LIBRARY

OF THE

MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE
OF TECHNOLOGY

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ALFRED P. SLOAN SCHOOL OF MANAGEMEl

SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND
DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY

April, 1966

# 181-66

Charles H. Savage
Harry E. Wilhelm

MASSACHUSETTS

INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY

50 MEMORIAL DRIVE

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS 02139

MASS. INST. IXCH.

JUN 20 196fi

SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND
DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY

April, 1966

# 181-66

Charles H. Savage
Harry E. Wilhelm

Comments are solicited by the authors who are associated
respectively with the Alfred P. Sloan School of Management,
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and the Overseas
Development Division of the Ford Foundation.

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SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY

Might there be some value in thinking about economic development
as science capacity? In this view, the developed nation is one that has
learned to house scientific activity. At some historical juncture, its
humanists and practical men moved over and made room for the scientist. At
first the new element's contribution was obscure. His theories were dif-
ficult and abstract, but their application through technology gained him
understanding and support. Science became an orthodox profession with an
independent ethos, and the society gained an important monitoring and
regulatory capacity which gave new perspective to the issues that the prac-
tical men and the humanists had been unable to resolve. It was now possible
to systematically scrutinize and up-date current practice. The society
became dynamic, venturesome, growth-oriented.

Some underdeveloped societies are without the resources and pro-
fessional talent that sustained growth requires. Others have them, and
yet have not responded to massive resource allocation both from their own
bounty and via external aid. Why are the growth processes not now irreversible
within these societies? One explanation may be their failure to effectively
house scientific activity. Their humanists and practical men - locked in
ideological debate - have not moved over to make room for the scientist.
Although first-class science may be economically justifiable; it remains
second class, the handmaiden of other social factions. Science has not be-
come an orthodox profession. You can't earn a living that way. Young nationals
undertaking scientific training abroad hesitate to go back. Those that do,
make their peace with the practical men or the equally science-free academic
humanists. The society has been unable to make the structural leap forward

2

and must forego systematic monitoring. Current practice goes un-scrutinized
and un-updated. The society remains static, conflict ridden and tradition
bound.

This view points to the fact that science is a social phenomenon
as well as a technique-gathering mechanism. It is a set of values that, among
other things, turn back the harsh edge of self scrutiny and reformulation.
It is a manner of discourse by which elements within the society communicate
and seek tentative consensus and it also provides a promising system of
external communication, cutting at times across ideologic barriers as demon-
strated by the fragile, science-based dialogue between the United States and
the Soviet Union. Looking ahead a generation or two, it is not difficult to
foresee a circumstance in which nations - and bloques of nations with related
purposes - will compete with one another, and in this way communicate with
one another, not in terms of ideology and philosophic cant, but rather in
terms of their ability to generate and apply new technology through science.

It is precisely because it is a social phenomenon that the under-
developed societies resist science and deny domestic scientific activity
the authenticity required. The humanists and the practical men have correctly
perceived that its presence as an independent ethos will spell the doom of
a status quo in which they have equity despite their proclaimed allegiance
to modernization. Thus, the action-postponing fiinctionality to their purposes
in the endless debate as to whether the Soviet or the Western science model
is more economic. Thus the decision-avoidance implicit in the protracted
discussion as to whether modernization is really worth the cost and the
philosophic search for a third route which will be less "dehumanizing,"
i.e., more traditional-status quo perpetuating.

3

This is why foreign assistance has had to meet the conditions of
the domestically-dominant practical men and humanists. The practical man has
been far more interested in importing techniques than the technique-producing
mechanisms. He has submitted the returning national with high-order foreign
science training to costly and at times brutal resocialization on the premise
that what he has learned abroad was not domestically relevant. And the
humanist academician has been far more interested in the visiting foreign pro-
fessor's foreign findings and theories than any proclivity the visitor might
show towards analysis of the host institutions. It is the machinery of
science that the underdeveloped society fears^ not its product; and a whole
set of international myths and customs have grown up to perpetuate this un-
fortunate distinction.

Yet there are signs that these barriers may be coming down, that
they are proving too expensive to maintain. The motive force comes primarily
from important internal elements, infected by the spirit of scientific inquiry,
and willing to risk that, in their time, a domestic scientific career will
be possible. Sensitive external agencies have correctly assessed this shift
and are beginning to deploy their resources in such a way as to support it
rather than be used to prop up arrangements already doomed to obsolescence.
Other concommitants conspire towards this end, not the least of which are
important break-throughs in the communications and travel industries that
promise to slow down if not reverse the trend towards geographical concen-
tration of the international science community.

But the contrary myths and customs will not easily expire, and agen-
cies of change both domestic and external will need to be ever more discrim-
inating in attempting to influence the transition. One useful discrimination

4

has to do with the category of science undertaken. It has been noted, for
instance, that the culture-free sciences - physics is a good example - generate
the least resistance to their foreign replication. Unfortunately, they are
also the sciences whose partisans are least attracted to duty in the under-
developed sector. The social sciences, on the other hand, generate the most
domestic resistance to foreign participation, and are the areas that have
historically proven most attractive to visiting scientists. In the middle
of the spectrum are the technologically-oriented sciences bridging both in-
stitutional and basic concerns. Here the risks may be more manageable and
the basis for a bi-national activity stronger, a possibility which is only
beginning to be noted by the technological specialists from the advanced sec-
tor who have hitherto absented themselves from activity in the underdeveloped
world. It is to this middle area of a broader undertaking that this commen-
tary directs itself.

Our task in the pages that follow will be to consider the institu-
tionalization of technological science at underdeveloped sites with the
appropriate level of readiness and raise the question of how a critical
size with the characteristic of irreversibility may be achieved. In under-
taking this review, we must first inquire into the nature of the critical-
size, science-producing entity in the advanced sector and ask how it achieved
irreversibility. Next we must consider the fate of similar attempts in the
underdeveloped world and speculate on what additional inputs are required
to bring these efforts to fruition. One obvious missing ingredient is effec-
tive linkage with the international science community. Technological scien-
tists in the advanced sector have not historically been eager to establish
such linkage because they have not expected to encounter in the underdeveloped
world authentic scientific activity or the means by which it might be rapidly
established. We must ask: Are these exclusionary premises still valid? Is

5
it now possible for the technological researcher from the advanced sector
to establish such linkage without career damage? Or - more powerful still -
is it possible that the technological specialist without such linkage may
soon find himself professionally disadvantaged?

II

The advanced nations long ago concluded that success in keeping
pace was a function of their ability to fashion institutional forms capable
of generating and applying technological innovation. In our own case, Robert
Solow has estimated that capital input and increased labor productivity, taken
together, account for no more than 20 percent of the growth in the U.S.
economy during the first half of the century. The balance must be attributed
to research-generated, technological innovation. The modern world had passed
the point where additional inputs of energy produced equivalent outputs of
economic advance. Inputs of new knowledge are another matter. Scientific
research turns up leads. Some are used, others are not: it is the net
impact that counts. Product changes make the product cheaper or longer
lasting, releasing resources for alternative consumption or saving. Improved
production techniques result in a net saving in the factors of production
including materials. Resources are released for other purposes: and the
growth processes compound themselves.

The genesis of organizational forms such as those required to house
scientific research is beginning to get some theoretical attention. It has
been pointed out, for instance, that there has been over time an evolution
in organizational form almost Darwinian in character. History has generated
tasks requiring revised organizational forms, but these new tasks have been
entertained only as and when there existed elements out of which the new

6

forms could be created. Those with special competency for the new tasks
sought to gain legitimacy for their function and the measure of control that
its implementation required. The older elements resisted this effort and
there followed an unsettled interlude, usually painful in character, which
had as its purpose the establishment of boundaries which both parties could
accept as legitimate. As a new special-purpose entity achieves critical size
and irreversibility, there are three dimensions to watch. The first two
have to do with the kind of interfaces the new competency is able to achieve
in relating to authority and peer elements. The third is related to the
first two. It has to do with the capacity of the new entity to relate to
the juniors it attracts in such a way as to assure itself regenerative or
self-renewing capacity.

The authority dimension represents the interfaces that an organi-
zation is able to develop both with its internal superiors and with external
superior organizations. Fortunately for mankind - and for its problem-
solving and adaptive capacities - the history of organizational evolution
has been, despite occasional setbacks, towards greater rather than less
authority dispersion. Thus it has been possible to accord the professionals
employed in the research organizations, appearing late on the scene, the
autonomy they needed to pursue goals that were not easily communicated and
thus difficult to supervise. The modern research-oriented university has
proven especially functional in this regard. Private and public research in-
stitutes that have rivaled its success have done so to the degree that they
have been able to replicate the university's organizational structure. The
old German professor of the last century provided the first step towards
the resolution of the authority issue. He may have been a crusty character.

7

but he had achieved relative autonomy in the goals that he set and the manner
he went about achieving them.

But he was less than adequate in establishing adequate lateral
relationships with others at his level and with adjacent special-purpose
organizations. Here the German model required redefinition that was
achieved in the course of subsequent experience in the United States and
elsewhere. This redefinition accorded the researcher more functional feed-
back paths with a real world which by this time had become a set of complex
productive technologies. The university researcher entered unblushingly
into alliance with contemporary technological practice. The factory and the
market place became his laboratory as the university campus became the gather-
ing place of the engineer and the manager. This stepped-up inter-action had
its effect on both parties. In the course of field work, consultation and
research reporting, the university researcher had a chance to test the
relevance and quality of his findings; and, as these findings became more
relevant and qualified, the practitioner found that he could ignore them
only at his peril. An effective education-industry interface had been fashioned
and the lateral feedback loop closed.

Yet the gains so achieved would have eroded with time had the new
organizational form not acquired capacity for regeneration and self renewal.
Under conditions of rapid growth individuals tend to become professionally
obsolete and politically defensive and institutions to rigidify as the result
of well-understood processes. The adaptive response to these circumstances,
where it has been taken, has consisted in the emergence of a value that
favors internal change and modification responsive to a changing external
circumstance. Thus the research-based university will pride itself upon the

flexibility of its curriculum and internal structuring. One such institution
will boast that twenty-five percent of its scheduled courses are being
offered for the first time. Another will point with pride to the fact that
its knowledge-generating capacities have so outstripped publication that
its students find themselves working with unpublished research reports.
Concurrently, normal personal preoccupations will have been softened by the
value that a man's original work will largely have been accomplished during
the first half of his career when his conceptualization is loose and uncommitted
and while he is unfettered by administrative burden. Later, when his admin-
istrative involvement makes it more difficult for him to test the creative
new syntheses, he will have trained himself to encourage them in his juniors,
correcting recognizing that the younger men have the lead time to see these
new syntheses through the complicated process of theoretical reconceptualiza-
tion, curriculum change, and inclusion in a redefined disciplinary unit.
Thus the two parties have achieved a trade-off. The senior man retains his
intellectual vigor and professional centrality by serving as a broker for the
new knowledge which his younger associates are turning up, while the junior
party acquires the support and shelter he requires to achieve the substantive
output that will project him into a power position during the later years of
his career.

Thus the university in the advanced sector - and the research in-
stitutes that have taken over the academic form - have developed an organiza-
tional form adequate to the task of research productivity. This form was
of the critical size to assure irreversibility. It has been functional in
that it provided the individual researcher the kind of authority relationship
that gave him the autonomy required in his work. But this autonomy was not
an unlimited one in that his output had to meet an after-the-fact test having

9
to do with its quality and relevance as it was fed back to contemporary
practice. Finally, the form provided the regenerative and self-renewal
capacity that was a condition of its survival. With these characteristics
of the research-producing organizations in mind, we turn to a consideration
of the difficulties experienced by those who have sought to replicate
them in the underdeveloped setting,

III

Important resources have been diverted to the establishment of
scientific activity at a number of underdeveloped locations, but it must
still be reported that the underdeveloped nations themselves and external
agencies seeking to be serviceable to them remain conflicted as to the wis-
dom of such resource deployment. We know that the processes that Solow
has identified are compounding themselves in the second half century and
that no amount of labor-saving or technique-importation can offset the inabil-
ity to innovate technologically. Yet we reassure ourselves that the under-
developed nations' access to cheap labor and our discarded and often obsolete
machinery somehow gives them temporary respite from the shifts that are
shaking the world. The fact is that the resource-poor underdeveloped nations
ignore these shifts at their peril. Gunnar Myrdal concluded an important
study of economic growth restriction some years ago with the stricture that
only the highest priority to the training of scientists and the conduct of
scientific research in all fields could give the underdeveloped countries any
real chance of success in economic development.

Granted their resource shortage it may no longer be a question of
how much science the developing nations can afford, but how much sacrifice
they are willing to make in order to get all that they can lay their hands on.

10
How many alternative advantages they are willing to forego. Take the example
of a public works ministry that is planning an important highway system.
The cost of the system - the total resources it will draw from the economy -
with planning not yet accomplished, is flexible. It will depend on opti-
mization of route selected according to a complex set of criteria, the economic
use of materials and machines granted highly particularistic local conditions
and, related to this, the upkeep and maintenance that will be required once
the system is in place. Let us further assume that the ministry has two
planning schemes, both carrying the same cost. The first involves a small
but specially-trained staff, a computer, and a shorter planning period:
the second, a larger, less-specialized staff, which is already on hand, no
machine, and a longer planning period. At first glance the second plan
may seem more advantageous in terms of providing employment and by-passing
import restrictions. This kind of planning scheme will be easier to imple-
ment, more popular, perhaps even cheaper; but modern planning technology
will have been foregone at the expense of greater construction and operating
costs over time. A higher net allocation of domestic resources to the
project will have to be made because modern planning technology was not
employed, and this higher cost the underdeveloped nations are ill-equipped
to sustain. Beset with the other disadvantages to which the underdeveloped
nations are prey - smaller markets, ineffecient natural resource exploita-
tion, poorly formed capital markets, cultural and institutional drag - these
nations require the most sophisticated technological approaches that they can
acquire and just as soon as they can be brought into reach.

This may be all very true, you say, but there is also the matter
of national goals that do not lend themselves to external manipulation.
This is only partly true. What we may be talking about is a common human

11

difficulty which in a way is extraneous to nationality. It is true that
giving advice across national boundaries is a difficult business, but the
difficulty may reside in the fact that the beleaguered underdeveloped prac-
titioner has not yet acquired the capacity to respond to scientific feedback.
Where it is well done, science knows no boundaries. It seeks through theo-
retical treatment to illuminate alternatives with only a secondary interest
in what disposition is made of the alternatives so illuminated. Certainly
it took researchers and practitioners in the United States some time and
considerable grief to learn to relate to each others' special competencies.
If the practitioner in the underdeveloped world wants sympathy or more time,
that's one matter. The far greater discrimination would be to attempt to
shield him - out of some misplaced sense of national sovereignty - from the
beneficient disruption which good science, neutral science, can provide.
When and where the underdeveloped practitioner's own nation is able to develop
vigorous domestic research capacity, relations will develop more naturally
without the need to take refuge behind issues of sovereignty which may be
more spurious than abiding.

The question of how much research should be generated domestically
is a more complex one. It might be argued, for instance, that most of the
required techniques can be imported. This point of view holds that research
scientists in the advanced nations have already turned up a backlog of rele-
vant technology. Development costs on this backlog have already been met,
giving the underdeveloped nations access at little or no cost. It is far
better for them to invest their time drawing upon this existing backlog,
rather than attempting to replicate it. Every generation and every regional
group needn't repeat the discovery process on its own. Sure, the under-

12
developed world needs access to technological innovation, but does every
underdeveloped nation need domestic access.

This is an impelling argument and in part a correct one. Much
research can be done outside of the developing nation and a part of it can
best be done in the advanced context where facilities and personnel are more
abundant; but not all. There are valid reasons why an important portion of
the work - certainly a larger segment that is generally recognized - must
be done on site. Environmental differences constitute the most obvious
reason. Only as we have attempted to replicate them abroad, have we recog-
nized how complex are the production systems which we take for granted at
home. Complex systems that work well under one set of geographical, topographi-
cal or climatic circumstances, falter under another or never get off the ground.
Furthermore, the weighting of the factors in the system vary with local con-
ditions. One setting may favor capital intensity, a second labor intensity;
one, synthetics, another natural materials. The level of capital market
formation requires different strategies. Local tastes and preferences - and
the hard facts of circumstances of use - effect product design. Perhaps
most important of all in determining the health and survival capacity of
the complex are the institutional and interpersonal linkages by which tech-
nological changes are transmitted from the inventor to the user. As suggested
above, scientific feedback from a domestic source obviates resistance clothing
itself in charges of external manipulation.

A fairly heavy input of domestic scientific research can be justi-
fied on purely economic terms. Sustained national growth requires the presence
of a corps of specialists whose task it is to chart the local circumstances
into which the production complex is to be set, to design modified systems

13
that make provision for these circumstances, to monitor the experience of
systems once they are in place, and to provide systematic feedback to the
practitioners who have the operating responsibility. A part of this specialist
corps will address itself to more fundamental problems for reasons that we
will suggest later, but unless the research element is operating at a fairly
advanced theoretical level, both its efforts and the growth processes of the
nation will have been compromised.

There is a second reason why domestic scientific research directed
at technological innovation is important. This reason transcends economics
but has traceable economic consequences. It arises out of the fact that
technology-oriented research is not attracting its share of the corps of
theoreticians that is available in the underdeveloped world. Some countries
actually have a surplus of university-trained professionals many of whom
compete intensely with one another in other over-populated intellectual pur-
suits, some of whom waste their efforts in endless ideological recrimina-
tion and grow dissatisfied because their talents are under-utilized. The
fact is that the international science community has been unable to transmit
to such circles the intellectual challenge and sense of excitement and ad-
venture to be found in pragmatic, reality-based investigation.

Intellectual circles in most underdeveloped countries feature an
intense expressed interest in modernization, a heated debate as to which is
the preferred route by which it might be achieved, and an absence of the
significant small steps by which the growth processes are triggered. This
may be due to a belief that, until consensus on the route to be taken is
achieved, no tentative one should be undertaken. The contemporary industrial
and political forces are viewed as ideologic power factions. To undertake

14
scientific research which - however neutral - might be viewed as reinforcing
the activities of these "factions" is seen to be an act with political sig-
nificance. This value has resulted in a polarization among the industrial,
political and intellectual segments, militantly enforced by strong devisive
codes. One risks his professional career if he brings his scientific compe-
tence to bear on activities undertaken by people with whom he does not share
complete ideological affinity. Thus the nation is deprived of the scienti-
fic monitoring which its technological activities desperately require, theo-
reticians and practitioners have none of the sense of community out of which
true professionalization emerges, and the gentle but powerful spirit of
inquiry is overwhelmed by a spirit of advocacy bordering on emotional chaos.

Yet there do exist pockets of professionals ready and willing to
undertake scientific activity, and with a preference for undertaking it
domestically. If these pockets can be identified and reinforced, there is
some chance that they might be able to contend with powerful local forces
oriented to other ends. As they survive and achieve critical size, the
multiplier effect that research always imparts to its setting will make itself
felt throughout the researchers' own institutions, out into adjacent circles,
and eventually into the national mentality of the nations that house them.

IV

What forces in the underdeveloped world are tending toward the
generation of critical-size, science-producing entities? And how are they
faring? Bringing such entities to maturity in a setting that has been tra-
ditionally alien to their purposes is a tricky business. It presupposes the
existence of certain elements out of which the new entities will be created.

15
Not all societies have these elements. It further presupposes a state of
institutional maturity that grants at least toleration to the new and vulner-
able special-purpose activities. This institutional maturity and toleration
is not a characteristic of underdevelopment. If a critical review of cur-
rent effort, domestic and foreign, to locate talent and bind it into func-
tioning activities of critical size shows progress to have been disappointing,
this says nothing about the competence and dedication of those who undertook
such effort. It may simply be pointing to elements that were not available
to them and suggest strategies by which these missing elements may be supplied,
possibly with external help. Such a review, however, does lead us to an
examination of the entities' interface characteristics which provided the
essential productivity and continuity in the advanced sector case.

The semi- independent technological research institutions have
most squarely faced the twin issues of authority and research autonomy.
The fact that they have typically sought to disassociate themselves from the
large government-sponsored universities indicates where they felt the threat
to their autonomy lay. The university in the underdeveloped nation - in
common with all human institutions - has been a product of its times. It
has had more pressing goals than the nurturance of scientific research
directed at technological innovation. These goals have had to do with the
establishment of a national identity, the resolution of pressing power issues,
and the socialization of the young in terms of these identities and resolu-
tions. The fledging research institute had other purposes which it would have
had to subordinate to university values had it sought full membership in
the academic community. Typically, it struck out on its own; but not completely
so because, in escaping one tyranny, it exposed itself to a second.

16
In seeking to establish their legitimate separate purposes by
disassociating themselves from the government universities, the new tech-
nological research institutes found it necessary to enter into counter-
alliances with undustry, the government and, in some cases, with agencies of
a foreign government on which they depended for support. The consequences
of this move were mixed. Short of conditions of war, direct government action
unmoderated by an existing scientific ethos is perhaps the least effective
method of achieving the conditions of science. Where the new entity depended
for support on a foreign government, it came to be viewed as a pariah and
lost its capacity to attract the talent it needed from the intellectual
communities both at home and in the nation with which it was allied. Where
it turned to industry it gained the required access to current practice,
but an entity whose function it is to define the shape of things to come
also needs shelter from current practice if it is to generate the flow of
technological finding which will redefine and upgrade the techniques which
the practitioner currently is employing.

The relationship between the intellectual and the practitioner
in the underdeveloped world can best be described as one of unfortunate po-
larization, and the young research institutes now found themselves caught
in a crossfire not of their own making. They had escaped the domination of
academia to find themselves confronted with the possibility of domination
by industrial practice with which it was at war. In the advanced nations,
both the universities and the production organizations have learned to live
with a largely autonomous research function which in a sense provides them
a common meeting ground and manner of discourse. Not so in the underdeveloped
world. The research institute's alliance with industry and the practicing

17
professions represented an advance of sorts in achieving a functional reso-
lution of the authority issue, but in no sense a final one.

One of the authors was witness to an episode which illustrates
this dilemma and sharpens the issues at stake. The organization concerned
was a small technological institute affiliated with a large government uni-
versity, but this is beside the point. The institute had a young, well-
prepared and highly-motivated staff which was attempting to develop a coopera-
tive program with a U.S. university. The issue at stake was what might con-
stitute a legitimate problem for joint research. The representatives of
the U.S. institution had proposed a project that had important theoretical
significance. As individuals, the local people were attracted to the idea.
It would have made possible the utilization of their special competencies
and have given them visibility in the international science community.
Moreover, the importance of the work and the opportunity for association with
a respected U.S. school would have projected their institute as an important
technical resource, and this projection would have strengthened their rela-
tions with the local industrial and professional community. The only thing
that chilled their enthusiasm was that it might not meet the test of being
in the "national interest" in the sense in which that term was locally used.

A widely-held value in the underdeveloped world that individual
professional enthusiasm must always be subordinated to a loosely-defined
concept of the "national interest" requires further consideration. Perhaps
no value has aborted so many promising starts, driven so much competent young
talent to emigration, and made a mockery out of the claim that it is a
shortage of trained personnel that is braking economic development. The
application of this value may be basically a device by which the power elements

18
in all sectors of an underdeveloped society maintain the status quo despite
their professed devotion to modernization.

Typically the young professional returns from his technological
studies abroad with an enthusiasm for and a competence in the sophisticated
type of investigation which is the genesis of technological growth. Out of
some sense of idealism, or as a normal expression of the male ego, he
seeks to implement these enthusiasms and make manifest these competencies
through a combination of research and teaching. But an adequate structural
resolution of the self-renewing and regenerative issues described above has
not been struck. The generation in power will be unsettled by these new
inputs without having access to the organizational forms by which such
very normal human preoccupations might be softened. It resorts to the
"national interest" value as a means of quieting its own fears of obsolescence.
The young professional swallows his chagrin and undertakes a project whose
quality and form meet the imposed criteria to the point where he senses,
perhaps correctly, that he is being used as low-cost backup support for
technical work of a mundane sort being carried on by some outside agency.
At this point, he must decide whether he should transfer his labors to the
outside agency where he will be more adequately compensated, compromise his
professional enthusiasms by seeking alternate employment, or migrate to an
advanced nation where his special competency is in demand.

The working through of some such function may explain the relative
young age and heavy turnover to be found in any number of such bodies which
have had their normal growth stunted by other agencies using particularistic
interpretations of the "national interest" as their justification. Granted
the pressure of events and the shortage of talent, it is understandable that
these external agencies should wish to exploit the pools of competence that

19

technological research bodies represent. Less well recognized, perhaps,
is the damage this does to balanced organizational evolution within the
nation. Under such circumstances, these bodies can never be considered
mechanisms within which a lasting marriage of individual enthusiasm and
relevant scientific productivity can be achieved.

In the case of the university institute cited above, we are
happy to be able to report that a resolution was achieved. The institute
decided to assign one half of its research capacity to the theoretically-
stimulating problem which had captured the staff's attention. This alloca-
tion promised to keep alive the vision of the institute as an entity with
career possibilities for the researcher who aspired to do work at a more
advanced theoretical level, a vision with impact beyond the confines of the
institute itself. For instance, it provided the local university with a
theoretical nucleus around which students with such interests could coalesce.
The balance of the institute's capacity would go to the more prosaic activity
assigned to it by the outside agency - in this case work on a problem of low-
cost housing. In view of the settlement that was worked out, the U.S.
researchers in the picture agreed to consult where possible on this second
problem which had little professional significance to them.

The visiting professorship represents another method that once held
promise of speeding up the structural updating of universities in the under-
developed setting. The hope was that, in addition to acquiring substantive
teaching help, the host institution might be impelled to test some of the
distinctive values about the educational role which the visitor manifested
and, in the process, acquire expanded capacity for housing scientific research.
This expectation underestimated the power of the forces that conspire against

20
its realization. The basis on which he was accepted and the fact that his
stay was a limited one, restricted the visitor's impact to his dialogue with
students, and this largely on substantive issues. It might have taken the
first half of his stay to realize the contrary lean of the organizational
circumstances into which he had been introduced. If he rose against these
circumstances, it would take the second half of his visit to realize how
powerless he was in effectively countering them. This says nothing about
the validity of the visiting professorhips as a valuable international in-
stitution. It can justify itself exclusively on the basis of the substantive
teaching help that it affords. If further justification is needed, note
should be taken of the developmental value to the visitor and to his home
institution implicit in the arrangement. A man's teaching style will be
inevitably altered as the result of years spent abroad. But the fact remains
that the visiting professor by and large has not been an economic device
for the transmission to the underdeveloped world of the styles of organiza-
tion capable of housing authentic scientific research. An additional ingredient
was required, one which the bi-national research institute has been able to
provide at a limited number of locations.

The bi-national research institute typically grows out of the
enthusiasms of a visiting professor who has aspired to establish something
of permanence, has recognized the limitations of the visiting arrangement,
and has returned to make heavy personal investment in the creation of a
viable, self-sustaining institution on site. In this sense^ it may be con-
sidered an occasional by-product of the visiting professional arrangement.
Two elements carry it forward. The first is that the foreign professor is
accepted as a member of the international science community, not as an agent
of a foreign government. He is viewed professionally as a neutral party.

21
The second is that he puts in the relatively continuing presence of a later-
career scientist with professional centrality and without the obsolescent
pre-occupations that make senior people less than adequate in most developing
nations circumstances. Thus he is in a position to achieve the "trade-off"
between the more and the less senior persons, in this instance of mixed
nationality, that gives the advanced nations science model its regenerative
capacity. The less senior professional is able to engage in theoretical
work, subject only to the test of eventual relevance, with the more senior
gaining him linkage with contemporary practice, providing the required support
and shelter, and serving a brokerage function in transmitting the new knowledge
so generated to its appropriate external publics.

The strength of the bi-national institute - the fact that it emerges
naturally out of the professional enthusiasms of an authentic scientist during
service as a visiting professor - is also its important limitation. The idea
of an extended term abroad exerts a screening function according to the scien-
tific area from which candidates are drawn and, to some degree, on the calibre
of the people attracted. In some of these areas, extended foreign duty is
seen as enhancing one's professional development: in others, not. Thus the
corps of top-notch, mid-career professionals that have moved abroad has been
slanted to certain specialties and this effect has made itself felt in the
bi-national institutes which some of them have helped establish. Moreover,
the area of specialization that impelled visiting researchers to seek on-going
relationships in the underdeveloped nation may or may not have been the one
that the nation required in its development, particularly where the deficiency
was in the area of technological innovation. None of this negates the net
contribution of the foreign party to the bi-national arrangement. He provided
an important demonstration effect that proclaimed the validity of a variant

22

organizational form, and he reinforced domestic efforts to replicate this
form by committing to it his own continuing presence. What was needed was
some method of extending the format to other professionals for whom foreign
service might, at first glance, seem less relevant. In achieving this
extension, we must look first at the career requirements of this second
and hitherto largely absent group of specialists.

We have now identified linkage with the international science
community as an important missing ingredient in the research-producing formula.
The continuing presence of first class scientists from the advanced sector
has proven an economic and powerful way of achieving this linkage, but the
technologically-oriented researcher has hitherto absented himself from this
activity. If he can be brought into the picture we will have met the con-
ditions that produce durable, technological innovation-producing entities
of a critical size that will attract and sustain young domestic theoreticians
and help them to establish functional authority and current practice inter-
faces.

Why have our own assistance programs not attracted these specialists
in the past? The answer is that, for such individuals, a proposed activity
has to be on their terms. The competent, up-to-date researcher tends to be
rather hard-headed in deploying his time and - working in terms of current
perceptions - foreign service has not in the past, and does not now appear
to him to be professionally rewarding. Acquired at a distance, these per-
ceptions tell him, first, that it is an extremely difficult business to enter
into professional research abroad and that, if it is undertaken, the payback
will be extremely limited in terms of his career requirements.

23
The scientific researcher who has dedicated his time to an examina-
tion of technologically-significant problems is a scarce resource in short
supply. He is correct in endeavoring to strategically deploy his time using
such perceptions as he can acquire for this purpose. The problem is that
these perceptions - appropriate to an age now drawing to a close - may be
no longer valid. Events have moved so rapidly that the advice he is getting
from recent returnees about the nature of foreign research affiliation - advice
having to do with the importance of extended foreign residence, the role of
language ability and cultural sensitivity, the relevance of his interests to
the problems of underdevelopment, and the place of these problems in his own
battle against obsolescence - needs reevaluation.

In many cases, extended foreign residence - and extended absence
from one's professional and institutional base - is no longer a condition of
foreign serviceability; it may have become a block to such serviceability.
Let us consider Latin America which happens to be of special interest to the
authors. At the beginning of the present decade a trip to a South American
country provided a chilling prospect for the first-time traveler deeply com-
mitted to important work at home; so much so that the trip was frequently
postponed or never seriously considered. There was the matter of finding
an adequate block of time, rearranging one's schedule and exchanging cor-
respondence with those to be visited, packing for a different climate and
the prospect of a long and tiring trip. This perception is still current;
but the fact is that by the end of the decade, the same trip will represent
little more than an early-morning flight, lightly undertaken with no more
preparation that a phone call to one's Latin associates and the stuffing
of an extra shirt and toothbrush into a briefcase. Two of the authors col-
leagues recently flew to Rio de Janeiro on a Friday evening. Saturday they

24
participated in a seminar. Sunday they rested before catching a return
flight that permitted them to teach class on Monday morning. A few weeks
earlier the research staff at one university laboratory flew to Caracas on
Thursday night to undertake a full day of conferences with their Venezuelan
associates on Friday. That night they enjoyed each others company socially,
and by noon the next day the U.S. travelers were at home working in their
yards. Travel time will be halved again by the end of the decade, and there
will be equivalent improvement in communications possibilities. Research
associates at the Massachusetts Institute of Tecnnology and Buenos Aires have
already linked computers at the two locations by means of teletype and short
wave radio. Within a year, a permanent hook-up will be possible via communi-
cations satellite. It is already possible to effect continuing research
collaboration with foreign associates on a commuting basis and, looked at
closely, this may be the more economic way to do so.

A second archaic perception holds that there is no substitute for
foreign residence, that language facility and cultural sensitivity are pre-
requisite to effective service at a foreign location. This value is forwarded
most vigorously by those who earlier traded foreign exposure for domestic
professional centrality, and who have not recognized the changes that time
has wrought. While no longer valid, it still accounts for a proportion of
the casualties among the busy professionals who are not about to invest
important time at mid-career acquiring language ability and political and
cultural sensitivity. The fact is that the professionals with whom they will
be dealing abroad speak English and prefer to speak English in the research
context. Cultural sensitivity is also a two-edged sword and certainly not
something to be acquired in a vacuum. The very cultural differences that the

25
visitor seeks to repress in undertaking collaborative duties abroad may
represent values about work and productivity that might have been his most
significant local contribution. To preclude this contribution and hamstring
his substantive input by undue emphasis on cultural sensitivity in the early
part of his relationship is poor strategy indeed. It is also patronizing
to the local counterpart. There will be differences in the two value structures
that the visitor will want to think about, but this is best done in the course
of the planning and execution of substantive tasks, and is certainly no pre-
condition to the foreign venture,

A final perception - on which the evidence is not yet in and may
not be in until another generation works its way up through the university
structure - holds that certain research specializations will never lend them-
selves to the broader context. This perception holds that the nations on
the brink of development may provide a rich and variant laboratory in which
one finds different rates of change, different sets of givens, and less in-
herited blockage to technical and structural experimentation. It may be the
only place where certain phenomena of theoretical interest can be studied;
but foreign service can be a seductive mistress to one whose focus is a
narrow abstraction in which situational variation is denied or held steady.
The fallacy in such reasoning is that this kind of a conclusion only the specialist
himself is in a position to achieve. What is urged is that he not deny him-
self or his juniors the opportunity to test it by means of brief foreign ex-
posure, and that he not be denied such exposure by others who prejudge the
circumstance.

For the technological totality that we monitor by the instrumentality
of scientific research is not what it was when we could satisfy ourselves in

26
the advanced nations with systematic scrutiny of only our own provincial
activities. To this point, travel has been difficult and communication im-
possible, and it may have been strategic to devote our attention to tha t
which was adjacent and accessible. Travel and communications technology is
changing all this. There are coming into existence instant feedback systems
of an intercontinental character in which the terms "domestic" and "foreign"
lose their significance, and knowledge about a single station in the system
is no longer adequate. It may be now more comfortable than strategic to
permit oneself the myopia of continuing to ply familiar routines or, worse
still, to encourage one's juniors to do so granted the greater lead time
that they enjoy.

Yet the old myths endure, vigorously forwarded by those who were
partisan to an earlier circumstance. They sustain the technological special-
ist in his misperception that his contribution is not relevant or currently
viable in the underdeveloped sector, even though new communications technology
may have rendered this perception obsolete. But the systemic nature of the
new linkage, which promises to upend the science structure at the underdeveloped
station, could not have been expected to have left parallel structure at the
advanced station unscathed. We are only beginning to realize that the change
consequent upon binational encounter works in both directions, that inter-
national activity invites domestic as well as foreign impact. In the final
sense, however, the determination of the career pertinence of a broader re-
search context only the specialist himself can make and, granted our scientific
traditions, will make once the issues become clear. The role of administrative
support will be to facilitate the clarification process and to mitigate struc-
tural modification at the specialist's home base, and our search which took

27
us from the advanced to the underdeveloped context now brings us back to the
starting point.

VI

In assessing the current posture of U.S. institutions vis a vis
"international" activity and postulating a revised one more responsive to
the new circumstances and opportunities, it should be remembered that our ob-
jectives in this discussion, while important, are limited ones. Our conclu-
sions may have nothing to say to programs that have other and, in some cases,
complementary objectives. These conclusions treat exclusively of the achieve-
ment in the underdeveloped world of critical-size, science-producing entities
whose objective is research directed at technological innovation. They iden-
tify existing universities and research institutes as the proper setting
for such activity. They point to the interface and regenerative capabilities
of the research components of such institutions as the prior area for atten-
tion. They propose an extension of arrangements that have proven serviceable
in the case of certain binational research institutes as an economic method.
They isolate the hitherto absent technological specialist from the advanced
sector as the missing ingredient. And, finally, they suggest that new cir-
cumstances arising out of improved communications technology now make it
feasible to bring him into the picture. The role of administrative service
at the home base is to bring these elements into effective interaction. This
calls for a venturesome, future-oriented, at times outriding type of adminis-
trator which all institutions may not possess.

The administrator's first task will be to provide for a reevalua-
tion of a set of myths and perceptions which, although obsolete, are still
widely held. Here he must bank heavily on the openness of science and the

28
capacity of the science community by means of this openness to adapt itself
over time. His immediate objective will be to provide the specialist - however
irrelevant may seem his interests from a distance - with exposure to the under-
developed setting. The visiting professor arrangement was an uneconomic way
of achieving what must be more directly accomplished. The search for research
opportunity and professional linkage abroad has always had to justify itself
in terras of other prior purposes - teaching, consultation, tourism. Circum-
stances no longer tolerate the inefficiency of such subterfuge, and the equa-
tion must be reversed so that research becomes the prior purpose of the foreign
venture. It will take a sophisticated kind of administrator to accomplish
this. Some of the excursions that he encourages will not be productive,
others will. With an eye to the stakes, he must feel comfortable playing
the percentages.

Where the imprecise dynamics of professional attraction do make
a connection - where the traveler encounters problems of sufficient intellec-
tual challenge to unseat other alternatives in his research portfolio - the
administrator's second task is to make it possible for the specialist to pro-
gram his personal involvement on his own terms. Only the individual researcher
can effectively deploy resources including his own time, identify, train
and influence his associates, determine the pace of the work and generate a
high quality research product, especially where he works in a strange and
still unfamiliar setting. This calls for a style of administration which
respects the conditions of science and yet demands of these conditions a rele-
vant, high-quality product.

The Massachusetts Institute of Technology has an activity of this
kind in the field of civil engineering and is planning a second in management.

29
While the proponents of these programs make a point of their tentative and
experimental nature the procedures adopted are illustrative of the kind of
activity envisioned. Mid-career faculty with established research competence
are encouraged to travel to Latin American sites for the exclusive purpose
of meeting people in their field and assessing research activity already
underway. Sometimes the travelers bring along junior men in their field or
colleagues from related areas. They give no speeches, participate in no
seminars, spend little time in ceremonial protocol. No eyebrows are raised
if they come back empty handed. In keeping with research tradition, the
plans respect the workings of a highly personal special competency and pro-
fessional wisdom.

Where the juxtaposition of special competency and underdeveloped
circumstance does generate professional excitement, the traveler is encouraged
to design a program by which the substantive problem may be investigated in
terms of his own professional and personal requirements. He selects his
own foreign associates, whatever their institutional affiliation. Granted
the lead times implicit in scientific research, the chances are that he will
select an associate whose immediate work group will be close to critical size
needing only the additional impetus that this kind of external association
provides or that the associate will have the professional strength and personal
stamina to become the nucleus of a new critical-size entity which the inter-
national connection will serve to instigate. In either event, no institution-
to-institution contract is negotiated. The association is performance based
and terminable by either party where output lags. This arrangement enhances
the ability of both parties to negotiate the interface conditions that their
work requires. Instead of awaiting the conclusion of an institutional con-
tract that commits the parties deep into the future, they are in a position

30
to employ strategic reinforcement as issues arise. Where a promising inter-
national association is at stake, superior elements sometimes find the justi-
fication they need in condoning revised authority interfaces that give the
research activity the autonomy that it requires, a change that does not go
unnoticed by the younger elements to whom the entity looks for regeneration
and self renewal. A review of the M. I.T. experience suggests that this kind
of project- and performance-based association results in more institutional
restructuring than other programs where restructuring is the prior purpose.

The research plan that emerges is task-based and developed by the
parties directly involved. It provides them the opportunity to exchange such
visits as the planning and execution of the work requires. They determine
the duration and frequency of visits to the other partner's base, which may
be for a day, a month, or a full academic year. The team becomes the nexus
of an effort which may be extended to include graduate assistants, related
specialists; it may even take on the character of an interdisciplinary effort.
The plan is open-ended with the expectation that the parties will continue
their association as long as their research interests converge. One require-
ment is research reporting, both externally to the appropriate elements within
the science community and domestically to contemporary practice by means
of a reporting seminar at the foreign site in which both parties participate.
This last device is intended to strengthen the domestic industry-education
interface and give the local partner and his institution important domestic
visibility.

The strength of this arrangement is that it meets the needs of both
parties. The domestic partner gains authenticity for his role and legitimacy
for his theoretical interests. He also acquires strengthened feedback processes

31

with contemporary practice and respect from practitioners for his special
purposes and requirements. The expectation is also reinforced that, while
it may be still in the future, long-range research careers are now possible.
The visitor's presence as a representative of the international science com-
munity underscores the fact that technology constitutes a legitimate and manage-
able subject for theoretical treatment; and the important regenerative func-
tion begins to make itself felt as blockages with the domestic intellectual
community begin to break down.

The visitor enters into the arrangement on firmer grounds than simply
the desire to be helpful and to transfer his competencies by means of processes
that have only unilateral advantage. He has expanded his data base in a di-
rection that equips him to maintain his professional centrality in a shifting
technological circumstance. He has equipped himself to preside more effec-
tively over the activities of his juniors in generating the revised quality
of new knowledge that his future circumstance will require. He gains practi-
cal experience in the management of the more inclusive research tasks co which
the future is directing us. Finally, the M. l.T. experience has demonstrated
that this kind of par interchange - broadly undertaken - results in restruc-
turing at the home base at least equivalent to that which is going an abroad.
The "international" activity, instead of being an adjunct to largely domestically-
oriented organizational structure, becomes an organic expression of that struc-
ture's intent to keep abreast of a changing external circumstance, and the
extension of a faculty member's research coverage to a more inclusive base -
once a luxury - now becomes hard-headed insurance in his battle to avoid obso-
lescence and to maintain professional centrality.

By virtue of their demonstrated efficiency in technological under-
taking, the advanced nations have commanded the attention and acclaim of their

32
underdeveloped counterparts. The underdeveloped world now knows that it is
heir to this advance and the devices by which it is achieved. But it also
knows that laying claim to this heritage means important revision in a cher-
ished manner of social relationship. Here it hesitates. Somehow the impres-
sion has gone abroad that the condition of social relationship required of
technological advance is an inferior one. If there is one massive conclusion
in the underdeveloped world, it is that the way that people relate to one
another - the meaning of friendship, the dignity of the individual, the integ-
rity of the family - all of the most human values are somehow compromised in
the achievement of technological advance.

This is not an impression easily laid to reat. All of our activities
to date have not challenged it. Precisely because it is the kind of device
by which an old order perpetuates itself, external challenge only serves to
reinforce it. Yet work-related associations between technologists from the
two settings holds promise. Such association provides the domestic partici-
pant an opportunity to observe how his partner - responding to a variant rela-
tionship model - goes about his work. He gains immediate exposure to the
sense of adventure and excitement that attaches to intellectual search in
the field of practical affairs. He comes to understand the organizational
forms which make possible a broader range of special purposes and human en-
thusiasms, and is encouraged to test some of these - at least experimentally -
in his own activities. It may be the cumulative effect of these many small
starts - undertaken in the spirit of science and for the purpose of scientific
activity - that will equip the underdeveloped nation with the quality of
relational underpinning which is the basis of equal participation in the
modern world.

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