layers grow out as the membranes of the “ Thyllen” cells. As will be shown below, this view is altogether er- roneous. Rees (1868) (14) holds the following view: “Each young thylle makes its appearance as a bulging of a wood parenchyma or me ray cell forced through a pore in the vessels.” De Bary (3, 170) describes their occurrence as follows :—“ They may arise where a Trachea borders on parenchymatous cells, and in fact from those cells themselves, which grow into it. A small part of the merbrane of a parenchymatous cell adjoining an unthickened point on the wall of a Trachea (as a rule a pit) grows to an excrescence protrud- ing into the cavity of the latter... and finally cuts itself off as a special cell from the rest of the cavity of the cell which produced it by means of a division-wall, formed at its point of entrance into the Trachea... This often happens to such an extent that the tube is entirely filled by thyloses flattened into polyhedral form by reciprocal pressure. Further, a multiplication of them by division has been observed in many cases.” He goes on to give an account of the forms in which they have been observed (Mono-and Dicotyledons) and concludes as follows :—“ These facts may afford starting-points for the enquiry into the still unknown causes of the formation of thyloses which cannot be further noticed here.” [krrscH] CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 405 Sachs (16, 581) has the following :—“ If the vessels, especially the wide ones, of Robinia, the Oak, Vine, and many other woods are exam- ined microscopically, when they have attained a certain age, they are found to be entirely filled with a parenchymatous tissue, which was observed and figured even by the first vegetable anatomist, Malpighi, though, of course, he had no idea of its origin. Not before recent re- searches, especially the careful labors of Rees (1868), were accomplished, was the remarkable origin of the thyloses rendered clear. They arise in fact by the very thin closing membranes of the bordered pits, at the spots where the vessels abut on soft parenchyma cells, becoming forced into the cavity of the vessel under the turgescence of the latter, and then beginning to grow vigorously. A club-shaped vesicle is thus formed, which, as it grows, undergoes cell divisions, and when such structures protrude from numerous pits, they fill up the cavity of the vessel and compress one another, and thus produce a parenchyma-like tissue.” Sachs is here evidently altogether wrong, for, like Bohm, he inter- prets the phenomenon in an impossible mamner. The closing membranes of the pits are only parts of the wall of the vessel, and at the time of thylose formation have lost the power of growth completely, being long past the formative stage. Sachs states that it is these membranes which are stretched and forced into the cavity of the vessel and there begin to divide. In order to be capable of growth and division, however, a nucleus at least must be present, which is not the case, since all the protoplasm has disappeared long before. If we accept Sachs’ interpretation we would thus have part of a cell wall, after being forced to bulge into the lumen of its cell, first forming a cross wall as in the case of the bud of an yeast plant, thus becoming cut off from the rest of the wall, and then beginning to divide and giving rise to a parenchymatous tissue. That this is impossible, is only too clear, for a cell wall cannot go on growing and dividing unless there is a nucleus with cytoplasm to cause this growth, the cell-wall itself being a dead substance. The explanation of their origin which is most in line with the re- corded observations, and which is confirmed by the nature of the phe- nomenon in Pteris and other ferns, is the following :—The parenchyma cells which grow into the pits and force the closing membranes into the cavity of the vessel are active, living cells, and as they continue their growth, they either rupture or disorganise the membrane, thus gaining access to the lumen of the vessel. Here they keep on growing and divid- ing as long as they do not encounter any resisting force, or until the food supply diminishes, and thus form a parenchymatous tissue. Thus these parenchymatous elements not only initiate the formation of thy- loses by forcing the closing membranes into the lumen of the vessel and 406 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA destroying it, but also give rise to the resultant tissue by a process of growth and division. That the formation of thyloses, in whatever form it is manifested, is due solely to differences in pressure, in the lumens of cells or canals which border on each other, is, I believe, a very reasonable assumption, proven by the time and manner of thylose development wherever it has been observed. This point has been established above for the Ferns, and we will now proceed to see if it also holds true for the other forms. In the Dicotyledons the thyloses never occur in vessels which are in a state of activity, being found only in older vessels. Thus, Stras- burger (19, 191), speaking of Robina Pseudacacia states the following: “The wider vessels of the three-year-old growth ring were already filled with thyloses in the branch investigated.” Further on, in describing Ficus, he says (19, 205):—“In the relatively young wood of Ficus elastica which was available for investigation, vessels with thyloses were observed only at long intervals; on the other hand, thyloses were present in all the vessels of a portion of Ficus bengalensis which was obtained from an older portion of the stem.” It may be taken as a general rule that in the Dicotyledons thyloses arise in the region of the wood which is undergoing a change from sap-wood to heart-wood, i.e., in wood which is losing the power of conduction. The occurrence of the thyloses in this region is just what would be expected from the conditions which prevail in the vessels at this time. The conductive function is being taken over by the vessels of more recent formation, and the sap is thus gradually withdrawn from the older ones. The pressure inside the latter is therefore greatly reduced, whilst the parenchyma cells which abut on them are in a high state of turgescence. The parenchyma cells, possessing a greater turgescence than the adjoir- ing vessels, begin to extend, since they are in a state of active growth, and the pit being the weakest point in the wall of the vessel, they pro- ject into it and push in the closing membrane, finally rupturing it, thus gaining access to the lumen. The phenomenon is thus identical with that observed in Pteris aquilina only in this case there is no free space along the whole conti- guous surface of the parenchyma cell, whilst in Pteris the whole side of the cell abuts on the cavity. Thus in the former only portions of the cell grow into the lumen, whilst in the latter the whole cell takes part in the growth and division. In the cases where thyloses occur after wounding, or on account of disease, essentially the same conditions prevail, for if the various observa- tions recorded by authors are scrutinised in this light, it will become [kirscH] (CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 407 clear that there is a great reduction in pressure in the lumina in every case where thyloses appear. In the case of Equisetum Telmateja mentioned above, the stem wa: decapitated and hence the force of the transpiration stream was greatly diminished or altogether destroyed. The stem, however, was kept under water, and so the parenchymatous elements surrounding the canals would retain their turgescence for a long time. The intercellular passages on the contrary, lost their fluid, as was evident from the drops of water that were observed to come out of them; and the equilibrium between the pressure in their lumens and that in the lumina of the surrounding parenchyma cells was therefore destroyed. This is exactly parallel to what occurs in Pteris aquilina when the intercellular passages begin to lose their function, and what occurs in them naturally occurs here also. This, of course, affords a rational explanation for the thylose formation, the mere stimulation due to the cutting of the vessels not being sufficient in my estimation, to induce such widespread tissue formation. The case of Tradescantia fluminensis is identical, for here also the continuity of the vessels wes destroyed, thus causing the diminution and loss in the vessels of the pressure due to the movement of the transpira- tion stream. The living cells bordering on the passage, however, do not lose their turgescence, and so naturally grow into the cavity, which has become available on account of diminished pressure. In both the above cases the passage offers the least resistance to the extension of the parenchyma cells, for no pit with a closing membrane has to be traversed before the lumen is reached as in the case of xylem’ vessels, and hence the activity becomes localised at this point. The action of wounding does not produce the thyloses directly, owing to stimulation, but indirectly, owing to the interference with the upward movement of the transpiration stream. When viewed in this light it is not at all strange that the phenomenon extends a great distance, for the effect is practically uniform all along the passages. Pfeffer, in discussing the effect of traumatic lesions has the follow- ing (12, 134) :—“ Special stimuli are, however, often involved, for in- juries may induce growth in single cells or tissues, which were quiescent in the adult plant, although no mechanical resistance was offered to their growth. This applies to the formation of thyloses, which only appear when the wood has attained a certain age, or when an injury acts as a stimulus to their formation, although the open lumina of the tracheæ have been available for a long time previously.” This is seen to be wrong in the light of what has been shown to be the most probable cause of thylose formation, for the stimulation due to the wound would only affect a limited area adjacent to it, and would not be enough to cause a 408 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA general activity in the vessels of the whole plant. Again, the lumina, as has been pointed out, have not been available for a long time, and are only rendered available owing to the effect of the wound. Sachs, although he gives a wrong interpretation of the origin of thyloses, seems to have seen this relation of turgescence to the formation of thyloses in vessels, as the following will show (16, 581). “The whole process (of thylose formation) would be quite impossible if the tube of the vessel itself was filled with sap and turgescent, but as it is the vessel loses its sap, and the air contained in it is even rarefied, and thus the turgescence of the neighboring parenchyma cells must drive forwards the fine closmg membrane of the pits into the cavity of the vessel.” However, owing to his erroneous interpretations of the thyloses, he does not see that the reduction of pressure in the vessels causes the active parenchyma cells adjacent to them to grow into the lumina which be- come available for their extension. We will now consider one or two cases where thyloses appear in atrophied or diseased organs, in order to see if the cause of the formation: in these is the same as in the above instances. Strasburger (19, 411) furnishes us with the following example. “In a root of Monstera de- liciosa which was dead at its lower extremity, I found very beautiful Thyloses. In several places the vessels were completely blocked by the meeting of the thyloses. This ability to form thyloses in the vessels of the root is not limited to Monstera. I observed the same in root stumps of species of Philodendron.” In this case the water had ceased to circulate in the vessels, for the root had lost its power of absorption, its lower end being dead. Hence the pressure in the vessels was greatly diminished, and the adjacent parenchyma cells therefore availed themselves of the lumina to form thylosal tissues. Watt (24) gives an account of a disease which affects the Betel-Nut Palm, one of the symptoms of which is the blocking up of the vessels by thyloses. This disease occurs in periods of drought, when there is an excess of transpiration, and he says (24, 278): “ We must look, there- fore, to the deprivation of moisture from tissues that normally possess a large quantity of water for a possible explanation of the cause of the disease.” ; The thylose formation here further confirms the conclusions set forth above, for it occurs at a time when there is a great diminution of pressure in the vessels. This loss of pressure is due to the inadequate water-supply, the quantity of water available in the soil not being suffi- cient to supply the demands of the rapid evaporation. The water in the * vessels is thus given off, but no fresh supply rises up through the roots, [nt son CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 409 and so the lumina become available for the intrusion of the adjacent living cells. The vessels are thus blocked up with a living tissue, which in the first place prevents aeration, and then, owing to rapid decay, causes the death of the Palm. This concludes our observations on the nature of thylosez and it is now seen that the investigation of the groups of large, irregular cells ebserved in the bundles of mature stipes of Pteris aquilina has thrown considerable light on the vexed question of the meaning of the thyloses. For, it has been clearly proven, that thylose formation is essentially only a disposition on the part of the plant to restore a disturbed equilibrium, the activity ceasing as soon as the equilibrium is attained. It is no doubt for this reason that the thyloses are often so localised, blocking some portions of a passage completely (in transverse section) whilst others only in part, for all the parenchyma cells bordering on the canal do not possess the same degree of turgescence, and hence the equilibrium of some cells is disturbed less than that of others. Therefore some of the cells grow and divide more actively than others, whilst some may remain entirely quiescent. The thyloses, however, are only a secondary appearance, and it is the presence of a well-marked intercellular passage in the vascular bundles of the Ferns that is most significant, for it shows that this structure occurs in all the classes of vascular plants, from the Filices to the various Monocotyledons, originating in the same manner in all of them. Its general occurrence in the Ferns as a fully functioning canal only at the time when there is no other channel available for the ascent of the transpiration stream throws considerable light on its utility wherever it appears, whether it persists through the whole life history of the plant, or becomes blocked-up when its importance is greatly lessened. In conclusion, I wish to express my sincere thanks to Professor D. P. Penhallow for the interest he took in this research, and for the valuable suggestions he was ever ready to give when any difficulties were encountered by the writer. I must also thank him for the trouble he took in preparing the microphotographs illustrating this paper, and for all the facilities I was afforded in carrying on the work in the botanical laboratory. To Assistant Professor Miss C. M. Derick, also, I desire to express my appreciation for the interest she exhibited in the progress of the in- vestigation and for her many helpful suggestions. Sec. I1V., 1907. 26. 410 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA BIBLIOGRAPHY. Box. pe (1) Sitzungsber. K.K. Akad. D. Wissensch. Vienna. 1867, CAMPBELL, D.H. (2) Mosses and Ferns. 1905, DE Bary, Dr. A. (3) Comparative Anatomy of the Phanerogams and Ferns, 1884. DIPPEL. (4) Mikroskop, II. (5) Ueber die Zusammensetzung des Gefäss-bundels der Kryptoganen. Im amtl. Bericht der 39 Naturforscher, Zu Giessen, 1864—Giessen, 1865—Taf IV., Fig. 12-13. GREEN, J. REYNOLDS. (6) An Introduction to Vegetable Physiology. MALPIGHI. ()yAnaty Plant Labs Vin ehigen 2: MIEHE, Huco. (8) Usber correlative Beeinflussung des Geotropismus einiger Gelenk- pflanzen. Jahrb. wiss. Bot. Bd. XXXVII. MELLINK. J. F. A. (9) Zur Thyllenfrage. Bot. Ztg. Nov., 1886. MHierin. Taf. VI. MOHL. (10) Ray. Society, Vol. for 1849. MoéLiscu, HANS. (11) Zur Kentniss der Thyllen. Sitzber. d. k. Akademie d. Wissen. Zu Wien. Bd. XL., VII., 1888. PFEFFER. (.2) Physiology of Plants. Transl. by A. J. Ewart, Vol. II., 1903. POTONIÉ. (13) Zusammens, d. Leitbundel. REES. (14) Bot. Ztg., 1868. Russow, DR. EDMUND. (15) Vergleichende Untersuchungen, 1872. SACHS, JULIUS VON. (16) Lectures on the Physiology of Plants. Transl. by H. Marshall Ward, 1887. SCOTT, D. H. (17) Studies in Fossil Botany, London, 1900. SEWARD, A. C. (18) Fossil Plants, Vol. I., Cambridge Press, 1898. [KrrscH] CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES All STRASBURGER, EDUARD. (19) Histologische Beitrage, Heft III., 1891. Ueber den Bau und die Verrichtungen der Leitungsbahnen in den Pflanzen. (20) Manual of Vegetable Histology. TERLETZKI, P. (21) Anatomie der Vegetationsorgane von Struthiopteris germanica Willd. und Pteris aquilina L. Mit Tafel XXIV., XXVI. Jahrb. wiss. Bot. Bd. XV., 1884. THOMAE, K. (22) Die Blattstiele der Farne. Hierzu Taf. V.-VIII, Jahrb. wiss. Bot. Bd. XVII., 1886. THOMÉ, OTTO W. (23) Text-Book of Structural and Physiological Botany. WATT, GEORGE. (24) A Plague in the Betel-Nut Palms and The Destruction of the Tissues by What appears to be a Form of Thyloses. The Agri- cultural Ledger, 1901, No. 8. WEISS, F. E. 25) On the Thyloses of Rachiopteris corrugata. The New Phytologist, Vol. V., No. 4, Apr. 1906. WILLIAMSON, W. C. (26) On the Organisation of the Fossil Plants of the Coal-measures. Part Vibe Phialrans Sita Vol (20) Ditto, Part XX Phill Trans, 1880) Vol. 171 (28) On Some Anomalous Cells developed within the interior of the Fossil Plants of the Coal-Measure. Ann. of Bot. I. EXPLANATION OF ABBREVIATIONS ON ILLUSTRATIONS. A. tr. Disorganised annular tracheids of the protoxylem. C. Intercellular canal or remnants of it. Ph. Phloem. Prx. Persistent protoxylem. Sp. tr. Disorganised spiral] tracheids of the protoxylem. ‘Th. Thy loses. W. Par. Wood parenchyma. Xy. Xylem. Photo 1.—Pteris aquilina, stipe, May 29th, 1899. Canal filled with disorgan- ised protoxylem elements. XX 200. Photo 2.—Pteris aquilina, stipe, May 29th, 1899. Longit. Formation of canal by disorganisation of spiral and annular tracheæ. X 230. Photo 3.—Same as Photo 2. Showing canal formed and disorganised proto- xylem floating in it. X 200. 412 Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo Photo ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA 4.—Pteris aquilina, stipe, May 29th, 1899. Canal showing thyloses be- ginning to form from the bounding wood parenchyma. X 230. 5.—Pteris aquilina, stipe as above. Canals showing lysigenous formation and protoxylem rings bordering the cavity. X 230. 6.—Pteris aquilina, stipe as above, posterior end. Canal filled with nucle- ated thyloses. X 230. 7.—Pteris aquilina, stipe, Oct. 25th, 1906. - Showing thylose modified to form a vessel and surrounded by an irregular epithelium. XX 230. 8.—Pteris aquilina, stipe, Oct. 25th, 1906. Thylose modified to form a . vessel and surrounded by a perfect epithelium. X 230. 9.—Pteris aquilina. Same group of thyloses as in Photo 9, but in an- other section. Showing the change in the regularity of the epithe- lium. X 230. 10.—Pteris aquilina, stipe, Oct. 25th, 1906. Mature canal blocked by thyloses. XX 230. 11.—Pteris aquilina, Rhizome. Showing the position of the canals with thyloses in the vascular bundle. X 52. 12.—Pteris aquilina, Rhizome. Showing unbroken protoxylem in a bundle of slow growth. X 200. i 13.—Onoclea sensibilis, young stipe. Canal filled with young thyloses. * 230: 14.—Cibotium regale, stipe. Thylose modified to form a vessel and sur- rounded by an epithelium. XX 230. 15.—Cyathea medullaris, rachis. Canal filled with large thyloses. X 230. 16.—Todea barbara, very young stipe. Showing the protoxylem in the position of the later thyloses. X 200. 17.—Todea barbara, mature stipe. Showing thyloses filling the canal which arose in the position of the protoxylem. X 200. 18.—Osmunda regalis, stipe. Showing young bundle with the protoxylem in the place of the thyloses in the older bundles. X 52. 19.—Osmunda regalis, stipe. Thyloses in older bundle in the position of the earlier protoxylem. X 230. 20.—Angiopteris evecta, rachis. ‘Two groups of thyloses in a vascular bundle. X58. 21.—Botrychium virginianum, stipe. Thyloses with prominent nuclei and protoxylem floating in canal. 280. [KIrScH] CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 413 Photo 1. Photo £. Sec, IV., 1907, 27. . TELE à i rf A , ai ; , ae < . » ie : > 2 : ‘ re > Q . » 4 ; [KIRSCH] CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 415 Photo 3. Photo 4, CERTAIN STRUCTURES IN THE PTERIDOPHYTES 417 [KIRSCH] Photo 5. Pheto 6. % 0 . 2 be =. t . x ' ip 2 Fi + nr ER £ À Dr ain - ñ > ‘ 2 ; ce 0 & fs =. .. Ms « Siig . 4 ‘ AS = : & . Say . zs re . 4 i ' Pont 4 . 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